MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Complete

By LOUIS ANTOINE FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE

His Private Secretary

Edited by R. W. PhippsColonel, Late Royal Artillery

1891

PREFACE

BY THE EDITORS OF THE 1836 EDITION. 

In introducing the present edition of M. De Bourrienne's Memoirs to thepublic we are bound, as Editors, to say a few Words on the subject. Agreeing, however, with Horace Walpole that an editor should not dwellfor any length of time on the merits of his author, we shall touch butlightly on this part of the matter. We are the more ready to abstainsince the great success in England of the former editions of theseMemoirs, and the high reputation they have acquired on the EuropeanContinent, and in every part of the civilised world where the fame ofBonaparte has ever reached, sufficiently establish the merits of M. DeBourrienne as a biographer. These merits seem to us to consist chieflyin an anxious desire to be impartial, to point out the defects as well asthe merits of a most wonderful man; and in a peculiarly graphic power ofrelating facts and anecdotes. With this happy faculty Bourrienne wouldhave made the life of almost any active individual interesting; but thesubject of which the most favourable circumstances permitted him to treatwas full of events and of the most extraordinary facts. The hero of hisstory was such a being as the world has produced only on the rarestoccasions, and the complete counterpart to whom has, probably, neverexisted; for there are broad shades of difference between Napoleon andAlexander, Caesar, and Charlemagne; neither will modern history furnishmore exact parallels, since Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick the Great, Cromwell, Washington, or Bolivar bear but a small resemblance toBonaparte either in character, fortune, or extent of enterprise. Forfourteen years, to say nothing of his projects in the East, the historyof Bonaparte was the history of all Europe!

With the copious materials he possessed, M. De Bourrienne has produced awork which, for deep interest, excitement, and amusement, can scarcely beparalleled by any of the numerous and excellent memoirs for which theliterature of France is so justly celebrated. 

M. De Bourrienne shows us the hero of Marengo and Austerlitz in hisnight-gown and slippers--with a 'trait de plume' he, in a hundredinstances, places the real man before us, with all his personal habitsand peculiarities of manner, temper, and conversation. 

The friendship between Bonaparte and Bourrienne began in boyhood, at theschool of Brienne, and their unreserved intimacy continued during themost brilliant part of Napoleon's career. We have said enough, themotives for his writing this work and his competency for the task will bebest explained in M. De Bourrienne's own words, which the reader willfind in the Introductory Chapter. 

M. De Bourrienne says little of Napoleon after his first abdication andretirement to Elba in 1814: we have endeavoured to fill up the chasm thusleft by following his hero through the remaining seven years of his life, to the "last scenes of all" that ended his "strange, eventfulhistory, "--to his deathbed and alien grave at St. Helena. A completenesswill thus be given to the work which it did not before possess, andwhich we hope will, with the other additions and improvements alreadyalluded to, tend to give it a place in every well-selected library, asone of the most satisfactory of all the lives of Napoleon. 

LONDON, 1836. 

PREFACE

BY THE EDITOR OF THE 1885 EDITION. 

The Memoirs of the time of Napoleon may be divided into twoclasses--those by marshals and officers, of which Suchet's is a goodexample, chiefly devoted to military movements, and those by personsemployed in the administration and in the Court, giving us not onlymaterials for history, but also valuable details of the personal andinner life of the great Emperor and of his immediate surroundings. Ofthis latter class the Memoirs of Bourrienne are among the mostimportant. 

Long the intimate and personal friend of Napoleon both at school and fromthe end of the Italian campaigns in 1797 till 1802--working in the sameroom with him, using the same purse, the confidant of most of hisschemes, and, as his secretary, having the largest part of all theofficial and private correspondence of the time passed through his hands, Bourrienne occupied an invaluable position for storing and recordingmaterials for history. The Memoirs of his successor, Meneval, are morethose of an esteemed private secretary; yet, valuable and interesting asthey are, they want the peculiarity of position which marks those ofBourrienne, who was a compound of secretary, minister, and friend. Theaccounts of such men as Miot de Melito, Raederer, etc. , are mostvaluable, but these writers were not in that close contact with Napoleonenjoyed by Bourrienne. Bourrienne's position was simply unique, and wecan only regret that he did not occupy it till the end of the Empire. Thus it is natural that his Memoirs should have been largely used byhistorians, and to properly understand the history of the time, they mustbe read by all students. They are indeed full of interest for every one. But they also require to be read with great caution. When we meet withpraise of Napoleon, we may generally believe it, for, as Thiers(Consulat. , ii. 279) says, Bourrienne need be little suspected on thisside, for although be owed everything to Napoleon, he has not seemed toremember it. But very often in passages in which blame is thrown onNapoleon, Bourrienne speaks, partly with much of the natural bitternessof a former and discarded friend, and partly with the curious mixedfeeling which even the brothers of Napoleon display in their Memoirs, pride in the wonderful abilities evinced by the man with whom he wasallied, and jealousy at the way in which he was outshone by the man hehad in youth regarded as inferior to himself. Sometimes also we may evensuspect the praise. Thus when Bourrienne defends Napoleon for giving, ashe alleges, poison to the sick at Jaffa, a doubt arises whether hisobject was to really defend what to most Englishmen of this day, withremembrances of the deeds and resolutions of the Indian Mutiny, will seeman act to be pardoned, if not approved; or whether he was more anxious tofix the committal of the act on Napoleon at a time when public opinionloudly blamed it. The same may be said of his defence of the massacre ofthe prisoners of Jaffa. 

Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne was born in 1769, that is, in thesame year as Napoleon Bonaparte, and he was the friend and companion ofthe future Emperor at the military school of Brienne-le-Chateau till1784, when Napoleon, one of the sixty pupils maintained at the expense ofthe State, was passed on to the Military School of Paris. The friendsagain met in 1792 and in 1795, when Napoleon was hanging about Paris, andwhen Bourrienne looked on the vague dreams of his old schoolmate as onlyso much folly. In 1796, as soon as Napoleon had assured his position atthe head of the army of Italy, anxious as ever to surround himself withknown faces, he sent for Bourrienne to be his secretary. Bourrienne hadbeen appointed in 1792 as secretary of the Legation at Stuttgart, andhad, probably wisely, disobeyed the orders given him to return, thusescaping the dangers of the Revolution. He only came back to Paris in1795, having thus become an emigre. He joined Napoleon in 1797, after theAustrians had been beaten out of Italy, and at once assumed the office ofsecretary which he held for so long. He had sufficient tact to forbeartreating the haughty young General with any assumption of familiarity inpublic, and he was indefatigable enough to please even the never-restingNapoleon. Talent Bourrienne had in abundance; indeed he is careful tohint that at school if any one had been asked to predict greatness forany pupil, it was Bourrienne, not Napoleon, who would have been fixed onas the future star. He went with his General to Egypt, and returned withhim to France. While Napoleon was making his formal entry into theTuileries, Bourrienne was preparing the cabinet he was still to sharewith the Consul. In this cabinet--our cabinet, as he is careful to callit--he worked with the First Consul till 1802. 

During all this time the pair lead lived on terms of equality andfriendship creditable to both. The secretary neither asked for norreceived any salary: when he required money, he simply dipped into thecash-box of the First Consul. As the whole power of the State graduallypassed into the hands of the Consul, the labours of the secretary becameheavier. His successor broke down under a lighter load, and had toreceive assistance; but, perhaps borne up by the absorbing interest ofthe work and the great influence given by his post, Bourrienne stuck tohis place, and to all appearance might, except for himself, have comedown to us as the companion of Napoleon during his whole life. He hadenemies, and one of them--[Boulay de la Meurthe. ]--has not shrunk fromdescribing their gratification at the disgrace of the trusted secretary. Any one in favour, or indeed in office, under Napoleon was the sure markof calumny for all aspirants to place; yet Bourrienne might haveweathered any temporary storm raised by unfounded reports as successfullyas Meneval, who followed him. But Bourrienne's hands were not clean inmoney matters, and that was an unpardonable sin in any one who desired tobe in real intimacy with Napoleon. He became involved in the affairs ofthe House of Coulon, which failed, as will be seen in the notes, at thetime of his disgrace; and in October 1802 he was called on to hand overhis office to Meneval, who retained it till invalided after the Russiancampaign. 

As has been said, Bourrienne would naturally be the mark for manyaccusations, but the conclusive proof of his misconduct--at least for anyone acquainted with Napoleon's objection and dislike to changes inoffice, whether from his strong belief in the effects of training, or hisequally strong dislike of new faces round him--is that he was never againemployed near his old comrade; indeed he really never saw the Emperoragain at any private interview, except when granted the naval officialreception in 1805, before leaving to take up his post at Hamburg, whichhe held till 1810. We know that his re-employment was urged by Josephineand several of his former companions. Savary himself says he tried hisadvocacy; but Napoleon was inexorable to those who, in his own phrase, had sacrificed to the golden calf. 

Sent, as we have said, to Hamburg in 1805, as Minister Plenipotentiary tothe Duke of Brunswick, the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hansetowns, Bourrienne knew how to make his post an important one. He was atone of the great seats of the commerce which suffered so fearfully fromthe Continental system of the Emperor, and he was charged to watch overthe German press. How well he fulfilled this duty we learn fromMetternich, who writes in 1805: "I have sent an article to the newspapereditors in Berlin and to M. De Hofer at Hamburg. I do not know whetherit has been accepted, for M. Bourrienne still exercises an authority sosevere over these journals that they are always submitted to him beforethey appear, that he may erase or alter the articles which do not pleasehim. "

His position at Hamburg gave him great opportunities for both financialand political intrigues. In his Memoirs, as Meneval remarks, he or hiseditor is not ashamed to boast of being thanked by Louis XVIII. At St. Ouen for services rendered while he was the minister of Napoleon atHamburg. He was recalled in 1810, when the Hanse towns were united, or, to use the phrase of the day, re-united to the Empire. He then hungabout Paris, keeping on good terms with some of the ministers--Savary, not the most reputable of them, for example. In 1814 he was to be foundat the office of Lavallette, the head of the posts, disguising, hisenemies said, his delight at the bad news which was pouring in, byexaggerated expressions of devotion. He is accused of a close andsuspicious connection with Talleyrand, and it is odd that when Talleyrandbecame head of the Provisional Government in 1814, Bourrienne of allpersons should have been put at the head of the posts. Received in themost flattering manner by Louis XVIII, he was as astonished as poorBeugnot was in 1815, to find himself on 13th May suddenly ejected fromoffice, having, however, had time to furnish post-horses to Manbreuil forthe mysterious expedition, said to have been at least known toTalleyrand, and intended certainly for the robbery of the Queen ofWestphalia, and probably for the murder of Napoleon. 

In the extraordinary scurry before the Bourbons scuttled out of Paris in1814, Bourrienne was made Prefet of the Police for a few days, his tenureof that post being signalised by the abortive attempt to arrest Fouche, the only effect of which was to drive that wily minister into the arms ofthe Bonapartists. 

He fled with the King, and was exempted from the amnesty proclaimed byNapoleon. On the return from Ghent he was made a Minister of Statewithout portfolio, and also became one of the Council. The ruin of hisfinances drove him out of France, but he eventually died in a madhouse atCaen. 

When the Memoirs first appeared in 1829 they made a great sensation. Till then in most writings Napoleon had been treated as either a demon oras a demi-god. The real facts of the case were not suited to the tastesof either his enemies or his admirers. While the monarchs of Europe hadbeen disputing among themselves about the division of the spoils to beobtained from France and from the unsettlement of the Continent, therehad arisen an extraordinarily clever and unscrupulous man who, byalternately bribing and overthrowing the great monarchies, had soon madehimself master of the mainland. His admirers were unwilling to admit thepart played in his success by the jealousy of his foes of each other'sshare in the booty, and they delighted to invest him with every greatquality which man could possess. His enemies were ready enough to allowhis military talents, but they wished to attribute the first success ofhis not very deep policy to a marvellous duplicity, apparently consideredby them the more wicked as possessed by a parvenu emperor, and farremoved, in a moral point of view, from the statecraft so allowable in anancient monarchy. But for Napoleon himself and his family and Courtthere was literally no limit to the really marvellous inventions of hisenemies. He might enter every capital on the Continent, but there wassome consolation in believing that he himself was a monster ofwickedness, and his Court but the scene of one long protracted orgie. 

There was enough against the Emperor in the Memoirs to make themcomfortable reading for his opponents, though very many of the oldcalumnies were disposed of in them. They contained indeed the nearestapproximation to the truth which had yet appeared. Metternich, who musthave been a good judge, as no man was better acquainted with what hehimself calls the "age of Napoleon, " says of the Memoirs: "If you wantsomething to read, both interesting and amusing, get the Memoires deBourrienne. These are the only authentic Memoirs of Napoleon which haveyet appeared. The style is not brilliant, but that only makes them themere trustworthy. " Indeed, Metternich himself in his own Memoirs oftenfollows a good deal in the line of Bourrienne: among many formal attacks, every now and then he lapses into half involuntary and indirect praise ofhis great antagonist, especially where he compares the men he had to dealwith in aftertimes with his former rapid and talented interlocutor. Tosome even among the Bonapartists, Bourrienne was not altogetherdistasteful. Lucien Bonaparte, remarking that the time in whichBourrienne treated with Napoleon as equal with equal did not last longenough for the secretary, says he has taken a little revenge in hisMemoirs, just as a lover, after a break with his mistress, reveals allher defects. But Lucien considers that Bourrienne gives us a good enoughidea of the young officer of the artillery, of the great General, and ofthe First Consul. Of the Emperor, says Lucien, he was too much inretirement to be able to judge equally well. But Lucien was not a fairrepresentative of the Bonapartists; indeed he had never really thoughtwell of his brother or of his actions since Lucien, the former "Brutus"Bonaparte, had ceased to be the adviser of the Consul. It was well forLucien himself to amass a fortune from the presents of a corrupt court, and to be made a Prince and Duke by the Pope, but he was too sincere arepublican not to disapprove of the imperial system. The realBonapartists were naturally and inevitably furious with the Memoirs. They were not true, they were not the work of Bourrienne, Bourriennehimself was a traitor, a purloiner of manuscripts, his memory was as badas his principles, he was not even entitled to the de before his name. If the Memoirs were at all to be pardoned, it was because his share wasonly really a few notes wrung from him by large pecuniary offers at atime when he was pursued by his creditors, and when his brain was alreadyaffected. 

The Bonapartist attack on the Memoirs was delivered in full form, in twovolumes, 'Bourrienne et ses Erreurs, Volontaires et Involontaires'(Paris, Heideloff, 1830), edited by the Comte d'Aure, the Ordonnateur enChef of the Egyptian expedition, and containing communications fromJoseph Bonaparte, Gourgaud, Stein, etc. '

 --[In the notes in this present edition these volumes are referred to in brief 'Erreurs'. ]--

Part of the system of attack was to call in question the authenticity ofthe Memoirs, and this was the more easy as Bourrienne, losing hisfortune, died in 1834 in a state of imbecility. But this plan is notsystematically followed, and the very reproaches addressed to the writerof the Memoirs often show that it was believed they were really writtenby Bourrienne. They undoubtedly contain plenty of faults. The editor(Villemarest, it is said) probably had a large share in the work, andBourrienne must have forgotten or misplaced many dates and occurrences. In such a work, undertaken so many years after the events, it wasinevitable that many errors should be made, and that many statementsshould be at least debatable. But on close investigation the work standsthe attack in a way that would be impossible unless it had really beenwritten by a person in the peculiar position occupied by Bourrienne. Hehas assuredly not exaggerated that position: he really, says LucienBonaparte, treated as equal with equal with Napoleon during a part of hiscareer, and he certainly was the nearest friend and confidant thatNapoleon ever had in his life. 

Where he fails, or where the Bonapartist fire is most telling, is in theaccount of the Egyptian expedition. It may seem odd that he should haveforgotten, even in some thirty years, details such as the way in whichthe sick were removed; but such matters were not in his province; and itwould be easy to match similar omissions in other works, such as theaccounts of the Crimea, and still more of the Peninsula. It is with hispersonal relations with Napoleon that we are most concerned, and it is inthem that his account receives most corroboration. 

It may be interesting to see what has been said of the Memoirs by otherwriters. We have quoted Metternich, and Lucien Bonaparte; let us hearMeneval, his successor, who remained faithful to his master to the end:"Absolute confidence cannot be given to statements contained in Memoirspublished under the name of a man who has not composed them. It is knownthat the editor of these Memoirs offered to M. De Bourrienne, who hadthen taken refuge in Holstein from his creditors, a sum said to be thirtythousand francs to obtain his signature to them, with some notes andaddenda. M. De Bourrienne was already attacked by the disease from whichhe died a few years latter in a maison de sante at Caen. Many literarymen co-operated in the preparation of his Memoirs. In 1825 I met M. DeBourrienne in Paris. He told me it had been suggested to him to writeagainst the Emperor. 'Notwithstanding the harm he has done me, ' said he, 'I would never do so. Sooner may my hand be withered. ' If M. DeBourrienne had prepared his Memoirs himself, he would not have statedthat while he was the Emperor's minister at Hamburg he worked with theagents of the Comte de Lille (Louis XVIII. ) at the preparation ofproclamations in favour of that Prince, and that in 1814 he accepted thethanks of the King, Louis XVIII. , for doing so; he would not have saidthat Napoleon had confided to him in 1805 that he had never conceived theidea of an expedition into England, and that the plan of a landing, thepreparations for which he gave such publicity to, was only a snare toamuse fools. The Emperor well knew that never was there a plan moreseriously conceived or more positively settled. M. De Bourrienne wouldnot have spoken of his private interviews with Napoleon, nor of thealleged confidences entrusted to him, while really Napoleon had no longerreceived him after the 20th October 1802. When the Emperor, in 1805, forgetting his faults, named him Minister Plenipotentiary at Hamburg, hegranted him the customary audience, but to this favour he did not add thereturn of his former friendship. Both before and afterwards heconstantly refused to receive him, and he did not correspond with him. "(Meneval, ii. 378-79). And in another passage Meneval says: "Besides, it would be wrong to regard these Memoirs as the work of the man whosename they bear. The bitter resentment M. De Bourrienne had nourished forhis disgrace, the enfeeblement of his faculties, and the poverty he wasreduced to, rendered him accessible to the pecuniary offers made to him. He consented to give the authority of his name to Memoirs in whosecomposition he had only co-operated by incomplete, confused, and ofteninexact notes, materials which an editor was employed to put in order. "And Meneval (iii. 29-30) goes on to quote what he himself had written inthe Spectateur Militaire, in which he makes much the same assertions, andespecially objects to the account of conversations with the Emperor after1802, except always the one audience on taking leave for Hamburg. Meneval also says that Napoleon, when he wished to obtain intelligencefrom Hamburg, did not correspond with Bourrienne, but deputed him, Meneval, to ask Bourrienne for what was wanted. But he corroboratesBourrienne on the subject of the efforts made, among others by Josephine, for his reappointment. 

Such are the statements of the Bonaparists pure; and the reader, as hasbeen said, can judge for himself how far the attack is good. Bourrienne, or his editor, may well have confused the date of his interviews, but hewill not be found much astray on many points. His account of theconversation of Josephine after the death of the Due d'Enghien may becompared with what we know from Madame de Remusat, who, by the way, wouldhave been horrified if she had known that he considered her to resemblethe Empress Josephine in character. 

We now come to the views of Savary, the Due de Rovigo, who avowedlyremained on good terms with Bourrienne after his disgrace, though thefriendship of Savary was not exactly a thing that most men would havemuch prided themselves on. "Bourrienne had a prodigious memory; he spokeand wrote in several languages, and his pen ran as quickly as one couldspeak. Nor were these the only advantages he possessed. He knew theroutine of public business and public law. His activity and devotionmade him indispensable to the First Consul. I knew the qualities whichwon for him the unlimited confidence of his chief, but I cannot speakwith the same assurance of the faults which made him lose it. Bourriennehad many enemies, both on account of his character and of his place"(Savary, i. 418-19). 

Marmont ought to be an impartial critic of the Memoirs. He says, "Bourrienne . . . Had a very great capacity, but he is a strikingexample of the great truth that our passions are always bad counsellors. By inspiring us with an immoderate ardour to reach a fixed end, theyoften make us miss it. Bourrienne had an immoderate love of money. Withhis talents and his position near Bonaparte at the first dawn ofgreatness, with the confidence and real good-will which Bonaparte feltfor him, in a few years he would have gained everything in fortune and insocial position. But his eager impatience mined his career at the momentwhen it might have developed and increased" (Marmont, i. 64). Thecriticism appears just. As to the Memoirs, Marmont says (ii. 224), "Ingeneral, these Memoirs are of great veracity and powerful interest solong as they treat of what the author has seen and heard; but when hespeaks of others, his work is only an assemblage of gratuitoussuppositions and of false facts put forward for special purposes. "

The Comte Alexandre de Puymaigre, who arrived at Hamburgh soon afterBourrienne had left it in 1810, says (page 135) of the part of theMemoirs which relates to Hamburg, "I must acknowledge that generally hisassertions are well founded. This former companion of Napoleon has onlyforgotten to speak of the opinion that they had of him in this town. 

"The truth is, that he was believed to have made much money there. "

Thus we may take Bourrienne as a clever, able man, who would have risento the highest honours under the Empire had not his short-sightedgrasping after lucre driven him from office, and prevented him from everregaining it under Napoleon. 

In the present edition the translation has been carefully compared withthe original French text. Where in the original text information isgiven which has now become mere matter of history, and where Bourriennemerely quotes the documents well enough known at this day, his possessionof which forms part of the charges of his opponents, advantage has beentaken to lighten the mass of the Memoirs. This has been done especiallywhere they deal with what the writer did not himself see or hear, thepart of the Memoirs which are of least valve and of which Marmont'sopinion has just been quoted. But in the personal and more valuable partof the Memoirs, where we have the actual knowledge of the secretaryhimself, the original text has been either fully retained, or some fewpassages previously omitted restored. Illustrative notes have been addedfrom the Memoirs of the successor of Bourrienne, Meneval, Madame deRemusat, the works of Colonel Iung on 'Bonaparte et Son Temps', and on'Lucien Bonaparte', etc. , and other books. Attention has also been paidto the attacks of the 'Erreurs', and wherever these criticisms are morethan a mere expression of disagreement, their purport has been recordedwith, where possible, some judgment of the evidence. Thus the readerwill have before him the materials for deciding himself how far, Bourrienne's statements are in agreement with the facts and with theaccounts of other writers. 

At the present time too much attention has been paid to the Memoirs ofMadame de Remusat. She, as also Madame Junot, was the wife of a man onwhom the full shower of imperial favours did not descend, and, womanlike, she saw and thought only of the Court life of the great man who was neverless great than in his Court. She is equally astonished and indignantthat the Emperor, coming straight from long hours of work with hisministers and with his secretary, could not find soft words for theladies of the Court, and that, a horrible thing in the eyes of aFrenchwoman, when a mistress threw herself into his arms, he firstthought of what political knowledge he could obtain from her. Bourrienne, on the other hand, shows us the other and the reallyimportant side of Napoleon's character. He tells us of the long hours inthe Cabinet, of the never-resting activity of the Consul, of Napoleon'sdreams, no ignoble dreams and often realised, of great labours of peaceas well as of war. He is a witness, and the more valuable as a reluctantone, to the marvellous powers of the man who, if not the greatest, was atleast the one most fully endowed with every great quality of mind andbody the world has ever seen. 

R. W. P. 

AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION. 

The trading upon an illustrious name can alone have given birth to themultitude of publications under the titles of historical memoirs, secretmemoirs, and other rhapsodies which have appeared respecting Napoleon. On looking into them it is difficult to determine whether the impudenceof the writers or the simplicity of certain readers is most astonishing. Yet these rude and ill digested compilations, filled with absurdanecdotes, fabricated speeches, fictitious crimes or virtues, anddisfigured by numerous anachronisms, instead of being consigned to justcontempt and speedy oblivion, have been pushed into notice byspeculators, and have found zealous partisans and enthusiasticapologists. 

 --[This Introduction has been reprinted as bearing upon the character of the work, but refers very often to events of the day at the time of its first appearance. ]--

For a time I entertained the idea of noticing, one by one, the numerouserrors which have been written respecting Napoleon; but I have renounceda task which would have been too laborious to myself, and very tedious tothe reader. I shall therefore only correct those which come within theplan of my work, and which are connected with those facts, to a moreaccurate knowledge of which than any other person can possess I may layclaim. There are men who imagine that nothing done by Napoleon will everbe forgotten; but must not the slow but inevitable influence of time beexpected to operate with respect to him? The effect of that influenceis, that the most important event of an epoch soon sinks, almostimperceptibly and almost disregarded, into the immense mass of historicalfacts. Time, in its progress, diminishes the probability as well as theinterest of such an event, as it gradually wears away the most durablemonuments. 

I attach only a relative importance to what I am about to lay before thepublic. I shall give authentic documents. If all persons who haveapproached Napoleon, at any time and in any place, would candidly recordwhat they saw and heard, without passion, the future historian would berich in materials. It is my wish that he who may undertake the difficulttask of writing the history of Napoleon shall find in my notesinformation useful to the perfection of his work. There he will at leastfind truth. I have not the ambition to wish that what I state should betaken as absolute authority; but I hope that it will always be consulted. 

I have never before published anything respecting Napoleon. Thatmalevolence which fastens itself upon men who have the misfortune to besomewhat separated from the crowd has, because there is always moreprofit in saying ill than good, attributed to me several works onBonaparte; among others, 'Les Memoires secrets d'un Homnae qui ne l'a pasquitte', par M. B-------, and 'Memoires secrets sur Napoleon Bonaparte, par M. De B------, and 'Le Precis Historique sur Napoleon'. The initialof my name has served to propagate this error. The incredible ignorancewhich runs through those memoirs, the absurdities and inconceivablesilliness with which they abound, do not permit a man of honour andcommon sense to allow such wretched rhapsodies to be imputed to him. Ideclared in 1816, and at later periods in the French and foreignjournals, that I had no hand in those publications, and I here formallyrepeat this declaration. 

But it may be said to me, Why should we place more confidence in you thanin those who have written before you?

My reply shall be plain. I enter the lists one of the last I have readall that my predecessors have published confident that all I state istrue. I have no interest in deceiving, no disgrace to fear, no reward toexpect. I ether wish to obscure nor embellish his glory. However greatNapoleon may have been, was he not also liable to pay his tribute to theweakness of human nature? I speak of Napoleon such as I have seen him, known him, frequently admired and sometimes blamed him. I state what Isaw, heard, wrote, and thought at the time, under each circumstance thatoccurred. I have not allowed myself to be carried away by the illusionsof the imagination, nor to be influenced by friendship or hatred. Ishall not insert a single reflection which did not occur to me at thevery moment of the event which gave it birth. How many transactions anddocuments were there over which I could but lament!--how many measures, contrary to my views, to my principles, and to my character!--while thebest intentions were incapable of overcoming difficulties which a mostpowerful and decided will rendered almost insurmountable. 

I also wish the future historian to compare what I say with what othershave related or may relate. But it will be necessary for him to attendto dates, circumstances, difference of situation, change of temperament, and age, --for age has much influence over men. We do not think and actat fifty as at twenty-five. By exercising this caution he will be ableto discover the truth, and to establish an opinion for posterity. 

The reader must not expect to find in these Memoirs an uninterruptedseries of all the events which marked the great career of Napoleon; nordetails of all those battles, with the recital of which so many eminentmen have usefully and ably occupied themselves. I shall say little aboutwhatever I did not see or hear, and which is not supported by officialdocuments. 

Perhaps I shall succeed in confirming truths which have been doubted, andin correcting errors which have been adopted. If I sometimes differ fromthe observations and statements of Napoleon at St. Helena, I am far fromsupposing that those who undertook to be the medium of communicationbetween him and the public have misrepresented what he said. I am wellconvinced that none of the writers of St. Helena can be taxed with theslightest deception; disinterested zeal and nobleness of character areundoubted pledges of their veracity. It appears to me perfectly certainthat Napoleon stated, dictated, or corrected all they have published. Their honour is unquestionable; no one can doubt it. That they wrotewhat he communicated must therefore be believed; but it cannot with equalconfidence be credited that what he communicated was nothing but thetruth. He seems often to have related as a fact what was really only anidea, --an idea, too, brought forth at St. Helena, the child ofmisfortune, and transported by his imagination to Europe in the time ofhis prosperity. His favourite phrase, which was every moment on hislips, must not be forgotten--"What will history say--what will posteritythink?" This passion for leaving behind him a celebrated name is onewhich helongs to the constitution of the human mind; and with Napoleonits influence was excessive. In his first Italian campaign he wrote thusto General Clarke: "That ambition and the occupation of high offices werenot sufficient for his satisfaction and happiness, which he had earlyplaced in the opinion of Europe and the esteem of posterity. " He oftenobserved to me that with him the opinion of posterity was the realimmortality of the soul. 

It may easily be conceived that Napoleon wished to give to the documentswhich he knew historians would consult a favourable colour, and todirect, according to his own views, the judgment of posterity on hisactions: But it is only by the impartial comparison of periods, positions, and age that a well founded decision will be given. About hisfortieth year the physical constitution of Napoleon sustainedconsiderable change; and it may be presumed that his moral qualities wereaffected by that change. It is particularly important not to lose sightof the premature decay of his health, which, perhaps, did not permit himalways to, possess the vigour of memory otherwise consistent enough withhis age. The state of our organisation often modifies our recollections, our feelings, our manner of viewing objects, and the impressions wereceive. This will be taken into consideration by judicious and thinkingmen; and for them I write. 

What M. De Las Casas states Napoleon to have said in May 1816 on themanner of writing his history corroborates the opinion I have expressed. It proves that all the facts and observations he communicated or dictatedwere meant to serve as materials. We learn from the Memorial that M. DeLas Casas wrote daily, and that the manuscript was read over by Napoleon, who often made corrections with his own hand. The idea of a journalpleased him greatly. He fancied it would be a work of which the worldcould afford no other example. But there are passages in which the orderof events is deranged; in others facts are misrepresented and erroneousassertions are made, I apprehend, not altogether involuntarily. 

I have paid particular attention to all that has been published by thenoble participators of the imperial captivity. Nothing, however, couldinduce me to change a word in these Memoirs, because nothing could takefrom me my conviction of the truth of what I personally heard and saw. It will be found that Napoleon in his private conversations oftenconfirms what I state; but we sometimes differ, and the public must judgebetween us. However, I must here make one observation. 

When Napoleon dictated or related to his friends in St. Helena the factswhich they have reported he was out of the world, --he had played hispart. Fortune, which, according to his notions, had conferred on him allhis power and greatness, had recalled all her gifts before he sank intothe tomb. His ruling passion would induce him to think that it was dueto his glory to clear up certain facts which might prove an unfavourableescort if they accompanied him to posterity. This was his fixed idea. But is there not some ground for suspecting the fidelity of him whowrites or dictates his own history? Why might he not impose on a fewpersons in St. Helena, when he was able to impose on France and Europe, respecting many acts which emanated from him during the long duration ofhis power? The life of Napoleon would be very unfaithfully written werethe author to adopt as true all his bulletins and proclamations, and allthe declarations he made at St. Helena. Such a history would frequentlybe in contradiction to facts; and such only is that which might beentitled, 'The History of Napoleon, written by Himself'. 

I have said thus much because it is my wish that the principles whichhave guided me in the composition of these Memoirs may be understood. I am aware that they will not please every reader; that is a success towhich I cannot pretend. Some merit, however, may be allowed me onaccount of the labour I have undergone. It has neither been of a slightnor an agreeable kind. I made it a rule to read everything that has beenwritten respecting Napoleon, and I have had to decipher many of hisautograph documents, though no longer so familiar with his scrawl asformerly. I say decipher, because a real cipher might often be much morereadily understood than the handwriting of Napoleon. My own notes, too, which were often very hastily made, in the hand I wrote in my youth, havesometimes also much embarrassed me. 

My long and intimate connection with Bonaparte from boyhood, my closerelations with him when General, Consul, and Emperor, enabled me to seeand appreciate all that was projected and all that was done during thatconsiderable and momentous period of time. I not only had theopportunity of being present at the conception and the execution of theextraordinary deeds of one of the ablest men nature ever formed, but, notwithstanding an almost unceasing application to business, I foundmeans to employ the few moments of leisure which Bonaparte left at mydisposal in making notes, collecting documents, and in recording forhistory facts respecting which the truth could otherwise with difficultybe ascertained; and more particularly in collecting those ideas, oftenprofound, brilliant, and striking, but always remarkable, to whichBonaparte gave expression in the overflowing frankness of confidentialintimacy. 

The knowledge that I possessed much important information has exposed meto many inquiries, and wherever I have resided since my retirement frompublic affairs much of my time has been spent in replying to questions. The wish to be acquainted with the most minute details of the life of aman formed on an unexampled model is very natural; and the observationon my replies by those who heard them always was, "You should publishyour Memoirs!"

I had certainly always in view the publication of my Memoirs; but, at thesame time, I was firmly resolved not to publish them until a periodshould arrive in which I might tell the truth, and the whole truth. While Napoleon was in the possession of power I felt it right to resistthe urgent applications made to me on this subject by some persons ofthe highest distinction. Truth would then have sometimes appearedflattery, and sometimes, also, it might not have been without danger. Afterwards, when the progress of events removed Bonaparte to a fardistant island in the midst of the ocean, silence was imposed on me byother considerations, -by considerations of propriety and feeling. 

After the death of Bonaparte, at St. Helena, reasons of a differentnature retarded the execution of my plan. The tranquillity of a secludedretreat was indispensable for preparing and putting in order the abundantmaterials in my possession. I found it also necessary to read a greatnumber of works, in order to rectify important errors to which the wantof authentic documents had induced the authors to give credit. Thismuch-desired retreat was found. I had the good fortune to be introduced, through a friend, to the Duchesse de Brancas, and that lady invited me topass some time on one of her estates in Hainault. Received with the mostagreeable hospitality, I have there enjoyed that tranquillity which couldalone have rendered the publication of these volumes practicable. 

FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE

NOTE. 

The Editor of the 1836 edition had added to the Memoirs several chapterstaken from or founded on other works of the time, so as to make a morecomplete history of the period. These materials have been mostlyretained, but with the corrections which later publications have madenecessary. A chapter has now been added to give, a brief account of thepart played by the chief historical personages during the Cent Tours, andanother at the end to include the removal of the body of Napoleon fromSt. Helena to France. 

Two special improvements have, it is hoped, been made in this edition. Great care has been taken to get names, dates, and figures rightlygiven, --points much neglected in most translations, though in some fewcases, such as Davoust, the ordinary but not strictly correct spellinghas been followed to suit the general reader. The number of referencesto other works which are given in the notes wall, it is believed, be ofuse to any one wishing to continue the study of the history of Napoleon, and may preserve them from many of the errors too often committed. Thepresent Editor has had the great advantage of having his work shared byMr. Richard Bentley, who has brought his knowledge of the period to bear, and who has found, as only a busy man could do, the time to minutelyenter into every fresh detail, with the ardour which soon seizes any onewho long follows that enticing pursuit, the special study of anhistorical period. 

January 1885R. W. P. 

MEMOIRS of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

VOLUME I. 

CHAPTER 1

1769-1783. 

 Authentic date of Bonaparte's birth--His family ruined by the Jesuits--His taste for military amusements--Sham siege at the College of Brienne--The porter's wife and Napoleon--My intimacy with Bonaparte at college--His love for the mathematics, and his dislike of Latin--He defends Paoli and blames his father--He is ridiculed by his comrades--Ignorance of the monks--Distribution of prizes at Brienne--Madame de Montesson and the Duke of Orleans--Report of M. Keralio on Bonaparte--He leaves Brienne. 

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, on the 15th of August1769; the original orthography of his name was Buonaparte, but hesuppressed the during his first campaign in Italy. His motives for sodoing were merely to render the spelling conformable with thepronunciation, and to abridge his signature. He signed Buonaparte evenafter the famous 13th Vendemiaire. 

It has been affirmed that he was born in 1768, and that he representedhimself to be a year younger than he really was. This is untrue. Healways told me the 9th of August was his birthday, and, as I was born onthe 9th of July 1769, our proximity of age served to strengthen our unionand friendship when we were both at the Military College of Brienne. 

The false and absurd charge of Bonaparte having misrepresented hisage, is decidedly refuted by a note in the register of M. Berton, sub-principal of the College of Brienne, in which it is stated thatM. Napoleon de Buonaparte, ecuyer, born in the city of Ajaccio, inCorsica, on the 15th of August 1769, left the Royal Military College ofBrienne on the 17th October 1784. 

The stories about his low extraction are alike devoid of foundation. Hisfamily was poor, and he was educated at the public expense, an advantageof which many honourable families availed themselves. A memorialaddressed by his father, Charles Buonaparte, to the Minister of Warstates that his fortune had been reduced by the failure of someenterprise in which he had engaged, and by the injustice of the Jesuits, by whom he had been deprived of an inheritance. The object of thismemorial was to solicit a sub-lieutenant's commission for Napoleon, whowas then fourteen years of age, and to get Lucien entered a pupil of theMilitary College. The Minister wrote on the back of the memorial, "Givethe usual answer, if there be a vacancy;" and on the margin are thesewords--"This gentleman has been informed that his request is inadmissibleas long as his second son remains at the school of Brienne. Two brotherscannot be placed at the same time in the military schools. " WhenNapoleon was fifteen he was sent to Paris until he should attain therequisite age for entering the army. Lucien was not received into theCollege of Brienne, at least not until his brother had quitted theMilitary School of Paris. 

Bonaparte was undoubtedly a man of good family. I have seen an authenticaccount of his genealogy, which he obtained from Tuscany. A great dealhas been said about the civil dissensions which forced his family to quitItaly and take refuge in Corsica. On this subject I shall say nothing. 

Many and various accounts have been given of Bonaparte's youth. 

 --[The following interesting trait of Napoleon's childhood is derived from the 'Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Arbranes':--"He was one day accused by one of his sisters of having eaten a basketful of grapes, figs, and citrons, which had come from the garden of his uncle the Canon. None but those who were acquainted with the Bonaparte family can form any idea of the enormity of this offence. To eat fruit belonging to the uncle the Canon was infinitely more criminal than to eat grapes and figs which might be claimed by anybody else. An inquiry took place; Napoleon denied the fact, and was whipped. He was told that if he would beg pardon he should be forgiven. He protested that he was innocent, but he was not believed. If I recollect rightly, his mother was at the time on a visit to M. De Marbeuf, or some other friend. The result of Napoleon's obstinacy was, that he was kept three whole days on bread and cheese, and that cheese was not 'broccio'. However, he would not cry: he was dull, but not sulky. At length, on the fourth day of his punishment a little friend of Marianne Bonaparte returned from the country, and on hearing of Napoleon's disgrace she confessed that she and Marianne had eaten the fruit. It was now Marianne's turn to be punished. When Napoleon was asked why he had not accused his sister, he replied that though he suspected that she was guilty, yet out of consideration to her little friend, who had no share in the falsehood, he had said nothing. He was then only seven years of age" (vol. I. P. 9, edit. 1883). ]--

He has been described in terms of enthusiastic praise and exaggeratedcondemnation. It is ever thus with individuals who by talent orfavourable circumstances are raised above their fellow-creatures. Bonaparte himself laughed at all the stories which were got up for thepurpose of embellishing or blackening his character in early life. An anonymous publication, entitled the 'History of Napoleon Bonaparte', from his Birth to his last abdication, contains perhaps the greatestcollection of false and ridiculous details about his boyhood. Amongother things, it is stated that he fortified a garden to protect himselffrom the attacks of his comrades, who, a few lines lower down, aredescribed as treating him with esteem and respect. I remember thecircumstances which, probably, gave rise to the fabrication inserted inthe work just mentioned; they were as follows. 

During the winter of 1783-84, so memorable for heavy falls of snow, Napoleon was greatly at a loss for those retired walks and outdoorrecreations in which he used to take much delight. He had no alternativebut to mingle with his comrades, and, for exercise, to walk with them upand down a spacious hall. Napoleon, weary of this monotonous promenade, told his comrades that he thought they might amuse themselves much betterwith the snow, in the great courtyard, if they would get shovels and makehornworks, dig trenches, raise parapets, cavaliers, etc. "This beingdone, " said he, "we may divide ourselves into sections, form a siege, andI will undertake to direct the attacks. " The proposal, which wasreceived with enthusiasm, was immediately put into execution. Thislittle sham war was carried on for the space of a fortnight, and did notcease until a quantity of gravel and small stones having got mixed withthe snow of which we made our bullets, many of the combatants, besiegersas well as besieged, were seriously wounded. I well remember that I wasone of the worst sufferers from this sort of grapeshot fire. 

It is almost unnecessary to contradict the story about the ascent in theballoon. It is now very well known that the hero of that headlongadventure was not young Bonaparte, as has been alleged, but one of hiscomrades, Dudont de Chambon, who was somewhat eccentric. Of this hissubsequent conduct afforded sufficient proofs. 

Bonaparte's mind was directed to objects of a totally different kind. He turned his attention to political science. During some of hisvacations he enjoyed the society of the Abby Raynal, who used to conversewith him on government, legislation, commercial relations, etc. 

On festival days, when the inhabitants of Brienne were admitted to ouramusements, posts were established for the maintenance of order. Nobodywas permitted to enter the interior of the building without a cardsigned by the principal, or vice-principal. The rank of officers orsub-officers was conferred according to merit; and Bonaparte one day hadthe command of a post, when the following little adventure occurred, which affords an instance of his decision of character. 

The wife of the porter of the school, --[This woman, named Haute, was afterwards placed at Malmaison, with her husband. They both died as concierges of Malmaison. This shows that Napoleon had a memory. --Bourrienne. ]--

who was very well known, because she used to sell milk, fruit, etc. , tothe pupils, presented herself one Saint Louis day for admittance to therepresentation of the 'Death of Caesar, corrected', in which I was toperform the part of Brutus. As the woman had no ticket, and insisted onbeing admitted without one, some disturbance arose. The serjeant of thepost reported the matter to the officer, Napoleon Bonaparte, who in animperious tone of voice exclaimed: "Send away that woman, who comes herewith her camp impudence. " This was in 1782. 

Bonaparte and I were eight years of, age when our friendship commenced. It speedily became very intimate, for there was a certain sympathy ofheart between us. I enjoyed this friendship and intimacy until 1784, when he was transferred from the Military College of Brienne to that ofParis. I was one among those of his youthful comrades who could bestaccommodate themselves to his stern character. His natural reserve, hisdisposition to meditate on the conquest of Corsica, and the impressionshe had received in childhood respecting the misfortunes of his countryand his family, led him to seek retirement, and rendered his generaldemeanour, though in appearance only, somewhat unpleasing. Our equalityof age brought us together in the classes of the mathematics and 'belleslettres'. His ardent wish to acquire knowledge was remarkable from thevery commencement of his studies. When he first came to the college hespoke only the Corsican dialect, and the Sieur Dupuis, --[He afterwards filled the post of librarian to Napoleon at Malmaison. ]--

who was vice-principal before Father Berton, gave him instructions in theFrench language. In this he made such rapid progress that in a shorttime he commenced the first rudiments of Latin. But to this study heevinced such a repugnance that at the age of fifteen he was not out ofthe fourth class. There I left him very speedily; but I could never getbefore him in the mathematical class, in which he was undoubtedly thecleverest lad at the college. I used sometimes to help him with hisLatin themes and versions in return for the aid he afforded me in thesolution of problems, at which he evinced a degree of readiness andfacility which perfectly astonished me. 

When at Brienne, Bonaparte was remarkable for the dark color of hiscomplexion (which, subsequently, the climate of France somewhat changed), for his piercing and scrutinising glance, and for the style of hisconversation both with his masters and comrades. His conversation almostalways bore the appearance of ill-humour, and he was certainly not veryamiable. This I attribute to the misfortunes his family had sustainedand the impressions made on his mind by the conquest of his country. 

The pupils were invited by turns to dine with Father Berton, the head ofthe school. One day, it being Bonaparte's turn to enjoy this indulgence, some of the professors who were at table designedly made somedisrespectful remarks on Paoli, of whom they knew the young Corsican wasan enthusiastic admirer. "Paoli, " observed Bonaparte, "was a great man;he loved his country; and I will never forgive my father, who was hisadjutant, for having concurred in the union of Corsica with France. Heought to have followed Paoli's fortune, and have fallen with him. "

 --[The Duchesse d'Abrantes, speaking of the personal characteristics of Bonaparte in youth and manhood, says, "Saveria told me that Napoleon was never a pretty boy, as Joseph was, for example: his head always appeared too large for his body, a defect common to the Bonaparte family. When Napoleon grew up, the peculiar charm of his countenance lay in his eye, especially in the mild expression it assumed in his moments of kindness. His anger, to be sure, was frightful, and though I am no coward, I never could look at him in his fits of rage without shuddering. Though his smile was captivating, yet the expression of his month when disdainful or angry could scarcely be seen without terror. But that forehead which seemed formed to bear the crowns of a whole world; those hands, of which the most coquettish women might have been vain, and whose white skin covered muscles of iron; in short, of all that personal beauty which distinguished Napoleon as a young man, no traces were discernible in the boy. Saveria spoke truly when she said, that of all the children of Signora Laetitia, the Emperor was the one from whom future greatness was least to be prognosticated" (vol. I. P. 10, edit. 1883)]--

Generally speaking, Bonaparte was not much liked by his comrades atBrienne. He was not social with them, and rarely took part in theiramusements. His country's recent submission to France always caused inhis mind a painful feeling, which estranged him from his schoolfellows. I, however, was almost his constant companion. During play-hours he usedto withdraw to the library, where he-read with deep interest works ofhistory, particularly Polybius and Plutarch. He was also fond ofArrianus, but did not care much for Quintus Gurtius. I often went off toplay with my comrades, and left him by himself in the library. 

The temper of the young Corsican was not improved by the teasing hefrequently experienced from his comrades, who were fond of ridiculing himabout his Christian name Napoleon and his country. He often said to me, "I will do these French all the mischief I can;" and when I tried topacify him he would say, "But you do not ridicule me; you like me. "

Father Patrauld, our mathematical professor, was much attached toBonaparte. He was justly proud of him as a pupil. The other professors, in whose classes he was not distinguished, took little notice of him. He had no taste for the study of languages, polite literature, or thearts. As there were no indications of his ever becoming a scholar, thepedants of the establishment were inclined to think him stupid. Hissuperior intelligence was, however, sufficiently perceptible, eventhrough the reserve under which it was veiled. If the monks to whom thesuperintendence of the establishment was confided had understood theorganisation of his mind, if they had engaged more able mathematicalprofessors, or if we had had any incitement to the study of chemistry, natural philosophy, astronomy, etc. , I am convinced that Bonaparte wouldhave pursued these sciences with all the genius and spirit ofinvestigation which he displayed in a career, more brilliant it is true, but less useful to mankind. Unfortunately, the monks did not perceivethis, and were too poor to pay for good masters. However, afterBonaparte left the college they found it necessary to engage twoprofessors from Paris, otherwise the college would have fallen tonothing. These two new professors, MM. Durfort and Desponts, finishedmy education; and I regretted that they did not come sooner. Theoften-repeated assertion of Bonaparte having received a carefuleducation at Brienne is therefore untrue. The monks were incapable ofgiving it him; and, for my own part, I must confess that the extendedinformation of the present day is to me a painful contrast with thelimited course of education I received at the Military College. It isonly surprising that the establishment should have produced a singleable man. 

Though Bonaparte had no reason to be satisfied with the treatment hereceived from his comrades, yet he was above complaining of it; and whenhe had the supervision of any duty which they infringed, he would rathergo to prison than denounce the criminals. 

I was one day his accomplice in omitting to enforce a duty which we wereappointed to supervise. He prevailed on me to accompany him to prison, where we remained three days. We suffered this sort of punishmentseveral times, but with less severity. 

In 1783 the Duke of Orleans and Madame de Montesson visited Brienne; and, for upwards of a month, the magnificent chateau of the Comte de Briennewas a Versailles in miniature. The series of brilliant entertainmentswhich were given to the august travellers made them almost forget theroyal magnificence they had left behind them. 

The Prince and Madame de Montesson expressed a wish to preside at thedistribution of the prizes of our college. Bonaparte and I won theprizes in the class of mathematics, which, as I have already observed, was the branch of study to which he confined his attention, and in whichhe excelled. When I was called up for the seventh time Madame deMontesson said to my mother, who had come from Sens to be present at thedistribution, "Pray, madame, crown your son this time; my hands area-weary. "

There was an inspector of the military schools, whose business it was tomake an annual report on each pupil, whether educated at the publicexpense or paid for by his family. I copied from the report of 1784 anote which was probably obtained surreptitiously from the War Office. Iwanted to purchase the manuscript, but Louis Bonaparte bought it. I didnot make a copy of the note which related to myself, because I shouldnaturally have felt diffident in making any use of it. It would, however, have served to show how time and circumstances frequentlyreversed the distinctions which arise at school or college. Judging fromthe reports of the inspector of military schools, young Bonaparte wasnot, of all the pupils at Brienne in 1784, the one most calculated toexcite prognostics of future greatness and glory. 

The note to which I have just alluded, and which was written by M. DeKerralio, then inspector of the military schools, describes Bonaparte inthe following terms:

 INSPECTION OF MILITARY SCHOOLS 1784. REPORT MADE FOR HIS MAJESTY BY M. DE KERALIO. 

 M. De Buonaparte (Napoleon), born 15th August 1769, height 4 feet 10 inches 10 lines, is in the fourth class, has a good constitution, excellent health, character obedient, upright, grateful, conduct very regular; has been always distinguished by his application to mathematics. He knows history and geography very passably. He is not well up in ornamental studies or in Latin in which he is only in the fourth class. He will be an excellent sailor. He deserves to be passed on to the Military School of Paris. 

Father Berton, however, opposed Bonaparte's removal to Paris, becausehe had not passed through the fourth Latin class, and the regulationsrequired that he should be in the third. I was informed by thevice-principal that a report relative to Napoleon was sent from theCollege of Brienne to that of Paris, in which he was described as beingdomineering, imperious, and obstinate. 

 --[Napoleon remained upwards of five years at Brienne, from April 1779 till the latter end of 1784. In 1783 the Chevalier Keralio, sub-inspector of the military schools, selected him to pass the year following to the military school at Paris, to which three of the best scholars were annually sent from each of the twelve provincial military schools of France. It is curious as well as satisfactory to know the opinion at this time entertained of him by those who were the best qualified to judge. His old master, Le Guille, professor of history at Paris, boasted that, in a list of the different scholars, he had predicted his pupil's subsequent career. In fact, to the name of Bonaparte the following note is added: "a Corsican by birth and character--he will do something great, if circumstances favour him. " Menge was his instructor in geometry, who also entertained a high opinion of him. M. Bauer, his German master, was the only one who saw nothing in him, and was surprised at being told he was undergoing his examination for the artillery. --Hazlitt. ]--

I knew Bonaparte well; and I think M. De Keralio's report of him wasexceedingly just, except, perhaps, that he might have said he was verywell as to his progress in history and geography, and very backward inLatin; but certainly nothing indicated the probability of his being anexcellent seaman. He himself had no thought of the navy. 

 --[Bourrienne is certainly wrong as to Bonaparte having no thought of the navy. In a letter of 1784 to the Minister of War his father says of Napoleon that, "following the advice of the Comte de Marbeuf, he has turned his studies towards the navy; and so well has he succeeded that he was intended by M. De Keralio for the school of Paris, and afterwards for the department of Toulon. The retirement of the former professor (Keralio) has changed the fate of my son. " It was only on the failure of his intention to get into the navy that his father, on 15th July 1784 applied for permission for him to enter the artillery; Napoleon having a horror of the infantry, where he said they did nothing. It was on the success of this application that he was allowed to enter the school of Parts (Iung, tome i. Pp. 91-103). Oddly enough, in later years, on 30th August 1792, having just succeeded in getting himself reinstated as captain after his absence, overstaying leave, he applied to pass into the Artillerie de la Marine. "The application was judged to be simply absurd, and was filed with this note, 'S. R. ' ('sans reponse')" (Iung, tome ii. P. 201)]--

In consequence of M. De Keralio's report, Bonaparte was transferred tothe Military College of Paris, along with MM. Montarby de Dampierre, deCastres, de Comminges, and de Laugier de Bellecourt, who were all, likehim, educated at the public expense, and all, at least, as favorablyreported. 

What could have induced Sir Walter Scott to say that Bonaparte was thepride of the college, that our mathematical master was exceedingly fondof him, and that the other professors in the different sciences had equalreason to be satisfied with him? What I have above stated, together withthe report of M. De Keralio, bear evidence of his backwardness in almostevery branch of education except mathematics. Neither was it, as SirWalter affirms, his precocious progress in mathematics that occasionedhim to be removed to Paris. He had attained the proper age, and thereport of him was favourable, therefore he was very naturally includedamong the number of the five who were chosen in 1784. 

In a biographical account of Bonaparte I have read the followinganecdote:--When he was fourteen years of age he happened to be at a partywhere some one pronounced a high eulogium on Turenne; and a lady in thecompany observed that he certainly was a great man, but that she shouldlike him better if he had not burned the Palatinate. "What signifiesthat, " replied Bonaparte, "if it was necessary to the object he had inview?"

This is either an anachronism or a mere fabrication. Bonaparte wasfourteen in the year 1783. He was then at Brienne, where certainly hedid not go into company, and least of all the company of ladies. 

CHAPTER II. 

1784-1794. 

 Bonaparte enters the Military College of Paris--He urges me to embrace the military profession--His report on the state of the Military School of Paris--He obtains a commission--I set off for Vienna--Return to Paris, where I again meet Bonaparte--His singular plans for raising money--Louis XVI, with the red cap on his head-- The 10th of August--My departure for Stuttgart--Bonaparte goes to Corsica--My name inscribed on the list of emigrants--Bonaparte at the siege of Toulon--Le Souper de Beaucaire--Napoleon's mission to Genoa--His arrest--His autographical justification --Duroc's first connection with Bonaparte. 

Bonaparte was fifteen years and two months old when he went to theMilitary College of Paris. 

 --[Madame Junot relates some interesting particulars connected with Napoleon's first residence in Paris: "My mother's first care, " says she, "on arriving in Paris was to inquire after Napoleon Bonaparte. He was at that time in the military school at Paris, having quitted Brienne in the September of the preceding year. 

 "My uncle Demetrius had met him just after he alighted from the coach which brought him to town; 'And truly. ' said my uncle, 'he had the appearance of a fresh importation. I met him in the Palms Royal, where he was gaping and staring with wonder at everything he saw. He would have been an excellent subject for sharpers, if, indeed, he had had anything worth taking!' My uncle invited him to dine at his house; for though my uncle was a bachelor, he did not choose to dine at a 'traiteur' (the name 'restaurateur' was not then introduced). He told my mother that Napoleon was very morose. 'I fear, ' added he, 'that that young man has more self-conceit than is suitable to his condition. When he dined with me he began to declaim violently against the luxury of the young men of the military school. After a little he turned the conversation on Mania, and the present education of the young Maniotes, drawing a comparison between it and the ancient Spartan system of education. His observations on this head be told me he intended to embody in a memorial to be presented to the Minister of War. All this, depend upon it, will bring him under the displeasure of his comrades; and it will be lucky if he escape being run through. ' A few days afterwards my mother saw Napoleon, and then his irritability was at its height. He would scarcely bear any observations, even if made in his favour, and I am convinced that it is to this uncontrollable irritability that he owed the reputation of having been ill-tempered in his boyhood, and splenetic in his youth. My father, who was acquainted with almost all the heads of the military school, obtained leave for him sometimes to come out for recreation. On account of an accident (a sprain, if I recollect rightly) Napoleon once spent a whole week at our house. To this day, whenever I pass the Quai Conti, I cannot help looking up at a 'mansarde' at the left angle of the house on the third floor. That was Napoleon's chamber when he paid us a visit, and a neat little room it was. My brother used to occupy the one next to it. The two young men were nearly of the same age: my brother perhaps had the advantage of a year or fifteen months. My mother had recommended him to cultivate the friendship of young Bonaparte; but my brother complained how unpleasant it was to find only cold politeness where he expected affection. This repulsiveness on the part of Napoleon was almost offensive, and must have been sensibly felt by my brother, who was not only remarkable for the mildness of his temper and the amenity and grace of his manner, but whose society was courted in the most distinguished circles of Paris on account of his accomplishments. He perceived in Bonaparte a kind of acerbity and bitter irony, of which he long endeavoured to discover the cause. 'I believe, ' said Albert one day to my mother, 'that the poor young man feels keenly his dependent situation. '" ('Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. I. P. 18, edit. 1883). ]--

I accompanied him in a carriole as far as Nogent Sur Seine, whence thecoach was to start. We parted with regret, and we did not meet againtill the year 1792. During these eight years we maintained an activecorrespondence; but so little did I anticipate the high destiny which, after his elevation, it was affirmed the wonderful qualities of hisboyhood plainly denoted, that I did not preserve one of the lettershe wrote to me at that period, but tore them up as soon as they wereanswered. 

 --[I remember, however, that in a letter which I received from him about a year after his arrival in Paris he urged me to keep my promise of entering the army with him. Like him, I had passed through the studies necessary for the artillery service; and in 1787 I went for three months to Metz, in order to unite practice with theory. A strange Ordinance, which I believe was issued in 1778 by M. De Segur, required that a man should possess four quarterings of nobility before he could be qualified to serve his king and country as a military officer. My mother went to Paris, taking with her the letters patent of her husband, who died six weeks after my birth. She proved that in the year 1640 Louis XIII. Had, by letters patent, restored the titles of one Fauvelet de Villemont, who in 1586 had kept several provinces of Burgundy subject to the king's authority at the peril of his life and the loss of his property; and that his family had occupied the first places in the magistracy since the fourteenth century. All was correct, but it was observed that the letters of nobility had not been registered by the Parliament, and to repair this little omission, the sum of twelve thousand francs was demanded. This my mother refused to pay, and there the matter rested. ]--

On his arrival at the Military School of Paris, Bonaparte found theestablishment on so brilliant and expensive a footing that he immediatelyaddressed a memorial on the subject to the Vice-Principal Berton ofBrienne. 

 --[A second memoir prepared by him to the same effect was intended for the Minister of War, but Father Berton wisely advised silence to the young cadet (Iung, tome i. P. 122). Although believing in the necessity of show and of magnificence in public life, Napoleon remained true to these principles. While lavishing wealth on his ministers and marshals, "In your private life, " said be, "be economical and even parsimonious; in public be magnificent" (Meneval, tome i. P. 146). ]--

He showed that the plan of education was really pernicious, and far frombeing calculated to fulfil the object which every wise government musthave in view. The result of the system, he said, was to inspire thepupils, who were all the sons of poor gentlemen, with a love ofostentation, or rather, with sentiments of vanity and self-sufficiency;so that, instead of returning happy to the bosom of their families, theywere likely to be ashamed of their parents, and to despise their humblehomes. Instead of the numerous attendants by whom they were surrounded, their dinners of two courses, and their horses and grooms, he suggestedthat they should perform little necessary services for themselves, suchas brushing their clothes, and cleaning their boots and shoes; that theyshould eat the coarse bread made for soldiers, etc. Temperance andactivity, he added, would render them robust, enable them to bear theseverity of different seasons and climates, to brave the fatigues of war, and to inspire the respect and obedience of the soldiers under theircommand. Thus reasoned Napoleon at the age of sixteen, and time showedthat he never deviated from these principles. The establishment of themilitary school at Fontainebleau is a decided proof of this. 

As Napoleon was an active observer of everything passing around him, andpronounced his opinion openly and decidedly, he did not remain long atthe Military School of Paris. His superiors, who were anxious to get ridof him, accelerated the period of his examination, and he obtained thefirst vacant sub-lieutenancy in a regiment of artillery. 

I left Brienne in 1787; and as I could not enter the artillery, I proceeded in the following year to Vienna, with a letter ofrecommendation to M. De Montmorin, soliciting employment in the FrenchEmbassy at the Court of Austria. 

I remained two months at Vienna, where I had the honour of twice seeingthe Emperor Joseph. The impression made upon me by his kind reception, his dignified and elegant manners, and graceful conversation, will neverbe obliterated from my recollection. After M. De Noailles had initiatedme in the first steps of diplomacy, he advised me to go to one of theGerman universities to study the law of nations and foreign languages. I accordingly repaired to Leipsic, about the time when the FrenchRevolution broke out. 

I spent some time at Leipsic, where I applied myself to the study of thelaw of nations, and the German and English languages. I afterwardstravelled through Prussia and Poland, and passed a part of the winter of1791 and 1792 at Warsaw, where I was most graciously received by PrincessTyszicwiez, niece of Stanislaus Augustus, the last King of Poland, andthe sister of Prince Poniatowski. The Princess was very well informed, and was a great admirer of French literature: At her invitation I passedseveral evenings in company with the King in a circle small enough toapproach to something like intimacy. I remember that his Majestyfrequently asked me to read the Moniteur; the speeches to which helistened with the greatest pleasure were those of the Girondists. ThePrincess Tyszicwiez wished to print at Warsaw, at her own expense, atranslation I had executed of Kotzebue's 'Menschenhass and Reue, to whichI gave the title of 'L'Inconnu'. 

 --[A play known on the English stage as The Stranger. ]--

I arrived at Vienna on the 26th of March 1792, when I was informed of theserious illness of the Emperor, Leopold II, who died on the followingday. In private companies, and at public places, I heard vaguesuspicions expressed of his having been poisoned; but the public, whowere admitted to the palace to see the body lie in state, were soonconvinced of the falsehood of these reports. I went twice to see themournful spectacle, and I never heard a word which was calculated toconfirm the odious suspicion, though the spacious hall in which theremains of the Emperor were exposed was constantly thronged with people. 

In the month of April 1792 I returned to Paris, where I again metBonaparte, --[Bonaparte is said, on very doubtful authority, to have spent five or six weeks in London in 1791 or 1792, and to have "lodged in a house in George Street, Strand. His chief occupation appeared to be taking pedestrian exercise in the streets of London--hence his marvellous knowledge of the great metropolis which used to astonish any Englishmen of distinction who were not aware of this visit. He occasionally took his cup of chocolate at the 'Northumberland, ' occupying himself in reading, and preserving a provoking taciturnity to the gentlemen in the room; though his manner was stern, his deportment was that of a gentleman. " The story of his visit is probably as apocryphal as that of his offering his services to the English Government when the English forces wore blockading the coast of Corsica, ]--

and our college intimacy was fully renewed. I was not very well off, andadversity was hanging heavily on him; his resources frequently failedhim. We passed our time like two young fellows of twenty-three who havelittle money and less occupation. Bonaparte was always poorer than I. Every day we conceived some new project or other. We were on thelook-out for some profitable speculation. At one time he wanted me tojoin him in renting several houses, then building in the Rue Montholon, to underlet them afterwards. We found the demands of the landlordsextravagant--everything failed. 

At the same time he was soliciting employment at the War Office, and I atthe office of Foreign Affairs. I was for the moment the luckier of thetwo. 

While we were spending our time in a somewhat vagabond way, --[It was before the 20th of June that in our frequent excursions around Paris we went to St. Cyr to see his sister Marianne (Elisa). We returned to dine alone at Trianon. --Bourrienne. ]--

the 20th of June arrived. We met by appointment at a restaurateur's inthe Rue St. Honore, near the Palais Royal, to take one of our dailyrambles. On going out we saw approaching, in the direction of themarket, a mob, which Bonaparte calculated at five or six thousand men. They were all in rags, ludicrously armed with weapons of everydescription, and were proceeding hastily towards the Tuilleries, vociferating all kinds of gross abuse. It was a collection of all thatwas most vile and abject in the purlieus of Paris. "Let us follow themob, " said Bonaparte. We got the start of them, and took up our stationon the terrace of the banks of the river. It was there that he witnessedthe scandalous scenes which took place; and it would be difficult todescribe the surprise and indignation which they excited in him. Whenthe King showed himself at the windows overlooking the garden, with thered cap, which one of the mob had put on his head, he could no longerrepress his indignation. "Che coglione!" he loudly exclaimed. "Why havethey let in all that rabble! They should sweep off four or five hundredof them with the cannon; the rest would then set off fast enough. "

When we sat down to dinner, which I paid for, as I generally did, for Iwas the richer of the two, he spoke of nothing but the scene we hadwitnessed. He discussed with great good sense the causes andconsequences of this unrepressed insurrection. He foresaw and developedwith sagacity all that would ensue. He was not mistaken. The 10th ofAugust soon arrived. I was then at Stuttgart, where I was appointedSecretary of Legation. 

At St. Helena Bonaparte said, "On the news of the attack of theTuilleries, on the 10th of August, I hurried to Fauvelet, Bourrienne'sbrother, who then kept a furniture warehouse at the Carrousel. " This ispartly correct. My brother was connected with what was termed an'enterprise d'encan national', where persons intending to quit Francereceived an advance of money, on depositing any effects which they wishedto dispose of, and which were sold for them immediately. Bonaparte hadsome time previously pledged his watch in this way. 

After the fatal 10th of August Bonaparte went to Corsica, and did notreturn till 1793. Sir Walter Scott says that after that time he neversaw Corsica again. This is a mistake, as will be shown when I speak ofhis return from Egypt. 

 --[Sir Walter appears to have collected his information for the Life of Napoleon only from those libels and vulgar stories which gratified the calumnious spirit and national hatred. His work is written with excessive negligence, which, added to its numerous errors, shows how much respect he must have entertained for his readers. It would appear that his object was to make it the inverse of his novels, where everything is borrowed from history. I have been assured that Marshal Macdonald having offered to introduce Scott to some generals who could have furnished him with the most accurate, information respecting military events, the glory of which they had shared, Sir Walter replied, "I thank you, but I shall collect my information from unprofessional reports. "--Bourrienne. ]--

Having been appointed Secretary of Legation to Stuttgart, I set off forthat place on the 2d of August, and I did not again see my ardent youngfriend until 1795. He told me that my departure accelerated his forCorsica. We separated, as may be supposed, with but faint hopes of evermeeting again. 

By a decree of the 28th of March of 1793, all French agents abroad wereordered to return to France, within three months, under pain of beingregarded as emigrants. What I had witnessed before my departure forStuttgart, the excitement in which I had left the public mind, and thewell-known consequences of events of this kind, made me fear that Ishould be compelled to be either an accomplice or a victim in thedisastrous scenes which were passing at home. My disobedience of the lawplaced my name on the list of emigrants. 

It has been said of me, in a biographical publication, that "it was asremarkable as it was fortunate for Bourrienne that, on his return, he gothis name erased from the list of emigrants of the department of theYonne, on which it had been inscribed during his first journey toGermany. This circumstance has been interpreted in several differentways, which are not all equally favourable to M. De Bourrienne. "

I do not understand what favourable interpretations can be put upon astatement entirely false. General Bonaparte repeatedly applied for theerasure of my name, from the month of April 1797, when I rejoined him atLeoben, to the period of the signature of the treaty of Campo-Formio; butwithout success. He desired his brother Louis, Berthier, Bernadotte, andothers, when he sent them to the Directory, to urge my erasure; but invain. He complained of this inattention to his wishes to Bottot, when hecame to Passeriano, after the 18th Fructidor. Bottot, who was secretaryto Barras, was astonished that I was not erased, and he made finepromises of what he would do. On his return to France he wrote toBonaparte: "Bourrienne is erased. " But this was untrue. I was noterased until November 1797, upon the reiterated solicitations of GeneralBonaparte. 

It was during my absence from France that Bonaparte, in the rank of 'chefde bataillon', performed his first campaign, and contributed somaterially to the recapture of Toulon. Of this period of his life I haveno personal knowledge, and therefore I shall not speak of it as aneye-witness. I shall merely relate some facts which fill up the intervalbetween 1793 and 1795, and which I have collected from papers which hehimself delivered to me. Among these papers is a little production, entitled 'Le Souper de Beaucaire', the copies of which he bought up atconsiderable expense, and destroyed upon his attaining the Consulate. This little pamphlet contains principles very opposite to those he wishedto see established in 1800, a period when extravagant ideas of libertywere no longer the fashion, and when Bonaparte entered upon a systemtotally the reverse of those republican principles professed in'Le Souper de Beaucaire. 

 --[This is not, as Sir Walter says, a dialogue between Marat and a Federalist, but a conversation between a military officer, a native of Nismes, a native of Marseilles, and a manufacturer from Montpellier. The latter, though he takes a share in the conversation, does not say much. 'Le Souper de Beaucaire' is given at full length in the French edition of these Memoirs, tome i. Pp. 319-347; and by Iung, tome ii. P. 354, with the following remarks: "The first edition of 'Le Souper de Beaucaire' was issued at the cost of the Public Treasury, in August 1798. Sabin Tournal, its editor, also then edited the 'Courrier d'Avignon'. The second edition only appeared twenty-eight years afterwards, in 1821, preceded by an introduction by Frederick Royou (Paris: Brasseur Aine, printer, Terrey, publisher, in octavo). This pamphlet did not make any sensation at the time it appeared. It was only when Napoleon became Commandant of the Army of Italy that M. Loubet, secretary and corrector of the press for M. Tournal, attached some value to the manuscript, and showed it to several persona. Louis Bonaparte, later, ordered several copies from M. Aurel. The pamphlet, dated 29th duly 1793, is in the form of a dialogue between an officer of the army, a citizen of Nismes, a manufacturer of Montpellier, and a citizen of Marseilles. Marseilles was then in a state of insurrection against the Convention. Its forces had seized Avignon, but had been driven out by the army of Cartesna, which was about to attack Marseilles itself. " In the dialogue the officer gives most excellent military advice to the representative of Marseilles on the impossibility of their resisting the old soldiers of Carteaux. The Marseilles citizen argues but feebly, and is alarmed at the officer's representations; while his threat to call in the Spaniards turns the other speakers against him. Even Colonel Iung says, tome ii. P. 372, "In these concise judgments is felt the decision of the master and of the man of war. .. .. These marvellous qualities consequently struck the members of the Convention, who made much of Bonaparte, authorised him to have it published at the public expense, and made him many promises. " Lanfrey, vol. I. Pp. 201, says of this pamphlets "Common enough ideas, expressed in a style only remarkable for its 'Italianisms, ' but becoming singularly firm and precise every time the author expresses his military views. Under an apparent roughness, we find in it a rare circumspection, leaving no hold on the writer, even if events change. "]--

It may be remarked, that in all that has come to us from St. Helena, nota word is said of this youthful production. Its character sufficientlyexplains this silence. In all Bonaparte's writings posterity willprobably trace the profound politician rather than the enthusiasticrevolutionist. 

Some documents relative to Bonaparte's suspension and arrest, by order ofthe representatives Albitte and Salicetti, serve to place in their truelight circumstances which have hitherto been misrepresented. I shallenter into some details of this event, because I have seen it stated thatthis circumstance of Bonaparte's life has been perverted andmisrepresented by every person who has hitherto written about him; andthe writer who makes this remark, himself describes the affairincorrectly and vaguely. Others have attributed Bonaparte's misfortuneto a military discussion on war, and his connection with Robespierre theyounger. 

 --[It will presently be seen that all this is erroneous, and that Sir Walter commits another mistake when he says that Bonaparte's connection with Robespierre was attended with fatal consequences to him, and that his justification consisted in acknowledging that his friends were very different from what he had supposed them to be. --Bourrienne. ]--

It has, moreover, been said that Albitte and Salicetti explained to theCommittee of Public Safety the impossibility of their resuming themilitary operations unaided by the talents of General Bonaparte. This ismere flattery. The facts are these:

On the 13th of July 1794 (25th Messidor, year II), the representatives ofthe people with the army of Italy ordered that General Bonaparte shouldproceed to Genoa, there, conjointly with the French 'charge d'affaires', to confer on certain subjects with the Genoese Government. This mission, together with a list of secret instructions, directing him to examine thefortresses of Genoa and the neighbouring country, show the confidencewhich Bonaparte, who was then only twenty-five, inspired in men who weredeeply interested in making a prudent choice of their agents. 

Bonaparte set off for Genoa, and fulfilled his mission. The 9thThermidor arrived, and the deputies, called Terrorists, were supersededby Albitte and Salicetti. In the disorder which then prevailed they wereeither ignorant of the orders given to General Bonaparte, or personsenvious of the rising glory of the young general of artillery inspiredAlbitte and Salicetti with suspicions prejudicial to him. Be this as itmay, the two representatives drew up a resolution, ordering that GeneralBonaparte should be arrested, suspended from his rank, and arraignedbefore the Committee of Public Safety; and, extraordinary as it mayappear, this resolution was founded in that very journey to Genoa whichBonaparte executed by the direction of the representatives of the people. 

 --[Madame Junot throws some light on this Persecution of Bonaparte by Salicetti. "One motive (I do not mean to say the only one), " remarks this lady, "of the animosity shown by Salicetti to Bonaparte, in the affair of Loano, was that they were at one time suitors to the same lady. I am not sure whether it was in Corsica or in Paris, but I know for a fact that Bonaparte, in spite of his youth, or perhaps I should rather say on account of his youth, was the favoured lover. It was the opinion of my brother, who was secretary to Salicetti, that Bonaparte owed his life to a circumstance which is not very well known. The fact is, that Salicetti received a letter from Bonaparte, the contents of which appeared to make a deep impression on him. Bonaparte's papers had been delivered into Salicetti's hands, who, after an attentive perusal of them, laid them aside with evident dissatisfaction. He then took them up again, and read them a second time. Salicetti declined my brother's assistance is the examination of the papers, and after a second examination, which was probably as unsatisfactory as the first, he seated himself with a very abstracted air. It would appear that he had seen among the papers some document which concerned himself. Another curious fact is, that the man who had the care of the papers after they were sealed up was an inferior clerk entirely under the control of Salicetti; and my brother, whose business it was to have charge of the papers, was directed not to touch them. He has often spoken to me of this circumstance, and I mention it here as one of importance to the history of the time. Nothing that relates to a man like Napoleon can be considered useless or trivial. 

 "What, after all, was the result of this strange business which might have cost Bonaparte his head?--for, had he been taken to Paris and tried by the Committee of Public Safety, there is little doubt that the friend of Robespierre the younger would have been condemned by Billaud-Varennes and Collot d'Herbois. The result was the acquittal of the accused. This result is the more extraordinary, since it would appear that at that time Salicetti stood in fear of the young general. A compliment is even paid to Bonaparte in the decree, by which he was provisionally restored to liberty. That liberation was said to be granted on the consideration that General Bonaparte might be useful to the Republic. This was foresight; but subsequently when measures were taken which rendered Bonaparte no longer an object of fear, his name was erased from the list of general officers, and it is a curious fact that Cambaceres, who was destined to be his colleague in the Consulate, was one of the persons who signed the act of erasure" (Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. I, p. 69, edit. 1843). ]--

Bonaparte said at St. Helena that he was a short time imprisoned by orderof the representative Laporte; but the order for his arrest was signed byAlbitte, Salicetti, and Laporte. 

 --[Albitte and Laporte were the representatives sent from the Convention to the army of the Alps, and Salicetti to the army of Italy. ]--

Laporte was not probably the most influential of the three, for Bonapartedid not address his remonstrance to him. He was a fortnight underarrest. 

Had the circumstance occurred three weeks earlier, and had Bonaparte beenarraigned before the Committee of Public Safety previous to the 9thThermidor, there is every probability that his career would have been atan end; and we should have seen perish on the scaffold, at the age oftwenty-five, the man who, during the twenty-five succeeding years, wasdestined to astonish the world by his vast conceptions, his giganticprojects, his great military genius, his extraordinary good fortune, hisfaults, reverses, and final misfortunes. 

It is worth while to remark that in the post-Thermidorian resolution justalluded to no mention is made of Bonaparte's association with Robespierrethe younger. The severity with which he was treated is the moreastonishing, since his mission to Genoa was the alleged cause of it. Was there any other charge against him, or had calumny triumphed over theservices he had rendered to his country? I have frequently conversedwith him on the subject of this adventure, and he invariably assured methat he had nothing to reproach himself with, and that his defence, whichI shall subjoin, contained the pure expression of his sentiments, and theexact truth. 

In the following note, which he addressed to Albitte and Salicetti, hemakes no mention of Laporte. The copy which I possess is in thehandwriting of, Junot, with corrections in the General's hand. Itexhibits all the characteristics of Napoleon's writing: his shortsentences, his abrupt rather than concise style, sometimes his elevatedideas, and always his plain good sense. 

 TO THE REPRESENTATIVES ALBITTE AND SALICETTI. 

You have suspended me from my duties, put me under arrest, and declaredme to be suspected. 

Thus I am disgraced before being judged, or indeed judged before beingheard. 

In a revolutionary state there are two classes, the suspected and thepatriots. 

When the first are aroused, general measures are adopted towards them forthe sake of security. 

The oppression of the second class is a blow to public liberty. Themagistrate cannot condemn until after the fullest evidence and asuccession of facts. This leaves nothing to arbitrary decision. 

To declare a patriot suspected is to deprive him of all that he mosthighly values--confidence and esteem. 

In what class am I placed?

Since the commencement of the Revolution, have I not always been attachedto its principles?

Have I not always been contending either with domestic enemies or foreignfoes?

I sacrificed my home, abandoned my property, and lost everything for theRepublic?

I have since served with some distinction at Toulon, and earned a part ofthe laurels of the army of Italy at the taking of Saorgio, Oneille, andTanaro. 

On the discovery of Robespierre's conspiracy, my conduct was that of aman accustomed to look only to principles. 

My claim to the title of patriot, therefore cannot be disputed. 

Why, then, am I declared suspected without being heard, and arrestedeight days after I heard the news of the tyrant's death I am declaredsuspected, and my papers are placed under seal. 

The reverse of this course ought to have been adopted. My papers shouldfirst have been sealed; then I should have been called on for myexplanation; and, lastly, declared suspected, if there was reason forcoming to, such a decision. 

It is wished that I should go to Paris with an order which declares mesuspected. It will naturally be presumed that the representatives didnot draw up this decree without accurate information, and I shall bejudged with the bias which a man of that class merits. 

Though a patriot and an innocent and calumniated man, yet whatevermeasures may be adopted by the Committee I cannot complain. 

If three men declare that I have committed a crime, I cannot complain ofthe jury who condemns me. 

Salicetti, you know me; and I ask whether you have observed anything inmy conduct for the last five years which can afford ground of suspicion?

Albitte, you do not know me; but you have received proof of no factagainst me; you have not heard me, and you know how artfully the tongueof calumny sometimes works. 

Must I then be confounded with the enemies of my country and ought thepatriots inconsiderately to sacrifice a general who has not been uselessto the Republic? Ought the representatives to reduce the Government tothe necessity of being unjust and impolitic?

Hear me; destroy the oppression that overwhelms me, and restore me to theesteem of the patriots. 

An hour after, if my enemies wish for my life, let them take it. I haveoften given proofs how little I value ft. Nothing but the thought that Imay yet be useful to my country makes me bear the burden of existencewith courage. 

It appears that this defence, which is remarkable for its energeticsimplicity, produced an effect on Albitte and Salicetti. Inquiries moreaccurate, and probably more favourable to the General, were instituted;and on the 3d Fructidor (20th August 1794) the representatives of thepeople drew up a decree stating that, after a careful examination ofGeneral Bonaparte's papers, and of the orders he had received relative tohis mission to Genoa, they saw nothing to justify any suspicion of hisconduct; and that, moreover, taking into consideration the advantage thatmight accrue to the Republic from the military talents of the saidGeneral Bonaparte, it was resolved that he should be provisionally set atliberty. 

 --[With reference to the arrest of Bonaparte (which lasted thirteen days) see 'Bourrienne et ses Erreurs', tome i. Pp. 16-28, and Iung, tome ii. Pp. 443-457. Both, in opposition to Bourrienne, attribute the arrest to his connection with the younger Robespierre. Apparently Albitte and Salicetti wets not acquainted with the secret plan of campaign prepared by the younger Robespierre and by Bonaparte, or with the real instructions given for the mission to Genoa. Jealousy between the representatives in the staff of the army of the Alps and those with the army of Italy, with which Napoleon was, also played a part in the affair. Iung looks on Salicetti as acting as the protector of the Bonapartes; but Napoleon does not seem to have regarded him in that light; see the letter given in Tunot, vol. I. P. 106, where in 1795 he takes credit for not returning the ill done to him; see also the same volume, p. 89. Salicetti eventually became Minister of Police to Joseph, when King of Naples, in 1806; but when he applied to return to France, Napoleon said to Mathieu Dumas, "Let him know that I am not powerful enough to protect the wretches who voted for the death of Louis XVI. From the contempt and indignation of the public" (Dumas, tome iii. P. 318). At the same time Napoleon described Salicetti as worse than the lazzaroni. ]--

Salicetti afterwards became the friend and confidant of young Bonaparte;but their intimacy did not continue after his elevation. 

What is to be thought of the motives for Bonaparte's arrest andprovisional liberation, when his innocence and the error that had beencommitted were acknowledged? The importance of the General's militarytalents, though no mention is made about the impossibility of dispensingwith them, is a pretence for restoring him to that liberty of which hehad been unjustly deprived. 

It was not at Toulon, as has been stated, that Bonaparte took Duroc intothe artillery, and made him his 'aide de camp'. 

 --[Michel Duroc (1773-1813) at first only aide de camp to Napoleon, was several times entrusted with special diplomatic missions (for example, to Berlin, etc. ) On the formation of the Empire he became Grand Marechal du Palais, and Duc de Frioul. He always remained in close connection with Napoleon until he was killed in 1813. As he is often mentioned in contemporary memoirs under his abbreviated title of 'Marshal', he has sometimes been erroneously included in the number of the Marshals of the Empire--a military rank he never attained to. ]--

The acquaintance was formed at a subsequent period, in Italy. Duroc'scold character and unexcursive mind suited Napoleon, whose confidence heenjoyed until his death, and who entrusted him with missions perhapsabove his abilities. At St. Helena Bonaparte often declared that he wasmuch attached to Duroc. I believe this to be true; but I know that theattachment was not returned. The ingratitude of princes is proverbial. May it not happen that courtiers are also sometimes ungrateful?--[It isonly just to Duroc to add that this charge does not seem borne out by theimpressions of those more capable than Bourrienne of judging in thematter. ]

CHAPTER III. 

1794-1795. 

 Proposal to send Bonaparte to La Vendee--He is struck off the list of general officers--Salicetti--Joseph's marriage with Mademoiselle Clary--Bonaparte's wish to go to Turkey--Note explaining the plan of his proposed expedition--Madame Bourrienne's character of Bonaparte, and account of her husband's arrest--Constitution of the year III-- The 13th Vendemiaire--Bonaparte appointed second in command of the army of the interior--Eulogium of Bonaparte by Barras, and its consequences--St. Helena manuscript. 

General Bonaparte returned to Paris, where I also arrived from Germanyshortly after him. Our intimacy was resumed, and he gave me an accountof, all that had passed in the campaign of the south. He frequentlyalluded to the persecutions he had suffered, and he delivered to me thepacket of papers noticed in the last chapter, desiring me to communicatetheir contents to my friends. He was very anxious, he said, to do awaywith the supposition that he was capable of betraying his country, and, under the pretence of a mission to Genoa, becoming a SPY on the interestsof France. He loved to talk over his military achievements at Toulon andin Italy. He spoke of his first successes with that feeling of pleasureand gratification which they were naturally calculated to excite in him. 

The Government wished to send him to La Vendee, with the rank ofbrigadier-general of infantry. Bonaparte rejected this proposition ontwo grounds. He thought the scene of action unworthy of his talents, andhe regarded his projected removal from the artillery to the infantry as asort of insult. This last was his most powerful objection, and was theonly one he urged officially. In consequence of his refusal to acceptthe appointment offered him, the Committee of Public Safety decreed thathe should be struck off the list of general officers. 

 --[This statement as to the proposed transfer of Bonaparte to the infantry, his disobedience to the order, and his consequent dismissal, is fiercely attacked in the 'Erreurs', tome i. Chap. Iv. It is, however, correct in some points; but the real truths about Bonaparte's life at this time seem so little known that it may be well to explain the whole matter. On the 27th of March 1795 Bonaparte, already removed from his employment in the south, was ordered to proceed to the army of the west to command its artillery as brigadier-general. He went as far as Paris, and then lingered there, partly on medical certificate. While in Paris he applied, as Bourrienne says, to go to Turkey to organise its artillery. His application, instead of being neglected, as Bourrienne says, was favourably received, two members of the 'Comite de Saint Public' putting on its margin most favorable reports of him; one, Jean Debry, even saying that he was too distinguished an officer to be sent to a distance at such a time. Far from being looked on as the half-crazy fellow Bourrienne considered him at that time, Bonaparte was appointed, on the 21st of August 1795, one of four generals attached as military advisers to the Committee for the preparation of warlike operations, his own department being a most important one. He himself at the time tells Joseph that he is attached to the topographical bureau of the Comite de Saint Public, for the direction of the armies in the place of Carnot. It is apparently this significant appointment to which Madame Junot, wrongly dating it, alludes as "no great thing" (Junot, vol. I, p. 143). Another officer was therefore substituted for him as commander of Roches artillery, a fact made use of in the Erreurs (p. 31) to deny his having been dismissed--But a general re-classification of the generals was being made. The artillery generals were in excess of their establishment, and Bonaparte, as junior in age, was ordered on 13th June to join Hoche's army at Brest to command a brigade of infantry. All his efforts to get the order cancelled failed, and as he did not obey it he was struck off the list of employed general officers on the 15th of September 1795, the order of the 'Comite de Salut Public' being signed by Cambaceres, Berber, Merlin, and Boissy. His application to go to Turkey still, however, remained; and it is a curious thing that, on the very day he was struck off the list, the commission which had replaced the Minister of War recommended to the 'Comite de Saint Public' that he and his two aides de camp, Junot and Livrat, with other officers, under him, should be sent to Constantinople. So late as the 29th of September, twelve days later, this matter was being considered, the only question being as to any departmental objections to the other officers selected by him, a point which was just being settled. But on the 13th Vendemiaire (5th October 1795), or rather on the night before, only nineteen days after his removal, he was appointed second in command to Barras, a career in France was opened to him, and Turkey was no longer thought of. 

 Thiers (vol. Iv, p. 326) and most writers, contemporary and otherwise, say that Aubry gave the order for his removal from the list. Aubry, himself a brigadier-general of artillery, did not belong to the 'Comite de Salut Public' at the time Bonaparte was removed from the south; and he had left the Comite early is August, that is, before the order striking Bonaparte off was given. Aubry was, however, on the Comite in June 1795, and signed the order, which probably may have originated from him, for the transfer of Bonaparte to the infantry. It will be seen that, in the ordinary military sense of the term, Napoleon was only in Paris without employment from the 15th of September to the 4th or 6th of October 1796; all the rest of the time in Paris he had a command which he did not choose to take up. The distress under which Napoleon is said to have laboured in pecuniary matters was probably shared by most officers at that time; see 'Erreurs', tome i. P. 32. This period is fully described in Iung, tome ii. P. 476, and tome iii. Pp. 1-93. ]--

Deeply mortified at this unexpected stroke, Bonaparte retired intoprivate life, and found himself doomed to an inactivity very uncongenialwith his ardent character. He lodged in the Rue du Mail, in an hotelnear the Place des Victoires, and we recommenced the sort of life we hadled in 1792, before his departure for Corsica. It was not without astruggle that he determined to await patiently the removal of theprejudices which were cherished against him by men in power; and he hopedthat, in the perpetual changes which were taking place, those men mightbe superseded by others more favourable to him. He frequently dined andspent the evening with me and my elder brother; and his pleasantconversation and manners made the hours pass away very agreeably. Icalled on him almost every morning, and I met at his lodgings severalpersons who were distinguished at the time; among others Salicetti, withwhom he used to maintain very animated conversations, and who would oftensolicit a private interview with him. On one occasion Salicetti paid himthree thousand francs, in assignats, as the price of his carriage, whichhis straitened circumstances obliged him to dispose of. 

 --[Of Napoleon's poverty at this time Madame Junot says, "On Bonaparte's return to Paris, after the misfortunes of which he accused Salicetti of being the cause, he was in very destitute circumstances. His family, who were banished from Corsica, found an asylum at Marseilles; and they could not now do for him what they would have done had they been in the country whence they derived their pecuniary resources. From time to time he received remittances of money, and I suspect they came from his excellent brother Joseph, who had then recently married 'Mademoiselle Clary; but with all his economy these supplies were insufficient. Bonaparte was therefore in absolute distress. Junot often used to speak of the six months they passed together in Paris at this time. When they took an evening stroll on the Boulevard, which used to be the resort of young men, mounted on fine horses, and displaying ell the luxury which they were permitted to show at that time, Bonaparte would declaim against fate, and express his contempt for the dandies with their whiskers and their 'orielles de chiene', who, as they rode Past, were eulogising in ecstasy the manner in which Madame Scio sang. And it is on such beings as these, ' he would say, 'that Fortune confers her favours. Grand Dieu! how contemptible is human nature!'" (Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. I. P. 80, edit. 1883. )]--

I could, easily perceive that our young friend either was or wished to beinitiated in some political intrigue; and I moreover suspected thatSalicetti had bound him by an oath not to disclose the plans that werehatching. 

He became pensive, melancholy, and anxious; and he always looked withimpatience for Salicetti's daily visit. 

 --[Salicetti was implicated in the insurrection of the 20th May 1795, 1st Prairial, Year III. , and was obliged to fly to Venice. ]--

Sometimes, withdrawing his mind from political affairs, he would envythe happiness of his brother Joseph, who had just then marriedMademoiselle Clary, the daughter of a rich and respectable merchant ofMarseilles. He would often say, "That Joseph is a lucky rogue. "

Meanwhile time passed away, and none of his projects succeeded--none ofhis applications were listened to. He was vexed by the injustice withwhich he was treated, and tormented by the desire of entering upon someactive pursuit. He could not endure the thought of remaining buried inthe crowd. He determined to quit France; and the favourite idea, whichhe never afterwards relinquished, that the East is a fine field forglory, inspired him with the wish to proceed to Constantinople, and toenter the service of the Grand Seignior. What romantic plans, whatstupendous projects he conceived! He asked me whether I would go withhim? I replied in the negative. I looked upon him as a half-crazy youngfellow, who was driven to extravagant enterprises and desperateresolutions by his restless activity of mind, joined to the irritatingtreatment he had experienced, and, perhaps, it may be added, his want ofmoney. He did not blame me for my refusal to accompany him; and he toldme that Junot, Marmont, and some other young officers whom he had knownat Toulon, would be willing to follow his fortunes. 

He drew up a note which commenced with the words 'Note for . . . 'It was addressed to no one, and was merely a plan. Some days after hewrote out another, which, however, did not differ very materially fromthe first, and which he addressed to Aubert and Coni. I made him a faircopy of it, and it was regularly for forwarded. It was as follows:--

 NOTE. 

At a moment when the Empress of Russia has strengthened her union withthe Emperor of Germany (Austria), it is the interest of France to doeverything in her power to increase the military power of Turkey. 

That power possesses a numerous and brave militia but is very backward inthe scientific part of the art of war. 

The organization and the service of the artillery, which, in our moderntactics, so powerfully facilitate the gaining of battles, and on which, almost exclusively, depend the attack and defence of fortresses, areespecially the points in which France excels, and in which the Turks aremost deficient. 

They have several times applied to us for artillery officers, and we havesent them some; but the officers thus sent have not been sufficientlypowerful, either in numbers or talent, to produce any important result. 

General Bonaparte, who, from his youth, has served in the artillery, ofwhich he was entrusted with the command at the siege of Toulon, and inthe two campaigns of Italy, offers his services to proceed to Turkey, with a mission from the (French) Government. 

He proposes to take along with him six or seven officers, of differentkinds, and who may be, altogether, perfect masters of the military art. 

He will have the satisfaction of being useful to his country in this newcareer, if he succeed in rendering the Turkish power more formidable, bycompleting the defence of their principal fortresses, and constructingnew ones. 

This note shows the error of the often-repeated assertion, that heproposed entering the service of the Turks against Austria. He makes nomention of such a thing; and the two countries were not at war. 

 --[The Scottish biographer makes Bonaparte say that it would be strange if a little Corsican should become King of Jerusalem. I never heard anything drop from him which supports the probability of such a remark, and certainly there is nothing in his note to warrant the inference of his having made it. --Bourrienne. ]--

No answer was returned to this note. Turkey remained unaided, andBonaparte unoccupied. I must confess that for the failure of thisproject, at least I was not sorry. I should have regretted to see ayoung man of great promise, and one for whom I cherished a sincerefriendship, devote himself to so uncertain a fate. Napoleon has lessthan any man provoked the events which have favoured him; no one has moreyielded to circumstances from which he was so skilful to deriveadvantages. If, however, a clerk of the War Office had but written onthe note, "Granted, " that little word would probably have changed thefate of Europe. 

Bonaparte remained in Paris, forming schemes for the gratification of hisambition, and his desire of making a figure in the world; but obstaclesopposed all he attempted. 

Women are better judges of character than men. Madame de Bourrienne, knowing the intimacy which subsisted between us, preserved some noteswhich she made upon Bonaparte, and the circumstances which struck her asmost remarkable, during her early connection with him. My wife did notentertain so favourable an opinion of him as I did; the warm friendship Icherished for him probably blinded me to his faults. I subjoin Madame deBourrienne's notes, word for word:

On the day after our second return from Germany, which was in May 1795, we mat Bonaparte in the Palais Royal, near a shop kept by a man namedGirardin. Bonaparte embraced Bourrienne as a friend whom he loved andwas glad to see. We went that evening to the Theatre Francais. Theperformance consisted of a tragedy; and 'Le Sourd, ou l'Auberge pleine'. During the latter piece the audience was convulsed with laughter. Thepart of Dasnieres was represented by Batiste the younger, and it wasnever played better. The bursts of laughter were so loud and frequentthat the actor was several times obliged to stop in the midst of hispart. Bonaparte alone (and it struck me as being very extraordinary) wassilent, and coldly insensible to the humour which was so irresistiblydiverting to everyone else. I remarked at this period that his characterwas reserved, and frequently gloomy. His smile was hypocritical, andoften misplaced; and I recollect that a few days after our return he gaveus one of these specimens of savage hilarity which I greatly disliked, and which prepossessed me against him. He was telling us that, beingbefore Toulon, where he commanded the artillery, one of his officers wasvisited by his wife, to wham he had been but a short time married, andwhom he tenderly loved. A few days after, orders were given for anotherattack upon the town, in which this officer was to be engaged. His wifecame to General Bonaparte, and with tears entreated him to dispense withher husband's services that day. The General was inexorable, as hehimself told us, with a sort of savage exaltation. The moment for theattack arrived, and the officer, though a very brave man, as Bonapartehim self-assured us, felt a presentiment of his approaching death. Heturned pale and trembled. Ha was stationed beside the General, andduring an interval when the firing from the town was very heavy, Bonaparte called out to him, "Take care, there is a shell coming!" Theofficer, instead of moving to one side, stooped down, and was literallysevered in two. Bonaparte laughed loudly while he described the eventwith horrible minuteness. At this time we saw him almost every day. Hefrequently came to dine with us. As there was a scarcity of bread, andsometimes only two ounces per head daily were distributed in the section, it was customary to request one's guests to bring their own bread, as itcould not be procured for money. Bonaparte and his brother Louis (amild, agreeable young man, who was the General's aide de army) used tobring with them their ration bread, which was black, and mixed with bran. I was sorry to observe that all this bad bread fell to the share of thepoor aide de camp, for we provided the General with a finer kind, whichwas made clandestinely by a pastrycook, from flour which we contrived tosmuggle from Sens, where my husband had some farms. Had we beendenounced, the affair might have cost us our heads. 

We spent six weeks in Paris, and we went frequently with Bonaparte to thetheatres, and to the fine concerts given by Garat in the Rue St. Marc. These were the first brilliant entertainments that took place after thedeath of Robespierre. There was always something original in Bonaparte'sbehaviour, for he often slipped away from us without saying a word; andwhen we were supposing he had left the theatre, we would suddenlydiscover him in the second or third tier, sitting alone in a box, andlooking rather sulky. 

Before our departure for Sens, where my husband's family reside, andwhich was fixed upon for the place of my first accouchement, we lookedout for more agreeable apartments than we had in the Rue Grenier St. Lazare, which we only had temporarily. Bonaparte used to assist us inour researches. At last we took the first floor of a handsome new house, No. 19 Rue des Marais. Bonaparte, who wished to stop in Paris, went tolook at a house opposite to ours. Ha had thoughts of taking it forhimself, his uncle Fesch (afterwards Cardinal Fesch), and a gentlemannamed Patrauld, formerly one of his masters at the Military School. Oneday he said, "With that house over there, my friends in it, and acabriolet, I shall be the happiest fellow in the world. "

We soon after left town for Sens. The house was not taken by him, forother and great affairs were preparing. During the interval between ourdeparture and the fatal day of Vendemiaire several letters passed betweenhim and his school companion. These letters were of the most amiable andaffectionate description. They have been stolen. On our return, inNovember of the same year, everything was changed. The college friendwas now a great personage. He had got the command of Paris in return forhis share in the events of Vendemiaire. Instead of a small house in theRue des Marais, he occupied a splendid hotel in the Rue des Capucines;the modest cabriolet was converted into a superb equipage, and the manhimself was no longer the same. But the friends of his youth were stillreceived when they made their morning calls. They were invited to granddejeuners, which were sometimes attended by ladies; and, among others, bythe beautiful Madame Tallien and her friend the amiable Madame deBeauharnais, to whom Bonaparte had begun to pay attention. He caredlittle for his friends, and ceased to address them in the style offamiliar equality. 

After the 13th of Vendemiaire M. De Bourrienne saw Bonaparte only atdistant periods. In the month of February 1796 my husband was arrested, at seven in the morning, by a party of men, armed with muskets, on thecharge of being a returned emigrant. He was torn from his wife and hischild, only six months old, being barely allowed time to dress himself. I followed him. They conveyed him to the guard-house of the Section, andthence I know not whither; and, finally, in the evening, they placed himin the lockup-house of the prefecture of police, which, I believe, is nowcalled the central bureau. There he passed two nights and a day, amongmen of the lowest description, some of whom were even malefactors. I andhis friends ran about everywhere, trying to find somebody to rescue him, and, among the rest, Bonaparte was applied to. It was with greatdifficulty he could be seen. Accompanied by one of my husband's friends, I waited for the commandant of Paris until midnight, but he did not comehome. Next morning I returned at an early hour, and found him. I statedwhat had happened to my husband, whose life was then at stake. Heappeared to feel very little for the situation of his friend, but, however; determined to write to Merlin, the Minister of Justice. Icarried the letter according to its address, and met the Minister as hewas coming downstairs, on his way to the Directory. Being in grandcostume, he wore a Henri IV. Hat, surmounted with a multitude of plumes, a dress which formed a singular contrast with his person. He opened theletter; and whether it was that he cared as little for the General as forthe cause of M. Do Bourrienne's arrest, he replied that the matter was nolonger in his hands, and that it was now under the cognisance of thepublic administrators of the laws. The Minister then stepped into hiscarriage, and the writer was conducted to several offices in his hotel. She passed through them with a broken heart, for she met with none butharsh men, who told her that the prisoner deserved death. From them shelearned that on the following day he would be brought before the judge ofthe peace for his Section, who would decide whether there was ground forputting him on his trial. In fact, this proceeding took place next day. He was conveyed to the house of the judge of the peace for the Section ofBondy, Rue Grange-sue-Belles, whose name was Lemaire. His countenancewas mild; and though his manner was cold, he had none of the harshnessand ferocity common to the Government agents of that time. Hisexamination of the charge was long, and he several times shook his head. The moment of decision had arrived, and everything seemed to indicatethat the termination would be to place the prisoner under accusation. At seven o'clock be desired me to be called. I hastened to him, andbeheld a most heart rending scene. Bourrienne was suffering under ahemorrhage, which had continued since two o'clock, and had interruptedthe examination. The judge of the peace, who looked sad, sat with hishead resting on his hand. I threw myself at his feet and implored hisclemency. The wife and the two daughters of the judge visited this sceneof sorrow, and assisted me in softening him. He was a worthy and feelingman, a good husband and parent, and it was evident that he struggledbetween compassion and duty. He kept referring to the laws on thesubject, and, after long researches said to me, "To-morrow is Decadi, andno proceedings can take place on that day. Find, madams, two responsiblepersons, who will answer for the appearance of your husband, and I willpermit him to go home with you, accompanied by the two guardians. " Nextday two friends were found, one of whom was M. Desmaisons, counsellor ofthe court, who became bail for M. De Bourrienne. He continued underthese guardians six months, until a law compelled the persons who wereinscribed on the fatal list to remove to the distance of ten leagues fromParis. One of the guardians was a man of straw; the other was a knightof St. Louis. The former was left in the antechamber; the latter made, every evening, one of our party at cards. The family of M. DeBourrienne have always felt the warmest gratitude to the judge of thepeace and his family. That worthy man saved the life of M. DeBourrienne, who, when he returned from Egypt, and had it in his power todo him some service, hastened to his house; but the good judge was nomore!

The letters mentioned in the narrative were at this time stolen from meby the police officers. 

Everyone was now eager to pay court to a man who had risen from the crowdin consequence of the part he had acted at an extraordinary crisis, andwho was spoken of as the future General of the Army of Italy. It wasexpected that he would be gratified, as he really was, by the restorationof some letters which contained the expression of his former very modestwishes, called to recollection his unpleasant situation, his limitedambition, his pretended aversion for public employment, and finallyexhibited his intimate relations with those who were, without hesitation, characterised as emigrants, to be afterwards made the victims ofconfiscation and death. 

The 13th of Vendemiaire (5th October 1795) was approaching. The NationalConvention had been painfully delivered of a new constitution, called, from the epoch of its birth, "the Constitution of Year III. " It wasadopted on the 22d of August 1795. The provident legislators did notforget themselves. They stipulated that two-thirds of their body shouldform part of the new legislature. The party opposed to the Conventionhoped, on the contrary, that, by a general election, a majority would beobtained for its opinion. That opinion was against the continuation ofpower in the hands of men who had already so greatly abused it. 

The same opinion was also entertained by a great part of the mostinfluential Sections of Paris, both as to the possession of property andtalent. These Sections declared that, in accepting the new constitution, they rejected the decree of the 30th of August, which required there-election of two-thirds The Convention, therefore, found itselfmenaced in what it held most dear--its power;--and accordingly resortedto measures of defence. A declaration was put forth, stating that theConvention, if attacked, would remove to Chalons-sur-Marne; and thecommanders of the armed force were called upon to defend that body. 

The 5th of October, the day on which the Sections of Paris attacked theConvention, is certainly one which ought to be marked in the wonderfuldestiny of Bonaparte. 

With the events of that day were linked, as cause and effect, many greatpolitical convulsions of Europe. The blood which flowed ripened theseeds of the youthful General's ambition. It must be admitted that thehistory of past ages presents few periods full of such extraordinaryevents as the years included between 1795 and 1815. The man whose nameserves, in some measure, as a recapitulation of all these great eventswas entitled to believe himself immortal. 

Living retired at Sens since the month of July, I only learned what hadoccasioned the insurrection of the Sections from public report and thejournals. I cannot, therefore, say what part Bonaparte may have taken inthe intrigues which preceded that day. He was officially characterisedonly as secondary actor in the scene. The account of the affair whichwas published announces that Barras was, on that very day, Commander-in-chief of the Army of the Interior, and Bonaparte second incommand. Bonaparte drew up that account. The whole of the manuscriptwas in his handwriting, and it exhibits all the peculiarity of his styleand orthography. He sent me a copy. 

Those who read the bulletin of the 13th Vendemiaire, cannot fail toobserve the care which Bonaparte took to cast the reproach of sheddingthe first blood on the men he calls rebels. He made a great point ofrepresenting his adversaries as the aggressors. It is certain he longregretted that day. He often told me that he would give years of hislife to blot it out from the page of his history. He was convinced thatthe people of Paris were dreadfully irritated against him, and he wouldhave been glad if Barras had never made that Speech in the Convention, with the part of which, complimentary to himself, he was at the time sowell pleased. Barras said, "It is to his able and prompt dispositionsthat we are indebted for the defence of this assembly, around which hehad posted the troops with so much skill. " This is perfectly true, butit is not always agreeable that every truth should be told. Being out ofParis, and a total stranger to this affair, I know not how far he wasindebted for his success to chance, or to his own exertions, in the partassigned to him by the miserable Government which then oppressed France. He represented himself only as secondary actor in this sanguinary scenein which Barras made him his associate. He sent to me, as alreadymentioned, an account of the transaction, written entirely in his ownhand, and distinguished by all the peculiarities of--his style andorthography. 

 --[Joseph Bonaparte, in a note on this peerage, insinuates that the account of the 13th Vendemiaire was never sent to Sens, but was abstracted by Bourrienne, with other documents, from Napoleon's Cabinet (Erreurs, tome i. P. 239). ]--

"On the 13th, " says Bonaparte, "at five o'clock in the morning, therepresentative of the people, Barras, was appointed Commander-in-chief ofthe Army of the Interior, and General Bonaparte was nominated second incommand. 

"The artillery for service on the frontier was still at the camp ofSablons, guarded solely by 150 men; the remainder was at Marly with 200men. The depot of Meudon was left unprotected. There were at theFeuillans only a few four-pounders without artillerymen, and but 80, 000cartridges. The victualling depots were dispersed throughout Paris. In many Sections the drums beat to arms; the Section of the TheatreFrancais had advanced posts even as far as the Pont Neuf, which it hadbarricaded. 

"General Barras ordered the artillery to move immediately from the campof Sablons to the Tuileries, and selected the artillerymen from thebattalions of the 89th regiment, and from the gendarmerie, and placedthem at the Palace; sent to Meudon 200 men of the police legion whom hebrought from Versailles, 50 cavalry, and two companies of veterans; heordered the property which was at Marly to be conveyed to Meudon; causedcartridges to be brought there, and established a workshop at that placefor the manufacture of more. He secured means for the subsistence of thearmy and of the Convention for many days, independently of the depotswhich were in the Sections. 

"General Verdier, who commanded at the Palais National, exhibited greatcoolness; he was required not to suffer a shot to be fired till the lastextremity. In the meantime reports reached him from all quartersacquainting him that the Sections were assembled in arms, and had formedtheir columns. He accordingly arrayed his troops so as to defend theConvention, and his artillery was in readiness to repulse the rebels. His cannon was planted at the Feuillans to fire down the Rue Honore. Eight-pounders were pointed at every opening, and in the event of anymishap, General Verdier had cannon in reserve to fire in flank upon thecolumn which should have forced a passage. He left in the Carrouselthree howitzers (eight-pounders) to batter down the houses from which theConvention might be fired upon. At four o'clock the rebel columnsmarched out from every street to unite their forces. It was necessary totake advantage of this critical moment to attack the insurgents, even hadthey been regular troops. But the blood about to flow was French; it wastherefore for these misguided people, already guilty of rebellion, toembrue their hands in the blood of their countrymen by striking the firstblow. 

"At a quarter before five o'clock the insurgents had formed. The attackwas commenced by them on all sides. They were everywhere routed. Frenchblood was spilled: the crime, as well as the disgrace, fell this day uponthe Sections. 

"Among the dead were everywhere to be recognized emigrants, landowners, and nobles; the prisoners consisted for the most part of the 'chouans' ofCharette. 

"Nevertheless the Sections did not consider themselves beaten: they tookrefuge in the church of St. Roch, in the theatre of the Republic, and inthe Palais Egalite; and everywhere they were heard furiously exciting theinhabitants to arms. To spare the blood which would have been shed thenext day it was necessary that no time should be given them to rally, butto follow them with vigour, though without incurring fresh hazards. TheGeneral ordered Montchoisy, who commanded a reserve at the Place de laResolution, to form a column with two twelve-pounders, to march by theBoulevard in order to turn the Place Vendome, to form a junction with thepicket stationed at headquarters, and to return in the same order ofcolumn. 

"General Brune, with two howitzers, deployed in the streets of St. Nicaise and St. Honore. General Cartaux sent two hundred men and afour-pounder of his division by the Rue St. Thomas-du-Louvre to debouchin the square of the Palais Egalite. General Bonaparte, who had hishorse killed under him, repaired to the Feuillans. 

"The columns began to move, St. Roch and the theatre of the Republic weretaken, by assault, when the rebels abandoned them, and retreated to theupper part of the Rue de la Loi, and barricaded themselves on all sides. Patrols were sent thither, and several cannon-shots were fired during thenight, in order to prevent them from throwing up defences, which objectwas effectually accomplished. 

"At daybreak, the General having learned that some students from the St. Genevieve side of the river were marching with two pieces of cannon tosuccour the rebels, sent a detachment of dragoons in pursuit of them, whoseized the cannon and conducted them to the Tuileries. The enfeebledSections, however, still showed a front. They had barricaded the Sectionof Grenelle, and placed their cannon in the principal streets. At nineo'clock General Beruyer hastened to form his division in battle array inthe Place Vendome, marched with two eight-pounders to the Rue desVieux-Augustins, and pointed them in the direction of the Section LePelletier. General Vachet, with a corps of 'tirailleurs', marched on hisright, ready to advance to the Place Victoire. General Brune marched tothe Perron, and planted two howitzers at the upper end of the RueVivienne. General Duvigier, with his column of six hundred men, and twotwelve-pounders, advanced to the streets of St. Roch and Montmartre. The Sections lost courage with the apprehension of seeing their retreatcut off, and evacuated the post at the sight of our soldiers, forgettingthe honour of the French name which they had to support. The Section ofBrutus still caused some uneasiness. The wife of a representative hadbeen arrested there. General Duvigier was ordered to proceed along theBoulevard as far as the Rue Poissonniere. General Beruyer took up aposition at the Place Victoire, and General Bonaparte occupied thePont-au-Change. 

"The Section of Brutus was surrounded, and the troops advanced upon thePlace de Greve, where the crowd poured in from the Isle St. Louis, fromthe Theatre Francais, and from the Palace. Everywhere the patriots hadregained their courage, while the poniards of the emigrants, armedagainst us, had disappeared. The people universally admitted theirerror. 

"The next day the two Sections of Les Pelletier and the Theatre Francaiswere disarmed. "

The result of this petty civil war brought Bonaparte forward; but theparty he defeated at that period never pardoned him for the past, andthat which he supported dreaded him in the future. Five years after hewill be found reviving the principles which he combated on the 5th ofOctober 1795. On being appointed, on the motion of Barras, Lieutenant-General of the Army of the Interior, he established hisheadquarters in the Rue Neuve des Capucines. The statement in the'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene, that after the 13th Brumaire he remainedunemployed at Paris, is therefore obviously erroneous. So far fromthis, he was incessantly occupied with the policy of the nation, andwith his own fortunes. Bonaparte was in constant, almost daily, communication with every one then in power, and knew how to profit byall he saw or heard. 

To avoid returning to this 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', which at theperiod of its appearance attracted more attention than it deserved, andwhich was very generally attributed to Bonaparte, I shall here say a fewwords respecting it. I shall briefly repeat what I said in a note whenmy opinion was asked, under high authority, by a minister of Louis XVIII. 

No reader intimately acquainted with public affairs can be deceived bythe pretended authenticity of this pamphlet. What does it contain?Facts perverted and heaped together without method, and related in anobscure, affected, and ridiculously sententious style. Besides whatappears in it, but which is badly placed there, it is impossible not toremark the omission of what should necessarily be there, were Napoleonthe author. It is full of absurd and of insignificant gossip, ofthoughts Napoleon never had, expressions unknown to him, and affectationsfar removed from his character. With some elevated ideas, more than onestyle and an equivocal spirit can be seen in it. Professed coincidencesare put close to unpardonable anachronisms, and to the most absurdrevelations. It contains neither his thoughts, his style, his actions, nor his life. Some truths are mimed up with an inconceivable mass offalsehoods. Some forms of expression used by Bonaparte are occasionallymet with, but they are awkwardly introduced, and often with bad taste. 

It has been reported that the pamphlet was written by M. Bertrand, formerly an officer of the army of the Vistula, and a relation of theComte de Simeon, peer of France. 

 --['Manuscrit de Sainte Helene d'une maniere inconnue', London. Murray; Bruxelles, De Mat, 20 Avril 1817. This work merits a note. Metternich (vol, i. Pp. 312-13) says, "At the time when it appeared the manuscript of St. Helena made a great impression upon Europe. This pamphlet was generally regarded as a precursor of the memoirs which Napoleon was thought to be writing in his place of exile. The report soon spread that the work was conceived and executed by Madame de Stael. Madame de Stael, for her part, attributed it to Benjamin Constant, from whom she was at this time separated by some disagreement. " Afterwards it came to be known that the author was the Marquis Lullin de Chateauvieux, a man in society, whom no one had suspected of being able to hold a pen: Jomini (tome i. P. 8 note) says. "It will be remarked that in the course of this work [his life of Napoleon] the author has used some fifty pages of the pretended 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene'. Far from wishing to commit a plagiarism, he considers he ought to render this homage to a clever and original work, several false points of view in which, however, he has combated. It would have been easy for him to rewrite these pages in other terms, but they appeared to him to be so well suited to the character of Napoleon that he has preferred to preserve them. " In the will of Napoleon occurs (see end of this work): "I disavow the 'Manuscrit de Sainte Helene', and the other works under the title of Maxims, Sentences, etc. , which they have been pleased to publish during the last six years. Such rules are not those which have guided my life: This manuscript must not be confused with the 'Memorial of Saint Helena'. ]--

CHAPTER IV. 

1795-1797

 On my return to Paris I meet Bonaparte--His interview with Josephine --Bonaparte's marriage, and departure from Paris ten days after-- Portrait and character of Josephine--Bonaparte's dislike of national property--Letter to Josephine--Letter of General Colli, and Bonaparte's reply--Bonaparte refuses to serve with Kellerman-- Marmont's letters--Bonaparte's order to me to join the army--My departure from Sens for Italy--Insurrection of the Venetian States. 

After the 13th Vendemiaire I returned to Paris from Sens. During theshort time I stopped there I saw Bonaparte less frequently than formerly. I had, however, no reason to attribute this to anything but the pressureof public business with which he was now occupied. When I did meet himit was most commonly at breakfast or dinner. One day he called myattention to a young lady who sat opposite to him, and asked what Ithought of her. The way in which I answered his question appeared togive him much pleasure. He then talked a great deal to me about her, herfamily, and her amiable qualities; he told me that he should probablymarry her, as he was convinced that the union would make him happy. Ialso gathered from his conversation that his marriage with the youngwidow would probably assist him in gaining the objects of his ambition. His constantly-increasing influence with her had already brought him intocontact with the most influential persons of that epoch. He remained inParis only ten days after his marriage, which took place on the 9th ofMarch 1796. It was a union in which great harmony prevailed, notwithstanding occasional slight disagreements. Bonaparte never, to myknowledge, caused annoyance to his wife. Madame Bonaparte possessedpersonal graces and many good qualities. 

 --["Eugene was not more than fourteen years of age when he ventured to introduce himself to General Bonaparte, for the purpose of soliciting his father's sword, of which he understood the General had become possessed. The countenance, air, and frank manner of Eugene pleased Bonaparte, and he immediately granted him the boon he sought. As soon as the sword was placed in the boy's hands he burst into tears, and kissed it. This feeling of affection for his father's memory, and the natural manner in which it was evinced, increased the interest of Bonaparte in his young visitor. Madame de Beauharnais, on learning the kind reception which the General had given her son, thought it her duty to call and thank him. Bonaparte was much pleased with Josephine on this first interview, and he returned her visit. The acquaintance thus commenced speedily led to their marriage. "--Constant]--

 --[Bonaparte himself, at St. Helena, says that he first met Josephine at Barras' (see Iung's Bonaparte, tome iii. P. 116). ]--

 --["Neither of his wives had ever anything to complain of from Napoleon's personal manners" (Metternich, vol. 1 p. 279). ]--

 --[Madame de Remusat, who, to paraphrase Thiers' saying on Bourrienne himself, is a trustworthy witness, for if she received benefits from Napoleon they did not weigh on her, says, "However, Napoleon had some affection for his first wife; and, in fact, if he has at any time been touched, no doubt it has been only for her and by her" (tome i. P. 113). "Bonaparte was young when he first knew Madame de Beauharnais. In the circle where he met her she had a great superiority by the name she bore and by the extreme elegance of her manners. . . . In marrying Madame de Beauharnais, Bonaparte believed he was allying himself to a very grand lady; thus this was one more conquest" (p. 114). But in speaking of Josephine's complaints to Napoleon of his love affairs, Madame de Remusat says, "Her husband sometimes answered by violences, the excesses of which I do not dare to detail, until the moment when, his new fancy having suddenly passed, he felt his tenderness for his wife again renewed. Then he was touched by her sufferings, replaced his insults by caresses which were hardly more measured than his violences and, as she was gentle and untenacious, she fell back into her feeling of security" (p. 206). ]--

 --[Miot de Melito, who was a follower of Joseph Bonaparte, says, "No woman has united go much kindness to so much natural grace, or has done more good with more pleasure than she did. She honoured me with her friendship, and the remembrance of the benevolence she has shown me, to the last moment of her too short existence, will never be effaced from my heart" (tome i. Pp. 101-2). ]--

 --[Meneval, the successor of Bourrienne is his place of secretary to Napoleon, and who remained attached to the Emperor until the end, says of Josephine (tome i. P. 227), "Josephine was irresistibly attractive. Her beauty was not regular, but she had 'La grace, plus belle encore que la beaute', according to the good La Fontaine. She had the soft abandonment, the supple and elegant movements, and the graceful carelessness of the creoles. --(The reader must remember that the term 'Creole' does not imply any taint of black blood, but only that the person, of European family, has been born in the West Indies. )--Her temper was always the same. She was gentle and kind. "]--

I am convinced that all who were acquainted with her must have felt boundto speak well of her; to few, indeed, did she ever give cause forcomplaint. In the time of her power she did not lose any of her friends, because she forgot none of them. Benevolence was natural to her, but shewas not always prudent in its exercise. Hence her protection was oftenextended to persons who did not deserve it. Her taste for splendour andexpense was excessive. This proneness to luxury became a habit whichseemed constantly indulged without any motive. What scenes have I notwitnessed when the moment for paying the tradesmen's bills arrived! Shealways kept back one-half of their claims, and the discovery of thisexposed her to new reproaches. How many tears did she shed which mighthave been easily spared!

When fortune placed a crown on her head she told me that the event, extraordinary as it was, had been predicted: It is certain that she putfaith in fortune-tellers. I often expressed to her my astonishment thatshe should cherish such a belief, and she readily laughed at her owncredulity; but notwithstanding never abandoned it: The event had givenimportance to the prophecy; but the foresight of the prophetess, said tobe an old regress, was not the less a matter of doubt. 

Not long before the 13th of Vendemiaire, that day which opened forBonaparte his immense career, he addressed a letter to me at Sens, inwhich, after some of his usually friendly expressions, he said, "Look outa small piece of land in your beautiful valley of the Yonne. I willpurchase it as soon as I can scrape together the money. I wish to retirethere; but recollect that I will have nothing to do with nationalproperty. "

Bonaparte left Paris on the 21st of March 1796, while I was still with myguardians. He no sooner joined the French army than General Colli, thenin command of the Piedmontese army, transmitted to him the followingletter, which, with its answer, I think sufficiently interesting todeserve preservation:

 GENERAL--I suppose that you are ignorant of the arrest of one of my officers, named Moulin, the bearer of a flag of truce, who has been detained for some days past at Murseco, contrary to the laws of war, and notwithstanding an immediate demand for his liberation being made by General Count Vital. His being a French emigrant cannot take from him the rights of a flag of truce, and I again claim him in that character. The courtesy and generosity which I have always experienced from the generals of your nation induces me to hope that I shall not make this application in vain; and it is with regret that I mention that your chief of brigade, Barthelemy, who ordered the unjust arrest of my flag of truce, having yesterday by the chance of war fallen into my hands, that officer will be dealt with according to the treatment which M. Moulin may receive. 

 I most sincerely wish that nothing may occur to change the noble and humane conduct which the two nations have hitherto been accustomed to observe towards each other. I have the honour, etc. , (Signed) COLLI. 

 CEVA. 17th April 1796. 

Bonaparte replied as follows:

 GENERAL--An emigrant is a parricide whom no character can render sacred. The feelings of honour, and the respect due to the French people, were forgotten when M. Moulin was sent with a flag of truce. You know the laws of war, and I therefore do not give credit to the reprisals with which you threaten the chief of brigade, Barthelemy. If, contrary to the laws of war, you authorise such an act of barbarism, all the prisoners taken from you shall be immediately made responsible for it with the most deplorable vengeance, for I entertain for the officers of your nation that esteem which is due to brave soldiers. 

The Executive Directory, to whom these letters were transmitted, approvedof the arrest of M. Moulin; but ordered that he should be securelyguarded, and not brought to trial, in consequence of the character withwhich he had been invested. 

About the middle of the year 1796 the Directory proposed to appointGeneral Kellerman, who commanded the army of the Alps, second in commandof the army of Italy. 

On the 24th of May 1796 Bonaparte wrote to, Carnot respecting, this plan, which was far from being agreeable to him. He said, "Whether I shall beemployed here or anywhere else is indifferent to me: to serve thecountry, and to merit from posterity a page in our history, is all myambition. If you join Kellerman and me in command in Italy you will undoeverything. General Kellerman has more experience than I, and knows howto make war better than I do; but both together, we shall make it badly. I will not willingly serve with a man who considers himself the firstgeneral in Europe. "

Numbers of letters from Bonaparte to his wife have been published. I cannot deny their authenticity, nor is it my wish to do so. I will, however, subjoin one which appears to me to differ a little from therest. It is less remarkable for exaggerated expressions of love, and asingularly ambitious and affected style, than most of the correspondencehere alluded to. Bonaparte is announcing the victory of Arcola toJosephine. 

 VERONA, the 29th, noon. 

 At length, my adored Josephine, I live again. Death is no longer before me, and glory and honour are still in my breast. The enemy is beaten at Arcola. To-morrow we will repair the blunder of Vaubois, who abandoned Rivoli. In eight days Mantua will be ours, and then thy husband will fold thee in his arms, and give thee a thousand proofs of his ardent affection. I shall proceed to Milan as soon as I can: I am a little fatigued. I have received letters from Eugene and Hortense. I am delighted with the children. I will send you their letters as soon as I am joined by my household, which is now somewhat dispersed. 

 We have made five thousand prisoners, and killed at least six thousand of the enemy. Adieu, my adorable Josephine. Think of me often. When you cease to love your Achilles, when your heart grows cool towards him, you wilt be very cruel, very unjust. But I am sure you will always continue my faithful mistress, as I shall ever remain your fond lover ('tendre amie'). Death alone can break the union which sympathy, love, and sentiment have formed. Let me have news of your health. A thousand and a thousand kisses. 

It is impossible for me to avoid occasionally placing myself in theforeground in the course of these Memoirs. I owe it to myself to answer, though indirectly, to certain charges which, on various occasions, havebeen made against me. Some of the documents which I am about to insertbelong, perhaps, less to the history of the General-in-Chief of the armyof-Italy than to that of his secretary; but I must confess I wish to showthat I was not an intruder, nor yet pursuing, as an obscure intriguer, the path of fortune. I was influenced much more by friendship than byambition when I took a part on the scene where the rising-glory of thefuture Emperor already shed a lustre on all who were attached to hisdestiny. It will be seen by the following letters with what confidenceI was then honoured; but these letters, dictated by friendship, and notwritten for history, speak also of our military achievements; andwhatever brings to recollection the events of that heroic period muststill be interesting to many. 

 HEADQUARTERS AT MILAN, 20th Prairial, year IV. (8th June 1796). 

 The General-in-Chief has ordered me, my dear Bourrienne, to make known to you the pleasure he experienced on hearing of you, and his ardent desire that you should join us. Take your departure, then, my dear Bourrienne, and arrive quickly. You may be certain of obtaining the testimonies of affection which are your due from all who know you; and we much regret that you were not with us to have a share in our success. The campaign which we have just concluded will be celebrated in the records of history. With less than 30, 000 men, in a state of almost complete destitution, it is a fine thing to have, in the course of less than two months, beaten, eight different times, an army of from 65 to 70, 000 men, obliged the King of Sardinia to make a humiliating peace, and driven the Austrians from Italy. The last victory, of which you have doubtless had an account, the passage of the Mincio, has closed our labours. There now remain for us the siege of Mantua and the castle of Milan; but these obstacles will not detain us long. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne: I repeat General Bonaparte's request that you should repair hither, and the testimony of his desire to see you. Receive, etc. , (Signed) MARMONT. Chief of Brigade (Artillery) and Aide de camp to the General-in-Chief. 

I was obliged to remain at Sens, soliciting my erasure from the emigrantlist, which I did not obtain, however, till 1797, and to put an end to acharge made against me of having fabricated a certificate of residence. Meanwhile I applied myself to study, and preferred repose to theagitation of camps. For these reasons I did not then accept his friendlyinvitation, notwithstanding that I was very desirous of seeing my youngcollege friend in the midst of his astonishing triumphs. Ten monthsafter, I received another letter from Marmont, in the following terms:--

 HEADQUARTERS GORIZIA 2d Germinal, year V. (22d March 1797). 

 The General-in-Chief, my dear Bourrienne, has ordered me to express to you his wish for your prompt arrival here. We have all along anxiously desired to see you, and look forward with great pleasure to the moment when we shall meet. I join with the General, my dear Bourrienne, in urging you to join the army without loss of time. You will increase a united family, happy to receive you into its bosom. I enclose an order written by the General, which will serve you as a passport. Take the post route and arrive as soon as you can. We are on the point of penetrating into Germany. The language is changing already, and in four days we shall hear no more Italian. Prince Charles has been well beaten, and we are pursuing him. If this campaign be fortunate, we may sign a peace, which is so necessary for Europe, in Vienna. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne: reckon for something the zeal of one who is much attached to you. (Signed) MARMONT. 

 BONAPARTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY OF ITALY. 

 Headquarters, Gorizia, 2d Germinal, year V. 

 The citizen Bourrienne is to come to me on receipt of the present order. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

The odious manner in which I was then harassed, I know not why, on thepart of the Government respecting my certificate of residence, renderedmy stay in France not very agreeable. I was even threatened with beingput on my trial for having produced a certificate of residence which wasalleged to be signed by nine false witnesses. This time, therefore, Iresolved without hesitation to set out for the army. General Bonaparte'sorder, which I registered at the municipality of Sens, answered for apassport, which otherwise would probably have been refused me. I havealways felt a strong sense of gratitude for his conduct towards me onthis occasion. 

Notwithstanding the haste I made to leave Sens, the necessary formalitiesand precautions detained me some days, and at the moment I was about todepart I received the following letter:

 HEADQUARTERS, JUDENBOURG, 19th Germinal, Year V. (8th April 1797). 

 The General-in-Chief again orders me, my dear Bourrienne, to urge you to come to him quickly. We are in the midst of success and triumphs. The German campaign begins even more brilliantly than did the Italian. You may judge, therefore, what a promise it holds out to us. Come, my dear Bourrienne, immediately--yield to our solicitations--share our pains and pleasures, and you will add to our enjoyments. 

 I have directed the courier to pass through Sens, that he may deliver this letter to you, and bring me back your answer. (Signed) MARMONT. 

To the above letter this order was subjoined:

 The citizen Fauvelet de Bourrienne is ordered to leave Sens, and repair immediately by post to the headquarters of the army of Italy. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

I arrived at the Venetian territory at the moment when the insurrectionagainst the French was on the point of breaking out. Thousands ofpeasants were instigated to rise under the pretext of appeasing thetroubles of Bergamo and Brescia. I passed through Verona on the 16th ofApril, the eve of the signature of the preliminaries of Leoben and of therevolt of Verona. Easter Sunday was the day which the ministers of JesusChrist selected for preaching "that it was lawful, and even meritorious, to kill Jacobins. " Death to Frenchmen!--Death to Jacobins! as theycalled all the French, were their rallying cries. At the time I had notthe slightest idea of this state of things, for I had left Sens only onthe 11th of April. 

After stopping two hours at Verona, I proceeded on my journey withoutbeing aware of the massacre which threatened that city. When about aleague from the town I was, however, stopped by a party of insurgents ontheir way thither, consisting, as I estimated, of about two thousand men. They only desired me to cry 'El viva Santo Marco', an order with which Ispeedily complied, and passed on. What would have become of me had Ibeen in Verona on the Monday? On that day the bells were rung, while theFrench were butchered in the hospitals. Every one met in the streets wasput to death. The priests headed the assassins, and more than fourhundred Frenchmen were thus sacrificed. The forts held out against theVenetians, though they attacked them with fury; but repossession of thetown was not obtained until after ten days. On the very day of theinsurrection of Verona some Frenchmen were assassinated between that cityand Vicenza, through which I passed on the day before without danger; andscarcely had I passed through Padua, when I learned that others had beenmassacred there. Thus the assassinations travelled as rapidly as thepost. 

I shall say a few words respecting the revolt of the Venetian States, which, in consequence of the difference of political opinions, has beenviewed in very contradictory lights. 

The last days of Venice were approaching, and a storm had been brewingfor more than a year. About the beginning of April 1797 the threateningsymptoms of a general insurrection appeared. The quarrel commenced whenthe Austrians entered Peschiera, and some pretext was also afforded bythe reception given to Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII. It was certainthat Venice had made military preparations during the siege of Mantua in1796. The interests of the aristocracy outweighed the politicalconsiderations in our favour. On, the 7th of June 1796 General Bonapartewrote thus to the Executive Directory:

 The Senate of Venice lately sent two judges of their Council here to ascertain definitively how things stand. I repeated my complaints. I spoke to them about the reception given to Monsieur. Should it be your plan to extract five or six millions from Venice, I have expressly prepared this sort of rupture for you. If your intentions be more decided, I think this ground of quarrel ought to be kept up. Let me know what you mean to do, and wait till the favourable moment, which I shall seize according to circumstances; for we must not have to do with all the world at once. 

The Directory answered that the moment was not favourable; that it wasfirst necessary to take Mantua, and give Wurmser a sound beating. However, towards the end of the year 1796 the Directory began to givemore credit to the sincerity of the professions of neutrality made on thepart of Venice. It was resolved, therefore, to be content with obtainingmoney and supplies for the army, and to refrain from violating theneutrality. The Directory had not then in reserve, like Bonaparte, the idea of making the dismemberment of Venice serve as a compensationfor such of the Austrian possessions as the French Republic might retain. 

In 1797 the expected favourable moment had arrived. The knell of Venicewas rung; and Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory on the 30th of April:"I am convinced that the only course to be now taken is to destroy thisferocious and sanguinary Government. " On the 3d of May, writing fromPalma Nuova, he says: "I see nothing that can be done but to obliteratethe Venetian name from the face of the globe. "

Towards the end of March 1797 the Government of Venice was in a desperatestate. Ottolini, the Podesta of Bergamo, an instrument of tyranny in thehands of the State inquisitors, then harassed the people of Bergamo andBrescia, who, after the reduction of Mantua, wished to be separated fromVenice. He drew up, to be sent to the Senate, a long report respectingthe plans of separation, founded on information given him by a Romanadvocate, named Marcelin Serpini; who pretended to have gleaned the factshe communicated in conversation with officers of the French army. Theplan of the patriotic party was, to unite the Venetian territories on themainland with Lombardy, and to form of the whole one republic. Theconduct of Ottolini exasperated the party inimical to Venice, andaugmented the prevailing discontent. Having disguised his valet as apeasant, he sent him off to Venice with the report he had drawn up onSerpini's communications, and other information; but this report neverreached the inquisitors. The valet was arrested, his despatches taken, and Ottolini fled from Bergamo. This gave a beginning to the generalrising of the Venetian States. In fact, the force of circumstances alonebrought on the insurrection of those territories against their oldinsular government. General La Hoz, who commanded the Lombard Legion, was the active protector of the revolution, which certainly had itsorigin more in the progress of the prevailing principles of liberty thanin the crooked policy of the Senate of Venice. Bonaparte, indeed, in hisdespatches to the Directory, stated that the Senate had instigated theinsurrection; but that was not quite correct, and he could not whollybelieve his own assertion. 

Pending the vacillation of the Venetian Senate, Vienna was exciting thepopulation of its States on the mainland to rise against the French. TheVenetian Government had always exhibited an extreme aversion to theFrench Revolution, which had been violently condemned at Venice. Hatredof the French had been constantly excited and encouraged, and religiousfanaticism had inflamed many persons of consequence in the country. Fromthe end of 1796 the Venetian Senate secretly continued its armaments, andthe whole conduct of that Government announced intentions which have beencalled perfidious, but the only object of which was to defeat intentionsstill more perfidious. The Senate was the irreconcilable enemy of theFrench Republic. Excitement was carried to such a point that in manyplaces the people complained that they were not permitted to arm againstthe French. The Austrian generals industriously circulated the mostsinister reports respecting the armies of the Sombre-et-Meuse and theRhine, and the position of the French troops in the Tyrol. Theseimpostures, printed in bulletins, were well calculated to instigate theItalians, and especially the Venetians, to rise in mass to exterminatethe French, when the victorious army should penetrate into the HereditaryStates. 

The pursuit of the Archduke Charles into the heart of Austria encouragedthe hopes which the Venetian Senate had conceived, that it would be easyto annihilate the feeble remnant of the French army, as the troops werescattered through the States of Venice on the mainland. Wherever theSenate had the ascendency, insurrection was secretly fomented; whereverthe influence of the patriots prevailed, ardent efforts were made tounite the Venetian terra firma to the Lombard Republic. 

Bonaparte skillfully took advantage of the disturbances, and themassacres consequent on them, to adopt towards the Senate the tone of anoffended conqueror. He published a declaration that the VenetianGovernment was the most treacherous imaginable. The weakness and cruelhypocrisy of the Senate facilitated the plan he had conceived of making apeace for France at the expense of the Venetian Republic. On returningfrom Leoben, a conqueror and pacificator, he, without ceremony, tookpossession of Venice, changed the established government, and, master ofall the Venetian territory, found himself, in the negotiations of CampoFormio, able to dispose of it as he pleased, as a compensation for thecessions which had been exacted from Austria. After the 19th of May hewrote to the Directory that one of the objects of his treaty with Venicewas to avoid bringing upon us the odium of violating the preliminariesrelative to the Venetian territory, and, at the same time, to affordpretexts and to facilitate their execution. 

At Campo Formio the fate of this republic was decided. It disappearedfrom the number of States without effort or noise. The silence of itsfall astonished imaginations warmed by historical recollections from thebrilliant pages of its maritime glory. Its power, however, which hadbeen silently undermined, existed no longer except in the prestige ofthose recollections. What resistance could it have opposed to the mandestined to change the face of all Europe?

CHAPTER V

1797. 

 Signature of the preliminaries of peace--Fall of Venice--My arrival and reception at Leoben--Bonaparte wishes to pursue his success-- The Directory opposes him--He wishes to advance on Vienna--Movement of the army of the Sombre-et-Mouse--Bonaparte's dissatisfaction-- Arrival at Milan--We take up our residence at Montebello--Napoleon's judgment respecting Dandolo and Melzi. 

I joined Bonaparte at Leoben on the 19th of April, the day after thesignature of the preliminaries of peace. These preliminaries resembledin no respect the definitive treaty of Campo Formio. The stillincomplete fall of the State of Venice did not at that time present anavailable prey for partition. All was arranged afterwards. Woe to thesmall States that come in immediate contact with two colossal empireswaging war!

Here terminated my connection with Bonaparte as a comrade and equal, andthose relations with him commenced in which I saw him suddenly great, powerful, and surrounded with homage and glory. I no longer addressedhim as I had been accustomed to do. I appreciated too well his personalimportance. His position placed too great a social distance between himand me not to make me feel the necessity of fashioning my demeanouraccordingly. I made with pleasure, and without regret, the easysacrifice of the style of familiar companionship and other littleprivileges. He said, in a loud voice, when I entered the salon where hewas surrounded by the officers who formed his brilliant staff, "I am gladto see you, at last"--"Te voila donc, enfin;", but as soon as we werealone he made me understand that he was pleased with my reserve, andthanked me for it. I was immediately placed at the head of his Cabinet. I spoke to him the same evening respecting the insurrection of theVenetian territories, of the dangers which menaced the French, and ofthose which I had escaped, etc. "Care thou' nothing about it, " said he;

 --[He used to 'tutoyer' me in this familiar manner until his return to Milan. ]--

"those rascals shall pay for it. Their republic has had its day, and isdone. " This republic was, however, still existing, wealthy and powerful. These words brought to my recollection what I had read in a work by oneGabriel Naude, who wrote during the reign of Louis XIII. For Cardinal deBagin: "Do you see Constantinople, which flatters itself with being theseat of a double empire; and Venice, which glories in her stability of athousand years? Their day will come. "

In the first conversation which Bonaparte had with me, I thought I couldperceive that he was not very well satisfied with the preliminaries. Hewould have liked to advance with his army to Vienna. He did not concealthis from me. Before he offered peace to Prince Charles, he wrote to theDirectory that he intended to pursue his success, but that for thispurpose he reckoned on the co-operation of the armies of theSambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine. The Directory replied that he must notreckon on a diversion in Germany, and that the armies of theSambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine were not to pass that river. A resolutionso unexpected--a declaration so contrary to what he had constantlysolicited, compelled him to terminate his triumphs, and renounce hisfavourite project of planting the standard of the republic on theramparts of Vienna, or at least of levying contributions on the suburbsof that capital. 

A law of the 23d of August 1794 forbade the use of any other names thanthose in the register of births. I wished to conform to this law, whichvery foolishly interfered with old habits. My eldest brother was living, and I therefore designated myself Fauvelet the younger. This annoyedGeneral Bonaparte. "Such change of name is absolute nonsense, " said he. "I have known you for twenty years by the name of Bourrienne. Sign asyou still are named, and see what the advocates with their laws will do. "

On the 20th of April, as Bonaparte was returning to Italy, he was obligedto stop on an island of the Tagliamento, while a torrent passed by, whichhad been occasioned by a violent storm. A courier appeared on the rightbank of the river. He reached the island. Bonaparte read in thedespatches of the Directory that the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse andthe Rhine were in motion; that they were preparing to cross the Rhine, and had commenced hostilities on the very day of the signing of thepreliminaries. This information arrived seven days after the Directoryhad written that "he must not reckon on the co-operation of the armies ofGermany. " It is impossible to describe the General's vexation on readingthese despatches. He had signed the preliminaries only because theGovernment had represented the co-operation of the armies of the Rhine asimpracticable at that moment, and shortly afterwards he was informed thatthe co-operation was about to take place! The agitation of his mind wasso great that he for a moment conceived the idea of crossing to the leftbank of the Tagliamento, and breaking off the negotiations under somepretext or other. He persisted for some time in this resolution, which, however, Berthier and some other generals successfully opposed. Heexclaimed, "What a difference would there have been in the preliminaries, if, indeed, there had been any!"

His chagrin, I might almost say his despair, increased when, some daysafter his entry into the Venetian States, he received a letter fromMoreau, dated the 23d of April, in which that general informed him that, having passed the Rhine on the 20th with brilliant success, and takenfour thousand prisoners, it would not be long before he joined him. Who, in fact, can say what would have happened but for the vacillatingand distrustful policy of the Directory, which always encouraged lowintrigues, and participated in the jealousy excited by the renown of theyoung conqueror? Because the Directory dreaded his ambition theysacrificed the glory of our arms and the honour of the nation; for itcannot be doubted that, had the passage of the Rhine, so urgentlydemanded by Bonaparte, taken place some days sooner, he would have beenable, without incurring any risk, to dictate imperiously the conditionsof peace on the spot; or, if Austria were obstinate, to have gone on toVienna and signed it there. Still occupied with this idea, he wrote tothe Directory on the 8th of May: "Since I have received intelligence ofthe passage of the Rhine by Hoche and Moreau, I much regret that it didnot take place fifteen days sooner; or, at least, that Moreau did not saythat he was in a situation to effect it. " (He had been informed to thecontrary. ) What, after this, becomes of the unjust reproach againstBonaparte of having, through jealousy of Moreau, deprived France of theadvantages which a prolonged campaign would have procured her? Bonapartewas too devoted to the glory of France to sacrifice it to jealousy of theglory of any individual. 

In traversing the Venetian States to return to Milan, he often spoke tome of Venice. He always assured me that he was originally entirelyunconnected with the insurrections which had agitated that country; thatcommon sense would show, as his project was to advance into the basin ofthe Danube, he had no interest in having his rear disturbed by revolts, and his communications interrupted or cut off: "Such an idea, " said he, "would be absurd, and could never enter into the mind of a man to whomeven his enemies cannot deny a certain degree of tact. " He acknowledgedthat he was not vexed that matters had turned out as they had done, because he had already taken advantage of these circumstances in thepreliminaries and hoped to profit still more from them in the definitivepeace. "When I arrive at Milan, " said he, "I will occupy myself withVenice. " It is therefore quite evident to me that in reality theGeneral-in-Chief had nothing to do with the Venetian insurrections; thatsubsequently he was not displeased with them; and that, later still, hederived great advantage from them. 

We arrived at Milan on the 5th of May, by way of Lawbook, Thrust, Palma-Nova, Padua, Verona, and Mantua. Bonaparte soon took up hisresidence at Montebello, a very fine chateau, three leagues from Milan, with a view over the rich and magnificent plains of Lombard. AtMontebello commenced the negotiations for the definitive peace whichwere terminated at Passeriano. The Marquis de Gallo, the Austrianplenipotentiary, resided half a league from Montebello. 

During his residence at Montebello the General-in-Chief made an excursionto the Lake of Como and to the Ago Maguire. He visited the BorromeanIslands in succession, and occupied himself on his return with theorganization of the towns of Venice, Genoa, and Milan. He sought for menand found none. "Good God, " said he, "how rare men are! There areeighteen millions in Italy, and I have with difficulty found two, Dandoloand Melzi. "

He appreciated them properly. Dandolo was one of the men who, in thoserevolutionary times, reflected the greatest honour upon Italy. Afterbeing a member of the great council of the Cisalpine Republic, heexercised the functions of Proveditore-General in Dalmatia. It is onlynecessary to mention the name of Dandolo to the Dalmatians to learn fromthe grateful inhabitants how just and vigorous his administration was. The services of Melzi are known. He was Chancellor and Keeper of theSeals of the Italian monarchy, and was created Duke of Lodi. 

 --[Francesco, Comte de Melzi d'Eryl (1753-1816), vice President of the Italian Republic, 1802; Chancellor of the Kingdom of Italy, 1805; Duc de Loth, 1807. ]--

In those who have seen the world the truth of Napoleon's reproach exciteslittle astonishment. In a country which, according to biographies andnewspapers, abounds with extraordinary men, a woman of muchtalent--(Madame Roland. )--said, "What has most surprised me, since theelevation of my husband has afforded me the opportunity of knowing manypersons, and particularly those employed in important affairs, is theuniversal mediocrity which exists. It surpasses all that the imaginationcan conceive, and it is observable in all ranks, from the clerk to theminister. Without this experience I never could have believed my speciesto be so contemptible. "

Who does not remember Oxenstiern's remark to his son, who trembled atgoing so young to the congress of Munster: "Go, my son. You will see bywhat sort of men the world is governed. "

CHAPTER VI. 

1797. 

 Napoleon's correspondence--Release of French prisoners at Olmutz-- Negotiations with Austria--Bonaparte's dissatisfaction--Letter of complaint from Bonaparte to the Executive Directory--Note respecting the affairs of Venice and the Club of Clichy, written by Bonaparte and circulated in the army--Intercepted letter of the Emperor Francis. 

During the time when the preliminaries of Leoben suspended militaryoperations, Napoleon was not anxious to reply immediately to all letters. He took a fancy to do, not exactly as Cardinal Dubois did, when he threwinto the fire the letters he had received, saying, "There! mycorrespondents are answered, " but something of the same kind. To satisfyhimself that people wrote too much, and lost, in trifling and uselessanswers, valuable time, he told me to open only the letters which came byextraordinary couriers, and to leave all the rest for three weeks in thebasket. At the end of that time it was unnecessary to reply tofour-fifths of these communications. Some were themselves answers; somewere acknowledgments of letters received; others contained requests forfavours already granted, but of which intelligence had not beenreceived. Many were filled with complaints respecting provisions, pay, or clothing, and orders had been issued upon all these points before theletters were written. Some generals demanded reinforcements, money, promotion, etc. By not opening their letters Bonaparte was spared theunpleasing office of refusing. When the General-in-Chief compared thevery small number of letters which it was necessary to answer with thelarge number which time alone had answered, he laughed heartily at hiswhimsical idea. Would not this mode of proceeding be preferable to thatof causing letters to be opened by any one who may be employed, andreplying to them by a circular to which it is only necessary to attach adate?

During the negotiations which followed the treaty of Leoben, theDirectory ordered General Bonaparte to demand the liberty of MM. De LaFayette, Latour-Marbourg, and Bureau de Puzy, detained at Olmutz since1792 as prisoners of state. The General-in-Chief executed thiscommission with as much pleasure as zeal, but he often met withdifficulties which appeared to be insurmountable. It has been veryincorrectly stated that these prisoners obtained their liberty by one ofthe articles of the preliminaries of Leoben. I wrote a great deal onthis subject to the dictation of General Bonaparte, and I joined him onlyon the day after the signature of these preliminaries. It was not tillthe end of May of the year 1797 that the liberation of these captives wasdemanded, and they did not obtain their freedom till the end of August. There was no article in the treaty, public or secret, which had referenceto them. Neither was it at his own suggestion that Bonaparte demandedthe enlargement of the prisoners, but by order of the Directory. Toexplain why they did not go to France immediately after their liberationfrom Olmutz, it is necessary to recollect that the events of the 18thFructidor occurred between the period when the first steps were taken toprocure their liberty and the date of their deliverance. It required allBonaparte's ascendency and vigour of character to enable him to succeedin his object at the end of three months. 

We had arrived at the month of July, and the negotiations were tediouslyprotracted. It was impossible to attribute the embarrassment which wasconstantly occurring to anything but the artful policy of Austria: Otheraffairs occupied Bonaparte. The news from Paris engrossed all hisattention. He saw with extreme displeasure the manner in which theinfluential orators of the councils, and pamphlets written in the samespirit as they spoke, criticised him, his army, his victories, theaffairs of Venice, and the national glory. He was quite indignant at thesuspicions which it was sought to create respecting his conduct andulterior views. 

The following excerpts, attributed to the pens of Dumouriez or Rivarol, are specimens of some of the comments of the time:

 EXTRACTS OF LETTERS IN "LE SPECTATUER DU NORD" of 1797. 

 General Bonaparte is, without contradiction, the most brilliant warrior who has appeared at the head of the armies of the French Republic. His glory is incompatible with democratic equality, and the services he has rendered are too great to be recompensed except by hatred and ingratitude. He is very young, and consequently has to pursue a long career of accusations and of persecutions. 

 . .. .. .. . Whatever may be the crowning event of his military career, Bonaparte is still a great man. All his glory is due to himself alone; because he alone has developed a character and a genius of which no one else has furnished an example. 

 EXTRACT OF LETTER OR 18TH APRIL 1797 in "THE SPECTATEUR DU NORD. "

 Regard, for instance, this wretched war. Uncertain in Champagne, it becomes daring under Dumouriez, unbridled under the brigands who fought the Vendeeans, methodic under Pichegru, vulgar under Jourdan, skilled under Moreau, rash under Bonaparte. Each general has put the seal of his genius on his career, and has given life or death to his army. From the commencement of his career Bonaparte has developed an ardent character which is irritated by obstacles, and a quickness which forestalls every determination of the enemy. It is with heavier and heavier blows that, he strikes. He throws his army on the enemy like an unloosed torrent. He is all action, and he is so in everything. See him fight, negotiate, decree, punish, all is the matter of a moment. He compromises with Turin as with Rome. He invades Modena as he burns Binasco. He never hesitates; to cut the Gordian knot is always his method. 

Bonaparte could not endure to have his conduct predicated; and enraged atseeing his campaigns depreciated, his glory and that of his armydisparaged, --[The extraordinary folly of the opposition to the Directory in throwing Bonaparte on to the side of the Directory, will be seen by reading the speech of Dumolard, so often referred to by Bourrienne (Thiers, vol. V. Pp. 110-111), and by the attempts of Mathieu Dumas to remove the impression that the opposition slighted the fortunate General. (See Dumas, tome iii. P. 80; see also Lanfrey, tome i. Pp. 257-299). ]--

and intrigues formed against him in the Club of Clichy, he wrote thefollowing letter to the Directory:--

 TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. 

 I have just received, Citizens-Directors, a copy of the motion of Dumolard (23d June 1797). 

 This motion, printed by order of the Assembly, it is evident, is directed against me. I was entitled, after, having five times concluded peace, and given a death-blow to the coalition, if not to civic triumphs, at least to live tranquilly under the protection of the first magistrates of the Republic. At present I find myself ill-treated, persecuted, and disparaged, by every shameful means, which their policy brings to the aid of persecution. I would have been indifferent to all except that species of opprobrium with which the first magistrates of the Republic endeavour to overwhelm me. After having deserved well of my country by my last act, I am not bound to hear myself accused in a manner as absurd as atrocious. I have not expected that a manifesto, signed by emigrants, paid by England, should obtain more credit with the Council of Five Hundred than the evidence of eighty thousand men--than mine! What! we were assassinated by traitors--upwards of four hundred men perished; and the first magistrates of the Republic make it a crime to have believed the statement for a moment. Upwards of four hundred Frenchmen were dragged through the streets. They were assassinated before the eyes of the governor of the fort. They were pierced with a thousand blows of stilettos, such as I sent you and the representatives of the French people cause it to be printed, that if they believed this fact for an instant, they were excusable. I know well there are societies where it is said, "Is this blood, then, so pure?"

 If only base men, who are dead to the feeling of patriotism and national glory, had spoken of me thus, I would not have complained. I would have disregarded it; but I have a right to complain of the degradation to which the first magistrates of the Republic reduce those who have aggrandised, and carried the French name to so high a pitch of glory. Citizens-Directors, I reiterate the demand I made for my dismissal; I wish to live in tranquillity, if the poniards of Clichy will allow me to live. You have employed me in negotiations. I am not very fit to conduct them. 

About the same time he drew up the following note respecting the affairsof Venice, which was printed without the author's name, and circulatedthrough the whole army:--

 NOTE. 

 Bonaparte, pausing before the gates of Turin, Parma, Rome, and Vienna, offering peace when he was sure of obtaining nothing but fresh triumphs--Bonaparte, whose every operation exhibits respect for religion, morality, and old age; who, instead of heaping, as he might have done, dishonour upon the Venetians, and humbling their republic to the earth, loaded her with acts of kindness, and took such great interest in her glory--is this the same Bonaparte who is accused of destroying the ancient Government of Venice, and democratising Genoa, and even of interfering in the affairs of the prudent and worthy people of the Swiss Cantons? Bonaparte had passed the Tagliamento, and entered Germany, when insurrections broke out in the Venetian States; these insurrections were, therefore, opposed to Bonaparte's project; surely, then, he could not favour them. When he was in the heart of Germany the Venetians massacred more than four hundred French troops, drove their quarters out of Verona, assassinated the unfortunate Laugier, and presented the spectacle of a fanatical party in arms. He returned to Italy; and on his arrival, as the winds cease their agitation at the presence of Neptune, the whole of Italy, which was in commotion, which was in arms, was restored to order. 

 However, the deputies from Bonaparte drew up different articles conformable to the situation of the country, and in order to prevent, not a revolution in the Government, for the Government was defunct, and had died a natural death, but a crisis, and to save the city from convulsion, anarchy, and pillage. Bonaparte spared a division of his army to save Venice from pillage and massacre. All the battalions were in the streets of Venice, the disturbers were put down, and the pillage discontinued. Property and trade were preserved, when General Baragney d'Hilliers entered Venice with his division. Bonaparte, as usual, spared blood, and was the protector of Venice. Whilst the French troops remained they conducted themselves peaceably, and only interfered to support the provisional Government. 

 Bonaparte could not say to the deputies of Venice, who came to ask his protection and assistance against the populace, who wished to plunder them, "I cannot meddle with your affairs. " He could not say this, for Venice, and all its territories, had really formed the theatre of war; and, being in the rear of the army of Italy, the Republic of Venice was really under the jurisdiction of that army. The rights of war confer upon a general the powers of supreme police over the countries which are the seat of war. As the great Frederick said, "There are no neutrals where there is war. " Ignorant advocates and babblers have asked, in the Club of Clichy, why we occupy the territory of Venice. These declaimers should learn war, and they would know that the Adige, the Brenta, and the Tagliamento, where we have been fighting for two years, are within the Venetian States. But, gentlemen of Clichy, we are at no loss to perceive your meaning. You reproach the army of Italy for having surmounted all difficulties--for subduing all Italy for having twice passed the Alps--for having marched on Vienna, and obliged Austria to acknowledge the Republic that, you, men of Clichy, would destroy. You accuse Bonaparte, I see clearly, for having brought about peace. But I know you, and I speak in the name of eighty thousand soldiers. The time is gone when base advocates and wretched declaimers could induce soldiers to revolt. If, however, you compel them, the soldiers of the army of Italy will soon appear at the Barrier of Clichy, with their General. But woe unto you if they do!

 Bonaparte having arrived at Palma-Nova, issued a manifesto on the 2d of May 1797. Arrived at Mestre, where he posted his troops, the Government sent three deputies to him, with a decree of the Great Council, without Bonaparte having solicited it and without his having thought of making any change in the Government of that country: The governor of Venice was an old man, ninety-nine years-of age, confined by illness to his apartment. Everyone felt the necessity of renovating this Government of twelve hundred years' existence, and to simplify its machinery, in order to preserve its independence, honour, and glory. It was necessary to deliberate, first, on the manner of renovating the Government; secondly, on the means of atoning for the massacre of the French, the iniquity of which every one was sensible. . 

 Bonaparte, after having received the deputation at Mestre, told them that in order to obtain satisfaction, for the assassination of his brethren is arms, he wished the Great Council to arrest the inquisitors. He afterwards granted them an armistice, and appointed Milan as the place of conference. The deputies arrived at Milan on the . . . A negotiation commenced to re-establish harmony between the Governments. However, anarchy, with all its horrors, afflicted the city of Venice. Ten thousand Sclavonians threatened to pillage the shops. Bonaparte acquiesced in the proposition submitted by the deputies, who promised to verify the loss which had been sustained by pillage. 

Bonaparte also addressed a manifesto to the Doge, which appeared in allthe public papers. It contained fifteen articles of complaint, and wasfollowed by a decree ordering the French Minister to leave Venice, theVenetian agents to leave Lombard, and the Lion of St. Mark to be pulleddown in all the Continental territories of Venice. 

The General-in-Chief now openly manifested his resolution of marching onParis; and this disposition, which was well known in the army, was sooncommunicated to Vienna. At this period a letter from the Emperor FrancisII. To his brother, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, was intercepted byBonaparte. I translated the letter, which proved to him that Francis II. Was acquainted with his project. He likewise saw with pleasure theassurances which the Emperor gave his brother of his love of peace, aswell as the wavering of the imperial resolves, and the incertituderespecting the fate of the Italian princes, which the Emperor easilyperceived to depend on Bonaparte. The Emperor's letter was as follows:--

 MY DEAR BROTHER--I punctually received your third letter, containing a description of your unhappy and delicate situation. You may be assured that I perceive it as clearly as you do yourself; and I pity you the more because, in truth, I do not know what advice to give you. You are, like me, the victim of the former inactivity of the princes of Italy, who ought, at once, to have acted with all their united forces, while I still possessed Mantua. If Bonaparte's project be, as I learn, to establish republics in Italy, this is likely to end in spreading republicanism over the whole country. I have already commenced negotiations for peace, and the preliminaries are ratified. If the French observe them as strictly as I do, and will do, then your situation will be improved; but already the French are beginning to disregard them. The principal problem which remains to be solved is, whether the French Directory approve of Bonaparte's proceedings, and whether the latter, as appears by some papers distributed through his army, is not disposed to revolt against his country, which also seems to be probable, from his severe conduct towards Switzerland, notwithstanding the assurances of the Directory, that he had been ordered to leave the country untouched. If this should be the case, new and innumerable difficulties may arise. Under these circumstances I can, at present, advise nothing; for, as to myself, it is only time and the circumstances of the moment which can point out how I am to act. 

 There is nothing new here. We are all well; but the heat is extraordinary. Always retain your friendship and love for me. Make my compliments to your wife, and believe me ever

 Your best Friend and Brother, FRANCIS. 

 HETZENDORF, July 20, 1797. 

CHAPTER VII. 

1797. 

 Unfounded reports--Carnot--Capitulation of Mantua--General Clarke-- The Directory yields to Bonaparte--Berthier--Arrival of Eugene Beauharnais at Milan--Comte Delannay d'Entraigues--His interview with Bonaparte--Seizure of his papers--Copy of one describing a conversation between him and Comte de Montgaillard--The Emperor Francis--The Prince de Conde and General Pichegru. 

While Bonaparte was expressing his opinion on his campaigns and theinjustice with which they had been criticised, it was generally believedthat Carnot dictated to him from a closet in the Luxembourg all the plansof his operations, and that herthier was at his right hand, without whom, notwithstanding Carnot's plans, which were often mere romances, he wouldhave been greatly embarrassed. This twofold misrepresentation was verycurrent for some time; and, notwithstanding it was contrary to theevidence of facts, it met with much credence, particularly abroad. Therewas, however, no foundation for the opinion: Let us render to Caesar thatwhich is Caesar's due. Bonaparte was a creator in the art of war, and noimitator. That no man was superior to him in that art is incontestable. At the commencement of the glorious campaign in Italy the Directorycertainly sent out instructions to him; but he always followed his ownplans, and continually, wrote back that all would be lost if movementsconceived at a distance from the scene of action were to be blindlyexecuted. He also offered to resign. At length the Directory perceivedthe impossibility of prescribing operations of war according to the viewof persons in Paris; and when I became the secretary of theGeneral-in-Chief I saw a despatch of the Directory, dated May, 1796, committing the whole plan of the campaign to his judgment; and assuredlythere was not a single operation or movement which did not originatewith him. Carnot was obliged to yield to his firmness. When theDirectory, towards the end of 1796, felt disposed to treat for peace, General Clarke, appointed to conclude the armistice, was authorised, incase Mantua should not be taken before the negotiation was brought to aclose, to propose leaving the blockade in statu quo. Had such acondition been adopted it would doubtless hays been stipulated that theEmperor of Austria should be allowed to provision the garrison andinhabitants of the city day by day. Bonaparte, convinced that anarmistice without Mantua would by no means conduce to peace, earnestlyopposed such a condition. He carried his point; Mantua capitulated, andthe result is well known. Yet he was not blind to the hazards of war;while preparing, during the blockade, an assault on Mantua, he wrotethus to the Directory: "A bold stroke of this nature depends absolutelyfor success on a dog or a goose. " This was about a question ofsurprise. 

Bonaparte was exceedingly sensitive to the rumours which reached himrespecting Carnot and Berthier. He one day said to me: "What grossstupidity, is this? It is very well to say to a general, 'Depart forItaly, gain battles, and sign a peace at Vienna;' but the execution thatis not so easy. I never attached any value to the plans which theDirectory sent me. Too many circumstances occur on the spot to modifythem. The movement of a single corps of the enemy's army may confound awhole plan arranged by the fireside. Only fools can believe such stuff!As for Berthier, since you have been with me, you see what he is--he is ablockhead. Yet it is he who does it all; it is he who gathers a greatpart of the glory of the army of Italy. " I told him that this erroneousopinion could not last long; that each person would be allowed his merit, and that at least posterity would judge rightly. This observation seemedto please him. 

Berthier was a man full of honour, courage, and probity, and exceedinglyregular in the performance of his duties. Bonaparte's attachment to himarose more from habit than liking. Berthier did not concede withaffability, and refused with harshness. His abrupt, egotistic, andcareless manners did not, however, create him many enemies, but, at thesame time, did not make him many friends. In consequence of our frequentintercourse he had contracted the friendly practice of speaking to me inthe second person singular; but he never wrote to me is that style. Hewas perfectly acquainted with the disposition of all the corps, and couldname their commanders and their respective forces. Day or night he wasalways at hand and made out with clearness all the secondary orders whichresulted from the dispositions of the General-in-Chief. In fact, he was, an excellent head of the staff of an army; but that is all the praisethat can be given, and indeed he wished for no greater. He had suchentire confidence in Bonaparte, and looked up to him with so muchadmiration, that he never would have presumed to oppose his plans or giveany advise. Berthier's talent was very limited, and of a special nature;his character was one of extreme weakness. Bonaparte's friendship forhim and the frequency of his name in the bulletins and officialdespatches have unduly elevated his reputation. Bonaparte, giving hisopinion to the Directory respecting the generals employed in his army, said, "Berthier has talents, activity, courage, character--all in hisfavour. " This was in 1796. He then made an eagle of him; at St. Helenahe called him a goose. He should neither have, raised him so high norsunk him so low. 

Berthier neither merited the one nor the other. Bonaparte was a man ofhabit; he was much attached to all the people about him, and did not likenew faces. Berthier loved him. He carried out his orders well, and thatenabled him to pass off with his small portion of talent. 

It was about this time that young Beauharnais came to Milan. He wasseventeen years old. He had lived in Paris with his mother since thedeparture of Bonaparte. On his arrival he immediately entered theservice as 'aide de camp' to the General-in-Chief, who felt for him anaffection which was justified by his good qualities. 

Comte Delaunay d'Entraigues, well known in the French Revolution, held adiplomatic post at Venice when that city was threatened by the French. Aware of his being considered the agent of all the machinations thenexisting against France, and especially against the army of Italy, heendeavoured to escape; but the city being, surrounded, he was seized, together with all his papers. The apparently frank manners of the Countpleased Bonaparte, who treated him with indulgence. His papers wererestored, with the exception of three relating to political subjects. He afterwards fled to Switzerland, and ungratefully represented himselfas having been oppressed by Bonaparte. His false statements have inducedmany writers to make of him an heroic victim. He was assassinated by hisown servant in 1802. 

I kept a copy of one of his most interesting papers. It has been muchspoken of, and Fauche-Borel has, I believe, denied its authenticity andthe truth of its contents. The manner in which it fell into the hands ofthe General-in-Chief, the importance attached to it by d'Entraigues, thedifferences I have observed between the manuscript I copied and versionswhich I have since read, and the knowledge of its authenticity, havingmyself transcribed it from the handwriting of the Count, who in mypresence vouched for the truth of the facts it details--all thesecircumstances induce me to insert it here, and compel me to doubt that itwas, as Fauche-Borel asserted, a fabrication. 

This manuscript is entitled, 'My Conversation with Comte de Montgaillard, on the 4th of December 1796, from Six in the Afternoon till midnight, inthe presence of the Abbe Dumontel. '

[On my copy are written the words, "Extracts from this conversation, madeby me, from the original. " I omitted what I thought unimportant, andtranscribed only the most interesting passages. Montgaillard spoke ofhis escape, of his flight to England, of his return to France, of hissecond departure, and finally of his arrival at Bale in August 1795. ]

 The Prince de Conde soon afterwards, he said, called me to Mulheim, and knowing the connections I had had in France, proposed that I should sound General Pichegru, whose headquarters were at Altkirch, where he then was, surrounded by four representatives of the Convention. 

 I immediately went to Neufchatel, taking with me four or five hundred Louis. I cast my eyes on Fauche-Borel, the King's printer at Neufchatel, and also yours and mine, as the instrument by which to make the first overture, and I selected as his colleague M. Courant, a native of Neufchatel. I persuaded them to undertake the business: I supplied them with instructions and passports. They were foreigners: so I furnished them with all the necessary documents to enable them to travel in France as foreign merchants and purchasers of national property. I went to Bale to wait for news from them. 

 On the 13th of August Fauche and Courant set out for the headquarters at Altkirch. They remained there eight days without finding an opportunity to speak to Pichegru, who was surrounded by representatives and generals. Pichegru observed them, and seeing them continually wheresoever he went, he conjectured that they had something to say to him, and he called out in a loud voice, while passing them, "I am going to Huningen. " Fauche contrived to throw himself in his way at the end of a corridor. Pichegru observed him, and fixed his eyes upon him, and although it rained in torrents, he said aloud, "I am going to dine at the chateau of Madame Salomon. " This chateau was three leagues from Huningen, and Madame Salomon was Pichegru's mistress. 

 Fauche set off directly to the chateau, and begged to speak with General Pichegru. He told the general that, being in the possession of some of J. J. Rousseau's manuscripts, he wished to publish them and dedicate them to him. "Very good, " said Pichegru; "but I should like to read them first; for Rousseau professed principles of liberty in which I do not concur, and with which I should not like to have my name connected. "--"But, " said Fauche, "I have something else to speak to you about. "--"What is it, and on whose behalf?"-- "On behalf of the Prince de Conde. "--"Be silent, then, and follow me. "

 He conducted Fauche alone into a retired cabinet, and said to him, "Explain yourself; what does Monseigneur le Prince de Conde wish to communicate to me?" Fauche was embarrassed, and stammered out something unintelligible. "Compose yourself. " said Pichegru; "my sentiments are the same, as the Prince de Conde's. What does he desire of me?" Fauche, encouraged by these words, replied, "The Prince wishes to join you. He counts on you, and wishes to connect himself with you. "

 "These are vague and unmeaning words, " observed Pichegru. "All this amounts to nothing. Go back, and ask for written instructions, and return in three days to my headquarters at Altkirch. You will find me alone precisely at six o'clock in the evening. "

 Fauche immediately departed, arrived at Bale, and informed me of all that had passed. I spent the night in writing a letter to General Pichegru. (The Prince de Conde, who was invested with all the powers of Louis XVIII, except that of granting the 'cordon-bleu', had, by a note in his own handwriting, deputed to me all his powers, to enable me to maintain a negotiation with General Pichegru). 

 I therefore wrote to the general, stating, in the outset, everything that was calculated to awaken in him that noble sentiment of pride which is the instinct of great minds; and after pointing out to him the vast good it was in his power to effect, I spoke of the gratitude of the King, and the benefit he would confer on his country by restoring royalty. I told him that his Majesty would make him a marshal of France, and governor of Alsace, as no one could better govern the province than he who had so valiantly defended it. I added that he would have the 'cordon-rouge', the Chateau de Chambord, with its park, and twelve pieces of cannon taken from the Austrians, a million of ready money, 200, 000 livres per annum, and an hotel in Paris; that the town of Arbors, Pichegru's native place, should bear his name, and be exempt from all taxation for twenty-five years; that a pension of 200, 000 livres would be granted to him, with half reversion to his wife, and 50, 000 livres to his heirs for ever, until the extinction of his family. Such were the offers, made in the name of the King, to General Pichegru. (Than followed the boons to be granted to the officers and soldiers, an amnesty to the people, etc). I added that the Prince de Coude desired that he would proclaim the King in the camps, surrender the city of Huningen to him, and join him for the purpose of marching on Paris. 

 Pichegru, having read my letter with great attention, said to Fauche, "This is all very well; but who is this M. De Montgaillard who talks of being thus authorised? I neither know him nor his signature. Is he the author?"--"Yes, " replied Fauche. "But, " said Pichegru, "I must, before making any negotiation on my part, be assured that the Prince de Conde, with whose handwriting I am well acquainted, approves of all that has been written is his name by M. De Montgaillard. Return directly to M. De Montgaillard, and tell him to communicate my answer to the Prince. "

 Fauche immediately departed, leaving M. Courant with Pichegru. He arrived at Bale at nine o'clock in the evening. I set off directly for Malheim, the Prince de Conde's headquarters, and arrived there at half-past twelve. The Prince was in bed, but I awoke him. He made me sit down by his bedside, and our conference then commenced. 

 After having informed the Prince of the state of affairs, all that remained was to prevail on him to write to General Pichegru to confirm the truth of what had been stated in his name. This matter, which appeared so simple, and so little liable to objection, occupied the whole night. The Prince, as brave a man as can possibly be, inherited nothing from the great Conde but his undaunted courage. In other respects he is the most insignificant of men; without resources of mind, or decision of character; surrounded by men of mediocrity, and even baseness; and though he knows them well, he suffers himself to be governed by them. 

 It required nine hours of hard exertion on my part to get him to write to General Pichegru a letter of eight lines. 1st. He did not wish it to be in his handwriting. 2d. He objected to dating it 3d. He was unwilling to call him General, lest he should recognise the republic by giving that title. 4th. He did not like to address it, or affix his seal to it. 

 At length he consented to all, and wrote to Pichegru that he might place full confidence in the letters of the Comte de Montgaillard. When all this was settled, after great difficulty, the Prince next hesitated about sending the letter; but at length he yielded. I set off for Bale, and despatched Fauche to Altkirch, to General Pichegru. 

 The general, after reading the letter of eight lines, and recognising the handwriting and signature, immediately returned it to Fauche, saying, "I have seen the signature: that is enough for me. The word of the Prince is a pledge with which every Frenchman ought to be satisfied. Take back his letter. " He then inquired what was the Prince's wish. Fauche explained that he wished--1st. That Pichegru should proclaim the King to his troops, and hoist the White flag. 2d. That he should deliver up Huningen to the Prince. Pichegru objected to this. "I will never take part in such a plot, " said he; "I have no wish to make the third volume of La Fayette and Dumouriez. I know my resources; they are as certain as they are vast. Their roots are not only in my army, but in Paris, in the Convention, in the departments, and in the armies of those generals, my colleagues, who think as I do. I wish to do nothing by halves. There must be a complete end of the present state of things. France cannot continue a Republic. She must have a king, and that king must be Louis XVIII. But we must not commence the counter- revolution until we are certain of effecting it. 'Surely and rightly' is my motto. The Prince's plan leads to nothing. He would be driven from Huningen in four days, and in fifteen I should be lost. My army is composed both of good men and bad. We must distinguish between them, and, by a bold stroke, assure the former of the impossibility of drawing back, and that their only safety lies in success. For this purpose I propose to pass the Rhine, at any place and any time that may be thought necessary. In the advance I will place those officers on whom I can depend, and who are of my way of thinking. I will separate the bad, and place them in situations where they can do no harm, and their position shall be such as to prevent them from uniting. That done, as soon as I shall be on the other side of the Rhine, I will proclaim the King, and hoist the white flag. Conde's corps and the Emperor's army will then join us. I will immediately repass the Rhine, and re-enter France. The fortresses will be surrendered, and will be held in the King's name by the Imperial troops. Having joined Conde's army, I immediately advance. All my means now develop themselves on every side. We march upon Paris, and in a fortnight will be there. But it is necessary that you should know that you must give the French soldier wine and a crown in his hand if you would have him cry 'Vive le Roi! Nothing must be wanting at the first moment. My army must be well paid as far as the fourth or fifth march in the French territory. There go and tell all this to the Prince, show my handwriting, and bring me back his answer. "

 During these conferences Pichegru was surrounded by four representatives of the people, at the head of whom was Merlin de Thionville, the most insolent and the most ferocious of inquisitors. These men, having the orders of the Committee, pressed Pichegru to pass the Rhine and go and besiege Manheim, where Merlin had an understanding with the inhabitants. Thus, if on the one hand the Committee by its orders made Pichegru wish to hasten the execution of his plan, on the other he had not a moment to lose; for to delay obeying the orders of the four representatives was to render himself suspected. Every consideration, therefore, called upon the Prince to decide, and decide promptly. Good sense required him also to do another thing, namely, to examine without prejudice what sort of man Pichegru was, to consider the nature of the sacrifice he made, and what were his propositions. Europe acknowledged his talents, and he had placed the Prince in a condition to judge of his good faith. Besides, his conduct and his plan afforded fresh proofs of his sincerity. By passing the Rhine and placing himself between the armies of Conde and Wurmser, he rendered desertion impossible; and, if success did not attend his attempt, his own acts forced him to become an emigrant. He left in the power of his fierce enemies his wife, his father, his children. Everything bore testimony to his honesty; the talents he had shown were a pledge for his genius, his genius for his resources; and the sacrifices he would have to make in case of failure proved that he was confident of success. 

 What stupid conceit was it for any one to suppose himself better able to command Pichegru's army than Pichegru himself!--to pretend to be better acquainted with the frontier provinces than Pichegru, who commanded them, and had placed his friends in them as commanders of the towns! This self-conceit, however, ruined the monarchy at this time, as well as at so many others. The Prince de Conde, after reading the plan, rejected it in toto. To render it successful it was necessary to make the Austrians parties to it. This Pichegru exacted, but the Prince of Conde would not hear a word of it, wishing to have confined to himself the glory of effecting the counter-revolution. He replied to Pichegru by a few observations, and concluded his answer by returning to his first plan--that Pichegru should proclaim the King without passing the Rhine, and should give up Huningen; that then the army of Conde by itself, and without the aid of the Austrians, would join him. In that case he could promise 100, 000 crowns in louis, which he had at Bale, and 1, 400, 000 livres, which he had in good bills payable at sight. 

 No argument or entreaty had any effect on the Prince de Condo. The idea of communicating his plan to Wurmser and sharing his glory with him rendered him blind and deaf to every consideration. However, it was necessary to report to Pichegru the observations of the Prince de Conde, and Courant was commissioned to do so. 

This document appeared so interesting to me that while Bonaparte wassleeping I was employed in copying it. Notwithstanding posterior andreiterated denials of its truth, I believe it to be perfectly correct. 

Napoleon had ordered plans of his most famous battles to be engraved, andhad paid in advance for them. The work was not done quickly enough forhim. He got angry, and one day said to his geographer, Bacler d'Albe, whom he liked well enough, "Ah! do hurry yourself, and think all this isonly the business of a moment. If you make further delay you will sellnothing; everything is soon forgotten!"

We were now in July, and the negotiations were carried on with atardiness which showed that something was kept in reserve on both sides. Bonaparte at this time was anything but disposed to sign a peace, whichhe always hoped to be able to make at Vienna, after a campaign inGermany, seconded by the armies of the Rhine and the Sambre-et-Meuse. The minority of the Directory recommended peace on the basis of thepreliminaries, but the majority wished for more honourable andadvantageous terms; while Austria, relying on troubles breaking out inFrance, was in no haste to conclude a treaty. In these circumstancesBonaparte drew up a letter to be sent to the Emperor of Austria, in whichhe set forth the moderation of France; but stated that, in consequence ofthe many delays, nearly all hope of peace had vanished. He advised theEmperor not to rely on difficulties arising in France, and doubted, ifwar should continue and the Emperor be successful in the next campaign, that he would obtain a more advantageous peace than was now at hisoption. This letter was never sent to the Emperor, but was communicatedas the draft of a proposed despatch to the Directory. The EmperorFrancis, however, wrote an autograph letter to the General-in-Chief ofthe army of Italy, which will be noticed when I come to the period of itsreception: It is certain that Bonaparte at this time wished for war. Hewas aware that the Cabinet of Vienna was playing with him, and that theAustrian Ministers expected some political convulsion in Paris, whichthey hoped would be favourable to the Bourbons. He therefore asked forreinforcements. His army consisted of 35, 900 men, and he desired it tobe raised to 60, 000 infantry and 10, 000 cavalry ready for the field. 

General Desaix, profiting by the preliminaries of Leoben, came in the endof July to visit the scene of the army of Italy's triumphs. Hisconversations with Bonaparte respecting the army of the Rhine were farfrom giving him confidence in his military situation in Italy, orassurance of support from that army in the event of hostilitiescommencing beyond the mountains. It was at this period that theirintimacy began. Bonaparte conceived for Desaix the greatest esteem andthe sincerest friendship. 

 --[Desaix discontented with the conduct of affairs in Germany, seceded from the army of the Rhine, to which he belonged, to join that of Napoleon. He was sent to Italy to organise the part of the Egyptian expedition starting from Civita Vecchia. He took with him his two aides de camp, Rapp and Savary (later Duc de Rovigo), both of whom, on his death, were given the same post with Bonaparte. ]--

When Desaix was named temporary commander of the force called the army ofEngland, during the absence of General Bonaparte, the latter wrote to theDirectory that they could not have chosen a more distinguished officerthan Desaix; these sentiments he never belied. The early death of Desaixalone could break their union, which, I doubt not, would eventually havehad great influence on the political and military career of GeneralBonaparte. 

All the world knows the part which the General-in-Chief of the army ofItaly took at the famous crisis of the 18th Fructidor; his proclamation, his addresses to the army, and his celebrated order of the day. Bonaparte went much into detail on this subject at St. Helena; and Ishall now proceed to state what I knew at the time respecting thatmemorable event, which was in preparation in the month of June. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

1797. 

 The royalists of the interior--Bonaparte's intention of marching on Paris with 25, 000 men--His animosity against the emigrants and the Clichy Club--His choice between the two parties of the Directory-- Augereau's order of the day against the word 'Monsieur'--Bonaparte wishes to be made one of the five Directors--He supports the majority of the Directory--La Vallette, Augereau, and Bernadotte sent to Paris--Interesting correspondence relative to the 18th Fructidor. 

Bonaparte had long observed the struggle which was going on between thepartisans of royalty and the Republic. He was told that royalism waseverywhere on the increase. All the generals who returned from Paris tothe army complained of the spirit of reaction they had noticed. Bonaparte was constantly urged by his private correspondents to take oneside or the other, or to act for himself. He was irritated by theaudacity of the enemies of the Republic, and he saw plainly that themajority of the councils had an evident ill-will towards him. Theorators of the Club of Clichy missed no opportunity of wounding hisself-love in speeches and pamphlets. They spared no insults, disparagedhis success, and bitterly censured his conduct in Italy, particularlywith respect to Venice. Thus his services were recompensed by hatred oringratitude. About this time he received a pamphlet, which referred tothe judgments pronounced upon him by the German journals, and moreparticularly by the Spectator of the North, which he always made metranslate. 

Bonaparte was touched to the quick by the comparison make between him andMoreau, and by the wish to represent him as foolhardy ("savants sousMoreau, fougueuse sous Buonaparte"). In the term of "brigands, " appliedto the generals who fought in La Vendee, he thought he recognized thehand of the party he was about to attack and overthrow. He was tired ofthe way in which Moreau's system of war was called "savants. " But whatgrieved him still more was to see sitting in the councils of the nationFrenchmen who were detractors and enemies of the national glory. 

He urged the Directory to arrest the emigrants, to destroy the influenceof foreigners, to recall the armies, to suppress the journals sold toEngland, such as the 'Quotidienne', the 'Memorial', and the 'The', whichhe accused of being more sanguinary than Marat ever was. In case ofthere being no means of putting a stop to assassinations and theinfluence of Louis XVIII. , he offered to resign. 

His resolution of passing the Alps with 25, 000 men and marching by Lyonsand Paris was known in the capital, and discussions arose respecting theconsequences of this passage of another Rubicon. On the 17th of August1797 Carnot wrote to him: "People attribute to you a thousand absurdprojects. They cannot believe that a man who has performed so many greatexploits can be content to live as a private citizen. " This observationapplied to Bonaparte's reiterated request to be permitted to retire fromthe service on account of the state of his health, which, he said, disabled him from mounting his horse, and to the need which he constantlyurged of having two years' rest. 

The General-in-Chief was justly of opinion that the tardiness of thenegotiations and the difficulties which incessantly arose were founded onthe expectation of an event which would change the government of France, and render the chances of peace more favourable to Austria. He stillurgently recommended the arrest of the emigrants, the stopping of thepresses of the royalist journals, which he said were sold to England andAustria, the suppression of the Clichy Club. This club was held at theresidence of Gerard Desodieres, in the Rue de Clichy. Aubry, was one ofits warmest partisans, and he was the avowed enemy of the revolutionarycause which Bonaparte advocated at this period. Aubry's conduct at thistime, together with the part he had taken in provoking Bonaparte'sdismissal in 1795, inspired the General with an implacable hatred of him. 

Bonaparte despised the Directory, which he accused of weakness, indecision, pusillanimity, wasteful expenditure, of many errors, andperseverance in a system degrading to the national glory. 

 --[The Directory merited those accusations. The following sketches of two of their official sittings present a singular contrast:

 "At the time that the Directory were first installed in the Luxembourg (27th October 1795). " says M. Baileul, "there was hardly a single article of furniture in it. In a small room, round a little broken table, one of the legs of which had given way from age, on which table they had deposited a quire of letter-paper, and a writing desk 'a calamet', which luckily they had had the precaution to bring with them from the Committee of Public safety, seated on four rush-bottomed chairs, in front of some logs of wood ill-lighted, the whole borrowed from the porter Dupont; who would believe that it was in this deplorable condition that the member's of the new Government, after having examined all the difficulties, nay, let me add, all the horrors of their situation, resolved to confront all obstacles, and that they would either deliver France from the abyss in which she was plunged or perish in the attempt? They drew up on a sheet of letter-paper the act by which they declared themselves constituted, and immediately forwarded it to the Legislative Bodies. "

 And the Comte de La Vallette, writing to M. Cuvillier Fleury, says: "I saw our five kings, dressed in the robes of Francis I. , his hat, his pantaloons, and his lace: the face of La Reveilliere looked like a cork upon two pins, with the black and greasy hair of Clodion. M. De Talleyrand, in pantaloons of the colour of wine dregs, sat in a folding chair at the feet of the Director Barras, in the Court of the Petit Luxembourg, and gravely presented to his sovereigns as ambassador from the Grand Duke of Tuscany, while the French were eating his master's dinner, from the soup to the cheese. At the right hand there were fifty musicians and singers of the Opera, Laine, Lays, Regnault, and the actresses, not all dead of old age, roaring a patriotic cantata to the music of Mehul. Facing them, on another elevation, there were two hundred young and beautiful women, with their arms and bosoms bare, all in ecstasy at the majesty of our Pentarchy and the happiness of the Republic. They also wore tight flesh-coloured pantaloons, with rings on their toes. That was a sight that never will be seen again. A fortnight after this magnificent fete, thousands of families wept over their banished fathers, forty-eight departments were deprived of their representatives, and forty editors of newspapers were forced to go and drink the waters of the Elbe, the Synamary or the Ohio! It would be a curious disquisition to seek to discover what really were at that time the Republic and Liberty. "]

He knew that the Clichy party demanded his dismissal and arrest. He wasgiven to understand that Dumolard was one of the most decided againsthim, and that, finally, the royalist party was on the point oftriumphing. 

Before deciding for one party or the other Bonaparte first thought ofhimself. He did not imagine that he had yet achieved enough to ventureon possessing himself of that power which certainly he might easily haveobtained. He therefore contented himself with joining the party whichwas, for the moment, supported by public opinion. I know he wasdetermined to march upon Paris with 25, 000 men had affairs taken a turnunfavourable to the Republic, which he preferred to royalty. Hecautiously formed his plan. To defend the Directory was, he conceived, to defend his own future fortune; that is to say, it was protecting apower which appeared to have no other object than to keep a place for himuntil his return. 

The parties which rose up in Paris produced a reaction in the army. Theemployment of the word 'Monsieur' had occasioned quarrels, and evenbloodshed. General Augereau, in whose division these contests had takenplace, published an order of the day, setting forth that every individualin his division who should use the word 'Monsieur', either verbally or inwriting, under any pretence whatever, should be deprived of his rank, anddeclared incapable of serving in the Republican armies. This order wasread at the head of each company. 

Bonaparte viewed the establishment of peace as the close of his militarycareer. Repose and inactivity were to him unbearable. He sought to takepart in the civil affairs of the Republic, and was desirous of becomingone of the five Directors, convinced that, if he obtained that object, hewould speedily stand single and alone. The fulfilment of this wish wouldhave prevented the Egyptian expedition, and placed the imperial crownmuch sooner upon his head. Intrigues were carried on in Paris in hisname, with the view of securing to him a legal dispensation on the scoreof age. He hoped, though he was but eight-and-twenty, to supersede oneof the two Directors who were to go out of office. 

 --[The Directors had to be forty years of ago before they could be appointed. ]--

His brothers and their friends made great exertions for the success ofthe project, which, however, was not officially proposed, because it wastoo adverse to the prevailing notions of the day, and seemed too early aviolation of the constitution of the year III. , which, nevertheless, wasviolated in another way a few months after. 

The members of the Directory were by no means anxious to have Bonapartefor their colleague. They dissembled, and so did he. Both parties werelavish of their mutual assurances of friendship, while they cordiallyhated each other. The Directory, however, appealed for the support ofBonaparte, which he granted; but his subsequent conduct clearly provesthat the maintenance of the constitution of the year III. Was a merepretest. He indeed defended it meanwhile, because, by aiding the triumphof the opposite party, he could not hope to preserve the influence whichhe exercised over the Directory. I know well that, in case of the Clichyparty gaining the ascendency, he was determined to cross the Alps withhis army, and to assemble all the friends of the Republic at Lyons, thence to march upon Paris. 

In the Memorial of St. Helena it is stated, in reference to the 18thFructidor, "that the triumph of the majority of the councils was hisdesire and hope, we are inclined to believe from the following fact, viz. , that at the crisis of the contest between the two factions a secretresolution was drawn up by three of the members of the Directory, askinghim for three millions to support the attack on the councils, and thatNapoleon, under various pretences, did not send the money, though hemight easily have done so. "

This is not very comprehensible. There was no secret resolution of themembers who applied for the three millions. It was Bonaparte who offeredthe money, which, however, he did not send; it was he who despatchedAugereau; and he who wished for the triumph of the Directorial majority. His memory served him badly at St. Helena, as will be seen from somecorrespondence which I shall presently submit to the reader. It is verycertain that he did offer the money to the Directory; that is to say, tothree of its members. 

 --[Barras, La Revelliere-Lepaux, and Rewbell, the three Directors who carried out the 'coup d'etat' of the 18th Fructidor against their colleagues Carnot and Bartholemy. (See Thiers' "French Revolution", vol. V. Pp. 114, 139, and 163. )]--

Bonaparte had so decidedly formed his resolution that on the 17th ofJuly, wishing to make Augereau his confidant, he sent to Vicenza for himby an extraordinary courier. 

Bonaparte adds that when Bottot, the confidential agent of Barras, cameto Passeriano, after the 18th Fructidor, he declared to him that as soonas La Vallette should make him acquainted with the real state of thingsthe money should be transmitted. The inaccuracy of these statements willbe seen in the correspondence relative to the event. In thus distortingthe truth Napoleon's only object could have been to proclaim hisinclination for the principles he adopted and energetically supportedfrom the year 1800, but which, previously to that period, he had with noless energy opposed. 

He decidedly resolved to support the majority of the Directory, and tooppose the royalist faction; the latter, which was beginning to beimportant, would have been listened to had it offered power to him. About the end of July he sent his 'aide de camp' La Vallette to Paris. La Vallette was a man of good sense and education, pleasing manners, pliant temper, and moderate opinions. He was decidedly devoted toBonaparte. With his instructions he received a private cipher to enablehim to correspond with the General-in-Chief. 

Augereau went, after La Vallette, on the 27th of July. Bonaparteofficially wrote to the Directory that Augereau "had solicited leave togo to Paris on his own private business. "

But the truth is, Augereau was sent expressly to second the revolutionwhich was preparing against the Clichy party and the minority of theDirectory. 

Bonaparte made choice of Augereau because he knew his staunch republicanprinciples, his boldness, and his deficiency in political talent. Hethought him well calculated to aid a commotion, which his own presencewith the army of Italy prevented him from directing in person; andbesides, Augereau was not an ambitious rival who might turn events to hisown advantage. Napoleon said, at St. Helena, that he sent the addressesof the army of Italy by Augereau because he was a decided supporter ofthe opinions of the day. That was the true reason for choosing him. 

Bernadotte was subsequently despatched on the same errand. Bonaparte'spretence for sending him was, that he wished to transmit to the Directoryfour flags, which, out of the twenty-one taken at the battle of Rivoli, had been left, by mistake, at Peschiera. Bernadotte, however, did nottake any great part in the affair. He was always prudent. 

The crisis of the 18th Fructidor, which retarded for three years theextinction of the pentarchy, presents one of the most remarkable eventsof its short existence. It will be seen how the Directors extricatedthemselves from this difficulty. I subjoin the correspondence relatingto this remarkable episode of our Revolution, cancelling only suchportions of it as are irrelevant to the subject. It exhibits severalvariations from the accounts given by Napoleon at St. Helena to his noblecompanions in misfortune. 

Augereau thus expressed himself on the 18th Fructidor (4th September1797):--

 At length, General, my mission is accomplished, and the promises of the army of Italy are fulfilled. The fear of being anticipated has caused measures to be hurried. 

 At midnight I despatched orders to all the troops to march towards the points specified. Before day all the bridges and principal places were planted with cannon. At daybreak the halls of the councils were surrounded, the guards of the councils were amicably mingled with our troops, and the members, of whom I send you a list, were arrested and conveyed to the Temple. The greater number have escaped, and are being pursued. Carnot has disappeared. '

 --[In 1824 Louis XVIII. Sent letters of nobility to those members of the two councils who were, as it was termed, 'fructidorized'. --Bourrienne]--

 Paris is tranquil, and every one is astounded at an event which promised to be awful, but which has passed over like a fete. 

 The stout patriots of the faubourgs proclaim the safety of the Republic, and the black collars are put down. It now remains for the wise energy of the Directory and the patriots of the two councils to do the rest. The place of sitting is changed, and the first operations promise well. This event is a great step towards peace; which it is your task finally to secure to us. 

On the 24th Fructidor (10th September 1797) Augereau writes:

 My 'aide de camp', de Verine, will acquaint you with the events of the 18th. He is also to deliver to you some despatches from the Directory, where much uneasiness is felt at not hearing from you. No less uneasiness is experienced on seeing in Paris one of your 'aides de camp', --(La Vallette)--whose conduct excites the dissatisfaction and distrust of the patriots, towards whom he has behaved very ill. 

 The news of General Clarke's recall will have reached you by this time, and I suspect has surprised you. Amongst the thousand and one motives which have determined the Government to take this step may be reckoned his correspondence with Carnot, which has been communicated to me, and in which he treated the generals of the army of Italy as brigands. 

 Moreau has sent the Directory a letter which throws a new light on Pichegru's treason. Such baseness is hardly to be conceived. 

 The Government perseveres in maintaining the salutary measures which it has adopted. I hope it will be in vain for the remnant of the factions to renew their plots. The patriots will continue united. 

 Fresh troops having been summoned to Paris, and my presence at their head being considered indispensable by the Government, I shall not have the satisfaction of seeing you so soon as I hoped. This has determined me to send for my horses and carriages, which I left at Milan. 

Bernadotte wrote to Bonaparte on the 24th Fructidor as follows:--

 The arrested deputies are removed to Rochefort, where they will be embarked for the island of Madagascar. Paris is tranquil. The people at first heard of the arrest of the deputies with indifference. A feeling of curiosity soon drew them into the streets; enthusiasm followed, and cries of 'Vive la Republique', which had not been heard for a long time, now resounded in every street. The neighbouring departments have expressed their discontent. That of Allier has, it is said, protested; but it will cut a fine figure. Eight thousand men are marching to the environs of Paris. Part is already within the precincts; under the orders of General Lemoine. The Government has it at present in its power to elevate public spirit; but everybody feels that it is necessary the Directory should be surrounded by tried and energetic Republicans. Unfortunately a host of men, without talent and resources, already suppose that what has taken place has been done only in order to advance their interests. Time is necessary to set all to rights. The armies have regained consistency. The soldiers of the interior are esteemed, or at least feared. The emigrants fly, and the non-juring priests conceal themselves. Nothing could have happened more fortunately to consolidate the Republic. 

Bonaparte wrote as follows, to the Directory on the 26th Fructidor:

 Herewith you will receive a proclamation to the army, relative to the events of the 18th. I have despatched the 45th demi-brigade, commanded by General Bon, to Lyons, together with fifty cavalry; also General Lannes, with the 20th light infantry and the 9th regiment of the line, to Marseilles. I have issued the enclosed proclamation in the southern departments. I am about to prepare a proclamation for the inhabitants of Lyons, as soon as I obtain some information of what may have passed there. 

 If I find there is the least disturbance, I will march there with the utmost rapidity. Believe that there are here a hundred thousand men, who are alone sufficient to make the measures you have taken to place liberty on a solid basis be respected. What avails it that we gain victories if we are not respected in our country. In speaking of Paris, one may parody what Cassius said of Rome: "Of what use to call her queen on the banks of the Seine, when she is the slave of Pitt's gold?"

After the 18th Fructidor Augereau wished to have his reward for his sharein the victory, and for the service which he had rendered. He wished tobe a Director. He got, however, only the length of being a candidate;honour enough for one who had merely been an instrument on that day. 

CHAPTER IX. 

1797. 

 Bonaparte's joy at the result of the 18th Fructidor. --His letter to Augerean--His correspondence with the Directory and proposed resignation--Explanation of the Directory--Bottot--General Clarke-- Letter from Madame Bacciocchi to Bonaparte--Autograph letter of the Emperor Francis to Bonaparte--Arrival of Count Cobentzel--Autograph note of Bonaparte on the conditions of peace. 

Bonaparte was delighted when he heard of the happy issue of the 18thFructidor. Its result was the dissolution of the Legislative Body andthe fall of the Clichyan party, which for some months had disturbed histranquillity. The Clichyans had objected to Joseph Bonaparte's right tosit as deputy for Liamone in the Council of Five Hundred. 

 --[He was ambassador to Rome, and not a deputy at this time. When he became a member of the council, after his return from Rome, he experienced no opposition (Bourrienne et ses Erreurs, tome i. P. 240). ]--

His brother's victory removed the difficulty; but the General-in-Chiefsoon perceived that the ascendant party abused its power, and againcompromised the safety of the Republic, by recommencing the RevolutionaryGovernment. The Directors were alarmed at his discontent and offended byhis censure. They conceived the singular idea of opposing to Bonaparte, Augereau, of whose blind zeal they had received many proofs. TheDirectory appointed Augereau commander of the army of Germany. Augereau, whose extreme vanity was notorious, believed himself in a situation tocompete with Bonaparte. What he built his arrogance on was, that, with anumerous troop, he had arrested some unarmed representatives, and tornthe epaulettes from the shoulders of the commandant of the guard of thecouncils. The Directory and he filled the headquarters at Passerianowith spies and intriguers. 

Bonaparte, who was informed of everything that was going on, laughed atthe Directory, and tendered his resignation, in order that he might besupplicated to continue in command. 

The following post-Thermidorian letters will prove that the General'sjudgment on this point was correct. 

On the 2d Vendemiaire, year VI. (23d September 1797), he wrote toAugereau, after having announced the arrival of his 'aide de camp' asfollows:

 The whole army applauds the wisdom and vigour which you have displayed upon this important occasion, and participates in the success of the country with the enthusiasm and energy which characterise our soldiers. It is only to be hoped, however, that the Government will not be playing at see saw, and thus throw itself into the opposite party. Wisdom and moderate views alone can establish the happiness of the country on a sure foundation. As for myself, this is the most ardent wish of my heart. I beg that you will sometimes let me know what you are doing in Paris. 

On the 4th Vendemiaire Bonaparte wrote a letter to the Directory in thefollowing terms:

 The day before yesterday an officer arrived at the army from Paris. He reported that he left Paris on the 25th, when anxiety prevailed there as to the feelings with which I viewed the events of the 18th He was the bearer of a sort of circular from General Augereau to all the generals of division; and he brought a letter of credit from the Minister of War to the commissary-general, authorising him to draw as much money as he might require for his journey. 

 It is evident from these circumstances that the Government is acting towards me in somewhat the same way in which Pichegru was dealt with after Vendemiaire (year IV. ). 

 I beg of you to receive my resignation, and appoint another to my place. No power on earth shall make me continue in the service after this shocking mark of ingratitude on the part of the Government, which I was very far from expecting. My health, which is considerably impaired, imperiously demands repose and tranquillity. 

 The state of my mind, likewise, requires me to mingle again in the mass of citizens. Great power has for a longtime been confided to my hands. I have employed it on all occasions for the advantage of my country; so much the worse for those who put no faith in virtue, and may have suspected mine. My recompense is in my own conscience, and in the opinion of posterity. 

 Now that the country is tranquil and free from the dangers which have menaced it, I can, without inconvenience, quit the post in which I have been placed. 

 Be sure that if there were a moment of danger, I would be found in the foremost rank of the defenders of liberty and of the constitution of the year III. 

The Directory, judging from the account which Bottot gave of his missionthat he had not succeeded in entirely removing the suspicions ofBonaparte, wrote the following letter on the 30th Vendemiaire:

 The Directory has itself been troubled about the impression made on you by the letter to the paymaster-general, of which an 'aide de camp' was the bearer. The composition of this letter has very much astonished the Government, which never appointed nor recognised such an agent: it is at least an error of office. But it should not alter the opinion you ought otherwise to entertain of the manner in which the Directory thinks of and esteems you. It appears that the 18th Fructidor was misrepresented in the letters which were sent to the army of Italy. You did well to intercept them, and it may be right to transmit the most remarkable to the Minister of Police. --(What an ignoble task to propose to the conqueror of Italy. )

 In your observations on the too strong tendency of opinion towards military government, the Directory recognises an equally enlightened and ardent friend of the Republic. 

 Nothing is wiser than the maxim, 'cedant arma togae', for the maintenance of republics. To show so much anxiety on so important a point is not one of the least glorious features in the life of a general placed at the head of a triumphant army. 

The Directory had sent General Clarke

 --[H. J. G. Clarke, afterwards Minister of War under Napoleon, 1807-1814, acid under the Bourbons in 1816, when he was made a Marshal of France. He was created Due de Feltre in 1819. ]--

to treat for peace, as second plenipotentiary. Bonaparte has often toldme he had no doubt from the time of his arrival that General Clarke wascharged with a secret mission to act as a spy upon him, and even toarrest him if an opportunity offered for so doing without danger. Thathe had a suspicion of this kind is certain; but I must own that I wasnever by any means able to discover its grounds; for in all myintercourse since with Clarke he never put a single question to me, nordid I ever hear a word drop from his mouth, which savoured of such acharacter. If the fact be that he was a spy, he certainly played hispart well. In all the parts of his correspondence which were interceptedthere never was found the least confirmation of this suspicion. Be thisas it may, Bonaparte could not endure him; he did not make him acquaintedwith what was going on, and his influence rendered this mission a merenullity. The General-in-Chief concentrated all the business of thenegotiation in his own closet; and, as to what was going on, Clarkecontinued a mere cipher until the 18th Fructidor, when he was recalled. Bonaparte made but little count of Clarke's talents. It is but justice, however, to say that he bore him no grudge for the conduct of which hesuspected he was guilty in Italy. "I pardon him because I alone have theright to be offended. "

He even had the generosity to make interest for an official situation forhim. These amiable traits were not uncommon with Bonaparte. 

Bonaparte had to encounter so many disagreeable contrarieties, both inthe negotiators for peace and the events at Paris, that he oftendisplayed a good deal of irritation and disgust. This state of mind wasincreased by the recollection of the vexation his sister's marriage hadcaused him, and which was unfortunately revived by a letter he receivedfrom her at this juncture. His excitement was such that he threw it downwith an expression of anger. It has been erroneously reported in severalpublications that "Bacciocchi espoused Marie-Anne-Eliza Bonaparte on the5th of May 1797. The brother of the bride was at the time negotiatingthe preliminaries of peace with Austria. "

In fact, the preliminaries were signed in the month of April, and it wasfor the definitive peace we were negotiating in May. But the reader willfind by the subjoined letter that Christine applied to her brother tostand godfather to her third child. Three children in three months wouldbe rather quick work. 

 AJACCIO, 14th, Thermidor, year V. (1st August 1797). 

 GENERAL--Suffer me to write to you and call you by the name of brother. My first child was born at a time when you were much incensed against us. I trust she may soon caress you, and so make you forget the pain my marriage has occasioned you. My second child was still-born. Obliged to quit Paris by your order, --[Napoleon had written in August 1796 to Carnot, to request that Lucien might be ordered to quit Paris; see Iung, tome iii. P. 223. ]--

 I miscarried in Germany. In a month's time I hope to present you with a nephew. A favourable time, and other circumstances, incline me to hope my next will be a boy, and I promise you I will make a soldier of him; but I wish him to bear your name, and that you should be his godfather. I trust you will not refuse your sister's request. 

 Will you send, for this purpose, your power of attorney to Baciocchi, or to whomsoever you think fit? I shall expect with impatience your assent. Because we are poor let not that cause you to despise us; for, after all, you are our brother, mine are the only children that call you uncle, and we all love you more than we do the favours of fortune. Perhaps I may one day succeed in convincing you of the love I bear you. --Your affectionate sister, CHRISTINE BONAPARTE. 

 --[Madame Bacciocchi went by the name of Marianne at St. Cyr, of Christine while on her travels, and of Eliza under the Consulate. -- Bourrienne. ]--

 P. S. --Do not fail to remember me to your wife, whom I strongly desire to be acquainted with. They told me at Paris I was very like her. If you recollect my features you can judge. C. B. 

This letter is in the handwriting of Lucien Bonaparte. '

 --[Joseph Bonaparte in his Notes says, "It is false that Madame Bonaparte ever called herself Christine; it is false that she ever wrote the letter of which M. De Bourrienne here gives a copy. " It will be observed that Bourrienne says it was written by her brother Lucien. This is an error. The letter is obviously from Christine Boyer, the wife of Lucien Bonaparte, whose marriage had given such displeasure to Napoleon. (See Erreurs, tome i. P. 240, and Iung's Lucien, tome i p. 161). ]--

General Bonaparte had been near a month at Passeriano when he receivedthe following autograph letter from the Emperor of Austria:

 TO MONSIEUR LE GENERAL BONAPARTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY OF ITALY. 

 MONSIEUR LE GENERAL BONAPARTE--When I thought I had given my plenipotentiaries full powers to terminate the important negotiation with which they were charged, I learn, with as much pain as surprise, that in consequence of swerving continually from the stipulations of the preliminaries, the restoration of tranquillity, with the tidings of which I desire to gladden the hearts of my subjects, and which the half of Europe devoutly prays for, becomes day after day more uncertain. 

 Faithful to the performance of my engagements, I am ready to execute what was agreed to at Leoben, and require from you but the reciprocal performance of so sacred a duty. This is what has already been declared in my name, and what I do not now hesitate myself to declare. If, perhaps, the execution of some of the preliminary articles be now impossible, in consequence of the events which have since occurred, and in which I had no part, it may be necessary to substitute others in their stead equally adapted to the interests and equally conformable to the dignity of the two nations. To such alone will I put my hand. A frank and sincere explanation, dictated by the same feelings which govern me, is the only way to lead to so salutary a result. In order to accelerate this result as far as in me lies, and to put an end at once to the state of uncertainty we remain in, and which has already lasted too long, I have determined to despatch to the place of the present negotiations Comte de Cobentzel, a man who possesses my most unlimited confidence, and who is instructed as to my intentions and furnished with my most ample powers. I have authorised him to receive and accept every proposition tending to the reconciliation of the two parties which may be in conformity with the principles of equity and reciprocal fitness, and to conclude accordingly. 

 After this fresh assurance of the spirit of conciliation which animates me, I doubt not you will perceive that peace lies in your own hands, and that on your determination will depend the happiness or misery of many thousand men. If I mistake as to the means I think best adapted to terminate the calamities which for along time have desolated Europe, I shall at least have the consolation of reflecting that I have done all that depended on me. With the consequences which may result I can never be reproached. 

 I have been particularly determined to the course I now take by the opinion I entertain of your upright character, and by the personal esteem I have conceived towards you, of which I am very happy, M. Le General Bonaparte, to give you here an assurance. 

 (Signed) FRANCIS. 

In fact, it was only on the arrival of the Comte de Cobentzel that thenegotiations were seriously set on foot. Bonaparte had all along clearlyperceived that Gallo and Meerweldt were not furnished with adequatepowers. He saw also clearly enough that if the month of September were, to be trifled away in unsatisfactory negotiations, as the month whichpreceded it had been, it would be difficult in October to strike a blowat the house of Austria on the side of Carinthia. The Austrian Cabinetperceived with satisfaction the approach of the bad weather, and insistedmore strongly on its ultimatum, which was the Adige, with Venice. 

Before the 18th Fructidor the Emperor of Austria hoped that the movementwhich was preparing in Paris would operate badly for France andfavourably to the European cause. The Austrian plenipotentiaries, inconsequence, raised their pretensions, and sent notes and an ultimatumwhich gave the proceedings more an air of trifling than of seriousnegotiation. Bonaparte's original ideas, which I have under his hand, were as follows:

 1. The Emperor to have Italy as far as the Adda. 2. The King of Sardinia as far as the Adda. 3. The Genoese Republic to have the boundary of Tortona as far as the Po (Tortona to be demolished), as also the imperial fiefs. (Coni to be ceded to France, or to be demolished. ) 4. The Grand Duke of Tuscany to be restored. 5. The Duke of Parma to be restored. 

CHAPTER X. 

1797. 

 Influence of the 18th Fructidor on the negotiations--Bonaparte's suspicion of Bottot--His complaints respecting the non-erasure of Bourrienne--Bourrienne's conversation with the Marquis of Gallo-- Bottot writes from Paris to Bonaparte on the part of the Directory Agents of the Directory employed to watch Bonaparte--Influence of the weather on the conclusion of peace--Remarkable observation of Bonaparte--Conclusion of the treaty--The Directory dissatisfied with the terms of the peace--Bonaparte's predilection for representative government--Opinion on Bonaparte. 

After the 18th Fructidor Bonaparte was more powerful, Austria lesshaughty and confident. Venice was the only point of real difficulty. Austria wanted the line of the Adige, with Venice, in exchange forMayence, and the boundary of the Rhine until that river enters Holland. The Directory wished to have the latter boundary, and to add Mantua tothe Italian Republic, without giving up all the line of the Adige andVenice. The difficulties were felt to be so irreconcilable that withinabout a month of the conclusion of peace the Directory wrote to GeneralBonaparte that a resumption of hostilities was preferable to the state ofuncertainty which was agitating and ruining France. The Directory, therefore, declared that both the armies of the Rhine should take thefield. It appears from the Fructidorian correspondence, which has beenalready given, that the majority of the Directory then looked upon apeace such as Bonaparte afterwards made as infamous. 

But Bonaparte, from the moment the Venetian insurrection broke out, perceived that Venice might be used for the pacification. Bonaparte, who was convinced that, in order to bring matters to an issue, Venice andthe territory beyond the Adige must fall beneath the Hapsburg sceptre, wrote to the Directory that he could not commence operations, advantageously, before the end of March, 1798; but that if the objectionsto giving Venice to the Emperor of Austria were persisted in, hostilitieswould certainly be resumed in the month of October, for the Emperor wouldnot renounce Venice. In that case it would be necessary to be ready onthe Rhine for an advance in Germany, as the army of Italy, if it couldmake head against the Archduke Charles, was not sufficiently strong forany operations on a grand scale. At this period the conclusion of peacewas certainly very doubtful; it was even seriously considered in, whatform the rupture should be notified. 

Towards the end of September Bottot, Barras' secretary, arrived atPasseriano. He was despatched by the Directory. Bonaparte immediatelysuspected he was a new spy, come on a secret mission, to watch him. Hewas therefore received and treated with coolness; but Bonaparte neverhad, as Sir Walter Scott asserts, the idea of ordering him to be shot. That writer is also in error when he says that Bottot was sent toPasseriano to reproach Bonaparte for failing to fulfil his promise ofsending money to the Directory. 

Bonaparte soon gave Bottot an opportunity of judging of the kind ofspirit which prevailed at headquarters. He suddenly tendered hisresignation, which he had already several times called upon the Directoryto accept. He accused the Government, at table, in Bottot's presence, of horrible ingratitude. He recounted all his subjects of complaint, in loud and impassioned language, without any restraint, and beforetwenty or thirty persons. 

Indignant at finding that his reiterated demands for the erasure of myname from the list of emigrants had been slighted, and that, in spite ofhis representations, conveyed to Paris by General Bernadotte, LouisBonaparte, and others, I was still included in that fatal list, heapostrophised M. Bottot at dinner one day, before forty individuals, among whom were the diplomatists Gallo, Cobentzel, and Meerweldt. Theconversation turned upon the Directory. "Yes, truly, " cried Bonaparte, in a loud voice, "I have good reason to complain; and, to pass from greatto little things, look, I pray you, at Bourrienne's case. He possessesmy most unbounded confidence. He alone is entrusted, under my orders, with all the details of the negotiation. This you well know; and yetyour Directory will not strike him off the list. In a word it is notonly an inconceivable, but an extremely stupid piece of business; for hehas all my secrets; he knows my ultimatum, and could by a single wordrealize a handsome fortune, and laugh at your obstinacy. Ask M. De Galloif this be not true. "

Bottot wished to offer some excuse; but the general murmur which followedthis singular outburst reduced him to silence. 

The Marquis de Gallo had conversed with me but three days before, in thepark of Passeriano, on the subject of my position with regard to France, of the determination expressed by the Directory not to erase my name, andof the risk I thereby ran. "We have no desire, " continued he, "to renewthe war; we wish sincerely for peace; but it must be an honourable one. The Republic of Venice presents a large territory for partition, whichwould be sufficient for both parties. The cessions at present proposedare not, however, satisfactory. We want to know Bonaparte's ultimatum;and I am authorised to offer an estate in Bohemia, with a title andresidence, and an annual revenue of 90, 000 florins. "

I quickly interrupted M. De Gallo, and assured him that both myconscience and my duty obliged me to reject his proposal; and so put atonce an end to the conversation. 

I took care to let the General-in-Chief know this story, and he was notsurprised at my reply. His conviction, however, was strong, from allthat M. De Gallo had said, and more particularly from the offer he hadmade, that Austria was resolved to avoid war, and was anxious for peace. 

After I had retired to rest M. Bottot came to my bedroom and asked me, with a feigned surprise, if it was true that my name was still on thelist of emigrants. On my replying in the affirmative, he requested me todraw up a note on the subject. This I declined doing, telling him thattwenty notes of the kind he required already existed; that I would takeno further steps; and that I would henceforth await the decision in astate of perfect inaction. 

General Bonaparte thought it quite inexplicable that the Directory shouldexpress dissatisfaction at the view he took of the events of the 18thFructidor, as, without his aid, they would doubtless have been overcome. He wrote a despatch, in which he repeated that his health and his spiritswere affected--that he had need of some years' repose-that he could nolonger endure the fatigue of riding; but that the prosperity and libertyof his country would always command his warmest interests. In all thisthere was not a single word of truth. The Directory thought as much, anddeclined to accept his resignation in the most flattering terms. 

Bottot proposed to him, on the part of the Directory, to revolutioniseItaly. The General inquired whether the whole of Italy would be includedin the plan. The revolutionary commission had, however, been entrustedto Bottot in so indefinite a way that he could only hesitate, and give avague reply. Bonaparte wished for more precise orders. In the intervalpeace was concluded, and the idea of that perilous and extravagantundertaking was no longer agitated. Bottot, soon after his return toParis, wrote a letter to General Bonaparte, in which he complained thatthe last moments he had passed at Passeriano had deeply afflicted hisheart. He said that cruel suspicions had followed him even to the gatesof the Directory. These cruel suspicions had, however, been dissipatedby the sentiments of admiration and affection which he had found theDirectory entertained for the person of Bonaparte. 

These assurances, which were precisely what Bonaparte had expected, didnot avail to lessen the contempt he entertained for the heads of theGovernment, nor to change his conviction of their envy and mistrust ofhimself. To their alleged affection he made no return. Bottot assuredthe hero of Italy of "the Republican docility" of the Directory, andtouched upon the reproaches Bonaparte had thrown out against them, andupon his demands which had not been granted. He said:

"The three armies, of the North, of the Rhine, and of theSambre-et-Meuse, are to form only one, the army of Germany. --Augereau?But you yourself sent him. The fault committed by the Directory isowing to yourself! Bernadotte?--he is gone to join you. Cacault?--heis recalled. Twelve thousand men for your army?--they are on theirmarch. The treaty with Sardinia?--it is ratified. Bourrienne?--he iserased. The revolution of Italy?--it is adjourned. Advise theDirectory, then: I repeat it, they have need of information, and it isto you they look for it. "

The assertion regarding me was false. For six months Bonaparte demandedmy erasure without being able to obtain it. I was not struck off thelist until the 11th of November 1797. 

Just before the close of the negotiation Bonaparte, disgusted at theopposition and difficulties with which he was surrounded, reiteratedagain and again the offer of his resignation, and his wish to have asuccessor appointed. What augmented his uneasiness was an idea heentertained that the Directory had penetrated his secret, and attributedhis powerful concurrence on the 18th Fructidor to the true cause--hispersonal views of ambition. In spite of the hypocritical assurances ofgratitude made to him in writing, and though the Directory knew that hisservices were indispensable, spies were employed to watch his movements, and to endeavour by means of the persons about him to discover his views. Some of the General's friends wrote to him from Paris, and for my part Inever ceased repeating to him that the peace, the power of making whichhe had in his own hands, would render him far more popular than therenewal of hostilities undertaken with all the chances of success andreverse. The signing of the peace, according to his own ideas, and inopposition to those of the Directory, the way in which he just halted atRastadt, and avoided returning to the Congress, and, finally, hisresolution to expatriate himself with an army in order to attempt newenterprises, sprung more than is generally believed from the ruling ideathat he was distrusted, and that his ruin was meditated. He oftenrecalled to mind what La Vallette had written to him about hisconversation with Lacuee; and all he saw and heard confirmed theimpression he had received on this subject. 

The early appearance of bad weather precipitated his determination. Onthe 13th of October, at daybreak, on opening my window, I perceived themountains covered with snow. The previous night had been superb, and theautumn till then promised to be fine and late. I proceeded, as I alwaysdid, at seven o'clock in the morning, to the General's chamber. I wokehim, and told him what I had seen. He feigned at first to disbelieve me, then leaped from his bed, ran to the window, and, convinced of the suddenchange, he calmly said, "What! before the middle of October! What acountry is this! Well, we must make peace!" While he hastily put on hisclothes I read the journals to him, as was my daily custom. He paid butlittle attention to them. 

Shutting himself up with me in his closet, he reviewed with the greatestcare all the returns from the different corps of his army. "Here are, "said he, "nearly 80, 000 effective men. I feed, I pay them: but I canbring but 60, 000 into the field on the day of battle. I shall gain it, but afterwards my force will be reduced 20, 000 men--by killed, wounded, and prisoners. Then how oppose all the Austrian forces that will marchto the protection of Vienna? It would be a month before the armies ofthe Rhine could support me, if they should be able; and in a fortnightall the roads and passages will be covered deep with snow. It issettled--I will make peace. Venice shall pay for the expense of the warand the boundary of the Rhine: let the Directory and the lawyers say whatthey like. "

He wrote to the Directory in the following words: "The summits of thehills are covered with snow; I cannot, on account of the stipulationsagreed to for the recommencement of hostilities, begin beforefive-and-twenty days, and by that time we shall be overwhelmed withsnow. "

Fourteen years after, another early winter, in a more severe climate, wasdestined to have a fatal influence on his fortunes. Had he but thenexercised equal foresight!

It is well known that, by the treaty of Campo-Formio, the two belligerentpowers made peace at the expense of the Republic of Venice, which hadnothing to do with the quarrel in the first instance, and which onlyinterfered at a late period, probably against her own inclination, andimpelled by the force of inevitable circumstances. But what has been theresult of this great political spoliation? A portion of the Venetianterritory was adjudged to the Cisalpine Republic; it is now in thepossession of Austria. 

Another considerable portion, and the capital itself, fell to the lot ofAustria in compensation for the Belgic provinces and Lombard, which sheceded to France. Austria has now retaken Lombard, and the additions thenmade to it, and Belgium is in the possession of the House of Orange. France obtained Corfu and some of the Ionian isles; these now belong toEngland. 

 --[Afterwards to be ceded by her to Greece. Belgium is free. ]--

Romulus never thought he was founding Rome for Goths and priests. Alexander did not foresee that his Egyptian city would belong to theTurks; nor did Constantine strip Rome for the benefit of Mahomet II. Whythen fight for a few paltry villages?

Thus have we been gloriously conquering for Austria and England. Anancient State is overturned without noise, and its provinces, after beingdivided among different bordering States, are now all under the dominionof Austria. We do not possess a foot of ground in all the fine countrieswe conquered, and which served as compensations for the immenseacquisitions of the House of Hapsburgh in Italy. Thus that house wasaggrandised by a war which was to itself most disastrous. But Austriahas often found other means of extending her dominion than militarytriumphs, as is recorded in the celebrated distich of Mathias Corvinus:

 "Bella gerunt alli, to felix Austria nube; Nam quae Mars allis, dat tibi regna Venus. "

 ["Glad Austria wins by Hymen's silken chain What other States by doubtful battle gain, And while fierce Mars enriches meaner lands, Receives possession from fair Venus' hands. "]

The Directory was far from being satisfied with the treaty ofCampo-Formio, and with difficulty resisted the temptation of notratifying it. A fortnight before the signature the Directors wrote toGeneral Bonaparte that they would not consent to give to the EmperorVenice, Frioul, Padua, and the 'terra firma' with the boundary of theAdige. "That, " said they, "would not be to make peace, but to adjournthe war. We shall be regarded as the beaten party, independently of thedisgrace of abandoning Venice, which Bonaparte himself thought so worthyof freedom. France ought not, and never will wish, to see Italydelivered up to Austria. The Directory would prefer the chances of a warto changing a single word of its ultimatum, which is already toofavourable to Austria. "

All this was said in vain. Bonaparte made no scruple of disregarding hisinstructions. It has been said that the Emperor of Austria made an offerof a very considerable sum of money, and even of a principality, toobtain favourable terms. I was never able to find the slightest groundfor this report, which refers to a time when the smallest circumstancecould not escape my notice. The character of Bonaparte stood too highfor him to sacrifice his glory as a conqueror and peacemaker for even thegreatest private advantage. This was so thoroughly known, and he was soprofoundly esteemed by the Austrian plenipotentiaries, that I willventure to say none of them would have been capable of making theslightest overture to him of so debasing a proposition. Besides, itwould have induced him to put an end to all intercourse with theplenipotentiaries. Perhaps what I have just stated of M. De Gallo willthrow some light upon this odious accusation. But let us dismiss thisstory with the rest, and among them that of the porcelain tray, which wassaid to have been smashed and thrown at the head of M. De Cobentzel. I certainly know nothing of any such scene; our manners at Passerianowere not quite so bad!

The presents customary on such occasions were given, and the Emperor ofAustria also took that opportunity to present to General Bonaparte sixmagnificent white horses. 

Bonaparte returned to Milan by way of Gratz, Laybach, Thrust, Mestre, Verona, and Mantua. 

At this period Napoleon was still swayed by the impulse of the age. Hethought of nothing but representative governments. Often has he said tome, "I should like the era of representative governments to be dated frommy time. " His conduct in Italy and his proclamations ought to give, andin fact do give, weight to this account of his opinion. But there is nodoubt that this idea was more connected with lofty views of ambition thana sincere desire for the benefit of the human race; for, at a laterperiod, he adopted this phrase: "I should like to be the head of the mostancient of the dynasties cf Europe. " What a difference betweenBonaparte, the author of the 'Souper de Beaucaire', the subduer ofroyalism at Toulon; the author of the remonstrance to Albitte andSalicetti, the fortunate conqueror of the 13th Vendemiaire, theinstigator and supporter of the revolution of Fructidor, and the founderof the Republics of Italy, the fruits of his immortal victories, --andBonaparte, First Consul in 1800, Consul for life in 1802, and, above all, Napoleon, Emperor of the French in 1804, and King of Italy in 1805!

CHAPTER XI. 

1797

 Effect of the 18th Fructidor on the peace--The standard of the army of Italy--Honours rendered to the memory of General Hoche and of Virgil at Mantua--Remarkable letter--In passing through Switzerland Bonaparte visits the field of Morat--Arrival at Rastadt--Letter from the Directory calling Bonaparte to Paris--Intrigues against Josephine--Grand ceremony on the reception of Bonaparte by the Directory--The theatres--Modesty of Bonaparte--An assassination-- Bonaparte's opinion of the Parisians--His election to the National Institute--Letter to Camus--Projects--Reflections. 

The day of the 18th Fructidor had, without any doubt, mainly contributedto the conclusion of peace at Campo Formio. On the one hand, theDirectory, hitherto not very pacifically inclined, after having effecteda 'coup d'etat', at length saw the necessity of appeasing thediscontented by giving peace to France. On the other hand, the Cabinetof Vienna, observing the complete failure of all the royalist plots inthe interior, thought it high time to conclude with the French Republic atreaty which, notwithstanding all the defeats Austria had sustained, still left her a preponderating influence over Italy. 

Besides, the campaign of Italy, so fertile in glorious achievements ofarms, had not been productive of glory alone. Something of greaterimportance followed these conquests. Public affairs had assumed asomewhat unusual aspect, and a grand moral influence, the effect ofvictories and of peace, had begun to extend all over France. Republicanism was no longer so sanguinary and fierce as it had been someyears before. Bonaparte, negotiating with princes and their ministers ona footing of equality, but still with all that superiority to whichvictory and his genius entitled him, gradually taught foreign courts tobe familiar with Republican France, and the Republic to cease regardingall States governed by Kings as of necessity enemies. 

In these circumstances the General-in-Chief's departure and his expectedvisit to Paris excited general attention. The feeble Directory wasprepared to submit to the presence of the conqueror of Italy in thecapital. 

It was for the purpose of acting as head of the French legation at theCongress of Rastadt that Bonaparte quitted Milan on the 17th of November. But before his departure he sent to the Directory one of those monuments, the inscriptions on which may generally be considered as fabulous, butwhich, in this case, were nothing but the truth. This monument was the"flag of the Army of Italy, " and to General Joubert was assigned thehonourable duty of presenting it to the members of the ExecutiveGovernment. 

On one side of the flag were the words "To the Army of Italy, thegrateful country. " The other contained an enumeration of the battlesfought and places taken, and presented, in the following inscriptions, asimple but striking abridgment of the history of the Italian campaign. 

 150, 000 PRISONERS; 170 STANDARDS; 550 PIECES OF SIEGE ARTILLERY; 600 PIECES OF FIELD ARTILLERY; FIVE PONTOON EQUIPAGES; NINE 64-GUN SHIPS; TWELVE 32-GUN FRIGATES; 12 CORVETTES; 18 GALLEYS; ARMISTICE WITH THE KING OF SARDINIA; CONVENTION WITH GENOA; ARMISTICE WITH THE DUKE OF PARMA; ARMISTICE WITH THE KING OF NAPLES; ARMISTICE WITH THE POPE; PRELIMINARIES OF LEOBEN; CONVENTION OF MONTEBELLO WITH THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA; TREATY OF PEACE WITH THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AT CAMPO-FORMIO. 

 LIBERTY GIVEN TO THE PEOPLE OF BOLOGNA, FERRARA, MODENA, MASSA-CARRARA, LA ROMAGNA, LOMBARD, BRESCIA, BERGAMO, MANTUA, CREMONA. PART OF THE VERONESE, CHIAVENA, BORMIO, THE VALTELINE, THE GENOESE, THE IMPERIAL FIEFS, THE PEOPLE OF THE DEPARTMENTS OF CORCYRA, OF THE AEGEAN SEA, AND OF ITHACA. 

 SENT TO PARIS ALL THE MASTERPIECES OF MICHAEL ANGELO, OF GVERCINO, OF TITIAN, OF PAUL VERONESE, OF CORREGGIO, OF ALBANA, OF THE CARRACCI, OF RAPHAEL, AND OF LEONARDO DA VINCI. 

Thus were recapitulated on a flag, destined to decorate the Hall of thePublic Sittings of the Directory, the military deeds of the campaign inItaly, its political results, and the conquest of the monuments of art. 

Most of the Italian cities looked upon their conqueror as aliberator--such was the magic of the word liberty, which resounded fromthe Alps to the Apennines. On his way to Mantua the General took up hisresidence in the palace of the ancient dukes. Bonaparte promised theauthorities of Mantua that their department should be one of the mostextensive; impressed on them the necessity of promptly organising alocal militia, and of putting in execution the plans of Mari, themathematician, for the navigation of the Mincio from Mantua toPeschiera. 

He stopped two days at Mantua, and the morrow of his arrival was devotedto the celebration of a military funeral solemnity, in honour of GeneralHoche, who had just died. His next object was to hasten the execution ofthe monument which was erecting to the memory of Virgil. Thus, in oneday, he paid honour to France and Italy, to modern and to ancient glory, to the laurels of war and to the laurels of poetry. 

A person who saw Bonaparte on this occasion for the first time thusdescribed him in a letter he wrote to Paris:--"With lively interest andextreme attention I have observed this extraordinary man, who hasperformed such great deeds, and about whom there is something which seemsto indicate that his career is not yet terminated. I found him very likehis portraits--little, thin, pale, with an air of fatigue, but not ofill-health, as has been reported of him. He appears to me to listen withmore abstraction than interest, and that he was more occupied with whathe was thinking of than with what was said to him. There is greatintelligence in his countenance, along with which may be marked an air ofhabitual meditation, which reveals nothing of what is passing within. In that thinking head, in that bold mind, it is impossible not to believethat some daring designs are engendering which will have their influencean the destinies of Europe. "

From the last phrase, in particular, of this letter, one might suspectthat it was written after Bonaparte had made his name feared throughoutEurope; but it really appeared in a journal in the month of December1797, a little before his arrival in Paris. 

There exists a sort of analogy between celebrated men and celebratedplaces; it was not, therefore, an uninteresting spectacle to seeBonaparte surveying the field of Morat, where, in 1476, Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, daring like himself, fell with his powerful army underthe effects of Helvetian valour. Bonaparte slept during the night atMaudon, where, as in every place through which he passed, the greatesthonours were paid him. In the morning, his carriage having broken down, we continued our journey an foot, accompanied only by some officers andan escort of dragoons of the country. Bonaparte stopped near theOssuary, and desired to be shown the spot where the battle of Morat wasfought. A plain in front of the chapel was pointed out to him. Anofficer who had served in France was present, and explained to him howthe Swiss, descending from the neighbouring mountains, were enabled, under cover of a wood, to turn the Burgundian army and put it to therout. "What was the force of that army?" asked Bonaparte. --"Sixtythousand men. "--"Sixty thousand men!" he exclaimed: "they ought to havecompletely covered these mountains!"--"The French fight better now, " saidLannes, who was one of the officers of his suite. "At that time, "observed Bonaparte, interrupting him, "the Burgundians were notFrenchmen. "

Bonaparte's journey through Switzerland was not without utility; and hispresence served to calm more than one inquietude. He proceeded on hisjourney to Rastadt by Aix in Savoy, Berne, and Bale. On arriving atBerne during night we passed through a double file of well-lightedequipages, filled with beautiful women, all of whom raised the cry of"Long live, Bonaparte!--long live the Pacificator!" To have a properidea of this genuine enthusiasm it is necessary to have seen it. 

The position in society to which his services had raised him rendered itunfit to address him in the second person singular and the familiarmanner sometimes used by his old schoolfellows of Brienne. I thought, this very natural. 

M. De Cominges, one of those who went with him to the military school atParis, and who had emigrated, was at Bale. Having learned our arrival, he presented himself without ceremony, with great indecorum, and with acomplete disregard of the respect due to a man who had rendered himselfso illustrious. General Bonaparte, offended at this behaviour, refusedto receive him again, and expressed himself to me with much warmth on theoccasion of this visit. All my efforts to remove his displeasure wereunavailing this impression always continued, and he never did for M. DeCominges what his means and the old ties of boyhood might well havewarranted. 

On arriving at Rastadt

 --[The conference for the formal peace with the Empire of Germany was held there. The peace of Leoben was only one made with Austria. ]--

Bonaparte found a letter from the Directory summoning him to Paris. Heeagerly obeyed this invitation, which drew him from a place where hecould act only an insignificant part, and which he had determined toleave soon, never again to return. Some time after his arrival in Paris, on the ground that his presence was necessary for the execution ofdifferent orders, and the general despatch of business, he required thatauthority should be given to a part of his household, which he had leftat Rastadt, to return. 

How could it ever be said that the Directory "kept General Bonaparte awayfrom the great interests which were under discussion at Rastadt"? Quitethe contrary! The Directory would have been delighted to see him returnthere, as they would then have been relieved from his presence in Paris;but nothing was so disagreeable to Bonaparte as long and seeminglyinterminable negotiations. Such tedious work did not suit his character, and he had been sufficiently disgusted with similar proceedings atCampo-Formio. 

On our arrival at Rastadt I soon found that General Bonaparte wasdetermined to stay there only a short time. I therefore expressed to himmy decided desire to remain in Germany. I was then ignorant that myerasure from the emigrant list had been ordered on the 11th of November, as the decree did not reach the commissary of the Executive Directory atAuxerre until the 17th of November, the day of our departure from Milan. 

The silly pretext of difficulties by which my erasure, notwithstandingthe reiterated solicitations of the victorious General, was so longdelayed made me apprehensive of a renewal, under a weak and jealouspentarchy, of the horrible scenes of 1796. Bonaparte said to me, inatone of indignation, "Come, pass the Rhine; they will not dare to seizeyou while near me. I answer for your safety. " On reaching Paris I foundthat my erasure had taken place. It was at this period only that GeneralBonaparte's applications in my favour were tardily crowned with success. Sotin, the Minister of General Police, notified the fact to Bonaparte;but his letter gave a reason for my erasure very different from thatstated in the decree. The Minister said that the Government did not wishto leave among the names of traitors to their country the name of acitizen who was attached to the person of the conqueror of Italy; whilethe decree itself stated as the motive for removing my name from the listthat I never had emigrated. 

At St. Helena it seems Bonaparte said that he did not return from Italywith more than 300, 000 francs; but I assert that he had at that time inhis possession something more than 3, 000, 000. 

 --[Joseph says that Napoleon, when he exiled for Egypt, left with him all his fortune, and that it was much nearer 300, 000 francs than 3, 000, 000. (See Erreurs, tome i. Pp. 243, 259)]--

How could he with 300, 000 francs have been able to provide for theextensive repairs, the embellishment, and the furnishing of his house inthe Rue Chantereine? How could he have supported the establishment hedid with only 15, 000 francs of income and the emoluments of his rank?The excursion which he made along the coast, of which I have yet tospeak, of itself cost near 12, 000 francs in gold, which he transferred tome to defray the expense of the journey; and I do not think that this sumwas ever repaid him. Besides, what did it signify, for any object hemight have in disguising his fortune, whether he brought 3, 000, 000 or300, 000 francs with him from Italy? No one will accuse him ofpeculation. He was an inflexible administrator. He was always irritatedat the discovery of fraud, and pursued those guilty of it with all thevigour of his character. He wished to be independent, which he well knewthat no one could be without fortune. He has often said to me, "I am noCapuchin, not I. " But after having been allowed only 300, 000 francs onhis arrival from the rich Italy, where fortune never abandoned him, ithas been printed that he had 20, 000, 000 (some have even doubled theamount) on his return from Egypt, which is a very poor country, wheremoney is scarce, and where reverses followed close upon his victories. All these reports are false. What he brought from Italy has just beenstated, and it will be seen when we come to Egypt what treasure hecarried away from the country of the Pharaohs. 

Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete dominion over hismind, strenuously endeavoured to lessen the influence which Josephinepossessed from the love of her husband. They tried to excite hisjealousy, and took advantage of her stay at Milan after our departure, which had been authorised by Bonaparte himself. My intimacy with boththe husband and the wife fortunately afforded me an opportunity ofaverting or lessening a good deal of mischief. If Josephine still livedshe would allow me this merit. I never took part against her but once, and that unwillingly. It was on the subject of the marriage of herdaughter Hortense. Josephine had never as yet spoken to me on thesubject. Bonaparte wished to give his stepdaughter to Duroc, and hisbrothers were eager to promote the marriage, because they wished toseparate Josephine from Hortense, for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderestaffection. Josephine, on the other hand, wished Hortense to marry LouisBonaparte. Her motives, as may easily be divined, were to, gain supportin a family where she experienced nothing but enmity, and she carried herpoint. 

 --[Previous to her marriage with Louis, Hortense cherished an attachment for Duroc, who was at that time a handsome man about thirty, and a great favourite of Bonaparte. However, the indifference with which Duroc regarded the marriage of Louis Bonaparte sufficiently proves that the regard with which he had inspired Hortense was not very ardently returned. It is certain that Duroc might have become the husband of Mademoiselle de Beauharnais had he been willing to accede to the conditions on which the First Consul offered him his step-daughter's hand. But Duroc looked forward to something better, and his ordinary prudence forsook him at a moment when he might easily have beheld a perspective calculated to gratify even a more towering ambition than his. He declined the proposed marriage; and the union of Hortense and Louis, which Madame Bonaparte, to conciliate the favour of her brothers-in-law, had endeavoured to bring about, was immediately determined on (Memoires de Constant). 

 In allusion to the alleged unfriendly feeling of Napoleon's brothers towards Josephine, the following observation occurs in Joseph Bonaparte's Notes on Bourrienne:

 "None of Napoleon's brothers, " he says, "were near him from the time of his departure for Italy except Louis who cannot be suspected of having intrigued against Josephine, whose daughter he married. These calumnies are without foundation" (Erreurs, tome i. P. 244)]--

On his arrival from Rastadt the most magnificent preparations were madeat the Luxembourg for the reception of Bonaparte. The grand court of thePalace was elegantly ornamented; and at its farther end, close to thePalace, a large amphitheatre was erected for the accommodation ofofficial persons. Curiosity, as on all like occasions, attractedmultitudes, and the court was filled. Opposite to the principalvestibule stood the altar of the country, surrounded by the statues ofLiberty, Equality, and Peace. When Bonaparte entered every head wasuncovered. The windows were full of young and beautiful females. Butnotwithstanding this great preparation an icy coldness characterized theceremony. Every one seemed to be present only for the purpose ofbeholding a sight, and curiosity was the prevailing expression ratherthan joy or gratitude. It is but right to say, however, that anunfortunate event contributed to the general indifference. The rightwing of the Palace was not occupied, but great preparations had beenmaking there, and an officer had been directed to prevent anyone fromascending. One of the clerks of the Directory, however, contrived to getupon the scaffolding, but had scarcely placed his foot on the first plankwhen it tilted up, and the imprudent man fell the whole height into thecourt. This accident created a general stupor. Ladies fainted, and thewindows were nearly deserted. 

However, the Directory displayed all the Republican splendour of whichthey were so prodigal on similar occasions. Speeches were far from beingscarce. Talleyrand, who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs, onintroducing Bonaparte to the Directory, made a long oration, in thecourse of which he hinted that the personal greatness of the Generalought not to excite uneasiness, even in a rising Republic. "Far fromapprehending anything from his ambition, I believe that we shall one daybe obliged to solicit him to tear himself from the pleasures of studiousretirement. All France will be free, but perhaps he never will; such ishis destiny. "

Talleyrand was listened to with impatience, so anxious was every one tohear Bonaparte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with amodest air, but in a firm voice, a short address of congratulation on theimproved position of the nation. 

Barras, at that time President of the Directory, replied to Bonapartewith so much prolixity as to weary everyone; and as soon as he hadfinished speaking he threw himself into the arms of the General, who wasnot much pleased with such affected displays, and gave him what was thencalled the fraternal embrace. The other members of the Directory, following the example of the President, surrounded Bonaparte and pressedhim in their arms; each acted, to the best of his ability, his part inthe sentimental comedy. 

Chenier composed for this occasion a hymn, which Mehul set to music. Afew days after an opera was produced, bearing the title of the 'Fall ofCarthage', which was meant as an allusion to the anticipated exploits ofthe conqueror of Italy, recently appointed to the command of the "Army ofEngland. " The poets were all employed in praising him; and Lebrun, withbut little of the Pindaric fire in his soul, composed the followingdistich, which certainly is not worth much:

 "Heros, cher a la paix, aux arts, a la victoire-- Il conquit en deux ans mille siecles de gloire. "

The two councils were not disposed to be behind the Directory in themanifestation of joy. A few days after they gave a banquet to theGeneral in the gallery of the Louvre, which had recently been enriched bythe masterpieces of painting conquered in Italy. 

At this time Bonaparte displayed great modesty in all his transactions inParis. The administrators of the department of the Seine having sent adeputation to him to inquire what hour and day he would allow them towait on him, he carried himself his answer to the department, accompaniedby General Berthier. It was also remarked that the judge of the peace ofthe arrondissement where the General lived having called on him on the6th of December, the evening of his arrival, he returned the visit nextmorning. These attentions, trifling as they may appear, were not withouttheir effect on the minds of the Parisians. 

In consequence of General Bonaparte's victories, the peace he hadeffected, and the brilliant reception of which he had been the object, the business of Vendemiaire was in some measure forgotten. Every one waseager to get a sight of the young hero whose career had commenced with somuch 'eclat'. He lived very retiredly, yet went often to the theatre. He desired me, one day, to go and request the representation of two ofthe best pieces of the time, in which Elleviou, Mesdames St. Aubin, Phillis, and other distinguished performers played. His message was, that he only wished these two pieces on the same night, if that werepossible. The manager told me that nothing that the conqueror of Italywished for was impossible, for he had long ago erased that word from thedictionary. Bonaparte laughed heartily at the manager's answer. When wewent to the theatre he seated himself, as usual, in the back of the box, behind Madame Bonaparte, making me sit by her side. The pit and boxes, however, soon found out that he was in the house, and loudly called forhim. Several times an earnest desire to see him was manifested, but allin vain, for he never showed himself. 

Some days after, being at the Theatre des Arts, at the secondrepresentation of 'Horatius Cocles', although he was sitting at the backof a box in the second tier, the audience discovered that he was in thehouse. Immediately acclamations arose from all quarters; but he kepthimself concealed as much as possible, and said to a person in the nextbox, "Had I known that the boxes were so exposed, I should not havecome. "

During Bonaparte's stay at Paris a woman sent a messenger to warn himthat his life would be attempted, and that poison was to be employed forthat purpose. Bonaparte had the bearer of this information arrested, who: went, accompanied by the judge of the peace, to the woman's house, where she was found extended on the floor, and bathed in her blood. Themen whose plot she had overheard, having discovered that she had revealedtheir secret, murdered her. The poor woman was dreadfully mangled: herthroat was cut; and, not satisfied with that, the assassins had alsohacked her body with sharp instruments. 

On the night of the 10th of Nivose the Rue Chantereine, in whichBonaparte had a small house (No. 6), received, in pursuance of a decreeof the department, the name of Rue de la Victoire. The cries of "ViveBonaparte!" and the incense prodigally offered up to him, did not howeverseduce him from his retired habits. Lately the conqueror and ruler ofItaly, and now under men for whom he had no respect, and who saw in him aformidable rival, he said to me one day, "The people of Paris do notremember anything. Were I to remain here long, doing nothing, I shouldbe lost. In this great Babylon one reputation displaces another. Let mebe seen but three times at the theatre and I shall no longer exciteattention; so I shall go there but seldom. " When he went he occupied abox shaded with curtains. The manager of the opera wished to get up aspecial performance in his honour; but he declined the offer. When Iobserved that it must be agreeable to him to see his fellow-citizens soeagerly running after him, he replied, "Bah! the people would crowd asfast to see me if I were going to the scaffold. "

 --[A similar remark made to William III. On his lending at Brixham elicited the comment, "Like the Jews, who cried one day 'Hosanna!' and the next 'Crucify Him! crucify Him!'"]--

On the 28th of December Bonaparte was named a member of the Institute, inthe class of the Sciences and arts. 

 --[Napoleon seems to have really considered this nomination as a great honour. He was fond of using the title in his proclamations; and to the last the allowance attached to the appointment figured in the Imperial accounts. He replaced Carnot, the exiled Director. ]--

He showed a deep sense of this honour, and wrote the following letter toCamus; the president of the class:

 CITIZEN PRESIDENT--The suffrage of the distinguished men who compose the institute confers a high honour on me. I feel well assured that, before I can be their equal, I must long be their scholar. If there were any way more expressive than another of making known my esteem for you, I should be glad to employ it. True conquests--the only ones which leave no regret behind them--are those which are made over ignorance. The most honourable, as well as the most useful, occupation for nations is the contributing to the extension of human knowledge. The true power of the French Republic should henceforth be made to consist in not allowing a single new idea to exist without making it part of its property. BONAPARTE. 

The General now renewed, though unsuccessfully, the attempt he had madebefore the 18th Fructidor to obtain a dispensation of the age necessaryfor becoming a Director. Perceiving that the time was not yet favourablefor such a purpose, he said to me, on the 29th of January 1798, "Bourrienne, I do not wish to remain here; there is nothing to do. Theyare unwilling to listen to anything. I see that if I linger here, Ishall soon lose myself. Everything wears out here; my glory has alreadydisappeared. This little Europe does not supply enough of it for me. Imust seek it in the East, the fountain of glory. However, I wish firstto make a tour along the coast, to ascertain by my own observation whatmay be attempted. I will take you, Lannes, and Sulkowsky, with me. Ifthe success of a descent on England appear doubtful, as I suspect itwill, the army of England shall become the army of the East, and I willgo to Egypt. "

This and other conversations give a correct insight into his character. He always considered war and conquest as the most noble and inexhaustiblesource of that glory which was the constant object of his desire. Herevolted at the idea of languishing in idleness at Paris, while freshlaurels were growing for him in distant climes. His imaginationinscribed, in anticipation, his name on those gigantic monuments whichalone, perhaps, of all the creations of man, have the character ofeternity. Already proclaimed the most illustrious of living generals, he sought to efface the rival names of antiquity by his own. If Caesarfought fifty battles, he longed to fight a hundred--if Alexander leftMacedon to penetrate to the Temple of Ammon, he wished to leave Paris totravel to the Cataracts of the Nile. While he was thus to run a racewith fame, events would, in his opinion, so proceed in France as torender his return necessary and opportune. His place would be ready forhim, and he should not come to claim it a forgotten or unknown man. 

CHAPTER XII. 

1798. 

 Bonaparte's departure from Paris--His return--The Egyptian expedition projected--M. De Talleyrand--General Desaix--Expedition against Malta--Money taken at Berne--Bonaparte's ideas respecting the East--Monge--Non-influence of the Directory--Marriages of Marmont and La Valette--Bonaparte's plan of colonising Egypt--His camp library--Orthographical blunders--Stock of wines--Bonaparte's arrival at Toulon--Madame Bonaparte's fall from a balcony--Execution of an old man--Simon. 

Bonaparte left Paris for the north on the 10th of February 1798--but hereceived no order, though I have seen it everywhere so stated, to gothere--"for the purpose of preparing the operations connected with theintended invasion of England. " He occupied himself with no suchbusiness, for which a few days certainly would not have been sufficient. His journey to the coast was nothing but a rapid excursion, and its soleobject was to enable him to form an opinion on the main point of thequestion. Neither did he remain absent several weeks, for the journeyoccupied only one. There were four of us in his carriage--himself, Lannes, Sulkowsky, and I. Moustache was our courier. Bonaparte was nota little surprised on reading, in the 'Moniteur' of the 10th February, anarticle giving greater importance to his little excursion than itdeserved. 

 "General Bonaparte, " said the 'Moniteur', "has departed for Dunkirk with some naval and engineer officers. They have gone to visit the coasts and prepare the preliminary operations for the descent [upon England]. It may be stated that he will not return to Rastadt, and that the close of the session of the Congress there is approaching. "

Now for the facts. Bonaparte visited Etaples, Ambleteuse, Boulogne, Calais, Dunkirk, Furnes, Niewport, Ostend, and the Isle of Walcheren. He collected at the different ports all the necessary information withthat intelligence and tact for which he was so eminently distinguished. He questioned the sailors, smugglers, and fishermen, and listenedattentively to the answers he received. 

We returned to Paris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lille, and St. Quentin. Theobject of our journey was accomplished when we reached the first of thesetowns. "Well, General, " said I, "what think you of our journey? Are yousatisfied? For my part, I confess I entertain no great hopes fromanything I have seen and heard. " Bonaparte immediately answered, "It istoo great a chance. I will not hazard it. I would not thus sport withthe fate of my beloved France. " On hearing this I already fancied myselfin Cairo!

On his return to Paris Bonaparte lost no time in setting on foot themilitary and scientific preparations for the projected expedition to thebanks of the Nile, respecting which such incorrect statements haveappeared. It had long occupied his thoughts, as the following facts willprove. 

In the month of August 1797 he wrote "that the time was not far distantwhen we should see that, to destroy the power of England effectually, itwould be necessary to attack Egypt. " In the same month he wrote toTalleyrand, who had just succeeded Charles de Lacroix as Minister ofForeign Affairs, "that it would be necessary to attack Egypt, which didnot belong to the Grand Signior. " Talleyrand replied, "that his ideasrespecting Egypt were certainly grand, and that their utility could notfail to be fully appreciated. " He concluded by saying he would write tohim at length on the subject. 

History will speak as favourably of M. De Talleyrand as hiscontemporaries have spoken ill of him. When a statesman, throughout agreat, long, and difficult career, makes and preserves a number offaithful friends, and provokes but few enemies, it must be acknowledgedthat his character is honourable and his talent profound, and that hispolitical conduct has been wise and moderate. It is impossible to knowM. De Talleyrand without admiring him. All who have that advantage, nodoubt, judge him as I do. 

In the month of November of the same year Bonaparte sent Poussielgue, under the pretence of inspecting the ports of the Levant, to give thefinishing stroke to the meditated expedition against Malta. 

General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confidant of all his plans attheir interview in Italy after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to himfrom Affenbourg, on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet ofCorfu with great interest. "If ever, " said he, "it should be engaged inthe grand enterprises of which I have heard you speak, do not, I beseechyou, forget me. " Bonaparte was far from forgetting him. 

The Directory at first disapproved of the expedition against Malta, whichBonaparte had proposed long before the treaty of Campo-Formio was signed. The expedition was decided to be impossible, for Malta had observedstrict neutrality, and had on several occasions even assisted our shipsand seamen. Thus we had no pretext for going to war with her. It wassaid, too, that the legislative body would certainly not look with afavourable eye on such a measure. This opinion, which, however, did notlast long, vexed Bonaparte. It was one of the disappointments which madehim give a rough welcome to Bottot, Barras' agent, at the commencement ofOctober 1797. 

In the course of an animated conversation he said to Bottot, shrugginghis shoulders, "Mon Dieu! Malta is for sale!" Sometime after he himselfwas told that "great importance was attached to the acquisition of Malta, and that he must not suffer it to escape. " At the latter end ofSeptember 1797 Talleyrand, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, wrote to himthat the Directory authorized him to give the necessary orders to AdmiralBrueys for taking Malta. He sent Bonaparte some letters for the island, because Bonaparte had said it was necessary to prepare the public mindfor the event. 

Bonaparte exerted himself night and day in the execution of his projects. I never saw him so active. He made himself acquainted with the abilitiesof the respective generals, and the force of all the army corps. Ordersand instructions succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity. If hewanted an order of the Directory he ran to the Luxembourg to get itsigned by one of the Directors. Merlin de Douai was generally the personwho did him this service, for he was the most constant at his post. Lagarde, the Secretary-General, did not countersign any document relativeto this expedition, Bonaparte not wishing him to be informed of thebusiness. He transmitted to Toulon the money taken at Berne, which theDirectory had placed at his disposal. It amounted to something above3, 000, 000 francs. In those times of disorder and negligence the financeswere very badly managed. The revenues were anticipated and squanderedaway, so that the treasury never possessed so large a sum as that justmentioned. 

It was determined that Bonaparte should undertake an expedition of anunusual character to the East. I must confess that two things cheered mein this very painful interval; my friendship and admiration for thetalents of the conqueror of Italy, and the pleasing hope of traversingthose ancient regions, the historical and religious accounts of which hadengaged the attention of my youth. 

It was at Passeriano that, seeing the approaching termination of hislabours in Europe, he first began to turn serious attention to the East. During his long strolls in the evening in the magnificent park there hedelighted to converse about the celebrated events of that part of theworld, and the many famous empires it once possessed. He used to say, "Europe is a mole-hill. There have never been great empires andrevolutions except in the East, where there are 600, 000, 000 men. " Heconsidered that part of the world as the cradle of all religious, of allmetaphysical extravagances. This subject was no less interesting thaninexhaustible, and he daily introduced it when conversing with thegenerals with whom he was intimate, with Monge, and with me. 

Monge entirely concurred in the General-in-Chief's opinions on thispoint; and his scientific ardour was increased by Bonaparte's enthusiasm. In short, all were unanimously of one opinion. The Directory had noshare in renewing the project of this memorable expedition, the result ofwhich did not correspond with the grand views in which it had beenconceived. Neither had the Directory any positive control overBonaparte's departure or return. It was merely the passive instrument ofthe General's wishes, which it converted into decrees, as the lawrequired. He was no more ordered to undertake the conquest of Egypt thanhe was instructed as to the plan of its execution. Bonaparte organisedthe army of the East, raised money, and collected ships; and it was hewho conceived the happy idea of joining to the expedition mendistinguished in science and art, and whose labours have made known, inits present and past state, a country, the very name of which is neverpronounced without exciting grand recollections. 

Bonaparte's orders flew like lightning from Toulon to Civita Vecchia. With admirable precision he appointed some forces to assemble beforeMalta, and others before Alexandria. He dictated all these orders to mein his Cabinet. 

In the position in which France stood with respect to Europe, after thetreaty of Campo-Formio, the Directory, far from pressing or evenfacilitating this expedition, ought to have opposed it. A victory on theAdige would have been far better far France than one on the Nile. Fromall I saw, I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an ambitious andrising man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evidentdanger of removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and thepossible loss of the French fleet. As to Bonaparte, he was well assuredthat nothing remained for him but to choose between that hazardousenterprise and his certain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right placeto maintain his reputation, and to add fresh glory to his name. 

On the 12th of April 1798 he was appointed General-in-Chief of the armyof the East. 

It was about this time that Marmont was married to MademoisellePerregaux; and Bonaparte's aide de camp, La Valletta, to MademoiselleBeauharnais. 

 --[Sir Walter Scott informs us that Josephine, when she became Empress, brought about the marriage between her niece and La Vallette. This is another fictitious incident of his historical romance. --Bourrienne. ]--

Shortly before our departure I asked Bonaparte how long he intended toremain in Egypt. He replied, "A few months, or six years: all depends oncircumstances. I will colonise the country. I will bring them artistsand artisans of every description; women, actors, etc. We are butnine-and-twenty now, and we shall then be five-and-thirty. That is notan old age. Those six years will enable me, if all goes well, to get toIndia. Give out that you are going to Brest. Say so even to yourfamily. " I obeyed, to prove my discretion and real attachment to him. 

Bonaparte wished to form a camp library of cabinet editions, and he gaveme a list of the books which I was to purchase. This list is in his ownwriting, and is as follows:

 CAMP LIBRARY. 

1. ARTS AND SCIENCE. --Fontenelle's Worlds, 1 vol. Letters to a GermanPrincess, 2 vols. Courses of the Normal School, 6 vols. The ArtilleryAssistant, 1 vol. Treatise on Fortifications, 3 vols. Treatise onFireworks, 1 vol. 

2. GEOGRAPHY AND TRAVELS. --Barclay's Geography, 12 vols. Cook'sVoyages, 3 vols. La Harpe's Travels, 24 vols. 

3. HISTORY. --Plutarch, 12 vols. Turenne, 2 vols. Conde, 4 vols. Villars, 4 vols. Luxembourg, 2 vols. Duguesclin, 2 vols. Saxe, 3 vols. Memoirs of the Marshals of France, 20 vols. PresidentHainault, 4 vols. Chronology, 2 vols. Marlborough, 4 vols. PrinceEugene, 6 vols. Philosophical History of India, 12 vols. Germany, 2 vols. Charles XII. , 1 vol. Essay on the Manners ofNations, 6 vols. Peter the Great, 1 vol. Polybius, 6 vols. Justin, 2 vols. Arrian, 3 vols. Tacitus, 2 vols. Titus Livy, Thucydides, 2 vols. Vertot, 4 vols. Denina, 8 vols. Frederick II, 8 vols. 

4. POETRY. --Osaian, 1 vol. Tasso, 6 vols. Ariosto, 6 vols. Homer, 6 vols. Virgil, 4 vols. The Henriade, 1 vol. Telemachus, 2 vols. Les Jardin, 1 vol. The Chefs-d'Oeuvre of theFrench Theatre, 20 vols. Select Light Poetry, 10 vols. La Fontaine. 

5. ROMANCE. --Voltaire, 4 vols. Heloise, 4 vols. Werther, 1 vol. Marmontel, 4 vols. English Novels, 40 vols. Le Sage, 10 vols. Prevost, 10 vols. 

6. POLITICS AND MORALS. --The Old Testament. The New Testament. TheKoran. The Vedan. Mythology. Montesquieu. The Esprit des Lois. 

It will be observed that he classed the books of the religious creeds ofnations under the head of "politics. "

The autograph copy of the above list contains some of thoseorthographical blunders which Bonaparte so frequently committed. Whetherthese blunders are attributable to the limited course of instruction hereceived at Brienne, to his hasty writing, the rapid flow of his ideas, or the little importance he attached to that indispensable condition ofpolite education, I know not. Knowing so well as he did the authors andgenerals whose names appear in the above list, it is curious that heshould have written Ducecling for Duguesclin, and Ocean for Ossian. Thelatter mistake would have puzzled me not a little had I not known hispredilection for the Caledonian bard. 

Before his departure Bonaparte laid in a considerable stock of Burgundy. It was supplied by a man named James, of Dijon. I may observe that onthis occasion we had an opportunity of ascertaining that good Burgundy, well racked off, and in casks hermetically sealed, does not lose itsquality on a sea voyage. Several cases of this Burgundy twice crossedthe desert of the Isthmus of Suez on camels' backs. We brought some ofit back with us to Frejus, and it was as good as when we departed. Jameswent with us to Egypt. 

During the remainder of our stay in Paris nothing occurred worthy ofmention, with the exception of a conversation between Bonaparte and mesome days before our departure for Toulon. He went with me to theLuxembourg to get signatures to the official papers connected with hisexpedition. He was very silent. As we passed through the Rue SainteAnne I asked him, with no other object than merely to break a long pause, whether he was still determined to quit France. He replied, "Yes: I havetried everything. They do not want me (probably alluding to the officeof Director). I ought to overthrow them, and make myself King; but itwill not do yet. The nobles will never consent to it. I have tried myground. The time is not yet come. I should be alone. But I will dazzlethem again. " I replied, "Well, we will go to Egypt;" and changed theconversation. 

 --[Lucien and the Bonapartists of course deny that Napoleon wished to become Director, or to seize on power at this time; see Lucien, tome 1. P. 154. Thiers (vol. V. P. 257) takes the same view. Lanfrey (tome i. P. 363) believes Napoleon was at last compelled by the Directory to start and he credits the story told by Desaix to Mathieu Dumas, or rather to the wife of that officer, that there was a plot to upset the Directory, but that when all was ready Napoleon judged that the time was not ripe. Lanfrey, however, rather enlarges what Dumas says; see Dumas, tome iii. P. 167. See also the very remarkable conversation of Napoleon with Miot de Melito just before leaving Italy for Rastadt: "I cannot obey any longer. I have tasted the pleasures of command, and I cannot renounce it. My decision is taken. If I cannot be master, I shall quit France. " (Miot, tome i. P. 184). ]--

The squabble with Bernadotte at Vienna delayed our departure for afortnight, and might have had the most disastrous influence on the fateof the squadron, as Nelson would most assuredly have waited between Maltaand Sicily if he had arrived there before us. '

 --[Sir Walter Scott, without any authority, states that, at the moment of his departure, Bonaparte seemed disposed to abandon the command of an expedition so doubtful and hazardous, and that for this purpose he endeavoured to take advantage of what had occurred at Vienna. This must be ranked in the class of inventions, together with Barras mysterious visit to communicate the change of destination, and also the ostracism and honourable exile which the Directory wished to impose on Bonaparte. --Bourrienne. ]--

It is untrue that he ever entertained the idea of abandoning theexpedition in consequence of Bernadotte's affair. The following letterto Brueys, dated the 28th of April 1798, proves the contrary:

 Some disturbances which have arisen at Vienna render my presence in Paris necessary for a few days. This will not change any of the arrangements for the expedition. I have sent orders by this courier for the troops at Marseilles to embark and proceed to Toulon. On the evening of the 30th I will send you a courier with orders for you to embark and proceed with the squadron and convoy to Genoa, where I will join you. 

 The delay which this fresh event has occasioned will, I imagine, have enabled you to complete every preparation. 

We left Paris on the 3d of May 1798. Ten days before Bonaparte'sdeparture for Egypt a prisoner (Sir Sidney Smith) escaped from the Templewho was destined to contribute materially to his reverses. An escape sounimportant in itself afterwards caused the failure of the most giganticprojects and daring conceptions. This escape was pregnant with futureevents; a false order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolutionof the East!

We were at Toulon on the 8th. Bonaparte knew by the movements of theEnglish that not a moment was to be lost; but adverse winds detained usten days, which he occupied in attending to the most minute detailsconnected with the fleet. 

Bonaparte, whose attention was constantly occupied with his army, made aspeech to the soldiers, which I wrote to his dictation, and whichappeared in the public papers at the time. This address was followed bycries of "The Immortal Republic for ever!" and the singing of nationalhymns. 

Those who knew Madame Bonaparte are aware that few women were moreamiable and fascinating. Bonaparte was passionately fond of her, and toenjoy the pleasure of her society as long as possible he brought her withhim to Toulon. Nothing could be more affecting than their parting. Onleaving Toulon Josephine went to the waters of Plombieres. I recollectthat during her stay at Plombieres she incurred great danger from aserious accident. Whilst she was one day sitting at the balcony of thehotel, with her suite, the balcony suddenly gave way, and all the personsin it fell into the street. Madame Bonaparte was much hurt, but noserious consequences ensued. 

Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Toulon when he heard that the law forthe death of emigrants was enforced with frightful rigour; and that butrecently an old man, upwards of eighty, had been shot. Indignant at thisbarbarity, he dictated to me, in a tone of anger, the following letter:

 HEADQUARTERS TOULON, 27th Floreal, year VI. (16th May 1798). 

 BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, TO THE MILITARY COMMISSIONERS OF THE NINTH DIVISION, ESTABLISHED BY THE LAW OF THE 19TH FRUCTIDOR. 

 I have learned, citizens, with deep regret, that an old man, between seventy and eighty years of age, and some unfortunate women, in a state of pregnancy, or surrounded with children of tender age, have been shot on the charge of emigration. 

 Have the soldiers of liberty become executioners? Can the mercy which they have exercised even in the fury of battle be extinct in their hearts?

 The law of the 19th Fructidor was a measure of public safety. Its object was to reach conspirators, not women and aged men. 

 I therefore exhort you, citizens, whenever the law brings to your tribunals women or old men, to declare that in the field of battle you have respected the women and old men of your enemies. 

 The officer who signs a sentence against a person incapable of bearing arms is a coward. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

This letter saved the life of an unfortunate man who came under thedescription of persons to whom Bonaparte referred. The tone of this noteshows what an idea he already entertained of his power. He took uponhim, doubtless from the noblest motives, to step out of his way tointerpret and interdict the execution of a law, atrocious, it is true, but which even in those times of weakness, disorder, and anarchy wasstill a law. In this instance, at least, the power of his name was noblyemployed. The letter gave great satisfaction to the army destined forthe expedition. 

A man named Simon, who had followed his master in emigration, and dreadedthe application of the law, heard that I wanted a servant. He came to meand acknowledged his situation. He suited me, and I hired him. He thentold me he feared he should be arrested whilst going to the port toembark. Bonaparte, to whom I mentioned the circumstance, and who hadjust given a striking proof of his aversion to these acts of barbarity, said to me in a tone of kindness, "Give him my portfolio to carry, andlet him remain with you. " The words "Bonaparte, General-in-Chief of theArmy of the East, " were inscribed in large gold letters on the greenmorocco. Whether it was the portfolio or his connection with us thatprevented Simon from being arrested I know not; but he passed on withoutinterruption. I reprimanded him for having smiled derisively at the illhumour of the persons appointed to arrest him. He served me faithfully, and was even sometimes useful to Bonaparte. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

1798. 

 Departure of the squadron--Arrival at Malta--Dolomieu--General Barguay d'Hilliers--Attack on the western part of the island-- Caffarelli's remark--Deliverance of the Turkish prisoners--Nelson's pursuit of the French fleet--Conversations on board--How Bonaparte passed his, time--Questions to the Captains--Propositions discussed --Morning music--Proclamation--Admiral Brueys--The English fleet avoided Dangerous landing--Bonaparte and his fortune--Alexandria taken--Kleber wounded--Bonaparte's entrance into Alexandria. 

The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. The Orient, which, owing to herheavy lading, drew too much water, touched the ground; but she was gotoff without much difficulty. 

We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. We had lost two days inwaiting for some convoys which joined us at Malta. 

The intrigues throughout Europe had not succeeded in causing the ports ofthat island to be opened to us immediately on our arrival. Bonaparteexpressed much displeasure against the persons sent from Europe toarrange measures for that purpose. One of them, however, M. Dolomieu, had cause to repent his mission, which occasioned him to be badly treatedby the Sicilians. M. Poussielgue had done all he could in the way ofseduction, but he had not completely succeeded. There was somemisunderstanding, and, in consequence, some shots were interchanged. Bonaparte was very much pleased with General Baraguay d'Hilliers'services in Italy. He could not but praise his military and politicalconduct at Venice when, scarcely a year before, he had taken possessionof that city by his orders. General Baraguay d'Hilliers joined us withhis division, --which had embarked in the convoy that sailed from Genoa. The General-in-Chief ordered him to land and attack the western part ofthe island. He executed this order with equal prudence and ability, andhighly to the satisfaction of the General-in-Chief. As every person inthe secret knew that all this was a mere form, these hostiledemonstrations produced no unpleasant consequences. We wished to savethe honour of the knights--that was all; for no one who has seen Maltacan imagine that an island surrounded with such formidable and perfectfortifications would have surrendered in two days to a fleet which waspursued by an enemy. The impregnable fortress of Malta is so secureagainst a 'coup de main' that General Caffarelli, after examining itsfortifications, said to the General-in-Chief, in my presence, "Upon myword, General, it is luck: there is some one in the town to open thegates for us. "

By comparing the observation of General Caffarelli with what has beenpreviously stated respecting the project of the expedition to Egypt andMalta, an idea may be formed of the value of Bonaparte's assertion at St. Helena:

"The capture of Malta was not owing to private intrigues, but to thesagacity of the Commander-in-chief. I took Malta when I was in Mantua!"

It is not the less true, however, that I wrote, by his dictation, a massof instructions for private intrigues. Napoleon also said to anothernoble companion of his exile at St Helena, "Malta certainly possessedvast physical means of resistance; but no moral means. The knights didnothing dishonourable nobody is obliged to do impossibilities. No; butthey were sold; the capture of Malta was assured before we left Toulon. "

The General-in-Chief proceeded to that part of the port where the Turksmade prisoners by the knights were kept. 

The disgusting galleys were emptied of their occupants: The sameprinciples which, a few days after, formed the basis of Bonaparte'sproclamation to the Egyptians, guided him in this act of reason andhumanity. 

He walked several times in the gardens of the grandmaster. They were inbeautiful order, and filled with magnificent orange-trees. We regaledourselves with their fruit, which the great heat rendered most delicious. 

On the 19th of June, after having settled the government and defence ofthe island, the General left Malta, which he little dreamed he had takenfor the English, who have very badly requited the obligation. Many ofthe knights followed Bonaparte and took civil and military appointments. 

During the night of the 22d of June the English squadron was almost closeupon us. It passed at about six leagues from the French fleet. Nelson, who learned the capture of Malta at Messina on the day we left theisland, sailed direct for Alexandria, without proceeding into the north. He considered that city to be the place of our destination. By takingthe shortest course, with every sail set, and unembarrassed by anyconvoy, he arrived before Alexandria on the 28th of June, three daysbefore the French fleet, which, nevertheless, had sailed before him fromthe shores of Malta. The French squadron took the direction of Candia, which we perceived on the 25th of June, and afterwards stood to thesouth, favoured by the Etesian winds, which regularly prevail at thatseason. The French fleet did not reach Alexandria till the 30th of June. 

When on board the 'Orient' he took pleasure in conversing frequently withMonge and Berthollet. The subjects on which they usually talked werechemistry, mathematics, and religion. General Caffarelli, whoseconversation, supplied by knowledge, was at once energetic, witty, andlively, was one of those with whom he most willingly discoursed. Whatever friendship he might entertain for Berthollet, it was easy toperceive that he preferred Monge, and that he was led to that preferencebecause Monge, endowed with an ardent imagination, without exactlypossessing religious principles, had a kind of predisposition forreligious ideas which harmonised with the notions of Bonaparte. On thissubject Berthollet sometimes rallied his inseparable friend Monge. Besides, Berthollet was, with his cold imagination, constantly devoted toanalysis and abstractions, inclined towards materialism, an opinion withwhich the General was always much dissatisfied. 

Bonaparte sometimes conversed with Admiral Brueys. His object was alwaysto gain information respecting the different manoeuvres, and nothingastonished the Admiral more than the sagacity of his questions. I recollect that one day, Bonaparte having asked Brueys in what mannerthe hammocks were disposed of when clearing for action, he declared, after he had received an answer, that if the case should occur he wouldorder every one to throw his baggage overboard. 

He passed a great part of his time in his cabin, lying on a bed, which, swinging on a kind of castors, alleviated the severity of thesea-sickness from which he frequently suffered much when the ship rolled. 

I was almost always with him in his cabin, where I read to him some ofthe favourite works which he had selected for his camp library. He alsofrequently conversed, for hours together, with the captains of thevessels which he hailed. He never failed to ask whence they came? whatwas their destination? what ships they had met? what course they hadsailed? His curiosity being thus satisfied, he allowed them to continuetheir voyage, after making them promise to say nothing of having seen theFrench squadron. 

Whilst we were at sea he seldom rose before ten o'clock in the morning. The 'Orient' had the appearance of a populous town, from which women hadbeen excluded; and this floating city was inhabited by 2000 individuals, amongst whom were a great number of distinguished men. Bonaparte everyday invited several persons to dine with him, besides Brueys, Berthier, the colonels, and his ordinary household, who were always present at thetable of the General-in-Chief. When the weather was fine he went up tothe quarter-deck, which, from its extent, formed a grand promenade. 

I recollect once that when walking the quarter-deck with him whilst wewere in Sicilian waters I thought I could see the summits of the Alpsbeautifully lighted by the rays of the setting sun. Bonaparte laughedmuch, and joked me about it. He called Admiral Brueys, who took histelescope and soon confirmed my conjecture. The Alps!

At the mention of that word by the Admiral I think I can see Bonapartestill. He stood for a long time motionless; then, suddenly bursting fromhis trance, exclaimed, "No! I cannot behold the land of Italy withoutemotion! There is the East: and there I go; a perilous enterpriseinvites me. Those mountains command the plains where I so often had thegood fortune to lead the French to victory. With them we will conqueragain. "

One of Bonaparte's greatest pleasures during the voyage was, afterdinner, to fix upon three or four persons to support a proposition and asmany to oppose it. He had an object in view by this. These discussionsafforded him an opportunity of studying the minds of those whom he had aninterest in knowing well, in order that he might afterwards confide toeach the functions for which he possessed the greatest aptitude: It willnot appear singular to those who have been intimate with Bonaparte, thatin these intellectual contests he gave the preference to those who hadsupported an absurd proposition with ability over those who hadmaintained the cause of reason; and it was not superiority of mind whichdetermined his judgment, for he really preferred the man who argued wellin favour of an absurdity to the man who argued equally well in supportof a reasonable proposition. He always gave out the subjects which wereto be discussed; and they most frequently turned upon questions ofreligion, the different kinds of government, and the art of war. One dayhe asked whether the planets were inhabited; on another, what was the ageof the world; then he proposed to consider the probability of thedestruction of our globe, either by water or fire; at another time, the truth or fallacy of presentiments, and the interpretation of dreams. I remember the circumstance which gave rise to the last proposition wasan allusion to Joseph, of whom he happened to speak, as he did of almosteverything connected with the country to which we were bound, and whichthat able administrator had governed. No country came under Bonaparte'sobservation without recalling historical recollections to his mind. On passing the island of Candia his imagination was excited, and he spokewith enthusiasm of ancient Crete and the Colossus, whose fabulous renownhas surpassed all human glories. He spoke much of the fall of the empireof the East, which bore so little resemblance to what history haspreserved of those fine countries, so often moistened with the blood ofman. The ingenious fables of mythology likewise occurred to his mind, and imparted to his language something of a poetical, and, I may say, ofan inspired character. The sight of the kingdom of Minos led him toreason on the laws best calculated for the government of nations; and thebirthplace of Jupiter suggested to him the necessity of a religion forthe mass of mankind. This animated conversation lasted until thefavourable north winds, which drove the clouds into the valley of theNile, caused us to lose sight of the island of Candia. 

The musicians on board the Orient sometimes played serenades; but onlybetween decks, for Bonaparte was not yet sufficiently fond of music towish to hear it in his cabin. It may be said that his taste for this artincreased in the direct ratio of his power; and so it was with his tastefor hunting, of which he gave no indication until after his elevation tothe empire; as though he had wished to prove that he possessed withinhimself not only the genius of sovereignty for commanding men, but alsothe instinct for those aristocratical pleasures, the enjoyment of whichis considered by mankind to be amongst the attributes of kings. 

It is scarcely possible that some accidents should not occur during along voyage in a crowded vessel--that some persons should not falloverboard. Accidents of this kind frequently happened on board the'Orient'. On those occasions nothing was more remarkable than the greathumanity of the man who has since been so prodigal of the blood of hisfellow-creatures on the field of battle, and who was about to shed riversof it even in Egypt, whither we were bound. When a man fell into the seathe General-in-Chief was in a state of agitation till he was saved. Heinstantly had the ship hove-to, and exhibited the greatest uneasinessuntil the unfortunate individual was recovered. He ordered me to rewardthose who ventured their lives in this service. Amongst these was asailor who had incurred punishment for some fault. He not only exemptedhim from the punishment, but also gave him some money. I recollect thatone dark night we heard a noise like that occasioned by a man fallinginto the sea. Bonaparte instantly caused the ship to be hove-to untilthe supposed victim was rescued from certain death. The men hastenedfrom all sides, and at length they picked up-what?--the quarter of abullock, which had fallen from the hook to which it was hung. What wasBonaparte's conduct? He ordered me to reward the sailors who had exertedthemselves in this occasion even more generously than usual, saying, "It might have been a sailor, and these brave fellows have shown as muchactivity and courage as if it had. "

After the lapse of thirty years all these things are as fresh in myrecollection as if they were passing at the present moment. In thismanner Bonaparte employed his time on board the Orient during the voyage, and it was also at this time that he dictated to me the followingproclamation:

 HEADQUARTERS ON BOARD THE "ORIENT, " The 4th Messidor, Year VI. 

 BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF. 

 SOLDIERS--You are about to undertake a conquest the effects of which on civilisation and commerce are incalculable. The blow you are about to give to England will be the best aimed, and the most sensibly felt, she can receive until the time arrive when you can give her her deathblow. 

 We must make some fatiguing marches; we must fight several battles; we shall succeed in all we undertake. The destinies are with us. The Mameluke Beys who favour exclusively English commerce, whose extortions oppress our merchants, and who tyrannise over the unfortunate inhabitants of the Nile, a few days after our arrival will no longer exist. 

 The people amongst whom we are going to live are Mahometans. The first article of their faith is this: "There is no God but God, and Mahomet is his prophet. " Do not contradict them. Behave to them as you have behaved to the Jews--to the Italians. Pay respect to their muftis, and their Imaums, as you did to the rabbis and the bishops. Extend to the ceremonies prescribed by the Koran and to the mosques the same toleration which you showed to the synagogues, to the religion of Moses and of Jesus Christ. 

 The Roman legions protected all religions. You will find here customs different from those of Europe. You must accommodate yourselves to them. The people amongst whom we are to mix differ from us in the treatment of women; but in all countries he who violates is a monster. Pillage enriches only a small number of men; it dishonours us; it destroys our resources; it converts into enemies the people whom it is our interest to have for friends. 

 The first town we shall come to was built by Alexander. At every step we shall meet with grand recollections, worthy of exciting the emulation of Frenchmen. BONAPARTE. 

During the voyage, and particularly between Malta and Alexandria, I often conversed with the brave and unfortunate Admiral Brueys. The intelligence we heard from time to time augmented his uneasiness. I had the good fortune to obtain the confidence of this worthy man. He complained bitterly of the imperfect manner in which the fleet hadbeen prepared for sea; of the encumbered state of the ships of the lineand frigates, and especially of the 'Orient'; of the great number oftransports; of the bad Outfit of all the ships and the weakness of theircrews. He assured me that it required no little courage to undertake thecommand of a fleet so badly equipped; and he often declared, that in theevent of our falling in with the enemy, he could not answer for theconsequences. The encumbered state of the vessels, the immense quantityof civic and military baggage which each person had brought, and wouldwish to save, would render proper manoeuvres impracticable. In case ofan attack, added Brueys, even by an inferior squadron, the confusion anddisorder amongst so great a number of persons would produce an inevitablecatastrophe. Finally, if the English had appeared with ten vessels only, the Admiral could not have guaranteed a fortunate result. He consideredvictory to be a thing that was impossible, and even with a victory, whatwould have become of the expedition? "God send, " he said, with a sigh, "that we may pass the English without meeting them!" He appeared toforesee what did afterwards happen to him, not in the open sea, but in asituation which he considered much more favourable to his defence. 

On the morning of the 1st of July the expedition arrived off the coast ofAfrica, and the column of Septimus-Severus pointed out to us the city ofAlexandria. Our situation and frame of mind hardly permitted us toreflect that in the distant point we beheld the city of the Ptolemies andCaesars, with its double port, its pharos, and the gigantic monuments ofits ancient grandeur. Our imaginations did not rise to this pitch. 

Admiral Brueys had sent on before the frigate Juno to fetch M. Magallon, the French Consul. It was near four o'clock when he arrived, and the seawas very rough. He informed the General-in-Chief that Nelson had beenoff Alexandria on the 28th--that he immediately dispatched a brig toobtain intelligence from the English agent. On the return of the brigNelson instantly stood away with his squadron towards the north-east. But for a delay which our convoy from Civita Vecchia occasioned, weshould have been on this coast at the same time as Nelson. 

It appeared that Nelson supposed us to be already at Alexandria when hearrived there. He had reason to suppose so, seeing that we left Malta onthe 19th of June, whilst he did not sail from Messina till the 21st. Not finding us where he expected, and being persuaded we ought to havearrived there had Alexandria been the place of our destination; he sailedfor Alexandretta in Syria, whither he imagined we had gone to effect alanding. This error saved the expedition a second time. 

Bonaparte, on hearing the details which the French Consul communicated, resolved to disembark immediately. Admiral Brueys represented thedifficulties and dangers of a disembarkation--the violence of the surge, the distance from the coast, --a coast, too, lined with reefs of rocks, the approaching night, and our perfect ignorance of the points suitablefor landing. The Admiral, therefore, urged the necessity of waiting tillnext morning; that is to say, to delay the landing twelve hours. Heobserved that Nelson could not return from Syria for several days. Bonaparte listened to these representations with impatience andill-humour. He replied peremptorily, "Admiral, we have no time to lose. Fortune gives me but three days; if I do not profit by them we are lost. "He relied much on fortune; this chimerical idea constantly influenced hisresolutions. 

Bonaparte having the command of the naval as well as the military force, the Admiral was obliged to yield to his wishes. 

I attest these facts, which passed in my presence, and no part of whichcould escape my observation. It is quite false that it was owing to theappearance of a sail which, it is pretended, was descried, but of which, for my part, I saw nothing, that Bonaparte exclaimed, "Fortune, have youabandoned me? I ask only five days!" No such thing occurred. 

It was one o'clock in the morning of the 2d of July when we landed on thesoil of Egypt, at Marabou, three leagues to the west of Alexandria. Wehad to regret the loss of some lives; but we had every reason to expectthat our losses would have been greater. 

At three o'clock the same morning the General-in-Chief marched onAlexandria with the divisions of Kleber, Bon, and Menou. The BedouinArabs, who kept hovering about our right flank and our rear, picked upthe stragglers. 

Having arrived within gunshot of Alexandria, we scaled the ramparts, andFrench valour soon triumphed over all obstacles. 

The first blood I saw shed in war was General Kleber's. He was struck inthe head by a ball, not in storming the walls, but whilst heading theattack. He came to Pompey's Pillar, where many members of the staff wereassembled, and where the General-in-Chief was watching the attack. Ithen spoke to Kleber for the first time, and from that day our friendshipcommenced. I had the good fortune to contribute somewhat towards theassistance of which he stood in need, and which, as we were situated, could not be procured very easily. 

It has been endeavoured to represent the capture of Alexandria, whichsurrendered after a few hours, as a brilliant exploit. TheGeneral-in-Chief himself wrote that the city had been taken after a fewdischarges of cannon; the walls, badly fortified, were soon scaled. Alexandria was not delivered up to pillage, as has been asserted, andoften repeated. This would have been a most impolitic mode of commencingthe conquest of Egypt, which had no strong places requiring to beintimidated by a great example. 

Bonaparte, with some others, entered the city by a narrow street whichscarcely allowed two persons to walk abreast; I was with him. We werestopped by some musket-shots fired from a low window by a man and awoman. They repeated their fire several times. The guides who precededtheir General kept up a heavy fire on the window. The man and woman felldead, and we passed on in safety, for the place had surrendered. 

Bonaparte employed the six days during which he remained in Alexandria inestablishing order in the city and province, with that activity andsuperior talent which I could never sufficiently admire, and in directingthe march of the army across the province of Bohahire'h. He sent Desaixwith 4500 infantry and 60 cavalry to Beda, on the road to Damanhour. This general was the first to experience the privations and sufferingswhich the whole army had soon to endure. His great mind, his attachmentto Bonaparte, seemed for a moment about to yield to the obstacles whichpresented themselves. On the 15th of July he wrote from Bohahire'h asfollows: "I beseech you do not let us stop longer in this position. Mymen are discouraged and murmur. Make us advance or fall back withoutdelay. The villages consist merely of huts, absolutely withoutresources. "

In these immense plains, scorched by the vertical rays of a burning sun, water, everywhere else so common, becomes an object of contest. Thewells and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefullyconcealed from the travellers; and frequently, after our most oppressivemarches, nothing could be found to allay the urgent cravings of thirstbut a little brackish water of the most disgusting description. 

 --[Some idea of the misery endured by the French troops on this occasion may be gathered from the following description is Napoleon's Memoirs, dictated at St. Helena:

 "As the Hebrews wandering in the wilderness complained, and angrily asked Moses for the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt, the French soldiers constantly regretted the luxuries of Italy. In vain were they assured that the country was the most fertile in the world, that it was even superior to Lombard; how were they to be persuaded of this when they could get neither bread nor wine? We encamped on immense quantities of wheat, but there was neither mill nor oven in the country. The biscuit brought from Alexandria had long been exhausted; the soldiers were even reduced to bruise the wheat between two stones and to make cake which they baked under the ashes. Many parched the wheat in a pan, after which they boiled it. This was the best way to use the grain; but, after all, it was not bread. The apprehensions of the soldiers increased daily, and rose to such a pitch that a great number of them said there was no great city of calm; and that the place bring that name was, like Damanhour, a vast assemblage of mere huts, destitute of everything that could render life comfortable or agreeable. To such a melancholy state of mind had they brought themselves that two dragoons threw themselves, completely clothed, into the Nile, where they were drowned. It is nevertheless true that, though there was neither bread nor wine, the resources which were procured with wheat, lentils, meat, and sometimes pigeons, furnished the army with food of some kind. But the evil was, in the ferment of the mind. The officers complained more loudly than the soldiers, because the comparison was proportionately more disadvantageous to them. In Egypt they found neither the quarters, the good table, nor the luxury of Italy. The General-in-Chief, wishing to set an example, tried to bivouac in the midst of the army, and in the least commodious spots. No one had either tent or provisions; the dinner of Napoleon and his staff consisted of a dish of lentils. The soldiers passed the evenings in political conversations, arguments, and complaints. 'For what purpose are we come here?' said some of them, 'the Directory has transported us. ' 'Caffarelli, ' said others, 'is the agent that has been made use of to deceive the General-in-Chief. ' Many of them, having observed that wherever there were vestiges of antiquity they were carefully searched, vented their spite in invective against the savants, or scientific men, who, they said, had started the idea of she expedition to order to make these searches. Jests were showered upon them, even in their presence. The men called an ass a savant; and said of Caffarelli Dufalga, alluding to his wooden leg, 'He laughs at all these troubles; he has one foot to France. '"]

CHAPTER XIV. 

1798. 

 The mirage--Skirmishes with the Arabs--Mistake of General Desaix's division--Wretchedness of a rich sheik--Combat beneath the General's window--The flotilla on the Nile--Its distress and danger--The battle of Chebreisse--Defeat of the Mamelukes--Bonaparte's reception of me--Letter to Louis Bonaparte--Success of the French army-- Triumphal entrance into Cairo--Civil and military organisation of Cairo--Bonaparte's letter to his brother Joseph--Plan of colonisation. 

On the 7th of July General Bonaparte left Alexandria for Damanhour. Inthe vast plains of Bohahire'h the mirage every moment presented to theeye wide sheets of water, while, as we advanced, we found nothing butbarren ground full of deep cracks. Villages, which at a distance appearto be surrounded with water, are, on a nearer approach, discovered to besituated on heights, mostly artificial, by which they are raised abovethe inundations of the Nile. This illusion continually recurs; and it isthe more treacherous, inasmuch as it presents to the eye the perfectrepresentation of water, at the time when the want of that article ismost felt. This mirage is so considerable in the plain of Pelusium thatshortly after sunrise no object is recognisable. The same phenomenon hasbeen observed in other countries. Quintus Curtius says that in thedeserts of Sogdiana, a fog rising from the earth obscures the light, andthe surrounding country seems like a vast sea. The cause of thissingular illusion is now fully explained; and, from the observations ofthe learned Monge, it appears that the mirage will be found in almostevery country situated between the tropics where the local circumstancesare similar. 

The Arabs harassed the army without intermission. The few wells met within the desert were either filled up or the water was rendered unfit foruse. The intolerable thirst with which the troops were tormented, evenon this first march, was but ill allayed by brackish and unwholesomewater. The army crossed the desert with the rapidity of lightning, scarcely tasting a drop of water. The sufferings of the troops werefrequently expressed by discouraging murmurs. 

On the first night a mistake occurred which might have proved fatal. We were advancing in the dark, under feeble escort, almost sleeping onour horses, when suddenly we were assailed by two successive dischargesof musketry. We aroused ourselves and reconnoitred, and to our greatsatisfaction discovered that the only mischief was a alight woundreceived by one of our guides. Our assailants were the division ofGeneral Desaix, who, forming the advanced guard of the army, mistook usfor a party of the enemy, and fired upon us. It was speedily ascertainedthat the little advanced guard of the headquarters had not heard the "Quivive?" of Desaix's advanced posts. 

On reaching Damanhour our headquarters were established at the residenceof a sheik. The house had been new whitened, and looked well enoughoutside, but the interior was inconceivably wretched. Every domesticutensil was broken, and the only seats were a few dirty tattered mats. Bonaparte knew that the sheik was rich, and having somewhat won hisconfidence, he asked him, through the medium of the interpreter, why, being in easy circumstances, he thus deprived himself of all comfort. "Some years ago, " replied the sheik, "I repaired and furnished my house. When this became known at Cairo a demand was made upon me for money, because it was said my expenses proved me to be rich. I refused to paythe money, and in consequence I was ill-treated, and at length forced topay it. From that time I have allowed myself only the bare necessariesof life, and I shall buy no furniture for my house. " The old man waslame in consequence of the treatment he had suffered. Woe to him who inthis country is suspected of having a competency--a hundred spies arealways ready to denounce him. The appearance of poverty is the onlysecurity against the rapine of power and the cupidity of barbarism. 

A little troop of Arabs on horseback assailed our headquarters. Bonaparte, who was at the window of the sheik's house, indignant at thisinsolence, turned to one of his aides de camp, who happened to be onduty, and said, "Croisier, take a few guides and drive those fellowsaway!" In an instant Croisier was in the plain with fifteen guides. Alittle skirmish ensued, and we looked on from the window. In themovement and in the attack of Croisier and his party there was a sort ofhesitation which the General-in-Chief could not comprehend. "Forward, I say! Charge!" he exclaimed from the window, as if he could have beenheard. Our horsemen seemed to fall back as the Arabs returned to theattack; and after a little contest, maintained with tolerable spirit, theArabs retired without loss, and without being molested in their retreat. Bonaparte could no longer repress his rage; and when Croisier returned heexperienced such a harsh reception that the poor fellow withdrew deeplymortified and distressed. Bonaparte desired me to follow him and saysomething to console him: but all was in vain. "I cannot survive this, "he said. "I will sacrifice my life on the first occasion that offersitself. I will not live dishonoured. " The word coward had escaped theGeneral's lips. Poor Croisier died at Saint Jean d'Acre. 

On the 10th of July our headquarters were established at Rahmahanie'h, where they remained during the 11th and 12th. At this place commencesthe canal which was cut by Alexander to convey water to his new city; andto facilitate commercial intercourse between Europe and the East. 

The flotilla, commanded by the brave chief of division Perree, had justarrived from Rosette. Perree was on board the xebec 'Cerf'. 

 --[Bonaparte had great confidence in him. He had commanded, under the General's orders, the naval forces in the Adriatic in 1797. -- Bourrienne]--

Bonaparte placed on board the Cerf and the other vessels of the flotillathose individuals who, not being military, could not be serviceable inengagements, and whose horses served to mount a few of the troops. 

On the night of the 14th of July the General-in-Chief directed his marchtowards the south, along the left bank of the Nile. The flotilla sailedup the river parallel with the left wing of the army. But the force ofthe wind, which at this season blows regularly from the Mediterraneaninto the valley of the file, carried the flotilla far in advance of thearmy, and frustrated the plan of their mutually defending and supportingeach other. The flotilla thus unprotected fell in with seven Turkishgunboats coming from Cairo, and was exposed simultaneously to their fireand to that of the Mamelukes, fellahs, and Arabs who lined both banks ofthe river. They had small guns mounted on camels. 

Perree cast anchor, and an engagement commenced at nine o'clock on the14th of July, and continued till half past twelve. 

At the same time the General-in-Chief met and attacked a corps of about4000 Mamelukes. His object, as he afterwards said, was to turn the corpsby the left of the village of Chebreisse, and to drive it upon the Nile. 

About eleven in the morning Perree told me that the Turks were doing usmore harm than we were doing them; that our ammunition would soon beexhausted; that the army was far inland, and that if it did not make amove to the left there would be no hope for us. Several vessels hadalready been boarded and taken by the Turks, who massacred the crewsbefore our eyes, and with barbarous ferocity showed us the heads of theslaughtered men. 

Perree, at considerable risk, despatched several persons to inform theGeneral-in-Chief of the desperate situation of the flotilla. Thecannonade which Bonaparte had heard since the morning, and the explosionof a Turkish gunboat, which was blown up by the artillery of the xebec, led him to fear that our situation was really perilous. He thereforemade a movement to the left, in the direction of the Nile and Chebreisse, beat the Mamelukes, and forced them to retire on Cairo. At sight of theFrench troops the commander of the Turkish flotilla weighed anchor andsailed up the Nile. The two banks of the river were evacuated, and theflotilla escaped the destruction which a short time before had appearedinevitable. Some writers have alleged that the Turkish flotilla wasdestroyed in this engagement. The truth is, the Turks did usconsiderable injury, while on their part they suffered but little. Wehad twenty men killed and several wounded. Upwards of 1500 cannon-shotswere fired during the action. 

General Berthier, in his narrative of the Egyptian expedition, enumeratesthe individuals who, though not in the military service, assisted Perreein this unequal and dangerous engagement. He mentions Monge, Berthollet, Andreossy, the paymaster, Junot, and Bourrienne, secretary tothe General-in-Chief. It has also been stated that Sucy, thecommissary-general, was seriously wounded while bravely defendinga gunboat laden with provisions; but this is incorrect. 

We had no communication with the army until the 23d of July. On the 22dwe came in sight of the Pyramids, and were informed that we were onlyabout, ten leagues from Gizeh, where they are situated. The cannonadewhich we heard, and which augmented in proportion as the north winddiminished, announced a serious engagement; and that same day we saw thebanks of the Nile strewed with heaps of bodies, which the waves wereevery moment washing into the sea. This horrible spectacle, the silenceof the surrounding villages, which had hitherto been armed against us, and the cessation of the firing from the banks of the river, led us toinfer, with tolerable certainty, that a battle fatal to the Mamelukes hadbeen fought. The misery we suffered on our passage from Rahmahanie'h toGizeh is indescribable. We lived for eleven days on melons and water, besides being momentarily exposed to the musketry of the Arabs and thefellahs. We luckily escaped with but a few killed and wounded. Therising of the Nile was only beginning. The shallowness of the river nearCairo obliged us to leave the xebec and get on board a djerm. We reachedGizeh at three in the afternoon of the 23d of July. 

When I saluted the General, whom I had not seen for twelve days, he thusaddressed me: "So you are here, are you? Do you know that you have allof you been the cause of my not following up the battle of Chebreisse?It was to save you, Monge, Berthollet, and the others on board theflotilla that I hurried the movement of my left upon the Nile before myright had turned Chebreisse. But for that, not a single Mameluke wouldhave escaped. "

"I thank you for my own part, " replied I; "but in conscience could youhave abandoned us, after taking away our horses, and making us go onboard the xebec, whether we would or not?" He laughed, and then told mehow sorry he was for the wound of Sucy, and the death of many useful men, whose places could not possibly be filled up. 

He made me write a letter to his brother Louis, informing him that he hadgained a complete victory over the Mamelukes at Embabeh, opposite Boulac, and that the enemy's loss was 2000 men killed and wounded, 40 guns, and agreat number of horses. 

The occupation of Cairo was the immediate consequence of the victory ofEmbabeh. Bonaparte established his head-quarters in the home of ElfyBey, in the great square of Ezbekye'h. 

The march of the French army to Cairo was attended by an uninterruptedsuccession of combats and victories. We had won the battles ofRahmahanie'h, Chebreisse, and the Pyramids. The Mamelukes were defeated, and their chief, Mourad Bey, was obliged to fly into Upper Egypt. Bonaparte found no obstacle to oppose his entrance into the capital ofEgypt, after a campaign of only twenty days. 

No conqueror, perhaps, ever enjoyed a victory so much as Bonaparte, andyet no one was ever less inclined to abuse his triumphs. 

We entered Cairo on the 24th of July, and the General-in-Chiefimmediately directed his attention to the civil and military organizationof the country. Only those who saw him in the vigour of his youth canform an idea of his extraordinary intelligence and activity. Nothingescaped his observation. Egypt had long been the object of his study;and in a few weeks he was as well acquainted with the country as if hehad lived in it ten years. He issued orders for observing the strictestdiscipline, and these orders were punctually obeyed. 

The mosques, the civil and religious institutions, the harems, the women, the customs of the country-all were scrupulously respected. A few daysafter they entered Cairo the French were freely admitted into the shops, and were seen sociably smoking their pipes with the inhabitants, assisting them in their occupations, and playing with their children. 

The day after his arrival in Cairo Bonaparte addressed to his brotherJoseph the following letter, which was intercepted and printed. Itsauthenticity has been doubted, but I saw Napoleon write it, and he readit to me before he sent it off. 

 CAIRO, 7th. Thermidor (25th July 1798)

 You will see in the public papers the bulletins of the battles and conquest of Egypt, which were sufficiently contested to add another wreath to the laurels of this army. Egypt is richer than any country in the world in coin, rice, vegetables, and cattle. But the people are in a state of utter barbarism. We cannot procure money, even to pay the troops. I maybe in France in two months. 

 Engage a country-house, to be ready for me on my arrival, either near Paris or in Burgundy, where I mean to pass the winter. 

 --[Bonaparte's autograph note, after enumerating the troops and warlike stores he wished to be sent, concluded with the following list:

 1st, a company of actors; 2d, a company of dancers; 3d, some dealers in marionettes, at least three or four; 9th, a hundred French women; 5th, the wives of all the men employed in the corps; 6th, twenty surgeons, thirty apothecaries, and ten Physicians; 7th, some founders; 8th, some distillers and dealers in liquor; 9th fifty gardeners with their families, and the seeds of every kind of vegetable; 10th, each party to bring with them: 200, 000 pints of brandy; 11th, 30, 000 ells of blue and scarlet cloth; 12th, a supply of soap and oil. --Bourrienne. ]--

 (Signed) BONAPARTE

This announcement of his departure to his brother is corroborated by anote which he despatched some days after, enumerating the supplies andindividuals which he wished to have sent to Egypt. His note proves, moreconvincingly than any arguments, that Bonaparte earnestly wished topreserve his conquest, and to make it a French colony. It must be bornein mind that the note here alluded to, as well as the letter abovequoted, was written long before the destruction of the fleet. 

CHAPTER XV. 

1798. 

 Establishment of a divan in each Egyptian province--Desaix in Upper Egypt--Ibrahim Bey beaten by Bonaparte at Balehye'h--Sulkowsky wounded--Disaster at Abonkir--Dissatisfaction and murmurs of the army--Dejection of the General-in-Chief--His plan respecting Egypt --Meditated descent upon England--Bonaparte's censure of the Directory--Intercepted correspondence. 

From the details I have already given respecting Bonaparte's plans forcolonising Egypt, it will be seen that his energy of mind urged him toadopt anticipatory measures for the accomplishment of objects which werenever realised. During the short interval in which he sheathed his swordhe planned provisional governments for the towns and provinces occupiedby the French troops, and he adroitly contrived to serve the interests ofhis army without appearing to violate those of the country. After he hadbeen four days at Cairo, during which time he employed himself inexamining everything, and consulting every individual from whom he couldobtain useful information, he published the following order:

 HEADQUARTERS, CAIRO, 9th Thermidor, year VI. 

 BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, AND GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, ORDERS:

 Art. 1. There shall be in each province of Egypt a divan, composed of seven individuals, whose duty will be to superintend the interests of the province; to communicate to me any complaints that may be made; to prevent warfare among the different villages; to apprehend and punish criminals (for which purpose they may demand assistance from the French commandant); and to take every opportunity of enlightening the people. 

 Art. 2. There shall be in each province an aga of the Janizaries, maintaining constant communication with the French commandant. He shall have with him a company of sixty armed natives, whom he may take wherever he pleases, for the maintenance of good order, subordination, and tranquillity. 

 Art. 3. There shall be in each province an intendant, whose business will be to levy the miri, the feddam, and the other contributions which formerly belonged to the Mamelukes, but which now belong to the French Republic. The intendants shall have us many agents as may be necessary. 

 Art. 4. The said intendant shall have a French agent to correspond with the Finance Department, and to execute all the orders he may receive. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

While Bonaparte was thus actively taking measures for the organization ofthe country, --[Far more thoroughly and actively than those taken by the English Government in 1882-3-4]--

General Desaix had marched into Upper Egypt in pursuit of Mourad Bey. Welearned that Ibrahim, who, next to Mourad, was the most influential ofthe bays, had proceeded towards Syria, by the way of Belbeis andSalehye'h. The General-in-Chief immediately determined to march inperson against that formidable enemy, and he left Cairo about fifteendays after he had entered it. It is unnecessary to describe thewell-known engagement in which Bonaparte drove Ibrahim back upon El-Arish;besides, I do not enter minutely into the details of battles, my chiefobject being to record events which I personally witnessed. 

At the battle of Salehye'h Bonaparte thought he had lost one of his'aides de camp', Sulkowsky, to whom he was much attached, and who hadbeen with us during the whole of the campaign of Italy. On the field ofbattle one object of regret cannot long engross the mind; yet, on hisreturn to Cairo, Bonaparte frequently spoke to me of Sulkowsky in termsof unfeigned sorrow. 

"I cannot, " said he one day, "sufficiently admire the noble spirit anddetermined courage of poor Sulkowsky. " He often said that Sulkowskywould have been a valuable aid to whoever might undertake theresuscitation of Poland. Fortunately that brave officer was not killedon that occasion, though seriously wounded. He was, however, killedshortly after. 

The destruction of the French squadron in the roads of Aboukir occurredduring the absence of the General-in-Chief. This event happened on the1st of August. The details are generally known; but there is onecircumstance to which I cannot refrain from alluding, and which exciteddeep interest at the time. This was the heroic courage of the son ofCasablanca, the captain of the 'Orient'. Casablanca was among thewounded, and when the vessel was blown up his son, a lad of ten years ofage, preferred perishing with him rather than saving himself, when one ofthe seamen had secured him the means of escape. I told the 'aide decamp', sent by General Kleber, who had the command of Alexandria, thatthe General-in-Chief was near Salehye'h. He proceeded thitherimmediately, and Bonaparte hastened back to Cairo, a distance of aboutthirty-three leagues. 

In spite of any assertions that may have been made to the contrary, thefact is, that as soon as the French troops set foot in Egypt, they werefilled with dissatisfaction, and ardently longed to return home. '

 --['Erreurs' objects to this description of the complaints of the army, but Savary (tome i. Pp. 66, 67, and tome i. P. 89) fully confirms it, giving the reason that the army was not a homogeneous body, but a mixed force taken from Rome, Florence, Milan, Venice, Genoa, and Marseilles; see also Thiers, tome v. P. 283. But the fact is not singular. For a striking instance, in the days of the Empire, of the soldiers in 1809, in Spain, actually threatening Napoleon in his own hearing, see De Gonneville (tome i. Pp. 190-193): "The soldiers of Lapisse's division gave loud expression to the most sinister designs against the Emperor's person, stirring up each other to fire a shot at him, sad bandying accusations of cowardice for not doing it. " He heard it all as plainly as we did, and seemed as if he did not care a bit for it, but "sent the division into good quarters, when the men were as enthusiastic as they were formerly mutinous. " In 1796 d'Entraigues, the Bourbon spy, reports, "As a general rule, the French soldier grumbles and is discontented. He accuses Bonaparte of being a thief and a rascal. But to-morrow the very same soldier will obey him blindly" (Iung's Bonaparte, tome iii. P. 152). ]--

The illusion of the expedition had disappeared, and only its realityremained. What bitter murmuring have I not heard from Murat, Lannes, Berthier, Bessieres, and others! Their complaints were, indeed, often sounmeasured as almost to amount to sedition. This greatly vexedBonaparte, and drew from him severe reproaches and violent language. 

 --[Napoleon related at St. Helena that in a fit of irritation he rushed among a group of dissatisfied generals, and said to one of them, who was remarkable for his stature, "you have held seditious language; but take care I do not perform my duty. Though you are five feet ten inches high, that shall not save you from being shot. "--Bourrienne. ]--

When the news arrived of the loss of the fleet, discontent increased. All who had acquired fortunes under Napoleon now began to fear that theywould never enjoy them. All turned their thoughts to Paris, and itsamusements, and were utterly disheartened at the idea of being separatedfrom their homes and their friends for a period, the termination of whichit was impossible to foresee. 

The catastrophe of Aboukir came like a thunderbolt upon theGeneral-in-Chief. In spite of all his energy and fortitude, he wasdeeply distressed by the disasters which now assailed him. To thepainful feelings excited by the complaints and dejection of hiscompanions in arms was now added the irreparable misfortune of theburning of our fleet. He measured the fatal consequences of this eventat a single glance. We were now cut off from all communication withFrance, and all hope of returning thither, except by a degradingcapitulation with an implacable and hated enemy. Bonaparte had lost allchance of preserving his conquest, and to him this was indeed a bitterreflection. And at what a time did this disaster befall him? At thevery moment when he was about to apply for the aid of themother-country. 

From what General Bonaparte communicated to me previously to the 1st ofAugust, his object was, having once secured the possession of Egypt; toreturn to Toulon with the fleet; then to send troops and provisions ofevery kind to Egypt; and next to combine with the fleet all the forcesthat could be supplied, not only by France, but by her allies, for thepurpose of attacking England. It is certain that previously to hisdeparture for Egypt he had laid before the Directory a note relative tohis plans. He always regarded a descent upon England as possible, thoughin its result fatal, so long as we should be inferior in naval strength;but he hoped by various manoeuvres to secure a superiority on one point. 

His intention was to return to France. Availing himself of the departureof the English fleet for the Mediterranean, the alarm excited by hisEgyptian expedition, the panic that would be inspired by his suddenappearance at Boulogne, and his preparations against England, he hoped tooblige that power to withdraw her naval force from the Mediterranean, andto prevent her sending out troops to Egypt. This project was often inhis head. He would have thought it sublime to date an order of the dayfrom the ruins of Memphis, and three months later, one from London. Theloss of the fleet converted all these bold conceptions into mere romanticvisions. 

When alone with me he gave free vent to his emotion. I observed to himthat the disaster was doubtless great, but that it would have beeninfinitely more irreparable had Nelson fallen in with us at Malta, or hadhe waited for us four-and-twenty hours before Alexandria, or in the opensea. "Any one of these events, " said I, "which were not only possiblebut probable, would have deprived us of every resource. We are blockadedhere, but we have provisions and money. Let us then wait patiently tosee what the Directory will do for us. "--"The Directory!" exclaimed heangrily, "the Directory is composed of a set of scoundrels! they envy andhate me, and would gladly let me perish here. Besides, you see howdissatisfied the whole army is: not a man is willing to stay. "

The pleasing illusions which were cherished at the outset of theexpedition vanished long before our arrival in Cairo. Egypt was nolonger the empire of the Ptolemies, covered with populous and wealthycities; it now presented one unvaried scene of devastation and misery. Instead of being aided by the inhabitants, whom we had ruined, for thesake of delivering them from the yoke of the beys, we found all againstus: Mamelukes, Arabs, and fellahs. No Frenchman was secure of his lifewho happened to stray half a mile from any inhabited place, or the corpsto which he belonged. The hostility which prevailed against us and thediscontent of the army were clearly developed in the numerous letterswhich were written to France at the time, and intercepted. 

The gloomy reflections which at first assailed Bonaparte, were speedilybanished; and he soon recovered the fortitude and presence of mind whichhad been for a moment shaken by the overwhelming news from Aboukir. He, however, sometimes repeated, in a tone which it would be difficult todescribe, "Unfortunate Brueys, what have you done!"

I have remarked that in some chance observations which escaped Napoleonat St. Helena he endeavoured to throw all the blame of the affair onAdmiral Brueys. Persons who are determined to make Bonaparte anexception to human nature have unjustly reproached the Admiral for theloss of the fleet. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

1798. 

 The Egyptian Institute--Festival of the birth of Mahomet--Bonapartes prudent respect for the Mahometan religion--His Turkish dress-- Djezzar, the Pasha of Acre--Thoughts of a campaign in Germany--Want of news from France--Bonaparte and Madame Fours--The Egyptian fortune-teller, M. Berthollet, and the Sheik El Bekri--The air "Marlbrook"--Insurrection in Cairo--Death of General Dupuis--Death of Sulkowsky--The insurrection quelled--Nocturnal executions-- Destruction of a tribe of Arabs--Convoy of sick and wounded-- Massacre of the French in Sicily--projected expedition to Syria-- Letter to Tippoo Saib. 

The loss of the fleet convinced General Bonaparte of the necessity ofspeedily and effectively organising Egypt, where everything denoted thatwe should stay for a considerable time, excepting the event of a forcedevacuation, which the General was far from foreseeing or fearing. Thedistance of Ibrahim Bey and Mourad Bey now left him a little at rest. War, fortifications, taxation, government, the organization of thedivans, trade, art, and science, all occupied his attention. Orders andinstructions were immediately despatched, if not to repair the defeat, atleast to avert the first danger that might ensue from it. On the 21st ofAugust Bonaparte established at Cairo an institute of the arts andsciences, of which he subsequently appointed me a member in the room ofM. De Sucy, who was obliged to return to France, in consequence of thewound he received on board the flotilla in the Nile. 

 --[The Institute of Egypt was composed of members of the French Institute, and of the men of science and artists of the commission who did not belong to that body. They assembled and added to their number several officers of the artillery and staff, and others who bad cultivated the sciences and literature. 

 The Institute was established in one of the palaces of the bey's. A great number of machines, and physical, chemical, and astronomical instruments had been brought from France. They were distributed in the different rooms, which were also successively filled with all the curiosities of the country, whether of the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom. 

 The garden of the palace became a botanical garden. A chemical laboratory was formed at headquarters; Merthollet performed experiments there several times every week, which Napoleon and a great number of officers attended ('Memoirs of Napoleon')]--

In founding this Institute, Bonaparte wished to afford an example of hisideas of civilisation. The minutes of the sittings of that learned body, which have been printed, bear evidence of its utility, and of Napoleon'sextended views. The objects of the Institute were the advancement andpropagation of information in Egypt, and the study and publication of allfacts relating to the natural history, trade, and antiquities of thatancient country. 

On the 18th Bonaparte was present at the ceremony of opening the dyke ofthe canal of Cairo, which receives the water of the Nile when it reachesthe height fired by the Mequyas. 

Two days after came the anniversary festival of the birth of Mahomet. Atthis Napoleon was also present, in company with the sheik El Bekri, ' whoat his request gave him two young Mamelukes, Ibrahim, and Roustan. 

 --[The General-in-Chief went to celebrate, the feast of the Prophet at the house of the sheik El Bekri. The ceremony was began by the recital of a kind of litany, containing the life of Mahomet from his birth to his death. About a hundred sheiks, sitting in a circle, on carpets, with their legs crossed, recited all the verses, swinging their bodies violently backwards and forwards, and altogether. 

 A grand dinner was afterwards served up, at which the guests sat on carpets, with their legs across. There were twenty tables, and five or six people at each table. That of the General-in-Chief and the sheik El Bekri was in the middle; a little slab of a precious kind of wood ornamented with mosaic work was placed eighteen inches above the floor and covered with a great number of dishes in succession. They were pillaws of rice, a particular kind of roast, entrees, and pastry, all very highly spiced. The sheiks picked everything with their fingers. Accordingly water was brought to wash the hands three times during dinner. Gooseberry-water, lemonade, and other sorts of sherbets were served to drink, and abundance of preserves and confectionery with the dessert. On the whole, the dinner was not disagreeable; it was only the manner of eating it that seemed strange to us. 

 In the evening the whole city was illuminated. After dinner the party went into the square of El Bekri, the illumination of which, in coloured lamps, was very beautiful. An immense concourse of people attended. They were all placed in order, in ranks of from twenty to a hundred persons, who, standing close together, recited the prayers and litanies of the Prophet with movements which kept increasing, until at length they seemed to be convulsive, and some of the most zealous fainted sway ('Memoirs of Napoleon'). ]--

 --[Roustan or Rustan, a Mameluke, was always with Napoleon from the time of the return from Egypt till 1814, when he abandoned his master. He slept at or near the door of Napoleon. See Remusat, tome i, p. 209, for an amusing description of the alarm of Josephine, and the precipitate flight of Madame de Remusat, at the idea of being met and killed by this man in one of Josephine's nocturnal attacks on the privacy of her husband when closeted with his mistress. ]--

It has been alleged that Bonaparte, when in Egypt, took part in thereligious ceremonies and worship of the Mussulmans; but it cannot be saidthat he celebrated the festivals of the overflowing of the Nile and theanniversary of the Prophet. The Turks invited him to these merely as aspectator; and the presence of their new master was gratifying to thepeople. But he never committed the folly of ordering any solemnity. He neither learned nor repeated any prayer of the Koran, as many personshave asserted; neither did he advocate fatalism, polygamy, or any otherdoctrine of the Koran. Bonaparte employed himself better than indiscussing with the Imaums the theology of the children of Ismael. Theceremonies, at which policy induced him to be present, were to him, andto all who accompanied him, mere matters of curiosity. He never set footin a mosque; and only on one occasion, which I shall hereafter mention, dressed himself in the Mahometan costume. He attended the festivals towhich the green turbans invited him. His religious tolerance was thenatural consequence of his philosophic spirit. 

 --[From this Sir Walter Scott infers that he did not scruple to join the Musselmans in the external ceremonies of their religion. He embellishes his romance with the ridiculous farce of the sepulchral chamber of the grand pyramid, and the speeches which were addressed to the General as well as to the muftis and Imaums; and he adds that Bonaparte was on the point of embracing Islamism. All that Sir Walter says on this subject is the height of absurdity, and does not even deserve to be seriously refuted. Bonaparte never entered a mosque except from motives of curiosity, (see contradiction in previous paragraph. D. W. ) and he never for one moment afforded any ground for supposing that he believed in the mission of Mahomet. -- Bourrienne. ]--

Doubtless Bonaparte did, as he was bound to do, show respect for thereligion of the country; and he found it necessary to act more like aMussulman than a Catholic. A wise conqueror supports his triumphs byprotecting and even elevating the religion of the conquered people. Bonaparte's principle was, as he himself has often told me, to look uponreligions as the work of men, but to respect them everywhere as apowerful engine of government. However, I will not go so far as to saythat he would not have changed his religion had the conquest of the Eastbeen the price of that change. All that he said about Mahomet, Islamism, and the Koran to the great men of the country he laughed at himself. He enjoyed the gratification of having all his fine sayings on thesubject of religion translated into Arabic poetry, and repeated frommouth to mouth. This of course tended to conciliate the people. 

I confess that Bonaparte frequently conversed with the chiefs of theMussulman religion on the subject of his conversion; but only for thesake of amusement. The priests of the Koran, who would probably havebeen delighted to convert us, offered us the most ample concessions. But these conversations were merely started by way of entertainment, and never could have warranted a supposition of their leading to anyserious result. If Bonaparte spoke as a Mussulman, it was merely in hischaracter of a military and political chief in a Mussulman country. To do so was essential to his success, to the safety of his army, and, consequently; to his glory. In every country he would have drawn upproclamations and delivered addresses on the same principle. In India hewould have been for Ali, at Thibet for the Dalai-lama, and in China forConfucius. 

 --[On the subject of his alleged conversion to Mahometanism Bonaparte expressed himself at St. Helena as follows:

 "I never followed any of the tenets of that religion. I never prayed in the mosques. I never abstained from wine, or was circumcised, neither did I ever profess it. I said merely that we were the friends of the Mussulmans, and that I respected Mahomet their prophet, which was true; I respect him now. I wanted to make the Imaums cause prayers to be offered up in the mosques for me, in order to make the people respect me still more than they actually did, and obey me more readily. The Imaums replied that there was a great obstacle, because their Prophet in the Koran had inculcated to them that they were not to obey, respect, or hold faith with infidels, and that I came under that denomination. I then desired them to hold a consultation, and see what was necessary to be done in order to become a Musselman, as some of their tenets could not be practised by us. That, as to circumcision, God had made us unfit for that. That, with respect to drinking wine, we were poor cold people, inhabitants of the north, who could not exist without it. They consulted together accordingly, and in about three weeks issued a fetham, declaring that circumcision might be omitted, because it was merely a profession; that as to drinking wine, it might be drunk by Mussulmans, but that those who drank it would not go to paradise, but to hell I replied that this would not do; that we had no occasion to make ourselves Mussulmans in order to go to hell, that there were many ways of getting there without coming to Egypt, and desired them to hold another consultation. After deliberating and battling together for I believe three months, they finally decided that a man might become a Mussulman, and neither circumcise nor abstain from wine; but that, in proportion to the wine drunk, some good works must be done. I then told them that we were all Mussulmans and friends of the Prophet, which they really believed, as the French soldiers never went to church, and had no priests with them. For you must know that during the Revolution there was no religion whatever in the French army. Menou, " continued Napoleon, "really turned Mahometan, which was the reason I left him behind. " --(Voices from St. Helena. )]--

The General-in-Chief had a Turkish dress made, which he once put on, merely in joke. One day he desired me to go to breakfast without waitingfor him, and that he would follow me. In about a quarter of an hour hemade his appearance in his new costume. As soon as he was recognised hewas received with a loud burst of laughter. He sat down very coolly; buthe found himself so encumbered and ill at ease in his turban and Orientalrobe that he speedily threw them off, and was never tempted to a secondperformance of the masquerade. 

About the end of August Bonaparte wished to open negotiations with thePasha of Acre, nicknamed the Butcher. He offered Djezzar his friendship, sought his in return, and gave him the most consolatory assurances of thesafety of his dominions. He promised to support him against the GrandSeignior, at the very moment when he was assuring the Egyptians that hewould support the Grand Seignior against the beys. But Djezzar, confiding in his own strength and in the protection of the English, whohad anticipated Bonaparte, was deaf to every overture, and would not evenreceive Beauvoisin, who was sent to him on the 22d of August. A secondenvoy was beheaded at Acre. The occupations of Bonaparte and thenecessity of obtaining a more solid footing in Egypt retarded for themoment the invasion of that pashalic, which provoked vengeance by itsbarbarities, besides being a dangerous neighbour. 

From the time he received the accounts of the disaster of Aboukir untilthe revolt of Cairo on the 22d of October, Bonaparte sometimes found thetime hang heavily on his hands. Though he devoted attention toeverything, yet there was not sufficient occupation for his singularlyactive mind. When the heat was not too great he rode on horseback; andon his return, if he found no despatches to read (which often happened), no orders to send off; or no letters to answer, he was immediatelyabsorbed in reverie, and would sometimes converse very strangely. Oneday, after a long pause, he said to me:

"Do you know what I am thinking of?"--"Upon my word, that would be verydifficult; you think of such extraordinary things. "--"I don't know, "continued he, "that I shall ever see France again; but if I do, my onlyambition is to make a glorious campaign in Germany--in the plains ofBavaria; there to gain a great battle, and to avenge France for thedefeat of Hochstadt. After that I would retire into the country, andlive quietly. "

He then entered upon a long dissertation on the preference he would giveto Germany as the theatre of war; the fine character of the people, andthe prosperity and wealth of the country, and its power of supporting anarmy. His conversations were sometimes very long; but always repletewith interest. 

 --[So early as 1794 Napoleon had suggested that Austria should always be attacked in Germany, not in Italy. "It is Germany that should be overwhelmed; that done, Italy and Spain fall of themselves. Germany should be attacked, not Spain or Italy. If we obtain great success, advantage should never be taken of it to penetrate into Italy while Germany, unweakened, offers a formidable front" (Iung's Bonaparte, tome ii. P. 936), He was always opposed to the wild plans which had ruined so many French armies in Italy, and which the Directory tried to force on him, of marching on Rome and Naples after every success in the north. ]--

In these intervals of leisure Bonaparte was accustomed to retire to bedearly. I used to read to him every evening. When I read poetry he wouldfall asleep; but when he asked for the Life of Cromwell I counted onsitting up pretty late. In the course of the day he used to read andmake notes. He often expressed regret at not receiving news from France;for correspondence was rendered impracticable by the numerous English andTurkish cruisers. Many letters were intercepted and scandalouslypublished. Not even family secrets and communications of the mostconfidential nature were respected. 

About the middle of September in this year (1798), Bonaparte ordered tobe brought to the house of Elfy Bey half a dozen Asiatic women whosebeauty he had heard highly extolled. But their ungraceful obesitydispleased him, and they were immediately dismissed. A few days after hefell violently in love with Madame Foures, the wife of a lieutenant ofinfantry. She was very pretty, and her charms were enhanced by therarity of seeing a woman in Egypt who was calculated to please the eye ofa European. Bonaparte engaged for her a house adjoining the palace ofElfy Bey, which we occupied. He frequently ordered dinner to be preparedthere, and I used to go there with him at seven o'clock, and leave him atnine. 

This connection soon became the general subject of gossip athead-quarters. Through a feeling of delicacy to M. Foures, theGeneral-in-Chief gave him a mission to the Directory. He embarked atAlexandria, and the ship was captured by the English, who, beinginformed of the cause of his mission, were malicious enough to send himback to Egypt, instead of keeping him prisoner. Bonaparte wished tohave a child by Madame Foures, but this wish was not realised. 

A celebrated soothsayer was recommended to Bonaparte by the inhabitantsof Cairo, who confidentially vouched for the accuracy with which he couldforetell future events. He was sent for, and when he arrived, I, Venture, and a sheik were with the General. The prophet wished first toexercise his skill upon Bonaparte, who, however, proposed that I shouldhave my fortune told first, to which I acceded without hesitation. To afford an idea of his prophetic skill I must mention that since myarrival in Cairo I had been in a very weak state. The passage of theNile and the bad food we had had for twelve days had greatly reduced me, so that I was miserably pale and thin. 

After examining my hands, feeling my pulse, my forehead, and the nape ofmy neck, the fortune-teller shrugged his shoulders, and, in a melancholytone, told Venture that he did not think it right to inform me of myfate. I gave him to understand that he might say what he pleased, as itwas a matter of indifference to me. After considerable hesitation on hispart and pressing on mine, he announced to me that the earth of Egyptwould receive me in two months. 

I thanked him, and he was dismissed. When we were alone the Generalsaid to me, "Well, what do you think of that?" I observed that thefortune-teller did not run any great risk in foretelling my death, whichwas a very probable circumstance in the state in which I was; "but, "added I, "if I procure the wines which I have ordered from France, youwill soon see me get round again. "

The art of imposing on mankind has at all times been an important part ofthe art of governing; and it was not that portion of the science ofgovernment which Bonaparte was the least acquainted with. He neglectedno opportunity of showing off to the Egyptians the superiority of Francein arts and sciences; but it happened, oftener than once, that the simpleinstinct of the Egyptians thwarted his endeavours in this way. Some daysafter the visit of the pretended fortune-teller he wished, if I may soexpress myself, to oppose conjurer to conjurer. For this purpose heinvited the principal sheiks to be present at some chemical experimentsperformed by M. Berthollet. The General expected to be much amused attheir astonishment; but the miracles of the transformation of liquids, electrical commotions and galvanism, did not elicit from them any symptomof surprise. They witnessed the operations of our able chemist with themost imperturbable indifference. When they were ended, the sheik ElBekri desired the interpreter to tell M. Berthollet that it was all veryfine; "but, " said he, "ask him whether he can make me be in Morocco andhere at one and the same moment?" M. Berthollet replied in the negative, with a shrug of his shoulders. "Oh! then, " said the sheik, "he is nothalf a sorcerer. "

Our music produced no greater effect upon them. They listened withinsensibility to all the airs that were played to them, with theexception of "Marlbrook. " When that was played they became animated, andwere all in motion, as if ready to dance. 

An order which had been issued on our arrival in Cairo for watching thecriers of the mosques had for some weeks been neglected. At certainhours of the night these cries address prayers to the Prophet. As it wasmerely a repetition of the same ceremony over and over again, in a shorttime no notice was taken of it. The Turks, perceiving this negligence, substituted for their prayers and hymns cries of revolt, and by this sortof verbal telegraph, insurrectionary excitement was transmitted to thenorthern and southern extremities of Egypt. By this means, and by theaid of secret emissaries, who eluded our feeble police, and circulatedreal or forged firmans of the Sultan disavowing the concord betweenFrance and the Porte, and provoking war, the plan of a revolution wasorganised throughout the country. 

The signal for the execution of this plan was given from the minarets onthe night of the 20th of October, and on the morning of the 21st it wasannounced at headquarters that the city of Cairo was in openinsurrection. The General-in-Chief was not, as has been stated, in theisle of Raeuddah: he did not hear the firing of the alarm-guns. He rosewhen the news arrived; it was then five o'clock. He was informed thatall the shops were closed, and that the French were attacked. A momentafter he heard of the death of General Dupuis, commandant of thegarrison, who was killed by a lance in the street. Bonaparte immediatelymounted his horse, and, accompanied by only thirty guides, visited allthe threatened points, restored confidence, and, with great presence ofmind adopted measures of defence. 

He left me at headquarters with only one sentinel; but he had beenaccurately informed of the situation of the insurgents; and such was myconfidence in his activity and foresight that I had no apprehension, andawaited his return with perfect composure. This composure was notdisturbed even when I saw a party of insurgents attack the house of M. Esteve, our paymaster-general, which was situated on the opposite side ofEzbekye'h Place. M. Esteve was, fortunately, able to resist the attackuntil troops from Boulac came up to his assistance. 

After visiting all the posts, and adopting every precautionary measure, Bonaparte returned to headquarters. Finding me still alone with thesentinel, he asked me, smiling, "whether I had not beenfrightened?"--"Not at all, General, I assure you, " replied I. 

--It was about half-past eight in the morning when Bonaparte returned toheadquarters, and while at breakfast he was informed that some BedouinArabs, on horseback, were trying to force their entrance into Cairo. Heordered his aide de camp, Sulkowsky, to mount his horse, to take with himfifteen guides, and proceed to the point where the assailants were mostnumerous. This was the Bab-el-Nasser, or the gate of victory. Croisierobserved to the General-in-Chief that Sulkowsky had scarcely recoveredfrom the wounds at Salehye'h, and he offered to take his place. He hadhis motives for this. Bonaparte consented; but Sulkowsky had already setout. Within an hour after, one of the fifteen guides returned, coveredwith blood, to announce that Sulkowsky and the remainder of his party hadbeen cut to pieces. This was speedy work, for we were still at tablewhen the sad news arrived. 

Mortars were planted on Mount Mokatam, which commands Cairo. Thepopulace, expelled from all the principal streets by the troops, assembled in the square of the Great Mosque, and in the little streetsrunning into it, which they barricaded. The firing of the artillery onthe heights was kept up with vigour for two days. 

About twelve of the principal chiefs of Cairo were arrested and confinedin an apartment at headquarters. They awaited with the calmestresignation the death they knew they merited; but Bonaparte merelydetained them as hostages. The aga in the service of Bonaparte wasastonished that sentence of death was not pronounced upon them; and hesaid, shrugging his shoulders, and with a gesture apparently intended toprovoke severity, "You see they expect it. "

On the third the insurrection was at an end, and tranquillity restored. Numerous prisoners were conducted to the citadel. In obedience to anorder which I wrote every evening, twelve were put to death nightly. Thebodies were then put into sacks and thrown into the Nile. There weremany women included in these nocturnal executions. 

I am not aware that the number of victims amounted to thirty per day, asBonaparte assured General Reynier in a letter which he wrote to him sixdays after the restoration of tranquillity. "Every night, " said he, "we cut off thirty heads. This, I hope, will be an effectual example. "I am of opinion that in this instance he exaggerated the extent of hisjust revenge. 

Some time after the revolt of Cairo the necessity of ensuring our ownsafety forced the commission of a terrible act of cruelty. A tribe ofArabs in the neighbourhood of Cairo had surprised and massacred a partyof French. The General-in-Chief ordered his aide de camp Croisier toproceed to the spot, surround the tribe, destroy the huts, kill all themen, and conduct the rest of the population to Cairo. The order was todecapitate the victims, and bring their heads in sacks to Cairo to beexhibited to the people. Eugene Beauharnais accompanied Croisier, whojoyfully set out on this horrible expedition, in hope of obliterating allrecollection of the affair of Damanhour. 

On the following day the party returned. Many of the poor Arab women hadbeen delivered on the road, and the children had perished of hunger, heat, and fatigue. About four o'clock a troop of asses arrived inEzbekye'h Place, laden with sacks. The sacks were opened and the headsrolled out before the assembled populace. I cannot describe the horrorI experienced; but I must nevertheless acknowledge that this butcheryensured for a considerable time the tranquillity and even the existenceof the little caravans which were obliged to travel in all directions forthe service of the army. 

Shortly before the loss of the fleet the General-in Chief had formed thedesign of visiting Suez, to examine the traces of the ancient canal whichunited the Nile to the Gulf of Arabia, and also to cross the latter. Therevolt at Cairo caused this project to be adjourned until the month ofDecember. 

Before his departure for Suez. Bonaparte granted the commissary Sucyleave to return to France. He had received a wound in the right hand, when on board the xebec 'Cerf'. I was conversing with him on deck whenhe received this wound. At first it had no appearance of being serious;but some time after he could not use his hand. General Bonapartedespatched a vessel with sick and-wounded, who were supposed to beincurable, to the number of about eighty. All, envied their fate, andwere anxious to depart with them, but the privilege was conceded to veryfew. However, those who were, disappointed had, no cause for regret. Wenever know what we wish for. Captain Marengo, who landed at Augusta inSicily, supposing it to be a friendly land, was required to observequarantine for twenty-two days, and information was given of the arrivalof the vessel to the court, which was at Palermo. On the 25th of January1799 all on board the French vessel were massacred, with the exception oftwenty-one who were saved by a Neapolitan frigate, and conducted toMessing, where they wore detained. 

Before he conceived the resolution of attacking the Turkish advancedguard in the valleys of Syria, Bonaparte had formed a plan of invadingBritish India from Persia. He had ascertained, through the medium ofagents, that the Shah of Persia would, for a sum, of money paid inadvance consent to the establishment of military magazines on certainpoints of his territory. Bonaparte frequently told me that if, after thesubjugation of Egypt, he could have left 15, 000 men in that country, andhave had 30, 000 disposable troops, he would have marched on theEuphrates. He was frequently speaking about the deserts which were to becrossed to reach Persia. 

How many, times have I seen him extended on the ground, examining thebeautiful maps which he had brought with him, and he would sometimes makeme lie down in the same position to trace to me his projected march. This reminded him of the triumphs of his favourite hero, Alexander, withwhom he so much desired to associate his name; but, at the same time, hefelt that these projects were incompatible with our resources, theweakness of the Government; and the dissatisfaction which the armyalready evinced. Privation and misery are inseparable from all theseremote operations. 

This favourite idea still occupied his mind a fortnight before hisdeparture for Syria was determined on, and on the 25th of January 1799he wrote to Tippoo Saib as follows:--

 You are of course already informed, of my arrival on the banks of the Red Sea, with a numerous and invincible army. Eager to deliver you from the iron yoke of England, I hasten to request that you will send me, by the way of Mascate or Mocha, an account of the political situation in which you are. I also wish that you could send to Suez, or Grand Cairo, some able man, in your confidence, with whom I may confer. 

 --[It is not true, as has often been stated, that Tippoo Saib wrote to General Bonaparte. He could not reply to a letter written on the 23th of January, owing to the great difficulty of communication, the considerable distance, and the short interval which elapsed between the 25th of January and the fall of the Empire of Mysore, which happened on the 20th of April following. The letter to Tippo Saib commenced "Citizen-Sultan!"--Bourrienne]--

CHAPTER XVII. 

1798-1799. 

 Bonaparte's departure for Suez--Crossing the desert--Passage of the Red Sea--The fountain of Moses--The Cenobites of Mount Sinai--Danger in recrossing the Red Sea--Napoleon's return to Cairo--Money borrowed at Genoa--New designs upon Syria--Dissatisfaction of the Ottoman Porte--Plan for invading Asia--Gigantic schemes--General Berthier's permission to return to France--His romantic love and the adored portrait--He gives up his permission to return home--Louis Bonaparte leaves Egypt--The first Cashmere shawl in France-- Intercepted correspondence--Departure for Syria--Fountains of Messoudish--Bonaparte jealous--Discontent of the troops--El-Arish taken--Aspect of Syria--Ramleh--Jerusalem. 

On the 24th of December we set out for Suez, where we arrived on the26th. On the 25th we encamped in the desert some leagues beforeAd-Geroth. The heat had been very great during the day; but abouteleven at night the cold became so severe as to be precisely in aninverse ratio to the temperature of the day. This desert, which is theroute of the caravans from Suez, from Tor and the countries situated onthe north of Arabia, is strewed with the bones of the men and animalswho, for ages past, have perished in crossing it. As there was no woodto be got, we collected a quantity of these bones for fuel. Mongehimself was induced to sacrifice some of the curious skulls of animalswhich he had picked up on the way and deposited in the Berlin of theGeneral-in-Chief. But no sooner had we kindled our fires than anintolerable effluvium obliged us to, raise our camp and advance fartheron, for we could procure no water to extinguish the fires. 

On the 27th Bonaparte employed himself in inspecting the town and portof Suez, and in giving orders for some naval and military works. Hefeared--what indeed really occurred after his departure from Egypt--thearrival of some English troops from the East Indies, which he hadintended to invade. These regiments contributed to the loss of hisconquest. 

 --[Sir David Baird, with a force of about 7000 men sent from India, landed at Cosseir in July 1801. ]--

On the morning of the 28th we crossed the Red Sea dry-shod, to go to theWells of Moses, which are nearly a myriametre from the eastern coast, anda little southeast of Suez. The Gulf of Arabia terminates at about 5, 000metres north of that city. Near the port the Red Sea is not above 1, 500metres wide, and is always fordable at low water. The caravans from Torand Mount Sinai always pass at that part, --[I shall say nothing of the Cenobites of Mount Sinai, as I had not the honour of seeing them. Neither did I see the register containing the names of Ali, Salah-Eddin, Ibrahim or Abraham, on which Bonaparte is said to have inscribed his name. I perceived at a distance some high hills which were said to be Mount Sinai. I conversed, through the medium of an interpreter, with some Arabian chiefs of Tor and its neighbourhood. They had been informed of our excursion to the Wells, and that they might there thank the French General for the protection granted to their caravans and their trade with Egypt. On the 19th of December, before his departure from Suez, Bonaparte signed a sort of safeguard, or exemption from duties, for the convent of Mount Sinai. This had been granted out of respect to Moses and the Jewish nation, and also because the convent of Mount Sinai is a seat of learning and civilisation amidst the barbarism of the deserts. --Bourrienne. ]--

either in going to or returning from Egypt. This shortens their journeynearly a myriametre. At high tide the water rises five or six feet atSuez, and when the wind blows fresh it often rises to nine or ten feet. 

We spent a few hours seated by the largest of the springs called theWells of Moses, situated on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Arabia. We made coffee with the water from these springs, which, however, gave itsuch a brackish taste that it was scarcely drinkable. 

Though the water of the eight little springs which form the Wells ofMoses is not so salt as that of many wells dug in other parts of thedeserts, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly brackish, and does not allaythirst so well as fresh water. 

Bonaparte returned to Suez that same night. It was very dark when wereached the sea-shore. The tide was coming up, and the water was prettyhigh. We deviated a little from the way we had taken in the morning; wecrossed a little too low down; we were thrown into disorder, but we didnot lose ourselves in the marshes as has been stated. There were none. I have read somewhere, though I did not see the fact, nor did I hear itmentioned at the time, that the tide, which was coming up, would havebeen the grave of the General-in-Chief had not one of the guides savedhim by carrying him on his shoulders. If any such danger had existed, all who had not a similar means of escape must have perished. 

This is a fabrication. General Caffarelli was the only person who wasreally in danger, for his wooden leg prevented his sitting firmly on hishorse in the water; but some persons came to his assistance and supportedhim. 

 --[Bonaparte extricated himself as the others did from the real danger he and his escort had run. At St. Helena he said, "Profiting by the low tide, I crossed the Red Sea dry-shod. On my return I was overtaken by the night and went astray in the middle of the rising tide. I ran the greatest danger. I nearly perished in the same manner as Pharaoh did. This would certainly have furnished all the Christian preachers with a magnificent test against me. " --Bourrienne. ]--

On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief wished to discover the siteof the canal which in ancient times formed a junction between the Red Seaand the Nile by Belbeis. M. Lepere, who was a member of the EgyptianInstitute, and is now inspector-general of bridges and highways, executedon the spot a beautiful plan, which may confidently be consulted by thosewho wish to form an accurate idea of that ancient communication, and thelevel of the two seas. 

 --[Since accurately ascertained during the progress of the works for the Suez Canal. ]--

On his arrival at the capital Bonaparte again devoted all his thoughts tothe affairs of the army, which he had not attended to during his shortabsence. The revenues of Egypt were far from being sufficient to meetthe military expenditure. To defray his own expenses Bonaparte raisedseveral considerable loans in Genoa through the medium of M. James. Theconnection of James with the Bonaparte family takes its date from thisperiod. 

 --[Joseph Bonaparte says that the fathers of Napoleon and of M. James had long known one another, and that Napoleon had met James at Autun. ('Erreurs', tome i, p. 296). ]--

Since the month of August the attention of General Bonaparte had beenconstantly fixed on Syria. The period of the possible landing of anenemy in Egypt had now passed away, and could not return until the monthof July in the following year. Bonaparte was fully convinced that thatlanding would take place, and he was not deceived. The Ottoman Portehad, indeed, been persuaded that the conquest of Egypt was not in herinterest. She preferred enduring a rebel whom she hoped one day tosubdue to supporting a power which, under the specious pretext ofreducing her insurgent beys to obedience, deprived her of one of herfinest provinces, and threatened the rest of the empire. 

On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief had no longer any doubt as tothe course which the Porte intended to adapt. The numerous class ofpersons who believed that the Ottoman Porte had consented to ouroccupation of Egypt were suddenly undeceived. It, was then asked how wecould, without that consent, have attempted such an enterprise? Nothing, it was said, could justify the temerity of such an expedition, if itshould produce a rupture between France, the Ottoman empire, and itsallies. However, for the remainder of the year Bonaparte dreaded nothingexcept an expedition from Gaza and El-Arish, of which the troops ofDjezzar had already taken possession. This occupation was justlyregarded as a decided act of hostility; war was thus practicallydeclared. "We must adopt anticipatory measures, " thought Napoleon;"we must destroy this advanced guard of the Ottoman empire, overthrowthe ramparts of Jaffa and Acre, ravage the country, destroy all herresources, so as to render the passage of an army across the desertimpracticable. " Thus was planned the expedition against Syria. 

General Berthier, after repeated entreaties, had obtained permission toreturn to France. The 'Courageuse' frigate, which was to convey himhome, was fitting out at Alexandria; he had received his instructions, and was to leave Cairo on the 29th of January, ten days beforeBonaparte's departure for Syria. Bonaparte was sorry to part with him;but he could not endure to see an old friend, and one who had served himwell in all his campaigns, dying before his eyes, the victim of nostalgiaand romantic love. Besides, Berthier had been for some time past, anything but active in the discharge of his duties. His passion, whichamounted almost to madness, impaired the feeble faculties with whichnature had endowed him. Some writers have ranked him in the class ofsentimental lovers: be this as it may, the homage which herthier renderedto the portrait of the object of his adoration more frequently excitedour merriment than our sensibility. 

One day I went with an order from Bonaparte to the chief of his staff, whom I found on his knees before the portrait of Madame Visconti, whichwas hanging opposite the door. I touched him, to let him know I wasthere. He grumbled a little, but did not get angry. 

The moment was approaching when the two friends were to part, perhapsforever. Bonaparte was sincerely distressed at this separation, and thechief of his staff was informed of the fact. At a moment when it wassupposed Berthier was on his way to Alexandria, he presented himself tothe General-in-Chief. "You are, then, decidedly going to Asia?" saidhe. --"You know, " replied the General, "that all is ready, and I shall setout in a few days. "--"Well, I will not leave you. I voluntarily renounceall idea of returning to France. I could not endure to forsake you at amoment when you are going to encounter new dangers. Here are myinstructions and my passport. " Bonaparte, highly pleased with thisresolution, embraced Berthier; and the coolness which had been excited byhis request to return home was succeeded by a sincere reconciliation. 

Louis Bonaparte, who was suffering from the effects of the voyage, wasstill at Alexandria. The General-in-Chief, yielding to the pacific viewsof his younger brother, who was also beginning to evince some symptoms ofnostalgia, consented to his return home. He could not, however, departuntil the 11th of March 1799. I felt the absence of Louis very much. 

On his return to France Louis passed through Sens, where he dined withMadame de Bourrienne, to whom he presented a beautiful shawl, whichGeneral Berthier had given me. This, I believe, was the first Cashmerethat had ever been seen in France. Louis was much surprised when Madamede Bourrienne showed him the Egyptian correspondence, which had beenseized by the English and printed in London. He found in the collectionsome letters addressed to himself, and there were others, he said, whichwere likely to disturb the peace of more than one family on the return ofthe army. 

On the 11th of February 1799 we began our march for Syria, with about12, 000 men. It has been erroneously stated that the army amounted toonly 6000: nearly that number was lost in the course of the campaign. However, at the very moment we were on our way to Syria, with 12, 000 men, scarcely as many being left in Egypt, the Directory published that, "according to the information which had been received, " we had 60, 000infantry and 10, 000 cavalry; that the army had doubled its numbers bybattles; and that since our arrival in Egypt, we had lost only 300 men. Is history to be written from such documents?

We arrived, about four o'clock in the afternoon, at Messoudiah, or, "the Fortunate Spot. " Here we witnessed a kind of phenomenon, which wasnot a little agreeable to us. Messoudiah is a place situated on thecoast of the Mediterranean, surrounded with little dunes of very finesand, which the copious rains of winter readily penetrate. The rainremains in the sand, so that on making with the fingers holes of four orfive inches in depth at the bottom of these little hills, the waterimmediately flows out. This water was, indeed, rather thick, but itsflavour was agreeable; and it would have become clear if we could havespared time to allow it to rest and deposit the particles of sand itcontained. 

It was a curious spectacle to behold us all lying prostrate, diggingwells in miniature; and displaying a laughable selfishness in ourendeavours to obtain the most abundant source. This was a very importantdiscovery to us. We found these sand-wells at the extremity of thedesert, and it contributed, in no small degree, to revive the courage ofour soldiers; besides, when men are, as was the case with us, subject toprivations of every kind, the least benefit which accrues inspires thehope of a new advantage. We were approaching the confines of Syria, andwe enjoyed by anticipation, the pleasure we were about to experience, ontreading a soil which, by its variety of verdure and vegetation, wouldremind us of our native land. At Messoudiah we likewise possessed theadvantage of bathing in the sea, which was not more than fifty paces fromour unexpected water-supply. 

Whilst near the wells of Messoudiah, on the way to El-Arish, I one daysaw Bonaparte walking alone with Junot, as he was often in the habit ofdoing. I stood at a little distance, and my eyes, I know not why, werefixed on him during their conversation. The General's countenance, whichwas always pale, had, without my being able to divine the cause, becomepaler than usual. There was something convulsive in his features--awildness in his look, and he several times struck his head with his hand. After conversing with Junot about a quarter of an hour he quitted him andcame towards me. I never saw him exhibit such an air of dissatisfaction, or appear so much under the influence of some prepossession. I advancedtowards him, and as soon as we met, he exclaimed in an abrupt and angrytone, "So! I find I cannot depend upon you. --These women!--Josephine!--if you had loved me, you would before now have told me all I have heardfrom Junot--he is a real friend--Josephine!--and I 600 leagues fromher--you ought to have told me. --That she should thus have deceivedme!--'Woe to them!--I will exterminate the whole race of fops andpuppies!--As to her--divorce!--yes, divorce! a public and opendivorce!--I must write!--I know all!--It is your fault--you oughtto have told me!"

These energetic and broken exclamations, his disturbed countenance andaltered voice informed me but too well of the subject of his conversationwith Junot. I saw that Junot had been drawn into a culpableindiscretion; and that, if Josephine had committed any faults, he hadcruelly exaggerated them. My situation was one of extreme delicacy. However, I had the good fortune to retain my self-possession, and as soonas some degree of calmness succeeded to this first burst, I replied thatI knew nothing of the reports which Junot might have communicated to him;that even if such reports, often the offspring of calumny, had reached myear, and if I had considered it my duty to inform him of them, I certainly would not have selected for that purpose the moment when hewas 600 leagues from France. I also did not conceal how blamable Junot'sconduct appeared to me, and how ungenerous I considered it thus rashly toaccuse a woman who was not present to justify or defend herself; that itwas no great proof of attachment to add domestic uneasiness to theanxiety, already sufficiently great, which the situation of his brothersin arms, at the commencement of a hazardous enterprise, occasioned him. 

Notwithstanding these observations, which, however, he listened to withsome calmness, the word "divorce" still escaped his lips; and it isnecessary to be aware of the degree of irritation to which he was liablewhen anything seriously vexed him, to be able to form an idea of whatBonaparte was during this painful scene. However, I kept my ground. I repeated what I had said. I begged of him to consider with whatfacility tales were fabricated and circulated, and that gossip such asthat which had been repeated to him was only the amusement of idlepersons; and deserved the contempt of strong minds. I spoke of hisglory. "My glory!" cried he. "I know not what I would not give if thatwhich Junot has told me should be untrue; so much do I love Josephine!If she be really guilty a divorce must separate us for ever. I will notsubmit to be a laughing-stock for all the imbeciles in Paris. I willwrite to Joseph; he will get the divorce declared. "

Although his agitation continued long, intervals occurred in which he wasless excited. I seized one of these moments of comparative calm tocombat this idea of divorce which seemed to possess his mind. I represented to him especially that it would be imprudent to write tohis brother with reference to a communication which was probably false. "The letter might be intercepted; it would betray the feelings ofirritation which dictated it. As to a divorce, it would be time to thinkof that hereafter, but advisedly. "

These last words produced an effect on him which I could not haveventured to hope for so speedily. He became tranquil, listened to me asif he had suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped thesubject, and never returned to it; except that about a fortnight after, when we were before St. Jean d'Acre, he expressed himself greatlydissatisfied with Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him byhis indiscreet disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions ofmalignity. I perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for thisindiscretion; and I can state, almost with certainty, that this was oneof the reasons why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like manyof, his comrades whom Bonaparte had loved less. It may be supposed thatJosephine, who was afterwards informed by Bonaparte of Junot'sconversation, did not feel particularly interested in his favour. He died insane on the 27th of July 1813. 

 --[However indiscreet Junot might on this occasion have shown himself in interfering in so delicate a matter, it is pretty certain that his suspicions were breathed to no other ear than that of Bonaparte himself. Madame Junot, in speaking of the ill-suppressed enmity between her husband and Madame Bonaparte, says that he never uttered a word even to her of the subject of his conversation with, the General-in-Chief to Egypt. That Junot's testimony, however, notwithstanding the countenance it obtained from Bonaparte's relations, ought to be cautiously received, the following passage from the Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. I. P. 250, demonstrative of the feelings of irritation between the parties, will show:

 "Junot escorted Madame Bonaparte when she went to join the General-in-Chief in Italy. I am surprised that M. De Bourrienne has omitted mentioning this circumstance in his Memoirs. He must have known it, since he was well acquainted with everything relating to Josephine, and knew many facts of high interest in her life at this period and subsequently. How happens it too that he makes no mention of Mademoiselle Louise, who might be called her 'demioselle de compagnie' rather than her 'femme de chambre'? At the outset of the journey to Italy she was such a favourite with Josephine that she dressed like her mistress, ate at table with her, and was in all respects her friend and confidante. 

 "The journey was long, much too long for Junot, though he was very much in love with Mademoiselle Louise. But he was anxious to join the army, for to him his General was always the dearest of mistresses. Junot has often spoken to me, and to me alone, of the vexations he experienced on this journey. He might have added to his circumstantial details relative to Josephine the conversation he is reported go have had with Bonaparte to Egypt; but he never breathed a word on the subject, for his character was always noble and generous. The journey to Italy did not produce the effect which usually arises from such incidents in common life; namely, a closer friendship and intimacy between the parties. On the contrary, Madame Bonaparte from that moment evinced some degree of ill-humour towards Junot, and complained with singular warmth of the want of respect which he had shown her, in making love to her 'femme de chambre' before her face. "

 According to 'Erreurs (tome i. Pp. 4, 50) Junot was not then in Syria. On 10th February Napoleon was at Messoudiah. Junot only arrived from Egypt at Gaza on the 25th February. Madame d'Abrantes (ii. 32) treats this conversation as apocryphal. "This (an anecdote of her own) is not an imaginary episode like that, for example, of making a person speak at Messoudiah who never was there. "]--

Our little army continued its march on El-Arish, where we arrived on the17th of February. The fatigues experienced in the desert and thescarcity of water excited violent murmurs amongst the soldiers duringtheir march across the isthmus. When any person on horseback passed themthey studiously expressed their discontent. The advantage possessed bythe horsemen provoked their sarcasms. I never heard the verses whichthey are said to have repeated, but they indulged in the most violentlanguage against the Republic, the men of science, and those whom theyregarded as the authors of the expedition. Nevertheless these bravefellows, from whom it was not astonishing that such great privationsshould extort complaints, often compensated by their pleasantries for thebitterness of their reproaches. 

Many times during the crossing of the isthmus I have seen soldiers, parched with thirst, and unable to wait till the hour for distribution ofwater, pierce the leathern bottles which contained it; and this conduct, so injurious to all, occasioned numerous quarrels. 

El-Arish surrendered on the 17th of February. It has been erroneouslystated that the garrison of this insignificant place, which was set atliberty on condition of not again serving against us, was afterwardsfound amongst the besieged at Jaffa. It has also been stated that it wasbecause the men composing the El-Arish garrison did not proceed toBagdad, according to the capitulation, that we shot them at Jaffa. Weshall presently see the falsehood of these assertions. 

On the 28th of February we obtained the first glimpse of the green andfertile plains of Syria, which, in many respects, reminded us of theclimate and soil of Europe. We now had rain, and sometimes rather toomuch. The feelings which the sight of the valleys and mountains called. Forth made us, in some degree, forget the hardships and vexations of anexpedition of which few persons could foresee the object or end. Thereare situations in life when the slightest agreeable sensation alleviatesall our ills. 

On the 1st of March we slept at Ramleh, in a small convent occupied bytwo monks, who paid us the greatest attention. They gave us the churchfor a hospital. These good fathers did not fail to tell us that it wasthrough this place the family of Jesus Christ passed into Egypt, andshowed us the wells at which they quenched their thirst. 

 --[Ramleh, the ancient Arimathea, is situated at the base of a chain of mountains, the eastern extremity of which is washed by the Persian Gulf, and the western by the Mediterranean. --Bourrienne. ]--

The pure and cool water of these wells delighted us. 

We were not more than about six leagues from Jerusalem. 

I asked the General whether he did not intend to direct his march by theway of that city, so celebrated in many respects. He replied, "Oh no!Jerusalem is not in my line of operations. I do not wish to be annoyedby mountaineers in difficult roads. And, besides, on the other aide ofthe mountain I should be assailed by swarms of cavalry. I am notambitious of the fate of Cassius. "

We therefore did not enter Jerusalem, which was not disturbed by the war. All we did was to send a written declaration to the persons in power atJerusalem, assuring them that we had no design against that country, andonly wished them to remain at peace. To this communication no answer wasreturned, and nothing more passed on the subject. 

 --[Sir Walter Scott says, speaking of Bonaparte, that he believes that little officer of artillery dreamed of being King of Jerusalem. What I have just stated proves that he never thought of such a thing. The "little officer of artillery" had a far more splendid dream in his head. --Bourrienne. ]--

We found at Ramleh between two and three hundred Christians in a pitiablestate of servitude, misery, and dejection. On conversing with them Icould not help admiring how much the hope of future rewards may consolemen under present ills. But I learned from many of them that they didnot live in harmony together. The feelings of hatred and jealousy arenot less common amongst these people than amongst the better-instructedinhabitants of rich and populous cities. 

CHAPTER XVIII

1799. 

 Arrival at Jaffa--The siege--Beauharnais and Croisier--Four thousand prisoners--Scarcity of provisions--Councils of war--Dreadful necessity--The massacre--The plague--Lannes and the mountaineers-- Barbarity of Djezasi--Arrival at St Jean d'Acre, and abortive attacks--Sir Sidney Smith--Death of Caffarelli--Duroc wounded-- Rash bathing--Insurrections in Egypt. 

On arriving before Jaffa, where there were already some troops, the firstperson. I met was Adjutant-General Gresieux, with whom I was wellacquainted. I wished him good-day, and offered him my hand. "Good God!what are you about?" said he, repulsing me with a very abrupt gesture;"you may have the plague. People do not touch each other here!"I mentioned the circumstance to Bonaparte, who said, "If he be afraid ofthe plague, he will die of it. " Shortly after, at St. Jean d'Acre, hewas attacked by that malady, and soon sank under it. 

On the 4th of March we commenced the siege of Jaffa. That paltry place, which, to round a sentence, was pompously styled the ancient Joppa, heldout only to the 6th of March, when it was taken by storm, and given up topillage. The massacre was horrible. General Bonaparte sent his aides decamp Beauharnais and Croisier to appease the fury of the soldiers as muchas possible, and to report to him what was passing. They learned that aconsiderable part of the garrison had retired into some vast buildings, a sort of caravanserai, which formed a large enclosed court. Beauharnaisand Croisier, who were distinguished by wearing the 'aide de camp' scarfon their arms, proceeded to that place. The Arnauts and Albanians, ofwhom these refugees were almost entirely composed, cried from the windowsthat they were willing to surrender upon an assurance that they would beexempted from the massacre to which the town was doomed; if not, theythreatened to fire on the 'aides de camp', and to defend themselves tothe last extremity. The two officers thought that they ought to accedeto the proposition, notwithstanding the decree of death which had beenpronounced against the whole garrison, in consequence of the town beingtoken by storm. They brought them to our camp in two divisions, oneconsisting of about 2500 men, the other of about 1600. 

I was walking with General Bonaparte, in front of his tent, when hebeheld this mass of men approaching, and before he even saw his 'aides decamp' he said to me, in a tone of profound sorrow, "What do they wish meto do with these men? Have I food for them?--ships to convey them toEgypt or France? Why, in the devil's name, have they served me thus?"After their arrival, and the explanations which the General-in-Chiefdemanded and listened to with anger, Eugene and Croisier received themost severe reprimand for their conduct. But the deed was done. Fourthousand men were there. It was necessary to decide upon their fate. The two aides de camp observed that they had found themselves alone inthe midst of numerous enemies, and that he had directed them to restrainthe carnage. "Yes, doubtless, " replied the General-in-Chief, with greatwarmth, "as to women, children, and old men--all the peaceableinhabitants; but not with respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty todie rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What do you wantme to do with them?" These words were pronounced in the most angry tone. 

The prisoners were then ordered to sit down, and were placed, without anyorder, in front of the tents, their hands tied behind their backs. A sombre determination was depicted on their countenances. We gave thema little biscuit and bread, squeezed out of the already scanty supply forthe army. 

On the first day of their arrival a council of war was held in the tentof the General-in-Chief, to determine what course should be pursued withrespect to them the council deliberated a long time without coming to anydecision. 

On the evening of the following day the daily reports of the generals ofdivision came in. They spoke of nothing but the insufficiency of therations, the complaints of the soldiers--of their murmurs and discontentat seeing their bread given to enemies who had been withdrawn from theirvengeance, inasmuch as a decree of death; in conformity with the laws ofwar, had been passed on Jaffa. All these reports were alarming, andespecially that of General Bon, in which no reserve was made. He spokeof nothing less than the fear of a revolt, which would be justified bythe serious nature of the case. 

The council assembled again. All the generals of division were summonedto attend, and for several hours together they discussed, under separatequestions, what measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desireto discover and execute one which would save the lives of theseunfortunate prisoners. 

(1. ) Should they be sent into Egypt? Could it be done?To do so; it would be necessary to send with them a numerous escort, which would too much weaken our little army in the enemy's country. How, besides, could they and the escort be supported till they reached Cairo, having no provisions to give them on setting out, and their route beingthrough a hostile territory, which we had exhausted, which presented nofresh resources, and through which we, perhaps, might have to return. 

(2. ) Should they be embarked?Where were the ships?--Where could they be found? All our telescopes, directed over the sea could not descry a single friendly sail Bonaparte, I affirm, would have regarded such an event as a real favour of fortune. It was, and--I am glad to have to say it, this sole idea, this sole hope, which made him brave, for three days, the murmurs of his army. But invain was help looked for seaward. It did not come. 

(3. ) Should the prisoners be set at liberty?They world then instantly proceed to St. Jean d'Acre to reinforce thepasha, or else, throwing themselves into the mountains of Nablous, wouldgreatly annoy our rear and right-flank, and deal out death to us, as arecompense for the life we had given them. There could be no doubt ofthis. What is a Christian dog to a Turk? It would even have been areligious and meritorious act in the eye of the Prophet. 

(4. ) Could they be incorporated, disarmed, with our soldiers in theranks?

Here again the question of food presented itself in all its force. Nextcame to be considered the danger of having such comrades while marchingthrough an enemy's country. What might happen in the event of a battlebefore St. Jean d'Acre? Could we even tell what might occur during themarch? And, finally, what must be done with them when under the rampartsof that town, if we should be able to take them there? The sameembarrassments with respect to the questions of provisions and securitywould then recur with increased force. 

The third day arrived without its being possible, anxiously as it wasdesired, to come to any conclusion favourable to the preservation ofthese unfortunate men. The murmurs in the camp grew louder the evil wenton increasing--remedy appeared impossible--the danger was real andimminent. The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed onthe 10th of March. We did not, as has been stated, separate the Egyptiansfrom the other prisoners. There were no Egyptians. 

Many of the unfortunate creatures composing the smaller division, whichwas fired on close to the seacoast, at some distance from the othercolumn, succeeded in swimming to some reefs of rocks out of the reach ofmusket-shot. The soldiers rested their muskets on the sand, and, toinduce the prisoners to return, employed the Egyptian signs ofreconciliation in use in the country. They, came back; but as theyadvanced they were killed, and disappeared among the waves. 

I confine myself to these details of this act of dreadful necessity, ofwhich I was an eye-witness. Others, who, like myself, saw it, havefortunately spared me the recital of the sanguinary result. Thisatrocious scene, when I think of it, still makes me shudder, as it did onthe day I beheld it; and I would wish it were possible for me to forgetit, rather than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imaginationcan conceive, relative to that day of blood, would fall short of thereality. 

I have related the truth, the whole truth. I was present at all thediscussions, all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had not, asmay be supposed, a deliberative voice; but I am bound to declare that. The situation of the army, the scarcity of food, our small numericalstrength, in the midst of a country where every individual was an enemy, would have induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition whichwas carried into effect, if I had a vote to give. It was necessary to beon the spot in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed. 

War, unfortunately, presents too many occasions on which a law, immutablein all ages, and common to all nations, requires that private interestsshould be sacrificed to a great general interest, and that even humanityshould be forgotten. It is for posterity to judge whether this terriblesituation was that in which Bonaparte was placed. For my own part, Ihave a perfect conviction that he could not do otherwise than yield tothe dire necessity of the case. It was the advice of the council, whoseopinion was unanimous in favour of the execution, that governed him, Indeed I ought in truth to say, that he yielded only in the lastextremity, and was one of those, perhaps, who beheld the massacre withthe deepest pain. 

After the siege of Jaffe the plague began to exhibit itself with a littlemore virulence. We lost between seven and eight hundred, men by thecontagion during the campaign of Syria'

 --[Sir Walter Scott says, that Heaven seat this pestilence amongst us to avenge the massacre of Jaffa]--

During our march on St. Jean d'Acre, which was commenced on the 14th ofMarch, the army neither obtained the brilliant triumphs nor encounteredthe numerous obstacles spoken of in certain works. Nothing of importanceoccurred but a rash skirmish of General Lannes who, in spite of contraryorders, from Bonaparte, obstinately pursued a troop of mountaineers intothe passes of Nabloua. On returning, he found the mountaineers placed inambush in great numbers amongst rocks, the windings of which they werewell, acquainted with, whence they fired close upon our troops; whosesituation rendered them unable to defend themselves. During the time ofthis foolish and useless enterprise; especially while the firing wasbrisk, Bonaparte, exhibited much impatience, and it must be confessed, his anger was but natural: The Nablousians halted at the openings of themountain defiles. Bonaparte reproached Lannes bitterly for havinguselessly exposed himself, and "sacrificed, without any object, a numberof brave men. " Lannes excused himself by saying that the mountaineershad defied him, and he wished to chastise the rabble. "We are not in acondition to play the swaggerer, " replied Napoleon. 

In four days we arrived before St. Jean d'Acre, where we learned thatDjezzar had cut off the head of our envoy, Mailly-de-Chateau-Renaud, andthrown his body into the sea in a sack. This cruel pasha was guilty of agreat number of similar executions. The waves frequently drove deadbodies towards the coast, and we came upon them whilst bathing. 

The details: of the siege of Acre are well known. Although surrounded bya wall, flanked with strong towers, and having, besides, a broad-and deepditch defended by works this little fortress did not appear likely tohold out against French valour and the skill of our corps of engineersand artillery; but the ease and rapidity with which Jaffa had been takenoccasioned us to overlook in some degree the comparative strength of thetwo places, and the difference of their respective situations. At Jaffawe had sufficient artillery: at St. Jean d'Acre we had not. At Jaffa wehad to deal only with a garrison left to itself: at St. Jean d'Acre wewere opposed by a garrison strengthened by reinforcements of men andsupplies of provisions, supported by the English fleet, and assisted byEuropean Science. Sir Sidney Smith was, beyond doubt, the man who did usthe greatest injury. 

 --[Sir Sidney Smith was the only Englishman besides the Duke of Wellington who defeated Napoleon in military operations. The third Englishman opposed to him, Sir John Moore, was compelled to make a precipitate retreat through the weakness of his force]--

Much has been said respecting his communications with theGeneral-in-Chief. The reproaches which the latter cast upon him forendeavouring to seduce the soldiers and officers of the army by temptingoffers were the more singular, even if they were well founded, inasmuchas these means are frequently employed by leaders in war. 

 --[At one time the French General was so disturbed by them as to endeavour to put a stop to them; which object he effected by interdicting all communication with the English, and signifying, in an order of the day, that their Commodore was a madman. This, being believed in the army, so enraged Sir Sidney Smith, that in his wrath he sent a challenge to Napoleon. The latter replied, that he had too many weighty affairs on his hands to trouble himself in so trifling a matter. Had it, indeed, been the great Marlborough, it might have been worthy his attention. Still, if the English sailor was absolutely bent upon fighting, he would send him a bravo from the army, and show them a smell portion of neutral ground, where the mad Commodore might land, and satisfy his humour to the full. -- (Editor of 1836 edition. )]--

As to the embarking of French prisoners on board a vessel in which theplague existed, the improbability of the circumstance alone, butespecially the notorious facts of the case, repel this odiousaccusation. I observed the conduct of Sir Sidney Smith closely at thetime, and I remarked in him a chivalric spirit, which sometimes hurriedhim into trifling eccentricities; but I affirm that his behaviour towardsthe French was that of a gallant enemy. I have seen many letters, inwhich the writers informed him that they "were very sensible of the goodtreatment which the French experienced when they fell into his hands. "Let any one examine Sir Sidney's conduct before the capitulation ofEl-Arish, and after its rupture, and then they can judge of hischaracter. 

 --[Napoleon, when at St. Helena, in speaking of the siege of Acre, said, --Sidney Smith is a brave officer. He displayed considerable ability in the treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the French. He took advantage of the discontent which he found to prevail amongst the French troops at being so long away from France, and other circumstances. He manifested great honour in sending immediately to Kleber the refusal of Lord Keith to ratify the treaty, which saved the French army; if he had kept it a secret seven or eight days longer, Cairo would have been given up to the Turks, and the French army necessarily obliged to surrender to the English. He also showed great humanity and honour in all his proceedings towards the French who felt into his hands. He landed at Havre, for some 'sotttice' of a bet he had made, according to some, to go to the theatre; others said it was for espionage; however that may be, he was arrested and confined in the Temple as a spy; and at one time it was intended to try and execute him. Shortly after I returned from Italy he wrote to me from his prison, to request that I would intercede for him; but, under the circumstances in which he was taken, I could do nothing for him. He is active, intelligent, intriguing, and indefatigable; but I believe that he is 'mezzo pazo'. 

 "The chief cause of the failure at Acre was, that he took all my battering train, which was on board of several small vessels. Had it not been for that, I would have taken Acre in spite of him. He behaved very bravely, and was well seconded by Phillipeaux, a Frenchman of talent, who had studied with me as an engineer. There was a Major Douglas also, who behaved very gallantly. The acquisition of five or six hundred seamen as gunners was a great advantage to the Turks, whose spirits they revived, and whom they showed how to defend the fortress. But he committed a great fault in making sorties, which cost the lives of two or three hundred brave fellows without the possibility of success. For it was impossible he could succeed against the number of the French who were before Acre. I would lay a wage that he lost half of his crew in them. He dispersed Proclamations amongst my troops, which certainly shook some of them, and I in consequence published an order, stating that he was read, and forbidding all communication with him. Some days after he sent, by means of a flag of truce, a lieutenant or a midshipman with a letter containing a challenge to me to meet him at some place he pointed out in order to fight a duel. I laughed at this, sad sent him back an intimation that when he brought Marlborough to fight me I would meet him. Not, withstanding this, I like the character of the man. " (Voices from St. Helena, vol. 4, p. 208). ]--

All our manoeuvres, our works, and attacks were made with that levity andcarelessness which over-confidence inspires. Kleber, whilst walking withme one day in the lines of our camp, frequently expressed his surpriseand discontent. "The trenches, " said, he, "do not come up to my knees. "Besieging artillery was, of necessity, required: we commenced with fieldartillery. This encouraged the besieged, who perceived the weakness ofour resources. The besieging artillery, consisting only of threetwenty-four pounders and six, eighteen pounders, was not brought upuntil the end of April, and before that period threw assaults had takenplace with very serious loss. On the 4th of May our powder began tofail us. This cruel event obliged us to slacken our fire. We alsowanted shot; and an order of the day fixed a price to be given for allballs, according to their calibre, which might be picked up after beingfired from the fortress or the two ships of the line, the 'Tiger' and'Theseus', which were stationed on each side of the harbour: These twovessels embarrassed the communication, between the camp and thetrenches; but though they made much noise, they did little harm. A ballfrom one of them; killed an officer on the evening the siege was raised. 

The enemy had within the walls some excellent riflemen, chieflyAlbanians. They placed stones, one over the other, on the walls, puttheir firearms through the interstices, and thus, completely sheltered, fired with destructive precision. 

On the 9th of April General Caffarelli, so well known for his courage andtalents, was passing through the trench, his hand resting as he stoopedon his hip, to preserve the equilibrium which his wooden leg, impaired;his elbow only was raised above the trench. He was warned that theenemy's shot, fired close upon us did not miss the smallest object. He paid no attention to any observation of this kind, and in a fewinstants his elbow joint was fractured. Amputation of the arm was judgedindispensable. The General survived the operation eighteen days. Bonaparte went regularly twice a day to his tent. By his order, added tomy friendship for Caffarelli, I scarcely ever quitted him. Shortlybefore he expired he said to me, "My dear Bourrienne, be so good as toread to me Voltaire's preface to 'Esprit des Lois'. " When I returned tothe tent of the General-in-Chief he asked, "How is Caffarelli?" Ireplied, "He is near his end; but he asked me to read him Voltaire'spreface to the 'Esprit de Lois', he has just fallen asleep. " Bonapartesaid, "Bah! to wish to hear that preface? how singular!" He went to seeCaffarelli, but he was still asleep. I returned to him that evening andreceived his last breath. He died with the utmost composure. His death. Was equally regretted by the soldiers and the men of science, whoaccompanied us. It was a just regret due to that distinguished man, inwhom very extensive information was united with great courage and amiabledisposition. 

On the 10th of May; when an assault took place, Bonaparte proceeded at anearly hour to the trenches. 

 --[Sir Sidney Smith, in his Official report of the assault of the 8th of May, says that Napoleon was distinctly seen directing the operation. ]--

Croisier, who was mentioned on our arrival at Damanhour and on thecapture of Jaffa, had in vain courted death since the commencement of thesiege. Life had become insupportable to him since the unfortunate affairat Jaffa. He as usual accompanied his General to the trenches. Believing that the termination of the siege, which was supposed to benear, would postpone indefinitely the death which he sought, he mounted abattery. In this situation his tall figure uselessly provoked all, theenemy's shots. "Croisier, come down, I command you; you have no businessthere, " cried Bonaparte, in a loud and imperative tone. Croisierremained without making any reply. A moment after a ball passed throughhis right leg. Amputation was not considered, indispensable. On the dayof our departure he was placed on a litters which was borne by sixteenmen alternately, eight at a time. I received his farewell between Gazaand El-Arish, where, he died of tetanus. His modest tomb will not beoften visited. 

The siege of St. Jean d'Acre lasted sixty days. During that timeeight-assaults and-twelve sorties took place. In the assault of the 8thof May more than 200 men penetrated into the town. Victory was alreadyshouted; but the breach having been taken in reverse by the Turks, itwas not approached without some degree of hesitation, and the men whohad entered were not supported. The streets were barricaded. Thecries, the howlings of the women, who ran trough the streets throwing, according to the custom of the country, dust in the air, excited themale inhabitants to a desperate resistance, which rendered unavailing, this short occupation of the town, by a handful of men, who, findingthemselves left without assistance, retreated towards the breach. Manywho could not reach it perished in the town. 

During this assault Duroc, who was in the trench, was wounded in theright thigh by the a splinter from a shell fired against thefortifications. Fortunately this accident only carried away the fleshfrom the bone, which remained untouched. He had a tent in common withseveral other 'aides de camp'; but for his better accommodation I gavehim mine, and I scarcely ever quitted him. Entering his tent one dayabout noon, I found him in a profound sleep. The excessive heat hadcompelled him to throw off all covering, and part of his wound wasexposed. I perceived a scorpion which had crawled up the leg of thecamp-bed and approached very near to the wound. I was just in time tohurl it to the ground. The sudden motion of my hand awoke Duroc. 

We often bathed in the sea. Sometimes the English, perhaps after takinga double allowance of grog, would fire at our heads, which appeared abovewater. I am not aware that any accident was occasioned by theircannonade; but as we were beyond reach of their guns, we paid scarcelyany attention to the firing. It was seen a subject of amusement to us. 

Had our attack on St. Jean d'Acre been less precipitate, and had thesiege been undertaken according to the rules of war; the place would nothave held out three days; one assault, like that of the 8th of May, wouldhave been sufficient. If, in the situation in which we were on the daywhen we first came in sight of the ramparts of Acre; we had made a lessinconsiderate estimate of the strength of the place; if we had likewisetaken into consideration the active co-operation of the English and theOttoman Porte; our absolute want of artillery of sufficient calibre; ourscarcity of gunpowder and the difficulty of procuring food; we certainlyshould not have undertaken the siege; and that would have been by far thewisest course. 

Towards the end of the siege the General-in-Chief received intelligenceof some trifling insurrections in northern Egypt. An angel had excitedthem, and the heavenly messenger, who had condescended to assume a name, was called the Mahdi, or El Mohdy. This religious extravagance, however, did not last long, and tranquillity was soon restored. All that thefanatic Mahdi, who shrouded himself in mystery, succeeded in doing was toattack our rear by some vagabonds, whose illusions were dissipated by afew musket shots. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

1799. 

 The siege of Acre raised--Attention to names is bulletins--Gigantic project--The Druses--Mount Caramel--The wounded and infected-- Order to march on foot--Loss of our cannon--A Nablousian fires at Bonaparte--Return to Jaffa--Bonaparte visits the plague hospital-- A potion given to the sick--Bonaparte's statement at St. Helena. 

The siege of St. Jean d'Acre was raised on the 20th of May. It cost us aloss of nearly 3000 men, in killed, deaths by the plague, or wounds. Agreat number were wounded mortally. In those veracious documents, thebulletins, the French loss was made 500 killed, and 1000 wounded, and theenemy's more than 15, 000. 

Our bulletins may form curious materials for history; but their valuecertainly will not depend on the credit due to their details. Bonaparteattached the greatest importance to those documents; generally drawingthem up himself, or correcting them, when written by another hand, if thecomposition did not please him. 

It must be confessed that at that time nothing so much flatteredself-love as being mentioned in a bulletin. Bonaparte was well aware ofthis; he knew that to insert a name in a bulletin was conferring a greathonour, and that its exclusion was a severe disappointment. GeneralBerthier, to whom I had expressed a strong desire to examine the worksof the siege, took me over them; but notwithstanding his promise ofsecrecy; he mentioned the circumstance to the General-in-Chief, who haddesired me not to approach the works. "What did you go there for?"said Bonaparte to me, with some severity; "that is not your place. " Ireplied that herthier told me that no assault would take place that day;and he believed there would be no sortie, as the garrison had made onethe preceding evening. "What matters that? There might have beenanother. Those who have nothing to do in such places are always thefirst victims. Let every man mind his own business. Wounded or killed, I would not even have noticed you in the bulletin. You could have beenlaughed at, and that justly. "

Bonaparte; not having at this time experienced reverses, havingcontinually proceeded from triumph to triumph, confidently anticipatedthe taking of St, Jean d'Acre. In his letters to the generals in Egypthe fixed the 25th of April for the accomplishment of that event. Hereckoned that the grand assault against the tower could not be madebefore that day; it took place, however, twenty-four hours sooner. Hewrote to Desaix on the 19th of April, "I count on being master of Acre insix days. " On the 2d of May he told Junot, "Our 18 and 24 pounders havearrived. We hope to enter Acre in a few days. The fire of theirartillery is completely extinguished. " Letters have been printed, dated30th Floreal' (19th. May), in which he announces to, Dugua and toPoussielque that they can rely on his being in Acre on 6th Floreal(25th April). Some mistake has evidently been made. "The slightestcircumstances produce the greatest events, " said Napoleon, according tothe Memorial of St. Helena; "had St. Jean d'Acre fallen, I should havechanged the face of the world. " And again, "The fate of the East lay inthat small town. "

This idea is not one which he first began to entertain at St. Helena; heoften repeated the very same words at St. Jean d'Acre. On the shore ofPtolemes gigantic projects agitated him, as, doubtless, regret for nothaving carried them into execution tormented him at St. Helena. 

Almost every evening Bonaparte and myself used to walk together, at alittle distance from the sea-shore. The day after the unfortunateassault of the 8th of May Bonaparte, afflicted at seeing the blood of somany brave men uselessly shed, said to me, "Bourrienne, I see that thiswretched place has cost me a number of men, and wasted much time. Butthings are too far advanced not to attempt a last effort. If I succeed, as I expect, I shall find in the town the pasha's treasures, and arms for300, 000 men. I will stir up and arm the people of Syria, who aredisgusted at the ferocity of Djezzar, and who, as you know, pray for hisdestruction at every assault. I shall then march upon Damascus andAleppo. On advancing into the country, the discontented will flock roundmy standard, and swell my army. I will announce to the people theabolition of servitude and of the tyrannical governments of the pashas. I shall arrive at Constantinople with large masses of soldiers. I shalloverturn the Turkish empire, and found in the East a new and grandempire, which will fix my place in the records of posterity. PerhapsI shall return to Paris by Adrianople, or by Vienna, after havingannihilated the house of Austria. " After I had made some observationswhich these grand projects naturally suggested, he replied, "What! do younot see that the Druses only wait for the fall of Acre to rise inrebellion? Have not the keys of Damascus already been offered me?I only stay till these walls fall because until then I can derive noadvantage from this large town. By the operation which I meditate Icutoff all kind of succour from the beys, and secure the conquest ofEgypt. I will have Desaix nominated commander-in-chief; but if I donot succeed in the last assault I am about to attempt, I set offdirectly. Time presses, --I shall not be at Cairo before the middle ofJune; the winds will then lie favourable for ships bound to Egypt, fromthe north. Constantinople will send troops to Alexandria and Rosetta. I must be there. As for the army, which will arrive afterwards by land, I do not fear it this year. I will cause everything to be destroyed, allthe way, to the entrance of the desert. I will render the passage of anarmy impossible for two years. Troops cannot exist amoung ruins. "

As soon as I returned to my tent I committed to paper this conversation, which was then quite fresh in my memory, and, I may venture to say thatevery word I put down is correct. I may add, that during the siege ourcamp was, constantly filled with the inhabitants, who invoked Heaven tofavour our arms, and prayed fervently at every assaualt for our success, many of them on their knees, with their faces to the city. The people ofDamascus, too, had offered the keys to Bonaparte. Thus everythingcontributed to make him confident in his favourite plan. 

The troops left St. Jean d'Acre on the 20th of May, taking advantage ofthe night to avoid a sortie from the besieged, and to conceal the retreatof the army, which had to march three leagues along the shore, exposed tothe fire of the English vessels lying in the roads of Mount Carmel. Theremoval of the wounded and sick commenced on the 18th and 19th of May. 

Bonaparte then made a proclamation, which from one end to the otheroffends against truth. It has been published in many works. The season ofthe year for hostile landing is there very dexterously placed in theforeground; all the rest is a deceitful exaggeration. It must be observedthat the proclamations which Bonaparte regarded as calculated to dazzlean ever too credulous public were amplifications often ridiculous andincomprehensible upon the spot, and which only excited the laughter ofmen of common sense. In all Bonaparte's correspondence there is anendeavour to disguise his reverses, and impose on the public, and even onhis own generals. For example, he wrote to General Dugua, commandant ofCairo, on the 15th of February, "I will bring you plenty of prisoners andflags!" One would almost be inclined to say that he had resolved, duringhis stay in the East, thus to pay a tribute to the country of fables. 

 --[The prisoners and flags were sent. The Turkish flags were entrusted by Berthier to the Adjutant-Commandant Boyer, who conducted a convoy of sick and wounded to Egypt. Sidney Smith acknowledges the loss of some flags by the Turks. The Turkish prisoners were used as carriers of the litters for the wounded, and were, for the most part, brought into Egypt. (Erreurs, tome i. Pp. 47 and 160)]--

Thus terminated this disastrous expedition. I have read somewhere thatduring this immortal campaign the two heroes Murat and Mourad had oftenbeen in face of one another. There is only a little difficulty; MouradBey never put his foot in Syria. 

We proceeded along the coast, and passed Mount Carmel. Some of thewounded were carried on litters, the remainder on horses, mules, andcamels. At a short distance from Mount Carmel we were informed thatthree soldiers, ill of the plague, who were left in a convent (whichserved for a hospital), and abandoned too confidently to the generosityof the Turks, had been barbarously put to death. 

A most intolerable thirst, the total want of water, an excessive heat, and a fatiguing march over burning sand-hills, quite disheartened themen, and made every generous sentiment give way to feelings of thegrossest selfishness and most shocking indifference. I saw officers, withtheir limbs amputated, thrown off the litters, whose removal in that wayhad been ordered, and who had themselves given money to recompense thebearers. I saw the amputated, the wounded, the infected, or those onlysuspected of infection, deserted and left to themselves. The march wasillumined by torches, lighted for the purpose of setting fire to thelittle towns, villages, and hamlets which lay in the route, and the richcrops with which the land was then covered. The whole country was in ablaze. Those who were ordered to preside at this work of destructionseemed eager to spread desolation on every side, as if they could therebyavenge themselves for their reverses, and find in such dreadful havoc analleviation of their sufferings. We were constantly surrounded byplunderers, incendiaries, and the dying, who, stretched on the sides ofthe road, implored assistance in a feeble voice, saying, "I am notinfected--I am only wounded;" and to convince those whom they addressed, they reopened their old wounds, or inflicted on themselves fresh ones. Still nobody attended to them. "It is all over with him, " was theobservation applied to the unfortunate beings in succession, while everyone pressed onward. The sun, which shone in an unclouded sky in all itsbrightness, was often darkened by our conflagrations. On our right laythe sea; on our left, and behind us, the desert made by ourselves; beforewere the privations and sufferings which awaited us. Such was our truesituation. 

We reached Tentoura on the 20th of May, when a most oppressive heatprevailed, and produced general dejection. We had nothing to sleep on butthe parched and burning sand; on our right lay a hostile sea; our lossesin wounded and sick were already considerable since leaving Acre; andthere was nothing consolatory in the future. The truly afflictingcondition in which the remains of an army called triumphant were plunged, produced, as might well be expected, a corresponding impression on themind of the General-in-Chief. Scarcely had he arrived at Tentoura whenhe ordered his tent to be pitched. He then called me, and with a mindoccupied by the calamities of our situation, dictated an order that everyone should march on foot; and that all the horses, mules, and camelsshould be given up to the wounded, the sick, and infected who had beenremoved, and who still showed signs of life. "Carry that to Berthier, "said he; and the order was instantly despatched. Scarcely had I returnedto the tent when the elder Vigogne, the (General-in-Chief's groom), entered, and raising his hand to his cap, said, "General, what horse doyou reserve for yourself?" In the state of excitement in which Bonapartewad this question irritated him so violently that, raising his whip, hegave the man a severe blow on the head; saying in a terrible voice, "Every-one must go on foot, you rascal--I the first--Do you not know theorder? Be off!"

Every one in parting with his horse was now anxious to avoid giving it toany unfortunate individual supposed to be suffering from plague. Muchpains were taken to ascertain the nature of the diseases of the sick; andno difficulty was made in accommodating the wounded of amputated. For mypart I had an excellent horse; a mule, and two camels, all which I gaveup with the greatest pleasure; but I confess that I directed my servantto do all he could to prevent an infected person from getting my horse. It was returned to me in a very short time. The same thing happened tomany others. The cause maybe easily conjectured. 

The remains of our heavy artillery were lost in the moving sands ofTentoura, from the want of horses, the small number that remained beingemployed in more indispensable services. The soldiers seemed to forgettheir own sufferings, plunged in grief at the loss of their bronze guns, often the instruments of their triumphs, and which had made Europetremble. 

We halted at Caesarea on the 22d of May, and we marched all the followingnight. Towards daybreak a man, concealed in a bush upon the left of theroad (the sea was two paces from us on the right), fired a musket almostclose to the head of the General-in-Chief, who was sleeping on his horse. I was beside him. The wood being searched, the Nablousian was takenwithout difficulty, and ordered to be shot on the spot. Four guidespushed him towards the sea by thrusting their carbines against his back;when close to the water's edge they drew the triggers, but all the fourmuskets hung fire: a circumstance which was accounted for by the greathumidity of the night. The Nablousian threw himself into the water, and, swimming with great agility and rapidity, gained a ridge of rocks so faroff that not a shot from the whole troop, which fired as it passed, reached him. Bonaparte, who continued his march, desired me to wait forKleber, whose division formed the rear-guard, and to tell him not toforget the Nablousian. He was, I believe, shot at last. 

We returned to Jaffa on the 24th of May, and stopped there during the25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. This town had lately been the scene of ahorrible transaction, dictated by necessity, and it was again destined towitness the exercise of the same dire law. Here I have a painful duty toperform--I will perform it. I will state what I know, what I saw. 

I have seen the following passage in a certain, work:--"Bonaparte, having arrived at Jaffa, ordered three removals of the infected: one bysea to Damietta, and also by land; the second to Gaza; and the third toEl-Arish!" So, many words, so many errors!

Some tents were pitched on an eminence near the gardens east of Jaffa. Orders were given directly to undermine the fortifications and, blow themup; and on the 27th of May, upon the signaling given, the town was in amoment laid bare. An hour afterwards the General-in-Chief left his tentand repaired to the town, accompanied by Berthier, some physicians andsurgeons, and his usual staff. I was also one of the party. A long andsad deliberation took place on the question which now arose relative tothe men who were incurably ill of the plague, or who were at the point ofdeath. After a discussion of the most serious and conscientious kind itwas decided to accelerate a few moments, by a potion, a death which wasinevitable, and which would otherwise be painful and cruel. 

Bonaparte took a rapid view of the destroyed ramparts of the town andreturned to the hospital, where there were men whose limbs had beenamputated, many wounded, many afflicted with ophthalmia, whoselamentations were distressing, and some infected with the plague. Thebeds of the last description of patients were to the right on enteringthe first ward. I walked by the General's side, and I assert that Inever saw him touch any one of the infected. And why should he have doneso? They were in the last stage of the disease. Not one of them spoke aword to him, and Bonaparte well knew that he possessed no protectionagainst the plague. Is Fortune to be again brought forward here? Shehad, in truth, little favoured him during the last few months, when hehad trusted to her favours. I ask, why should he have exposed himself tocertain death, and have left his army in the midst of a desert created byour ravages, in a desolate town, without succour, and without the hope ofever receiving any? Would he have acted rightly in doing so--he who wasevidently so necessary, so indispensable to his army; he on whom dependedat that moment the lives of all who lead survived the last disaster, andwho had proved their attachment to him by their sufferings, theirprivations, and their unshaken courage, and who had done all that hecould have required of men, and whose only trust was in him?

Bonaparte walked quickly through the rooms, tapping the yellow top of hisboot with a whip he held in his hand. As he passed along with hastysteps he repeated these words: "The fortifications are destroyed. Fortune was against me at St. Jean d'Acre. I must return to Egypt topreserve it from the enemy, who will soon be there: In a few hours theTurks will be here. Let all those who have strength enough rise and comealong with us. They shall be carried on litters and horses. " There werescarcely sixty cases of plague in the hospital; and all accounts statinga greater number are exaggerated. The perfect silence, completedejection, and general stupor of the patients announced their approachingend. To carry them away in the state in which they were would evidentlyhave been doing nothing else than inoculating the rest of the army withthe plague. I have, it is true, learned, since my return to Europe, thatsome persons touched the infected with impunity; nay; that others went sofar as to inoculate themselves with the plague in order to learn how tocure those whom it might attack. It certainly was a special protectionfrom Heaven to be preserved from it; but to cover in some degree theabsurdity of such a story, it is added that they knew how to elude thedanger, and that any one else who braved it without using precautions metwith death for their temerity. This is, in fact; the whole point of thequestion. Either those privileged persons took indispensableprecautions; and in that case their boasted heroism is a mere juggler'strick; or they touched the infected without using precautions, andinoculated themselves with the plague, thus voluntarily encounteringdeath, and then the story is really a good one. 

The infected were confided, it has been stated, to the head apothecary ofthe army, Royer, who, dying in Egypt three years after, carried thesecret with him to the grave. But on a moment's reflection it will beevident that the leaving of Royer alone in Jaffa would have been todevote to certain death; and that a prompt and, cruel one, a man who wasextremely useful to the army, and who was at the time in perfect health. It must be remembered that no guard could be left with him, and that theTurks were close at our heels. Bonaparte truly said, while walkingthrough the rooms of the hospital, that the Turks would be at Jaffa in afew hours. With this conviction, would he have left the head apothecaryin that town?

Recourse has been had to suppositions to support the contrary belief towhat I say. For example, it is said that the infected patients wereembarked in ships of war. There were no such ships. Where had theydisembarked, who had received them; what had been done with them?No one speaks of them. Others, not doubting that the infected men diedat Jaffa, say, that the rearguard under Kleber, by order of Bonaparte, delayed its departure for three days, and only began its march whendeath had put an end to the sufferings of these unfortunate beings, unshortened by any sacrifice. All this is incorrect. No rear-guard wasleft--it could not be done. Pretence is made of forgetting that theramparts were destroyed, that the town--was as open and as defenceless asany village, so this small rear-guard would have been left for certaindestruction. The dates themselves tell against these suppositions. Itis certain, as can be seen by the official account, that we arrived atJaffa on 24th May, and stayed there the 25th, 26th, and 27th. We left iton the 28th. Thus the rear-guard, which, according to these writers;left-on the 29th, did not remain, even according to their own hypothesis, three days after the army to see the sick die. In reality it left on the29th of May, the day after we did: Here are the very words of theMajor-General (Berthier) in his official account, written under the eyeand under the dictation of the Commander-in-Chief:--

 The army arrived at Jaffa, 5th Prairial (24th May), and remained there the 6th, 7th, and 8th (25th-27th May). This time was employed in punishing the village, which had behaved badly. The fortifications of Jaffa were blown up. All the iron guns of the place were thrown into the sea. The wounded were removed by sea and by land. There were only a few ships, and to give time to complete the evacuation by land, the departure of the army had to be deferred until the 9th (28th May). Klebers division formed the rear-guard, and only left Jaffa, on the 10th (29th May). 

The official report of what passed at Jaffa was drawn up by Berthier, under the eye of Bonaparte. It has been published; but it may beremarked that not a word about the infected, not a word of the visit tothe hospital, or the touching of the plague-patients with impunity, isthere mentioned. In no official report is anything said about thematter. Why this silence? Bonaparte was not the man to conceal a factwhich would have afforded him so excellent and so allowable a text fortalking about his fortune. If the infected were removed, why not mentionit? Why be silent on so important an event? But it would have beennecessary to confess that being obliged to have recourse to so painful ameasure was the unavoidable consequence of this unfortunate expedition. Very disagreeable details must have been entered into; and it was thoughtmore advisable to be silent on the subject. 

But what did Napoleon, himself say on the subject at St. Helena? Hisstatement there was to the following, effect:--"I ordered a consultationas to what was best to be done. The report which was made stated thatthere were seven or eight men (the question is not about the number) sodangerously ill that they could not live beyond twenty-four hours, andwould besides infect the rest of the army with the plague. It wasthought it would be an act of charity to anticipate their death a few, hours. "

Then comes the fable of the 500 men of the rear guard, who, it ispretended, saw them die! I make no doubt that the story of the poisoningwas the invention of Den----. He was a babbler, who understood a storybadly, and repeated it worse. I do not think it would have been a crimeto have given opium to the infected. On the contrary, it would have beenobedience to the dictates of reason. Where is the man who would not, insuch a situation, have preferred a prompt death, to being exposed to thelingering tortures inflicted by barbarians? If my child, and I believe Ilove him as much as any father does his; had been in such a state; myadvice would have been the same; if I had been among the infected myself, I should have demanded to be so treated. 

Such was the reasoning at St. Helena, and such was the view which he andevery one else took of the case twenty years ago at Jaffa. 

Our little army arrived at Cairo on the 14th of June, after a painful andharassing march of twenty-five days. The heats during the passage of thedesert between El-Arish and Belbeis exceeded thirty-three degrees. Onplacing the bulb of the thermometer in the sand the mercury rose toforty-five degrees. The deceitful mirage was even more vexatious than inthe plains of Bohahire'h. In spite of our experience an excessivethirst, added to a perfect illusion, made us goad on our wearied horsestowards lakes which vanished at our approach; and left behind nothing butsalt and arid sand. In two days my cloak was completely covered withsalt, left on it after the evaporation of the moisture which held it insolution. Our horses, who ran eagerly to the brackish springs of thedesert, perished in numbers; after travelling about a quarter of a leaguefrom the spot where they drank the deleterious fluid. 

Bonaparte preceded his entry into the capital of Egypt by one of thoselying bulletins which only imposed on fools. "I will bring with me, "said he, "many prisoners and flags. I have razed the palace of theDjezzar and the ramparts of Acre--not a stone remains upon another, Allthe inhabitants have left the city, by sea. Djezzar is severelywounded. "

I confess that I experienced a painful sensation in writing, by hisdictation, these official words, everyone of which was an imposition. Excited by all I had just witnessed, it was difficult for me to refrainfrom making the observation; but his constant reply was, "My dear fellow, you are a simpleton: you do not understand this business. " And heobserved, when signing the bulletin, that he would yet fill the worldwith admiration, and inspire historians and poets. 

Our return to Cairo has been attributed to the insurrections which brokeout during the unfortunate expedition into Syria. Nothing is moreincorrect. The term insurrection cannot be properly applied to thefoolish enterprises of the angel El-Mahdi in the Bohahire'h, or to theless important disturbances in the Charkyeh. The reverses experiencedbefore St. Jean d'Acre, the fear, or rather the prudent anticipation of ahostile landing, were sufficient motives, and the only ones, for ourreturn to Egypt. What more could we do in Syria but lose men and time, neither of which the General had to spare?

CHAPTER XX. 

1799. 

 Murat and Moarad Bey at the Natron Lakes--Bonapartes departure for the Pyramids--Sudden appearance of an Arab messenger--News of the landing of the Turks at Aboukir--Bonaparte marches against them--They are immediately attacked and destroyed in the battle of Aboukir--Interchange of communication with the English--Sudden determination to return to Europe--Outfit of two frigates-- Bonaparte's dissimulation--His pretended journey to the Delta-- Generous behaviour of Lanusee--Bonaparte's artifice--His bad treatment of General Kleber. 

Bonaparte had hardly set foot in Cairo when he was, informed that thebrave and indefatigable Mourad Bey was descending by the Fayoum, in orderto form a junction with reinforcements which had been for some time pastcollected in the Bohahire'h. In all probability this movement of MouradBey was the result of news he had received respecting plans formed atConstantinople, and the landing which took place a short time after inthe roads of Aboukir. Mourad had selected the Natron Lakes for his placeof rendezvous. To these lakes Murat was despatched. The Bey no soonergot notice of Murat's presence than he determined to retreat and toproceed by the desert to Gizeh and the great Pyramids. I certainly neverheard, until I returned to France, that Mourad had ascended to the summitof the great Pyramid for the propose of passing his time in contemplatingCairo!

Napoleon said at St. Helena that Murat might have taken Mourad Bey hadthe latter remained four-and-twenty hours longer in the Natron Lakes: Nowthe fact is, that as soon as the Bey heard of Murat's arrival he was offThe Arabian spies were far more serviceable to our enemies than to us; wehad not, indeed, a single friend in Egypt. Mourad Bey, on being informedby the Arabs, who acted as couriers for him, that General Desaix wasdespatching a column from the south of Egypt against him, that theGeneral-in-Chief was also about to follow his footsteps along thefrontier of Gizeh, and that the Natron Lakes and the Bohahire'h wereoccupied by forces superior to his own, retired into Fayoum. 

Bonaparte attached great importance to the destruction of Mourad, whom helooked upon as the bravest, the most active, and most dangerous of hisenemies in Egypt. As all accounts concurred in stating that Mourad, supported by the Arabs, was hovering about the skirts of the desert ofthe province of Gizeh, Bonaparte proceeded to the Pyramids, there todirect different corps against that able and dangerous partisan. He, indeed, reckoned him so redoubtable that he wrote to Murat, saying hewished fortune might reserve for him the honour of putting the seal onthe conquest of Egypt by the destruction of this opponent. 

On the 14th of July Bonaparte left Cairo for the Pyramids. He intendedspending three or four days in examining the ruins of the ancientnecropolis of Memphis; but he was suddenly obliged to alter his plan. This journey to the Pyramids, occasioned by the course of war, has givenan opportunity for the invention of a little piece of romance. Someingenious people have related that Bonaparte gave audiences to the muftiand ulemas, and that on entering one of the great Pyramids he cried out, "Glory to Allah! God only is God, and Mahomet is his prophet!" Now thefact is, that Bonaparte never even entered the great Pyramid. He neverhad any thought of entering it:--I certainly should have accompanied himhad he done so for I never quitted his side a single moment in the desertHe caused some person to enter into one of the great Pyramids while heremained outside, and received from them, on their return, an account ofwhat they had seen. In other words, they informed him there was nothing, to be seen!

On the evening of the 15th of July, while we were taking a walk, weperceived, on the road leading from Alexandria, an Arab riding up to usin all haste. He brought to the General-in-Chief a despatch from GeneralMarmont, who was entrusted with the command of Alexandria, and who hadconducted himself so well, especially during the dreadful ravages of theplague, that he had gained the unqualified approbation of Bonaparte. TheTurks had landed on the 11th of July at Aboukir, under the escort andprotection of English ships of war. The news of the landing of fromfifteen to sixteen thousand men did not surprise Bonaparte, who had forsome time expected it. It was, not so, however, with the generals most inhis favor; whose apprehensions, for reasons which may be conjectured, hehad endeavoured to calm. He had even written to Marmont, who, being inthe most exposed situation, had the more reason to be vigilant, in theseterms:

 The army which was to have appeared before Alexandria, and which left Constantinople on the 1st of the Ramadhan, has been destroyed under the walls of Acre. If, however, that mad Englishman (Smith) has embarked the remains of that army in order to convey them to Aboukir, I do not believe there can be more than 2000 men. 

He wrote in the following strain to General Dugua, who had the command ofCairo:

 The English Commander, who has summoned Damietta, is a madman. The combined army they speak of has been destroyed before Acre, where it arrived a fortnight before we left that place. 

As soon as he arrived at Cairo, in a letter he despatched to Desaix, hesaid:

 The time has now arrived when disembarkations have become practicable. I shall lose no time in getting ready. The probabilities, however, are, that none will take place this year. 

What other language could he hold, when he had proclaimed when after, theraising of the siege of Acre, that he had destroyed those 15, 000 men whotwo months after landed at Aboukir?

No sooner had Bonaparte perused the contents of Marmont's letter than heretired into his tent and dictated to me, until three in the morning, hisorders for the departure of the troops, and for the routes he wished tobe pursued during his absence by the troops who should remain in theinterior. At this moment I observed in him the development of thatvigorous character of mind which was excited by obstacles until heovercame them--that celerity of thought which foresaw everything. He wasall action, and never for a moment hesitated. On the 16th of July, atfour in the morning, he was on horseback and the army in full march. I cannot help doing justice to the presence of mind, promptitude ofdecision, and rapidity of execution which at this period of his lifenever deserted him on great occasions. 

We reached Ouardan, to the north of Gizeh, on the evening of the 16th;on the 19th we arrived at Rahmalianie'h, and on the 23d at Alexandria, where every preparation was made for that memorable battle which, thoughit did not repair the immense losses and fatal consequences of the navalconflict of the same name, will always recall to the memory of Frenchmenone of the most brilliant achievements of their arms. 

 --[As M. De Bourrienne gives no details of the battle, the following extract from the Due do Rovigo's Memoirs, tome i, p. 167, will supply the deficiency:

 "General Bonaparte left Cairo in the utmost haste to place himself at the head of the troops which he had ordered to quit their cantonments and march down to the coast. 

 "Whilst the General was making these arrangements and coming in person from Cairo, the troops on board the Turkish fleet had effected a landing and taken possession of the fort of Aboukir, and of a redoubt placed behind the village of that name which ought to have been put into a state of defence six months before, but had been completely neglected. 

 "The Turks had nearly destroyed the weak garrisons that occupied those two military points when General Marmont (who commanded at Alexandria) came to their relief. This general, seeing the two posts in the power of the Turks, returned to shut himself up in Alexandria, where he would probably have been blockaded by the Turkish army had it not been for the arrival of General Bonaparte with his forces, who was very angry when he saw that the fort and redoubt had been taken; but he did not blame Marmont for retreating to Alexandria with the forces at his disposal. 

 "General Bonaparte arrived at midnight with his guides and the remaining part of his army, and ordered the Turks to be attacked the next morning. In this battle, as in the preceding ones, the attack, the encounter, and the rout were occurrences of a moment, and the result of a single movement on the part of our troops. The whole Turkish army plunged into the sea to regain its ships, leaving behind them everything they had brought on shore. 

 "Whilst this event was occurring on the seashore a pasha had left the field of battle with a corps of about 3000 men in order to throw himself, into the fort of Aboukir. They soon felt the extremities of thirst, which compelled them, after the lapse of a few days, to surrender unconditionally to General Menou, who was left to close, the operations connected with the recently defeated Turkish army. "]

After the-battle, which took place on the 25th of July, Bonaparte sent aflag of truce on board the English Admiral's ship. Our intercourse wasfull of politeness, such as might be expected in the communications ofthe people of two civilised nations. The English Admiral gave the flagof truce some presents in exchange for some we sent, and likewise a copyof the French Gazette of Frankfort, dated 10th of June 1799. For tenmonths we had received no news from France. Bonaparte glanced over thisjournal with an eagerness which may easily be conceived. 

 --[The French, on their return from St. Jean d'Acre were totally ignorant of all that had taken place in Europe far several months. Napoleon, eager to obtain Intelligence, sent a flag of trace on board the Turkish admiral's ship, under the pretence of treating for the ransom of the Prisoners taken at Aboukir, not doubting but the envoy would be stopped by Sir Sidney Smith, who carefully prevented all direct communication between the French and the Turks. Accordingly the French flag of truce received directions from Sir Sidney to go on board his ship. He experienced the handsomest treatment; and the English commander having, among other things, ascertained that the disasters of Italy were quite unknown to Napoleon, indulged in the malicious pleasure of sending him a file of newspapers. Napoleon spent the whole night in his tent perusing the papers; and he came to the determination of immediately proceeding to Europe to repair the disasters of France; and if possible, to save her from destruction (Memorial de Sainte Helene)]. 

"Heavens!" said he to me, "my presentiment is verified: the fools havelost Italy. All the fruits of our victories are gone! I must leaveEgypt!"

He sent for Berthier, to whom he communicated the news, adding thatthings were going on very badly in France--that he wished to returnhome--that he (Berthier) should go along with him, and that, for thepresent, only he, Gantheaume, and I were in the secret. He recommendedBerthier to be prudent, not to betray any symptoms of joy, nor topurchase or sell anything, and concluded by assuring him that hedepended on him. "I can answer, " said he, "for myself and forBourrienne. " Berthier promised to be secret, and he kept his word. Hehad had enough of Egypt, and he so ardently longed to return to France, that there was little reason to fear he would disappoint himself by anyindiscretion. 

Gantheaume arrived, and Bonaparte gave him orders to fit out the twofrigates, the 'Muiron' and the 'Carree', and the two small vessels, the'Revanche' and the 'Fortune', with a two months' supply of provisions forfrom four to five hundred men. He enjoined his secrecy as to the objectof these preparations, and desired him to act with such circumspectionthat the English cruisers might have no knowledge of what was going on. He afterwards arranged with Gantheaume the course he wished to take. Nodetails escaped his attention. 

Bonaparte concealed his preparations with much care, but still some vaguerumours crept abroad. General Dueua, the commandant of Cairo, whom hehad just left for the purpose of embarking, wrote to him on the 18th ofAugust to the following effect:

 I have this moment heard that it is reported at the Institute you are about to return to France, taking with you Monge, Berthollet, Berthier, Lannes, and Murat. This news has spread like lightning through the city, and I should not be at all surprised if it produce an unfavourable effect, which, however, I hope you will obviate. 

Bonaparte embarked five days after the receipt of Dugua's letter, and, asmay be supposed; without replying to it. 

On the 18th of August he wrote to the divan of Cairo as follows:

 I set out to-morrow for Menouf, whence I intend to make various excursions in the Delta, in order that I may myself witness the acts of oppression which are committed there, and acquire some knowledge of the people. 

He told the army but half the truth:

 The news from Europe (said he) has determined me to proceed to France. I leave the command of the army to General Kleber. The army shall hear from me forthwith. At present I can say no more. It costs me much pain to quit troops to whom I am so strongly attached. But my absence will be but temporary, and the general I leave in command has the confidence of the Government as well as mine. 

I have now shown the true cause of General Bonaparte's departure forEurope. This circumstance, in itself perfectly natural, has been thesubject of the most ridiculous conjectures to those who always wish toassign extraordinary causes for simple events. There is no truthwhatever in the assertion of his having planned his departure before thebattle of Aboukir. Such an idea never crossed his mind. He had nothought whatever of his departure for France when he made the journey tothe Pyramids, nor even when he received the news of the landing of theAnglo-Turkish force. 

At the end of December 1798 Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory: "Weare without any news from France. No courier has arrived since the monthof June. "

Some writers have stated that we received news by the way of Tunis, Algiers, or Morocco; but there is no contradicting a positive fact. Atthat period I had been with Bonaparte more than two years, and duringthat time not a single despatch on any occasion arrived of the contentsof which I was ignorant. How then should the news alluded to haveescaped me?

 --[Details on the question of the correspondence of Napoleon with France while he was to Egypt will be found in Colonel Iung's work, Lucien Bonaparte (Paris. Charpentler, 1882), tome i. Pp. 251-274. It seems most probable that Napoleon was in occasional communication with his family and with some of the Directors byway of Tunis and Tripoli. It would not be his interest to let his army or perhaps even Bourrienne know of the disasters in Italy till he found that they were sure to hear of them through the English. This would explain his affected ignorance till such a late date. On the 11th of April Barras received a despatch by which Napoleon stated his intention of returning to France if the news brought by Hamelin was confirmed. On the 26th of May 1799 three of the Directors, Barras, Rewbell, and La Reveillier-Lepeaux, wrote to Napoleon that Admiral Bruix had been ordered to attempt every means of bringing back his army. On the 15th of July Napoleon seems to have received this and other letters. On the 20th of July he warns Admiral Gantheaume to be ready to start. On the 11th of September the Directors formally approved the recall of the army from Egypt. Thus at the time Napoleon landed in France (on the 8th October), his intended return had been long known to and approved by the majority of the Directors, and had at last been formally ordered by the Directory. At the most he anticipated the order. He cannot be said to have deserted his post. Lantrey (tome i. P. 411) remarks that the existence and receipt of the letter from Joseph denied by Bourrienne is proved by Miot (the commissary, the brother of Miot de Melito) and by Joseph himself. Talleyrand thanks the French Consul at Tripoli for sending news from Egypt, and for letting Bonaparte know what passed in Europe. See also Ragusa (Marmont), tome i. P. 441, writing on 24th December 1798: "I have found an Arab of whom I am sure, and who shall start to-morrow for Derne. . . . This means can be need to send a letter to Tripoli, for boats often go there. "]

Almost all those who endeavour to avert from Bonaparte the reproach ofdesertion quote a letter from the Directory, dated the 26th of May 1799. This letter may certainly have been written, but it never reached itsdestination. Why then should it be put upon record?

The circumstance I have stated above determined the resolution ofBonaparte, and made him look upon Egypt as, an exhausted field of glory, which it was high time he had quitted, to play another part in France. On his departure from Europe Bonaparte felt that his reputation wastottering. He wished to do something to raise up his glory, and to fixupon him the attention of the world. This object he had in great partaccomplished; for, in spite of serious disasters, the French flag wavedover the cataracts of the Nile and the ruins of Memphis, and the battlesof the Pyramids, and Aboukir were calculated in no small degree todazzle; the imagination. Cairo and Alexandria too were ours. Finding. That the glory of his arms no longer supported the feeble power of theDirectory, he was anxious to see whether: he could not share it, orappropriate it to himself. 

A great deal has been said about letters and Secret communications fromthe Directory, but Bonaparte needed no such thing. He could do what hepleased: there was no power to check him; such had been the nature ofhis arrangements an leaving France. He followed only the dictates of hisown will, and probably, had not the fleet been destroyed; he would havedeparted from Egypt much sooner. To will and to do were with him one andthe same thing. The latitude he enjoyed was the result of his verbalagreement with the Directory, whose instructions and plans he did notwish should impede his operations. 

Bonaparte left Alexandria on the 5th of August, and on the 10th arrivedat Cairo. He at first circulated the report of a journey to Upper Egypt. This seemed so much the more reasonable, as he had really entertainedthat design before he went to the Pyramids, and the fact was known to thearmy and the inhabitants of Cairo. Up to this time our secret had beenstudiously kept. However, General Lanusse, the commandant at Menouf, where we arrived on the 20th of August, suspected it. "You are going toFrance, " said he to me. My negative reply confirmed his suspicion. Thisalmost induced me to believe the General-in-Chief had been the first tomake the disclosure. General Lanusse, though he envied our good fortune, made no complaints. He expressed his sincere wishes for our prosperousvoyage, but never opened his mouth on the subject to any one. 

On the 21st of August we reached the wells of Birkett. The Arabs hadrendered the water unfit for use, but the General-in-Chief was resolvedto quench his thirst, and for this purpose squeezed the juice of severallemons into a glass of the water; but he could not swallow it withoutholding his nose and exhibiting strong feelings of disgust. 

The next day we reached Alexandria, where the General informed all those, who had accompanied him from Cairo that France was their destination. At this announcement joy was pictured in every countenance. 

General Kleber, to whose command Bonaparte had resigned the army, wasinvited to come from Damietta to Rosette to confer with theGeneral-in-Chief on affairs of extreme importance. Bonaparte, in makingan appointment which he never intended to keep, hoped to escape theunwelcome freedom of Kleber's reproaches. He afterwards wrote to himall he had to say; and the cause he assigned for not keeping hisappointment was, that his fear of being observed by the English cruisershad forced him to depart three days earlier than he intended. But whenhe wrote Bonaparte well knew that he would be at sea before Kleber couldreceive his letter. Kleber, in his letter to the Directory, complainedbitterly of this deception. The singular fate that hefell this letterwill be seen by and by. 

CHAPTER XXI

1799. 

 Our departure from Egypt--Nocturnal embarkation--M. Parseval Grandmaison--On course--Adverse winds--Fear of the English-- Favourable weather--Vingt-et-un-Chess--We land at Ajaccio-- Bonaparte's pretended relations--Family domains--Want of money-- Battle of Novi--Death of Joubert--Visionary schemes--Purchase of a boat--Departure from Corsica--The English squadron--Our escape-- The roads of Frejus--Our landing in France--The plague or the Austrians--Joy of the people--The sanitary laws--Bonaparte falsely accused. 

We were now to return to our country--again to cross the sea, to us sopregnant with danger--Caesar and his fortune were once more to embark. But Caesar was not now advancing to the East to add Egypt to theconquests of the Republic. He was revolving in his mind vast schemes, unawed by the idea of venturing everything to chance in his own favourthe Government for which he had fought. The hope of conquering the mostcelebrated country of the East no longer excited the imagination, as onour departure from France. Our last visionary dream had vanished beforethe walls of St. Jean d'Acre, and we were leaving on the burning sands ofEgypt most of our companions in arms. An inconceivable destiny seemed tourge us on, and we were obliged to obey its decrees. 

On the 23d of August we embarked on board two frigates, the 'Muiron'

 --[Named after Bonaparte's aide de camp filled in the Italian campaign]--

and 'Carrere'. Our number was between four and five hundred. Such wasour squadron, and such the formidable army with which Bonaparte hadresolved, as he wrote to the divan of Cairo, "to annihilate all hisenemies. " This boasting might impose on those who did not see the realstate of things; but what were we to think of it? What Bonaparte himselfthought the day after. 

The night was dark when we embarked in the frigates which lay at aconsiderable distance from the port of Alexandria; but by the faint lightof the stars we perceived a corvette, which appeared to be observing oursilent nocturnal embarkation. 

 --[The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed by the wild galloping of horses, which from a natural instinct, were returning to Alexandria through the desert. The picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and bridled, which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides. They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to some detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these horses came also those of the generals who had embarked with General Bonaparte; so that Alexandria was for a time in considerable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed in all haste in the direction whence the horses came, and every one was giving himself up to the most gloomy conjectures, when the cavalry returned to the city with the Turkish groom, who was bringing back General Bonaparte's horse to Alexandria (Memoirs of the Due de Rovigo, tome i. P. 182). ]--

Next morning, just as we were on the point of setting sail, we saw. Coming from the port of Alexandria a boat, on board of which was M. Parseval Grandmaison. This excellent man, who was beloved by all of us, was not included among the persons whose return to France had beendetermined by the General-in-Chief. In his anxiety to get off Bonapartewould not hear of taking him on board. It will readily be conceived howurgent were the entreaties of Parseval; but he would have sued in vainhad not Gantheaume, Bionge, Berthollet, and I interceded for him. Withsome difficulty we overcame Bonaparte's resistance, and our colleague ofthe Egyptian Institute got on board after the wind had filled our sails. 

It has been erroneously said that Admiral Gantheaume had full control ofthe frigates, as if any one could command when Bonaparte was present. On the contrary, Bonaparte declared to the admiral, in my hearing, thathe would not take the ordinary course and get into the open sea. "Keepclose along the coast of the Mediterranean, " said he, "on the Africanside, until you get south of Sardinia. I have here a handful of bravefellows and a few pieces of artillery; if the English should appear Iwill run ashore, and with my party, make my way by land to Oran, Tunis, or some other port, whence we may find an opportunity of getting home. "This, was his irrevocable determination. 

For twenty-one days adverse winds, blowing from west or north-west, droveus continually on the coast of Syria, or in the direction of Alexandria. At one time it was even proposed that we should again put into the port;but Bonaparte declared he would rather, brave every danger than do so. During the day we tacked to a certain distance northward, and in theevening we stood towards Africa, until we came within, sight of thecoast. Finally after no less than twenty-one days of impatience anddisappointment, a favourable east wind carried us past that point ofAfrica on which Carthage formerly stood, and we soon doubled Sardinia. We kept very near the western coast of that island, where Bonaparte haddetermined to land in case of our falling in with the English, squadron. From, thence his plan was to reach Corsica, and there to await afavourable opportunity of returning to France. 

Everything had contributed to render our voyage dull and monotonous; and, besides, we were not entirely without uneasiness as to the steps whichmight be taken by the Directory, for it was certain that the publicationof the intercepted correspondence must have occasioned many unpleasantdisclosures. Bonaparte used often to walk on deck to superintend theexecution of his orders. The smallest sail that appeared in view excitedhis alarm. 

The fear of falling into the hands of the English never forsook him. That was what he dreaded most of all, and yet, at a subsequent period, hetrusted to the generosity of his enemies. 

However, in spite of our well-founded alarm, there were some moments inwhich we sought to amuse ourselves, or, to use a common expression, tokill time. Cards afforded us a source of recreation, and even thisfrivolous amusement served to develop the character of Bonaparte. Ingeneral he was not fond of cards; but if he did play, vingt-et-un was hisfavourite game, because it is more rapid than many others, and because, in short, it afforded him an opportunity of cheating. For example, hewould ask for a card; if it proved a bad one he would say nothing, butlay it down on the table and wait till the dealer had drawn his. If thedealer produced a good card, then Bonaparte would throw aside his hand, without showing it, and give up his stake. If, on the contrary, thedealer's card made him exceed twenty-one, Bonaparte also threw his cardsaside without showing them, and asked for the payment of his stake. Hewas much diverted by these little tricks, especially when they wereplayed off undetected; and I confess that even then we were courtiersenough to humour him, and wink at his cheating. I must, however, mentionthat he never appropriated to himself the fruit of these littledishonesties, for at the end of the game he gave up all his winnings, andthey were equally divided. Gain, as may readily be supposed, was not hisobject; but he always expected that fortune would grant him an ace or aten at the right moment with the same confidence with which he looked forfine weather on the day of battle. If he were disappointed he wishednobody to know it. 

Bonaparte also played at chess, but very seldom, because he was only athird-rate player, and he did not like to be beaten at that game, which, I know not why, is said to bear a resemblance to the grand game of war. At this latter game Bonaparte certainly feared no adversary. Thisreminds me that when we were leaving Passeriano he announced hisintention of passing through Mantua. 

He was told that the commandant of that town, I believe General Beauvoir, was a great chess-player, and he expressed a wish to play a game withhim: General Beauvoir asked him to point out any particular pawn withwhich he would be checkmated; adding, that if the pawn were taken, he, Bonaparte, should be declared the winner. Bonaparte pointed out the lastpawn on the left of his adversary. A mark was put upon it, and it turnedout that he actually was checkmated with that very pawn. Bonaparte wasnot very well pleased at this. He liked to play with me because, thoughrather a better player than himself, I was not always able to beat him. As soon as a game was decided in his favour he declined playing anylonger; preferring to rest on his laurels. 

The favourable wind which had constantly prevailed after the first twentydays of our voyage still continued while we kept along the coast ofSardinia; but after we had passed that island the wind again blewviolently from the west, and on the 1st of October we were forced toenter the Gulf of Ajaccio. We sailed again next day but we found itimpossible to work our way out of the gulf. We were therefore obliged toput into the port and land at Ajaccio. Adverse winds obliged us toremain there until the 7th of October. It may readily be imagined howmuch this delay annoyed Bonaparte. He sometimes expressed hisimpatience, as if he could enforce the obedience of the elements as wellas of men. He was losing time, and time was everything to him. 

There was one circumstance which seemed to annoy him as much as any ofhis more serious vexations. "What will become of me, " said he, "if theEnglish, who are cruising hereabout, should learn that I have landed inCorsica? I shall be forced to stay here. That I could never endure. Ihave a torrent of relations pouring upon me. " His great reputation hadcertainly prodigiously augmented the number of his family. He was overwhelmed with visits, congratulations, and requests. The whole town wasin a commotion. Every one of its inhabitants wished to claim him astheir cousin; and from the-prodigious number of his pretended godsons andgoddaughters, it might have been supposed that he had held one-fourth ofthe children of Ajaccio at the baptismal font. 

Bonaparte frequently walked with us in the neighbourhood of Ajaccio; andwhen in all the plenitude of his power he did not count his crowns withgreater pleasure than he evinced in pointing out to us the little domainsof his ancestors. 

While we were at, Ajaccio M. Fesch gave Bonaparte French money in, exchange for a number of Turkish sequins, amounting in value to 17, 000francs: This sum was all that the General brought with him from Egypt. I mention this fact because he was unjustly calumniated in letterswritten after his departure, and which were intercepted and published bythe English: I ought also to add, that as he would never for his ownprivate use resort to the money-chest of the army, the contents of whichwere, indeed, never half sufficient to defray the necessary expenses, heseveral times drew on Genoa, through M. James, and on the funds hepossessed in the house of Clary, 16, 000, 25, 000, and up to 33, 000 francs. I can bear witness that in Egypt I never saw him touch any money beyondhis pay; and that he left the country poorer than he had entered it is afact that cannot be denied. In his notes on Egypt it appears that in oneyear 12, 600, 000 francs were received. In this sum were included at least2, 000, 000 of contributions, which were levied at the expense of manydecapitations. Bonaparte was fourteen months in Egypt, and he is said tohave brought away with him 20, 000, 000. Calumny may be very gratifying tocertain persons, but they should at least give it a colouring ofprobability. The fact is, that Bonaparte had scarcely enough to maintainhimself at Ajaccio and to defray our posting expenses to Paris. 

On our arrival at Ajaccio we learnt the death of Joubert, and the loss ofthe battle of Novi, which was fought on the 15th of August. Bonapartewas tormented by anxiety; he was in a state of utter uncertainty as tothe future. From the time we left Alexandria till our arrival in Corsicahe had frequently talked of what he should do during the quarantine, which he supposed he would be required to observe on reaching Toulon, theport at which he had determined to land. 

Even then he cherished some illusions respecting the state of affairs;and he often said to me, "But for that confounded quarantine, I wouldhasten ashore, and place myself at the head of the army of Italy. All isnot over; and I am sure that there is not a general who would refuse methe command. The news of a victory gained by me would reach Paris assoon as the battle of Aboukir; that, indeed, would be excellent. "

In Corsica his language was very different. When he was informed of ourreverses, and saw the full extent of the evil, he was for a momentoverwhelmed. His grand projects then gave way to the consideration ofmatters of minor import, and he thought about his detention in theLazaretto of Toulon. He spoke of the Directory, of intrigues, and ofwhat would be said of him. He accounted his enemies those who enviedhim, and those who could not be reconciled to his glory and the influenceof his name. Amidst all these anxieties Bonaparte was outwardly calm, though he was moody and reflective. 

Providing against every chance of danger, he had purchased at Ajaccio alarge launch which was intended to be towed by the 'Hetciron', and it wasmanned by twelve of the best sailors the island could--furnish. Hisresolution was, in case of inevitable danger, to jump into this boat andget ashore. This precaution had well-nigh proved useful. 

 --[Sir Walter Scott, at the commencement of his Life of Napoleon, says that Bonaparte did not see his native City after 1793. Probably to avoid contradicting himself, the Scottish historian observes that Bonaparte was near Ajaccio on his return from Egypt. He spent eight days there. --Bourrienne. ]--

After leaving the Gulf of Ajaccio the voyage was prosperous andundisturbed for one day; but on the second day, just at sunset, anEnglish squadron of fourteen sail hove in sight. The English, havingadvantage of the lights which we had in our faces, saw us better than wecould see them. They recognised our two frigates as Venetian built; butluckily for us, night came on, for we were not far apart. We saw thesignals of the English for a long time, and heard the report of the gunsmore and more to our left, and we thought it was the intention of thecruisers to intercept us on the south-east. Under these circumstancesBonaparte had reason to thank fortune; for it is very evident that hadthe English suspected our two frigates of coming from the East and goingto France, they would have shut us out from land by running between usand it, which to them was very easy. Probably they took us for a convoyof provisions going from Toulon to Genoa; and it was to this error andthe darkness that we were indebted for escaping with no worse consequencethan a fright. 

 --[Here Bourrienne says in a note "Where did Sir Walter Scott learn that we were neither seen nor recognised? We were not recognised, but certainly seen, " This is corroborated by the testimony of the Due de Rovigo, who, in his Memoirs, says, "I have met officers of the English navy who assured me that the two frigates had been seen but were considered by the Admiral to belong to his squadron, as they steered their course towards him; and as he knew we had only one frigate in the Mediterranean, and one in Toulon harbour, he was far from supposing that the frigates which he had descried could have General Bonaparte on board. " (Savary, tome i. P. 226). ]--

During the remainder of the night the utmost agitation prevailed on boardthe Muiron. Gantheaume especially was in a state of anxiety which it isimpossible to describe, and which it was painful to witness: he was quitebeside himself, for a disaster appeared inevitable. He proposed toreturn to Corsica. "No, no!" replied Bonaparte imperiously. "No!Spread all sail! Every man at his post! To the north-west! To thenorth-west!" This order saved us; and I am enabled to affirm that in themidst of almost general alarm Bonaparte was solely occupied in givingorders. The rapidity of his judgment seemed to grow in the face ofdanger. The remembrance of that night will never be effaced from mymind. The hours lingered on; and none of us could guess upon what newdangers the morrow's sun would shine. 

However, Bonaparte's resolution was taken: his orders were given, hisarrangements made. During the evening he had resolved upon throwinghimself into the long boat; he had already fixed on the persons who wereto share his fate, and had already named to me the papers which hethought it most important to save. Happily our terrors were vain and ourarrangements useless. By the first rays of the sun we discovered theEnglish fleet sailing to the north-east, and we stood for the wished-forcoast of France. 

The 8th of October, at eight in the morning, we entered the roads ofFrejus. The sailors not having recognised the coast during the night, wedid not know where we were. There was, at first, some hesitation whetherwe should advance. We were by no means expected, and did not know how toanswer the signals, which has been changed during our absence. Some gunswere even fired upon us by the batteries on the coast; but our bold entryinto the roads, the crowd upon the decks of the two frigates, and oursigns of joy, speedily banished all doubt of our being friends. We werein the port, and approaching the landing-place, when the rumour spreadthat Bonaparte was on board one of the frigates. In an instant the seawas covered with boats. In vain we begged them to keep at a distance; wewere carried ashore, and when we told the crowd, both of men and womenwho were pressing about us, the risk they ran, they all exclaimed, "Weprefer the plague to the Austrians!"

What were our feelings when we again set foot on the soil of FranceI will not attempt to describe. Our escape from the dangers thatthreatened us seemed almost miraculous. We had lost twenty days at thebeginning of our voyage, and at its close had been almost taken by anEnglish squadron. Under these circumstances, how rapturously we inhaledthe balmy, air of Provence! Such was our joy, that we were scarcelysensible of the disheartening news which arrived from all quarters. Atthe first moment of our arrival, by a spontaneous impulse, we allrepeated, with tears in our eyes, the beautiful lines which Voltaire hasput into the mouth of the exile of Sicily. 

Bonaparte has been reproached with having violated the sanitary laws;but, after what I have already stated respecting his intentions, Ipresume there can remain no doubt of the falsehood of this accusation. All the blame must rest with the inhabitants of Frejus, who on thisoccasion found the law of necessity more imperious than the sanitarylaws. Yet when it is considered that four or five hundred persons, and aquantity of effects, were landed from Alexandria, where the plague hadbeen raging during the summer, it is almost a miracle that France, andindeed Europe escaped the scourge. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

1799. 

 Effect produced by Bonaparte's return--His justification-- Melancholy letter to my wife--Bonaparte's intended dinner at Sens-- Louis Bonaparte and Josephine--He changes his intended route-- Melancholy situation of the provinces--Necessity of a change-- Bonaparte's ambitious views--Influence of popular applause-- Arrival in Paris--His reception of Josephine--Their reconciliation-- Bonaparte's visit to the Directory--His contemptuous treatment of Sieyes. 

Tim effect produced in France and throughout Europe by the mereintelligence of Bonaparte's return is well known. I shall not yet speakof the vast train of consequences which that event entailed. I must, however, notice some accusations which were brought against him from thetime of our landing to the 9th of November. He was reproached for havingleft Egypt, and it was alleged that his departure was the result of longpremeditation. But I, who was constantly with him, am enabled positivelyto affirm that his return to France was merely the effect of a suddenresolution. Of this the following fact is in itself sufficient evidence. 

While we were at Cairo, a few days before we heard of the landing of theAnglo-Turkish fleet, and at the moment when we were on the point ofsetting off to encamp at the Pyramids, Bonaparte despatched a courier toFrance. I took advantage of this opportunity to write to my wife. Ialmost bade her an eternal adieu: My letter breathed expressions of griefsuch as I had not before evinced. I said, among other things, that we. Knew not when or how it would be possible for us to return to France. IfBonaparte had then entertained any thought of a speedy return I must haveknown it, and in that case I should not certainly have distressed myfamily by a desponding letter, when I had not had an opportunity ofwriting for seven months before. 

Two days after the receipt of my letter my wife was awoke very early inthe morning to be informed of our arrival in France. The courier whobrought this intelligence was the bearer of a second letter from me, which I had written on board ship, and dated from Frejus. In this letterI mentioned that Bonaparte would pass through Seas and dine with mymother. 

In fulfilment of my directions Madame de Bourrienne set off for Paris atfive in the morning. Having passed the first post-house she met a Berlincontaining four travellers, among whom she recognised Louis Bonapartegoing to meet the General on the Lyons road. On seeing Madame deBourrienne Louis desired the postillion to stop, and asked her whethershe had heard from me. She informed him that we should pass throughSens, where the General wished to dine with my mother, who had made everypreparation for receiving him. Louis then continued his journey. Aboutnine o'clock my wife met another Berlin, in which were Madame Bonaparteand her daughter. As they were asleep, and both carriages were drivingat a very rapid rate, Madame de Bourrienne did not stop them. Josephinefollowed the route taken by Louis. Both missed the General, who changedhis mind at Lyons, and proceeded by way of Bourbonnais. He arrivedfifteen hours after my wife; and those who had taken the Burgundy roadproceeded to Lyons uselessly. 

Determined to repair in all haste to Paris, Bonaparte had left Frejus onthe afternoon of the day of our landing. He himself had despatched thecourier to Sens to inform my mother of his intended visit to her; and itwas not until he got to Lyons that he determined to take the Bourbonnaisroad. His reason for doing so will presently be seen. All along theroad, at Aix, at Lyons, in every town and village, he was received, as atFrejus, with the most rapturous demonstrations of joy. 

 --[From Frejus to, Aix a crowd of men kindly escorted us, carrying torches alongside the carriage of the General, not so much to show their enthusiasm as to ensure our safety (Bourrienne) These brigands became so bad in France that at one time soldiers were placed in the imperials of all the diligences, receiving from the wits the curiously anticipative name of "imperial armies". ]--

Only those who witnessed his triumphal journey can form any notion of it;and it required no great discernment to foresee something like the 18thBrumaire. 

The provinces, a prey to anarchy and civil war, were continuallythreatened with foreign invasion. Almost all the south presented themelancholy spectacle of one-vast arena of conflicting factions. Thenation groaned beneath the yoke of tyrannical laws; despotism wassystematically established; the law of hostages struck a blow at personalliberty, and forced loans menaced every man's property. The generalityof the citizens had declared themselves against a pentarchy devoid ofpower, justice, and morality, and which had become the sport of factionand intrigue. Disorder was general; but in the provinces abuses werefelt more sensibly than elsewhere. In great cities it was found moreeasy to elude the hand of despotism and oppression. 

A change so earnestly wished for could not fail to be realised, and to bereceived with transport. The majority of the French people longed to berelieved from the situation in which they then stood. There were twodangers bar to cope with--anarchy and the Bourbons. Every one felt theurgent and indispensable necessity of concentrating the power of theGovernment in a single hand; at the same time maintaining theinstitutions which the spirit of the age demanded, and which France, after having so dearly purchased, was now about to lose. The countrylooked for a man who was capable of restoring her to tranquillity; but asyet no such man had appeared. A soldier of fortune presented himself, covered with glory; he had planted the standard of France on the Capitoland on the Pyramids. The whole world acknowledged his superior talent;his character, his courage, and his victories had raised him to the veryhighest rank. His great works, his gallant actions, his speeches, andhis proclamations ever since he had risen to eminence left no doubt ofhis wish to secure happiness and freedom to France, his adopted country. At that critical moment the necessity of a temporary dictatorship, whichsometimes secures the safety of a state, banished all reflections on theconsequences of such a power, and nobody seemed to think gloryincompatible with personal liberty. All eyes were therefore directed onthe General, whose past conduct guaranteed his capability of defendingthe Republic abroad, and liberty at home, --on the General whom hisflatterers, and indeed some of his sincere friends, styled, "the hero ofliberal ideas, " the title to which he aspired. 

Under, every point of view, therefore, he was naturally chosen as thechief of a generous nation, confiding to him her destiny, in preferenceto a troop of mean and fanatical hypocrites, who, under the names ofrepublicanism and liberty, had reduced France to the most abject slavery. 

Among the schemes which Bonaparte was incessantly revolving in his mindmay undoubtedly be ranked the project of attaining the head of the FrenchGovernment; but it would be a mistake to suppose that on his return fromEgypt he had formed any fixed plan. There was something vague in hisambitious aspirations; and he was, if I may so express myself, fond ofbuilding those imaginary edifices called castles in the air. The currentof events was in accordance with his wishes; and it may truly be saidthat the whole French nation smoothed for Bonaparte the road which led. To power. Certainly the unanimous plaudits and universal joy whichaccompanied him along a journey of more than 200 leagues must haveinduced him to regard as a national mission that step which was at firstprompted merely by his wish of meddling with the affairs of the Republic. 

This spontaneous burst of popular feeling, unordered and unpaid for, loudly proclaimed the grievances of the people, and their hope that theman of victory would become their deliverer. The general enthusiasmexcited by the return of the conqueror of Egypt delighted him to a degreewhich I cannot express, and was, as he has often assured me, a powerfulstimulus in urging him to the object to which the wishes of France seemedto direct him. 

Among people of all classes and opinions an 18th Brumaire was desired andexpected. Many royalists even believed that a change would provefavourable to the King. So ready are we to persuade ourselves of thereality of what we wish. 

As soon as it was suspected that Bonaparte would accept the power offeredhim, an outcry was raised about a conspiracy against the Republic, andmeasures were sought for preserving it. But necessity, and indeed, itmust be confessed, the general feeling of the people, consigned theexecution of those measures to him who was to subvert the Republic. Onhis return to Paris Bonaparte spoke and acted like a man who felt his ownpower; he cared neither for flattery, dinners, nor balls, --his mind tooka higher flight. 

We arrived in Paris on the 24th Vendemiaire (the 16th of October). As yet he knew nothing of what was going on; for he had seen neither hiswife nor his brothers, who were looking for him on the Burgundy road. The news of our landing at Frejus had reached Paris by a telegraphicdespatch. Madame Bonaparte, who was dining with M. Gohier when thatdespatch was communicated to him, as president of the Directory, immediately set off to meet her husband, well knowing how important itwas that her first interview with him should not be anticipated by hisbrothers. 

The imprudent communications of Junot at the fountains of Messoudiah willbe remembered, but, after the first ebullition of jealous rage, alltraces of that feeling had apparently disappeared. Bonaparte however, was still harassed by secret suspicion, and the painful impressionsproduced by Junot were either not entirely effaced or were revived afterour arrival in Paris. We reached the capital before Josephine returned. The recollection of the past; the ill-natured reports of his brothers, --[Joseph Bonaparte remarks on this that Napoleon met Josephine at Paris before his brothers arrived there, (Compare d'Abrantis, vol. 1, pp. 260-262 and Rumusat, tome i. Pp. 147-148. )]--

and the exaggeration of facts had irritated Napoleon to the very highestpitch, and he received Josephine with studied coldness, and with an airof the most cruel indifference. He had no communication with her forthree days, during which time he frequently spoke to me of suspicionswhich his imagination converted into certainty; and threats of divorceescaped his lips with no less vehemence than when we were on the confinesof Syria. I took upon me the office of conciliator, which I had beforedischarged with success. I represented to him the dangers to beapprehended from the publicity and scandal of such an affair; and thatthe moment when his grand views might possibly be realized was not thefit time to entertain France and Europe with the details of a charge ofadultery. I spoke to him of Hortense and Eugene, to whom he was muchattached. Reflection, seconded by his ardent affection for Josephine, brought about a complete reconciliation. After these three days ofconjugal misunderstanding their happiness was never afterwards disturbedby a similar cause. 

 --[In speaking of the unexpected arrival of Bonaparte and of the meeting between him and Josephine, Madame Junot says: "On the 10th October Josephine set off to meet her husband, but without knowing exactly what road he would take. She thought it likely he would come by way of Burgundy, and therefore Louis and she set off for Lyons. 

 "Madame Bonaparte was a prey to great and well-founded aspersions. Whether she was guilty or only imprudent, she was strongly accused by the Bonaparte family, who were desirous that Napoleon should obtain a divorce, The elder M. De Caulaincourt stated to us his apprehensions on this point; but whenever the subject was introduced my mother changed the conversation, because, knowing as she did the sentiments of the Bonaparte family, she could not reply without either committing them or having recourse to falsehood. She knew, moreover, the truth of many circumstances which M. De Caulaincourt seemed to doubt, and which her situation with respect to Bonaparte prevented her from communicating to him. 

 "Madame Bonaparte committed a great fault in neglecting at this juncture to conciliate her mother-in-law, who might have protected her again those who sought her ruin and effected it nine years later; for the divorce in 1809 was brought about by the joint efforts of all the members of the Bonaparte family, aided by some of Napoleon's most confidential servants, whom Josephine, either as Madame Bonaparte or as Empress, had done nothing to make her friends. 

 "Bonaparte, on his arrival in Paris, found his house deserted: but his mother, sisters, and sisters-in-law, and, in short, every member of his family, except Louis, who had attended Madame Bonaparte to Lyons, came to him immediately. The impression made upon him by the solitude of his home and its desertion by its mistress was profound and terrible, and nine years afterwards, when the ties between him and Josephine were severed for ever, he showed that it was not effaced. From not finding her with his family he inferred that she felt herself unworthy of their presence, and feared to meet the man she had wronged. He considered her journey to Lyons as a mere pretence. 

 "M. De Bourrienne says that for some days after Josephine's return Bonaparte treated her with extreme coldness. As he was an eyewitness, why does he not state the whole truth, and say that on her return Bonaparte refused to see her and did not see her? It was to the earnest entreaties of her children that she owed the recovery, not of her husband's love, for that had long ceased, but of that tenderness acquired by habit, and that intimate intercourse which made her still retain the rank of consort to the greatest man of his age. Bonaparte was at this period much attached to Eugene Beauharnais, who, to do him justice, was a charming youth. He knew less of Hortense; but her youth and sweetness of temper, and the protection of which, as his adopted daughter, she besought him not to deprive her, proved powerful advocates, and overcame his resistance. 

 "In this delicate negotiation it was good policy not to bring any other person into play, whatever might be their influence with Bonaparte, and Madame Bonaparte did not, therefore, have recourse either to Barras, Bourrienne, or Berthier. It was expedient that they who interceded for her should be able to say something without the possibility of a reply. Now Bonaparte could not with any degree of propriety explain to such children as Eugene or Hortense the particulars of their mother's conduct. He was therefore constrained to silence, and had no argument to combat the tears of two innocent creatures at his feet exclaiming, 'Do not abandon our mother; she will break her heart! and ought injustice to take from us, poor orphans, whose natural protector the scaffold has already deprived us of, the support of one whom Providence has sent to replace him!'

 "The scene, as Bonaparte has since stated, was long and painful, and the two children at length introduced their mother, and placed her in his arms. The unhappy woman had awaited his decision at the door of a small back staircase, extended at almost full length upon the stairs, suffering the acutest pangs of mental torture. 

 "Whatever might be his wife's errors, Bonaparte appeared entirely to forget them, and the reconciliation was complete. Of all the members of the family Madame Leclerc was most vexed at the pardon which Napoleon had granted to his wife. Bonaparte's mother was also very ill pleased; but she said nothing. Madame Joseph Bonaparte, who was always very amiable, took no part in these family quarrels; therefore she could easily determine what part to take when fortune smiled on Josephine. As to Madame Bacciocchi, she gave free vent to her ill-humour and disdain; the consequence was that her sister-in-law could never endure her. Christine who was a beautiful creature, followed the example of Madame Joseph, and Caroline was so young that her opinion could have no weight in such an affair. As to Bonaparte's brothers, they were at open war with Josephine. "]--

On the day after hid arrival Bonaparte visited the Directors. 

 --[The Directors at this time were Barras, Sieyes, Moulins, Gohier, and Roger Ducos. ]--

The interview was cold. On the 24th of October he said to me, "I dinedyesterday at Gohier's; Sieyes was present, and I pretended not to seehim. I observed how much he was enraged at this mark ofdisrespect. "--"But are you sure he is against you?" inquired I. "Iknow nothing yet; but he is a scheming man, and I don't like him. " Evenat that time Bonaparte had thoughts of getting himself elected a memberof the Directory in the room of Sieyes. 

CHAPTER XXIII

1799. 

 Moreau and Bernadotte--Bonaparte's opinion of Bernadotte--False report--The crown of Sweden and the Constitution of the year III. -- Intrigues of Bonaparte's brothers--Angry conversation between Bonaparte and Bernadotte--Bonaparte's version--Josephine's version-- An unexpected visit--The Manege Club--Salicetti and Joseph Bonaparte --Bonaparte invites himself to breakfast with Bernadotte--Country excursion--Bernadotte dines with Bonaparte--The plot and conspiracy --Conduct of Lucien--Dinner given to Bonaparte by the Council of the Five Hundred--Bonaparte's wish to be chosen a member of the Directory--His reconciliation with Sieyes--Offer made by the Directory to Bonaparte--He is falsely accused by Barras. 

To throw a clear light on the course of the great events which willpresently be developed it is necessary to state briefly what intrigueshad been hatched and what ambitious hopes had risen up while we were inEgypt. When in Egypt Bonaparte was entirely deprived of any means ofknowing what was going on in France; and in our rapid journey from Frejusto Paris we had no opportunity of collecting much information. Yet itwas very important that we should know the real state of affairs, and thesentiments of those whom Bonaparte had counted among his rivals in glory, and whom he might now meet among his rivals in ambition. 

Moreau's military reputation stood very high, and Bernadotte's firmnessappeared inflexible. Generally speaking, Bonaparte might have reckonedamong his devoted partisans the companions of his glory in Italy, andalso those whom he subsequently denominated "his Egyptians. " But bravemen had distinguished themselves in the army of the Rhine; and if theydid not withhold their admiration from the conqueror of Italy, they feltat least more personally interested in the admiration which they lavishedon him who had repaired the disaster of Scherer. Besides, it must beborne in mind that a republican spirit prevailed, almost withoutexception, in the army, and that the Directory appeared to be aGovernment invented expressly to afford patronage to intriguers. Allthis planted difficulties in our way, and rendered it indispensablynecessary that we should know our ground. We had, it is true, beengreeted by the fullest measure of popular enthusiasm on our arrival; butthis was not enough. We wanted suffrages of a more solid kind. 

During the campaign of Egypt, Bernadotte, who was a zealous republican, had been War Minister, --[Bernadotte was Minister of war from 2d July 1799 to 14th September 1799, when, as he himself wrote to the Directory, they "accepted" the resignation he had not offered. ]--

but he had resigned the portfolio to Dubois-Crance three weeks beforeBonaparte's return to France. Some partisans of the old Minister wereendeavouring to get him recalled, and it was very important toBonaparte's interests that he should prevent the success of this design. I recollect that on the second day of our arrival Bonaparte said to me, "I have learned many things; but we shall see what will happen. Bernadotte is a singular man. When he was War Minister Augereau, Salicetti, and some others informed him that the Constitution was indanger, and that it was necessary to get rid of Sieyes, Barras, andFouche, who were at the head of a plot. What did Bernadotte do?Nothing. He asked for proofs. None could be produced. He asked forpowers. Who could grant them? Nobody. He should have taken them; buthe would not venture on that. He wavered. He said he could not enterinto the schemes which were proposed to him. He only promised to besilent on condition that they were renounced. Bernadotte is not a help;he is an obstacle, I have heard from good authority that a great numberof influential persons wished to invest him with extensive power for thepublic good; but he was obstinate, and would listen to nothing. "

After a brief interval of silence, during which Bonaparte rubbed hisforehead with his right hand, he then resumed:

"I believe I shall have Bernadotte and Moreau against me. But I do notfear Moreau. He is devoid of energy. I know he would prefer military topolitical power. The promise of the command of an army would gain himover. But Bernadotte has Moorish blood in his veins. He is bold andenterprising. He is allied to my brothers. 

 --[Joseph Bonaparte and Bernadotte had married sisters. Mario-Julie and Eugenie Bernardine-Desiree Clary. The feeling of Bourrienne for Bernadotte makes this passage doubtful. It is to be noticed that in the same conversation he makes Napoleon describe Bernadotte as not venturing to act without powers and as enterprising. The stern republican becoming Prince de Monte Carlo and King of Sweden, in a way compatible with his fidelity to the Constitution of the year III. , is good. Lanfrey attributes Bernadotte's refusal to join more to rivalry than to principle (Lanfrey, tome i. P. 440). But in any case Napoleon did not dread Bernadotte, and was soon threatening to shoot him; see Lucien, tome ii. P. 107. ]--

"He does not like me, and I am almost certain that he will oppose me. Ifhe should become ambitious he will venture anything. And yet, yourecollect in what a lukewarm way he acted on the 18th Fructidor, when Isent him to second Augereau. This devil of a fellow is not to beseduced. He is disinterested and clever. But; after all, we have butjust arrived, and know not what may happen. "

Bernadotte, it was reported, had advised that Bonaparte should be broughtto a court-martial, an the two-fold charge of having abandoned his armyand violated the quarantine laws. This report came to the ear ofBonaparte; but he refused to believe it and he was right. Bernadottethought himself bound to the Constitution which he had sworn to defend. Hence the opposition he manifested to the measures of the 18th Brumaire. But he cherished no personal animosity against Bonaparte as long as hewas ignorant of his ambitious designs. The extraordinary and complicatednature of subsequent events rendered his possession of the crown ofSweden in no way incompatible with his fidelity to the Constitution ofthe year III. 

On our first arrival in Paris, though I was almost constantly with theGeneral, yet, as our routine of occupation was not yet settled, I wasenabled now and then to snatch an hour or two from business. Thisleisure time I spent in the society of my family and a few friends, andin collecting information as to what had happened during our absence, forwhich purpose I consulted old newspapers and pamphlets. I was notsurprised to learn that Bonaparte's brothers--that is to say, Joseph andLucien--had been engaged in many intrigues. I was told that Sieyes hadfor a moment thought of calling the Duke of Brunswick to the head of theGovernment; that Barras would not have been very averse to favouring thereturn of the Bourbons; and that Moulins, Roger Ducos, and Gohier alonebelieved or affected to believe, in the possibility of preserving theexisting form of government. From what I heard at the time I have goodreasons for believing that Joseph and Lucien made all sorts of endeavoursto inveigle Bernadotte into their brother's party, and in the hope ofaccomplishing that object they had assisted in getting him appointed WarMinister. However, I cannot vouch for the truth of this. I was toldthat hernadotte had at first submitted to the influence of Bonaparte'stwo brothers; but that their urgent interference in their client's behalfinduced him to shake them off, to proceed freely in the exercise of hisduties, and to open the eyes of the Directory on what the Republic mighthave to apprehend from the enterprising character of Bonaparte. It iscertain that what I have to relate respecting the conduct of Bernadotteto Bonaparte is calculated to give credit to these assertions. 

All the generals who were in Paris, with the exception of Bernadotte, had visited Bonaparte during the first three days which succeeded hisarrival. Bernadotte's absence was the more remarkable because he hadserved under Bonaparte in Italy. It was not until a fortnight hadelapsed, and then only on the reiterated entreaties of Joseph and MadameJoseph Bonaparte (his sister-in-law), that he determined to go and seehis old General-in-Chief. I was not present at their interview, being atthat moment occupied in the little cabinet of the Rue Chantereine. But Isoon discovered that their conversation had been long and warm; for assoon as it was ended Bonaparte entered the cabinet exceedingly agitated, and said to me, "Bourrienne, how do you think Bernadotte has behaved?You have traversed France with me--you witnessed the enthusiasm which myreturn excited--you yourself told me that you saw in that enthusiasm thedesire of the French people to be relieved from the disastrous positionin which our reverses have placed them. Well! would you believe it?Bernadotte boasts, with ridiculous exaggeration, of the brilliant andvictorious situation of France! He talks about the defeat of theRussians, the occupation of Genoa, the innumerable armies that are risingup everywhere. In short, I know not what nonsense he has got in hishead. "--"What can all this mean?" said I. "Did he speak aboutEgypt?"--"Oh, yes! Now you remind me. He actually reproached me fornot having brought the army back with me! 'But, ' observed I, 'have younot just told me that you are absolutely overrun with troops; that allyour frontiers are secure, that immense levies are going on, and thatyou will have 200, 000 infantry?--If this be true, what do you want witha few thousand men who may ensure the preservation of Egypt?' He couldmake no answer to this. But he is quite elated by the honour of havingbeen War Minister, and he told me boldly that he looked upon the army ofEgypt as lost nay, more. He made insinuations. He spoke of enemiesabroad and enemies at home; and as he uttered these last words he lookedsignificantly at me. I too gave him a glance! But stay a little. Thepear will soon be ripe! You know Josephine's grace and address. She waspresent. The scrutinising glance of Bernadotte did not escape her, andshe adroitly turned the conversation. Bernadotte saw from mycountenance that I had had enough of it, and he took his leave. Butdon't let me interrupt you farther. I am going back to speak toJosephine. "

I must confess that this strange story made me very impatient to findmyself alone with Madame Bonaparte, for I wished to hear her account ofthe scene. An opportunity occurred that very evening. I repeated to herwhat I had heard from the General, and all that she told me tended toconfirm its accuracy. She added that hernadotte seemed to take theutmost pains to exhibit to the General a flattering picture of theprosperity of France; and she reported to me, as follows, that part ofthe conversation which was peculiarly calculated to irritateBonaparte:--"'I do not despair of the safety of the Republic, whichI am certain can restrain her enemies both abroad and at home. ' AsBernadotte uttered these last words, '" continued Josephine, "his glancemade me shudder. One word more and Bonaparte could have commandedhimself no longer! It is true, " added she, "that it was in some degreehis own fault, for it was he who turned the conversation on politics;and Bernadotte, in describing the flourishing condition of France, wasonly replying to the General, who had drawn a very opposite picture ofthe state of things. You know, my dear Bourrienne, that Bonaparte is notalways very prudent. I fear he has said too much to Bernadotte about thenecessity of changes in the Government. " Josephine had not yetrecovered from the agitation into which this violent scene had thrownher. After I took leave of her; I made notes of what she had told me. 

A few days after, when Bonaparte, Josephine, Hortense, Eugene, and I weretogether in the drawing-room, Bernadotte unexpectedly entered. Hisappearance, after what had passed, was calculated to surprise us. He wasaccompanied by a person whom he requested permission to introduce toBonaparte. I have forgotten his name, but he was, I think, secretary-general while Bernadotte was in office. Bonaparte betrayed noappearance of astonishment. He received Bernadotte with perfect ease, and they soon entered into conversation. Bonaparte, who seemed toacquire confidence from the presence of those who were about him, said agreat deal about the agitation which prevailed among the republicans, and expressed himself in very decided terms against the 'Manege Club. '

 --[The Manege Club, the last resort of the Jacobins, formed in 1799, and closed seven or eight months afterwards. Joseph Bonaparte (Erreurs, time i. P. 251) denies that he or Lucien--for whom the allusion is meant--were members of this club, and he disputes this conversation ever having taken place. Lucien (tome i. P. 219) treats this club as opposed to his party. ]--

I seconded him by observing that M. Moreau de Worms of my department, whowas a member of that club, had himself complained to me of the violencethat prevailed in it. "But, General, " said Bernadotte, "your brotherswere its most active originators. Yet, " added he in a tone of firmness, "you accuse me of having favoured that club, and I repel the charge. Itcannot be otherwise than false. When I came into office I foundeverything in the greatest disorder. I had no leisure to think about anyclub to which my duties did not call me. You know well that your friendSalicetti, and that your brother, who is in your confidence, are bothleading men in the Manege Club. To the instructions of I know not whomis to be attributed the violence of which you complain. " At these words, and especially the tone in which hernadotte uttered 'I know not whom, 'Bonaparte could no longer restrain himself. "Well, General, " exclaimedhe furiously, "I tell you plainly, I would rather live wild in the woodsthan in a state of society which affords no security. " Bernadotte thensaid, with great dignity of manner, "Good God! General, what securitywould you have?" From the warmth evinced by Bonaparte I saw plainly thatthe conversation would soon be converted into a dispute, and in a whisperI requested Madame Bonaparte to change the conversation, which sheimmediately did by addressing a question to some one present. Bernadotte, observing Madame Bonaparte's design, checked his warmth. Thesubject of conversation was changed, and it became general Bernadottesoon took up his hat and departed. 

One morning, when I entered Bonaparte's chamber--it was, I believe, threeor four days after the second visit of Bernadotte--he said:

"Well, Bourrienne, I wager you will not guess with whom I am going tobreakfast this morning?"--"Really, General, I--"--"With Bernadotte;and the best of the joke is, that I have invited myself. You would haveseen how it was all brought about if you had been with us at the TheatreFrancais, yesterday evening. You know we are going to visit Joseph todayat Mortfontaine. Well, as we were coming out of the theatre last night, finding myself side by aide with Bernadotte and not knowing what to talkabout, I asked him whether he was to be of our party to-day? He repliedin the affirmative; and as we were passing his house in the RueCisalpine--

 --[Joseph Bonaparte lays great stress on the fact that Napoleon world not have passed this house, which was far from the theatre (Erreurs, tome i, p. 251). ]--

"I told him, without any ceremony, that I should be happy to come and takea cup of coffee with him in the morning. He seemed pleased. What do youthink of that, Bourrienne?"--"Why, General, I hope you may have reason onyour part to be pleased with him. "--"Never fear, never fear. I knowwhat I am about. This will compromise him with Gohier. Remember, youmust always meet your enemies with a bold face, otherwise they think theyare feared, and that gives them confidence. "

Bonaparte stepped into the carriage with Josephine, who was always readywhen she had to go out with him, for he did not like to wait. Theyproceeded first to Bernadotte's to breakfast, and from thence toMortfontaine. On his return Bonaparte told me very little about what hadpassed during the day, and I could see that he was not in the best ofhumours. I afterwards learned that Bonaparte had conversed a good dealwith Bernadotte, and that he had made every effort to render himselfagreeable, which he very well knew how to do when he chose! but that, inspite of all his conversational talent; and supported as he was by thepresence of his three brothers, and Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely, hecould not withstand the republican firmness of Bernadotte. However, thenumber of his partisans daily augmented; for all had not theuncompromising spirit of Bernadotte; and it will soon be seen that Moreauhimself undertook charge of the Directors who were made prisoners on the18th Brumaire. 

Bernadotte's shrewd penetration made him one of the first to see clearlyinto Bonaparte's designs. He was well convinced of his determination tooverthrow the constitution and possess himself of power. He saw theDirectory divided into two parties; the one duped by the promises andassurances of Bonaparte, and the other conniving with him for theaccomplishment of his plans. In these circumstances Bernadotte offeredhis services to all persons connected with the Government who, likehimself, were averse to the change which he saw good reason to apprehend. But Bonaparte was not the man to be outdone in cunning or activity; andevery moment swelled the ranks of his adherents. 

On the 16th Brumaire I dined in the Rue de la Victoire. Bernadotte waspresent, and I believe General Jourdan also. While the grand conspiracywas hastening to its accomplishment Madame Bonaparte and I had contriveda little plot of a more innocent kind. We let no one into our secret, and our 16th Brumaire was crowned with complete success. We had agreedto be on the alert to prevent any fresh exchange of angry words. Allsucceeded to the utmost of our wishes. The conversation languishedduring dinner; but it was not dulness that we were afraid of. It turnedon the subject of war, and in that vast field Bonaparte's superiorityover his interlocutors was undeniable. 

When we retired to the drawing-rooms a great number of evening visitorspoured in, and the conversation then became animated, and even gay. Bonaparte was in high spirits. He said to some one, smiling, andpointing to Bernadotte, "You are not aware that the General yonder is aChouan. "--"A Chouan?" repeated Bernadotte, also in a tone of pleasantry. "Ah! General you contradict yourself. Only the other day you taxed mewith favouring the violence of the friends of the Republic, and now youaccuse me of protecting the Chouans. 

 --[The "Chouans, " so called from their use of the cry of the screech-owl (chathouan) as a signal, were the revolted peasants of Brittany and of Maine. ]--

"You should at least be consistent. " A few moments after, availinghimself of the confusion occasioned by the throng of visitors, Bernadotteslipped off. 

As a mark of respect to Bonaparte the Council of the Five Hundredappointed Lucien its president. The event proved how important thisnomination was to Napoleon. Up to the 19th Brumaire, and especially onthat day, Lucien evinced a degree of activity, intelligence, courage, andpresence of mind which are rarely found united in one individual I haveno hesitation in stating that to Lucien's nomination and exertions mustbe attributed the success of the 19th Brumaire. 

The General had laid down a plan of conduct from which he never deviatedduring the twenty-three days which intervened between his arrival inParis and the 18th Brumaire. He refused almost all private invitations, in order to avoid indiscreet questions, unacceptable offers, and answerswhich might compromise him. 

It was not without some degree of hesitation that he yielded to a projectstarted by Lucien, who, by all sorts of manoeuvring, had succeeded inprevailing on a great number of his colleagues to be present at a grandsubscription dinner to be given to Bonaparte by the Council of theAncients. 

The disorder which unavoidably prevailed in a party amounting to upwardsof 250 persons, animated by a diversity of opinions and sentiments; theanxiety and distrust arising in the minds of those who were not in thegrand plot, rendered this meeting one of the most disagreeable I everwitnessed. It was all restraint and dulness. Bonaparte's countenancesufficiently betrayed his dissatisfaction; besides, the success of hisschemes demanded his presence elsewhere. Almost as soon as he hadfinished his dinner he rose, saying to Berthier and me, "I am tired: letus be, gone. " He went round to the different tables, addressing to thecompany compliments and trifling remarks, and departed, leaving at tablethe persons by whom he had been invited. 

This short political crisis was marked by nothing more grand, dignified, or noble than the previous revolutionary commotions. All these plotswere so contemptible, and were accompanied by so much trickery, falsehood, and treachery, that, for the honour of human nature, it isdesirable to cover them with a veil. 

General Bonaparte's thoughts were first occupied with the idea he hadconceived even when in Italy, namely, to be chosen a Director. Nobodydared yet to accuse him of being a deserter from the army of the East. The only difficulty was to obtain a dispensation on the score of age. And was this not to be obtained? No sooner was he installed in hishumble abode in the Rue de la Victoire than he was assured that, on theretirement of Rewbell, the majority of suffrages would have devolved onhim had he been in France, and had not the fundamental law required theage of forty; but that not even his warmest partisans were disposed toviolate the yet infant Constitution of the year III. 

Bonaparte soon perceived that no efforts would succeed in overcoming thisdifficulty, and he easily resolved to possess himself wholly of an officeof which he would nominally have had only a fifth part had he been amember of the Directory. 

As soon as his intentions became manifest he found himself surrounded byall those who recognised in him the man they had long looked for. Thesepersons, who were able and influential in their own circles, endeavouredto convert into friendship the animosity which existed between Sieyes andBonaparte. This angry feeling had been increased by a remark made bySieyes, and reported to Bonaparte. He had said, after the dinner atwhich Bonaparte treated him so disrespectfully, "Do you see how thatlittle insolent fellow behaves to a member of a Government which would dowell to order him to be SHOT?"

But all was changed when able mediators pointed out to Bonaparte theadvantage of uniting with Sieye's for the purpose of overthrowing aConstitution which he did not like. He was assured how vain it would beto think of superseding him, and that it would be better to flatter himwith the hope of helping to subvert the constitution and raising up a newone. One day some one said to Bonaparte in my hearing, "Seek for supportamong the party who call the friends of the Republic Jacobins, and beassured that Sieyes is at the head of that party. "

On the 25th Vendemiaire (17th of October) the Directory summoned GeneralBonaparte to a private sitting. "They offered me the choice of any armyI would command, " said he to me the next morning. "I would not refuse, but I asked to be allowed a little time for the recovery of my health;and, to avoid any other embarrassing offers, I withdrew. I shall go tono more of their sittings. " (He attended only one after this. ) "I amdetermined to join Sieyes' party. It includes a greater diversity ofopinions than that of the profligate Barras. He proclaims everywherethat he is the author of my fortune. He will never be content to play aninferior part, and I will never bend to such a man. He cherishes the madambition of being the support of the Republic. What would he do withme? Sieyes, on the contrary, has no political ambition. "

No sooner did Sieyes begin to grow friendly with Bonaparte than thelatter learned from him that Barras had said, "The 'little corporal' hasmade his fortune in Italy and does not want to go back again. " Bonaparterepaired to the Directory for the sole purpose of contradicting thisallegation. He complained to the Directors of its falsehood, boldlyaffirmed that the fortune he was supposed to possess had no existence, and that even if he had made his fortune it was not, at all events, atthe expense of the Republic "You know, " said he to me, "that the mines ofHydria have furnished the greater part of what I possess. "--"Is itpossible, " said I, "that Barras could have said so, when you know so wellof all the peculations of which he has been guilty since your return?"

Bonaparte had confided the secret of his plans to very few persons--tothose only whose assistance he wanted. The rest mechanically followedtheir leaders and the impulse which was given to them; they passivelyawaited the realisation of the promises they had received, and on thefaith of which they had pledged themselves. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

1799. 

 Cambaceres and Lebrun--Gohier deceived--My nocturnal visit to Barras --The command of the army given to Bonaparte--The morning of the 18th Brumaire--Meeting of the generals at Bonaparte's house-- Bernadotte's firmness--Josephine's interest, for Madame Gohier-- Disappointment of the Directors--Review in the gardens of the Tuileries--Bonaparte's harangue--Proclamation of the Ancients-- Moreau, jailer of the Luxembourg--My conversation with La Pallette-- Bonaparte at St. Cloud. 

The parts of the great drama which was shortly to be enacted were welldistributed. During the three days preceding the 18th Brumaire every onewas at his post. Lucien, with equal activity and intelligence, forwardedthe conspiracy in the two Councils; Sieyes had the management of theDirectory; Real, --[Pierre Francois Real (1757-1834); public accuser before the revolutionary criminal tribunal; became, under Napoleon, Conseiller d'Etat and Comte, and was charged with the affairs of the "haute police. "]--

under the instructions of Fouche, --[Joseph Fouche (1754-1820); Conventionalist; member of extreme Jacobin party; Minister of Police under the Directory, August 1799; retained by Napoleon in that Ministry till 1802, and again from 1801 to 1810; became Duc d'Otrante in 1809; disgraced m 1810, and sent in 1813 as governor of the Illyrian Provinces; Minister of Police during the 'Cent Jours'; President of the Provisional Government, 1815; and for a short time Minister of Police under second restoration. ]--

negotiated with the departments, and dexterously managed, withoutcompromising Fouche, to ruin those from whom that Minister had receivedhis power. There was no time to lose; and Fouche said to me on the 14thBrumaire, "Tell your General to be speedy; if he delays, he is lost. "

On the 17th, Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely told Bonaparte that theovertures made to Cambaceres and Lebrun had not been received in a verydecided way. "I will have no tergiversation, " replied Bonaparte withwarmth. "Let them not flatter themselves that I stand in need of them. They must decide to-day; to-morrow will be too late. I feel myselfstrong enough now to stand alone. "

Cambaceres

 --[Cambaceres (J. J. Regis de) (1763-1824) Conventionalist; Minister of Justice under Directory, 1799; second Consul, 25th December 1799; Arch-Chancellor of the Empire, 1804; Duc de Parma, 1806; Minister of Justice during the 'Cent Jours': took great part in all the legal and administrative projects of the Consulate and Empire. ]--

and Lebrun

 --[Charles Francois Lebrun (1757-1824). Deputy to the National Assembly, and member of the Council of the Five Hundred; Third Consul, 25th December 1799; Arch-Treasurer of the Empire, 1804; Duc de Plaisance, 1806; Governor-General of Holland, 1806; Lieutenant- Governor of Holland, 1810 to 1813; chiefly engaged in financial measures]--

were, almost utter strangers to the intrigues which preceded the 18thBrumaire. Bonaparte had cast his eyes on the Minister of Justice to beone of his colleagues when he should be at liberty to name them, becausehis previous conduct had pledged him as a partisan of the Revolution. To him Bonaparte added Lebrun, to counterbalance the first choice. Lebrun was distinguished for honourable conduct and moderate principles. By selecting these two men Bonaparte hoped to please every one; besides, neither of them were able to contend against his fixed determination andambitious views. 

What petty intrigues marked the 17th Brumaire! On that day I dined withBonaparte; and after dinner he said, "I have promised to dine to-morrowwith Gohier; but, as you may readily suppose, I do not intend going. However, I am very sorry for his obstinacy. By way of restoring hisconfidence Josephine is going to invite him to breakfast with usto-morrow. It will be impossible for him to suspect anything. I sawBarras this morning, and left him much disturbed. He asked me to returnand visit him to-night. I promised to do so, but I shall not go. To-morrow all will be over. There is but little time; he expects me ateleven o'clock to-night. You shall therefore take my carriage, gothere, send in my name, and then enter yourself. Tell him that a severeheadache confines me to my bed, but that I will be with him without failtomorrow. Bid him not be alarmed, for all will soon be right again. Elude his questions as much as possible; do not stay long, and come tome on your return. "

At precisely eleven o'clock I reached the residence of Barras, in GeneralBonaparte's carriage. Solitude and silence prevailed in all theapartments through which I passed to Barras' cabinet. Bonaparte wasannounced, and when Barras saw me enter instead of him, he manifested thegreatest astonishment and appeared much cast down. It was easy toperceive that he looked on himself as a lost man. I executed mycommission, and stayed only a short time. I rose to take my leave, andhe said, while showing me out, "I see that Bonaparte is deceiving me: hewill not come again. He has settled everything; yet to me he owes all. "I repeated that he would certainly come tomorrow, but he shook his headin a way which plainly denoted that he did not believe me. When I gaveBonaparte an account of my visit he appeared much pleased. He told methat Joseph was going to call that evening on Bernadotte, and to ask himto come tomorrow. I replied that, from all I knew, he would be of no useto him. "I believe so too, " said he; "but he can no longer injure me, and that is enough. Well, good-night; be here at seven in the morning. "It was then one o'clock. 

I was with him a little before seven o'clock on the morning of the 18thBrumaire, and on my arrival I found a great number of generals andofficers assembled. I entered Bonaparte's chamber, and found him alreadyup--a thing rather unusual with him. At this moment he was as calm as onthe approach of a battle. In a few moments Joseph and Bernadottearrived. Joseph had not found him at home on the preceding evening, andhad called for him that morning. I was surprised to see Bernadotte inplain clothes, and I stepped up to him and said in a low voice, "General, every one here, except you and I, is in uniform. "--"Why should I be inuniform?" said he. As he uttered these words Bonaparte, struck with thesame surprise as myself, stopped short while speaking to several personsaround him, and turning quickly towards Bernadotte said, "How is this?you are not in uniform!"--"I never am on a morning when I am not onduty, " replied Bernadotte. --"You will be on duty presently. "--"I havenot heard a word of it: I should have received my orders sooner. "

Bonaparte then led Bernadotte into an adjoining room. Their conversationwas not long, for there was no time to spare. 

On the other hand, by the influence of the principal conspirators theremoval of the legislative body to St. Cloud was determined on themorning of the 18th Brumaire, and the command of the army was given toBonaparte. 

All this time Barras was no doubt waiting for Bonaparte, and MadameBonaparte was expecting Gohier to breakfast. At Bonaparte's wereassembled all the general's who were devoted to him. I never saw sogreat a number before in the Rue de la Victoire. They were all, exceptBernadotte, in full uniform; and there were, besides, half a dozenpersons there initiated in the secrets of the day. The little hotel ofthe conqueror of Italy was much too small for such an assemblage, andseveral persons were standing in the court-yard. Bonaparte wasacquainted with the decree of the Council of the Ancients, and onlywaited for its being brought to him before he should mount his horse. That decree was adopted in the Council of the Ancients by what may becalled a false majority, for the members of the Council were summoned atdifferent hours, and it was so contrived that sixty or eighty of them, whom Lucien and his friends had not been able to gain over, should notreceive their notices in time. 

As soon as the message from the Council of the Ancients arrived Bonaparterequested all the officers at his house to follow him. At thatannouncement a few who were in ignorance of what was going on did notfollow--at least I saw two groups separately leave the hotel. Bernadottesaid to me, "I shall stay with you. " I perceived there was a good dealof suspicion in his manner. Bonaparte, before going down the stairswhich led from the small round dining-room into the courtyard, returnedquickly to bid Bernadotte follow him. He would not, and Bonaparte thensaid to me, while hurrying off, "Gohier is not come--so much the worsefor him, " and leaped on his horse. Scarcely was he off when Bernadotteleft me. Josephine and I being now left alone; she acquainted me withher anxiety. I assured her that everything bad been so well preparedthat success was certain. She felt much interest about Gohier on accountof her friendship for his wife. She asked me whether I was wellacquainted with Gohier. "You know, Madame, " replied I, "that we havebeen only twenty days in Paris, and that during that time I have onlygone out to sleep in the Rue Martel. I have seen M. Gohier severaltimes, when he came to visit the General, and have talked to him aboutthe situation of our affairs in Switzerland, Holland, France, and otherpolitical matters, but I never exchanged a word with him as to what isnow going on. This is the whole extent of my acquaintance with him. "

"I am sorry for it, " resumed Josephine, "because I should have asked youto write to him, and beg him to make no stir, but imitate Sieyes andRoger, who will voluntarily retire, and not to join Barras, who isprobably at this very moment forced to do so. Bonaparte has told me thatif Gohier voluntarily resigns, he will do everything for him. " I believeJosephine communicated directly with the President of the Directorythrough a friend of Madame Gohier's. 

Gohier and Moulins, no longer depending on Sieyes and Roger Ducos, waitedfor their colleague, Barras, in the hall of the Directory, to adopt somemeasure on the decree for removing the Councils to St. Cloud. But theywere disappointed; for Barras, whose eyes had been opened by my visit onthe preceding night, did not join them. He had been invisible to hiscolleagues from the moment that Bruix and M. De Talleyrand had informedhim of the reality of what he already suspected; and insisted on hisretirement. 

On the 18th Brumaire a great number of military, amounting to about10, 000 men, were assembled in the gardens of the Tuileries, and werereviewed by Bonaparte, accompanied by Generals Beurnonville, Moreau, andMacdonald. Bonaparte read to them the decree just issued by thecommission of inspectors of the Council of the Ancients, by which thelegislative body was removed to St. Cloud; and by which he himself wasentrusted with the execution of that decree, and appointed to the commandof all the military force in Paris, and afterwards delivered an addressto the troops. 

Whilst Bonaparte was haranguing the soldiers, the Council of the Ancientspublished an address to the French people, in which it was declared thatthe seat of the legislative body was changed, in order to put down thefactions, whose object was to control the national representation. 

While all this was passing abroad I was at the General's house in the Ruede la Victoire; which I never left during the whole day. MadameBonaparte and I were not without anxiety in Bonaparte's absence. I learned from Josephine that Joseph's wife had received a visit fromAdjutant-General Rapatel, who had been sent by Bonaparte and Moreau tobring her husband to the Tuileries. Joseph was from home at the time, and so the message was useless. This circumstance, however, awakenedhopes which we had scarcely dared to entertain. Moreau was then inaccordance with Bonaparte, for Rapatel was sent in the name of bothGenerals. This alliance, so long despaired of, appeared to augurfavourably. It was one of Bonaparte's happy strokes. Moreau, who was aslave to military discipline, regarded his successful rival only as achief nominated by the Council of the Ancients. He received his ordersand obeyed them. Bonaparte appointed him commander of the guard of theLuxembourg, where the Directors were under confinement. He accepted thecommand, and no circumstance could have contributed more effectually tothe accomplishment of Bonaparte's views and to the triumph of hisambition. 

At length Bonaparte, whom we had impatiently expected, returned. Almost everything had gone well with him, for he had had only to do withsoldiers. In the evening he said to me, "I am sure that the committee ofinspectors of the hall are at this very moment engaged in settling whatis to be done at St. Cloud to-morrow. It is better to let them decidethe matter, for by that means their vanity is flattered. I will obeyorders which I have myself concerted. " What Bonaparte was speaking ofhad been arranged nearly two or three days previously. The committee ofinspectors was under the influence of the principal conspirators. 

In the evening of this anxious day, which was destined to be succeeded bya stormy morrow, Bonaparte, pleased with having gained over Moreau, spoketo me of Bernadotte's visit in the morning. --"I saw, " said he, "that youwere as much astonished as I at Bernadotte's behaviour. A general out ofuniform! He might as well have come in slippers. Do you know whatpassed when I took him aside? I told him all; I thought that the bestway. I assured him that his Directory was hated, and his Constitutionworn out; that it was necessary to turn them all off, and give anotherimpulse to the government. 'Go and put on your uniform said I: I cannotwait for you long. You will find me at the Tuileries, with the rest ofour comrades. Do not depend on Moreau, Beurnonville, or the generals ofyour party. When you know them better you will find that they promisemuch but perform little. Do not trust them. ' Bernadotte then said thathe would not take part in what he called a rebellion. A rebellion!Bourrienne, only think of that! A set of imbeciles, who from morning tonight do nothing but debate in their kennels! But all was in vain. Icould not move Bernadotte. He is a bar of iron. I asked him to give mehis word that he would do nothing against me; what do you think was hisanswer?"--"Something unpleasant, no doubt. "--"Unpleasant! that is toomild a word. He said, 'I will remain quiet as a citizen; but if theDirectory order me to act, I will march against all disturbers. ' But Ican laugh at all that now. My measures are taken, and he will have nocommand. However, I set him at ease as to what would take place. I flattered him with a picture of private life, the pleasures of thecountry, and the charms of Malmaison; and I left him with his head fullof pastoral dreams. In a word, I am very well satisfied with my day'swork. Good-night, Bourrienne; we shall see what will turn up to-morrow. "

On the 19th I went to St. Cloud with my friend La Vallette. As we passedthe Place Louis XV. , now Louis XVI. , he asked me what was doing, and whatmy opinion was as to the coming events? Without entering into any detailI replied, "My friend, either we shall sleep tomorrow at the Luxembourg, or there will be an end of us. " Who could tell which of the two thingswould happen! Success legalised a bold enterprise, which the slightestaccident might have changed into a crime. 

The sitting of the Ancients, under the presidency of Lemercier, commencedat one o'clock. A warm discussion took place upon the situation ofaffairs, the resignation of the members of the Directory, and theimmediate election of others. Great heat and agitation prevailed duringthe debate. Intelligence was every minute carried to Bonaparte of whatwas going forward, and he determined to enter the hall and take part inthe discussion. He entered in a hasty and angry way, which did not giveme a favourable foreboding of what he was about to say. We passedthrough a narrow passage to the centre of the hall; our backs were turnedto the door. Bonaparte had the President to his right. He could not seehim full in the face. I was close to the General on his right. Berthierwas at his left. 

All the speeches which have been subsequently passed off as having beendelivered by Bonaparte on this occasion differ from each other; as wellthey may, for he delivered none to the Ancients, unless his confusedconversation with the President, which was alike devoid of dignity andsense, is to be called a speech. He talked of his "brothers in arms" andthe "frankness of a soldier. " The questions of the President followedeach other rapidly: they were clear; but it is impossible to conceiveanything more confused or worse delivered than the ambiguous andperplexed replies of Bonaparte. He talked without end of "volcanoes;secret agitations, victories, a violated constitution!" He blamed theproceedings of the 18th Fructidor, of which he was the first promoter andthe most powerful supporter. He pretended to be ignorant of everythinguntil the Council of Ancients had called him to the aid of his country. Then came "Caesar--Cromwell--tyrant!" and he several times repeated, "I have nothing more to say to you!" though, in fact, he had saidnothing. He alleged that he had been called to assume the supremeauthority, on his return from Italy, by the desire of the nation, andafterwards by his comrades in arms. Next followed the words"liberty--equality!" though it was evident he had not come to St. Cloudfor the sake of either. No sooner did he utter these words, than amember of the Ancients, named, I think, Linglet, interrupting him, exclaimed, "You forget the Constitution!" His countenance immediatelylighted up; yet nothing could be distinguished but, "The 18thFructidor--the 30th Prairial--hypocrites--intriguers--I will discloseall!--I will resign my power, when the danger which threatens theRepublic shall have passed away!"

Bonaparte, believing all his assertions to be admitted as proved, assumeda little confidence, and accused the two directors Barras and Moulins ofhaving proposed to put him at the head of a party whose object was tooppose all men professing liberal ideas. 

At these words, the falsehood of which was odious, a great tumult arosein the hall. A general committee was loudly called for to hear thedisclosures. "No, no!" exclaimed others, "no general committee!conspirators have been denounced: it is right that France should knowall!"

Bonaparte was then required to enter into the particulars of hisaccusation against Barras and Moulins, and of the proposals which hadbeen made to him: "You must no longer conceal anything. "

Embarrassed by these interruptions and interrogatories Bonaparte believedthat he was completely lost. Instead of giving an explanation of what hehad said, he began to make fresh accusations; and against whom? TheCouncil of the Five Hundred, who, he said, wished for "scaffolds, revolutionary committees, and a complete overthrow of everything. "

Violent murmurs arose, and his language became more and more incoherentand inconsequent. He addressed himself at one moment to therepresentatives of the people, who were quite overcome by astonishment;at another to the military in the courtyard, who could not hear him. Then, by an unaccountable transition, he spoke of "the thunderbolts ofwar!" and added, that he was "attended by the God of war and the God offortune. "

The President, with great calmness, told him that he saw nothing, absolutely nothing, upon which the Council could deliberate; that therewas vagueness in all he had said. "Explain yourself; reveal the plotwhich you say you were urged to join. "

Bonaparte repeated again the same things. But only those who werepresent can form any idea of his manner. There was not the slightestconnection in what he stammered out. Bonaparte was then no orator. Itmay well be supposed that he was more accustomed to the din of war thanto the discussions of the tribunes. He was more at home before a batterythan before a President's chair. 

Perceiving the bad effect which this unconnected babbling produced on theassembly, as well as the embarrassment of Bonaparte, I said, in a lowvoice, pulling him gently by the skirt of his coat, "withdraw, General;you know not what you are saying. " I made signs to Berthier, who was onhis left, to second me in persuading him to leave the hall; and all atonce, after having stammered out a few more, words, he turned roundexclaiming, "Let those who love me follow me!" The sentinels at the dooroffered no opposition to his passing. The person who went before himquietly drew aside the tapestry which concealed the door, and GeneralBonaparte leaped upon his horse, which stood in the court-yard. It ishard to say what would have happened if, on seeing the General retire, the President had said, "Grenadiers, let no one pass!" Instead ofsleeping next day at the Luxembourg he would, I am convinced, have endedhis career on the Place de la Revolution. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

1799. 

 The two Councils--Barras' letter--Bonaparte at the Council of the Five Hundred--False reports--Tumultuous sitting--Lucien's speech-- He resigns the Presidency of the Council of the Five Hundred--He is carried out by grenadiers--He harangues the troops--A dramatic scene --Murat and his soldiers drive out the Five Hundred--Council of Thirty--Consular commission--Decree--Return to Paris--Conversation with Bonaparte and Josephine respecting Gohier and Bernadotte--The directors Gohier and Moulins imprisoned. 

The scene which occurred at the sitting of the Council of the Ancientswas very different from that which passed outside. Bonaparte hadscarcely reached the courtyard and mounted his horse when cries of "ViveBonaparte!" resounded on all sides. But this was only a sunbeam betweentwo storms. He had yet to brave the Council of the Five Hundred, whichwas far more excited than the Council of the Ancients. Everything tendedto create a dreadful uncertainty; but it was too late to draw back. Wehad already staked too heavily. The game was desperate, and everythingwas to be ventured. In a few hours all would be determined. 

Our apprehensions were not without foundation. In the Council of theFive Hundred agitation was at its height. The most serious alarm markedits deliberations. It had been determined to announce to the Directorythe installation of the Councils, and to inquire of the Council of theAncients their reasons for resolving upon an extraordinary convocation. But the Directory no longer existed. Sieyes and Roger Ducos had joinedBonaparte's party. Gohier and Moulins were prisoners in the Luxembourg, and in the custody of General Moreau; and at the very moment when theCouncil of the Five Hundred had drawn up a message to the Directory, theCouncil of the Ancients transmitted to them the following letter, received from Barras. This letter; which was addressed to the Council ofthe Ancients, was immediately read by Lucien Bonaparte, who was Presidentof the Council of the Five Hundred. 

 CITIZEN PRESIDENT--Having entered into public affairs solely from my love of liberty, I consented to share the first magistracy of the State only that I might be able to defend it in danger; to protect against their enemies the patriots compromised in its cause; and to ensure to the defenders of, their country that attention to their interests which no one was more calculated to feel than a citizen, long the witness of their heroic virtues, and always sensible to their wants. 

 The glory which accompanies the return of the illustrious warrior to whom I had the honour of opening the path of glory, the striking marks of confidence given him by the legislative body, and the decree of the National Convention, convince me that, to whatever post he may henceforth be called, the dangers to liberty will be averted, and the interests of the army ensured. 

 I cheerfully return to the rank of a private citizen: happy, after so many storms, to resign, unimpaired, and even more glorious than ever, the destiny of the Republic, which has been, in part, committed to my care. (Signed) BARRAS. 

This letter occasioned a great sensation in the Council of the FiveHundred. A second reading was called far, and a question was started, whether the retirement was legal, or was the result of collusion, and ofthe influence of Bonaparte's agents; whether to believe Barras, whodeclared the dangers of liberty averted, or the decree for the removal ofthe legislative corps, which was passed and executed under the pretext ofthe existence of imminent peril? At that moment Bonaparte appeared, followed by a party of grenadiers, who remained at the entrance of thehall. 

I did not accompany him to the Council of the Five Hundred. He haddirected me to send off an express to ease the apprehensions ofJosephine, and to assure her that everything would go well. It was sometime before I joined him again. 

However, without speaking as positively as if I had myself been aneye-witness of the scene, I do not hesitate to declare that all that hasbeen said about assaults and poniards is pure invention. I rely on whatwas told me, on the very night, by persons well worthy of credit, andwho were witnessess of all that passed. 

As to what passed at the sitting, the accounts, given both at the timeand since, have varied according to opinions. Some have alleged thatunanimous cries of indignation were excited by the appearance of themilitary. From all parts of the hall resounded, "The sanctuary of thelaws is violated. Down with the tyrant!--down with Cromwell!--down withthe Dictator!" Bonaparte stammered out a few words, as he had donebefore the Council of the Ancients, but his voice was immediately drownedby cries of "Vive la Republique!" "Vive la Constitution!" "Outlaw theDictator!" The grenadiers are then said to have rushed forward, exclaiming, "Let us save our General!" at which indignation reached itsheight, and cries, even more violent than ever, were raised; thatBonaparte, falling insensible into the arms of the grenadiers, said, "They mean to assassinate me!" All that regards the exclamations andthreats I believe to be correct; but I rank with the story of theponiards the assertion of the members of the Five Hundred being providedwith firearms, and the grenadiers rushing into the hall; becauseBonaparte never mentioned a word of anything of the sort to me, either onthe way home, or when I was with him in his chamber. Neither did he sayanything on the subject to his wife, who had been extremely agitated bythe different reports which reached her. 

After Bonaparte left the Council of the Five Hundred the deliberationswere continued with great violence. The excitement caused by theappearance of Bonaparte was nothing like subsided when propositions ofthe most furious nature were made. The President, Lucien, did all in hispower to restore tranquillity. As soon as he could make himself heard hesaid, "The scene which has just taken place in the Council proves whatare the sentiments of all; sentiments which I declare are also mine. Itwas, however, natural to believe that the General had no other objectthan to render an account of the situation of affairs, and of somethinginteresting to the public. But I think none of you can suppose himcapable of projects hostile to liberty. "

Each sentence of Lucien's address was interrupted by cries of "Bonapartehas tarnished his glory! He is a disgrace to the Republic!"

Lucien --[The next younger brother of Napoleon, President of the Council of the Five Hundred in 1799; Minister of the Interior, 1st December 1799 to 1841; Ambassador in Spain, 1801 to December 1801; left France in disgrace in 1804; retired to Papal States; Prisoner in Malta and England, 1810 to 1814; created by Pope in 1814 Prince de Canino and Duc de Musignano; married firstly, 1794, Christine Boyer, who died 1800; married secondly, 1802 or 118, a Madame Jonberthon. Of his part in the 18th Brumaire Napoleon said to him in 1807, "I well know that you were useful to me en the 18th Brumaire, but it is not so cleat to me that you saved me then" (Iung's Lucien, tome iii. P. 89). ]--

made fresh efforts to be heard, and wished to be allowed to address theassembly as a member of the Council, and for that purpose resigned thePresidentship to Chasal. He begged that the General might be introducedagain and heard with calmness. But this preposition was furiouslyopposed. Exclamations of "Outlaw Bonaparte! outlaw him!" rang throughthe assembly, and were the only reply given to the President. Lucien, who had reassumed the President's chair, left it a second time, that hemight not be constrained to put the question of outlawry demanded againsthis brother. Braving the displeasure of the assembly, he mounted thetribune, resigned the Presidentship, renounced his seat as a deputy, andthrew aside his robes. 

Just as Lucien left the Council I entered. Bonaparte, who was wellinformed of all that was passing, --[Lucien distinctly states that he himself, acting within his right as President, had demanded an escort of the grenadiers of the Councils as soon as he saw his withdrawal might be opposed. Then the first entry of the soldiers with Napoleon would be illegal. The second, to withdraw Lucien, was nominally legal (see Iung's Lucien, tome i, pp, 318-322)]--

had sent in soldiers to the assistance of his brother; they carried himoff from the midst of the Council, and Bonaparte thought it a matter ofno little importance to have with him the President of an assembly whichhe treated as rebellious. Lucien was reinstalled in office; but he wasnow to discharge his duties, not in the President's chair, but onhorseback, and at the head of a party of troops ready to undertakeanything. Roused by the danger to which both his brother and himselfwere exposed he delivered on horseback the following words, which cannever be too often remembered, as showing what a man then dared to say, who never was anything except from the reflection of his brother'sglory:--

 CITIZENS! SOLDIERS!--The President of the Council of the Five Hundred declares to you that the majority of that Council is at this moment held in terror by a few representatives of the people, who are armed with stilettoes, and who surround the tribune, threatening their colleagues with death, and maintaining most atrocious discussions. 

 I declare to you that these brigands, who are doubtless in the pay of England, have risen in rebellion against the Council of the Ancients, and have dared to talk of outlawing the General, who is charged with the execution of its decree, as if the word "outlaw" was still to be regarded as the death-warrant of persons most beloved by their country. 

 I declare to you that these madmen have outlawed themselves by their attempts upon the liberty of the Council. In the name of that people, which for so many years have been the sport of terrorism, I consign to you the charge of rescuing the majority of their representatives; so that, delivered from stilettoes by bayonets, they may deliberate on the fate of the Republic. 

 General, and you, soldiers, and you, citizens, you will not acknowledge, as legislators of France, any but those who rally round me. As for those who remain in the orangery, let force expel them. They are not the representatives of the people, but the representatives of the poniard. Let that be their title, and let it follow them everywhere; and whenever they dare show themselves to the people, let every finger point at them, and every tongue designate them by the well-merited title of representatives of the poniard!

 Vive la Republique!

Notwithstanding the cries of "Vive Bonaparte!" which followed thisharangue, the troops still hesitated. It was evident that they were notfully prepared to turn their swords against the national representatives. Lucien then drew his sword, exclaiming, "I swear that I will stab my ownbrother to the heart if he ever attempt anything against the liberty ofFrenchmen. " This dramatic action was perfectly successful; hesitationvanished; and at a signal given by Bonaparte, Murat, at the head of hisgrenadiers, rushed into the hall, and drove out the representatives. Everyone yielded to the reasoning of bayonets, and thus terminated theemployment of the armed force on that memorable day. 

At ten o'clock at night the palace of St. Cloud, where so many tumultuousscenes had occurred, was perfectly tranquil. All the deputies were stillthere, pacing the hall, the corridors, and the courts. Most of them hadan air of consternation; others affected to have foreseen the event, andto appear satisfied with it; but all wished to return to Paris, whichthey could not do until a new order revoked the order for the removal ofthe Councils to St. Cloud. 

At eleven o'clock Bonaparte, who had eaten nothing all day, but who wasalmost insensible to physical wants in moments of great agitation, saidto me, "We must go and write, Bourrienne; I intend this very night toaddress a proclamation to the inhabitants of Paris. To-morrow morning Ishall be all the conversation of the capital. " He then dictated to methe following proclamation, which proves, no less than some of hisreports from Egypt, how much Bonaparte excelled in the art of twistingthe truth to own advantage:

 TO THE PEOPLE. 

 19th Brumaire, 11 o'clock, p. M. 

 Frenchmen!--On my return to France I found division reigning amongst all the authorities. They agreed only on this single point, that the Constitution was half destroyed, and was unable to protect liberty!

 Each party in turn came to me, confided to me their designs, imparted their secrets, and requested my support. I refused to be the man of a party. 

 The Council of the Ancients appealed to me. I answered their appeal. A plan of general restoration had been concerted by men whom the nation has been accustomed to regard as the defenders of, liberty, equality, and property. This plan required calm and free deliberation, exempt from all influence and all fear. The Ancients, therefore, resolved upon the removal of the legislative bodies to St. Cloud. They placed at my disposal the force necessary to secure their independence. I was bound, in duty to my fellow-citizens, to the soldiers perishing in our armies, and to the national glory, acquired at the cost of so much blood, to accept the command. 

 The Councils assembled at St. Cloud. Republican troops guaranteed their safety from without, but assassins created terror within. Many members of the Council of the Five Hundred, armed with stilettoes and pistols, spread menaces of death around them. 

 The plans which ought to have been developed were withheld. The majority of the Council was rendered inefficient; the boldest orators were disconcerted, and the inutility of submitting any salutary proposition was quite evident. 

 I proceeded, filled with indignation and grief, to the Council of the Ancients. I besought them to carry their noble designs into execution. I directed their attention to the evils of the nation, which were their motives for conceiving those designs. They concurred in giving me new proofs of their uniform goodwill, I presented myself before the Council of the Five Hundred, alone, unarmed, my head uncovered, just as the Ancients had received and applauded me. My object was to restore to the majority the expression of its will, and to secure to it its power. 

 The stilettoes which had menaced the deputies were instantly raised against their deliverer. Twenty assassins rushed upon me and aimed at my breast. The grenadiers of the legislative body, whom I had left at the door of the hall, ran forward, and placed themselves between me and the assassins. One of these brave grenadiers (Thome) had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They bore me off. 

 --[Thome merely had a small part of his coat torn by a deputy, who took him by the collar. This constituted the whole of the attempted assassinations of the 19th Brumaire. --Bourrienne]--

 At the same moment cries of "Outlaw him!" were raised against the defender of the law. It was the horrid cry of assassins against the power destined to repress them. 

 They crowded round the President, uttering threats. With arms in their hands they commanded him to declare "the outlawry. " I was informed of this. I ordered him to be rescued from their fury, and six grenadiers of the legislative body brought him out. Immediately afterwards some grenadiers of the legislative body charged into the hall and cleared it. 

 The factions, intimidated, dispersed and fled. The majority, freed from their assaults, returned freely and peaceably into the hall; listened to the propositions made for the public safety, deliberated, and drew up the salutary resolution which will become the new and provisional law of the Republic. 

 Frenchmen, you doubtless recognise in this conduct the zeal of a soldier of liberty, of a citizen devoted to the Republic. Conservative, tutelary, and liberal ideas resumed their authority upon the dispersion of the factions, who domineered in the Councils, and who, in rendering themselves the most odious of men, did not cease to be the most contemptible. (Signed) BONAPARTE, General, etc. 

The day had been passed in destroying a Government; it was necessary todevote the night to framing a new one. Talleyrand, Raederer, and Sieyeswere at St. Cloud. The Council of the Ancients assembled, and Lucien sethimself about finding some members of the Five Hundred on whom he couldreckon. He succeeded in getting together only thirty; who, with theirPresident, represented the numerous assembly of which they formed part. This ghost of representation was essential, for Bonaparte, notwithstanding his violation of all law on the preceding day, wished tomake it appear that he was acting legally. The Council of the Ancientshad, however, already decided that a provisional executive commissionshould be appointed, composed of three members, and was about to name themembers of the commission--a measure which should have originated withthe Five Hundred--when Lucien came to acquaint Bonaparte that his chamber'introuvable' was assembled. 

This chamber, which called itself the Council of the Five Hundred, thoughthat Council was now nothing but a Council of Thirty, hastily passed adecree, the first article of which was as follows:

 The Directory exists no longer; and the individuals hereafter named are no longer members of the national representation, on account of the excesses and illegal acts which they have constantly committed, and more particularly the greatest part of them, in the sitting of this morning. 

Then follow the names of sixty-one members expelled. 

By other articles of the same decree the Council instituted a provisionalcommission, similar to that which the Ancients had proposed to appoint, resolved that the said commission should consist of three members, whoshould assume the title of Consuls; and nominated as Consuls Sieyes, Roger Ducos, and Bonaparte. The other provisions of the nocturnal decreeof St. Cloud had for their object merely the carrying into effect thosealready described. This nocturnal sitting was very calm, and indeed itwould have been strange had it been otherwise, for no opposition could befeared from the members of the Five Hundred, who were prepared to concurwith Lucien. All knew beforehand what they would have to do. Everythingwas concluded by three o'clock in the morning; and the palace of St. Cloud, which had been so agitated since the previous evening, resumed inthe morning its wonted stillness, and presented the appearance of a vastsolitude. 

All the hurrying about, the brief notes which I had to write to manyfriends, and the conversations in which I was compelled to take part, prevented me from dining before one o'clock in the morning. It was nottill then that Bonaparte, having gone to take the oath as Consul beforethe Five Hundred, afforded me an opportunity of taking some refreshmentwith Admires Bruix and some other officers. 

At three o'clock in the morning I accompanied Bonaparte, in his carriageto Paris. He was extremely fatigued after so many trials and fatigues. A new future was opened before him. He was completely absorbed inthought, and did not utter a single word during the journey. But when hearrived at his house in the Rue de la Victoire, he had no sooner enteredhis chamber and wished good morning to Josephine, who was in bed, and ina state of the greatest anxiety on account of his absence, than he saidbefore her, "Bourrienne, I said many ridiculous things?"--"Not so verybad, General"--"I like better to speak to soldiers than to lawyers. Those fellows disconcerted me. I have not been used to publicassemblies; but that will come in time. "

We then began, all three, to converse. Madame Bonaparte became calm, andBonaparte resumed his wonted confidence. The events of the day naturallyformed the subject of our conversation. Josephine, who was much attachedto the Gohier family, mentioned the name of that Director in a tone ofkindness. "What would you have, my dear?" said Bonaparte to her. "Itis not my fault. He is a respectable man, but a simpleton. He does notunderstand me!--I ought, perhaps, to have him transported. He wroteagainst me to the Council of the Ancients; but I have his letter, andthey know nothing about it. Poor man! he expected me to dinneryesterday. And this man thinks himself a statesman!--Speak no more ofhim. "

During our discourse the name of Bernadotte was also mentioned. "Have you seen him, Bourrienne?" said Bonaparte to me. --"No, General"--"Neither have I. I have not heard him spoken of. Would youimagine it? I had intelligence to-day of many intrigues in which he isconcerned. Would you believe it? he wished nothing less than to beappointed my colleague in authority. He talked of mounting his horseand marching with the troops that might be placed under his command. Hewished, he said, to maintain the Constitution: nay, more; I am assuredthat he had the audacity to add that, if it were necessary to outlaw me, the Government might come to him and he would find soldiers capable ofcarrying the decree into execution. "--"All this, General, should giveyou an idea how inflexible his principles are. "--"Yes, I am well awareof it; there is something in that: he is honest. But for his obstinacy, my brothers would have brought him over. They are related to him. Hiswife, who is Joseph's sister-in-law, has ascendency over him. As forme, have I not, I ask you, made sufficient advances to him? You havewitnessed them. Moreau, who has a higher military reputation than he, came over to me at once. However, I repent of having cajoledBernadotte. I am thinking of separating him from all his coterieswithout any one being able to find fault with the proceeding. I cannotrevenge myself in any other manner. Joseph likes him. I should haveeverybody against me. These family considerations are follies!Goodnight, Bourrienne. --By the way, we will sleep in the Luxembourgto-morrow. "

I then left the General, whom, henceforth, I will call the First Consul, after having remained with him constantly during nearly twenty-fourhours, with the exception of the time when he was at the Council of theFive Hundred. I retired to my lodging, in the Rue Martel, at fiveo'clock in the morning. 

It is certain that if Gohier had come to breakfast on the morning of the18th Brumaire, according to Madame Bonaparte's invitation, he would havebeen one of the members of the Government. But Gohier acted the part ofthe stern republican. He placed himself, according to the common phraseof the time, astride of the Constitution of the year III. ; and as hissteed made a sad stumble, he fell with it. 

It was a singular circumstance which prevented the two Directors Gohierand Moulins from defending their beloved Constitution. It was from theirrespect for the Constitution that they allowed it to perish, because theywould have been obliged to violate the article which did not allow lessthan three Directors to deliberate together. Thus a king of Castile wasburned to death, because there did not happen to be in his apartment menof such rank as etiquette would permit to touch the person of themonarch. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

1799. 

 General approbation of the 18th Brumaire--Distress of the treasury-- M. Collot's generosity--Bonaparte's ingratitude--Gohier set at Liberty--Constitution of the year VIII. --The Senate, Tribunate, and Council of State--Notes required on the character of candidates-- Bonaparte's love of integrity and talent--Influence of habit over him--His hatred of the Tribunate--Provisional concessions--The first Consular Ministry--Mediocrity of La Place--Proscription lists-- Cambaceres report--M. Moreau de Worms--Character of Sieyes-- Bonaparte at the Luxembourg--Distribution of the day and visits-- Lebrun's opposition--Bonaparte's singing--His boyish tricks-- Assumption of the titles "Madame" and "Monseigneur"--The men of the Revolution and the partisans of the Bourbons--Bonaparte's fears-- Confidential notes on candidates for office and the assemblies. 

It cannot be denied that France hailed, almost with unanimous voice, Bonaparte's accession to the Consulship as a blessing of Providence. I do not speak now of the ulterior consequences of that event; I speakonly of the fact itself, and its first results, such as the repeal of thelaw of hostages, and the compulsory loan of a hundred millions. Doubtless the legality of the acts of the 18th Brumaire may be disputed;but who will venture to say that the immediate result of that day oughtnot to be regarded as a great blessing to France? Whoever denies thiscan have no idea of the wretched state of every branch of theadministration at that deplorable epoch. A few persons blamed the 18thBrumaire; but no one regretted the Directory, with the exception, perhaps, of the five Directors themselves. But we will say no more ofthe Directorial Government. What an administration! In what a statewere the finances of France! Would it be believed? on the second day ofthe Consulate, when Bonaparte wished to send a courier to GeneralChampionet, commander-in-chief of the army of Italy, the treasury had not1200 francs disposable to give to the courier!

It may be supposed that in the first moments of a new Government moneywould be wanted. M. Collot, who had served under Bonaparte in Italy, andwhose conduct and administration deserved nothing but praise, was one ofthe first who came to the Consul's assistance. In this instanceM. Collot was as zealous as disinterested. He gave the Consul 500, 000francs in gold, for which service he was badly rewarded. Bonaparteafterwards behaved to M. Collot as though he was anxious to punish himfor being rich. This sum, which at the time made so fine an appearancein the Consular treasury, was not repaid for a long time after, and thenwithout interest. This was not, indeed, the only instance in whichM. Collot had cause to complain of Bonaparte, who was never inclined toacknowledge his important services, nor even to render justice to hisconduct. 

On the morning of the 20th Brumaire Bonaparte sent his brother Louis toinform the Director Gohier that he was free. This haste in relievingGohier was not without a reason, for Bonaparte was anxious to installhimself in the Luxembourg, and we went there that same evening. 

Everything was to be created. Bonaparte had with him almost the whole ofthe army, and on the soldiers he could rely. But the military force wasno longer sufficient for him. Wishing to possess a great civil powerestablished by legal forms, he immediately set about the composition of aSenate and Tribunate; a Council of State and a new legislative body, and, finally, a new Constitution. 

 --[The Constitution of the year VIII. Was presented an the 18th of December 1799 (22d Frimaire, year VIII. ), and accepted by the people on the 7th of February 1800 (18th Pluviose, year VIII. ). It established a Consular Government, composed of Bonaparte, First Consul, appointed for ten years; Cambaceres, Second Consol, also for ten Years; and Lebrun, Third Consul appointed for five years. It established a conservative Senate, a legislative body of 800 members, and a Tribunate composed of 100 members. The establishment of the Council of State took place on the 29th of December 1799. The installation of the new legislative body and the Tribunate was fixed for the 1st of January 1800. --Bourrienne. Lanfrey (tome i. P. 329) sees this Constitution foreshadowed in that proposed by Napoleon in 1797 for the Cisalpine Republic. ]--

As Bonaparte had not time to make himself acquainted with the persons bywhom he was about to be surrounded; he requested from the mostdistinguished men of the period, well acquainted with France and theRevolution, notes respecting the individuals worthy and capable ofentering the Senate, the Tribunate, and the Council of State. From themanner in which all these notes were drawn up it was evident that thewriters of them studied to make their recommendation correspond with whatthey conceived to be Bonaparte's views, and that they imagined heparticipated in the opinions which were at that time popular. Accordingly they stated, as grounds for preferring particular candidates, their patriotism, their republicanism, and their having had seats inpreceding assemblies. 

Of all qualities, that which most influenced the choice of the FirstConsul was inflexible integrity; and it is but just to say that in thisparticular he was rarely deceived. He sought earnestly for talent; andalthough he did not like the men of the Revolution, he was convinced thathe could not do without them. He had conceived an extreme aversion formediocrity, and generally rejected a man of that character whenrecommended to him; but if he had known such a man long, he yielded tothe influence of habit, dreading nothing so much as change, or, as he wasaccustomed to say himself, new faces. '

 --[Napoleon loved only men with strong passions and great weakness; he judged the most opposite qualities in men by these defects (Metternich, tome iii. P. 589)]--

Bonaparte then proceeded to organise a complaisant Senate, a mutelegislative body, and a Tribunals which was to have the semblance ofbeing independent, by the aid of some fine speeches and high-soundingphrases. He easily appointed the Senators, but it was different with theTribunats. He hesitated long before he fixed upon the candidates forthat body, which inspired him with an anticipatory fear. However, onarriving at power he dared not oppose himself to the exigencies of themoment, and he consented for a time to delude the ambitious dupes whokept up a buzz of fine sentiments of liberty around him. He saw thatcircumstances were not yet favourable for refusing a share in theConstitution to this third portion of power, destined apparently toadvocate the interests of the people before the legislative body. But inyielding to necessity, the mere idea of the Tribunate filled him with theutmost uneasiness; and, in a word, Bonaparte could not endure the publicdiscussions on his projects. '

 --[The Tribunate under this Constitution of the year VIII. Was the only body allowed to debate in public on proposed laws, the legislative body simply hearing in silence the orators sent by the Council of State and by the Tribunals to state reasons for or against propositions, and then voting in silence. Its orators were constantly giving umbrage to Napoleon. It was at first Purified, early in 1802, by the Senate naming the members to go out in rotation then reduced to from 100 to 50 members later in 1802, and suppressed in 1807; its disappearance being regarded by Napoleon as his last break with the Revolution. ]--

Bonaparte composed the first Consular Ministry as follows: Berthier wasMinister of War; Gaudin, formerly employed in the administration of thePost Office, was appointed Minister of Finance; Cambaceres remainedMinister of Justice; Forfait was Minister of Marine; La Place of theInterior; Fouche of Police; and Reinhard of Foreign Affairs. 

Reinhard and La Place were soon replaced, the former by the able M. Talleyrand, the latter by Lucien Bonaparte. 

 --[When I quitted the service of the First Consul Talleyrand was still at the head of the Foreign Department. I have frequently been present at this great statesman's conferences with Napoleon, and I can declare that I never saw him flatter his dreams of ambition; but, on the contrary, he always endeavoured to make him sensible of his true interests. --Bourrienne. ]--

It maybe said that Lucien merely passed through the Ministry on his wayto a lucrative embassy in Spain. As to La Place, Bonaparte alwaysentertained a high opinion of his talents. His appointment to theMinistry of the Interior was a compliment paid to science; but it was notlong before the First Consul repented of his choice. La Place, sohappily calculated for science, displayed the most inconceivablemediocrity in administration. He was incompetent to the most triflingmatters; as if his mind, formed to embrace the system of the world, andto interpret the laws of Newton and Kepler, could not descend to thelevel of subjects of detail, or apply itself to the duties of thedepartment with which he was entrusted for a short, but yet, with regardto him, too long a time. 

On the 26th Brumaire (17th November 1799) the Consuls issued a decree, in which they stated that, conformably with Article III. Of the law ofthe 19th of the same month, which especially charged them with thereestablishment of public tranquillity, they decreed that thirty-eightindividuals, who were named, should quit the continental territory of theRepublic, and for that purpose should proceed to Rochefort, to beafterwards conducted to, and detained in, the department of FrenchGuiana. They likewise decreed that twenty-three other individuals, whowere named, should proceed to the commune of Rochelle, in the departmentof the lower Charente, in order to be afterwards filed and detained insuch part of that department as should be pointed out by the Minister ofGeneral Police. I was fortunate enough to keep my friend M. Moreau deWorms, deputy from the Youne, out of the fiat of exiles. This produced amischievous effect. It bore a character of wanton severity quiteinconsistent with the assurances of mildness and moderation given at St. Cloud on the 19th Brumaire. Cambaceres afterwards made a report, inwhich he represented that it was unnecessary for the maintenance oftranquillity to subject the proscribed to banishment, considering itsufficient to place them under the supervision of the superior police. Upon receiving the report the Consuls issued a decree, in which theydirected all the individuals included in the proscription to retirerespectively into the different communes which should be fixed upon bythe Minister of Justice, and to remain there until further orders. 

At the period of the issuing of these decrees Sieyes was still one of theConsuls; conjointly with Bonaparte and Roger Ducos; and althoughBonaparte had, from the first moment, possessed the whole power of thegovernment, a sort of apparent equality was, nevertheless, observedamongst them. It was not until the 25th of December that Bonaparteassumed the title of First Consul, Cambaceres and Lebrun being thenjoined in the office with him. He had fixed his eyes on them previouslyto the 18th Brumaire, and he had no cause to reproach them with givinghim much embarrassment in his rapid progress towards the imperial throne. 

I have stated that I was so fortunate as to rescue M. Moreau de Wormsfrom the list of proscription. Some days after Sieyes enteredBonaparte's cabinet and said to him, "Well, this M. Moreau de Worms, whomM. Bourrienne induced you to save from banishment, is acting very finely!I told you how it would be! I have received from Sens, his native place, a letter which informs me that Moreau is in that town, where he hasassembled the people in the market-place, and indulged in the mostviolent declamations against the 18th Brumaire, "--"Can you, rely uponyour agent" asked Bonaparte. --"Perfectly. I can answer for the truth ofhis communication. " Bonaparte showed me the bulletin of Sieyes' agent, and reproached me bitterly. "What would you say, General, " I observed, "if I should present this same M. Moreau de Worms, who is declaiming atSens against the 18th Brumaire, to you within an hour?"--"I defy you todo it. "--"I have made myself responsible for him, and I know what I amabout. He is violent in his politics; but he is a man of honour, incapable of failing in his word. "--"Well, we shall see. Go and findhim. " I was very sure of doing what I had promised, for within an hourbefore I had seen M. Moreau de Worms. He had been concealed since the13th Brumaire, and had not quitted Paris. Nothing was easier than tofind him, and in three-quarters of an hour he was at the Luxembourg. Ipresented him to Bonaparte, who conversed with him a long time concerningthe 18th Brumaire. When M. Moreau departed Bonaparte said to me, "Youare right. That fool Sieyes is as inventive as a Cassandra. This provesthat one should not be too ready to believe the reports of the wretcheswhom we are obliged to employ in the police. " Afterwards he added, "Bourrienne, Moreau is a nice fellow: I am satisfied with him; I will dosomething for him. " It was not long before M. Moreau experienced theeffect of the Consul's good opinion. Some days after, whilst framing thecouncil of prizes, he, at my mere suggestion, appointed M. Moreau one ofthe members, with a salary of 10, 000 francs. On what extraordinarycircumstances the fortunes of men frequently depend! As to Sieyes, inthe intercourse, not very frequent certainly, which I had with him, heappeared to be far beneath the reputation which he then--enjoyed. '

 --[M. De Talleyrand, who is so capable of estimating men, and whose admirable sayings well deserve to occupy a place in history, had long entertained a similar opinion of Sieyes. One day, when he was conversing with the Second Consul concerning Sieyes, Cambaceres said to him. "Sieyes, however, is a very profound man. "--"Profound?" said Talleyrand. "Yes, he is, a cavity, a perfect cavity, as you would say. "--Bourrienne. ]--

He reposed a blind confidence in a multitude of agents, whom he sent intoall parts of France. When it happened, on other occasions, that I provedto him, by evidence as sufficient as that in the case of M. Moreau, thefalseness of the reports he had received, he replied, with a confidencetruly ridiculous, "I can rely on my men. " Sieyes had written in hiscountenance, "Give me money!" I recollect that I one day alluded to thisexpression in the anxious face of Sieyes to the First Consul. "You areright, " observed he to me, smiling; "when money is in question, Sieyes isquite a matter-of-fact man. He sends his ideology to the right about andthus becomes easily manageable. He readily abandons his constitutionaldreams for a good round sum, and that is very convenient. "

 --[Everybody knows, in fact, that Sieyes refused to resign his consular dignities unless he received in exchange a beautiful farm situated in the park of Versailles, and worth about 15, 000 livres a year. The good abbe consoled himself for no longer forming a third of the republican sovereignty by making himself at home in the ancient domain of the kings of France. --Bourrienne. ]--

Bonaparte occupied, at the Little Luxembourg, the apartments on theground floor which lie to the right on entering from the Rue deVaugirard. His cabinet was close to a private staircase, which conductedme to the first floor, where Josephine dwelt. My apartment was above. 

After breakfast, which was served at ten o'clock, Bonaparte wouldconverse for a few moments with his usual guests, that is to say, his'aides de camp', the persons he invited, and myself, who never left him. He was also visited very often by Deferment, Regnault (of the town of St. Jean d'Angely), Boulay (de la Meurthe), Monge, and Berber, who were, withhis brothers, Joseph and Lucien, those whom he most delighted to see; heconversed familiarly with them. Cambaceres generally came at mid-day, and stayed some time with him, often a whole hour. Lebrun visited butseldom. Notwithstanding his elevation, his character remained unaltered;and Bonaparte considered him too moderate, because he always opposed hisambitious views and his plans to usurp power. When Bonaparte left thebreakfast-table it was seldom that he did not add, after biddingJosephine and her daughter Hortense good-day, "Come, Bourrienne, come, let us to work. "

After the morning audiences I stayed with Bonaparte all the day, eitherreading to him, or writing to his dictation. Three or four times in theweek he would go to the Council. On his way to the hall of deliberationhe was obliged to cross the courtyard of the Little Luxembourg and ascendthe grand staircase. This always vexed him, and the more so as theweather was very bad at the time. This annoyance continued until the25th of December, and it was with much satisfaction that he saw himselfquit of it. After leaving the Council he used to enter his cabinetsinging, and God knows how wretchedly he sung! He examined whatever workhe had ordered to be done, signed documents, stretched himself in hisarm-chair, and read the letters of the preceding day and the publicationsof the morning. When there was no Council he remained in his cabinet, conversed with me, always sang, and cut, according to custom, the arm ofhis chair, giving himself sometimes quite the air of a great boy. Then, all at once starting up, he would describe a plan for the erection of amonument, or dictate some of those extraordinary productions whichastonished and dismayed the world. He often became again the same man, who, under the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, had dreamed of an empire worthyhis ambition. 

At five o'clock dinner was served up. When that was over the FirstConsul went upstairs to Josephine's apartments, where he commonlyreceived the visits of the Ministers. He was always pleased to see amongthe number the Minister of Foreign Affairs, especially since theportfolio of that department had been entrusted to the hands of M. DeTalleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal forretiring by saying in a hasty manner, "Allons nous coucher. "

It was at the Luxembourg, in the salons of which the adorable Josephineso well performed the honours, that the word 'Madame' came again intouse. This first return towards the old French politeness was startlingto some susceptible Republicans; but things were soon carried farther atthe Tuileries by the introduction of 'Votre Altesse' on occasions ofstate ceremony, and Monseigneur in the family circle. 

If, on the one hand, Bonaparte did not like the men of the Revolution, onthe other he dreaded still more the partisans of the Bourbons. On themere mention of the name of those princes he experienced a kind of inwardalarm; and he often spoke of the necessity of raising a wall of brassbetween France and them. To this feeling, no doubt, must be attributedcertain nominations, and the spirit of some recommendations contained inthe notes with which he was supplied on the characters of candidates, andwhich for ready reference were arranged alphabetically. Some of thenotes just mentioned were in the handwriting of Regnault de St. Jeand'Angely, and some in Lucien Bonaparte's. 

 --[Among them was the following, under the title of "General Observations": "In choosing among the men who were members of the Constituent Assembly it is necessary to be on guard against the Orleans' party, which is not altogether a chimera, and may one day or other prove dangerous. 

 "There is no doubt that the partisans of that family are intriguing secretly; and among many other proofs of this fact the following is a striking one: the journal called the 'Aristargue', which undisguisedly supports royalism, is conducted by a man of the name of Voidel, one of the hottest patriots of the Revolution. He was for several months president of the committee of inquiry which caused the Marquis de Favras to be arrested and hanged, and gave so much uneasiness to the Court. There was no one in the Constituent Assembly more hateful to the Court than Voidel, so much on account of his violence as for his connection with the Duke of Orleans, whose advocate and counsel he was. When the Duke of Orleans was arrested, Voidel, braving the fury of the revolutionary tribunals, had the courage to defend him, and placarded all the walls of Paris with an apology for the Duke and his two sons. This man, writing now in favour of royalism, can have no other object than to advance a member of the Orleans family to the throne. "--Bourrienne. ]--

At the commencement of the First Consul's administration, though healways consulted the notes he had collected, he yet received withattention the recommendations of persons with whom he was wellacquainted; but it was not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool. The men whom he most disliked were those whom he called babblers, who arecontinually prating of everything and on everything. He oftensaid, --"I want more head and less tongue. " What he thought of theregicides will be seen farther on, but at first the more a man had givena gage to the Revolution, the more he considered him as offering aguarantee against the return of the former order of things. Besides, Bonaparte was not the man to attend to any consideration when once hispolicy was concerned. 

As I have said a few pages back, on taking the government into his ownhands Bonaparte knew so little of the Revolution and of the men engagedin civil employments that it was indispensably necessary for him tocollect information from every quarter respecting men and things. Butwhen the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm and thespirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severeinvestigations, introduced where hitherto unbridled confusion hadreigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whetherarising from newly-created offices, or from those changes which thedifferent departments often experienced. He then said to me, "Bourrienne, I give up your department to you. Name whom you please forthe appointments; but remember you must be responsible to me. "

What a list would have been which should contain the names of all theprefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers towhom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of their names; and indeed, what advantage would there have been in doing so? It was impossible forme to have a personal knowledge of all the fortunate candidates; but Irelied on recommendations in which I had confidence. 

I have little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is true that, since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of them take theopposite side of the street in which I was walking, and by that delicateattention save me the trouble of raising my hat. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

1799-1800. 

 Difficulties of a new Government--State of Europe--Bonaparte's wish for peace--M. De Talleyrand Minister for Foreign Affairs-- Negotiations with England and Austria--Their failure--Bonaparte's views on the East--His sacrifices to policy--General Bonaparte denounced to the First Consul--Kleber's letter to the Directory-- Accounts of the Egyptian expedition published in the Moniteur-- Proclamation to the army of the East--Favour and disgrace of certain individuals accounted for. 

When a new Government rises on the ruins of one that has been overthrown, its best chance of conciliating the favour of the nation, if that nationbe at war, is to hold out the prospect of peace; for peace is always dearto a people. Bonaparte was well aware of this; and if in his heart hewished otherwise, he knew how important it was to seem to desire peace. Accordingly, immediately after his installation at the Luxembourg henotified to all the foreign powers his accession to the Consulate, and, for the same purpose, addressed letters to all the diplomatic agents ofthe French Government abroad. 

The day after he got rid of his first two colleagues, Sieyes and RogerDucos, he prepared to open negotiations with the Cabinet of London. Atthat time we were at war with almost the whole of Europe. We had alsolost Italy. The Emperor of Germany was ruled by his Ministers, who intheir turn were governed by England. It was no easy matter to manageequally the organization of the Consular Government and the no lessimportant affairs abroad; and it was very important to the interestsof the First Consul to intimate to foreign powers, while at the same timehe assured himself against the return of the Bourbons, that the systemwhich he proposed to adopt was a system of order and regeneration, unlikeeither the demagogic violence of the Convention or the imbecile artificeof the Directory. In fulfilment of this object Bonaparte directed M. DeTalleyrand, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, to make the firstfriendly overtures to the English Cabinet: A correspondence ensued, whichwas published at the time, and which showed at once the conciliatorypolicy of Bonaparte and the arrogant policy of England. 

The exchange of notes which took place was attended by no immediateresult. However, the First Consul had partly attained his object: if theBritish Government would not enter into negotiations for peace, there wasat least reason to presume that subsequent overtures of the ConsularGovernment might be listened to. The correspondence had at all eventsafforded Bonaparte the opportunity of declaring his principles, and aboveall, it had enabled him to ascertain that the return of the Bourbons toFrance (mentioned in the official reply of Lord Grenville) would not be asine qua non condition for the restoration of peace between the twopowers. 

Since M. De Talleyrand had been Minister for Foreign Affairs the businessof that department had proceeded with great activity. It was animportant advantage to Bonaparte to find a nobleman of the old regimeamong the republicans. The choice of M. De Talleyrand was in some sortan act of courtesy to the foreign Courts. It was a delicate attention tothe diplomacy of Europe to introduce to its members, for the purpose oftreating with them, a man whose rank was at least equal to their own, andwho was universally distinguished for a polished elegance of mannercombined with solid good qualities and real talents. 

It was not only with England that Bonaparte and his Minister endeavouredto open negotiations; the Consular Cabinet also offered peace to theHouse of Austria; but not at the same time. The object of this offer wasto sow discord between the two powers. Speaking to me one day of hisearnest wish to obtain peace Bonaparte said, "You see, Bourrienne, I havetwo great enemies to cope with. I will conclude peace with the one Ifind most easy to deal with. That will enable me immediately to assailthe other. I frankly confess that I should like best to be at peace withEngland. Nothing would then be more easy than to crush Austria. She hasno money except what she gets through England. "

For a long time all negotiations proved abortive. None of the Europeanpowers would acknowledge the new Government, of which Bonaparte was thehead; and the battle of Marengo was required before the peace of Amienscould be obtained. 

Though the affairs of the new Government afforded abundant occupation toBonaparte, he yet found leisure to direct attention to the East--to thatland of despotism whence, judging from his subsequent conduct, it mightbe presumed he derived his first principles of government. On becomingthe head of the State he wished to turn Egypt, which he had conquered asa general, to the advantage of his policy as Consul. If Bonapartetriumphed over a feeling of dislike in consigning the command of the armyto Kleber, it was because he knew Kleber to be more capable than anyother of executing the plans he had formed; and Bonaparte was not the manto sacrifice the interests of policy to personal resentment. It iscertainly true that he then put into practice that charming phrase ofMoliere's--"I pardon you, but you shall pay me for this!"

With respect to all whom he had left in Egypt Bonaparte stood in a verysingular situation. On becoming Chief of the Government he was not onlythe depositary of all communications made to the Directory; but letterssent to one address were delivered to another, and the First Consulreceived the complaints made against the General who had so abruptlyquitted Egypt. In almost all the letters that were delivered to us hewas the object of serious accusation. According to some he had notavowed his departure until the very day of his embarkation; and he haddeceived everybody by means of false and dissembling proclamations. Others canvassed his conduct while in Egypt: the army which had triumphedunder his command he had abandoned when reduced to two-thirds of itsoriginal force and a prey to all the horrors of sickness and want: Itmust be confessed that these complaints and accusations were but too wellfounded, and one can never cease wondering at the chain of fortunatecircumstances which so rapidly raised Bonaparte to the Consular seat. In the natural order of things, and in fulfilment of the design which hehimself had formed, he should have disembarked at Toulon, where thequarantine laws would no doubt have been observed; instead of which, thefear of the English and the uncertainty of the pilots caused him to go toFrejus, where the quarantine laws were violated by the very persons mostinterested in respecting them. Let us suppose that Bonaparte had beenforced to perform quarantine at Toulon. What would have ensued? Thecharges against him would have fallen into the hands of the Directory, and he would probably have been suspended, and put upon his trial. 

Among the letters which fell into Bonaparte's hands, by reason of theabrupt change of government, was an official despatch (of the 4thVendemiaire, year VIII. ) from General Kleber at Cairo to the ExecutiveDirectory, in which that general spoke in very stringent terms of thesudden departure of Bonaparte and of the state in which the army in Egypthad been left. General Kleber further accused him of having evaded, byhis flight, the difficulties which he thus transferred to his successor'sshoulders, and also of leaving the army "without a sou in the chest, "with pay in arrear, and very little supply of munitions or clothing. 

The other letters from Egypt were not less accusatory than Kleber's; andit cannot be doubted that charges of so precise a nature, brought by thegeneral who had now become commander-in-chief against his predecessor, would have had great weight, especially backed as they were by similarcomplaints from other quarters. A trial would have been inevitable; andthen, no 18th Brumaire, no Consulate, no Empire, no conquest ofEurope--but also, it may be added, no St. Helena. None of these, eventswould have ensued had not the English squadron, when it appeared offCorsica, obliged the Huiron to scud about at hazard, and to touch at thefirst land she could reach. 

The Egyptian expedition filled too important a place in the life ofBonaparte for him to neglect frequently reviving in the public mind therecollection of his conquests in the East. It was not to be forgottenthat the head of the Republic was the first of her generals. WhileMoreau received the command of the armies of the Rhine, while Massena, asa reward for the victory of Zurich, was made Commander-in-Chief in Italy, and while Brune was at the head of the army of Batavia, Bonaparte, whosesoul was in the camps, consoled himself for his temporary inactivity by aretrospective glance on his past triumphs. He was unwilling that Fameshould for a moment cease to blazon his name. Accordingly, as soon as hewas established at the head of the Government, he caused accounts of hisEgyptian expedition to be from time to time published in the Moniteur. He frequently expressed his satisfaction that the accusatorycorrespondence, and, above all, Kleber's letter, had fallen into his ownhands. ' Such was Bonaparte's perfect self-command that immediately afterperusing that letter he dictated to me the following proclamation, addressed to the army of the East:

 SOLDIERS!--The Consuls of the French Republic frequently direct their attention to the army of the East. 

 France acknowledges all the influence of your conquests on the restoration of her trade and the civilisation of the world. 

 The eyes of all Europe are upon you, and in thought I am often with you. 

 In whatever situation the chances of war may place you, prove yourselves still the soldiers of Rivoli and Aboukir--you will be invincible. 

 Place in Kleber the boundless confidence which you reposed in me. He deserves it. 

 Soldiers, think of the day when you will return victorious to the sacred territory of France. That will be a glorious day for the whole nation. 

Nothing can more forcibly show the character of Bonaparte than the aboveallusion to Kleber, after he had seen the way in which Kleber spoke ofhim to the Directory. Could it ever have been imagined that thecorrespondence of the army, to whom he addressed this proclamation, teemed with accusations against him? Though the majority of theseaccusations were strictly just, yet it is but fair to state that theletters from Egypt contained some calumnies. In answer to thewell-founded portion of the charges Bonaparte said little; but he seemedto feel deeply the falsehoods that were stated against him, one of whichwas, that he had carried away millions from Egypt. I cannot conceivewhat could have given rise to this false and impudent assertion. So farfrom having touched the army chest, Bonaparte had not even received allhis own pay. Before he constituted himself the Government theGovernment was his debtor. 

Though he knew well all that was to be expected from the Egyptianexpedition, yet those who lauded that affair were regarded with afavourable eye by Bonaparte. The correspondence which had fallen intohis hands was to him of the highest importance in enabling him toascertain the opinions which particular individuals entertained of him. 

It was the source of favours and disgraces which those who were not inthe secret could not account for. It serves to explain why many men ofmediocrity were elevated to the highest dignities and honours, whileother men of real merit fell into disgrace or were utterly neglected. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

1800. 

 Great and common men--Portrait of Bonaparte--The varied expression of his countenance--His convulsive shrug--Presentiment of his corpulency--Partiality for bathing--His temperance--His alleged capability of dispensing with sleep--Good and bad news--Shaving, and reading the journals--Morning, business--Breakfast--Coffee and snuff --Bonaparte's idea of his own situation--His ill opinion of mankind --His dislike of a 'tete-a-tete'--His hatred of the Revolutionists --Ladies in white--Anecdotes--Bonaparte's tokens of kindness, and his droll compliments--His fits of ill humour--Sound of bells-- Gardens of Malmaison--His opinion of medicine--His memory-- His poetic insensibility--His want of gallantry--Cards and conversation--The dress-coat and black cravat--Bonaparte's payments --His religious ideas--His obstinacy. 

In perusing the history of the distinguished characters of past ages, howoften do we regret that the historian should have portrayed the herorather than the man! We wish to know even the most trivial habits ofthose whom great, talents and vast reputation have elevated above theirfellow-creatures. Is this the effect of mere curiosity, or rather is itnot an involuntary feeling of vanity which prompts us to consoleourselves for the superiority of great men by reflecting on their faults, their weaknesses, their absurdities; in short, all the points ofresemblance between them and common men? For the satisfaction of thosewho are curious in details of this sort, I will here endeavour to paintBonaparte, as I saw him, in person and in mind, to describe what were histastes and habits, and even his whims and caprices. 

Bonaparte was now in the prime of life, and about thirty. The person ofBonaparte has served as a model for the most skilful painters andsculptors; many able French artists have successfully delineated hisfeatures, and yet it may be said that no perfectly faithful portrait ofhim exists. His finely-shaped head, his superb forehead, his palecountenance, and his usual meditative look, have been transferred to thecanvas; but the versatility of his expression was beyond the reach ofimitation: All the various workings of his mind were instantaneouslydepicted in his countenance; and his glance changed from mild to severe, and from angry to good-humoured, almost with the rapidity of lightning. It may truly be said that he had a particular look for every thought thatarose in his mind. 

Bonaparte had beautiful hands, and he was very proud of them; whileconversing he would often look at them with an air of self-complacency. He also fancied he had fine teeth, but his pretension to that advantagewas not so well founded as his vanity on the score of his hands. 

When walking, either alone or in company with any one, in his apartmentsor in his gardens, he had the habit of stooping a little, and crossinghis hands behind his back. He frequently gave an involuntary shrug ofhis right shoulder, which was accompanied by a movement of his mouth fromleft to right. This habit was always most remarkable when his mind wasabsorbed in the consideration of any profound subject. It was oftenwhile walking that he dictated to me his most important notes. He couldendure great fatigue, not only on horseback but on foot; he wouldsometimes walk for five or six hours in succession without being aware ofit. 

When walking with any person whom he treated with familiarity he wouldlink his arm into that of his companion, and lean on it. 

He used often to say to me, "You see, Bourrienne, how temperate, and howthin I am; but, in spite of that, I cannot help thinking that at forty Ishall become a great eater, and get very fat. I foresee that myconstitution will undergo a change. I take a great deal of exercise; butyet I feel assured that my presentiment will be fulfilled. " This ideagave him great uneasiness, and as I observed nothing which seemed towarrant his apprehensions, I omitted no opportunity of assuring him thatthey were groundless. But he would not listen to me, and all the time Iwas about him, he was haunted by this presentiment, which, in the end, was but too well verified. 

His partiality for the bath he mistook for a necessity. He would usuallyremain in the bath two hours, during which time I used to read to himextracts from the journals and pamphlets of the day, for he was anxiousto hear and know all that was going on. While in the bath he wascontinually turning on the warm water to raise the temperature, so that Iwas sometimes enveloped in such a dense vapour that I could not see toread, and was obliged to open the door. 

Bonaparte was exceedingly temperate, and averse to all excess. He knewthe absurd stories that were circulated about him, and he was sometimesvexed at theme It has been repeated, over and over again, that he wassubject to attacks of epilepsy; but during the eleven years that I wasalmost constantly with him I never observed any symptom which in theleast degree denoted that malady. His health was good and hisconstitution sound. If his enemies, by way of reproach, have attributedto him a serious periodical disease, his flatterers, probably under theidea that sleep is incompatible with greatness, have evinced an equaldisregard of truth in speaking of his night-watching. Bonaparte madeothers watch, but he himself slept, and slept well. His orders were thatI should call him every morning at seven. I was therefore the first toenter his chamber; but very frequently when I awoke him he would turnhimself, and say, "Ah, Bourrienne! let me lie a little longer. " Whenthere was no very pressing business I did not disturb him again tilleight o'clock. He in general slept seven hours out of the twenty-four, besides taking a short nap in the afternoon. 

Among the private instructions which Bonaparte gave me, one was verycurious. "During the night, " said he, "enter my chamber as seldom aspossible. Do not awake me when you have any good news to communicate:with that there is no hurry. But when you bring bad news, rouse meinstantly; for then there is not a moment to be lost. "

This was a wise regulation, and Bonaparte found his advantage in it. 

As soon as he rose his 'valet de chambre' shaved him and dressed hishair. While he was being shaved I read to him the newspapers, beginningalways with the 'Moniteur. ' He paid little attention to any but theGerman and English papers. "Pass over all that, " he would say, while Iwas perusing the French papers; "I know it already. They say only whatthey think will please me. " I was often surprised that his valet did notcut him while I was reading; for whenever ha heard anything interestinghe turned quickly round towards me. 

When Bonaparte had finished: his toilet, which he did with greatattention, for he was scrupulously neat in his person, we went down tohis cabinet. There he signed the orders on important petitions which hadbeen analysed by me on the preceding evening. On reception and paradedays he was particularly exact in signing these orders, because I used toremind him that he would be, likely to see most of the petitioners, andthat they would ask him for answers. To spare him this annoyance I usedoften to acquaint them beforehand of what had been granted or refused, and what had been the decision of the First Consul. He next perused theletters which I had opened and laid on his table, ranging them accordingto their importance. He directed me to answer them in his name; heoccasionally wrote the answers himself, but not often. 

At ten o'clock the 'maitre d'hotel' entered, and announced breakfast, saying, "The General is served. " We went to breakfast, and the repastwas exceedingly simple. He ate almost every morning some chicken, dressed with oil and onions. This dish was then, I believe, called'poulet a la Provencale'; but our restaurateurs have since conferred uponit the more ambitious name of 'poulet a la Marengo. '

Bonaparte drank little wine, always either claret or Burgundy, and thelatter by preference. After breakfast, as well as after dinner, he tooka cup of strong coffee. 

 --[M. Brillat de Savarin, whose memory is dear to all gourmands, had established, as a gastronomic principle, that "he who does not take coffee after each meal is assuredly not a men of taste. "-- Bourrienne. ]--

I never saw him take any between his meals, and I cannot imagine whatcould have given rise to the assertion of his being particularly fond ofcoffee. When he worked late at night he never ordered coffee, butchocolate, of which he made me take a cup with him. But this onlyhappened when our business was prolonged till two or three in themorning. 

All that has been said about Bonaparte's immoderate use of snuff has nomore foundation in truth than his pretended partiality for coffee. It istrue that at an early period of his life he began to take snuff, but itwas very sparingly, and always out of a box; and if he bore anyresemblance to Frederick the Great, it was not by filling hiswaistcoat-pockets with snuff, for I must again observe he carriedhis notions of personal neatness to a fastidious degree. 

Bonaparte had two ruling passions, glory and war. He was never more gaythan in the camp, and never more morose than in the inactivity of peace. Plans for the construction of public monuments also pleased hisimagination, and filled up the void caused by the want of activeoccupation. He was aware that monuments form part of the history ofnations, of whose civilisation they bear evidence for ages after thosewho created them have disappeared from the earth, and that they likewiseoften bear false-witness to remote posterity of the reality of merelyfabulous conquests. Bonaparte was, however, mistaken as to the mode ofaccomplishing the object he had in view. His ciphers, his trophies, andsubsequently his eagles, splendidly adorned the monuments of his reign. But why did he wish to stamp false initials on things with which neitherhe nor his reign had any connection; as, for example the old Louvre? Didhe imagine that the letter, "N" which everywhere obtruded itself on theeye, had in it a charm to controvert the records of history, or alter thecourse of time?

 --[When Louis XVIII. Returned to the Tuileries in 1814 he found that Bonaparte had been an excellent tenant, and that he had left everything in very good condition. ]--

Be this as it may, Bonaparte well knew that the fine arts entail lastingglory on great actions, and consecrate the memory of princes who protectand encourage them. He oftener than once said to me, "A great reputationis a great poise; the more there is made, the farther off it is heard. Laws, institutions, monuments, nations, all fall; but the noise continuesand resounds in after ages. " This was one of his favourite ideas. "Mypower, " he would say at other times, "depends on my glory, and my gloryon my victories. My power would fall were I not to support it by newglory and new victories. Conquest has made me what I am, and conquestalone can maintain me. " This was then, and probably always continued tobe, his predominant idea, and that which prompted him continually toscatter the seeds of war through Europe. He thought that if he remainedstationary ha would fall, and he was tormented with the desire ofcontinually advancing. Not to do something great and decided was, in hisopinion, to do nothing. "A newly-born Government, " said he to me, "mustdazzle and astonish. When it ceases to do that it falls. " It was vainto look for rest from a man who was restlessness itself. 

His sentiments towards France now differed widely from what I had knownthem to be in his youth. He long indignantly cherished the recollectionof the conquest of Corsica, which he was once content to regard as hiscountry. But that recollection was effaced, and it might be said that henow ardently loved France. His imagination was fired by the very thoughtof seeing her great, happy, and powerful, and, as the first nation in theworld, dictating laws to the rest. He fancied his name inseparablyconnected with France, and resounding in, the ears of posterity. In allhis actions he lost sight of the present moment, and thought only offuturity; so, in all places where he led the way to glory, the opinion ofFrance was ever present in his thoughts. As Alexander at Arbela pleasedhimself less in having conquered Darius than in having gained thesuffrage of the Athenians, so Bonaparte at Marengo was haunted by theidea of what would be said in France. Before he fought a battleBonaparte thought little about what he should do in case of success, buta great deal about what he should do in case of a reverse of fortune. I mention this as a fact of which I have often been a witness, and leaveto his brothers in arms to decide whether his calculations were alwayscorrect. He had it in his power to do much, for he risked everything andspared nothing. His inordinate ambition goaded him on to the attainmentof power; and power when possessed served only to augment his ambition. Bonaparte was thoroughly convinced of the truth that trifles often decidethe greatest events; therefore he watched rather than provokedopportunity, and when the right moment approached, he suddenly tookadvantage of it. It is curious that, amidst all the anxieties of war andgovernment, the fear of the Bourbons incessantly pursued him, and theFaubourg St. Germain was to him always a threatening phantom. 

He did not esteem mankind, whom, indeed, he despised more and more inproportion as he became acquainted with them. In him this unfavourableopinion of human nature was justified by many glaring examples ofbaseness, and he used frequently to repeat, "There are two levers formoving men, --interest and fear. " What respect, indeed, could Bonaparteentertain for the applicants to the treasury of the opera? Into thistreasury the gaming-houses paid a considerable sum, part of which went tocover the expenses of that magnificent theatre. The rest was distributedin secret gratuities, which were paid on orders signed by Duroc. Individuals of very different characters were often seen catching thelittle door in the Rue Rameau. The lady who was for a while thefavourite of the General-in-Chief in Egypt, and whose husband wasmaliciously sent back-by the English, was a frequent visitor to thetreasury. On an occasion would be seen assembled there a distinguishedscholar and an actor, a celebrated orator and a musician; on another, thetreasurer would have payments to make to a priest, a courtesan, and acardinal. 

One of Bonaparte's greatest misfortunes was, that he neither believed infriendship not felt the necessity of loving. How often have I heard himsay, "Friendship is but a name; I love nobody. I do not even love mybrothers. Perhaps Joseph, a little, from habit and because he is myelder; and Duroc, I love him too. But why? Because his characterpleases me. He is stern and resolute; and I really believe the fellownever shed a tear. For my part, I know very well that I have no truefriends. As long as I continue what I am, I may have as many pretendedfriends as I please. Leave sensibility to women; it is their business. But men should be firm in heart and in purpose, or they should havenothing to do with war or government. "

In his social relations Bonaparte's temper was bad; but his fits ofill-humour passed away like a cloud, and spent themselves in words. Hisviolent language and bitter imprecations were frequently premeditated. When he was going to reprimand any one he liked to have a witnesspresent. He would then say the harshest things, and level blows againstwhich few could bear up. But he never gave way to those violentebullitions of rage until be acquired undoubted proofs of the misconductof those against whom they were directed. In scenes of this sort I havefrequently observed that the presence of a third person seemed to givehim confidence. Consequently, in a 'tete-a-tete' interview, any one whoknew his character, and who could maintain sufficient coolness andfirmness, was sure to get the better of him. He told his friends at St. Helena that he admitted a third person on such occasions only that theblow might resound the farther. That was not his real motive, or thebetter way would have been to perform the scene in public. He had otherreasons. I observed that he did not like a 'tete-a-tete'; and when heexpected any one, he would say to me beforehand, "Bourrienne, you mayremain;" and when any one was announced whom he did not expect, as aminister or a general; if I rose to retire he would say in ahalf-whisper, "Stay where you are. " Certainly this was not done with thedesign of getting what he said reported abroad; for it belonged neitherto my character nor my duty to gossip about what I had heard. Besides, it may be presumed, that the few who were admitted as witnesses to theconferences of Napoleon were aware of the consequences attendingindiscreet disclosures under a Government which was made acquainted withall that was said and done. 

Bonaparte entertained a profound dislike of the sanguinary men of theRevolution, and especially of the regicides. He felt, as a painfulburden, the obligation of dissembling towards them. He spoke to me interms of horror of those whole he celled the assassins of Louis XVI, andhe was annoyed at the necessity of employing them and treating them withapparent respect. How many times has he not said to Cambaceres, pinchinghim by the ear, to soften, by that habitual familiarity, the bitternessof the remark, "My dear fellow, your case is clear; if ever the Bourbonscome back you will be hanged!" A forced smile would then relax the lividcountenance of Cambaceres, and was usually the only reply of the SecondConsul, who, however, on one occasion said in my hearing, "Come, come, have done with this joking. "

One thing which gave Bonaparte great pleasure when in the country was tosee a tall, slender woman, dressed in white, walking beneath an alley ofshaded trees. He detested coloured dresses, and especially dark ones. To fat women he had an invincible antipathy, and he could not endure thesight of a pregnant woman; it therefore rarely happened that a female inthat situation was invited to his parties. He possessed every requisitefor being what is called in society an agreeable man, except the will tobe so. His manner was imposing rather than pleasing, and those who didnot know him well experienced in his presence an involuntary feeling ofawe. In the drawing-room, where Josephine did the honours with so muchgrace and affability, all was gaiety and ease, and no one felt thepresence of a superior; but on Bonaparte's entrance all was changed, andevery eye was directed towards him, to read his humour in hiscountenance, whether he intended to be silent or talkative, dull orcheerful. 

He often talked a great deal, and sometimes a little too much; but no onecould tell a story in a more agreeable and interesting way. Hisconversation rarely turned on gay or humorous subjects, and never ontrivial matters. He was so fond of argument that in the warmth ofdiscussion it was easy to draw from him secrets which he was most anxiousto conceal. Sometimes, in a small circle, he would amuse himself byrelating stories of presentiments and apparitions. For this he alwayschose the twilight of evening, and he would prepare his hearers for whatwas coming by some solemn remark. On one occasion of this kind he said, in a very grave tone of voice, "When death strikes a person whom we love, and who is distant from us, a foreboding almost always denotes the event, and the dying person appears to us at the moment of his dissolution. "He then immediately related the following anecdote: "A gentleman of theCourt of Louis XIV. Was in the gallery of Versailles at the time that theKing was reading to his courtiers the bulletin of the battle ofFriedlingen gained by Villars. Suddenly the gentleman saw, at thefarther end of the gallery, the ghost of his son, who served underVillars. He exclaimed, 'My son is no more!' and next moment the Kingnamed him among the dead. "

When travelling Bonaparte was particularly talkative. In the warmth ofhis conversation, which was always characterised by original andinteresting idea, he sometimes dropped hints of his future views, or, atleast, he said things which were calculated to disclose what he wished toconceal. I took the liberty of mentioning to him this indiscretion, andfar from being offended, he acknowledged his mistake, adding that he wasnot aware he had gone so far. He frankly avowed this want of cautionwhen at St. Helena. 

When in good humour his usual tokens of kindness consisted in a littlerap on the head or a slight pinch of the ear. In his most friendlyconversations with those whom he admitted into his intimacy he would say, "You are a fool"--"a simpleton"--"a ninny"--"a blockhead. " These, and afew other words of like import, enabled him to vary his catalogue ofcompliments; but he never employed them angrily, and the tone in whichthey were uttered sufficiently indicated that they were meant inkindness. 

Bonaparte had many singular habits and tastes. Whenever he experiencedany vexation, or when any unpleasant thought occupied his mind, he wouldhum something which was far from resembling a tune, for his voice wasvery unmusical. He would, at the same time, seat himself before thewriting-table, and swing back in his chair so far that I have often beenfearful of his falling. 

He would then vent his ill-humour on the right arm of his chair, mutilating it with his penknife, which he seemed to keep for no otherpurpose. I always took care to keep good pens ready for him; for, as itwas my business to decipher his writing, I had a strong interest in doingwhat I could to make it legible. 

The sound of bells always produced in Bonaparte pleasurable sensations, which I could never account for. When we were at Malmaison, and walkingin the alley leading to the plain of Ruel, how many times has the bell ofthe village church interrupted our most serious conversations!

He would stop, lest the noise of our footsteps should drown any portionof the delightful sound: He was almost angry with me because I did notexperience the impressions he did. So powerful was the effect producedupon him by the sound of these bells that his voice would falter as hesaid, "Ah! that reminds me of the first years I spent at Brienne! I wasthen happy!" When the bells ceased he would resume the course of hisspeculations, carry himself into futurity, place a crown on his head; anddethrone kings. 

Nowhere, except on the field of battle, did I ever see Bonaparte morehappy than in the gardens of Malmaison. At the commencement of theConsulate we used to go there every Saturday evening, and stay the wholeof Sunday, and sometimes Monday. Bonaparte used to spend a considerablepart of his time in walking and superintending the improvements which hehad ordered. At first he used to make excursions about theneighbourhood, but the reports of the police disturbed his naturalconfidence, and gave him reason to fear the attempts of concealedroyalist partisans. 

During the first four or five days that Bonaparte spent at Malmaison heamused himself after breakfast with calculating the revenue of thatdomain. According to his estimates it amounted to 8000 francs. "That isnot bad!" said he; "but to live here would require au income of 30, 000livres!" I could not help smiling to see him seriously engaged in such acalculation. 

Bonaparte had no faith in medicine. He spoke of it as an art entirelyconjectural, and his opinion on this subject was fired andincontrovertible. His vigorous mind rejected all but demonstrativeproofs. 

He had little memory for proper name, words, or dates, but he had awonderful recollection of facts and places. I recollect that, on goingfrom Paris to Toulon, he pointed out to me ten places calculated forgreat battles, and he never forgot them. They were memoranda of hisfirst youthful journeys. 

Bonaparte was insensible to the charms of poetic harmony. He had noteven sufficient ear to feel the rhythm, of poetry, and he never couldrecite a verse without violating the metre; yet the grand ideas of poetrycharmed him. He absolutely worshipped Corneille; and, one day, afterhaving witnessed a performance of 'Cinna', he said to me, "If a man likeCorneille were living in my time I would make him my Prime Minister. Itis not his poetry that I most admire; it is his powerful understanding, his vast knowledge of the human heart, and his profound policy!" At St. Helena he said that he would have made Corneille a prince; but at thetime he spoke to me of Corneille he had no thought of making eitherprinces or kings. 

Gallantry to women was by no means a trait in Bonaparte's character. He seldom said anything agreeable to females, and he frequently addressedto them the rudest and most extraordinary remarks. To one he would say, "Heavens, how red your elbows are!" To another, "What an ugly headdressyou have got!" At another time he would say, "Your dress is none of thecleanest. .. .. Do you ever change your gown? I have seen you in thattwenty times!" He showed no mercy to any who displeased him on thesepoints. He often gave Josephine directions about her toilet, and theexquisite taste for which she was distinguished might have helped to makehim fastidious about the costume of other ladies. At first he looked toelegance above all things: at a later period he admired luxury andsplendour, but he always required modesty. He frequently expressed hisdisapproval of the low-necked dresses which were so much in fashion atthe beginning of the Consulate. 

Bonaparte did not love cards, and this was very fortunate for those whowere invited to his parties; for when he was seated at a card-table, ashe sometimes thought himself obliged to be, nothing could exceed thedulness of the drawing-room either at the Luxembourg or the Tuileries. When, on the contrary, he walked about among the company, all werepleased, for he usually spoke to everybody, though he preferred theconversation of men of science, especially those who had been with him inin Egypt; as for example, Monge and Berthollet. He also liked to talkwith Chaptal and Lacphede, and with Lemercier, the author of 'Agamemnon'. 

Bonaparte was seen to less advantage in a drawing-room than at the headof his troops. His military uniform became him much better than thehandsomest dress of any other kind. His first trials of dress-coats wereunfortunate. I have been informed that the first time he wore one hekept on his black cravat. This incongruity was remarked to him, and hereplied, "So much the better; it leaves me something of a military air, and there is no harm in that. " For my own part, I neither saw the blackcravat nor heard this reply. 

The First Consul paid his own private bills very punctually; but he wasalways tardy in settling the accounts of the contractors who bargainedwith Ministers for supplies for the public service. He put off thesepayments by all sorts of excuses and shufflings. Hence arose immensearrears in the expenditure, and the necessity of appointing a committeeof liquidation. In his opinion the terms contractor and rogue weresynonymous. All that he avoided paying them he regarded as a justrestitution to himself; and all the sums which were struck off from theiraccounts he regarded as so much deducted from a theft. The less aMinister paid out of his budget the more Bonaparte was pleased with him;and this ruinous system of economy can alone explain the credit whichDecres so long enjoyed at the expense of the French navy. 

On the subject of religion Bonaparte's ideas were very vague. "My reason, " said he, "makes me incredulous respecting many things; butthe impressions of my childhood and early youth throw me intouncertainty. " He was very fond of talking of religion. In Italy, inEgypt, and on board the 'Orient' and the 'Muiron', I have known him totake part in very animated conversations on this subject. 

He readily yielded up all that was proved against religion as the work ofmen and time: but he would not hear of materialism. I recollect that onefine night, when he was on deck with some persons who were arguing infavour of materialism, Bonaparte raised his hand to heaven and, pointingto the stars, said, "You may talk as long as you please, gentlemen, butwho made all that?" The perpetuity of a name in the memory of man was tohim the immortality of the soul. He was perfectly tolerant towards everyvariety of religious faith. 

Among Bonaparte's singular habits was that of seating himself on anytable which happened to be of a suitable height for him. He would oftensit on mine, resting his left arm on my right shoulder, and swinging hisleft leg, which did not reach the ground; and while he dictated to me hewould jolt the table so that I could scarcely write. 

Bonaparte had a great dislike to reconsider any decision, even when itwas acknowledged to be unjust. In little as well as in great things heevinced his repugnance to retrograde. An instance of this occurred inthe affair of General Latour-Foissac. The First Consul felt how much hehad wronged that general; but he wished some time to elapse before herepaired his error. His heart and his conduct were at variance; but hisfeelings were overcome by what he conceived to be political necessity. Bonaparte was never known to say, "I have done wrong:" his usualobservation was, "I begin to think there is something wrong. "

In spite of this sort of feeling, which was more worthy of anill-humoured philosopher than the head of a government, Bonaparte wasneither malignant nor vindictive. I cannot certainly defend him againstall the reproaches which he incurred through the imperious law of warand cruel necessity; but I may say that he has often been unjustlyaccused. None but those who are blinded by fury will call him a Nero ora Caligula. I think I have avowed his faults with sufficient candour toentitle me to credit when I speak in his commendation; and I declarethat, out of the field of battle, Bonaparte had a kind and feelingheart. He was very fond of children, a trait which seldom distinguishesa bad man. In the relations of private life to call him amiable wouldnot be using too strong a word, and he was very indulgent to theweakness of human nature. The contrary opinion is too firmly fixed insome minds for me to hope to root it out. I shall, I fear, havecontradictors, but I address myself to those who look for truth. Tojudge impartially we must take into account the influence which time andcircumstances exercise on men; and distinguish between the differentcharacters of the Collegian, the General, the Consul, and the Emperor. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

1800. 

 Bonaparte's laws--Suppression of the festival of the 21st of January--Officials visits--The Temple--Louis XVI. And Sir Sidney Smith--Peculation during the Directory--Loan raised--Modest budget --The Consul and the Member of the Institute--The figure of the Republic--Duroc's missions--The King of Prussia--The Emperor Alesander--General Latour-Foisac--Arbitrary decree--Company of players for Egypt--Singular ideas respecting literary property-- The preparatory Consulate--The journals--Sabres and muskets of honour--The First Consul and his Comrade--The bust of Brutus-- Statues in the gallery of the Tuileries--Sections of the Council of State--Costumes of public functionaries--Masquerades--The opera-balls--Recall of the exiles. 

It is not my purpose to say much about the laws, decrees, and'Senatus-Consultes', which the First Consul either passed, or caused tobe passed, after his accession to power, what were they all, with theexception of the Civil Code? The legislative reveries of the differentmen who have from time to time ruled France form an immense labyrinth, in which chicanery bewilders reason and common sense; and they wouldlong since have been buried in oblivion had they not occasionally servedto authorise injustice. I cannot, however, pass over unnoticed thehappy effect produced in Paris, and throughout the whole of France, bysome of the first decisions of the Consuls. Perhaps none but those whowitnessed the state of society during the reign of Terror can fullyappreciate the satisfaction which the first steps towards therestoration of social order produced in the breasts of all honest men. The Directory, more base and not less perverse than the Convention, hadretained the horrible 21st of January among the festivals of theRepublic. One of Bonaparte's first ideas on attaining the possession ofpower was to abolish this; but such was the ascendency of the abettorsof the fearful event that he could not venture on a straightforwardcourse. He and his two colleagues, who were Sieyes and Roger Ducos, signed, on the 5th Nivose, a decree, setting forth that in future theonly festivals to be celebrated by the Republic were the 1st Vendemiaireand the 14th of July, intending by this means to consecrateprovisionally the recollection of the foundation of the Republic and ofliberty. 

All was calculation with Bonaparte. To produce effect was his highestgratification. Thus he let slip no opportunity of saying or doing thingswhich were calculated to dazzle the multitude. While at the Luxembourg, he went sometimes accompanied by his 'aides de camp' and sometimes by aMinister, to pay certain official visits. I did not accompany him onthese occasions; but almost always either on his return, after dinner, orin the evening, he related to me what he had done and said. Hecongratulated himself on having paid a visit to Daubenton, at the Jardindes Plantes, and talked with great self-complacency of the distinguishedway in which he had treated the contemporary of Buffon. 

On the 24th Brumaire he visited the prisons. He liked to make thesevisits unexpectedly, and to take the governors of the different publicestablishments by surprise; so that, having no time to make theirpreparations, he might see things as they really were. I was in hiscabinet when he returned, for I had a great deal of business to gothrough in his absence. As he entered he exclaimed, "What brutes theseDirectors are! To what a state they have brought our publicestablishments! But, stay a little! I will put all in order. Theprisons are in a shockingly unwholesome state, and the prisonersmiserably fed. I questioned them, and I questioned the jailers, fornothing is to be learned from the superiors. They, of course, alwaysspeak well of their own work! When I was in the Temple I could not helpthinking of the unfortunate Louis XVI. He was an excellent man, but tooamiable, too gentle for the times. He knew not how to deal with mankind!And Sir Sidney Smith! I made them show me his apartment. If the foolshad not let him escape I should have taken St. Jean d'Acre! There aretoo many painful recollections connected with that prison! I willcertainly have it pulled down some day or other! What do you think I didat the Temple? I ordered the jailers' books to be brought to me, andfinding that some hostages were still in confinement I liberated them. 'An unjust law, ' said I, 'has deprived you of liberty; my first duty isto restore it to you. ' 'Was not this well done, Bourrienne?'" As I was, no less than Bonaparte himself, an enemy to the revolutionary laws, Icongratulated him sincerely; and he was very sensible to my approbation, for I was not accustomed to greet him with 'Good; very good, ' on alloccasions. It is true, knowing his character as I did, I avoided sayinganything that was calculated to offend him; but when I said nothing, heknew very well how to construe my silence. Had I flattered him I shouldhave continued longer in favour. 

Bonaparte always spoke angrily of the Directors he had turned off. Theirincapacity disgusted and astonished him. "What simpletons! what agovernment!" he would frequently exclaim when he looked into the measuresof the Directory. "Bourrienne, " said he, "can you imagine anything morepitiable than their system of finance? Can it for a moment be doubtedthat the principal agents of authority daily committed the mostfraudulent peculations? What venality! what disorder! whatwastefulness! everything put up for sale: places, provisions, clothing, and military, all were disposed of. Have they not actually consumed75, 000, 000 in advance? And then, think of all the scandalous fortunesaccumulated, all the malversations! But are there no means of makingthem refund? We shall see. "

In these first moments of poverty it was found necessary to raise a loan, for the funds of M. Collot did not last long, and 12, 000, 000 wereadvanced by the different bankers of Paris, who, I believe, were paid bybills of the receivers-general, the discount of which then amounted toabout 33 per cent. The salaries of the first offices were not veryconsiderable, and did not amount to anything like the exorbitant stipendsof the Empire. 

Bonaparte's salary was fixed at 500, 000 francs. What a contrast to the300, 000, 000 in gold which were reported to have been concealed in 1811 inthe cellars of the Tuileries!

In mentioning Bonaparte's nomination to the Institute, and hisaffectation in putting at the head of his proclamation his title ofmember of that learned body before that of General-in-Chief, I omitted tostate what value he really attached to that title. The truth is that;when young and ambitious, he was pleased with the proffered title, whichhe thought would raise him in public estimation. How often have welaughed together when he weighed the value of his scientific titles!Bonaparte, to be sure, knew something of mathematics, a good deal ofhistory, and, I need not add, possessed extraordinary military talent;but he was nevertheless a useless member of the Institute. 

On his return from Egypt he began to grow weary of a title which gave himso many colleagues. "Do you not think, " said he one day to me, "thatthere is something mean and humiliating in the words, 'I have the honourto be, my dear Colleague'! I am tired of it!" Generally speaking, allphrases which indicated equality displeased him. It will be recollectedhow gratified he was that I did not address him in the second personsingular on our meeting at Leoben, and also what befell M. De Cominges atBale because he did not observe the same precaution. 

The figure of the Republic seated and holding a spear in her hand, whichat the commencement of the Consulate was stamped on official letters, wasspeedily abolished. Happy would it have been if Liberty herself had notsuffered the same treatment as her emblem! The title of First Consulmade him despise that of Member of the Institute. He no longerentertained the least predilection for that learned body, andsubsequently he regarded it with much suspicion. It was a body, anauthorised assembly; these were reasons sufficient for him to takeumbrage at it, and he never concealed his dislike of all bodiespossessing the privilege of meeting and deliberating. 

While we were at the Luxembourg Bonaparte despatched Duroc on a specialmission to the King of Prussia. This happened, I think, at the verybeginning of the year 1800. He selected Duroc because he was a man ofgood education and agreeable manners, and one who could express himselfwith elegance and reserve, qualities not often met with at that period. Duroc had been with us in Italy, in Egypt, and on board the 'Muiron', and the Consul easily guessed that the King of Prussia would be delightedto hear from an eye-witness the events of Bonaparte's campaigns, especially the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, and the scenes which took placeduring the months of March and May at Jaffa. Besides, the First Consulconsidered it indispensable that such circumstantial details should begiven in a way to leave no doubt of their correctness. His intentionswere fully realised; for Duroc told me, on his return, that nearly thewhole of the conversation he had with the King turned upon St. Jeand'Acre and Jaffa. He stayed nearly two whole hours with his Majesty, who, the day after, gave him an invitation to dinner. When this intelligencearrived at the Luxembourg I could perceive that the Chief of the Republicwas flattered that one of his aides de camp should have sat at table witha King, who some years after was doomed to wait for him in hisantechamber at Tilsit. 

Duroc never spoke on politics to the King of Prussia, which was veryfortunate, for, considering his age and the exclusively military life hehad led, he could scarcely have been expected to avoid blunders. Sometime later, after the death of Paul I. , he was sent to congratulateAlexander on his accession to the throne. Bonaparte's design in thusmaking choice of Duroc was to introduce to the Courts of Europe, byconfidential missions, a young man to whom he was much attached, and alsoto bring him forward in France. Duroc went on his third mission toBerlin after the war broke out with Austria. He often wrote to me, andhis letters convinced me how much he had improved himself within a shorttime. 

Another circumstance which happened at the commencement of the Consulateaffords an example of Bonaparte's inflexibility when he had once formed adetermination. In the spring of 1799, when we were in Egypt, theDirectory gave to General Latour-Foissac, a highly distinguished officer, the command of Mantua, the taking of which had so powerfully contributedto the glory of the conqueror of Italy. Shortly after Latour'sappointment to this important post the Austrians besieged Mantua. It waswelt known that the garrison was supplied with provisions and ammunitionfor a long resistance; yet, in the month of July it surrendered to theAustrians. The act of capitulation contained a curious article, viz. "General Latour-Foissac and his staff shall be conducted as prisoners toAustria; the garrison shall be allowed to return to France. " Thisdistinction between the general and the troops entrusted to his command, and at the same time the prompt surrender of Mantua, were circumstanceswhich, it must be confessed, were calculated to excite suspicions ofLatour-Foissac. The consequence was, when Bernadotte was made WarMinister he ordered an inquiry into the general's conduct by acourt-martial. Latour-Foissac had no sooner returned to France than hepublished a justificatory memorial, in which he showed the impossibilityof his having made a longer defence when he was in want of many objectsof the first necessity. 

Such was the state of the affair on Bonaparte's elevation to the Consularpower. The loss of Mantua, the possession of which had cost him so manysacrifices, roused his indignation to so high a pitch that whenever thesubject was mentioned he could find no words to express his rage. He stopped the investigation of the court-martial, and issued a violentdecree against Latour-Foissac even before his culpability had beenproved. This proceeding occasioned much discussion, and was verydissatisfactory to many general officers, who, by this arbitrarydecision, found themselves in danger of forfeiting the privilege of beingtried by their natural judges whenever they happened to displease theFirst Consul. For my own part, I must say that this decree againstLatour-Foissac was one which I saw issued with considerable regret. I wasalarmed for the consequences. After the lapse of a few days I venturedto point out to him the undue severity of the step he had taken; Ireminded him of all that had been said in Latour-Foissac's favour, andtried to convince him how much more just it would be to allow the trialto come to a conclusion. "In a country, " said I, "like France, where thepoint of honour stands above every thing, it is impossible Foissac canescape condemnation if he be culpable. "--"Perhaps you are right, Bourrienne, " rejoined he; "but the blow is struck; the decree is issued. I have given the same explanation to every one; but I cannot so suddenlyretrace my steps. To retro-grade is to be lost. I cannot acknowledgemyself in the wrong. By and by we shall see what can be done. Time willbring lenity and pardon. At present it would be premature. " Such, wordfor word, was Bonaparte's reply. If with this be compared what he saidon the subject at St. Helena it will be found that his ideas continuednearly unchanged; the only difference is that, instead of the impetuosityof 1800, he expressed himself with the calmness which time and adversitynaturally produce. 

 --["It was, " says the 'Memorial of St. Helena', "an illegal and tyrannical act, but still it was a necessary evil. It was the fault of the law. He was a hundred, nay, a thousand fold guilty, and yet it was doubtful whether he would be condemned. We therefore assailed him with the shafts of honour and public opinion. Yet I repeat it was a tyrannical act, and one of those violent measures which are at times necessary in great nations and in extraordinary circumstances. "]--

Bonaparte, as I have before observed, loved contrasts; and I remember atthe very time he was acting so violently against Latour-Foissac hecondescended to busy himself about a company of players which he wishedto send to Egypt, or rather that he pretended to wish to send there, because the announcement of such a project conveyed an impression of theprosperous condition of our Oriental colony. The Consuls gravelyappointed the Minister of the Interior to execute this business, and theMinister in his turn delegated his powers to Florence, the actor. Intheir instructions to the Minister the Consuls observed that it would beadvisable to include some female dancers in the company; a suggestionwhich corresponds with Bonaparte's note, in which were specified all thathe considered necessary for the Egyptian expedition. 

The First Consul entertained singular notions respecting literaryproperty. On his hearing that a piece, entitled 'Misanthropie etRepentir', had been brought out at the Odeon, he said to me, "Bourrienne, you have been robbed. "--"I, General? how?"--"You have been robbed, I tell you, and they are now acting your piece. " I have alreadymentioned that during my stay at Warsaw I amused myself with translatinga celebrated play of Kotzebue. While we were in Italy I lent Bonapartemy translation to read, and he expressed himself much pleased with it. He greatly admired the piece, and often went to see it acted at theOdeon. On his return he invariably gave me fresh reasons for my claimingwhat he was pleased to call my property. I represented to him that thetranslation of a foreign work belonged to any one who chose to executeit. He would not, however, give up his point, and I was obliged toassure him that my occupations in his service left me no time to engagein a literary lawsuit. He then exacted a promise from me to translateGoethe's 'Werther'. I told him it was already done, thoughindifferently, and that I could not possibly devote to the subject thetime it merited. I read over to him one of the letters I had translatedinto French, and which he seemed to approve. 

That interval of the Consular Government during which Bonaparte remainedat the Luxembourg may be called the preparatory Consulate. Then weresown the seeds of the great events which he meditated, and of thoseinstitutions with which he wished to mark his possession of power. Hewas then, if I may use the expression, two individuals in one: theRepublican general, who was obliged to appear the advocate of liberty andthe principles of the Revolution; and the votary of ambition, secretlyplotting the downfall of that liberty and those principles. 

I often wondered at the consummate address with which he contrived todeceive those who were likely to see through his designs. Thishypocrisy, which some, perhaps, may call profound policy, wasindispensable to the accomplishment of his projects; and sometimes, as ifto keep himself in practice, he would do it in matters of secondaryimportance. For example, his opinion of the insatiable avarice of Sieyesis well known; yet when he proposed, in his message to the Council ofAncients, to give his colleague, under the title of national recompense, the price of his obedient secession, it was, in the words of the message, a recompense worthily bestowed on his disinterested virtues. 

While at the Luxembourg Bonaparte showed, by a Consular act, his hatredof the liberty of the press above all liberties, for he loved none. On the 27th Nivose the Consuls, or rather the First Consul, published adecree, the real object of which was evidently contrary to its impliedobject. 

This decree stated that:

The Consuls of the Republic, considering that some of the journalsprinted at Paris are instruments in the hands of the enemies of theRepublic, over the safety of which the Government is specially entrustedby the people of France to watch, decree--

That the Minister of Police shall, during the continuation of the war, allow only the following journals to be printed and published, viz. (list of 20 publications)

. .. .. And those papers which are exclusively devoted to science, art, literature, commerce, and advertisements. 

Surely this decree may well be considered as preparatory; and thefragment I have quoted may serve as a standard for measuring the greaterpart of those acts by which Bonaparte sought to gain, for theconsolidation of his power, what he seemed to be seeking solely for theinterest of the friends of the Republic. The limitation to the period ofthe continuance of the war had also a certain provisional air whichafforded hope for the future. But everything provisional is, in itsnature, very elastic; and Bonaparte knew how to draw it out ad infinitum. The decree, moreover, enacted that if any of the uncondemned journalsshould insert articles against the sovereignty of the people they wouldbe immediately suppressed. In truth, great indulgence was shown on thispoint, even after the Emperor's coronation. 

The presentation of swords and muskets of honour also originated at theLuxembourg; and this practice was, without doubt, a preparatory step tothe foundation of the Legion of Honour. 

 --["Armes d'honneur, " decreed 25th December 1799. Muskets for infantry, carbines for cavalry, grenades for artillery, swords for the officers. Gouvion St. Cyr received the first sword (Thiers, tome i. P. 126). ]--

A grenadier sergeant, named Leon Aune, who had been included in the firstdistribution, easily obtained permission to write to the First Consul tothank him. Bonaparte, wishing to answer him in his own name, dictated tome the following letter for Aune:--

 I have received your letter, my brave comrade. You needed not to have told me of your exploits, for you are the bravest grenadier in the whole army since the death of Benezete. You received one of the hundred sabres I distributed to the army, and all agreed you most deserved it. 

 I wish very much again to see you. The War Minister sends you an order to come to Paris. 

This wheedling wonderfully favoured Bonaparte's designs. His letter toAune could not fail to be circulated through the army. A sergeant calledmy brave comrade by the First Consul--the First General of France! Whobut a thorough Republican, the stanch friend of equality, would have donethis? This was enough to wind up the enthusiasm of the army. At thesame time it must be confessed that Bonaparte began to find theLuxembourg too little for him, and preparations were set on foot at theTuileries. 

Still this great step towards the re-establishment of the monarchy was tobe cautiously prepared. It was important to do away with the idea thatnone but a king could occupy the palace of our ancient kings. What wasto be done? A very fine bust of Brutus had been brought from Italy. Brutus was the destroyer of tyrants! This was the very thing; and Davidwas commissioned to place it in a gallery of the Tuileries. Could therebe a greater proof of the Consul's horror of tyranny?

To sleep at the Tuileries, in the bedchamber of the kings of France, wasall that Bonaparte wanted; the rest would follow in due course. He waswilling to be satisfied with establishing a principle the consequences ofwhich were to be afterwards deduced. Hence the affectation of neverinserting in official acts the name of the Tuileries, but designatingthat place as the Palace of the Government. The first preparations weremodest, for it did not become a good Republican to be fond of pomp. Accordingly Lecomte, who was at that time architect of the Tuileries, merely received orders to clean the Palace, an expression which mightbear more than one meaning, after the meetings which had been there. Forthis purpose the sum of 500, 000 francs was sufficient. Bonaparte's driftwas to conceal, as far as possible, the importance he attached to thechange of his Consular domicile. But little expense was requisite forfitting up apartments for the First Consul. Simple ornaments, such asmarbles and statues, were to decorate the Palace of the Government. 

Nothing escaped Bonaparte's consideration. Thus it was not merely athazard that he selected the statues of great men to adorn the gallery ofthe Tuileries. Among the Greeks he made choice of Demosthenes andAlesander, thus rendering homage at once to the genius of eloquence andthe genius of victory. The statue of Hannibal was intended to recall thememory of Rome's most formidable enemy; and Rome herself was representedin the Consular Palace by the statues of Scipio, Cicero, Cato, Brutus andCaesar--the victor and the immolator being placed side by side. Amongthe great men of modern times he gave the first place to GustavusAdolphus, and the next to Turenne and the great Conde, to Turenne inhonour of his military talent, and to Conde to prove that there wasnothing fearful in the recollection of a Bourbon. The remembrance of theglorious days of the French navy was revived by the statue of DuguaiTrouin. Marlborough and Prince Eugene had also their places in thegallery, as if to attest the disasters which marked the close of thegreat reign; and Marshal Sage, to show that Louis XV. 's reign was notwithout its glory. The statues of Frederick and Washington wereemblematic of false philosophy on a throne and true wisdom founding afree state. Finally, the names of Dugommier, Dampierre, and Joubert wereintended to bear evidence of the high esteem which Bonaparte cherishedfor his old comrades, --those illustrious victims to a cause which had nowceased to be his. 

The reader has already been informed of the attempts made by Bonaparte toinduce England and Austria to negotiate with the Consular Government, which the King of Prussia was the first of the sovereigns of Europe torecognise. These attempts having proved unavailing, it became necessaryto carry on the war with renewed vigour, and also to explain why thepeace, which had been promised at the beginning of the Consulate, wasstill nothing but a promise. In fulfilment of these two objectsBonaparte addressed an energetic proclamation to the armies, which wasremarkable for not being followed by the usual sacred words, "Vive laRepublique!"

At the same time Bonaparte completed the formation of the Council ofState, and divided it into five sections:--(1) The Interior; (2) Finance;(3) Marine; (4) The War Department; (5) Legislation. He fixed thesalaries of the Councillors of the State at 25, 000 francs, and that ofthe Precedents of Sections at 30, 000. He settled the costume of theConsuls, the Ministers, and the different bodies of the State. This ledto the re-introduction of velvet, which had been banished with the oldregime, and the encouragement of the manufactures of Lyons was the reasonalleged for employing this un-republican article in the differentdresses, each as those of the Consuls and Ministers. It was Bonaparte'sconstant: aim to efface the Republic, even in the utmost trifles, and toprepare matters so well that the customs and habits of monarchy beingrestored, there should only then remain a word to be changed. 

I never remember to have seen Bonaparte in the Consular dress, which hedetested, and which he wore only because duty required him to do so atpublic ceremonies. The only dress he was fond of, and in which he feltat ease, was that in which he subjugated the ancient Eridanus and theNile, namely, the uniform of the Guides, to which corps Bonaparte wasalways sincerely attached. 

The masquerade of official dresses was not the only one which Bonapartesummoned to the aid of his policy. At that period of the year VIII. Which corresponded with the carnival of 1800, masques began to be resumedat Paris. Disguises were all the fashion, and Bonaparte favoured therevival of old amusements; first, because they were old, and next, because they were, the means of diverting the attention of the people:for, as he had established the principle that on the field of battle itis necessary to divide the enemy in order to beat him, he conceived it noless advisable to divert the people in order to enslave them. Bonapartedid not say 'panem et circenses', for I believe his knowledge of Latindid not extend even to that well-known phrase of Juvenal, but he put themaxim in practice. He accordingly authorised the revival of balls at theopera, which they who lived during that period of the Consulate know wasan important event in Paris. Some gladly viewed it as a little conquestin favour of the old regime; and others, who for that very reasondisapproved it, were too shallow to understand the influence of littleover great things. The women and the young men did not bestow a thoughton the subject, but yielded willingly to the attractions of pleasure. Bonaparte, who was delighted at having provided a diversion for thegossiping of the Parisian salons, said to me one day, "While they arechatting about all this, they do not babble upon politics, and that iswhat I want. Let them dance and amuse themselves as long as they do notthrust their noses into the Councils of the Government; besides, Bourrienne, " added he, "I have other reasons for encouraging this, I seeother advantages in it. Trade is languishing; Fouche tells me that thereare great complaints. This will set a little money in circulation;besides, I am on my guard about the Jacobins. Everything is not bad, because it is not new. I prefer the opera-balls to the saturnalia of theGoddess of Reason. I was never so enthusiastically applauded as at thelast parade. "

A Consular decision of a different and more important nature had, shortlybefore, namely, at the commencement of Nivose, brought happiness to manyfamilies. Bonaparte, as every one knows, had prepared the events of the18th Fructidor that he might have some plausible reasons for overthrowingthe Directors. The Directory being overthrown, he was now anxious, atleast in part, to undo what he had done on the 18th Fructidor. Hetherefore ordered a report on the persons exiled to be presented to himby the Minister of Police. In consequence of this report he authorisedforty of them to return to France, placing them under the observation ofthe Police Minister, and assigning them their place of residence. However, they did not long remain under these restrictions, and many ofthem were soon called to fill high places in the Government. It wasindeed natural that Bonaparte, still wishing, at least in appearance, tofound his government on those principles of moderate republicanism whichhad caused their exile, should invite them to second his views. 

Barrere wrote a justificatory letter to the First Consul, who, however, took no notice of it, for he could not get so far as to favour Barrere. Thus did Bonaparte receive into the Councils of the Consulate the men whohad been exiled by the Directory, just as he afterwards appointed theemigrants and those exiles of the Revolution to high offices under theEmpire. The time and the men alone differed; the intention in both caseswas the same. 

CHAPTER XXX

1800. 

 Bonaparte and Paul I. --Lord Whitworth--Baron Sprengporten's arrival at Paris--Paul's admiration of Bonaparte--Their close connection and correspondence--The royal challenge--General Mack--The road to Malmaison--Attempts at assassination--Death of Washington--National mourning--Ambitious calculation--M. De Fontanel, the skilful orator --Fete at the Temple of Mars--Murat's marriage with Caroline Bonaparte--Madame Bonaparte's pearls. 

The first communications between Bonaparte and Paul I. Commenced a shorttime after his accession to the Consulate. Affairs then began to look alittle less unfavourable for France; already vague reports fromSwitzerland and the banks of the Rhine indicated a coldness existingbetween the Russians and the Austrians; and at the same time, symptoms ofa misunderstanding between the Courts of London and St. Petersburg beganto be perceptible. The First Consul, having in the meantime discoveredthe chivalrous and somewhat eccentric character of Paul I. , thought themoment a propitious one to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russiaand England. He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass, and he took advantage of it with his usual sagacity. The English hadsome time before refused to include in a cartel for the exchange ofprisoners 7000 Russians taken in Holland. Bonaparte ordered them all tobe armed, and clothed in new uniforms appropriate to the corps to whichthey had belonged, and sent them back to Russia, without ransom, withoutexchange, or any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was notthrown away. Paul I. Showed himself deeply sensible of it, and closelyallied as he had lately been with England, he now, all at once, declaredhimself her enemy. This triumph of policy delighted the First Consul. 

Thenceforth the Consul and the Czar became the best friends possible. They strove to outdo each other in professions of friendship; and it maybe believed that Bonaparte did not fail to turn this contest ofpoliteness to his own advantage. He so well worked upon the mind of Paulthat he succeeded in obtaining a direct influence over the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. 

Lord Whitworth, at that time the English ambassador in Russia, wasordered to quit the capital without delay, and to retire to Riga, whichthen became the focus of the intrigues of the north which ended in thedeath of Paul. The English ships were seized in all the ports, and, atthe pressing instance of the Czar, a Prussian army menaced Hanover. Bonaparte lost no time, and, profiting by the friendship manifestedtowards him by the inheritor of Catherine's power, determined to makethat friendship subservient to the execution of the vast plan which hehad long conceived: he meant to undertake an expedition by land againstthe English colonies in the East Indies. 

The arrival of Baron Sprengporten at Paris caused great satisfactionamong the partisans of the Consular Government, that is to say, almostevery one in Paris. M. Sprengporten was a native of Swedish Finland. He had been appointed by Catherine chamberlain and lieutenant-general ofher forces, and he was not less in favour with Paul, who treated him inthe most distinguished manner. He came on an extraordinary mission, being ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, and at thesame time appointed confidential Minister to the Consul. Bonaparte wasextremely satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul had selected, and withthe manner in, which he described the Emperor's gratitude for thegenerous conduct of the First Consul. M. Sprengporten did not concealthe extent of Paul's dissatisfaction with his allies. The bad issue, hesaid, of the war with France had already disposed the Czar to connecthimself with that power, when the return of his troops at once determinedhim. 

We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confidence in M. Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily discharged the mission with whichhe had been entrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his conduct in severalfriendly and flattering letters, which Sprengporten always allowed us toread. No one could be fonder of France than he was, and he ardentlydesired that his first negotiations might lead to a long alliance betweenthe Russian and French Governments. The autograph and very frequentcorrespondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. Iread all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness withwhich his affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admiration of theFirst Consul was so great that no courtier could have written in a moreflattering manner. 

This admiration was not feigned on the part of the Emperor of Russia: itwas no less sincere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. Theviolent hatred he had conceived towards the English Government inducedhim to defy to single combat every monarch who would not declare waragainst England and shut his ports against English ships. He inserted achallenge to the King of Denmark in the St. Petersburg Court Gazette; butnot choosing to apply officially to the Senate of Hamburg to order itsinsertion in the 'Correspondant', conducted by M. Stoves, he sent thearticle, through Count Pahlen, to M. Schramm, a Hamburg merchant. TheCount told M. Schramm that the Emperor would be much pleased to see thearticle of the St. Petersburg Court Gazette copied into theCorrespondant; and that if it should be inserted, he wished to have adozen copies of the paper printed on vellum, and sent to him by anextraordinary courier. It was Paul's intention to send a copy to everysovereign in Europe; but this piece of folly, after the manner of CharlesXII. , led to no further results. 

Bonaparte never felt greater satisfaction in the-whole course of his lifethan he experienced from Paul's enthusiasm for him. The friendship of asovereign seemed to him a step by which he was to become a sovereignhimself. At the same time the affairs of La Vendee began to assume abetter aspect, and he hoped soon to effect that pacification in theinterior which he so ardently desired. 

It was during the First Consul's residence at the Luxembourg that thefirst report on the civil code was made to the legislative body. It wasthen, also, that the regulations for the management of the Bank of Francewere adopted, and that establishment so necessary to France was founded. 

There was at this time in Paris a man who has acquired an unfortunatecelebrity, the most unlucky of modern generals--in a word, General Mack. I should not notice that person here were it not for the propheticjudgment which Bonaparte then pronounced on him. Mack had been obligedto surrender himself at Championnet some time before our landing atFrejus. He was received as a prisoner of war, and the town of Dijon hadbeen appointed his place of residence, and there he remained until afterthe 18th Brumaire. Bonaparte, now Consul, permitted him to come toParis, and to reside there on his parole. He applied for leave to go toVienna, pledging himself to return again a prisoner to France if theEmperor Francis would not consent to exchange him for Generals Wrignonand Grouchy, then prisoners in Austria. His request was not granted, buthis proposition was forwarded to Vienna. The Court of Vienna refused toaccede to it, not placing perhaps so much importance on the deliveranceof Mack as he had flattered himself it would. 

Bonaparte speaking to me of him one day said, "Mack is a man of thelowest mediocrity I ever saw in my life; he is full of self-sufficiencyand conceit, and believes himself equal to anything. He has no talent. I should like to see him opposed some day to one of our good generals;we should then see fine work. He is a boaster, and that is all. He isreally one of the most silly men existing; and, besides all that, he isunlucky. " Was not this opinion of Bonaparte, formed on the past, fullyverified by the future?

It was at Malmaison that Bonaparte thus spoke of General Mack. Thatplace was then far from resembling what it afterwards became, and theroad to it was neither pleasant nor sure. There was not a house on theroad; and in the evening, during the season when we were there, it wasnot frequented all the way from St. Germain. Those numerous vehicles, which the demands of luxury and an increasing population have created, did not then, as now, pass along the roads in the environs of Paris. Everywhere the road was solitary and dangerous; and I learned withcertainty that many schemes were laid for carrying off the First Consulduring one of his evening journeys. They were unsuccessful, and orderswere given to enclose the quarries, which were too near to the road. OnSaturday evening Bonaparte left the Luxembourg, and afterwards theTuileries, to go to Malmaison, and I cannot better express the joy hethen appeared to experience than by comparing it to the delight of aschool-boy on getting a holiday. 

Before removing from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries Bonaparte determinedto dazzle the eyes of the Parisians by a splendid ceremony. He hadappointed it to take place on the 'decadi', Pluviose 20 (9th February1800), that is to say, ten days before his final departure from the oldDirectorial palace. These kinds of fetes did not resemble what theyafterwards became; their attraction consisted in the splendour ofmilitary dress: and Bonaparte was always sure that whenever he mountedhis horse, surrounded by a brilliant staff from which he was to bedistinguished by the simplicity of his costume, his path would be crowdedand himself greeted with acclamations by the people of Paris. The objectof this fete was at first only to present to the 'Hotel des Invalides', their called the Temple of Mars, seventy-two flags taken from the Turksin the battle of Aboukir and brought from Egypt to Paris; butintelligence of Washington's death, who expired on the 14th of December1799, having reached Bonaparte; he eagerly took advantage of that eventto produce more effect, and mixed the mourning cypress with the laurelshe had collected in Egypt. 

Bonaparte did not feel much concerned at the death of Washington, thatnoble founder of rational freedom in the new world; but it afforded himan opportunity to mask his ambitious projects under the appearance of alove of liberty. In thus rendering honour to the memory of Washingtoneverybody would suppose that Bonaparte intended to imitate his example, and that their two names would pass in conjunction from mouth to mouth. A clever orator might be employed, who, while pronouncing a eulogium onthe dead, would contrive to bestow some praise on the living; and whenthe people were applauding his love of liberty he would find himself onestep nearer the throne, on which his eyes were constantly fixed. Whenthe proper time arrived, he would not fail to seize the crown; and wouldstill cry, if necessary, "Vive la Liberte!" while placing it on hisimperial head. 

The skilful orator was found. M. De Fontanes

 --[L. De Fontenes (1767-1821) became president of the Corps Legislatif, Senator, and Grand Master of the University. He was the centre of the literary group of the Empire, ]--

was commissioned to pronounce the funeral eulogium on Washington, and theflowers of eloquence which he scattered about did not all fall on thehero of America. 

Lannes was entrusted by Bonaparte with the presentation of the flags; andon the 20th Pluviose he proceeded, accompanied by strong detachments ofthe cavalry then in Paris, to the council-hall of the Invalides, where hewas met by the Minister of War, who received the colours. All theMinisters, the councillors of, State, and generals were summoned to thepresentation. Lannes pronounced a discourse, to which herthier replied, and M. De Fontanes added his well-managed eloquence to the plain militaryoratory of the two generals. In the interior of this military temple astatue of Mars sleeping had been placed, and from the pillars and roofwere suspended the trophies of Denain, Fontenoy, and the campaign ofItaly, which would still have decorated that edifice had not the demon ofconquest possessed Bonaparte. Two Invalides, each said to be a hundredyears old, stood beside the Minister of War; and the bust of theemancipator of America was placed under the trophy composed of the flagsof Aboukir. In a word, recourse was had to every sort of charlatanismusual on such occasions. In the evening there was a numerous assembly atthe Luxembourg, and Bonaparte took much credit to himself for the effectproduced on this remarkable day. He had only to wait ten days for hisremoval to the Tuileries, and precisely on that day the national mourningfor Washington was to cease, for which a general mourning for freedommight well have been substituted. 

I have said very little about Murat in the course of these Memoirs exceptmentioning the brilliant part he performed in several battles. Havingnow arrived at the period of his marriage with one of Napoleon's sistersI take the opportunity of returning to the interesting events whichpreceded that alliance. 

His fine and well-proportioned form, his great physical strength andsomewhat refined elegance of manner, --the fire of his eye, and his fiercecourage in battle, gave to Murat rather the character of one of those'preux chevaliers' so well described by Ariosto and Taro, that, that aRepublican soldier. The nobleness of his look soon made the lowness ofhis birth be forgotten. He was affable, polished, gallant; and in thefield of battle twenty men headed by Murat were worth a whole regiment. Once only he showed himself under the influence of fear, and the readershall see in what circumstance it was that he ceased to be himself. 

 --[Marshal Lannes, so brave and brilliant in war and so well able to appreciate courage, one day sharply rebuked a colonel for having punished a young officer just arrived from school at Fontainebleau because he gave evidence of fear in his first engagement. "Know, colonel, " said he, "none but a poltroon (the term was oven more strong) will boast that he never was afraid. "--Bourrienne. ]--

When Bonaparte in his first Italian campaign had forced Wurmser toretreat into Mantua with 28, 000 men, he directed Miollis, with only 4000men, to oppose any sortie that might be attempted by the Austriangeneral. In one of these sorties Murat, who was at the head of a veryweak detachment, was ordered to charge Wurmser. He was afraid, neglectedto execute the order, and in a moment of confusion said that he waswounded. Murat immediately fell into disgrace with the General-in-Chief, whose 'aide de camp' he was. 

Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the Directory thefirst colours taken by the French army of Italy in the actions of Degoand Mondovi, and it was on this occasion that he got acquainted withMadame Tallien and the wife of his General. But he already knew thebeautiful Caroline Bonaparte, whom he had seen at Rome in the residenceof her brother Joseph, who was then discharging the functions ofambassador of the Republic. It appears that Caroline was not evenindifferent to him, and that he was the successful rival of the PrincessSanta Croce's son, who eagerly sought the honour of her hand. MadameTallien and Madame Bonaparte received with great kindness the first 'aidede camp', and as they possessed much influence with the Directory, theysolicited, and easily obtained for him, the rank of brigadier-general. It was somewhat remarkable at that time Murat, notwithstanding hisnewly-acquired rank, to remain Bonaparte's 'aide de camp', theregulations not allowing a general-in-chief an 'aide de camp' of higherrank than chief of brigade, which was equal to that of colonel: Thisinsignificant act was, therefore, rather a hasty anticipation of theprerogatives everywhere reserved to princes and kings. 

It was after having discharged this commission that Murat, on his returnto Italy, fell into disfavour with the General-in Chief. He indeedlooked upon him with a sort of hostile feeling, and placed him inReille's division, and afterwards Baragasy d'Hilliers'; consequently, when we went to Paris, after the treaty of Campo-Formio, Murat was not ofthe party. But as the ladies, with whom he was a great favourite, werenot devoid of influence with the Minister of War, Murat was, by theirinterest, attached to the engineer corps in the expedition to Egypt. On board the Orient he remained in the most complete disgrace. Bonapartedid not address a word to him during the passage; and in Egypt theGeneral-in-Chief always treated him with coldness, and often sent himfrom the headquarters on disagreeable services. However, theGeneral-in-Chief having opposed him to Mourad Bey, Murat performed suchprodigies of valour in every perilous encounter that he effaced thetransitory stain which a momentary hesitation under the walls of Mantuahad left on his character. Finally, Murat so powerfully contributed tothe success of the day at Aboukir that Bonaparte, glad to be able tocarry another laurel plucked in Egypt to France, forgot the fault whichhad made so unfavourable an impression, and was inclined to efface fromhis memory other things that he had heard to the disadvantage of Murat;for I have good reasons for believing, though Bonaparte never told meso, that Murat's name, as well as that of Charles, escaped from the lipsof Junot when he made his indiscreet communication to Bonaparte at thewalls of Messoudiah. The charge of grenadiers, commanded by Murat onthe 19th Brumaire in the hall of the Five Hundred, dissipated all theremaining traces of dislike; and in those moments when Bonaparte'spolitical views subdued every other sentiment of his mind, the rival ofthe Prince Santa Croce received the command of the Consular Guard. 

 --[Joachim Murat (1771-1616), the son of an innkeeper, aide de camp to Napoleon in Italy, etc. ; Marshal, 1804; Prince in 1806; Grand Admiral; Grand Duc de Berg et de Clesves, 1808; King of Naples, 1808. Shot by Bourbons 13th October 1815. Married Caroline Bonaparte (third sister of Napoleon) 20th January 1600. ]--

It may reasonably be supposed that Madame Bonaparte, in endeavouring towin the friendship of Murat by aiding his promotion, had in view to gainone partisan more to oppose to the family and brothers of Bonaparte; andof this kind of support she had much need. Their jealous hatred wasdisplayed on every occasion; and the amiable Josephine, whose only faultwas being too much of the woman, was continually tormented by sadpresentiments. Carried away by the easiness of her character, she didnot perceive that the coquetry which enlisted for her so many defendersalso supplied her implacable enemies with weapons to use against her. 

In this state of things Josephine, who was well convinced that she hadattached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and gratitude, andardently desired to see him united to Bonaparte by a family connection, favoured with all her influence his marriage with Caroline. She was notignorant that a close intimacy had already sprung up at Milan betweenCaroline and Murat, and she was the first to propose a marriage. Murathesitated, and went to consult M. Collot, who was a good adviser in allthings, and whose intimacy with Bonaparte had initiated him into all thesecrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to lose no time, but togo to the First Consul and formally demand the hand of his sister. Muratfollowed his advice. Did he do well? It was to this step that he owedthe throne of Naples. If he had abstained he would not have been shot atPizzo. 'Sed ipsi Dei fata rumpere non possunt!'

However that might be, Bonaparte received, more in the manner of asovereign than of a brother in arms, the proposal of Murat. He heard himwith unmoved gravity, said that he would consider the matter, but gave nopositive answer. 

This affair was, as may be supposed, the subject of conversation in theevening in the salon of the Luxembourg. Madame Bonaparte employed allher powers of persuasion to obtain the First Consul's consent, and herefforts were seconded by Hortense, Eugene, and myself, "Murat, " said he, among other things, "Murat is an innkeeper's son. In the elevated rankwhere glory and fortune have placed me, I never can mix his blood withmine! Besides, there is no hurry: I shall see by and by. " We forciblydescribed to him the reciprocal affection of the two young people, anddid not fail to bring to his observation Murat's devoted attachment tohis person, his splendid courage and noble conduct in Egypt. "Yes, " saidhe, with warmth, "I agree with you; Murat was superb at Aboukir. " We didnot allow so favourable a moment to pass by. We redoubled ourentreaties, and at last he consented. When we were together in hiscabinet in the evening, "Well; Bourrienne, " said he to me, "you ought tobe satisfied, and so am I, too, everything considered. Murat is suitedto my sister, and then no one can say that I am proud, or seek grandalliances. If I had given my sister to a noble, all your Jacobins wouldhave raised a cry of counter-revolution. Besides, I am very glad that mywife is interested in this marriage, and you may easily suppose thecause. Since it is determined on, I will hasten it forward; we have notime to lose. If I go to Italy I will take Murat with me. I must strikea decisive blow there. Adieu. "

When I entered the First Consul's chamber at seven o'clock the next dayhe appeared even more satisfied than on the preceding evening with theresolution he had taken. I easily perceived that in spite of all hiscunning, he had failed to discover the real motive which had inducedJosephine to take so lively an interest respecting Murat's marriage withCaroline. Still Bonaparte's satisfaction plainly showed that his wife'seagerness for the marriage had removed all doubt in his mind of thefalsity of the calumnious reports which had prevailed respecting herintimacy with Murat. 

The marriage of Murat and Caroline was celebrated at the Luxembourg, butwith great modesty. The First Consul did not yet think that his familyaffairs were affairs of state. But previously to the celebration alittle comedy was enacted in which I was obliged to take a part, and Iwill relate how. 

At the time of the marriage of Murat Bonaparte had not much money, andtherefore only gave his sister a dowry of 30, 000 francs. Still, thinkingit necessary to make her a marriage present, and not possessing the meansto purchase a suitable one, he took a diamond necklace which helonged tohis wife and gave it to the bride. Josephine was not at all pleased withthis robbery, and taxed her wits to discover some means of replacing hernecklace. 

Josephine was aware that the celebrated jeweler Foncier possessed amagnificent collection of fine pearls which had belonged, as he said, tothe late Queen, Marie Antoinette. Having ordered them to be brought toher to examine them, she thought there were sufficient to make a veryfine necklace. But to make the purchase 250, 000 francs were required, and how to get them was the difficulty. Madame Bonaparte had recourse toBerthier, who was then Minister of War. Berthier, after, biting hisnails according to his usual habit, set about the liquidation of thedebts due for the hospital service in Italy with as much speed aspossible; and as in those days the contractors whose claims were admittedoverflowed with gratitude towards their patrons, through whom theyobtained payment, the pearls soon passed from Foncier's shop to thecasket of Madame Bonaparte. 

The pearls being thus obtained, there was still another difficulty, whichMadame Bonaparte did not at first think of. How was she to wear anecklace purchased without her husband's knowledge? Indeed it was themore difficult for her to do so as the First Consul knew very well thathis wife had no money, and being, if I may be allowed the expression, something of the busybody, he knew, or believed he knew, all Josephine'sjewels. The pearls were therefore condemned to remain more than afortnight in Madame Bonaparte's casket without her daring to use them. What a punishment for a woman! At length her vanity overcame herprudence, and being unable to conceal the jewels any longer, she one daysaid to me, "Bourrienne, there is to be a large party here to-morrow, andI absolutely must wear my pearls. But you know he will grumble if henotices them. I beg, Bourrienne, that you will keep near me. If he asksme where I got my pearls I must tell him, without hesitation, that I havehad them a long time. "

Everything happened as Josephine feared and hoped. 

Bonaparte, on seeing the pearls, did not fail to say to Madame, "What isit you have got there? How fine you are to-day! Where did you get thesepearls? I think I never saw them before. "--"Oh! 'mon Dieu'! you haveseen them a dozen times! It is the necklace which the Cisalpine Republicgave me, and which I now wear in my hair. "--"But I think--"--"Stay: askBourrienne, he will tell you. "--"Well, Bourrienne, what do you say to it?Do you recollect the necklace?"--"Yes, General, I recollect very wellseeing it before. " This was not untrue, for Madame Bonaparte hadpreviously shown me the pearls. Besides, she had received a pearlnecklace from the Cisalpine Republic, but of incomparably less value thanthat purchased from Fancier. Josephine performed her part with charmingdexterity, and I did not act amiss the character of accomplice assignedme in this little comedy. Bonaparte had no suspicions. When I saw theeasy confidence with which Madame Bonaparte got through this scene, Icould not help recollecting Suzanne's reflection on the readiness withwhich well-bred ladies can tell falsehoods without seeming to do so. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

1800. 

 Police on police--False information--Dexterity of Fouche--Police agents deceived--Money ill applied--Inutility of political police-- Bonaparte's opinion--General considerations--My appointment to the Prefecture of police. 

Before taking up his quarters in the Tuileries the First Consul organisedhis secret police, which was intended, at the same time, to be the rivalor check upon Fouche's police. Duroc and Moncey were at first theDirector of this police; afterwards Davonst and Junot. Madame Bonapartecalled this business a vile system of espionage. My remarks on theinutility of the measure were made in vain. Bonaparte had the weaknessat once to fear Fouche and to think him necessary. Fouche, whose talentsat this trade are too well known to need my approbation, soon discoveredthis secret institution, and the names of all the subaltern agentsemployed by the chief agents. It is difficult to form an idea of thenonsense, absurdity, and falsehood contained in the bulletins drawn up bythe noble and ignoble agents of the police. I do not mean to enter intodetails on this nauseating subject; and I shall only trespass on thereader's patience by relating, though it be in anticipation, one factwhich concerns myself, and which will prove that spies and their wretchedreports cannot be too much distrusted. 

During the second year of the Consulate we were established at Malmaison. Junot had a very large sum at his disposal for the secret police of thecapital. He gave 3000 francs of it to a wretched manufacturer ofbulletins; the remainder was expended on the police of his stable and histable. In reading one of these daily bulletins I saw the followinglines:

 "M. De Bourrienne went last night to Paris. He entered an hotel of the Faubourg St. Germain, Rue de Varenne, and there, in the course of a very animated discussion, he gave it to be understood that the First Consul wished to make himself King. "

As it happens, I never had opened my mouth, either respecting whatBonaparte had said to me before we went to Egypt or respecting his otherfrequent conversations with me of the same nature, during this period ofhis Consulship. I may here observe, too, that I never quitted, nor evercould quit Malmaison for a moment. At any time, by night or day, I wassubject to be called for by the First Consul, and, as very often was thecase, it so happened that on the night in question he had dictated to menotes and instructions until three o'clock in the morning. 

Junot came every day to Malmaison at eleven o'clock in the morning. Icalled him that day into my cabinet, when I happened to be alone. "Haveyou not read your bulletin?" said I, "Yes, I have. "--"Nay, that isimpossible. "--"Why?"--"Because, if you had, you would have suppressed anabsurd story which relates to me. "--"Ah!" he replied, "I am sorry on youraccount, but I can depend on my agent, and I will not alter a word of hisreport. " I then told him all that had taken place on that night; but hewas obstinate, and went away unconvinced. 

Every morning I placed all the papers which the First Consul had to readon his table, and among the first was Junot's report. The First Consulentered and read it; on coming to the passage concerning me he began tosmile. 

"Have you read this bulletin?"--"yes, General. "--"What an ass that Junotis! It is a long time since I have known that. "--"How he allows himselfto be entrapped! Is he still here?"--"I believe so. I have just seenhim, and made observations to him, all in good part, but he would hearnothing. "--"Tell him to come here. " When Junot appeared Bonapartebegan--"Imbecile that you are! how could you send me such reports asthese? Do you not read them? How shall I be sure that you will notcompromise other persons equally unjustly? I want positive facts, notinventions. It is some time since your agent displeased me; dismiss himdirectly. " Junot wanted to justify himself, but Bonaparte cut himshort--"Enough!--It is settled!"

I related what had passed to Fouche, who told me that, wishing to amusehimself at Junot's expense, whose police agents only picked up what theyheard related in coffeehouses, gaming-houses, and the Bourse, he hadgiven currency to this absurd story, which Junot had credited andreported, as he did many other foolish tales. Fouche often caught thepolice of the Palace in the snares he laid for them, and thus increasedhis own credit. 

This circumstance, and others of the same nature, induced the FirstConsul to attach less importance than at first he had to his secretpolice, which seldom reported anything but false and silly stories. That wretched police! During the time I was with him it embittered hislife, and often exasperated him against his wife, his relations, andfriends. 

 --[Bourrienne, it must be remembered, was a sufferer from the vigilance of this police. ]--

Rapp, who was as frank as he was brave, tells us in his Memoirs (p. 233)that when Napoleon, during his retreat from Moscow, while beforeSmolenski, heard of the attempt of Mallet, he could not get over theadventure of the Police Minister, Savary, and the Prefect of Police, Pasquier. "Napoleon, " says Rapp, "was not surprised that these wretches(he means the agents of the police) who crowd the salons and the taverns, who insinuate themselves everywhere and obstruct everything, should nothave found out the plot, but he could not understand the weakness of theDuc de Rovigo. The very police which professed to divine everything hadlet themselves be taken by surprise. " The police possessed no foresightor faculty of prevention. Every silly thing that transpired was reportedeither from malice or stupidity. What was heard was misunderstood ordistorted in the recital, so that the only result of the plan wasmischief and confusion. 

The police as a political engine is a dangerous thing. It foments andencourages more false conspiracies than it discovers or defeats realones. Napoleon has related "that M. De la Rochefoucauld formed at Parisa conspiracy in favour of the King, then at Mittau, the first act ofwhich was to be the death of the Chief of the Government: The plot beingdiscovered, a trusty person belonging to the police was ordered to joinit and become one of the most active agents. He brought letters ofrecommendation from an old gentleman in Lorraine who had held adistinguished rank in the army of Conde. " After this, what more can bewanted? A hundred examples could not better show the vileness of such asystem. Napoleon, when fallen, himself thus disclosed the scandalousmeans employed by his Government. 

Napoleon on one occasion, in the Isle of Elba, said to an officer who wasconversing with him about France, "You believe, then; that the policeagents foresee everything and know everything? They invent more thanthey discover. Mine, I believe, was better than that they have got now, and yet it was often only by mere chance, the imprudence of the partiesimplicated, or the treachery of some of them, that something wasdiscovered after a week or fortnight's exertion. " Napoleon, in directingthis officer to transmit letters to him under the cover of a commercialcorrespondence, to quiet his apprehensions that the correspondence mightbe discovered, said, "Do you think, then, that all letters are opened atthe post office? They would never be able to do so. I have oftenendeavoured to discover what the correspondence was that passed undermercantile forms, but I never succeeded. The post office, like thepolice, catches only fools. "

Since I am on the subject of political police, that leprosy of modernsociety, perhaps I may be allowed to overstep the order of time, andadvert to its state even in the present day. 

The Minister of Police, to give his prince a favourable idea of hisactivity, contrives great conspiracies, which he is pretty sure todiscover in time, because he is their originator. The inferior agents, to find favour in the eyes of the Minister, contrive small plots. Itwould be difficult to mention a conspiracy which has been discovered, except when the police agents took part in it, or were its promoters. It is difficult to conceive how those agents can feed a little intrigue, the result at first, perhaps, of some petty ill-humour and discontentwhich, thanks to their skill, soon becomes a great affair. How manyconspiracies have escaped the boasted activity and vigilance of thepolice when none of its agents were parties. I may instance Babeuf'sconspiracy, the attempt at the camp at Grenelle, the 18th Brumaire, theinfernal machine, Mallet, the 20th of March, the affair of Grenoble, andmany others. 

The political police, the result of the troubles of the Revolution, hassurvived them. The civil police for the security of property, health, and order, is only made a secondary object, and has been, therefore, neglected. There are times in which it is thought of more consequenceto discover whether a citizen goes to mass or confession than to defeatthe designs of a band of robbers. Such a state of things is unfortunatefor a country; and the money expended on a system of superintendence overpersons alleged to be suspected, in domestic inquisitions, in thecorruption of the friends, relations, and servants of the man marked outfor destruction might be much better employed. The espionage of opinion, created, as I have said, by the revolutionary troubles, is suspicious, restless, officious, inquisitorial, vexatious, and tyrannical. Indifferent to crimes and real offences, it is totally absorbed in theinquisition of thoughts. Who has not heard it said in company, to someone speaking warmly, "Be moderate, M------ is supposed to belong to thepolice. " This police enthralled Bonaparte himself in its snares, andheld him a long time under the influence of its power. 

I have taken the liberty thus to speak of a scourge of society of whichI have been a victim. What I here state may be relied on. I shall notspeak of the week during which I had to discharge the functions ofPrefect of Police, namely, from the 13th to the 20th of March 1816. It may well be supposed that though I had not held in abhorrence theinfamous system which I have described, the important nature of thecircumstances and the short period of my administration must haveprevented me from making complete use of the means placed at my disposal. The dictates of discretion, which I consider myself bound to obey, forbid me giving proofs of what I advance. What it was necessary to doI accomplished without employing violent or vexatious means; and I cantake on myself to assert that no one has cause to complain of me. Were Ito publish the list of the persons I had orders to arrest, those of themwho are yet living would be astonished that the only knowledge they hadof my being the Prefect of Police was from the Moniteur. I obtained bymild measures, by persuasion, and reasoning what I could never have gotby violence. I am not divulging any secrets of office, but I believe Iam rendering a service to the public in pointing out what I have oftenobserved while an unwilling confidant in the shameful manoeuvres of thatpolitical institution. 

The word ideologue was often in Bonaparte's mouth; and in using it heendeavoured to throw ridicule on those men whom he fancied to have atendency towards the doctrine of indefinite perfectibility. He esteemedthem for their morality, yet he looked on them as dreamers seeking forthe type of a universal constitution, and considering the character ofman in the abstract only. The ideologues, according to him, looked forpower in institutions; and that he called metaphysics. He had no idea ofpower except in direct force: All benevolent men who speculate on theamelioration of human society were regarded by Bonaparte as dangerous, because their maxims and principles were diametrically opposed to theharsh and arbitrary system he had adopted. He said that their heartswere better than their heads, and, far from wandering with them inabstractions, he always said that men were only to be governed by fearand interest. The free expression of opinion through the press has beenalways regarded by those who are not led away by interest or power asuseful to society. But Bonaparte held the liberty of the press in thegreatest horror; and so violent was his passion when anything was urgedin its favour that he seemed to labour under a nervous attack. Great manas he was, he was sorely afraid of little paragraphs. 

 --[Joseph Bonaparte fairly enough remarks on this that such writings had done great harm in those extraordinary times (Erreurs, tome i, p. 259). Metternich, writing in 1827 with distrust of the proceedings of Louis XVIII. , quotes, with approval, Napoleon's sentiments on this point. "Napoleon, who could not have been wanting in the feeling of power, said to me, 'You see me master of Prance; well, I would not, undertake to govern her for three months with liberty of the press. Louis XVIII. , apparently thinking himself stronger than Napoleon, is not content with allowing the press its freedom, but has embodied its liberty in the charter" (Metternich, tome iv, p. 391. )]--

CHAPTER XXXII. 

1800. 

 Successful management of parties--Precautions--Removal from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries--Hackney-coaches and the Consul's white horses--Royal custom and an inscription--The review--Bonaparte's homage to the standards--Talleyrand in Bonaparte's cabinet-- Bonaparte's aversion to the cap of liberty even in painting--The state bed--Our cabinet. 

Of the three brothers to whom the 18th Brumaire gave birth Bonapartespeedily declared himself the eldest, and hastened to assume all therights of primogeniture. He soon arrogated to himself the whole power. The project he had formed, when he favoured the revolution of the 18thFructidor, was now about to be realized. It was then an indispensablepart of his plan that the Directory should violate the constitution inorder to justify a subsequent subversion of the Directory. Theexpressions which escaped him from time to time plainly showed that hisambition was not yet satisfied, and that the Consulship was only a stateof probation preliminary to the complete establishment of monarchy. The Luxembourg was then discovered to be too small for the Chief of theGovernment, and it was resolved that Bonaparte should inhabit theTuileries. Still great prudence was necessary to avoid the quicksandswhich surrounded him! He therefore employed great precaution in dealingwith the susceptibilities of the Republicans, taking care to inure themgradually to the temperature of absolute power. But this mode oftreatment was not sufficient; for such was Bonaparte's situation betweenthe Jacobins and the Royalists that he could not strike a blow at oneparty without strengthening the other. He, however, contrived to solvethis difficult problem, and weakened both parties by alternatelyfrightening each. "You see, Royalists, " he seemed to say, "if you do notattach yourselves to my government the Jacobins will again rise and bringback the reign of terror and its scaffold. " To the men of the Revolutionhe, on the other hand, said, "See, the counter-Revolution appears, threatening reprisals and vengeance. It is ready to overwhelm you; mybuckler can alone protect you from its attacks. " Thus both parties wereinduced, from their mutual fear of each other, to attach themselves toBonaparte; and while they fancied they were only placing themselves underthe protection of the Chief of the Government, they were makingthemselves dependent on an ambitious man, who, gradually bending them tohis will, guided them as he chose in his political career. He advancedwith a firm step; but he never neglected any artifice to conceal, as longas possible, his designs. 

I saw Bonaparte put in motion all his concealed springs; and I could nothelp admiring his wonderful address. 

But what most astonished me was the control he possessed over himself, inrepressing any premature manifestation of his intentions which mightprejudice his projects. Thus, for instance, he never spoke of theTuileries but under the name of "the Palace of the Government, " and hedetermined not to inhabit, at first, the ancient palace of the kings ofFrance alone. He contented himself with selecting the royal apartments, and proposed that the Third Consul should also reside in the Tuileries, and in consequence he occupied the Pavilion of Flora. This skilfularrangement was perfectly in accordance with the designation of "Palaceof the Government" given to the Tuileries, and was calculated to deceive, for a time; the most clear-sighted. 

The moment for leaving the Luxembourg having arrived, Bonaparte stillused many deceptive precautions. The day filed for the translation ofthe seat of government was the 30th Pluviose, the previous day havingbeen selected for publishing the account of the votes taken for theacceptance of the new Constitution. He had, besides, caused theinsertion in the 'Moniteur' of the eulogy on Washington, pronounced, byM. De Fontanes, the decadi preceding, to be delayed for ten days. Hethought that the day when he was about to take so large a step towardsmonarchy would be well chosen for entertaining the people of Paris withgrand ideas of liberty, and for coupling his own name with that of thefounder of the free government of the United States. 

At seven o'clock on the morning of the 30th Pluviuse I entered, as usual, the chamber of the First Consul. He was in a profound sleep, and thiswas one of the days on which I had been desired to allow him to sleep alittle longer than usual. I have often observed that General Bonaparteappeared much less moved when on the point of executing any greatdesign--than during the time of projecting it, so accustomed was heto think that what he had resolved on in his mind, was already done. 

When I returned to Bonaparte he said to me, with a marked air ofsatisfaction, "Well, Bourrienne, to-night, at last, we shall sleep in theTuileries. You are better off than I: you are not obliged to make aspectacle of yourself, but may go your own road there. I must, however, go in procession: that disgusts me; but it is necessary to speak to theeyes. That has a good effect on the people. The Directory was toosimple, and therefore never enjoyed any consideration. In the armysimplicity is in its proper place; but in a great city, in a palace, the Chief of the Government must attract attention in every possible way, yet still with prudence. Josephine is going to look out from Lebrun'sapartments; go with her, if you like; but go to the cabinet as soon asyou see me alight from my-horse. "

I did not go to the review, but proceeded to the Tuileries, to arrange inour new cabinet the papers which it was my duty to take care of, and toprepare everything for the First Consul's arrival. It was not until theevening that I learned, from the conversation in the salon, where therewas a numerous party, what had taken piece in the course of the day. 

At one o'clock precisely Bonaparte left the Luxembourg. The processionwas, doubtless, far from approaching the magnificent parade of theEmpire: but as much pomp was introduced as the state of things in Francepermitted. The only real splendour of that period consisted in finetroops. Three thousand picked men, among whom was the superb regiment ofthe Guides, had been ordered out for the occasion: all marched in thegreatest order; with music at the head of each corps. The generals andtheir staffs were on horseback, the Ministers in carriages, which weresomewhat remarkable, as they were almost the only private carriages thenin Paris, for hackney-coaches had been hired to convey the Council ofState, and no trouble had been taken to alter them, except by pastingover the number a piece of paper of the same colour as the body of thevehicle. The Consul's carriage was drawn by six white horses. With thesight of those horses was associated the recollection of days of gloryand of peace, for they had been presented to the General-in-Chief of thearmy of Italy by the Emperor of Germany after the treaty of Campo-Formio. Bonaparte also wore the magnificent sabre given him by the EmperorFrancis. With Cambaceres on his left, and Lebrun in the front of thecarriage, the First Consul traversed a part of Paris, taking the Rue deThionville; and the Quai Voltaire to the Pont Royal. Everywhere he wasgreeted by acclamations of joy, which at that time were voluntary, andneeded not to be commanded by the police. 

From the-wicket-of the Carrousel to the gate of the Tuileries the troopsof the Consular Guard were formed in two lines, through which theprocession passed--a royal custom, which made a singular contrast with aninscription in front of which Bonaparte passed on entering the courtyard. Two guard-houses had been built, one on the right and another on the leftof the centre gate. On the one to the right were written these words:

 "THE TENTH of AUGUST 1792. --ROYALTY IN FRANCE IS ABOLISHED; AND SHALL NEVER BE RE-ESTABLISHED!"

It was already re-established!

In the meantime the troops had been drawn up in line in the courtyard. As soon as the Consul's carriage stopped Bonaparte immediately alighted, and mounted, or, to speak more properly, leaped on his horse, andreviewed his troops, while the other two Consuls proceeded to the stateapartments of the Tuileries, where the Council of State and the Ministersawaited them. A great many ladies, elegantly dressed in Greek costume, which was then the fashion, were seated with Madame Bonaparte at thewindows of the Third Consul's apartments in the Pavilion of Flora. It isimpossible to give an idea of the immense crowds which flowed in from allquarters. The windows looking to the Carrousel were let for very largesums; and everywhere arose, as if from one voice, shouts of "Long livethe First Consul!" Who could help being intoxicated by so muchenthusiasm?

Bonaparte prolonged the review for some time, passed down all the ranks, and addressed the commanders of corps in terms of approbation and praise. He then took his station at the gate of the Tuileries, with Murat on hisright, and Lannes on his left, and behind him a numerous staff of youngwarriors, whose complexions had been browned by the sun of Egypt andItaly, and who had been engaged in more battles than they numbered yearsWhen the colours of the 96th, 43d, and 34th demi-brigades, or rathertheir flagstaffs surmounted by some shreds, riddled by balls andblackened by powder, passed before him, he raised his hat and inclinedhis head in token of respect. Every homage thus paid by a great captainto standards which had been mutilated on the field of battle was salutedby a thousand acclamations. When the troops had finished defiling beforehim, the First Consul, with a firm step, ascended the stairs of theTuileries. 

The General's part being finished for the day, that of the Chief of theState began; and indeed it might already be said that the First Consulwas the whole Consulate. At the risk of interrupting my narrative ofwhat occurred on our arrival at the Tuileries, by a digression, which maybe thought out of place, I will relate a fact which had no little weightin hastening Bonaparte's determination to assume a superiority over hiscolleagues. It may be remembered that when Roger Ducos and Sieyes borethe title of Consuls the three members of the Consular commission wereequal, if not in fact at least in right. But when Cambaceres and Lebruntook their places, Talleyrand; who had at the same time been appointed tosucceed M. Reinhart as Minister of Foreign Affairs, obtained a privateaudience of the First Consul in his cabinet, to which I was admitted. The observations of Talleyrand on this occasion were highly agreeable toBonaparte, and they made too deep an impression on my mind to allow me toforget them. 

"Citizen Consul, " said he to him, "you have confided to me the office ofMinister for Foreign Affairs, and I will justify your confidence; but Imust declare to you that from this moment, I will not transact businesswith any but yourself. This determination does not proceed from any vainpride on my part, but is induced, by a desire to serve France. In orderthat France may be well governed, in order that there may be a unity ofaction in the government, you must be First Consul, and the First Consulmust have the control over all that relates directly to politics; that isto say, over the Ministry of the Interior, and the Ministry of Police, for Internal Affairs, and over my department, for Foreign Affairs; and, lastly, over the two great means of execution, the military and navalforces. It will therefore be most convenient that the Ministers of thosefive departments should transact business with you. The Administrationof Justice and the ordering of the Finances are objects certainlyconnected with State politics by numerous links, which, however, are notof so intimate a nature as those of the other departments. If you willallow me, General, I should advise that the control over theAdministration of Justice be given to the Second Consul, who is wellversed in jurisprudence; and to the Third Consul, who is equally wellacquainted with Finance, the control over that department. That willoccupy and amuse them, and you, General, having at your disposal all thevital parts of the government, will be able to reach the end you aim at, the regeneration of France. "

Bonaparte did not hear these remarkable words with indifference. Theywere too much in accordance with his own secret wishes to be listened towithout pleasure; and he said to me as soon as Talleyrand had takenleave, "Do you know, Bourrienne, I think Talleyrand gives good advice. He is a man of great understanding. "--"Such is the opinion, " I replied, "of all who know him. "--"He is perfectly right. " Afterwards he added, smiling, "Tallyrand is evidently a shrewd man. He has penetrated mydesigns. What he advises you know I am anxious to do. But again I say, he is right; one gets on quicker by oneself. Lebrun is a worthy man, buthe has no policy in his head; he is a book-maker. Cambaceres carrieswith him too many traditions of the Revolution. My government must be anentirely new one. "

Talleyrand's advice had been so punctually followed that even on theoccasion of the installation of the Consular Government, while Bonapartewas receiving all the great civil and military officers of the State inthe hall of presentation, Cambaceres and Lebrun stood by more likespectators of the scene than two colleagues of the First Consul. TheMinister of the Interior presented the civil authorities of Paris; theMinister of War, the staff of the 17th military division; the Minister ofMarine, several naval officers; and the staff of the Consular Guard waspresented by Murat. As our Consular republicans were not exactlySpartans, the ceremony of the presentations was followed by granddinner-parties. The First Consul entertained at his table, the two otherConsuls, the Ministers, and the Presidents of the great bodies of theState. Murat treated the heads of the army; and the members of theCouncil of State, being again seated in their hackney-coaches withcovered numbers, drove off to dine with Lucien. 

Before taking possession of the Tuileries we had frequently gone there tosee that the repairs, or rather the whitewashing, which Bonaparte haddirected to be done, was executed. On our first visit, seeing a numberof red caps of liberty painted on the walls, he said to M. Lecomte, atthat time the architect in charge, "Get rid of all these things; I do notlike to see such rubbish. "

The First Consul gave directions himself for what little alterations hewanted in his own apartments. A state bed--not that of Louis XVI. --wasplaced in the chamber next his cabinet, on the south side, towards thegrand staircase of the Pavilion of Flora. I may as well mention herethat he very seldom occupied that hed, for Bonaparte was very simple inhis manner of living in private, and was not fond of state, except as ameans of imposing on mankind. At the Luxembourg, at Malmaison, andduring the first period that he occupied the Tuileries, Bonaparte, if Imay speak in the language of common life, always slept with his wife. He went every evening down to Josephine by a small staircase leading froma wardrobe attached to his cabinet, and which had formerly been thechapel of Maria de Medici. I never went to Bonaparte's bedchamber butby this staircase; and when he came to our cabinet it was always by thewardrobe which I have mentioned. The door opened opposite the onlywindow of our room, and it commanded a view of the garden. 

As for our cabinet, where so many great, and also small events wereprepared, and where I passed so many hours of my life, I can, even now, give the most minute description of it to those who like such details. 

There were two tables. The best, which was the First Consul's, stood inthe middle of the room, and his armchair was turned with its back to thefireplace, having the window on the right. To the right of this againwas a little closet where Duroc sat, through which we could communicatewith the clerk of the office and the grand apartments of the Court. When the First Consul was seated at his table in his chair (the arms ofwhich he so frequently mutilated with his penknife) he had a largebookcase opposite to him. A little to the right, on one side of thebookcase, was another door, opening into the cabinet which led directlyto the state bedchamber which I have mentioned. Thence we passed intothe grand Presentation Saloon, on the ceiling of which Lebrun had painteda likeness of Louis XIV. A tri-coloured cockade placed on the foreheadof the great King still bore witness of the imbecile turpitude of theConvention. Lastly came the hall of the Guards, in front of the grandstaircase of the Pavilion of Flora. 

My writing-table, which was extremely plain, stood near the window, andin summer I had a view of the thick foliage of the chestnut-trees; but inorder to see the promenaders in the garden I was obliged to raise myselffrom my seat. My back was turned to the General's side, so that itrequired only a slight movement of the head to speak to each other. Duroc was seldom in his little cabinet, and that was the place where Igave some audiences. The Consular cabinet, which afterwards became theImperial, has left many impressions on my mind; and I hope the reader, ingoing through these volumes, will not think that they have been of tooslight a description. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

1800. 

 The Tuileries--Royalty in perspective--Remarkable observation-- Presentations--Assumption of the prerogative of mercy--M. Defeu-- M. De Frotte--Georges Cadondal's audience of Bonaparte--Rapp's precaution and Bonaparte's confidence--The dignity of France-- Napper Tandy and Blackwell delivered up by the Senate of Hamburg-- Contribution in the Egyptian style--Valueless bill--Fifteen thousand francs in the drawer of a secretaire--Josephine's debts--Evening walks with Bonaparte. 

The morning after that ardently wished-for day on which we tookpossession of the Palace of the Kings of France I observed to Bonaparteon entering his chamber, "Well, General, you have got here without muchdifficulty, and with the applause of the people! Do you remember whatyou said to me in the Rue St. Anne nearly two years ago?"--"Ay, trueenough, I recollect. You see what it is to have the mind set on a thing. Only two years have gone by! Don't you think we have not worked badlysince that time? Upon the whole I am very well content. Yesterdaypassed off well. Do you imagine that all those who came to flatter mewere sincere? No, certainly not: but the joy of the people was real. They know what is right. Besides, consult the grand thermometer ofopinion, the price of the funds: on the 17th Brumaire at 11 francs, onthe 20th at 16 and to-day at 21. In such a state of things I may let theJacobins prate as they like. But let them not talk too loudly either!"

As soon as he was dressed we went to look through the Gallery of Dianaand examine the statues which had been placed there by his orders. Weended our morning's work by taking complete possession of our newresidence. I recollect Bonaparte saying to me, among other things, "Tobe at the Tuileries, Bourrienne, is not all. We must stay here. Who, inHeaven's name, has not already inhabited this palace? Ruffians, conventionalists! But hold! there is your brother's house! Was it notfrom those windows I saw the Tuileries besieged, and the good Louis XVI. Carried off? But be assured they will not come here again!"

The Ambassadors and other foreign Ministers then in Paris were presentedto the First Consul at a solemn audience. On this occasion all theancient ceremonials belonging to the French Court were raked up, and inplace of chamberlains and a grand master of ceremonies a Counsellor ofState, M. Benezech, who was once Minister for Foreign Affairs, officiated. 

When the Ambassadors had all arrived M. Benezech conducted them into thecabinet, in which were the three Consuls, the Ministers, and the Councilof State. The Ambassadors presented their credentials to the FirstConsul, who handed them to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Thesepresentations were followed by others; for example, the Tribunal ofCassation, over which the old advocate, Target, who refused to defendLouis XVI. , then presided. All this passed in view of the three Consuls;but the circumstance which distinguished the First Consul from hiscolleagues was, that the official personages, on leaving theaudience-chamber, were conducted to Madame Bonaparte's apartments, inimitation of the old practice of waiting on the Queen after presentationto the King. 

Thus old customs of royalty crept by degrees into the former abodes ofroyalty. Amongst the rights attached to the Crown, and which theConstitution of the year VIII. Did not give to the First Consul, was onewhich he much desired to possess, and which, by the most happy of allusurpations, he arrogated to himself. This was the right of grantingpardon. Bonaparte felt a real pleasure in saving men under the sentenceof the law; and whenever the imperious necessity of his policy, to which, in truth, he sacrificed everything, permitted it, he rejoiced in theexercise of mercy. It would seem as if he were thankful to the personsto whom he rendered such service merely because he had given themoccasion to be thankful to him. Such was the First Consul: I do notspeak of the Emperor. Bonaparte, the First Consul, was accessible to thesolicitations of friendship in favour of persons placed underproscription. The following circumstance, which interested me much, affords an incontestable proof of what I state:--

Whilst we were still at the Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French emigrant, wastaken in the Tyrol with arms in his hand by the troops of the Republic. He was carried to Grenoble, and thrown into the military prison of thattown. In the course of January General Ferino, then commanding atGrenoble, received orders to put the young emigrant on his trial. Thelaws against emigrants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges darednot be indulgent. To be tried in the morning, condemned in the course ofthe day, and shot in the evening, was the usual course of thoseimplacable proceedings. One of my cousins, the daughter of M. Poitrincourt, came from Sens to Paris to inform me of the dreadfulsituation of M. Defeu. She told me that he was related to the mostrespectable families of the town of Sens, and that everybody felt thegreatest interest in his fate. 

I had escaped for a few moments to keep the appointment I made withMademoiselle Poitrincourt. On my return I perceived the First Consulsurprised at finding himself alone in the cabinet, which I was not in thehabit of quitting without his knowledge. "Where have you been?" said he. "I have been to see one of my relations, who solicits a favour ofyou. "--"What is it?" I then informed him of the unfortunate situationof M. Defeu. His first answer was dreadful. "No pity! no pity foremigrants! Whoever fights against his country is a child who tries tokill his mother!" This first burst of anger being over, I returned tothe charge. I urged the youth of M. Defeu, and the good effect whichclemency would produce. "Well, " said he, "write--

 "The First Consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to be suspended. "

He signed this laconic order, which I instantly despatched to GeneralFerino. I acquainted my cousin with what had passed, and remained atease as to the result of the affair. 

Scarcely had I entered the chamber of the First Consul the next morningwhen he said to me, "Well, Bourrienne, you say nothing about your M. Defeu. Are you satisfied?"--"General, I cannot find terms to express mygratitude. "--"Ah, bah! But I do not like to do things by halves. Writeto Ferino that I wish M. Defeu to be instantly set at liberty. Perhaps Iam serving one who will prove ungrateful. Well, so much the worse forhim. As to these matters, Bourrienne, always ask them from me. When Irefuse, it is because I cannot help it. "

I despatched at my own expense an extraordinary courier, who arrived intime to save M. Defeu's life. His mother, whose only son he was, and M. Blanchet, his uncle, came purposely from Sens to Paris to express theirgratitude to me. I saw tears of joy fall from the eyes of a mother whohad appeared to be destined to shed bitter drops, and I said to her as Ifelt, "that I was amply recompensed by the success which had attended myefforts. "

Emboldened by this success, and by the benevolent language of the FirstConsul, I ventured to request the pardon of M. De Frotte, who wasstrongly recommended to me by most honourable persons. Comte Louis deFrotte had at first opposed all negotiation for the pacification of LaVendee. At length, by a series of unfortunate combats, he was, towardsthe end of January, reduced to the necessity of making himself theadvances which he had rejected when made by others. At this period headdressed a letter to General Guidal, in which he offered pacificatoryproposals. A protection to enable him to repair to Alencon wastransmitted to him. Unfortunately for M. De Frotte, he did not confinehimself to writing to General Guidal, for whilst the safe-conduct whichhe had asked was on the way to him, he wrote to his lieutenants, advisingthem not to submit or consent to be disarmed. This letter wasintercepted. It gave all the appearance of a fraudulent stratagem to hisproposal to treat for peace. Besides, this opinion appeared to beconfirmed by a manifesto of M. De Frotte, anterior, it is true, to theoffers of pacification, but in which he announced to all his partisansthe approaching end of Bonaparte's "criminal enterprise. "

I had more trouble than in M: Defeu's case to induce the First Consul toexercise his clemency. However, I pressed him so much, I laboured sohard to convince him of the happy effect of such indulgence, that atlength I obtained an order to suspend the judgment. What a lesson I thenexperienced of the evil which may result from the loss of time! Notsupposing that matters were so far advanced as they were, I did notimmediately send off the courier with the order for the suspension of thejudgment. Besides, the Minister-of-Police had marked his victim, and henever lost time when evil was to be done. Having, therefore, I know notfor what motive, resolved on the destruction of M. De Frotte, he sent anorder to hasten his trial. 

Comte Louis de Frotte was brought to trial on the 28th Pluviose, condemned the same day, and executed the next morning, the day before weentered the Tuileries. The cruel precipitation of the Minister renderedthe result of my solicitations abortive. I had reason to think thatafter the day on which the First Consul granted me the order for delay hehad received some new accusation against M. De Frotte, for when he heardof his death he appeared to me very indifferent about the tardy arrivalof the order for suspending judgment. He merely said to me, with unusualinsensibility, "You should take your measures better. You see it is notmy fault. "

Though Bonaparte put no faith in the virtue of men, he had confidence intheir honour. I had proof of this in a matter which deserves to berecorded in history. When, during the first period of our abode at theTuileries, he had summoned the principal chiefs of, La Vendee toendeavour to bring about the pacification of that unhappy country; hereceived Georges Cadoudal in a private audience. The disposition inwhich I beheld him the evening before the day appointed for this audienceinspired me with the most flattering hopes. Rapp introduced Georges intothe grand salon looking into the garden. Rapp left him alone with theFirst Consul, but on returning to the cabinet where I was he did notclose either of the two doors of the state bedchamber which separated thecabinet from the salon. We saw the First Consul and Georges walk fromthe window to the bottom of the salon--then return--then go back again. This lasted for a long time. The conversation appeared very animated, and we heard several things, but without any connection. There wasoccasionally a good deal of ill-humour displayed in their tone andgestures. The interview ended in nothing. The First Consul, perceivingthat Georges entertained some apprehensions for his personal safety, gavehim assurances of security in the most noble manner, saying, "You take awrong view of things, and are wrong in not coming to some understanding;but if you persist in wishing to return to your country you shall departas freely as you came to Paris. " When Bonaparte returned to his cabinethe said to Rapp, "Tell me, Rapp, why you left these doors open, andstopped with Bourrienne?" Rapp replied, "If you had closed the doors Iwould have opened them again. Do you think I would have left you alonewith a man like that? There would have been danger in it. "--"No, Rapp, "said Bonaparte, "you cannot think so. " When we were alone the FirstConsul appeared pleased with Rapp's attachment, but very vexed atGeorges' refusal. He said, "He does not take a correct view of things;but the extravagance of his principles has its source in noblesentiments, which must give him great influence over his countrymen. It is necessary, however, to bring this business soon to an end. "

Of all the actions of Louis XIV. That which Bonaparte most admired washis having made the Doge of Genoa send ambassadors to Paris to apologiseto him. The slightest insult offered in a foreign country to the rightsand dignity of France put Napoleon beside himself. This anxiety to havethe French Government respected exhibited itself in an affair which mademuch noise at the period, but which was amicably arranged by the soothinginfluence of gold. 

Two Irishmen, Napper Tandy and Blackwell, who had been educated inFrance, and whose names and rank as officers appeared in the French armylist, had retired to Hamburg. The British Government claimed them astraitors to their country, and they were given up; but, as the FrenchGovernment held them to be subjects of France, the transaction gave riseto bitter complaints against the Senate of Hamburg. 

Blackwell had been one of the leaders of the united Irishmen. He hadprocured his naturalisation in France, and had attained the rank, of chefd'escadrou. Being sent on a secret mission to Norway, the ship in whichhe was embarked was wrecked on the coast of that kingdom. He thenrepaired to Hamburg, where the Senate placed him under arrest on thedemand of Mr. Crawford, the English Minister. After being detained inprison a whole year he was conveyed to England to be tried. The FrenchGovernment interfered, and preserved, if not, his liberty, at least hislife. 

Napper Tandy was also an Irishman. To escape the search made after him, on account of the sentiments of independence which had induced him toengage in the contest for the liberty of his country, he got on board aFrench brig, intending to land at Hamburg and pass into Sweden. Beingexempted from the amnesty by the Irish Parliament, he was claimed by theBritish Government, and the Senators of Hamburg forgot honour andhumanity in their alarm at the danger which at that moment menaced theirlittle republic both from England and France. The Senate delivered upNapper Tandy; he was carried to Ireland, and condemned to death, but owedthe suspension of his execution to the interference of France. Heremained two years in prison, when M. Otto, who negotiated with LordHawkesbury the preliminaries of peace, obtained the release of NapperTandy, who was sent back to France. 

The First Consul spoke at first of signal vengeance; but the Senate ofHamburg sent him a memorial, justificatory of its conduct, and backed theapology with a sum of four millions and a half, which mollified himconsiderably. This was in some sort a recollection of Egypt--one ofthose little contributions with which the General had familiarised thepashas; with this difference, that on the present occasion not a singlesous went into the national treasury. The sum was paid to the FirstConsul through the hands of M. Chapeau Rouge. 

 --[A solemn deputation from the Senate arrived at the Tuileries to make public apologies to Napoleon. He again testified his indignation: and when the envoys urged their weakness he said to them. "Well and had you not the resource of weak states? was it not in your power to let them escape?" (Napoleon's Memoirs). ]--

I kept the four millions and a half in Dutch bonds in a secretaire for aweek. Bonaparte then determined to distribute them; after payingJosephine's debts, and the whole of the great expenses incurred atMalmaison, he dictated to me a list of persons to whom he wished to makepresents. My name did not escape his lips, and consequently I had notthe trouble to transcribe it; but some time after he said to me, with themost engaging kindness, "Bourrienne, I have given you none of the moneywhich came from Hamburg, but I will make you amends for it. " He tookfrom his drawer a large and broad sheet of printed paper, with blanksfilled up in his own handwriting, and said to me, "Here is a bill for300, 000 Italian livres on the Cisalpine Republic, for the price of cannonfurnished. It is endorsed Halter and Collot--I give it you. " To makethis understood, I ought to state that cannon had been sold to theCisalpine. Republic, for the value of which the Administrator-general ofthe Italian finances drew on the Republic, and the bills were paid overto M. Collot, a provision contractor, and other persons. M. Collot hadgiven one of these bills for 300, 000 livres to Bonaparte in quittance ofa debt, but the latter had allowed the bill to run out without troublinghimself about it. The Cisalpine Republic kept the cannons and the money, and the First Consul kept his bill. When I had examined it I said, "General, it has been due for a long time; why have you not got it paid?The endorsers are no longer liable. "--"France is bound to discharge debtsof this kind;" said he; "send the paper to de Fermont: he will discountit for three per cent. You will not have in ready money more than about9000 francs of renters, because the Italian livre is not equal to thefranc. " I thanked him, and sent the bill to M. De Fermont. He repliedthat the claim was bad, and that the bill would not be liquidated becauseit did not come within the classifications made by the laws passed in themonths the names of which terminated in 'aire, ose, al, and or'. 

I showed M. De Fermont's answer to the First Consul, who said, "Ah, bah!He understands nothing about it--he is wrong: write. " He then dictated aletter, which promised very favourably for the discounting of the bill;but the answer was a fresh refusal. I said, "General, M. De Fermont doesnot attend to you any more than to myself. " Bonaparte took the letter, read it, and said, in the tone of a man who knew beforehand what he wasabout to be, informed of, "Well, what the devil would you have me do, since the laws are opposed to it? Persevere; follow the usual modes ofliquidation, and something will come of it!" What finally happened was, that by a regular decree this bill was cancelled, torn, and deposited inthe archives. These 300, 000 livres formed part of the money whichBonaparte brought from Italy. If the bill was useless to me it was alsouseless to him. This scrap of paper merely proves that he brought more. Than 25, 000 francs from Italy. 

I never had, from the General-in-Chief of the army of Italy, nor from theGeneral in-Chief of the army of, Egypt, nor from the First Consul, forten years, nor from the Consul for life, any fixed salary: I took fromhis drawer what was necessary for my expenses as well as his own: Henever asked me for any account. After the transaction of the bill on theinsolvent Cisalpine Republic he said to me, at the beginning of thewinter of 1800, "Bourrienne, the weather, is becoming very bad; I will gobut seldom to Malmaison. Whilst I am at council get my papers and littlearticles from Malmaison; here is the key of my secretaire, take outeverything that is there. " I, got into the carriage at two o'clock andreturned at six. When he had dined I placed upon the table of hiscabinet the various articles which I had found in his secretaireincluding 15, 000 francs (somewhere about L 600 of English money) inbanknotes which were in the corner of a little drawer. When he looked atthem he said, "Here is money--what is the meaning of this?" I replied, "I know nothing about it, except that it was in your secretaire. "--"Oh yes; I had forgotten it. It was for my trifling expenses. Here, take it. " I remembered well that one summer morning he had given me hiskey to bring him two notes of 1000 francs for some incidental expense, but I had no idea that he had not drawn further on his little treasure. 

I have stated the appropriation of the four millions and a half, theresult of the extortion inflicted on the Senate of Hamburg, in the affairof Napper Tandy and Blackwell. 

The whole, however, Was not disposed of in presents. A considerableportion was reserved fob paying Josephine's debts, and this businessappears to me to deserve some remarks. 

The estate of Malmaison had cost 160, 000 francs. Josephine had purchasedit of M. Lecouteuix while we were in Egypt. Many embellishments, andsome new buildings, had been made there; and a park had been added, whichhad now become beautiful. All this could not be done for nothing, andbesides, it was very necessary that what was due for the originalpurchase should be entirely discharged; and this considerable item wasnot the only debt of Josephine. The creditors murmured, which had a badeffect in Paris; and I confess I was so well convinced that the FirstConsul would be extremely displeased that I constantly delayed the momentof speaking to him on the subject. It was therefore with extremesatisfaction I learned that M. De Talleyrand had anticipated me. Noperson was more capable than himself of gilding the pill, as one may say, to Bonaparte. Endowed with as much independence of character as of mind, he did him the service, at the risk of offending him, to tell him that agreat number of creditors expressed their discontent in bitter complaintsrespecting the debts contracted by Madame Bonaparte during his expeditionto the East. Bonaparte felt that his situation required him promptly toremove the cause of such complaints. It was one night about half-pasteleven o'clock that M. Talleyrand introduced this delicate subject. Assoon he was gone I entered the little cabinet; Bonaparte said to me, "Bourrienne, Talleyrand has been speaking to me about the debts of myWife. I have the money from Hamburg--ask her the exact amount of herdebts: let her confess all. I wish to finish, and not begin again. Butdo not pay without showing me the bills of those rascals: they are a gangof robbers. "

Hitherto the apprehension of an unpleasant scene, the very idea of whichmade Josephine tremble, had always prevented me from broaching thissubject to the First Consul; but, well pleased that Talleyrand had firsttouched upon it, I resolved to do all in my power to put an end to thedisagreeable affair. 

The next morning I saw Josephine. She was at first delighted with herhusband's intentions; but this feeling did not last long. When I askedher for an exact account of what she owed she entreated me not to pressit, but content myself with what she should confess. I said to her, "Madame, I cannot deceive you respecting the disposition of the FirstConsul. He believes that you owe a considerable sum, and is willing todischarge it. You will, I doubt not, have to endure some bitterreproaches, and a violent scene; but the scene will be just the same forthe whole as for a part. If you conceal a large proportion of your debtsat the end of some time murmurs will recommence, they will reach the earsof the First Consul, and his anger will display itself still morestrikingly. Trust to me--state all; the result will be the same; youwill hear but once the disagreeable things he will say to you; byreservations you will renew them incessantly. " Josephine said, "I cannever tell all; it is impossible. Do me the service to keep secret whatI say to you. I owe, I believe, about 1, 200, 000 francs, but I wish toconfess only 600, 000; I will contract no more debts, and will pay therest little by little out of my savings. "--"Here, Madame, my firstobservations recur. As I do not believe he estimates your debts at sohigh a sum as 600, 000 francs, I can warrant that you will not experiencemore displeasure for acknowledging to 1, 200, 000 than to 600, 000; and bygoing so far you will get rid of them for ever. "--"I can never do it, Bourrienne; I know him; I can never support his violence. " After aquarter of an hour's further discussion on the subject I was obliged toyield to her earnest solicitation, and promise to mention only the600, 000 francs to the First Consul. 

The anger and ill-humour of Bonaparte may be imagined. He stronglysuspected that his wife was dissembling in some respect; but he said, "Well, take 600, 000 francs, but liquidate the debts for that sum, and letme hear nothing more on the subject. I authorise you to threaten thesetradesmen with paying nothing if they, do not reduce their enormouscharges. They ought to be taught not to be so ready in giving credit. "Madame Bonaparte gave me all her bills. The extent to which the articleshad been overcharged, owing to the fear of not being paid for a longperiod, and of deductions being made from the amount, was inconceivable. It appeared to me, also, that there must be some exaggeration in thenumber of articles supplied. I observed in the milliner's billthirty-eight new hats, of great price, in one month. There was likewisea charge of 1800 francs for heron plumes, and 800 francs for perfumes. Iasked Josephine whether she wore out two hats in one day? She objectedto this charge for the hats, which she merely called a mistake. Theimpositions which the saddler attempted, both in the extravagance of hisprices and in charging for articles which he had not furnished, wereastonishing. I need say nothing of the other tradesmen, it was the samesystem of plunder throughout. 

I availed myself fully of the First Consul's permission, and sparedneither reproaches nor menaces. I am ashamed to say that the greaterpart of the tradesmen were contented with the half of what they demanded. One of them received 35, 000 francs for a bill of 80, 000; and he had theimpudence to tell me that he made a good profit nevertheless. Finally, Iwas fortunate enough, after the most vehement disputes, to settleeverything for 600, 000 francs. Madame Bonaparte, however, soon fellagain into the same excesses, but fortunately money became moreplentiful. This inconceivable mania of spending money was almost thesole cause of her unhappiness. Her thoughtless profusion occasionedpermanent disorder in her household until the period of Bonaparte'ssecond marriage, when, I am informed, she became regular in herexpenditure. I could not say so of her when she was Empress in 1804. 

 --[Notwithstanding her husband's wish, she could never bring her establishment into any order or rule. He wished that no tradesmen should ever reach her, but he was forced to yield on this point. The small inner roams were filled with them, as with artists of all sorts. She had a mania for having herself painted, and gave her portraits to whoever wished for one, relations, 'femmes de chambre', even to tradesmen. They never ceased bringing her diamonds, jewels, shawls, materials for dresses, and trinkets of all kinds; she bought everything without ever asking the price; and generally forgot what she had purchased. . . All the morning she had on a shawl which she draped on her shoulders with a grace I have seen in no one else. Bonaparte, who thought her shawls covered her too much, tore them off, and sometimes threw them into the fire; then she sent for another (Remusat, tome ii. Pp. 343-345). After the divorce her income, large as it was, was insufficient, but the Emperor was more compassionate then, and when sending the Comte Mollien to settle her affairs gave him strict orders "not to make her weep" (Meneval, tome iii. P. 237)]--

The amiable Josephine had not less ambition in little thins than herhusband had in great. She felt pleasure in acquiring and not inpossessing. Who would suppose it? She grew tired of the beauty of thepark of Malmaison, and was always asking me to take her out on the highroad, either in the direction of Nanterre, or on that of Marly, in themidst of the dust occasioned by the passing of carriages. The noise ofthe high road appeared to her preferable to the calm silence of thebeautiful avenues of the park, and in this respect Hortense had the sametaste as her mother. This whimsical fancy astonished Bonaparte, and hewas sometimes vexed at it. My intercourse with Josephine was delightful;for I never saw a woman who so constantly entered society with such anequable disposition, or with so much of the spirit of kindness, which isthe first principle of amiability. She was so obligingly attentive as tocause a pretty suite of apartments to be prepared at Malmaison for me andmy family. 

She pressed me earnestly, and with all her known grace, to accept it; butalmost as much a captive at Paris as a prisoner of state, I wished tohave to myself in the country the moments of liberty I was permitted toenjoy. Yet what was this liberty? I had bought a little house at Ruel, which I kept during two years and a half. When I saw my friends there, it had to be at midnight, of at five o'clock in the morning; and theFirst Consul would often send for me in the night when couriers arrived. It was for this sort of liberty I refused Josephine's kind offer. Bonaparte came once to see me in my retreat at Ruel, but Josephine andHortense came often: It was a favourite walk with these ladies. 

At Paris I was less frequently absent from Bonaparte than at Malmaison. We sometimes in the evening walked together in the garden of theTuileries after the gates were closed. In these evening walks he alwayswore a gray greatcoat, and a round hat. I was directed to answer, "The First Consul, " to the sentinel's challenge of, "Who goes there?"These promenades, which were of much benefit to Bonaparte, and me also, as a relaxation from our labours, resembled those which we had atMalmaison. As to our promenades in the city, they were often veryamusing. 

At the period of our first inhabiting the Tuileries, when I saw Bonaparteenter the cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening in his gray coat, Iknew he would say, "Bourrienne, come and take a turn. " Sometimes, then, instead of going out by the garden arcade, we would take the little gatewhich leads from the court to the apartments of the Due d'Angouleme. Hewould take my arm, and we would go to buy articles of trifling value inthe shops of the Rue St. Honore; but we did not extend our excursionsfarther than Rue de l'Arbre Sec. Whilst I made the shopkeeper exhibitbefore us the articles which I appeared anxious to buy he played his partin asking questions. 

Nothing was more amusing than to see him endeavouring to imitate thecareless and jocular tone of the young men of fashion. How awkward washe in the attempt to put on dandy airs when pulling up the corners of hiscravat he would say, "Well, Madame, is there anything new to-day?Citizen, what say they of Bonaparte? Your shop appears to be wellsupplied. You surely have a great deal of custom. What do people say ofthat buffoon; Bonaparte?" He was made quite happy one day when we wereobliged to retire hastily from a shop to avoid the attacks drawn upon usby the irreverent tone in which Bonaparte spoke of the First Consul. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

1800. 

 War and monuments--Influence of the recollections of Egypt-- First improvements in Paris--Malmaison too little--St. Cloud taken --The Pont des Arts--Business prescribed for me by Bonaparte-- Pecuniary remuneration--The First Consul's visit to the Pritanee-- His examination of the pupils--Consular pensions--Tragical death of Miackzinski--Introduction of vaccination--Recall of the members of the Constituent Assembly--The "canary" volunteers--Tronchet and Target--Liberation of the Austrian prisoners--Longchamps and sacred music. 

The destruction of men and the construction of monuments were two thingsperfectly in unison in the mind of Bonaparte. It may be said that hispassion for monuments almost equalled his passion for war;

 --[Take pleasure, if you can, in reading your returns. The good condition of my armies is owing to my devoting to them one or two hours in every day. When the monthly returns of my armies and of my fleets, which form twenty thick volumes, are sent to me. I give up every other occupation in order to read them in detail and to observe the difference between one monthly return and another. No young girl enjoys her novel so much as I do these returns! (Napoleon to Joseph, 20th August 1806--Du Casse, tome iii. P. 145). ]--

but as in all things he disliked what was little and mean, so he likedvast constructions and great battles. The sight of the colossal ruins ofthe monuments of Egypt had not a little contributed to augment hisnatural taste for great structures. It was not so much the monumentsthemselves that he admired, but the historical recollections theyperpetuate the great names they consecrate, the important events theyattest. What should he have cared for the column which we beheld on ourarrival in Alexandria had it not been Pompey's pillar? It is for artiststo admire or censure its proportions and ornaments, for men of learningto explain its inscriptions; but the name of Pompey renders it an objectof interest to all. 

When endeavouring to sketch the character of Bonaparte, I ought to havenoticed his taste for monuments, for without this characteristic traitsomething essential is wanting to the completion of the portrait. Thistaste, or, as it may more properly be called, this passion for monuments, exercised no small influence on his thoughts and projects of glory; yetit did not deter him from directing attention to public improvements; ofa less ostentatious kind. He wished for great monuments to perpetuatethe recollection of his glory; but at the same time he knew how toappreciate all that was truly useful. He could very rarely be reproachedfor rejecting any plan without examination; and this examination was aspeedy affair, for his natural tact enabled him immediately to see thingsin their proper light. 

Though most of the monuments and embellishments of Paris are executedfrom the plans of men of talent, yet some owe their origin tocircumstances merely accidental. Of this I can mention an example. 

I was standing at the window of Bonaparte's' cabinet, which looked intothe garden of the Tuileries. He had gone out, and I took advantage ofhis absence to arise from my chair, for I was tired of sitting. He hadscarcely been gone a minute when he unexpectedly returned to ask me for apaper. "What are you doing there, Bourrienne? I'll wager anything youare admiring the ladies walking on the terrace. "--"Why, I must confess Ido sometimes amuse myself in that way, " replied I; "but I assure you, General, I was now thinking of something else. I was looking at thatvillainous left bank of the Seine, which always annoys me with the gapsin its dirty quay, and the floodings which almost every winter preventcommunication with the Faubourg St. Germain; and I was thinking I wouldspeak to you on the subject. " He approached the window, and, lookingout, said, "You are right, it is very ugly; and very offensive to seedirty linen washed before our windows. Here, write immediately: 'Thequay of the Ecole de Natation is to be finished during next campaign. 'Send that order to the Minister of the Interior. " The quay was finishedthe year following. 

An instance of the enormous difference which frequently appears betweenthe original estimates of architects and their subsequent accounts I maymention what occurred in relation to the Palace of St. Cloud. But I mustfirst say a word about the manner in which Bonaparte originally refusedand afterwards took possession of the Queen's pleasure-house. Malmaisonwas a suitable country residence for Bonaparte as long as he remainedcontent with his town apartments in the little Luxembourg; but thatConsular 'bagatelle' was too confined in comparison with the spaciousapartments in the Tuileries. The inhabitants of St. Cloud, well-advised, addressed a petition to the Legislative Body, praying that their desertedchateau might be made the summer residence of the First Consul. Thepetition was referred to the Government; but Bonaparte, who was not yetConsul for life, proudly declared that so long as he was at the head ofaffairs, and, indeed, for a year afterwards, he would accept no nationalrecompense. Sometime after we went to visit the palace of the 18thBrumaire. Bonaparte liked it exceedingly, but all was in a state ofcomplete dilapidation. It bore evident marks of the Revolution. TheFirst Consul did not wish, as yet, to burden the budget of the State withhis personal expenses, and he was alarmed at the enormous sum required torender St. Cloud habitable. Flattery had not yet arrived at the degreeof proficiency which it subsequently attained; but even then hisflatterers boldly assured him he might take possession of St. Cloud for25, 000 francs. I told the First Consul that considering the ruinousstate of the place, I could to say that the expense would amount to morethan 1, 200, 000 francs. Bonaparte determined to have a regular estimateof the expense, and it amounted to nearly 3, 000, 000. He thought it agreat sum; but as he had resolved to make St. Cloud his residence he gaveorders for commencing the repairs, the expense of which, independently ofthe furniture, amounted to 6, 000, 000. So much for the 3, 000, 000 of thearchitect and the 25, 000 francs of the flatterers. 

When the First Consul contemplated the building of the Pont des Arts wehad a long conversation on the subject. I observed that it would be muchbetter to build the bridge of stone. "The first object of monuments ofthis kind, " said I, "is public utility. They require solidity ofappearance, and their principal merit is duration. I cannot conceive, General, why, in a country where there is abundance of fine stone ofevery quality, the use of iron should be preferred. "--"Write, " saidBonaparte, "to Fontaine and Percier, the architects, and ask what theythink of it. " I wrote and they stated in their answer that "bridges wereintended for public utility and the embellishment of cities. Theprojected bridge between the Louvre and the Quatre-Nations wouldunquestionably fulfil the first of these objects, as was proved by thegreat number of persons who daily crossed the Seine at that point inboats; that the site fixed upon between the Pont Neuf and the Tuileriesappeared to be the best that could be chosen for the purpose; and that onthe score of ornament Paris would gain little by the construction of aniron bridge, which would be very narrow, and which, from its light form, would not correspond with the grandeur of the two bridges between whichit would be placed. "

When we had received the answer of MM. Percier and Fontaine, we again hada conversation on the subject of the bridge. I told the First Consulthat I perfectly concurred in the opinion of MM. Fontame and Percier; however, he would have his own way, and thus was authorised the constructionof the toy which formed a communication between the Louvre and theInstitute. But no sooner was the Pont des Arts finished than Bonapartepronounced it to be mean and out of keeping with the other bridges aboveand below it. One day when visiting the Louvre he stopped at one of thewindows looking towards the Pout des Arts and said, "There is nosolidity, no grandeur about that bridge. In England, where stone isscarce, it is very natural that iron should be used for arches of largedimensions. But the case is different in France, where the requisitematerial is abundant. "

The infernal machine of the 3d Nivose, of which I shall presently speakmore at length, was the signal for vast changes in the quarter of theTuileries. That horrible attempt was at least so far attended by happyresults that it contributed to the embellishment of Paris. It wasthought more advisable for the Government to buy and pull down the houseswhich had been injured by the machine than to let them be put underrepair. As an example of Bonaparte's grand schemes in building I maymention that, being one day at the Louvre, he pointed towards St. Germainl'Auxerrois and said to me, "That is where I will build an imperialstreet. It shall run from here to the Barriere du Trone. It shall be ahundred feet broad, and have arcades and plantations. This street shallbe the finest in the world. "

The palace of the King of Rome, which was to face the Pont de Jena andthe Champ de Mars, would have been in some measure isolated from Paris, with which, however, it was to be connected by a line of palaces. Thesewere to extend along the quay, and were destined as splendid residencesfor the Ambassadors of foreign sovereigns, at least as long as thereshould be any sovereigns Europe except Napoleon. The Temple of Glory, too, which was to occupy the site of the Church of la Madeleine, wasnever finished. If the plan of this monument, proved the necessity. Which Bonaparte felt of constantly holding out stimulants to hissoldiers, its relinquishment was at least a proof of his wisdom. He whohad reestablished religious worship in France, and had restored to itsdestination the church of the Invalides, which was for a timemetamorphosed into the Temple of Mars, foresaw that a Temple of Glorywould give birth to a sort of paganism incompatible with the ideas of theage. 

The recollection of the magnificent Necropolis of Cairo frequentlyrecurred to. Bonaparte's mind. He had admired that city of the dead, which he had partly contributed to people; and his design was to make, at, the four cardinal points of Paris, four vast cemeteries on the planof that at Cairo. 

Bonaparte determined that all the new streets of Paris should be 40 feetwide, and be provided with foot-pavements; in short, he thought nothingtoo grand for the embellishment of the capital of a country which hewished to make the first in the world. Next to war, he regard theembellishment of Paris as the source of his glory; and he neverconsidered a victory fully achieved until he had raised a monument totransmit its memory to posterity. He, wanted glory, uninterruptedglory, for France as well as for himself: How often, when talking overhis schemes, has he not said, "Bourrienne, it is for France I am doingall this! All I wish, all I desire, the end of all my labours is, thatmy name should be indissolubly connected with that of France!"

Paris is not the only city, nor is France the only kingdom, which hearstraces of Napoleon's passion for great and useful monuments. In Belgium, in Holland, in Piedmont, in all Italy, he executed great improvements. At Turin a splendid bridge was built over the Po, in lieu of an oldbridge which was falling in ruins. 

How many things were undertaken and executed in Napoleon's short andeventful reign! To obviate the difficulty of communication between Metzand Mayence a magnificent road was made, as if by magic, acrossimpracticable marshes and vast forests. Mountains were cut through andravines filled up. He would not allow nature more than man to resisthim. One day when he was proceeding to Belgium by the way of Civet, hewas detained for a short time at Little Givet, on the right bank of theMeuse, in consequence of an accident which happened to the ferry-boat. He was within a gunshot of the fortress of Charlemont, on the left bank, and in the vexation which the delay occasioned he dictated the followingdecree: "A bridge shall be built over the Meuse to join Little Civet toGreat Givet. It shall be terminated during the ensuing campaign. " Itwas completed within the prescribed time: In the great work of bridgesand highways Bonaparte's chief object was to remove the obstacles andbarriers which nature had raised up as the limits of old France so as toform a junction with the provinces which he successively annexed to theEmpire. Thus in Savoy a road, smooth as a garden-walk, superseded thedangerous ascents and descents of the wood of Bramant; thus was thepassage of Mont Cenis a pleasant promenade at almost every season of theyear; thus did the Simplon bow his head, and Bonaparte might have said, "There are now my Alps, " with more reason than Louis XIV. Said, "Thereare now no Pyrenees. "

 --[Metternich (tome iv. P. 187) says on this subject, 'If you look closely at the course of human affairs you will make strange discoveries. For instance, that the Simplon Pass has contributed as surely to Napoleon's immortality as the numerous works done in the reign of the Emperor Francis will fail to add to his. ]--

Such was the implicit confidence which Bonaparte reposed in me that I wasoften alarmed at the responsibility it obliged me to incur. 

 --[Of this confidence the following instructions for me, which he dictated to Duroc, afford sufficient proof:--

 "1st. Citizen Bourrienne shall open all the letters addressed to the First Consul, Vol, and present them to him three times a day, or oftener in case of urgent business. The letters shall be deposited in the cabinet when they are opened. Bourrienne is to analyse all those which are of secondary interest, and write the First Consul's decision on each letter. The hours for presenting the letters shall be, first, when the Consul rises; second, a quarter of an hour before dinner; and third, at eleven at night. 

 "2d. He is to have the superintendence of the Topographical office, and of an office of Translation, in which there shall be a German and an English clerk. Every day he shall present to the First Consul, at the hours above mentioned the German and English journals, together with a translation. With respect to the Italian journals, it will only be necessary to mark what the First Consul is to read. 

 "3d. He shall keep a register of appointments to offices under Government; a second, for appointments to judicial posts; a third for appointments to places abroad; and a fourth, for the situations of receivers and great financial posts, where he is to inscribe the names of all the individuals whom the First Consul may refer to him. These registers must be written by his own hand, and must be kept entirely private. 

 "4th. Secret correspondence, and the different reports of surveillance, are to be addressed directly to Bourrienne, and transmitted by him to the hand of the First Consul, by whom they will be returned without the intervention of any third party. 

 "6th. There shall be a register for all that relates to secret extraordinary expenditure. Bourrienne shall write the whole with his own hand, in order that the business may be kept from the knowledge of any one. 

 "7th. He shall despatch all the business which maybe referred to him, either from Citizen Duroc, or from the cabinet of the First Consul, taking care to arrange everything so as to secure secrecy. 

 "(Signed) "BONAPARTE, First Council. 

 "Paris, 13th Germinal, year VIII. "(3d. April 1800. )"]--

Official business was not the only labour that devolved upon me. I hadto write to the dictation of the First Consul during a great part of theday, or to decipher his writing, which was always the most laborious partof my duty. I was so closely employed that I scarcely ever went out; andwhen by chance I dined in town, I could not arrive until the very momentof dinner, and I was obliged to run away immediately after it. Once amonth, at most, I went without Bonaparte to the Comedie Francaise, but Iwas obliged to return at nine o'clock, that heing the hour at which weresumed business. Corvisart, with whom I was intimately acquainted, constantly expressed his apprehensions about my health; but my zealcarried me through every difficulty, and during our stay at the TuileriesI cannot express how happy I was in enjoying the unreserved confidence ofthe man on whom the eyes of all Europe were filed. So perfect was thisconfidence that Bonaparte, neither as General, Consul, nor Emperor, evergave me any fixed salary. In money matters we were still comrades: Itook from his funds what was necessary to defray my expenses, and of thisBonaparte never once asked me for any account. 

He often mentioned his wish to regenerate public education, which hethought was ill managed. The central schools did not please him; but hecould not withhold his admiration from the Polytechnic School, the finestestablishment of education that was ever founded, but which he afterwardsspoiled by giving it a military organisation. In only one college ofParis the old system of study was preserved: this was the Louis-le-Grand, which had received the name of Pritanee. The First Consul directed theMinister of the Interior to draw up a report on that establishment; andhe himself went to pay an unexpected visit to the Pritanee, accompaniedby M. Lebrun and Duroc. He remained there upwards of an hour, and in theevening he spoke to me with much interest on the subject of his visit. "Do you know, Bourrienne, " said he, "that I have been performing theduties of professor?"--"you, General!"--"Yes! and I did not acquitmyself badly. I examined the pupils in the mathematical class; and Irecollected enough of my Bezout to make some demonstrations before them. I went everywhere, into the bedrooms and the dining-room. I tasted thesoup, which is better than we used to have at Brienne. I must devoteserious attention to public education and the management of the colleges. The pupils must have a uniform. I observed some well and others illdressed. That will not do. At college, above all places, there shouldbe equality. But I was much pleased with the pupils of the Pritanee. I wish to know the names of those I examined, and I have desired Duroc toreport them to me. I will give them rewards; that stimulates youngpeople. I will provide for some of them. "

On this subject Bonaparte did not confine himself to an empty scheme. After consulting with the headmaster of the Pritanee, he granted pensionsof 200 francs to seven or eight of the most distinguished pupils of theestablishment, and he placed three of them in the department of ForeignAffairs, under the title of diplomatic pupils. 

 --[This institution of diplomatic pupils was originally suggested by M. De Talleyrand. ]--

What I have just said respecting the First Consul's visit to the Pritaneereminds me of a very extraordinary circumstance which arose out of it. Among the pupils at the Pritanee there was a son of General Miackzinski, who died fighting under the banners of the Republic. Young Miackzinskiwas then sixteen or seventeen years of age. He soon quitted the college, entered the army as a volunteer, and was one of a corps reviewed byBonaparte, in the plain of Sablons. He was pointed out to the FirstConsul, who said to him. "I knew your father. Follow his example, andin six months you shall be an officer. " Six months elapsed, andMiackzinski wrote to the First Consul, reminding him of his promise. Noanswer was returned, and the young man then wrote a second letter asfollows:

 You desired me to prove myself worthy of my father; I have done so. You promised that I should be an officer in six months; seven have elapsed since that promise was made. When you receive this letter I shall be no more. I cannot live under a Government the head of which breaks his word. 

Poor Miackzinski kept his word but, too faithfully. After writing theabove letter to the First Consul he retired to his chamber and blew outhis brains with a pistol. A few days after this tragical eventMiackzinski's commission was transmitted to his corps, for Bonaparte hadnot forgotten him. A delay in the War Office had caused the death ofthis promising young man Bonaparte was much affected at the circumstance, and he said to me, "These Poles have such refined notions of honour. .. . Poor Sulkowski, I am sure, would have done the same. "

At the commencement of the Consulate it was gratifying, to see howactively Bonaparte was seconded in the execution of plans for the socialregeneration of France all seemed animated with new life, and every onestrove to do good as if it were a matter of competition. 

Every circumstance concurred to favour the good intentions of theFirst Consul. Vaccination, which, perhaps, has saved as many livesas war has sacrificed, was introduced into France by M. D'Liancourt; andBonaparte, immediately appreciating the 'value of such a discovery, gaveit his decided approbation. At the same time a council of Prizes wasestablished, and the old members of the Constituent Assembly were invitedto return to France. It was for their sake and that of the Royaliststhat the First Consul recalled them, but it was to please the Jacobins, whom he was endeavouring to conciliate, that their return was subject torestrictions. At first the invitation to return to France extended onlyto those who could prove that they had voted in favour of the abolitionof nobility. The lists of emigrants were closed, and committees wereappointed to investigate their claims to the privilege of returning. 

From the commencement of the month of Germinal the reorganisation of thearmy of Italy had proceeded with renewed activity. The presence in Parisof the fine corps of the Consular Guard, added to the desire of showingthemselves off in gay uniforms, had stimulated the military ardour ofmany respectable young men of the capital. Taking advantage of thiscircumstance the First Consul created a corps of volunteers destined forthe army of reserve, which was to remain at Dijon. He saw the advantageof connecting a great number of families with his cause, and imbuing themwith the spirit of the army. This volunteer corps wore a yellow uniformwhich, in some of the salons of Paris where it was still the custom toridicule everything, obtained for them the nickname of "canaries. "Bonaparte, who did not always relish a joke, took this in very ill part, and often expressed to me his vexation at it. However, he was gratifiedto observe in the composition of this corps a first specimen ofprivileged soldiers; an idea which he acted upon when he created theorderly gendarmes in the campaign of Jena, and when he organised theguards of honour after the disasters of Moscow. 

In every action of his life Bonaparte had some particular object in view. I recollect his saying to me one day, "Bourrienne, I cannot yet ventureto do anything against the regicides; but I will let them see what Ithink of them. To-morrow I shall have some business with Abrialrespecting the organisation of the court of Cassation. Target, who isthe president of that court, would not defend Louis XVI. Well, whom doyou think I mean to appoint in his place? . . . Tronchet, who diddefend the king. They may say what they please; I care not. "

 --[On this, as on many other occasions, the cynicism of Bonaparte's language does, not admit of a literal translation. ]--

Tronchet was appointed. 

Nearly about the same time the First Consul, being informed of the escapeof General Mack, said to me, "Mack may go where he pleases; I am notafraid of him. But I will tell you what I have been thinking. There aresome other Austrian officers who were prisoners with Mack; among thenumber is a Count Dietrichstein, who belongs to a great family in Vienna. I will liberate them all. At the moment of opening a campaign this willhave a good effect. They will see that I fear nothing; and who knows butthis may procure me some admirers in Austria. " The order for liberatingthe Austrian prisoners was immediately despatched. Thus Bonaparte's actsof generosity, as well as his acts of severity and his choice ofindividuals, were all the result of deep calculation. 

This unvarying attention to the affairs of the Government was manifest inall he did. I have already mentioned the almost simultaneous suppressionof the horrible commemoration of the month of January, and the permissionfor the revival of the opera balls. A measure something similar to thiswas the authorisation of the festivals of Longchamps, which had beenforgotten since the Revolution. He at the same time gave permission forsacred music to be performed at the opera. Thus, while in public acts hemaintained the observance of the Republican calendar, he was graduallyreviving the old calendar by seasons of festivity. Shrove-Tuesday wasmarked by a ball, and Passion-week by promenades and concerts. 

CHAPTER XXXV

1800. 

 The Memorial of St. Helena--Louis XVIII. 's first letter to Bonaparte --Josephine, Hortense, and the Faubourg St. Germain-- Madame Bonaparte and the fortune-teller--Louis XVIII's second letter --Bonaparte's answer--Conversation respecting the recall of Louis XVIII. --Peace and war--A battle fought with pins-Genoa and Melas-- Realisation of Bonaparte's military plans--Ironical letter to Berthier--Departure from Paris--Instructions to Lucien and Cambaceres--Joseph Bonaparte appointed Councillor of State-- Travelling conversation--Alexander and Caesar judged by Bonaparte. 

It sometimes happens that an event which passes away unnoticed at thetime of its occurrence acquires importance from events which subsequentlyensue. This reflection naturally occurs to my mind now that I am aboutto notice the correspondence which passed between Louis XVIII. And theFirst Consul. This is certainly not one of the least interestingpassages in the life of Bonaparte. 

But I must first beg leave to make an observation on the 'Memorial of St. Helena. ' That publication relates what Bonaparte said respecting thenegotiations between Louis XVIII. And himself; and I find it necessary toquote a few lines on the subject, in order to show how far the statementscontained in the Memorial differ from the autograph letters in mypossession. 

At St. Helena Napoleon said that he never thought of the princes of theHouse of Bourbon. This is true to a certain point. He did not think ofthe princes of the House of Bourbon with the view of restoring them totheir throne; but it has been shown, in several parts of these Memoirs, that he thought of them very often, and on more than one occasion theirvery names alarmed him. 

 --[The Memorial states that "A letter was delivered to the First Consul by Lebrun who received it from the Abbe de Montesquieu, the secret agent of the Bourbons in Paris. " This letter which was very cautiously written, said:--

 "You are long delaying the restoration of my throne. It is to be feared you are suffering favourable moments to escape. You cannot secure the happiness of France without me, and I can do nothing for France without you. Hasten, then, to name the offices which you would choose for your friends. "

 The answer, Napoleon said, was as follows:--

 "I have received your royal highness' letter. I have always taken a lively interest in your misfortunes, and those of your family. You must not think of appearing in France; you could only return here by trampling over a hundred thousand dead bodies. I shall always be happy to do anything that can alleviate your fate and help to banish the recollection of your misfortunes. "--Bourrienne. ]--

The substance of the two letters given in the 'Memorial of St. Helena' iscorrect. The ideas are nearly the same as those of the original letters. But it is not surprising that, after the lapse of so long an interval, Napoleon's memory should somewhat have failed him. However, it will not, I presume, be deemed unimportant if I present to the reader literalcopies of this correspondence; together with the explanation of somecurious circumstances connected with it. 

The following is Louis XVIII's letter:--

 February 20, 1800. 

 SIR--Whatever may be their apparent conduct, men like you never inspire alarm. You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank you for having done so. You know better than any one how much strength and power are requisite to secure the happiness of a great nation. Save France from her own violence, and you will fulfil the first wish of my heart. Restore her King to her, and future generations will bless your memory. You will always be too necessary to the State for me ever to be able to discharge, by important appointments, the debt of my family and myself. 

 (Signed) Louis. 

The First Consul was much agitated on the reception of this letter. Though he every day declared his determination to have nothing to do withthe Princes, yet he hesitated whether or no he should reply to thisoverture. The numerous affairs which then occupied his mind favouredthis hesitation. Josephine and Hortense conjured him to hold out hope tothe King, as by so doing he would in no way pledge himself, and wouldgain time to ascertain whether he could not ultimately play a far greaterpart than that of Monk. Their entreaties became so urgent that he saidto me, "These devils of women are mad! The Faubourg St. Germain hasturned their heads! They make the Faubourg the guardian angel of theroyalists; but I care not; I will have nothing to do with them. "

Madame Bonaparte said she was anxious he should adopt the step sheproposed in order to banish from his mind all thought of making himselfKing. This idea always gave rise to a painful foreboding which she couldnever overcome. 

In the First Consul's numerous conversations with me he discussed withadmirable sagacity Louis XVIII. 's proposition and its consequences. "The partisans of the Bourbons, " said he, "are deceived if they supposeI am the man to play Monk's part. " Here the matter rested, and theKing's letter remained on the table. In the interim Louis XVIII. Wrote asecond letter, without any date. It was as follows:

 You must have long since been convinced, General, that you possess my esteem. If you doubt my gratitude, fix your reward and mark out the fortune of your friends. As to my principles, I am a Frenchman, merciful by character, and also by the dictates of reason. 

 No, the victor of Lodi, Castiglione, and Arcola, the conqueror of Italy and Egypt, cannot prefer vain celebrity to real glory. But you are losing precious time. We may ensure the glory of France. 

 I say we, because I require the aid of Bonaparte, and he can do nothing without me. 

 General, Europe observes you. Glory awaits you, and I am impatient to restore peace to my people. (Signed) LOUIS. 

This dignified letter the First Consul suffered to remain unanswered forseveral weeks; at length he proposed to dictate an answer to me. Iobserved, that as the King's letters were autographs, it would be moreproper that he should write himself. He then wrote with his own hand thefollowing:

 Sir--I have received your letter, and I thank you for the compliments you address to me. 

 You must not seek to return to France. To do so you must trample over a hundred thousand dead bodies. 

 Sacrifice your interest to the repose and happiness of France, and history will render you justice. 

 I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family. I shall learn with pleasure, and shall willingly contribute to ensure, the tranquillity of your retirement. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

He showed me this letter, saying, "What do you think of it? is it notgood?" He was never offended when I pointed out to him an error ofgrammar or style, and I therefore replied, "As to the substance, if suchbe your resolution, I have nothing to say against it; but, " added I, "I must make one observation on the style. You cannot say that you shalllearn with pleasure to ensure, etc. " On reading the passage over againhe thought he had pledged himself too far in saying that he wouldwillingly contribute, etc. He therefore scored out the last sentence, and interlined, "I shall contribute with pleasure to the happiness andtranquillity of your retirement. "

The answer thus scored and interlined could not be sent off, and it layon the table with Bonaparte's signature affixed to it. 

Some time after he wrote another answer, the three first paragraphs ofwhich were exactly alike that first quoted; but far the last paragraph hesubstituted the following:

 "I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family; and I shall learn with pleasure that you are surrounded with all that can contribute to the tranquillity of your retirement. "

By this means he did not pledge himself in any way, not even in words, for he himself made no offer of contributing, to the tranquillity of theretirement. Every day which augmented his power and consolidated hisposition diminished, he thought, the chances of the Bourbons; and sevenmonths were suffered to intervene between the date of the King's firstletter and the answer of the First Consul, which was written on the 2dVendemiaire, year IX. (24th September 1800) just when the Congress ofLuneville was on the point of opening. 

Soma days after the receipt of Louis XVIII. 's letter we were walking inthe gardens of Malmaison; he was in good humour, for everything was goingon to his mind. "Has my wife been saying anything more to you about theBourbons?" said he. --"No, General. "--"But when you converse with her youconcur a little in her opinions. Tell me why you wish the Bourbons back?You have no interest in their return, nothing to expect from them. Yourfamily rank is not high enough to enable you to obtain any great post. You would be nothing under them. Through the patronage of M. DeChambonas you got the appointment of Secretary of Legation at Stuttgart;but had it not been for the change you would have remained all your lifein that or some inferior post. Did you ever know men rise by their ownmerit under kings? Everything depends on birth, connection, fortune, andintrigue. Judge things more accurately; reflect more maturely on thefuture. "--"General, " replied I, "I am quite of your opinion on onepoint. I never received gift, place, or favour from the Bourbons; andI have not the vanity to believe that I should ever have attained anyimportant Appointment. But you must not forget that my nomination asSecretary of Legation at Stuttgart preceded the overthrow of the throneonly by a few days; and I cannot infer, from what took place undercircumstances unfortunately too certain, what might have happened in thereverse case. Besides, I am not actuated by personal feelings;I consider not my own interests, but those of France. I wish you to holdthe reins of government as long as you live; but you have no children, and it is tolerably certain that you will have none by Josephine: Whatwill become of us when you are gone? You talk of the future; but whatwill be the future fate of France? I have often heard you say that yourbrothers are not--"--"You are right, " said he, abruptly interruptingme. "If I do not live thirty years to complete my work you will have along series of civil wars after my death. My brothers will not suitFrance; you know what they are. A violent conflict will therefore ariseamong the most distinguished generals, each of whom will think himselfentitled to succeed me. "--"Well, General, why not take means to obviatethe mischief you foresee?"--"Do you imagine I do not think of it? Butlook at the difficulties that stand in my way. How are so manyacquired-rights and material results to be secured against the effortsof a family restored to power, and returning with 80, 000 emigrants andthe influence of fanaticism? What would become of those who voted forthe death, of the King--the men who acted a conspicuous part in theRevolution--the national domains, and a multitude of things that havebeen done during twelve years? Can you see how far reaction wouldextend?"--"General, need I remind you that Louis, in his letter, guarantees the contrary of all you apprehend? I know what will be youranswer; but are you not able to impose whatever conditions you may thinkfit? Grant what is asked of you only at that price. Take three or fouryears; in that time you may ensure the happiness of France byinstitutions conformable to her wants. Custom and habit would give thema power which it would not be easy to destroy; and even supposing such adesign were entertained, it could not be accomplished. I have heard yousay it is wished you should act the part of Monk; but you well know thedifference between a general opposing the usurper of a crown, and onewhom victory and peace have raised above the ruins of a subvertedthrone, and who restores it voluntarily to those who have long occupiedit. You are well aware what you call ideology will not again berevived; and--"--"I know what you are going to say; but it all amountsto nothing. Depend upon it, the Bourbons will think they havereconquered their inheritance, and will dispose of it as they please. The most sacred pledges, the most positive promises, will be violated. None but fools will trust them. My resolution is formed; therefore letus say no more on the subject. But I know how these women torment you. Let them mind their knitting, and leave me to do what I think right. "

Every one knows the adage, 'Si vis pacem para bellum'. Had Bonapartebeen a Latin scholar he would probably have reversed it and said, 'Si visbellum para pacem'. While seeking to establish pacific relations withthe powers of Europe the First Consul was preparing to strike a greatblow in Italy. As long as Genoa held out, and Massena continued there, Bonaparte did not despair of meeting the Austrians in those fields whichnot four years before had been the scenes of his success. He resolved toassemble an army of reserve at Dijon. Where there was previously nothinghe created everything. At that period of his life the fertility of hisimagination and the vigour of his genius must have commanded theadmiration of even his bitterest enemies. I was astonished at thedetails into which he entered. While every moment was engrossed by themost important occupations he sent 24, 000 francs to the hospital of MontSt. Bernard. When he saw that his army of reserve was forming, andeverything was going on to his liking, he said to me, "I hope to fall onthe rear of Melas before he is aware I am in Italy . . . That is tosay, provided Genoa holds out. But MASSENA is defending it. "

On the 17th of March, in a moment of gaiety and good humour, he desiredme to unroll Chauchard's great map of Italy. He lay down upon it, anddesired me to do likewise. He then stuck into it pins, the heads ofwhich were tipped with wax, some red and some black. I silently observedhim; and awaited with no little curiosity the result of this plan ofcampaign. When he had stationed the enemy's corps, and drawn up the pinswith red heads on the points where he hoped to bring his own troops, hesaid to me, "Where do you think I shall beat Melas?"--"How the devilshould I know?"--"Why, look here, you fool! Melas is at Alessandria withhis headquarters. There he will remain until Genoa surrenders. He hasin Alessandria his magazines, his hospitals, his artillery, and hisreserves. Crossing the Alps here (pointing to the Great Mont St. Bernard) I shall fall upon Melas, cut off his communications withAustria, and meet him here in the plains of Scrivia" (placing a red, pinat San Giuliano). Finding that I looked on this manoeuvre of pins asmere pastime, he addressed to me some of his usual compliments, such asfool, ninny, etc. , and then proceeded to demonstrate his plans moreclearly on the map. At the expiration of a quarter of an hour we rose;I folded up the map, and thought no more of the matter. 

Four months after this, when I was at San Giuliano with Bonaparte'sportfolio and despatches, which I had saved from the rout which had takenplace during the day, and when that very evening I was writing at Torredi Galifolo the bulletin of the battle to Napoleon's dictation, I franklyavowed my admiration of his military plans. He himself smiled at theaccuracy of his own foresight. 

The First Consul was not satisfied with General Berthier as War Minister, and he superseded him by Carnot, --[There were special reasons for the appointment of Carnot, Berthier was required with his master in Italy, while Carnot, who had so long ruled the armies of the Republic, was better fitted to influence Moreau, at this time advancing into Germany. Carnot probably fulfilled the main object of his appointment when he was sent to Moreau, and succeeded in getting that general, with natural reluctance, to damage his own campaign by detaching a large body of troops into Italy. Berthier was reappointed to the Ministry on the 8th of October 1800, --a very speedy return if he had really been disgraced. ]--

who had given great proofs of firmness and integrity, but who, nevertheless, was no favourite of Bonaparte, on account of his decidedrepublican principles. Berthier was too slow in carrying out themeasures ordered, [duplicated line removed here D. W. ] and too lenient inthe payment of past charges and in new contracts. Carnot's appointmenttook place on the 2d of April 1800; and to console Berthier, who, heknew, was more at home in the camp than in the office, he dictated to methe following letter for him:--

 PARIS, 2d April 1800. 

 CITIZEN-GENERAL, --The military talents of which you have given so many proofs, and the confidence of the Government, call you to the command of an army. During the winter you have REORGANISED the War Department, and you have provided, as far as circumstances would permit, for the wants of our armies. During the spring and summer it must be your task to lead our troops to victory, which is the effectual means of obtaining peace and consolidating the Republic. 

Bonaparte laughed heartily while he dictated this epistle, especiallywhen he uttered the word which I have marked in italics [CAPS]. Berthierset out for Dijon, where he commenced the formation of the army ofreserve. 

The Consular Constitution did not empower the First Consul to command anarmy out of the territory of France. Bonaparte therefore wished to keepsecret his long-projected plan of placing himself at the head of the armyof Italy, which, he then for the first time called the grand army. Iobserved that by his choice of Berthier nobody could be deceived, becauseit must be evident that he would have made another selection had he notintended to command in person. He laughed at my observation. 

Our departure from Paris was fixed for the 6th of May, or, according tothe republican calendar, the 16th Floreal Bonaparte had made all hisarrangements and issued all his orders; but still he did not wish it tobe known that he was going to take the command of the army. On the eveof our departure, being in conference with the two other Consuls and theMinisters, he said to Lucien, "Prepare, to-morrow morning, a circular tothe prefects, and you, Fouche, will publish it in the journals. Say I amgone to Dijon to inspect the army of reserve. You may add that I shallperhaps go as far as Geneva; but you must affirm positively that I shallnot be absent longer than a fortnight: You, Cambaceres, will presideto-morrow at the Council of State. In my absence you are the Head of theGovernment. State that my absence will be but of short duration, butspecify nothing. Express my approbation of the Council of State; it hasalready rendered great services, and I shall be happy to see it continuein the course it has hitherto pursued. Oh! I had nearly forgotten--youwill at the same time announce that I have appointed Joseph a Councillorof State. Should anything happen I shall be back again like athunderbolt. I recommend to you all the great interests of France, and Itrust that I shall shortly be talked of in Vienna and in London. "

We set out at two in the morning, taking the Burgundy road, which we hadalready so often travelled under very different circumstances. 

On the journey Bonaparte conversed about the warriors of antiquity, especially Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal. I asked him which hepreferred, Alexander or Caesar. "I place Alexander in the first rank, "said he, "yet I admire Caesar's fine campaign in Africa. But the groundof my preference for the King of Macedonia is the plan, and above all theexecution, of his campaign in Asia. Only those who are utterly ignorantof war can blame Alexander for having spent seven months at the siege ofTyre. For my part, I would have stayed there seven years had it beennecessary. This is a great subject of dispute; but I look upon the siegeof Tyre, the conquest of Egypt, and the journey to the Oasis of Ammon asa decided proof of the genius of that great captain. His object was togive the King of Persia (of whose force he had only beaten a feebleadvance-guard at the Granicus and Issus) time to reassemble his troops, so that he might overthrow at a blow the colossus which he had as yetonly shaken. By pursuing Darius into his states Alexander would haveseparated himself from his reinforcements, and would have met onlyscattered parties of troops who would have drawn him into deserts wherehis army would have been sacrificed. By persevering in the taking ofTyre he secured, his communications with Greece, the country he loved asdearly as I love France, and in whose glory he placed his own. By takingpossession of the rich province of Egypt he forced Darius to come todefend or deliver it, and in so doing to march half-way to meet him. By representing himself as the son of Jupiter he worked upon the ardentfeelings of the Orientals in a way that powerfully seconded his designs. Though he died at thirty-three what a name he has left behind him!"

Though an utter stranger to the noble profession of arms, yet I couldadmire Bonaparte's clever military plans and his shrewd remarks on thegreat captains of ancient and modern times. I could not refrain fromsaying, "General, you often reproach me for being no flatterer, but now Itell you plainly I admire you. " And certainly, I really spoke the truesentiments of my mind. 

VOLUME II. -- 1800-1803

CHAPTER I. 

1800. 

 Bonaparte's confidence in the army--'Ma belle' France--The convent of Bernadins--Passage of Mont St. Bernard--Arrival at the convent-- Refreshments distributed to the soldiers--Mont Albaredo--Artillery dismounted--The fort of Bard--Fortunate temerity--Bonaparte and Melas--The spy--Bonaparte's opinion of M. Necker--Capitulation of Genoa--Intercepted despatch--Lannes at Montebello--Boudet succeeded by Desaix--Coolness of the First Consul to M. Collot--Conversation and recollections--The battle of Marengo--General Kellerman--Supper sent from the Convent del Bosco--Particulars respecting the death of Desaix--The Prince of Lichtenstein--Return to Milan--Savary and Rapp. 

It cannot be denied that if, from the 18th Brumaire to the epoch whenBonaparte began the campaign, innumerable improvements had been made inthe internal affairs of France, foreign affairs could not be seen withthe same satisfaction. Italy had been lost, and from the frontiers ofProvence the Austrian camp fires were seen. Bonaparte was not ignorantof the difficulties of his position, and it was even on account of thesevery difficulties that, whatever might be the result of his hardyenterprise, he wished to escape from it as quickly as possible. Hecherished no illusions, and often said all must be staked to gain all. 

The army which the First Consul was preparing to attack was numerous, well disciplined, and victorious. 

His, with the exception of a very small number of troops, was composed ofconscripts; but these conscripts were commanded by officers whose ardourwas unparalleled. Bonaparte's fortune was now to depend on the winningor losing of a battle. A battle lost would have dispelled all the dreamsof his imagination, and with them would have vanished all his immenseschemes for the future of France. He saw the danger, but was notintimidated by it; and trusting to his accustomed good fortune, and tothe courage and fidelity of his troops, he said, "I have, it is true, many conscripts in my army, but they are Frenchmen. Four years ago did Inot with a feeble army drive before me hordes of Sardinians andAustrians, and scour the face of Italy? We shall do so again. The sunwhich now shines on us is the same that shone at Arcola and Lodi. I relyon Massena. I hope he will hold out in Genoa. But should famine obligehim to surrender, I will retake Genoa in the plains of the Scrivia. Withwhat pleasure shall I then return to my dear France! Ma belle France. "

At this moment, when a possible, nay, a probable chance, might for everhave blasted his ambitious hopes, he for the first time spoke of Franceas his. Considering the circumstances in which we then stood, this useof the possessive pronoun "my" describes more forcibly than anything thatcan be said the flashes of divination which crossed Bonaparte's brainwhen he was wrapped up in his chimerical ideas of glory and fortune. 

In this favourable disposition of mind the First Consul arrived atMartigny on the 20th of May. Martigny is a convent of Bernardins, situated in a valley where the rays of the sun scarcely ever penetrate. The army was in full march to the Great St. Bernard. In this gloomysolitude did Bonaparte wait three days, expecting the fort of Bard, situated beyond the mountain and covering the road to Yvree, tosurrender. The town was carried on the 21st of May, and on the third dayhe learned that the fort still held out, and that there were noindications of its surrender. He launched into complaints against thecommander of the siege, and said, "I am weary of staying in this convent;those fools will never take Bard; I must go myself and see what can bedone. They cannot even settle so contemptible an affair without me!"He immediately gave orders for our departure. 

The grand idea of the invasion of Italy by crossing Mont St. Bernardemanated exclusively from the First Consul. This miraculous achievementjustly excited the admiration of the world. The incredible difficultiesit presented did not daunt the courage of Bonaparte's troops. Hisgenerals, accustomed as they had been to brave fatigue and danger, regarded without concern the gigantic enterprise of the modern Hannibal. 

A convent or hospice, which had been established on the mountain for thepurpose of affording assistance to solitary travellers, sufficientlybespeaks the dangers of these stormy regions. But the St. Bernard wasnow to be crossed, not by solitary travellers, but by an army. Cavalry, baggage, limbers, and artillery were now to wend their way along thosenarrow paths where the goat-herd cautiously picks his footsteps. On theone hand masses of snow, suspended above our heads, every momentthreatened to break in avalanches, and sweep us away in their descent. On the other, a false step was death. We all passed, men and horse, oneby one, along the goat paths. The artillery was dismounted, and theguns, put into excavated trunks of trees, were drawn by ropes. 

I have already mentioned that the First Consul had transmitted funds tothe hospice of the Great St. Bernard. The good fathers had procured fromthe two valleys a considerable supply of cheese, bread, and wine. Tableswere laid out in front of the hospice, and each soldier as he defiledpast took a glass of wine and a piece of bread and cheese, and thenresigned his place to the next. The fathers served, and renewed theportions with admirable order and activity. 

The First Consul ascended the St. Bernard with that calm self-possessionand that air of indifference for which he was always remarkable when hefelt the necessity of setting an example and exposing himself to danger. He asked his guide many questions about the two valleys, inquired whatwere the resources of the inhabitants, and whether accidents were asfrequent as they were said to be. The guide informed him that theexperience of ages enabled the inhabitants to foresee good or badweather, and that they were seldom deceived. 

Bonaparte, who wore his gray greatcoat, and had his whip in his hand, appeared somewhat disappointed at not seeing any one come from the valleyof Aorta to inform him of the taking of the fort of Bard. I never lefthim for a moment during the ascent. We encountered no personal danger, and escaped with no other inconvenience than excessive fatigue. 

On his arrival at the convent the First Consul visited the chapel and thethree little libraries. He had time to read a few pages of an old book, of which I have forgotten the title. 

Our breakfast-dinner was very frugal. The little garden was stillcovered with snow, and I said to one of the fathers, "You can have butfew vegetables here. "--"We get our vegetables from the valleys, " hereplied; "but in the month of August, in warm seasons, we have a fewlettuces of our own growing. "

When we reached the summit of the mountain we seated ourselves on thesnow and slid down. Those who went first smoothed the way for those whocame behind them. This rapid descent greatly amused us, and we were onlystopped by the mud which succeeded the snow at the distance of five orsix hundred toises down the declivity. 

We crossed, or rather climbed up, Mont Albaredo to avoid passing underthe fort of Bard, which closes the valley of Aorta. As it was impossibleto get the artillery up this mountain it was resolved to convey itthrough the town of Bard, which was not fortified. For this operation wemade choice of night, and the wheels of the cannon and caissons, and eventhe horses' feet, being wrapped in straw, the whole passed quietlythrough the little town. They were, indeed, under the fire of the fort;however, it did not so completely command the street but that the houseswould have protected them against any very fatal consequences. A greatpart of the army had passed before the surrender of the fort, which socompletely commands the narrow valley leading to Aorta that it isdifficult to comprehend the negligence of the Austrians in not throwingup more efficient works; by very simple precautions they might haverendered the passage of St. Bernard unavailing. 

On the 23d we came within sight of the fort of Bard, which commands theroad bounded by the Doria Baltea on the right and Mont Albaredo on theleft. The Doria Baltea is a small torrent which separates the town ofBard from the fort. Bonaparte, whose retinue was not very numerous, crossed the torrent. On arriving within gunshot of the fort he orderedus to quicken our pace to gain a little bridle-path on the left, leadingto the summit of Mont Albaredo, and turning the town and fort of Bard. 

We ascended this path on foot with some difficulty. On reaching thesummit of the mountain, which commands the fort, Bonaparte levelled histelescope on the grass, and stationing himself behind some bushes, whichserved at once to shelter and conceal him, he attentively reconnoiteredthe fort. After addressing several questions to the persons who had cometo give him information, he mentioned, in a tone of dissatisfaction, thefaults that had been committed, and ordered the erection of a new batteryto attack a point which he marked out, and from whence, he guaranteed, the firing of a few shots would oblige the fort to surrender. Havinggiven these orders he descended the mountain and went to sleep that nightat Yvree. On the 3d of June he learned that the fort had surrendered theday before. 

The passage of Mont St. Bernard must occupy a great place in the annalsof successful temerity. The boldness of the First Consul seemed, as itwere, to have fascinated the enemy, and his enterprise was so unexpectedthat not a single Austrian corps defended the approaches of the fort ofBard. The country was entirely exposed, and we only encountered here andthere a few feeble parties, who were incapable of checking our march uponMilan. Bonaparte's advance astonished and confounded the enemy, whothought of nothing but marching back the way he came, and renouncing theinvasion of France. The bold genius which actuated Bonaparte did notinspire General Melas, the commander-in-chief of the Austrian forces. If Melas had had the firmness which ought to belong to the leader of anarmy--if he had compared the respective positions of the two parties--ifhe had considered that there was no longer time to regain his line ofoperations and recover his communication with the Hereditary States, thathe was master of all the strong places in Italy, that he had nothing tofear from Massena, that Suchet could not resist him:--if, then, followingBonaparte's' example, he had marched upon Lyons, what would have becomeof the First Consul? Melas would have found few obstacles, and almosteverywhere open towns, while the French army would have been exhaustedwithout having an enemy to fight. This is, doubtless, what Bonapartewould have done had he been Melas; but, fortunately for us, Melas was notBonaparte. 

We arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, the day on which the First Consulheard that the fort of Bard was taken. But little resistance was opposedto our entrance to the capital of Lombardy, and the term "engagements"can scarcely be applied to a few affairs of advance posts, in whichsuccess could not be for a moment doubtful; the fort of Milan wasimmediately blockaded. Murat was sent to Piacenza, of which he tookpossession without difficulty, and Lannes beat General Ott at Montebello. He was far from imagining that by that exploit he conquered for himself afuture duchy!

The First Consul passed six days at Milan. On the day after our arrivalthere a spy who had served us very well in the first campaign in Italywas announced. The First Consul recollected him, and ordered him to beshown into his cabinet. --"What, are you here?" he exclaimed; "so you arenot shot yet!"--"General, " replied the spy, "when the war recommenced Idetermined to serve the Austrians because you were far from Europe. I always follow the fortunate; but the truth is, I am tired of the trade. I wish to have done with it, and to get enough to enable me to retire. I have been sent to your lines by General Melas, and I can render you animportant service. I will give an exact account of the force and theposition of all the enemy's corps, and the names of their commanders. I can tell you the situation in which Alessandria now is. You know meI will not deceive you; but, I must carry back some report to my general. You need not care for giving me some true particulars which I cancommunicate to him. "--"Oh! as to that, " resumed the First Consul, "theenemy is welcome to know my forces and my positions, provided I know his, and he be ignorant of my plans. You shall be satisfied; but do notdeceive me: you ask for 1000 Louis, you shall have them if you serve mewell. " I then wrote down from the dictation of the spy, the and thenames of the corps, their amount, their positions, names of the generalscommanding them. The Consul stuck pins in the map to mark his plans onplaces respecting which he received information from the spy. We alsolearned that Alexandria was without provisions, that Melas was far fromexpecting a siege, that many of his troops were sick, and that he wantedmedicines. Berthier was ordered to draw up for the spy a nearly accuratestatement of our positions. 

The information given by this man proved so accurate and useful that onhis return from Marengo Bonaparte ordered me to pay him the 1000 Louis. The spy afterwards informed him that Melas was delighted with the way inwhich he had served him in this affair, and had rewarded him handsomely. He assured us that he had bidden farewell to his odious profession. TheFirst Consul regarded this little event as one of the favours of fortune. 

In passing through Geneva the First Consul had an interview with M. Necker. 

 --[Madame de Stael briefly mention this interview in her 'Considerations sur la Revolution Francaise' "M. Necker, " she says, "had an interview with Bonaparte, when he was on his way to Italy by the passage of Mont. St. Bernard, a few days before the battle of Marengo, During this conversation, which lasted two hours, the First Consul made a very favourable impression on my father by the confident way he spoke of his future projects. "--Bourrienne. ]--

I know not how it happened, but at the time he did not speak to me ofthis interview. However, I was curious to know what he thought of a manwho had acquired much celebrity in France. One evening, when we weretalking of one thing and another, I managed to turn the conversation onthat subject. "M. Necker, " said he, "appears to me very far below hisreputation. He did not equal the idea I had formed of him. I tried allI could to get him to talk; but he said nothing remarkable. He is anideologist--

 --[This was a constant term of reproach with Bonaparte. He set all the metaphysicians of the Continent against him by exclaiming, "Je ne veux point d'ideologues. "]--

a banker. It is impossible that such a man can have any but narrowviews; and, besides, most celebrated people lose on a close view. "--"Not always, General, " observed I--"Ah!" said he, smiling, "that is notbad, Bourrienne. You are improving. I see I shall make something of youin time!"

The day was approaching when all was to be lost or won. The First Consulmade all his arrangements, and sent off the different corps to occupy thepoints he had marked out. I have already mentioned that Murat's task wasthe occupation of Piacenza. As soon as he was in possession of that townhe intercepted a courier of General Melas. The despatch, which wasaddressed to the Aulic Council of Vienna, was delivered to us on thenight of the 8th of June. It announced the capitulation of Genoa, whichtook place on the 4th, after the long and memorable defence whichreflected so much honour on Massena. Melas in his despatch spoke of whathe called our pretended army of reserve with inconceivable contempt, andalluded to the presence of Bonaparte in Italy as a mere fabrication. Hedeclared he was still in Paris. It was past three in the morning whenMurat's courier arrived. I immediately translated the despatch, whichwas in German. About four o'clock I entered the chamber of the FirstConsul, whom I was obliged to shake by the arm in order to wake him. Hehad desired me; as I have already mentioned, never to respect his reposean the arrival of bad news; but on the receipt of good news to let himsleep. I read to him the despatch, and so much was he confounded by thisunexpected event that his first exclamation was, "Bah! you do notunderstand German. " But hardly had he uttered these words when he arose, and by eight o'clock in the morning orders were despatched for repairingthe possible consequences of this disaster, and countermanding the marchof the troops on the Scrivia. He himself proceeded the same day toStradella. 

I have seen it mentioned in some accounts that the First Consul in persongained the battle of Montebello. This is a mistake. He did not leaveMilan until the 9th of June, and that very day Lannes was engaged withthe enemy. The conflict was so terrible that Lannes, a few days after, describing it in my presence to M. Collot, used these remarkable words, which I well remember: "Bones were cracking in my division like a showerof hail falling on a skylight. "

By a singular chance Desaix, who was to contribute to the victory andstop the rout of Marengo, arrived from Egypt at Toulon, on the very dayon which we departed from Paris. He was enabled to leave Egypt inconsequence of the capitulation of El-Arish, which happened on the 4th ofJanuary 1800. He wrote me a letter, dated 16th Floreal, year VIII. (6thof May 1800), announcing his arrival. This letter I did not receiveuntil we reached Martigny. I showed it to the First Consul. "Ah!"exclaimed he, "Desaix in Paris!" and he immediately despatched an orderfor him to repair to the headquarters of the army of Italy wherever theymight be. Desaix arrived at Stradella on the morning of the 11th ofJune. The First Consul received him with the warmest cordiality, as aman for whom he had a high esteem, and whose talents and characterafforded the fairest promise of what might one day be expected of him. Bonaparte was jealous of some generals, the rivalry of whose ambition hefeared; but on this subject Desaix gave him no uneasiness; equallyremarkable for his unassuming disposition, his talent, and information, he proved by his conduct that he loved glory for her own sake, and thatevery wish for the possession of political power was foreign to his mind. Bonaparte's friendship for him was enthusiastic. At this interview atStradella, Desaix was closeted with the First Consul for upwards of threehours. On the day after his arrival an order of the day communicated tothe army that Desaix was appointed to the command of Boudet's division. 

 --[Boudet was on terms of great intimacy with Bonaparte, who, no doubt, was much affected at his death. However, the only remark he made on receiving the intelligence, was "Who the devil shall I get to supply Boudet's place?"--Bourrienne. 

 The command given to Desaix was a corps especially formed of the two divisions of Boudet and Monnier (Savary, tome i. P. 262). Boudet was not killed at Marengo, still less before (see Erreurs, tome i. P. 14). ]--

I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interview with Desaix. "Yes, " replied he, "he has been a long time with me; but you know what afavourite he is. As soon as I return to Paris I will make him WarMinister. I would make him a prince if I could. He is quite an antiquecharacter. " Desaix died two days after he had completed his thirty-thirdyear, and in less than a week after the above observations. 

About this time M. Collot came to Italy and saw Bonaparte at Milan. Thelatter received him coldly, though he had not yet gained the battle ofMarengo. M. Collot had been on the most intimate footing with Bonaparte, and had rendered him many valuable services. These circumstancessufficiently accounted for Bonaparte's coolness, for he would neveracknowledge himself under obligations to any one, and he did not likethose who were initiated into certain family secrets which he hadresolved to conceal. 

 --[The day after the interview I had a long conversation with M. Collot while Bonaparte was gone to review some corps stationed at Milan. M. Collot perfectly understood the cause of the unkind treatment he had experienced, and of which he gave me the following explanation:

 Some days before the Consulate--that is to say, two or three days after our return from Egypt, --Bonaparte, during his jealous fit, spoke to M. Collot about his wife, her levities, and their publicity. "Henceforth, " said Bonaparte, "I will have nothing to do with her. "--"What, would you part from her?"--"Does not her conduct justify me in so doing?"--"I do not know; but is this the time to think of such a thing, when the eyes of all France are fixed upon you? These domestic squabbles will degrade you in the eyes of the people, who expect you to be wholly devoted to their interests; and you will be laughed at, like one of Moliere's husbands, if you are displeased with your wife's conduct you can call her to account when you have nothing better to do. Begin by raising up the state. After that you may find a thousand reasons for your resentment when now you would not find one. You know the French people well enough to see how important it is that you should not commence with this absurdity. "

 By these and other similar remarks M. Collot thought he had produced some impression, when Bonaparte suddenly exclaimed: "No, my determination is fixed; she shall never again enter my house. I care not what people say. They will gossip about the affair for two days, and on the third it will be forgotten. She shall go to Malmaison, and I will live here. The public know enough, not to be mistaken as to the reasons of her removal. "

 M. Collot vainly endeavoured to calm his irritation. Bonaparte vented a torrent of reproaches upon Josephine. "All this violence, " observed M. Collot, "proves that you still love her. Do but see her, she will explain the business to your satisfaction and you will forgive her. "--"I forgive her! Never! Collot, you know me. If I were not sure of my own resolution, I would tear out this heart, and cast it into the fire. " Here anger almost choked his utterance, and he made a motion with his hand as if tearing his breast. 

 When this violent paroxysm had somewhat subsided M. Collot withdrew; but before he went away Bonaparte invited him to breakfast on the following morning. 

 At ten o'clock M. Collot was there, and as he was passing through the courtyard he was informed that Madame Bonaparte, who, as I have already mentioned, had gone to Lyons without meeting the General, had returned during the night. On M. Collot's entrance Bonaparte appeared considerably embarrassed. He led him into a side room, not wishing to bring him into the room where I was writing. "Well, " said Bonaparte to M. Collot, "she is here. "--"I rejoice to hear it. You have done well for yourself as well as for us. "--"But do not imagine I have forgiven her. As long as I live I shall suspect. The fact is, that on her arrival I desired her to be gone; but that fool Joseph was there. What could I do, Collot? I saw her descend the staircase followed by Eugine and Hortense. They were all weeping; and I have not a heart to resist tears Eugene was with me in Egypt. I have been accustomed to look upon him as my adopted son. He is a fine brave lad. Hortense is just about to be introduced into society, and she is admired by all who know her. I confess, Collot, I was deeply moved; I could not endure the distress of the two poor children. 'Should they, ' thought I, 'suffer for their mother's faults?' I called back Eugene and Hortense, and their mother followed them. What could I say, what could I do? I should not be a man without some weakness. "-- "Be assured they will reward you for this. "--"They ought, Collot they ought; for it has cost me a hard struggle. " After this dialogue Bonaparte and M. Collot entered the breakfast-parlour, where I was then sitting. Eugene breakfasted with us, but neither Josephine nor Hortense. I have already related how I acted the part of mediator in this affair. Next day nothing was wanting to complete the reconciliation between the Conqueror of Egypt and the charming woman who conquered Bonaparte. --Bourrienne. ]--

On the 13th the First Consul slept at Torre di Galifolo. During theevening he ordered a staff-officer to ascertain whether the Austrians hada bridge across the Bormida. A report arrived very late that there wasnone. This information set Bonaparte's mind at rest, and he went to bedvery well satisfied; but early next morning, when a firing was heard, andhe learned that the Austrians had debouched on the plain, where thetroops were engaged, he flew into a furious passion, called thestaff-officer a coward, and said he had not advanced far enough. He even spoke of bringing the matter to an investigation. 

From motives of delicacy I refrain from mentioning the dame of theofficer here alluded to. 

Bonaparte mounted his horse and proceeded immediately to the scene ofaction. I did not see him again until six in tine evening. In obedienceto his instructions; I repaired to San Giuliano, which is not above twoleagues from the place where the engagement commenced. In the course ofthe afternoon I saw a great many wounded passing through the village, andshortly afterwards a multitude of fugitives. At San Giuliano nothing wastalked of but a retreat, which, it was said, Bonaparte alone firmlyopposed. I was then advised to leave San Giuliano, where I had justreceived a courier for the General-in-Chief. On the morning of the 14thGeneral Desaix was sent towards Novi to observe the road to Genoa, whichcity had fallen several days before, in spite of the efforts of itsillustrious defender, Massena. I returned with this division to SanGiuliano. I was struck with the numerical weakness of the corps whichwas marching to aid an army already much reduced and dispersed. Thebattle was looked upon as lost, and so indeed it was. The First Consulhaving asked Desaix what he thought of it, that brave General bluntlyreplied, "The battle is completely lost; but it is only two o'clock, wehave time to gain another to-day. " I heard this from Bonaparte himselfthe same evening. Who could have imagined that Desaix's little corps, together with the few heavy cavalry commanded by General Kellerman, would, about five o'clock, have changed the fortune of the day? Itcannot be denied that it was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellermanthat converted a defeat into a victory, and decided the battle ofMarengo. 

That memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, has beendescribed in various ways. Bonaparte had an account of it commenced noless than three times; and I must confess that none of the narratives aremore correct than that contained in the 'Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo'. The Emperor Napoleon became dissatisfied with what had been said by theFirst Consul Bonaparte. For my part, not having had the honour to bear asword, I cannot say that I saw any particular movement executed this orthat way; but I may mention here what I heard on the evening of thebattle of Marengo respecting the probable chances of that event. As tothe part which the First Consul took in it, the reader, perhaps, issufficiently acquainted with his character to account for it. He did notchoose that a result so decisive should be attributed to any other causethan the combinations of his genius, and if I had not known hisinsatiable thirst for glory I should have been surprised at the sort ofhalf satisfaction evinced at the cause of the success amidst the joymanifested for the success itself. It must be confessed that in this hewas very unlike Jourdan, Hoche, Kleber, and Moreau, who were ever readyto acknowledge the services of those who had fought under their orders. 

Within two hours of the time when the divisions commanded by Desaix leftSan Giuliano I was joyfully surprised by the triumphant return of thearmy, whose fate, since the morning, had caused me so much anxiety. Never did fortune within so short a time show herself under two suchvarious faces. At two o'clock all denoted the desolation of a defeat, with all its fatal consequences; at five victory was again faithful tothe flag of Arcola. Italy was reconquered by a single blow, and thecrown of France appeared in the perspective. 

At seven in the evening, when I returned with the First Consul toheadquarters, he expressed to me his sincere regret for the loss ofDesaix, and then he added, "Little Kellerman made a lucky charge. He didit at just the right moment. We are much indebted to him. You see whattrifling circumstances decide these affairs. "

These few words show that Bonaparte sufficiently appreciated the servicesof Kellerman. However, when that officer approached the table at whichwere seated the First Consul and a number of his generals, Bonapartemerely said, "You made a pretty good charge. " By way ofcounter-balancing this cool compliment he turned towards Bessieres, whocommanded the horse grenadiers of the Guard, and said, "Bessieres, theGuard has covered itself with glory. " Yet the fact is, that the Guardtook no part in the charge of Kellerman, who could assemble only 500heavy cavalry; and with this handful of brave men he cut in two theAustrian column, which had overwhelmed Desaix's division, and had made6000 prisoners. The Guard did not charge at Marengo until nightfall. 

Next day it was reported that Kellerman, in his first feeling ofdissatisfaction at the dry congratulation he had received, said to theFirst Consul, "I have just placed the crown on your head!" I did nothear this, and I cannot vouch for the truth of its having been said. Icould only have ascertained that fart through Bonaparte, and ofcourse I could not, with propriety, remind him of a thing which must havebeen very offensive to him. However, whether true or not, theobservation was circulated about, verbally and in writing, and Bonaparteknew it. Hence the small degree of favour shown to Kellerman, who wasnot made a general of division on the field of battle as a reward for hischarge at Marengo. 

 --[If Savary's story be correct, and he was then aide de camp to Desaix, and Bourrienne acknowledges his account to be the best, the inspiration of the charge did not come from the young Kellerman. Savary says that Desaix sent him to tell Napoleon that he could not delay his attack, and that he must be supported by some cavalry. 

 Savary was then sent by Napoleon to a spot where he was told he would find Kellerman, to order him to charge in support of Desaix. Desaix and Kellerman were so placed as to be out of sight of each other (Savary, tome i. Pp. 279-279). Thiers (tome i, p. 445) follows Savary. 

 It may here be mentioned that Savary, in his account of the battle, expressly states that he carried the order from Bonaparte to Kellerman to make this charge. He also makes the following observations on the subject:--

 After the fall of the Imperial Government some pretended friends of General Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of originating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of glory is sufficiently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes, can have no knowledge of so presumptuous a pretension. I the more readily acquit him from the circumstance that, as we were conversing one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having brought, to him the First Consul's orders, and he appeared not to have forgotten that fact. I am far from suspecting his friends of the design of lessening the glory of either General Bonaparte or General Desaix; they know as well as myself that theirs are names so respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, and that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the Chief who planned the battle was to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share which General Kellerman had in its successful result. I will add to the above a few observations. 

 "From the position which he occupied General Desaix could not see General Kellerman; he had even desired me to request the First Consul to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could General Kellerman, from the point where he was stationed, perceive General Desaix's division; it is even probable that he was not aware of the arrival of that General, who had only joined the army two days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the First Consul was alone acquainted with; he alone could introduce harmony into their movements; he alone could make their efforts respectively conduce to the same object. 

 "The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge; had it, however, been made previously to General Desaix's attack, in all probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman appears to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian column to cross our field of battle and extend its front beyond that of the troops we had still in line without making the least attempt to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charging it sooner was that it was too serious a movement, and the consequences of failure would have been irretrievable: that charge, therefore, could only enter into a general combination of plans, to which he was necessarily a stranger" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, tome i. Pp. 218-280). ]--

M. Delaforet, the Postmaster-general, sometimes transacted business withthe First Consul. The nature of this secret business may easily beguessed at. 

 --[When M. Delaforet was replaced soon after this by Lavalette, Napoleon ordered the discontinuance of the practice followed until then of allowing letters to be opened by subordinate officials. This right was restricted, as in England, to the Minister. However bad this practice, it was limited, not extended, in his reign. See Mineval, tome iii. Pp. 60-62, and Lavalette, tome ii. P. 10. ]--

On the occasion of one of their interviews the First Consul saw a letterfrom Kellerman to Lasalle, which contained the following passage: "Wouldyou believe, my friend, that Bonaparte has not made me a general ofdivision though I have just placed the crown on his head?" The letterwas sealed again and sent to its address; but Bonaparte never forgot itscontents. 

Whether Kellerman did or did not give the crown of France to the FirstConsul, it is very certain that on the evening of the battle of Marengohe gave him a supper, of which his famishing staff and the rest of uspartook. This was no inconsiderable service in the destitute conditionin which we were. We thought ourselves exceeding fortunate in profitingby the precaution of Kellerman, who had procured provisions from one ofthose pious retreats which are always well supplied, and which soldiersare very glad to fall in with when campaigning. It was the convent delBosco which on this occasion was laid under contribution; and in returnfor the abundance of good provisions and wine with which they suppliedthe commander of the heavy cavalry the holy fathers were allowed a guardto protect them against pillage and the other disastrous concomitants ofwar. 

After supper was over the First Consul dictated to me the bulletin of thebattle. When we were alone I said to him, "General, here is a finevictory! You recollect what you said the other day about the pleasurewith which you would return to France after striking a grand blow inItaly; surely you must be satisfied now?"--"Yes, Bourrienne, I amsatisfied. --But Desaix! . . . Ah, what a triumph would this havebeen if I could have embraced him to-night on the field of battle!"As he uttered these words I saw that Bonaparte was on the point ofshedding tears, so sincere and profound was his grief for the death ofDesaix. He certainly never loved, esteemed, or regretted any man somuch. 

The death of Desaix has been variously related, and I need not now statethat the words attributed to him in the bulletin were imaginary. Neitherdid he die in the arms of his aide de camp, Lebrun, as I wrote from thedictation of the First Consul. The following facts are more correct, orat all events more probable:--the death of Desaix was not perceived atthe moment it took place. He fell without saying a word, at a littledistance from Lefebre-Desnouettes. A sergeant of battalion of the 9thbrigade light infantry, commanded by Barrois, seeing him extended on theground, asked permission to pick up his cloak. It was found to beperforated behind; and this circumstance leaves it doubtful whetherDesaix was killed by some unlucky inadvertency, while advancing at thehead of his troops, or by the enemy when turning towards his men toencourage them. However, the event was so instantaneous, the disorder socomplete, and the change of fortune so sudden, that it is not surprisingthere should be no positive account of the circumstances which attendedhis death. 

Early next morning the Prince of Liechtenstein came from General Melaswith negotiations to the First Consul. The propositions of the Generaldid not suit Bonaparte, and he declared to the Prince that the army shutup in Alessandria should evacuate freely, and with the honours of war;but on those conditions, which are well known, and by which Italy was tobe fully restored to the French domination. That day were repaired thefaults of Scherer, whose inertness and imbecility had paralysedeverything, and who had fled, and been constantly beaten, from theAdriatic to Mont Cenis. The Prince of Liechtenstein begged to return torender an account of his mission to General Melas. He came back in theevening, and made many observations on the hard nature of the conditions. "Sir, " replied the First Consul, in a tone of marked impatience, "carrymy final determination to your General, and return quickly. It isirrevocable! Know that I am as well acquainted with your position as youare yourselves. I did not begin to learn the art of war yesterday. Youare blocked up in Alessandria; you have many sick and wounded; you are inwant of provisions and medicines. I occupy the whole of your rear. Yourfinest troops are among the killed and wounded. I might insist on harderconditions; my position would warrant me in so doing; but I moderate mydemands in consideration of the gray hairs of your General, whom Irespect. "

This reply was delivered with considerable dignity and energy. I showedthe Prince out, and he said to me, "These conditions are very hard, especially that of giving up Genoa, which surrendered to us only afortnight ago, after so long a siege. " It is a curious fact that theEmperor of Austria received intelligence of the capitulation andrestitution of Genoa at the same time. 

When the First Consul returned to Milan he made Savary and Rapp his aidesde camp. They had previously served in the same rank under Desaix. TheFirst Consul was at first not much disposed to take them, alleging thathe had aides de camp enough. But his respect for the choice of Desaix, added to a little solicitation on my part, soon removed every obstacle. These two officers served him to the last hour of his political careerwith unfailing zeal and fidelity. 

I have seen nothing in the Memoirs of the Due de Rovigo (Savary) about myhaving had anything to do with his admission to the honour. I canprobably tell the reason why one of the two aides de camp has risenhigher than the other. Rapp had an Alsatian frankness which alwaysinjured him. 

CHAPTER II. 

1800. 

 Suspension of hostilities--Letter to the Consuls--Second Occupation of Milan--Bonaparte and Massena--Public acclamations and the voice of Josephine--Stray recollections--Organization of Piedmont--Sabres of honour--Rewards to the army of the Rhine--Pretended army of reserve--General Zach--Anniversary of the 14th of July--Monument to Desaix--Desaix and Foy--Bonaparte's speech in the Temple of Mars-- Arrival of the Consular Guard--The bones of marshal Turenne-- Lucien's successful speech--Letter from Lucien to Joseph Bonaparte-- The First Consul's return to Paris--Accidents on the road-- Difficulty of gaining lasting fame--Assassination of Kleber-- Situation of the terrace on which Kleber was stabbed--Odious rumours --Arrival of a courier--A night scene--Bonaparte's distress on perusing the despatches from Egypt. 

What little time, and how few events sometimes suffice to change thedestiny of nations! We left Milan on the 13th of June, Marengo on the14th, and on the 15th Italy was ours! A suspension of hostilitiesbetween the French and Austrian armies was the immediate result of asingle battle; and by virtue of a convention, concluded between Berthierand Melas, we resumed possession of all the fortified places of anyimportance, with the exception of Mantua. As soon as this convention wassigned Bonaparte dictated to me at Torre di Galifolo the following letterto his colleagues:

 The day after the battle of Marengo, CITIZENS CONSULS, General Melas transmitted a message to our advance posts requesting permission to send General Skal to me. During the day the convention, of which I send you a copy, was drawn up, and at night it was signed by Generals Berthier and Melas. I hope the French people will be satisfied with the conduct, of their army. (Signed) Bonaparte

The only thing worthy of remark in this letter would be the concludingsentence, in which the First Consul still affected to acknowledge thesovereignty of the people, were it not that the words "Citizens Consuls"were evidently foisted in with a particular design. The battle wasgained; and even in a trifling matter like this it was necessary that thetwo, other Consuls should feel that they were not so much the colleaguesas the subordinates of the First Consul. 

We returned to Milan, and our second occupation of that, city was markedby continued acclamations wherever the First Consul showed himself. At Milan the First Consul now saw Massena for the first time since ourdeparture for Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon, him the highest praises, but not higher than he deserved, for his admirable, defence of Genoa. He named him his successor in the command of the army of Italy. Moreauwas on the Rhine, and therefore none but the conqueror of Zurich couldproperly have succeeded the First Consul in that command. The great blowwas struck; but there might still occur an emergency requiring thepresence of a skillful experienced general, well acquainted with thecountry. And besides, we could not be perfectly at ease, until it wasascertained what conditions would be adhered to by the Cabinet of Vienna, which was then entirely under the influence of the Cabinet of London. After our return from the battle the popular joy was general andheartfelt not only among the higher and middle ranks of society, but inall classes; and the affection evinced from all quarters to the FirstConsul was unfeigned. In what a tone of sincerity did he say to me oneday, when returning from the parade, "Bourrienne, do you hear theacclamations still resounding? That noise is as sweet to me as the soundof Josephine's voice. How happy and proud I am to be loved by such apeople!"

During our stay at Milan Bonaparte had arranged a new government forPiedmont; he had ever since cherished the wish to unite that rich andfertile country to the French territory because some Piedmonteseprovinces had been possessed by Louis XIV. That monarch was the onlyking whom the First Consul really admired. "If, " said he one day, "LouisXIV. Had not been born a king, he would have been a great man. But hedid not know mankind; he could not know them, for he never knewmisfortune. " He admired the resolution of the old King, who would ratherbury himself under the ruins of the monarchy than submit to degradingconditions, after having commanded the sovereigns of Europe. I recollectthat Bonaparte was extremely pleased to see in the reports which heordered to be made that in Casal, and in the valleys of Pignerol, Latour, and Luzerne, there still existed many traces of the period when thosecountries belonged to France; and that the French language was yetpreserved there. He already began to identify himself with the past; andabusing the old kings of France was not the way to conciliate his favour. 

The First Consul appointed for the government of Piedmont a Councilwhich, as may naturally be imagined; he composed of those Piedmontese whowere the declared partisans of France. He stated as the grounds of thisarrangement that it was to give to Piedmont a new proof of the affectionand attachment of the French people. He afterwards appointed General. Dupont President of the Council, with the title of Minister-Extraordinaryof the French government. I will here mention a secret step taken byBonaparte towards the overthrowing of the Republic. In making the firstdraught of General Dupont's appointment I had mechanically written, "Minister-Extraordinary of the French Republic. "--"No! no!" saidBonaparte, "not of the Republic; say of the Government. "

On his return to Paris the First Consul gave almost incredible proofs ofhis activity. The day after his arrival he promulgated a great number ofdecrees, and afterwards allotted the rewards to his soldiers. Heappointed Kellerman General of division which, on every principle ofjustice, he ought to have done on the field of battle. He distributedsabres of honour, with the following inscription, highly complimentary tohimself:--

 "Battle of Maringo, --[spelt for some time, I do not know why, as, Maringo--Bourrienne]--commanded in person by the First Consul. --Given by the Government of the Republic to General Lannes. "

Similar sabres where presented to Generals Victor, Watrin, Gardanne, andMurat; and sabres of less value to other officers: and also muskets anddrumsticks of honour to the soldiers and drummers who had distinguishedthemselves at Marengo, or in the army of the Rhine; for Bonaparte tookcare that the officers and men who had fought under Moreau should beincluded among those to whom the national rewards were presented. Heeven had a medal struck to perpetuate the memory of the entry of theFrench army into Munich. It is worthy of remark that while officialfabrications and exaggerated details of facts were published respectingMarengo and the short campaign of Italy, by a feigned modesty thevictorious army of Marengo received the unambitious title of 'Army ofReserve'. By this artifice the honour of the Constitution was saved. The First Consul had not violated it. If he had marched to the field, and staked everything on a chance it was merely accidentally, for hecommanded only an "Army of Reserve, " which nevertheless he had greetedwith the title of Grand Army before he entered upon the campaign. It isscarcely conceivable that Bonaparte, possessing as he did anextraordinary mind, should have descended to such pitiful artifices. 

 --[ Thiers (tome. Vi. , p. 70) says the title Grande Armee was first given by Napoleon to the force prepared in 1805 for the campaign against Austria. The Constitution forbad the First Consul to command the armies in person. Hence the title, "Army of Reserve, " gives to the force which fought Marengo. ]--

Even foreigners and prisoners were objects of Bonaparte's designingintentions. I recollect one evening his saying to me; "Bourrienne, writeto the Minister of War, and tell him to select a fine brace of pistols, of the Versailles manufacture, and send them, in my name, to GeneralZach. He dined with me to-day, and highly praised our manufacture ofarms. I should like to give him a token of remembrance; besides, --thematter will be talked of at Vienna, and may perhaps do good!"

As soon as the news of the battle of Marengo reached Paris LucienBonaparte, Minister of the Interior, ordered preparations for thefestival, fixed for the 14th of July, in commemoration of the firstFederation. This festival and that of the 1st Vendemiaire were the onlyones preserved by the Consular Government. Indeed, in those memorabledays, when the Revolution appeared in its fairest point of view, Francehad never known such joy as that to which the battle of Marengo gaverise. Still, amidst all this popular transport there was a feeling ofregret. The fame of Desaix, his heroic character, his death, the wordsattributed to him and believed to be true, caused mourning to be mingledwith joy. It was agreed to open a subscription for erecting a nationalmonument to his memory. A reflection naturally arises here upon thedifference between the period referred to and the present time. Francehas endowed with nearly a million the children of one of her greatestorators and most eloquent defenders of public liberty, yet, for themonument to the memory of Desaix scarcely 20, 000 francs were subscribed. Does not this form a singular contrast with the patriotic munificencedisplayed at the death of General Foy? The pitiful monument to Desaix, on the Place Dauphins, sufficiently attests the want of spirit on thepart of the subscribers. Bonaparte, who was much dissatisfied with it, gave the name of Desaix to a new quay, the first stone of which was laidwith great solemnity on the 14th of July. 

On that day the crowd was immense in the Champ-de-Mars and in the Templeof Mars, the name which at that the Church of the Invalides stillpreserved. Lucien delivered a speech on the encouraging prospects ofFrance, and Lannes made an appropriate address on presenting to theGovernment the flags taken at Marengo. Two more followed; one from anaide de cramp of Massena, and the other from an aide de camp of Lecourbe;and after the distribution of some medals the First Consul then deliveredthe following address:--

 CITIZENS! SOLDIERS!--The flags presented to the Government, in the presence of the people of this immense capital, attest at once the genius of the Commanders-in-Chief Moreau, Massena, and Berthier; the military talents of the generals, their lieutenants; and bravery of the French soldiers. 

 On your return to the camp tell your comrades that for the 1st Vendemiaire, when we shall celebrate the anniversary of the Republic, the French people expect either peace or, if the enemy obstinately refuse it, other flags, the fruit of fresh victories. 

After this harangue of the First Consul, in which he addressed to themilitary in the name of the people, and ascribed to Berthier the glory ofMarengo, a hymn was chanted, the words of which were written by M. DeFontanes and the music composed by Mehul. But what was most remarkablein this fete was neither the poetry, music, nor even the panegyricaleloquence of Lucien, --it was the arrival at the Champ-de-Mars, afterthe ceremony at the Invalides, of the Consular Guard returning fromMarengo. I was at a window of the Ecole-Militaire, and I can neverforget the commotion, almost electrical, which made the air resound withcries of enthusiasm at their appearance. These soldiers did not defilebefore the First Consul in fine uniforms as at a review. Leaving thefield of battle when the firing ceased, they had crossed Lombardy, Piedmont, Mont Cenis, Savoy, and France in the space of twenty-nine days. They appeared worn by the fatigue of a long journey, with faces brownedby the summer sun of Italy, and with their arms and clothing showing theeffects of desperate struggles. Do you wish to have an idea of theirappearance? You will find a perfect type in the first grenadier put byGerard at one side of his picture of the battle of Austerlitz. 

At the time of this fete, that is to say, in the middle of the month ofJuly, the First Consul could not have imagined that the moderateconditions he had proposed after the victory would not be accepted byAustria. In the hope, therefore, of a peace which could not but beconsidered probable, he, for the first time since the establishment ofthe Consular Government, convoked the deputies of the departments, andappointed their time of assembling in Paris for the 1st Vendemiaire, aday which formed the close of one remarkable century and marked thecommencement of another. 

The remains of Marshal Turenne; to which Louis XIV. Had awarded thehonours of annihilation by giving them a place among the royal tombs inthe vaults of St. Denis, had been torn from their grave at the time ofthe sacrilegious violation of the tombs. His bones, mingledindiscriminately with others, had long lain in obscurity in a garret ofthe College of Medicine when M. Lenoir collected and restored them to theancient tomb of Turenne in the Mussee des Petits Augustins. Bonaparteresolved to enshrine these relics in that sculptured marble with whichthe glory of Turenne could so well dispense. This was however, intendedas a connecting link between the past days of France and the future towhich he looked forward. He thought that the sentiments inspired by thesolemn honours rendered to the memory of Turenne would dispose thedeputies of the departments to receive with greater enthusiasm thepacific communications he hoped to be able to make. 

However, the negotiations did not take the favourable turn which theFirst Consul had expected; and, notwithstanding all the address ofLucien, the communication was not heard without much uneasiness. ButLucien had prepared a speech quite to the taste of the First Consul. After dilating for some time on the efforts of the Government to obtainpeace he deplored the tergiversations of Austria, accused the fatalinfluence of England, and added in a more elevated and solemn tone, "At the very moment when, the Consuls were leaving the Palace of theGovernment a courier arrived bearing despatches which the First Consulhas directed me to communicate to you. " He then read a note declaringthat the Austrian Government consented to surrender to France the threefortresses of Ulm, Philipsburg, and Ingolstadt. This was considered as asecurity for the preliminaries of peace being speedily signed. The newswas received with enthusiasm, and that anxious day closed in a way highlygratifying to the First Consul. 

Whilst victory confirmed in Italy the destinies of the First Consul, hisbrothers were more concerned about their own interests than the affairsof France. They loved money as much as Bonaparte loved glory. A letterfrom Lucien to his brother Joseph, which I shall subjoin, shows how readythey always were to turn to their own advantage the glory and fortune ofhim to whom they were indebted for all their importance. I found thisletter among my papers, but I cannot tell why and how I preserved it. It is interesting, inasmuch as it shows, the opinion that family offuture kings entertained of their own situation, and of what their fatewould have been had Bonaparte, like Desaix, fallen on the field ofMarengo. It is, besides, curious to observe the philosopher Luciencausing Te Deum, to be chanted with the view of influencing the publicfunds. At all events I copy Lucien's letter as he wrote it, giving thewords marked in italics [CAPS] and the numerous notes of exclamationwhich distinguish the original. 

MY BROTHER--I send you a courier; I particularly wish that the FirstConsul would give me notice of his arrival twenty-four hoursbeforehand, and that he would inform ME ALONE of the barrier by whichhe will enter. The city wishes to prepare triumphal arches for him, and it deserves not to be disappointed. 

AT MY REQUEST a Te Deum was chanted yesterday. There were 60, 000persons present. 

The intrigues of Auteuil continue. 

 --[This intrigue, so called from Talleyrand one of its heads, living in the suburb of Auteuil, arose from the wish of many of the most influential men to be prepared in case of the death of Napoleon in any action in Italy: It was simply a continuation of the same combinations which had been attempted or planned in 1799, till the arrival of Bonaparte from Egypt made the party choose him as the instrument for the overthrow of the Directors. There was little secrecy about their plans; see Miot de Melito (tome i p. 276), where Joseph Bonaparte tells his friends all that was being proposed in case his brother fell. Carnot seems to have been the most probable choice as leader and replacer of Bonaparte. In the above letter "C----, " stands for Carrot, "La F----" for La Fayette, the "High Priest" is Sieyes, and the "friend of Auteuil" is Talleyrand; see Iung's Lucien, tome i. P. 411. The postscript seems to refer to a wretched scandal about Caroline, and Lucien; see Iung's Lucien, tome i. Pp. 411, 432-433. The reader should remark the retention of this and other documents by Bourrienne, which forms one of the charges brought against him farther on. ]--

--It has been found difficult to decide between C---- and La F----. The latter has proposed his daughter in marriage to me. Intrigue hasbeen carried to the last extreme. I do not know yet whether the HighPriest has decided for one party or the other. I believe that he wouldcheat them both for an Orleans, and your friend of Auteuil was at thebottom of all. The news of the battle of Marengo petrified them, and yetnext day the High Priest certainly spent three hours with your friend ofAuteuil. As to us, had the victory of Marengo closed the First Consul'scareer we should now have been Proscribed. 

Your letters say nothing of what I expected to hear. I hope at least tobe informed of the answer from Vienna before any one. I am sorry youhave not paid me back for the battle of Marengo. 

The festival of the 14th of July will be very gratifying. We expectpeace as a certainty, and the triumphant return of the First Consul. The family is all well. Your wife and all her family are atMortfontaine. Ney is at Paris. Why do you return with the First Consul?Peace! and Italy! Think of our last interview. I embrace you. (Signed) LUCIEN. On the margin is written--

P. S. --Read the letter addressed to the Consul, and give it to him AFTERYOU HAVE CAREFULLY CLOSED IT. 

Forward the enclosed. Madame Murat never lodged in my house. Herhusband is a fool, whom his wife ought to punish by not writing to himfor a month. (Signed) LUCIEN BONAPARTE

Bonaparte, confirmed in his power by the victory of Marengo, remainedsome days longer at Milan to settle the affairs of Italy. He directedone to furnish Madame Grassini with money to pay her expenses to Paris. We departed amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, and took the roadto Turin. The First Consul stopped at Turin for some hours, andinspected the citadel, which had bean surrendered to us in pursuance ofthe capitulation of Alessandria. In passing over Mont Cenis we observedthe carriage of Madame Kellerman, who was going to meet her husband. Bonaparte on recognizing the lady stopped his carriage and congratulatedher on the gallant conduct of her husband at the battle of Marengo. 

On our arrival at Lyons we alighted at the Hotel des Celestins, and theloud acclamations of a numerous multitude assembled round the hotelobliged Bonaparte to show himself on the balcony. Next day he proceededto the Square of Bellecour, where, amidst the plaudits of the people, helaid the first stone of some new buildings destined to efface one of thedisasters of the Revolution. 

We left Lyons that evening and continued our journey by way of Dijon. On our arrival in that town the joy of the inhabitants was very great. I never saw a more graceful and captivating sight than that which waspresented by a group of beautiful young females, crowned with flowers, who accompanied Bonaparte's carriage, and which at that period, when theRevolution had renewed all the republican recollections of Greece andRome, looked like the chorus of females dancing around the victor at theOlympic games. 

But all our journey was not so agreeable. Some accidents awaited us. The First Consul's carriage broke down between Villeneuve-le-Roi andSens. He sent a courier to inform my mother that he would stop at herhouse till his carriage was repaired. He dined there, and we startedagain at seven in the evening. 

But we had other disasters to encounter. One of our off-wheels came off, and as we were driving at a very rapid pace the carriage was overturnedon the bridge at a short distance from Montreau-Faut-Yonne. The FirstConsul, who sat on my left, fell upon me, and sustained no injury. Myhead was slightly hurt by striking against some things which were in thepocket of the carriage; but this accident was not worth stopping for, andwe arrived at Paris on the same night, the 2d of July. Duroc, who wasthe third in the carriage, was not hurt. 

I have already mentioned that Bonaparte was rather talkative whentravelling; and as we were passing through Burgundy, on our return toParis from Marengo, he said exultingly, "Well, a few more events likethis campaign, and I may go down to posterity. "--"I think, " replied I, "that you have already done enough to secure great and lastingfame. "--"Yes, " resumed he, "I have done enough, it is true. In lessthan two years I have won Cairo, Paris, and Milan; but for all that, mydear fellow, were I to die to-morrow I should not at the end of tencenturies occupy half a page of general history!"

On the very day when Desaix fell on the field of Marengo Kleber wasassassinated by a fanatical Mussulman, named Soleiman Haleby, who stabbedhim with a dagger, and by that blow decided the fate of Egypt. 

 --["This fellah was, at most, eighteen or twenty years of age: he was a native of Damascus, and declared that he had quitted his native city by command of the grand vizier, who had entrusted him with the commission of repairing to Egypt and killing the grand sultan of the French [Bonaparte being probably intended]. That for this purpose alone he had left his family, and performed the whole journey on foot and had received from the grand vizier no other money than what was absolutely requisite for the exigencies of the journey. On arriving at Cairo he had gone forthwith to perform his devotions in the great mosque, and it was only on the eve of executing his project that he confided it to one of the scherifs of the mosque" (Duc de Rovigo's Memoirs, tome 1. P. 367)]--

Thus was France, on the same day, and almost at the same hour, deprivedof two of her most distinguished generals. Menou, as senior in command, succeeded Kleber, and the First Consul confirmed the appointment. Fromthat moment the loss of Egypt was inevitable. 

I have a few details to give respecting the tragical death of Kleber. The house of Elfy Bey, which Bonaparte occupied at Cairo, and in whichKleber lived after his departure; had a terrace leading from a salon toan old ruined cistern, from which, down a few steps, there was anentrance into the garden. The terrace commanded a view of the grandsquare of El Beguyeh, which was to the right on coming out of the salon, while the garden was on the left. This terrace was Bonaparte's favouritepromenade, especially in the evenings, when he used to walk up and downand converse with the persons about him, I often advised him to fill upthe reservoir, and to make it level with the terrace. I even showed him, by concealing myself in it, and coming suddenly behind him, how easy itwould be for any person to attempt his life and then escape, either byjumping into the square, or passing through the garden. He told me I wasa coward, and was always in fear of death; and he determined not to makethe alteration I suggested, which, however, he acknowledged to beadvisable. Kleber's assassin availed himself of the facility which I sooften apprehended might be fatal to Bonaparte. 

I shall not atop to refute all the infamous rumours which were circulatedrespecting Kleber's death. When the First Consul received the unexpectedintelligence he could scarcely believe it. He was deeply affected; andon reading the particulars of the assassination he instantly called tomind how often he had been in the same situation as that in which Kleberwas killed, and all I had said respecting the danger of thereservoir--a danger from which it is inconceivable he should have escaped, especially after his Syrian expedition had excited the fury of thenatives. Bonaparte's knowledge of Kleber's talents--the fact of hishaving confided to him the command of the army, and the aid which heconstantly endeavoured to transmit to him, repelled at once the horriblesuspicion of his having had the least participation in the crime, and thethought that he was gratified to hear of it. 

It is very certain that Bonaparte's dislike of Kleber was as decided asthe friendship he cherished for Desaix. Kleber's fame annoyed him, forhe was weak enough to be annoyed at it. He knew the manner in whichKleber spoke of him, which was certainly not the most respectful. Duringthe long and sanguinary siege of St. Jean d'Acre Kleber said to me, "Thatlittle scoundrel Bonaparte, who is no higher than my boot, will enslaveFrance. See what a villainous expedition he has succeeded in involvingus in. " Kleber often made the same remark to others as well as to me. I am not certain that it was ever reported to Bonaparte; but there isreason to believe that those who found it their interest to accuse othersdid not spare Kleber. 

Kleber, who was a sincere republican, saw and dreaded for his country'ssake the secret views and inordinate ambition of Bonaparte. He was agrumbler by nature; yet he never evinced discontent in the discharge ofhis duties as a soldier. He swore and stormed, but marched bravely tothe cannon's mouth: he was indeed courage personified. One day when hewas in the trench at St. Jean d'Acre, standing up, and by his tallstature exposed to every shot, Bonaparte called to him, "Stoop down, Kleber, stoop down!"--"Why;" replied he, "your confounded trench doesnot reach to my knees. " He never regarded the Egyptian expedition with afavourable eye. He thought it too expensive, and utterly useless toFrance. He was convinced that in the situation in which we stood, without a navy or a powerful Government, it would have been better tohave confined our attention to Europe than to have wasted French bloodand money on the banks of the Nile, and among the ruined cities of Syria. Kleber, who was a cool, reflecting man, judged Bonaparte withoutenthusiasm, a thing somewhat rare at that time, and he was not blind toany of his faults. 

Bonaparte alleged that Kleber said to him, "General, you are as great asthe world!" Such a remark is in direct opposition to Kleber's character. He was too sincere to say anything against his conviction. Bonaparte, always anxious to keep Egypt, of which the preservation alone couldjustify the conquest, allowed Kleber to speak because he acted at thesame time. He knew that Kleber's sense of military duty would alwaystriumph over any opposition he might cherish to his views and plans. Thus the death of his lieutenant, far from causing Bonaparte any feelingof satisfaction, afflicted him the more, because it almost totallydeprived him if the hope of preserving a conquest which had cost Franceso dear, and which was his work. 

The news of the death of Kleber arrived shortly after our return toParis. Bonaparte was anxiously expecting accounts from Egypt, nonehaving been received for a considerable time. The arrival of the courierwho brought the fatal intelligence gave rise to a scene which I mayrelate here. It was two o'clock in the morning when the courier arrivedat the Tuileries. In his hurry the First Consul could not wait to rouseany one to call me up. I had informed him some days before that if heshould want me during the night he should send for me to the corridor, asI had changed my bedchamber on account of my wife's accouchement. Hecame up himself and instead of knocking at my door knocked at that of mysecretary. The latter immediately rose, and opening the door to hissurprise saw the First Consul with a candle in his hand, a Madrashandkerchief on his head, and having on his gray greatcoat. Bonaparte, not knowing of the little step down into the room, slipped and nearlyfell, "Where is Bourrienne?" asked he. The surprise of my secretary atthe apparition of the First Consul can be imagined. "What; General, isit you?"--"Where is Bourrienne?" Then my secretary, in his shirt, showedthe First Consul my door. After having told him that he was sorry athaving called him up, Napoleon came to me. I dressed in a hurry, and wewent downstairs to my usual room. We rang several times before theyopened the door for us. The guards were not asleep, but having heard somuch running to and fro feared we were thieves. At last they opened thedoor, and the First Consul threw on the table the immense packet ofdespatches which he had just received. They had been fumigated andsteeped in vinegar. When he read the announcement of the death of Kleberthe expression of his countenance sufficiently denoted the painfulfeelings which arose in his mind. I read in his face; EGYPT IS LOST!

CHAPTER III. 

 Bonaparte's wish to negotiate with England and Austria-- An emigrant's letter--Domestic details--The bell--Conspiracy of Ceracchi, Arena, Harrel, and others--Bonaparte's visit to the opera --Arrests--Rariel appointed commandant of Vincennes--The Duc d'Enghien's foster-sister--The 3d Nivoise--First performance of Haydn's "Creation"--The infernal machine--Congratulatory addresses-- Arbitrary condemnations--M. Tissot erased from the list of the banished--M. Truguet--Bonapartes' hatred of the Jacobins explained-- The real criminals discovered--Justification of Fouche--Execution of St. Regent and Carbon--Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte--Conversation between Bonaparte and Fouche--Pretended anger--Fouche's dissimulation--Lucien's resignation--His embassy to Spain--War between Spain and Portugal--Dinner at Fouche's--Treachery of Joseph Bonaparte--A trick upon the First Consul--A three days' coolness-- Reconciliation. 

The happy events of the campaign of Italy had been crowned by thearmistice, concluded on the 6th of July. This armistice was broken onthe 1st of September, and renewed after the battle of Hohenlinden. Onhis return from Marengo Bonaparte was received with more enthusiasm thanever. The rapidity with which, in a campaign of less than two months, hehad restored the triumph of the French standard, excited universalastonishment. He then actively endeavoured to open negotiations withEngland and Austria; but difficulties opposed him in every direction. Hefrequently visited the theatre, where his presence attracted prodigiousthrongs of persons, all eager to see and applaud him. 

The immense number of letters which were at this time addressed to theFirst Consul is scarcely conceivable. They contained requests forplaces, protestations of fidelity, and, in short, they were thosepetitionary circulars that are addressed to all persons in power. Theseletters were often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved many ofthem; among the rest was one from Durosel Beaumanoir, an emigrant who hadfled to Jersey. This letter contains some interesting particularsrelative to Bonaparte's family. It is dated Jersey, 12th July 1800, andthe following are the most remarkable passages it contains:

 I trust; General, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon your notice, to remind you of what, I flatter myself, you have not totally forgotten, after having lived eighteen or nineteen years at Ajaccio. But you will, perhaps, be surprised that so trifling an item should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to address to you. You cannot have forgotten, General, that when your late father was obliged to take your brothers from the college of Autun, from whence he went to see you at Brienne, he was unprovided with mousy, and he asked me for twenty-five louis, which I lent him with pleasure. After his return he had no opportunity of paying me, and when I left Ajaccio your mother offered to dispose of some plate in order to pay the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I would wait until she could pay me at her convenience, and previous to the breaking out of the revolution I believe it was not in her power to fulfil her wish of discharging the debt. 

 I am sorry, General, to be obliged to trouble you about such a trifle. But such is my unfortunate situation that even this trifle is of some importance to me. Driven from my country, and obliged to take refuge in this island, where everything is exceedingly expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a matter of indifference, would now be of great service to me. 

 You will understand, General, that at the age of eighty-six, after serving served my country well for sixty years, without the least interruption, not counting the time of emigration, chased from every place, I have been obliged to take refuge here, to subsist on the scanty succour given by the English Government to the French emigrant. I say emigrant because I have been forced to be one. I had no intention of being one, but a horde of brigands, who came from Caen to my house to assassinate me, considered I had committed the great crime in being the senior general of the canton and in having the Grand Cross of St. Louis: this was too much for them; if it had not been for the cries of my neighbours, my door would have been broken open, and I should have been assassinated; and I had but time to fly by a door at the back, only carrying away what I had on me. At first I retired to Paris, but there they told me that I could do nothing but go into a foreign country, so great was the hate entertained for me by my fellow-citizens, although I lived in retirement, never having any discussion with any one. Thus, General; I have abandoned all I possessed, money and goods, leaving them at the mercy of what they call the nation, which has profited a good deal by this, as I have nothing left in the world, not even a spot to put my foot on. If even a horse had been reserved for me, General, I could ask for what depends on you, for I have heard it said that some emigrants have been allowed to return home. I do not even ask this favour, not having a place to rest my foot. And, besides, I have with me here an exiled brother, older than I am, very ill and in perfect second childhood, whom I could not abandon. I am resigned to my own unhappy fate, but my sole and great grief is that not only I myself have been ill-treated, but that my fate has, contrary to the law, injured relations whom I love and respect. I have a mother-in-law, eighty years old, who has been refused the dower I had given her from my property, and this will make me die a bankrupt if nothing is changed, which makes me miserable. 

 I acknowledge, General, that I know little of the new style, but, according to the old form, I am your humble servant, DUROSEL BEAUMANOIR. 

I read this letter to the First Consul, who immediately said, "Bourrienne, this is sacred! Do not lose a minute. Send the old man tentimes the sum. Write to General Durosel that he shall be immediatelyerased from the list of emigrants. What mischief those brigands of theConvention have done! I can never repair it all. " Bonaparte utteredthese words with a degree of emotion which I rarely saw him evince. Inthe evening he asked me whether I had executed his orders, which I haddone without losing a moment. The death of M. Froth had given me alesson as to the value of time!

Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken ofmaking abrupt transitions from one subject to another, according as therecollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, I shall here notedown a few details, which may not improperly be called domestic, andafterwards describe a conspiracy which was protected by the very managainst whom it was hatched. 

At the Tuileries, where the First Consul always resided during the winterand sometimes a part of the summer, the grand salon was situated betweenhis cabinet and the Room in which he received the persons with whom hehad appointed audiences. When in this audience-chamber, if he wantedanything or had occasion to speak to anybody, he pulled a bell which wasanswered by a confidential servant named Landoire, who was the messengerof the First Consul's cabinet. When Bonaparte's bell rung it was usuallyfor the purpose of making some inquiry of me respecting a paper, a name, a date, or some matter of that sort; and then Landoire had to passthrough the cabinet and salon to answer the bell and afterwards to returnand to tell me I was wanted. Impatient at the delay occasioned by thisrunning about, Bonaparte, without saying anything to me, ordered the bellto be altered so that it should ring within the cabinet; and exactlyabove my table. Next morning when I entered the cabinet I saw a manmounted-upon a ladder. "What are you doing here?" said I. "I am hanginga bell, sir. " I called Landoire and asked him who had given the order. "The First Consul, " he replied. I immediately ordered the man to comedown and remove the ladder, which he accordingly did. When I went, according to custom, to awaken the First Consul and read the newspapersto him I said, "General, I found a man this morning hanging a bell inyour cabinet. I was told it was by your orders; but being convincedthere must be some mistake I sent him away. Surely the bell was notintended for you, and I cannot imagine it was intended for me: who thencould it be for?--" "What a stupid fellow that Landoire is!" saidBonaparte. "Yesterday, when Cambaceres was with me, I wanted you. Landoire did not come when I touched the bell. I thought it was broken, and ordered him to get it repaired. I suppose the bell-hanger was doingit when you saw him, for you know the wire passes through the cabinet. "I was satisfied with this explanation, though I was not deceived, by it. For the sake of appearance he reproved Landoire, who, however, had donenothing more than execute the order he had received. How could heimagine I would submit to such treatment, considering that we had beenfriends since our boyhood, and that I was now living on full terms ofconfidence and familiarity with him?

Before I speak of the conspiracy of Ceracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, andothers, I must notice a remark made by Napoleon at St. Helena. He said, or is alleged to have said, "The two attempts which placed me in thegreatest danger were those of the sculptor Ceracchi and of the fanatic ofSchoenbrun. " I was not at Schoenbrun at the time; but I am convincedthat Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger. I have been informed onunquestionable authority that Staps set out from Erfurth with theintention of assassinating the Emperor; but he wanted the necessarycourage for executing the design. He was armed with a large dagger, andwas twice sufficiently near Napoleon to have struck him. I heard thisfrom Rapp, who seized Stags, and felt the hilt of the dagger under hiscoat. On that occasion Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolutionof the young 'illuminato' who wished to sacrifice him to his fanaticalfury. It is equally certain that on another occasion, respecting whichthe author of the St. Helena narrative observes complete silence, anotherfanatic--more dangerous than Steps attempted the life of Napoleon. 

 --[At the time of this attempt I was not with Napoleon; but he directed me to see the madmen who had formed the design of assassinating him. It will be seen in the coarse of these Memoirs what were has plans, and what was the result of them--Bourrienne]--

The following is a correct statement of the facts relative to Ceracchi'sconspiracy. The plot itself was a mere shadow; but it was deemedadvisable to give it substance, to exaggerate, at least in appearance, the danger to which the First Consul had been exposed:--

There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow called Harrel; he had beena 'chef de battalion', but he had been dismissed the service, and wasconsequently dissatisfied. He became connected with Cerracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. From different motives all theseindividuals were violently hostile to the First Consul, who on his part, was no friend to Cerracchi and Arena, but scarcely knew the two others. These four individuals formed, in conjunction with Harrel, the design ofassassinating the First Consul, and the time fixed for the perpetrationof the deed was one evening when Bonaparte intended to visit the opera. 

On the 20th of September 1804 Harrel came to me at the Tuileries. Herevealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, and promised that hisaccomplices should be apprehended in the very act if I would supply himwith money to bring the plot to maturity. I knew not how to act uponthis disclosure, which I, however, could not reject without incurring toogreat a responsibility. I immediately communicated the business to theFirst Consul, who ordered me to supply Harrel with money; but not tomention the affair to Fouche, to whom he wished to prove that he knewbetter how to manage the police than he did. 

Harrel came nearly every evening at eleven o'clock to inform me of theprogress of the conspiracy, which I immediately communicated to the FirstConsul, who was not sorry to find Arena and Ceracchi deeply committed. But the time passed on, and nothing was done. The First Consul began togrow impatient. At length Harrel came to say that they had no money topurchase arms. Money was given him. He, however, returned next day tosay that the gunsmith refused to sell them arms without authority. Itwas now found necessary to communicate the business to Fouche in orderthat he might grant the necessary permission to the gunsmith, which I wasnot empowered to do. 

On the 10th of October the Consuls, after the breaking up of the Council, assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bonaparte asked them in mypresence whether they thought he ought to go to the opera. They observedthat as every precaution was taken no danger could be apprehended, andthat it was desirable to show the futility of attempts against the FirstConsul's life. After dinner Bonaparte put on a greatcoat over his greenuniform and got into his carriage accompanied by me and Duroc. He seatedhimself in front of his box, which at that time was on the left of thetheatre between the two columns which separated the front and side boxes. When we had been in the theatre about half an hour the First Consuldirected me to go and see what was doing in the corridor. Scarcely had Ileft the box than I heard a great uproar, and soon discovered that anumber of persons, whose names I could not learn, had been arrested. Iinformed the First Consul of what I had heard, and we immediatelyreturned to the Tuileries. 

It is certain that the object of the conspiracy was to take the FirstConsul's life, and that the conspirators neglected nothing which couldfurther the accomplishment of their atrocious design. The plot, however, was known through the disclosures of Harrel; and it would have been easyto avert instead of conjuring up the storm. Such was, and such still is, my opinion. Harrel's name was again restored to the army list, and hewas appointed commandant of Vincennes. This post he held at the time ofthe Duc d'Enghien's assassination. I was afterwards told that his wifewas foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she recognised himwhen he entered the prison which in a few short hours was to prove hisgrave. 

Carbonneau, one of the individuals condemned, candidly confessed the parthe had taken in the plot, which he said was brought to maturity solely bythe agents of the police, who were always eager to prove their zeal totheir employers by some new discovery. 

Although three months intervened between the machinations of Ceracchi andArena and the horrible attempt of the 3d Nivose, I shall relate these twoevents in immediate succession; for if they had no other points ofresemblance they were at least alike in their object. The conspiratorsin the first affair were of the revolutionary faction. They soughtBonaparte's life as if with the view of rendering his resemblance toCaesar so complete that not even a Brutus should be wanting. The latter, it must with regret be confessed, were of the Royalist party, and intheir wish to destroy the First Consul they were not deterred by the fearof sacrificing a great number of citizens. 

The police knew nothing of the plot of the 3d Nivose for two reasons;first, because they were no parties to it, and secondly, because twoconspirators do not betray and sell each other when they are resolute intheir purpose. In such cases the giving of information can arise onlyfrom two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous, viz. The dread ofpunishment, and the hope of reward. But neither of these causesinfluenced the conspirators of the 3d Nivose, the inventors andconstructors of that machine which has so justly been denominatedinfernal!

On the 3d Nivose (24th December 1800) the first performance of Haydn'smagnificent oratorio of the "Creation" took place at the opera, and theFirst Consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did notdine with him that day, but as he left me he said, "Bourrienne, you knowI am going to the opera to-night, and you may go too; but I cannot takeyou in the carriage, as Lannes, Berthier, and Lauriston are going withme. " I was very glad of this, for I much wished to hear one of themasterpieces of the German school of composition. I got to the operabefore Bonaparte, who on his entrance seated himself, according tocustom, in front of the box. The eye's of all present were fixed uponhim, and he appeared to be perfectly calm and self-possessed. Lauriston, as soon as he saw me, came to my box, and told me that the First Consul, on his way to the opera, had narrowly escaped being assassinated in theRue St. Nicaise by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder, the concussionof which had shattered the windows of his carriage. "Within ten secondsafter our escape, " added Lauriston, "the coachman having turned thecorner of the Rue St Honore, stopped to take the First Consul's orders;and he coolly said, 'To the opera. '"

 --[The following particulars respecting the affair of the infernal machine are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte to the opera. He differs from Bourrienne as to the total ignorance of the police:

 "The affair of the infernal machine has never been property understood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that an attempt would be made against his life and cautioned him not to go out. Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beauharnais, Madame Murat, Lannes, Bessieres, the aide de camp on duty, Lieutenant Lebrun, now duke of Placenza were all assembled in the salon, while the First Consul was writing in his cabinet. Haydn's oratorio was to be performed that evening; the ladies were anxious to hear the music, and we also expressed a wish to that effect. The escort piquet was ordered out; and Lannes requested that Napoleon would join the party. He consented; his carriage was ready, and he took along with him Bessieres and the aide de camp on duty. I was directed to attend the ladies. Josephine had received a magnificent shawl from Constantinople and she that evening wore it for the first time. 'Permit me to observe, ' said I, 'that your shawl is not thrown on with your usual elegance. ' She good-humouredly begged that I would fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies. While I was engaged in this operation we heard Napoleon depart. 'Come sister, ' said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre: 'Bonaparte is going:' We stopped into the carriage: the First Consul's equipage had already reached the middle of the Place du Carrousel. We drove after it, but we had scarcely entered the place when the machine exploded. Napoleon escaped by a singular chance, St. Regent, or his servant Francois, had stationed himself in the middle of the Rue Nicaise. A grenadier of the escort, supposing he was really what he appeared to be, a water-carrier, gave him a few blows with the flat of his sabre and drove him off. The cart was turned round, and the machine exploded between the carriages of Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hearing the report; the carriage windows were broken, and Mademoiselle Beauharnais received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted and crossed the Rue Nicaise which was strewed with the bodies of those who had been thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shattered with the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his, suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre Napoleon was seated in his box; calm and composed, and looking at the audience through his opera-glass. Fouche was beside him. 'Josephine' said he as soon as he observed me. She entered at that instant and he did not finish his question 'The rascals' said he very cooly, wanted to blow me up: Bring me a book of the oratorio'" (Memoirs of General Count Rape. P. 19)]--

On hearing this I left the theatre and returned to the Palace, under theexpectation that I should speedily be wanted. Bonaparte soon returnedhome; and as intelligence of the affair had spread through Paris thegrand salon on the ground-floor was filled with a crowd of functionaries, eager to read in the eye of their master what they were to think and sayon the occasion. He did not keep them long in suspense. "This, "exclaimed he vehemently, "is the work of the Jacobins: they haveattempted my life. .. . There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouans inthis affair!. .. I know what I am about, and they need not think toimpose on me. These are the Septembrizers who have been in open revoltand conspiracy, and arrayed against every succeeding Government. It isscarce three months since my life was attempted by Uracchi, Arena;Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. They all belong to one gang! Thecutthroats of September, the assassins of Versailles, the brigands of the81st of May, the conspirators of Prairial are the authors of all thecrimes committed against established Governments! If they cannot bechecked they must be crashed! France must be purged of these ruffians!"It is impossible to form any idea of the bitterness with which Bonaparte, pronounced these words. In vain did some of the Councillors of State, and Fouche in particular, endeavour to point out to him that there was noevidence against any one, and that before he pronounced people to beguilty it would be right to ascertain the fact. Bonaparte repeated withincreased violence what he had before said of the Jacobins; thus adding;not without some ground of suspicion, one crime more to, the longcatalogue for which they had already to answer. 

Fouche had many enemies, and I was not, therefore, surprised to find someof the Ministers endeavouring to take advantage of the difference betweenhis opinion and that of the First Consul; and it must be owned that theutter ignorance of the police respecting this event was a circumstancenot very favourable to Fouche. He, however, was like the reed in thefable--he bent with the wind, but was soon erect again. The most skilfulactor could scarcely imitate the inflexible calmness he maintained duringBonaparte's paroxysm of rage, and the patience with which he allowedhimself to be accused. 

Fouche, when afterwards conversing with me, gave me clearly to understandthat he did not think the Jacobins guilty. I mentioned this to the FirstConsul, but nothing could make him retract his opinion. "Fouche, " saidhe, "has good reason for his silence. He is serving his own party. Itis very natural that he should seek to screen a set of men who arepolluted with blood and crimes! He was one of their leaders. Do not Iknow what he did at Lyons and the Loire? That explains Fouche's conductnow!"

This is the exact truth; and now let me contradict one of the thousandfictions about this event. It has been said and printed that "thedignitaries and the Ministers were assembled at the Tuileries. 'Well, 'said the First Consul, advancing angrily towards Fouche, 'will you stillsay that this is the Royalist party?' Fouche, better informed than wasbelieved, answered coolly, 'Yes, certainly, I shall say so; and, what ismore, I shall prove it. ' This speech caused general astonishment, butwas afterwards fully borne out. " This is pure invention. The FirstConsul only said to Fouche; "I do not trust to your police; I guardmyself, and I watch till two in the morning. " This however, was veryrarely the case. 

On the day after the explosion of the infernal machine a considerableconcourse assembled at the Tuileries. There was absolutely a torrent ofcongratulations. The prefect of the Seine convoked the twelve mayors ofParis and came at their head to wait on the First Consul. In his replyto their address Bonaparte said, "As long as this gang of assassinsconfined their attacks to me personally I left the law to take itscourse; but since, by an unparalleled crime, they have endangered thelives of a portion of the population of Paris, their punishment must beas prompt as exemplary. A hundred of these wretches who have libeledliberty by perpetrating crimes in her name must be effectually preventedfrom renewing their atrocities. " He then conversed with the Ministers, the Councillors of State, etc. , on the event of the preceding day; and asall knew the First Consul's opinion of the authors of the crime each waseager to confirm it. The Council was several times assembled when theSenate was consulted, and the adroit Fouche, whose conscience yielded tothe delicacy of his situation, addressed to the First Consul a reportworthy of a Mazarin. At the same time the journals were filled withrecollections of the Revolution, raked up for the purpose of connectingwith past crimes the individuals on whom it was now wished to cast odium. It was decreed that a hundred persons should be banished; and thesenate established its character for complaisance by passing a'Senatus-consulte' conformable to the wishes of the First Consul. 

A list was drawn up of the persons styled Jacobins, who were condemned totransportation. I was fortunate enough to obtain the erasure of thenames of several whose opinions had perhaps been violent, but whoseeducation and private character presented claims to recommendation. Someof my readers may probably recollect them without my naming them, and Ishall only mention M. Tissot, for the purpose of recording, not theservice I rendered him, but an instance of grateful acknowledgment. 

When in 1815 Napoleon was on the point of entering Paris M. Tissot cameto the prefecture of police, where I then was, and offered me his houseas a safe asylum; assuring me I should there run no risk of beingdiscovered. Though I did not accept the offer yet I gladly seize on thisopportunity of making it known. It is gratifying to find that differenceof political opinion does not always exclude sentiments of generosity andhonour! I shall never forget the way in which the author of the essayson Virgil uttered the words 'Domus mea'. 

But to return to the fatal list. Even while I write this I shudder tothink of the way in which men utterly innocent were accused of arevolting crime without even the shadow of a proof. The name of anindividual, his opinions, perhaps only assumed, were sufficient groundsfor his banishment. A decree of the Consuls, dated 4th of January 1801, confirmed by a 'Senates-consulte' on the next day, banished from theterritory of the Republic, and placed under special inspectors, 130individuals, nine of whom were merely designated in the report asSeptembrizers. 

The exiles, who in the reports and in the public acts were so unjustlyaccused of being the authors of the infernal machine, were received atNantes, with so much indignation that the military were compelled tointerfere to save them from being massacred. 

In the discussions which preceded the decree of the Consuls few personshad the courage to express a doubt respecting the guilt of the accused. Truguet was the first to mount the breach. He observed that withoutdenying the Government the extraordinary means for getting rid of itsenemies he could not but acknowledge that the emigrants threatened thepurchasers of national domains, that the public mind was corrupted bypamphlets, and that--Here the First Consul, interrupting him, exclaimed, "To what pamphlets do you allude?"--"To pamphlets which are publiclycirculated. "--"Name them!"--"You know them as well as I do. "

 --[The Parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, of which I shall speak a little farther on, is here alluded to. --Bourrienne. ]--

After a long and angry ebullition the First Consul abruptly dismissed theCouncil. He observed that he would not be duped; that the villains wereknown; that they were Septembrizers, the hatchers of every mischief. Hehad said at a sitting three days before, "If proof should fail, we musttake advantage of the public excitement. The event is to me merely theopportunity. They shall be banished for the 2d September, for the 31stMay, for Baboeuf's conspiracy--or anything else. "

On leaving one of the sittings of the Council, at which the question of aspecial tribunal had been discussed, he told me that he had been a littleruffled; that he had said a violent blow must be struck; that blood mustbe spilt; and that as many of the guilty should be shot as there had beenvictims of the explosion (from fifteen to twenty); that 200 should bebanished, and the Republic purged of these scoundrels. 

The arbitrariness and illegality of the proceeding were so evident thatthe 'Senatus-consulte' contained no mention of the transactions of the 3dNivose, which was very remarkable. It was, however, declared that themeasure of the previous day had been adopted with a view to thepreservation of the Constitution. This was promising. 

The First Consul manifested the most violent hatred of the Jacobins;for this he could not have been blamed if under the title of Jacobins hehad not comprised every devoted advocate of public liberty. Theiropposition annoyed him and he could never pardon them for having presumedto condemn his tyrannical acts, and to resist the destruction of thefreedom which he had himself sworn to defend, but which he wasincessantly labouring to overturn. These were the true motives of hisconduct; and, conscious of his own faults, he regarded with dislike thosewho saw and disapproved of them. For this reason he was more afraid ofthose whom he called Jacobins than of the Royalists. 

I am here recording the faults of Bonaparte, but I excuse him; situatedas he was, any other person would have acted in the same way. Truth nowreached him with difficulty, and when it was not agreeable he had nodisposition to hear it. He was surrounded by flatterers; and, thegreater number of those who approached him, far from telling him whatthey really thought; only repeated what he had himself been thinking. Hence he admired the wisdom of his Counsellors. Thus Fouche, to maintainhimself in favour, was obliged to deliver up to his master 130 nameschosen from among his own most intimate friends as objects ofproscription. 

Meanwhile Fouche, still believing that he was not deceived as to the realauthors of the attempt of the 3d Nivose, set in motion with his usualdexterity all the springs of the police. His efforts, however, were forsometime unsuccessful; but at length on Saturday, the 31st January 1801, about two hours after our arrival at Malmaison, Fouche presented himselfand produced authentic proofs of the accuracy of his conjectures. Therewas no longer any doubt on the subject; and Bonaparte saw clearly thatthe attempt of the 3d Nivose was the result of a plot hatched by thepartisans of royalty. But as the act of proscription against those whowere jumbled together under the title of the Jacobins had been executed, it was not to be revoked. 

Thus the consequence of the 3d Nivose was that both the innocent andguilty were punished; with this difference, however, that the guilty atleast had the benefit of a trial. 

When the Jacobins, as they were called, were accused with suchprecipitation, Fouche had no positive proofs of their innocence; andtherefore their illegal condemnation ought not to be attributed to him. Sufficient odium is attached to his memory without his being charged witha crime he never committed. Still, I must say that had he boldly opposedthe opinion of Bonaparte in the first burst of his fury he might haveaverted the blow. Every time he came to the Tuileries, even before hehad acquired any traces of the truth, Fouche always declared to me hisconviction of the innocence of the persons first accused. But he wasafraid to make the same observation to Bonaparte. I often mentioned tohim the opinion of the Minister of Police; but as proof was wanting hereplied to me with a triumphant air, "Bah! bah! This is always the waywith Fouche. Besides, it is of little consequence. At any rate we shallget rid of them. Should the guilty be discovered among the Royaliststhey also shall be punished. "

The real criminals being at length discovered through the researches ofFouche, St. Regent and Carbon expiated their crimes by the forfeit oftheir heads. Thus the First Consul gained his point, and justice gainedhers. 

 --[It was St. Regent, or St. Rejeant, who fired the infernal machine. The violence of the shock flung him against a post and part of his breast bone was driven in. He was obliged to resort to a surgeon, and it would seem that this man denounced him. (Memoirs of Miot de Melito, tome i. P. 264). 

 The discussions which took place in the Council of State on this affair are remarkable, both for the violence of Napoleon and for the resistance made in the Council, to a great extent successfully, to his views as to the plot being one of the Jacobin party. ]--

I have often had occasion to notice the multifarious means employed byBonaparte to arrive at the possession of supreme power, and to preparemen's minds for so great change. Those who have observed his life musthave so remarked how entirely he was convinced of the truth that publicopinion wastes itself on the rumour of a project and possesses no energyat the moment of its execution. In order, therefore, to direct publicattention to the question of hereditary power a pamphlet was circulatedabout Paris, and the following is the history of it:--

In the month of December 1800, while Fouche was searching after the realauthors of the attempt of the 3d Nivose, a small pamphlet, entitled"Parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, anal Bonaparte, " was sent to theFirst Consul. He was absent when it came. I read it, and perceived thatit openly advocated hereditary monarchy. I then knew nothing about theorigin of this pamphlet, but I soon learned that it issued from theoffice of the Minister of the Interior [Lucien Bonaparte], and that ithad been largely circulated. After reading it I laid it on the table. In a few minutes Bonaparte entered, and taking up the pamphlet pretendedto look through it: "Have you read this?" said he. --"Yes, General. "--"Well! what is your opinion of it?"--"I think it is calculated toproduce an unfavourable effect on the public mind: it is ill-timed, forit prematurely reveals your views. " The First Consul took the pamphletand threw it on the ground, as he did all the stupid publications of theday after having slightly glanced over them. I was not singular in myopinion of the pamphlet, for next day the prefects in the immediateneighbourhood of Paris sent a copy of it to the First Consul, complainingof its mischievous effect; and I recollect that in one of their lettersit was stated that such a work was calculated to direct against him theponiards of new assassins. After reading this correspondence he said tome, "Bourrienne, sent for Fouche; he must come directly, and give anaccount of this matter. " In half an hour Fouche was in the FirstConsul's cabinet. No sooner had he entered than the following dialoguetook place, in which the impetuous warmth of the one party was strangelycontrasted with the phlegmatic and rather sardonic composure of theother. 

"What pamphlet is this? What is said about it in Paris?"--"General, there is but one opinion of its dangerous tendency. "--"Well, then, whydid you allow it to appear?"--"General, I was obliged to show someconsideration for the author!"--"Consideration for the author! What doyou mean? You should have sent him to the temple. "--"But, General, yourbrother Lucien patronises this pamphlet. It has been printed andpublished by his order. In short, it comes from the office of theMinister of the Interior. "--"No matter for that! Your duty as Ministerof Police was to have arrested Lucien, and sent him to the Temple. Thefool does nothing but contrive how he can commit me!"

With these words the First Consul left the cabinet, shutting the doorviolently behind him. Being now alone with Fouche, I was eager to get anexplanation of the suppressed smile which had more than once curled hislips during Bonaparte's angry expostulation. I easily perceived thatthere was something in reserve. "Send the author to the Temple!" saidFouche; "that would be no easy matter! Alarmed at the effect which thisparallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte was likely to produce, I went to Lucien to point out to him his imprudence. He made me noanswer, but went and got a manuscript, which he showed me, and whichcontained corrections and annotations in the First Consul's handwriting. "

When Lucien heard how Bonaparte had expressed his displeasure at thepamphlet, he also came to the Tuileries to reproach his brother withhaving thrust him forward and then abandoned him. "'Tis your own fault, "said the First Consul. "You have allowed yourself to be caught! So muchthe worse for you! Fouche is too cunning for you! You are a mere foolcompared with him!" Lucien tendered his resignation, which was accepted, and he departed for Spain. This diplomatic mission turned to hisadvantage. It was necessary that one should veil the Machiavellianinvention of the 'Parallel. '

 --[The 'Parallel' has been attributed to different writers; some phrases seemed the work of Lucien, but, says Thiers (tome ii p. 210), its rare elegance of language and its classical knowledge of history should attribute it to its real anchor, Fontanel, Joseph Bonaparte (Erreurs tome i. P. 270) says that Fontanel wrote it, and Lucien Bonaparte corrected it. See Meneval, tome iii. P. 105. Whoever wrote it Napoleon certainly planned its issue. "It was, " said he to Roederer, "a work of which he himself had given the idea, but the last pages were by a fool" (Miot, tome i, p. 318). See also Lanfrey, tome ii. P. 208; and compare the story in Iung's Lucien, tome ii. P. 490. Miot, then in the confidence of Joseph, says, that Lucien's removal from, office was the result of an angry quarrel between him and Fouche in the presence of Napoleon, when Fouche attacked Lucien, not only for the pamphlet, but also for the disorder of his public and his private life; but Miot (tome i, p, 319) places the date of this as the 3d November, while Bourrienne dates the disapproval of the pamphlet in December. ]--

Lucien, among other instructions, was directed to use all his endeavoursto induce Spain to declare against Portugal in order to compel that powerto separate herself from England. 

The First Consul had always regarded Portugal as an English colony, andhe conceived that to attack it was to assail England. He wished thatPortugal should no longer favour England in her commercial relations, but that, like Spain, she should become dependent on him. Lucien wastherefore sent as ambassador to Madrid, to second the Ministers ofCharles IV. In prevailing on the King to invade Portugal. The Kingdeclared war, but it was not of long duration, and terminated almostwithout a blow being struck, by the taking of Olivenza. On the 6th ofJune 1801 Portugal signed the treaty of Badajoz, by which she promised tocede Olivenza, Almeida, and some other fortresses to Spain, and to closeher ports against England. The First Consul, who was dissatisfied withthe treaty, at first refused to ratify it. He still kept his army inSpain, and this proceeding determined Portugal to accede to some slightalterations in the first treaty. This business proved very advantageousto Lucien and Godoy. 

The cabinet of the Tuileries was not the only place in which the questionof hereditary succession was discussed. It was the constant subject ofconversation in the salons of Paris, where a new dynasty was alreadyspoken of. This was by no means displeasing to the First Consul; but hesaw clearly that he had committed a mistake in agitating the questionprematurely; for this reason he waged war against the Parallel, as hewould not be suspected of having had any share in a design that hadfailed. One day he said to me, "I believe I have been a little tooprecipitate. The pear is not quite ripe!" The Consulate for life wasaccordingly postponed till 1802, and the hereditary empire till 1804. 

After the failure of the artful publication of the pamphlet Foucheinvited me to dine with him. As the First Consul wished me to dine outas seldom as possible, I informed him of the invitation I had received. He was, however, aware of it before, and he very readily gave me leave togo. At dinner Joseph was placed on the right of Fouche, and I next toJoseph, who talked of nothing but his brother, his designs, the pamphlet, and the bad effect produced by it. In all that fell from him there was atone of blame and disapproval I told him my opinion, but with greaterreserve than I had used towards his brother. He seemed to approve ofwhat I said; his confidence encouraged me, and I saw with pleasure thathe entertained sentiments entirely similar to my own. His unreservedmanner so imposed upon me that, notwithstanding the experience I hadacquired, I was far from suspecting myself to be in the company of a spy. Next day the First Consul said to me very coldly, "Leave my letters inthe basket, I will open them myself. " This unexpected directionsurprised me exceedingly, and I determined to play him a trick in revengefor his unfounded distrust. For three mornings I laid at the bottom ofthe basket all the letters which I knew came from the Ministers, and allthe reports which were addressed to me for the First Consul. I thencovered them over with those which; judging from their envelopes andseals, appeared to be of that trifling kind with which the First Consulwas daily overwhelmed: these usually consisted of requests that he wouldname the number of a lottery ticket, so, that the writer might have thebenefit of his good luck--solicitations that he would stand godfather toa child--petitions for places--announcements of marriages andbirths--absurd eulogies, etc. Unaccustomed to open the letters, hebecame impatient at their number, and he opened very few. Often on thesame day, but always on the morrow, came a fresh letter from a Minister, who asked for an answer to his former one, and who complained of nothaving received one. The First Consul unsealed some twenty letters andleft the rest. 

The opening of all these letters, which he was not at other times in thehabit of looking at, annoyed him extremely; but as I neither wished tocarry the joke too far, nor to remain in the disagreeable position inwhich Joseph's treachery had placed me, I determined to bring the matterto a conclusion. After the third day, when the business of the night, which had been interrupted by little fits of ill-humour, was concluded, Bonaparte retired to bed. Half an hour after I went to his chamber, towhich I was admitted at all hours. I had a candle in my hand, and, taking a chair, I sat down on the right side of the bed, and placed thecandle on the table. Both he and Josephine awoke. "What is the matter?"he asked with surprise. "General, I have come to tell you that I can nolonger remain here, since I have lost your confidence. You know howsincerely I am devoted to you; if you have, then, anything to reproach mewith, let me at least know it, for my situation during the last threedays lies been very painful. "--"What has Bourrienne done?" inquiredJosephine earnestly. --"That does not concern you, " he replied. Thenturning to me he said, "Tis true, I have cause to complain of you. Ihave been informed that you have spoken of important affairs in a veryindiscreet manner. "--"I can assure you that I spoke to none but yourbrother. It was he who led me into the conversation, and he was too wellversed in the business for me to tell him any secret. He may havereported to you what he pleased, but could not I do the same by him?I could accuse and betray him as he has accused and betrayed me. When Ispoke in confidence to your brother, could I regard him as aninquisitor?"--"I must confess, " replied Bonaparte, "that after what Iheard from Joseph I thought it right to put my confidence inquarantine. "--"The quarantine has lasted three days, General; surely thatis long enough. "--"Well, Bourrienne, let us say no more about it. Openmy letters as usual; you will find the answers a good deal in arrear, which has much vexed me; and besides, I was always stumbling on somestupid nonsense or other!"

I fancy I still see and hear the amiable Josephine sitting up in bed andsaying, in her gentle way, "What! Bonaparte, is it possible you couldsuspect Bourrienne, who is so attached to you, and who is your onlyfriend? How could you suffer such a snare to be laid for him?What! a dinner got up on purpose! How I hate these odious policemanoeuvres!"--"Go to sleep, " said Bonaparte; "let women mind theirgewgaws, and not interfere with politics. " It was near two in themorning before I retired. 

When, after a few hours' sleep, I again saw the First Consul, he was morekind to me than ever, and I perceived that for the present every cloudhad dispersed. '

 --[Joseph Bonaparte (Erreurs, tome i. P. 273) says what he reported to his brother was Bourrienne's conversation to him in the First Consul's cabinet during Napoleon's absence. It is curious that at the only time when Napoleon became dissatisfied with Meneval (Bourrienne's successor), and ordered him not to open the letters, he used the same expression when returning to the usual order of business, which in this case was to a few hours. "My dear Meneval, " said he, "there are circumstances in which I am forced to put my confidence in quarantine. " (Meneval, tome i. P. 123). For any one who has had to manage an office it is pleasant to find that even Napoleon was much dependent on a good secretary. In an illness of his secretary he said, showing the encumbrance of his desk, "with Meneval I should soon clear off all that. " (Meneval, tome i. P. 151. )]

CHAPTER IV. 

1800-1801

 Austria bribed by England--M. De St. Julien in Paris--Duroc's mission--Rupture of the armistice--Surrender of three garrisons-- M. Otto in London--Battle of Hohenlinden--Madame Moreau and Madame Hulot--Bonaparte's ill-treatment of the latter--Congress of Luneville--General Clarke--M. Maret--Peace between France and Austria--Joseph Bonaparte's speculations in the funds-- M. De Talleyrand's advice--Post-office regulation--Cambaceres-- Importance of good dinners in the affairs of Government--Steamboats and intriguers--Death of Paul I. --New thoughts of the reestablishment of Poland--Duroc at St. Petersburg--Bribe rejected-- Death of Abercromby. 

Mm armistice concluded after the battle of Marengo, which had been firstbroken and then resumed, continued to be observed for some time betweenthe armies of the Rhine and Italy and the Imperial armies. But Austria, bribed by a subsidy of 2, 000, 000 sterling, would not treat for peacewithout the participation of England. She did not despair ofrecommencing the war successfully. 

M. De St. Julien had signed preliminaries at Paris; but the Court ofVienna disavowed them, and Duroc, whom Bonaparte sent to convey thepreliminaries to Vienna for the Imperial ratification, was not permittedto pass the Austrian advance poets. This unexpected proceeding, theresult of the all-powerful influence of England, justly incensed theFirst Consul, who had given decided proofs of moderation and a wish forpeace. "I want peace, " said he to me, "to enable me to organise theinterior; the people also want it. You see the conditions I offer. Austria, though beaten, obtains all she got at Campo-Formio. What canshe want more? I could make further exactions; but, without fearing thereverses of 1799, I must think of the future. Besides, I wanttranquillity, to enable me to settle the affairs of the interior, and tosend aid to Malta and Egypt. But I will not be trifled with. I willforce an immediate decision!"

In his irritation the First Consul despatched orders to Moreau, directinghim to break the armistice and resume hostilities unless he regainedpossession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube by the surrender ofPhilipsburg, Ulm, and Ingolstadt. The Austrians then offered to treatwith France on new bases. England wished to take part in the Congress, but to this the First Consul would not consent until she should sign aseparate armistice and cease to make common cause with Austria. 

The First Consul received intelligence of the occupation of the threegarrisons on the 23d of September, the day he had fixed in his ultimatumto England for the renewal of hostilities. But for the meanwhile he wassatisfied with the concessions of Austria: that power, in the expectationof being supported by England, asked her on what terms she was to treat. 

During these communications with Austria M. Otto was in Londonnegotiating for the exchange of prisoners. England would not hear of anarmistice by sea like that which France had concluded with Austria byland. She alleged that, in case of a rupture, France would derive fromthat armistice greater advantage than Austria would gain by that alreadyconcluded. The difficulty and delay attending the necessarycommunications rendered these reasons plausible. The First Consulconsented to accept other propositions from England, and to allow her totake part in the discussions of Luneville, but on condition that sheshould sign a treaty with him without the intervention of Austria. ThisEngland refused to do. Weary of this uncertainty, and the tergiversationof Austria, which was still under the influence of England, and feelingthat the prolongation of such a state of things could only turn to hisdisadvantage, Bonaparte broke the armistice. He had already consented tosacrifices which his successes in Italy did not justify. The hope of animmediate peace had alone made him lose sight of the immense advantageswhich victory had given him. 

Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation which theFirst Consul evinced, the combined insolence of England and Austriaseemed only to increase. Orders were immediately given for resuming theoffensive in Germany and Italy, and hostilities then recommenced. 

The chances of fortune were long doubtful. After a reverse Austria madepromises, and after an advantage she evaded them; but finally, fortuneproved favourable to France. The French armies in Italy and Germanycrossed the Mincio and the Danube, and the celebrated battle ofHohenlinden brought the French advanced posts within ten leagues ofVienna. This victory secured peace; for, profiting by past experience, the First Consul would not hear of any suspension of arms until Austriashould consent to a separate treaty. Driven into her last intrenchments, Austria was obliged to yield. She abandoned England; and the EnglishCabinet, in spite of the subsidy of 2, 000, 000 sterling, consented to theseparation. Great Britain was forced to come to this arrangement inconsequence of the situation to which the successes of the army of Moreauhad reduced Austria, which it was certain would be ruined by longerresistance. 

England wished to enter into negotiations at Luneville. To this theFirst Consul acceded; but, as he saw that England was seeking to deceivehim, he required that she should suspend hostilities with France, asAustria had done. Bonaparte very reasonably alleged that an indefinitearmistice on the Continent would be more to the disadvantage of Francethan a long armistice by sea would be unfavourable to England. All thisadjourned the preliminaries to 1801 and the peace to 1802. 

The impatience and indignation of the First Consul had been highlyexcited by the evasions of Austria and the plots of England, for he knewall the intrigues that were carrying on for the restoration of theBourbons. His joy may be therefore conceived when the battle ofHohenlinden balanced the scale of fortune in his favour. On the 3d ofDecember 1800 Moreau gained that memorable victory which at length put anend to the hesitations of the Cabinet of Vienna. 

 --[On the eve of the battle of Hohenlinden Moreau was at supper with his aides de camp and several general officers, when a despatch was delivered to him. After he had read it be said to his guests, though he was far from being in the habit of boasting, "I am here made acquainted with Baron Kray's movements. They are all I could wish. To-morrow we will take from him 10, 000 prisoners. " Moreau took 40, 000, besides a great many flags. --Bourrienne. ]--

On the 6th of December the First Consul received intelligence of thebattle of Hohenlinden. It was on a Saturday, and he had just returnedfrom the theatre when I delivered the despatches to him. He literallydanced for joy. I must say that he did not expect so important a resultfrom the movements of the army of the Rhine. This victory gave a newface to his negotiations for peace, and determined the opening of theCongress of Luneville, which took place on the 1st of January following. 

On receiving information of the battle of Hohenlinden, Madame Moreau cameto the Tuileries to call on the First Consul and Madame Bonaparte. Shedid not see them, and repeated her calls several times with no bettersuccess. The last time she came she was accompanied by her mother, Madame Hulot. She waited for a considerable time in vain, and when shewas going away her mother, who could no longer restrain her feelings, said aloud, before me and several persons of the household, that "it illbecame the wife of the conqueror of Hohenlinden to dance attendance inthis way. " This remark reached the ears of those to whom it wasdirected. Madame Moreau shortly after rejoined her husband in Germany;and some time after her departure Madame Hulot came to Malmaison tosolicit promotion for her eldest son, who was in the navy. Josephinereceived Madame Hulot very kindly, and requested her to stay to dinner. She accepted the invitation. The First Consul, who did not see her untilthe hour of dinner, treated her very coolly: he said little to her, andretired as soon as dinner was over. His rudeness was so marked andoffensive that Josephine, who was always kind and amiable, thought itnecessary to apologise, by observing that his mind was disturbed by thenon-arrival of a courier whom he expected. 

Bonaparte entertained no dislike of Moreau, because he did not fear him;and after the battle of Hohenlinden he spoke of him in the highest terms, and frankly acknowledged the services he had rendered on that importantoccasion; but he could not endure his wife's family, who, he said, were aset of intriguers. 

 --[Napoleon had good reason for his opinion. "Moreau had a mother- in-law and a wife lively and given to intrigue. Bonaparte could not bear intriguing women. Besides, on one occasion Madame Moreau's mother, when at Malmaison, had indulged in sharp remarks on a suspected scandalous intimacy between Bonaparte and his young sister Caroline, then just married. The Consul had not forgiven such conversation" (Remusat tome i. P. 192). See also Meneval, tome iii. P. 57, as to the mischief done by Madame Hulot. ]--

Luneville having been fixed upon for the Congress, the First Consul senthis brother Joseph to treat with Count Louis de Cobentzel. On his wayJoseph met M. De Cobentzel, who had passed Luneville, and was coming toParis to sound the sentiments of the French Government. Joseph returnedto Paris with him. After some conversation with the First Consul theyset out next day for Luneville, of which place Bonaparte appointedGeneral Clarke governor. This appeared to satisfy Clarke, who was veryanxious to be something, and had long been importuning Bonaparte for anappointment. 

A day or two after the news of the battle of Hohenlinden M. Maret came topresent for Bonaparte's signature some, decrees made in Council. Whileaffixing the signatures, and without looking up, the First Consul said toM. Maret, who was a favourite with him, and who was standing at his righthand, "Are you rich, Maret?"--"No, General. "--"So much the worse: a manshould be independent. "--"General, I will never be dependent on any onebut you. " The First Consul then raised his eyes to Maret and said, "Hem! that is not bad!" and when the secretary-general was gone he saidto me, "Maret is not deficient in cleverness: he made me a very goodanswer. "

On the 9th of February 1801, six weeks after the opening of the Congressof Luneville, peace was signed between Austria and France. Thispeace--the fruit of Marengo and Hohenlinden--restored France to thathonourable position which had been put in jeopardy by the feeble andincapable government of the pentarchy and the reverses of 1799. Thispeace, which in the treaty, according to custom, was called perpetual, lasted four years. 

Joseph Bonaparte, while treating for France at Luneville, was speculatingon the rise of the funds which he thought the peace would produce. Persons more wise, who were like him in the secret, sold out their stockat the moment when the certainty of the peace became known. But Josephpurchased to a great extent, in the hope of selling to advantage on thesignature of peace. However, the news had been discounted, and a falltook place. Joseph's loss was considerable, and he could not satisfy theengagements in which his greedy and silly speculations had involved him. He applied to his brother, who neither wished nor was able to advance himthe necessary sum. Bonaparte was, however, exceedingly sorry to see hiselder brother in this embarrassment. He asked me what was to be done. I told him I did not know; but I advised him to consult M. De Talleyrand, from whom he had often received good advice. He did so, and M. DeTalleyrand replied, with that air of coolness which is so peculiar tohim, "What! is that all? Oh! that is nothing. It is easily settled. You have only to raise the price of the funds. "--"But the money?"--"Oh, the money may be easily obtained. Make some deposits in theMont-de-Piste, or the sinking fund. That will give you the necessarymoney to raise the funds; and then Joseph may sell out, and recover hislosses. " M. De Talleyrand's advice was adopted, and all succeeded as hehad foretold. None but those who have heard M. De Talleyrand conversecan form an accurate idea of his easy manner of expressing himself, hisimperturbable coolness, the fixed unvarying expression of hiscountenance, and his vast fund of wit. 

 --[Talleyrand had a large experience in all sorts of speculation. When old he gave this counsel to one of his proteges: "Do not speculate. I have always speculated on assured information, and that has cost me so many millions;" and he named his losses. We may believe that in this reckoning he rather forgot the amount of his gains (Sainte-Beuve, Talleyrand, 93). ]--

During the sitting of the Congress the First Consul learnt that theGovernment couriers conveyed to favoured individuals in Paris variousthings, but especially the delicacies of the table, and he ordered thatthis practice should be discontinued. On the very evening on which thisorder was issued Cambaceres entered the salon, where I was alone with theFirst Consul, who had already been laughing at the mortification which heknew this regulation would occasion to his colleague: "Well, Cambaceres, what brings you here at this time of night?"--"I come to solicit anexception to the order which you have just given to the Director of thePosts. How do you think a man can make friends unless he keeps a goodtable? You know very well how much good dinners assist the business ofGovernment. " The First Consul laughed, called him a gourmand, and, patting him on the shoulder, said, "Do not distress yourself, my dearCambaceres; the couriers shall continue to bring you your 'dindes auxtruffes', your Strasburg 'pates', your Mayence hams, and your othertitbits. "

Those who recollect the magnificent dinners given by Cambaceres andothers, which were a general topic of conversation at the time, and whoknew the ingenious calculation which was observed in the invitation ofthe guests, must be convinced of the vast influence of a good dinner inpolitical affairs. As to Cambaceres, he did not believe that a goodgovernment could exist without good dinners; and his glory (for every manhas his own particular glory) was to know that the luxuries of his tablewere the subject of eulogy throughout Paris, and even Europe. A banquetwhich commanded general suffrage was to him a Marengo or a Friedland. 

 --[Bourrienne does not exaggerate this excellent quality of the worthy Cambaceres. When Beugnot was sent to administer the Grand Duchy of Berg, Cambaceres said to him, "My dear Beugnot, the Emperor arranges crowns as he chooses; here is the Grand Duke of Berg (Murat) going to Naples; he is welcome, I have no objection, but every year the Grand Duke sent me a couple of dozen hams from his Grand Duchy, and I warn you I do not intend to lose them, so you must make your preparations. ". . . . I never once omitted to acquit myself of the obligation, and if there were any delay, . . . His Highness never failed to cause one of his secretaries to write a good scolding to my house steward; but when the hams arrived exactly, his highness never failed to write to my wife himself to thank her. 

 This was not all; the hams were to come carriage free. This petty jobbery occasioned discontent, . . . And it would not have cost me more to pay the carriage. The Prince would not allow it. There was an agreement between him and Lavalette (the head of the Posts), . . . And my Lord appeared to lay as much stress on the performance of this treaty as on the procuring of the ham, (Beugnot, tome i. P. 262). 

 Cambaceres never suffered the cares of Government to distract his attention from the great object of life. On one occasion, for example, being detained in consultation with Napoleon beyond the appointed hour of dinner--it is said that the fate of the Duc d'Enghien was the topic under discussion--he was observed, when the hour became very late, to show great symptoms of impatience sod restlessness. He at last wrote a note which he called a gentleman usher in waiting to carry. Napoleon, suspecting the contents, nodded to an aide de camp to intercept the despatch. As he took it into his hands Cambaceres begged earnestly that he would not read a trifling note upon domestic matters. Napoleon persisted, and found it to be a note to the cook containing only the following words, "Gardez les entremetes--les rotis sont perdue. " When Napoleon was in good humor at the result of a diplomatic conference he was accustomed to take leave of the plenipotentiaries with, "Go and dine Cambaceres. " His table was in fact an important state engine, as appears from the anecdote of the trout sent to him by the municipality of Geneva, and charged 300 francs in their accounts. The Imperial 'Cour des Comptes' having disallowed the item, was interdicted from meddling with similar municipal affairs in future (Hayward's Art of Dining, p. 20). ]

At the commencement of 1801 Fulton presented to Bonaparte his memorial onsteamboats. I urged a serious examination of the subject. "Bah!" saidhe, "these projectors are all either intriguers or visionaries. Don'ttrouble me about the business. " I observed that the man whom he calledan intriguer was only reviving an invention already known, and that itwas wrong to reject the scheme without examination. He would not listento me; and thus was adjourned, for some time, the practical applicationof a discovery which has given such an important impulse to trade andnavigation. 

Paul I. Fell by the hands of assassins on the night of the 24th of March1801. The First Consul was much shocked on receiving the intelligence. In the excitement caused by this unexpected event, which had so importantan influence on his policy, he directed me to send the following note tothe Moniteur:--

 Paul I. Died on the night of the 24th of March, and the English squadron passed the Sound on the 30th. History will reveal the connection which probably exists between these two events. 

Thus were announced the crime of the 24th of March and the notill-founded suspicions of its authors. 

 --[We do not attempt to rescue the fair name of our country. This is one among many instances in which Bourrienne was misled. --Editor of 1886 edition. ]--

The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been daily strengthened. "In concert with the Czar, " said Bonaparte, "I was sure of striking amortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution hasoverthrown all my projects. " This resolution, and the admiration of theAutocrat of Russia for the head of the French Republic, may certainly benumbered among the causes of Paul's death. The individuals generallyaccused at the time were those who were violently and perseveringlythreatened, and who had the strongest interest in the succession of a newEmperor. I have seen a letter from a northern sovereign which in my mindleaves no doubt on this subject, and which specified the reward of thecrime, and the part to be performed by each actor. But it must also beconfessed that the conduct and character of Paul I. , his tyrannical acts, his violent caprices, and his frequent excesses of despotism, hadrendered him the object of accumulated hatred, for patience has itslimit. These circumstances did not probably create the conspiracy, butthey considerably facilitated the execution of the plot which deprivedthe Czar of his throne and his life. 

As soon as Alexander ascended the throne the ideas of the First Consulrespecting the dismemberment of Poland were revived, and almost whollyengrossed his mind. During his first campaign in Italy, and severaltimes when in Egypt, he told Sulkowsky that it was his ardent wish toreestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of her dismemberment, and bythat grand repertory act to restore the former equilibrium of Europe. Heoften dictated to me for the 'Moniteur' articles tending to prove, byvarious arguments, that Europe would never enjoy repose until those greatspoilations were avenged and repaired; but he frequently destroyed thesearticles instead of sending them to press. His system of policy towardsRussia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The thought of a waragainst that empire unceasingly occupied his mind, and gave birth to theidea of that fatal campaign which took place eleven years afterwards, andwhich had other causes than the re-establishment of Poland. That objectwas merely set forward as a pretext. 

Duroc was sent to St. Petersburg to congratulate the Emperor Alexander onhis accession to the throne. He arrived in the Russian capital on the24th of May. Duroc, who was at this time very young, was a greatfavourite of the First Consul. He never importuned Bonaparte by hissolicitations, and was never troublesome in recommending any one orbusying himself as an agent for favour; yet he warmly advocated the causeof those whom he thought injured, and honestly repelled accusations whichhe knew to be false. These moral qualities; joined to an agreeableperson and elegant manners, rendered him a very superior man. 

The year 1801 was, moreover, marked by the fatal creation of specialtribunals, which were in no way justified by the urgency ofcircumstances. This year also saw the re-establishment of the AfricanCompany, the treaty of Luneville (which augmented the advantages Francehad obtained by the treaty of Campo-Formio), and the peace concludedbetween Spain and Portugal by means of Lucien. On the subject of thispeace I may mention that. Portugal, to obtain the cession of Olivenza, secretly offered Bonaparte, through me, 8, 000, 000 of francs if he wouldcontribute his influence towards the acquisition of that town byPortugal. He, rejected this offer indignantly, declaring that he wouldnever sell honour for money. He has been accused of having listened to asimilar proposition at Passeriano, though in fact no such proposition wasever made to him. Those who bring forward such accusations little knowthe inflexibility of his principles on this point. 

One evening in April 1801 an English paper--the London Gazette--arrivedat Malmaison. It announced the landing in Egypt of the army commanded byAbercromby, the battle given by the English, and the death of theirGeneral. I immediately translated the article, and presented it to theFirst Consul, with the conviction that the news would be very painful tohim. He doubted its truth, or at least pretended to do so. Severalofficers and aides de camp who were in the salon coincided in hisopinion, especially Lannes, Bessieres, and Duroc. They thought by sodoing to please the First Consul, who then said to me, in a jeering tone, "Bah! you do not understand English. This is the way with you: you arealways inclined to believe bad news rather than good!" These words, andthe approving smiles of the gentlemen present, ruffled me, and I saidwith some warmth, "How, General, can you believe that the EnglishGovernment would publish officially so important an event if it were nottrue? Do you think that a Government that has any self-respect would, inthe face of Europe, state a falsehood respecting an affair the truth ofwhich cannot long remain unknown? Did you ever know an instance of soimportant an announcement proving untrue after it had been published inthe London Gazette? I believe it to be true, and the smiles of thesegentlemen will not alter my opinion. " On these observations the FirstConsul rose and said, "Come, Bourrienne, I want you in the library. "After we had left the salon he added, "This is always the way with you. Why are you vexed at such trifles? I assure you I believe the news buttoo confidently, and I feared it before it came. But they think theyplease me by thus appearing to doubt it. Never mind them. "--"I ask yourpardon, " said I, "but I conceive the best way of proving my attachment toyou is to tell you what I believe to be true. You desire me not to delaya moment in announcing bad news to you. It would be far worse todisguise than to conceal it. "

CHAPTER V. 

1801-1802. 

 An experiment of royalty--Louis de Bourbon and Maria Louisa, of Spain--Creation of the kingdom of Etruria--The Count of Leghorn in Paris--Entertainments given him--Bonaparte's opinion of the King of Etruria--His departure for Florence, and bad reception there-- Negotiations with the Pope--Bonaparte's opinion on religion--Te Deum at Notre Dame--Behaviour of the people in the church--Irreligion of the Consular Court--Augerean's remark on the Te Deum--First Mass at St. Cloud-Mass in Bonaparte's apartments--Talleyrand relieved from his clerical vows--My appointment to the Council of State. 

Before he placed two crowns on his own head Bonaparte thought it wouldpromote the interests of his policy to place one on the head of a prince, and even a prince of the House of Bourbon. He wished to accustom theFrench to the sight of a king. It will hereafter be seen that he gavesceptres, like his confidence, conditionally, and that he was alwaysready to undo his own work when it became an obstacle to his ambitiousdesigns. 

In May 1801 the Infanta of Spain, Maria Louisa, third daughter of CharlesIV. , visited Paris. The Infante Louis de Bourbon, eldest son of the Dukeof Parma, had gone to Madrid in 1798 to contract a marriage with MariaAmelia, the sister of Maria Louisa; but he fell in love with the latter. Godoy favoured the attachment, and employed all his influence to bringabout the marriage. The son who, six years later, was born of thisunion, was named Charles Louis, after the King of Spain. France occupiedthe Duchy of Parma, which, in fulfilment of the conventions signed byLucien Bonaparte, was to belong to her after the death of the reigningDuke. On the other hand, France was to cede the Grand Duchy of Tuscanyto the son of the Duke of Parma; and Spain paid to France, according tostipulation, a considerable sum of money. Soon after the treaty wascommunicated to Don Louis and his wife they left Madrid and travelledthrough France. The prince took the title of Count of Leghorn. Allaccounts are unanimous as to the attentions which the Prince and Princessreceived on their journey. Among the fetes in honour of the illustriouscouple that given by M. De Talleyrand at Neuilly was remarkable formagnificence. 

When the Count of Leghorn was coming to pay his first visit to MalmaisonBonaparte went into the drawing-room to see that everything was suitablyprepared for his reception. In a few minutes he returned to his cabinetand said to me, somewhat out of humour, "Bourrienne, only think of theirstupidity; they had not taken down the picture representing me on thesummit of the Alps pointing to Lombardy and commanding the conquest ofit. I have ordered its removal How mortifying it would have been if thePrince had seen it!"

Another picture in the drawing-room at Malmaison represented the FirstConsul sleeping on the snow on the summit of the Alps before the battleof Marengo. 

The Count of Leghorn's visit to Paris imparted brilliancy to the firstyears of the reign of Bonaparte, of whom it was at that time said, "Hemade kings, but would not be one!"

At the representation of AEdipus, the following expression of Philacteteswas received with transport:--

 "J'ai fait des Souverains, et n'ai pas voulu l'etre. "

 ["Monarchs I've made, but one I would not be. "]

The First Consul, on leaving the theatre, did not conceal hissatisfaction. He judged, from the applause with which that verse hadbeen received, that his pamphlet was forgotten. The manner, moreover, inwhich a king, crowned by his hands, had been received by the public, wasno indifferent matter to him, as he expected that the people would thusagain become familiar with what had been so long proscribed. 

This King, who, though well received and well entertained, was in allrespects a very ordinary man, departed for Italy. I say very ordinary, not that I had an opportunity of judging of his character myself, but theFirst Consul told me that his capabilities were extremely limited; thathe even felt repugnance to take a pen in his hand; that he never cast athought on anything but his pleasures: in a word, that he was a fool. 

One day, after the First Consul had spent several hours in company withhim and his consort, he said to me, "I am quite tired. He is a mereautomaton. I put a number of questions to him, but he can answer none. He is obliged to consult his wife, who makes him understand as well asshe is able what he ought to say. " The First Consul added, "The poorPrince will set off to-morrow, without knowing what he is going to do. "I observed that it was a pity to see the happiness of the people ofTuscany entrusted to such a prince. Bonaparte replied, "Policy requiresit. Besides, the young man is not worse than the usual run of kings. "The Prince fully justified in Tuscany the opinion which the First Consulformed of him. 

 --[This unfortunate Prince was very ill-calculated to recommend, by his personal character, the institutions to which the nobility clung with so much fondness. Nature had endowed him with an excellent heart, but with very limited talents; and his mind had imbibed the false impress consequent upon his monastic education. He resided at Malmaison nearly the whole time of his visit to Paris. Madame Bonaparte used to lead the Queen to her own apartments; and as the First Consul never left his closet except to sit down to meals, the aides de camp were under the necessity of keeping the King company, and of endeavoring to entertain him, so wholly was he devoid of intellectual resources. It required, indeed, a great share of patience to listen to the frivolities which engrossed his attention. His turn of mind being thus laid open to view, care was taken to supply him with the playthings usually placed in the hands of children; he was, therefore, never at a loss for occupation. His nonentity was a source of regret to us: we lamented to see a tall handsome youth, destined to rule over his fellow-men, trembling at the eight of a horse, and wasting his time in the game of hide-and-seek, or at leap-frog and whose whole information consisted in knowing his prayers, and in saying grace before and after meals. Such, nevertheless, was the man to whom the destinies of a nation were about to be committed! When he left France to repair to his kingdom, "Rome need not be uneasy, " said the First Consul to us after the farewell audience, "there is no danger of his crossing the Rubicon" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, vol. I. P. 363). ]--

In order to show still further attention to the King of Etruria, afterhis three weeks' visit to Paris, the First Consul directed him to beescorted to Italy by a French guard, and selected his brother-in-lawMurat for that purpose. 

The new King of a new kingdom entered Florence on the 12th of April 1801;but the reception given him by the Tuscans was not at all similar to whathe had experienced at Paris. The people received the royal pair assovereigns imposed on them by France. The ephemeral kingdom of Etrurialasted scarcely six years. The King died in 1803, in the flower of hisage, and in 1807 the Queen was expelled from her throne by him who hadconstructed it for her. 

At this period a powerful party urged Bonaparte to break with the Pope, and to establish a Gallican Church, the head of which should reside inFrance. They thought to flatter his ambition by indicating to him a newsource of power which might establish a point of comparison between himand the first Roman emperors. But his ideas did not coincide with theirson this subject. "I am convinced, " said he, "that a part of France wouldbecome Protestant, especially if I were to favour that disposition. I am also certain that the much greater portion would remain Catholic, and would oppose, with the greatest zeal and fervour, the schism of apart of their fellow-citizens. I dread the religious quarrels, thefamily dissensions, and the public distractions, which such a state ofthings would inevitably occasion. In, reviving a religion which hasalways prevailed in the country, and which still prevails in the heartsof the people, and in giving the liberty of exercising their worship tothe minority, I shall satisfy every one. "

The First Consul, taking a superior view of the state of France, considered that the re-establishment of religious worship would prove apowerful support to his Government: and he had been occupied ever sincethe commencement of 1801 in preparing a Concordat with the Pope. It wassigned in the month of July in the same year. It required some time toenable the parties to come to an understanding on the subject. 

Cardinal Consalvi arrived, in the month of June 1801, at Paris, toarrange matters on the part of the Pope. Cardinal Caprara and M. DeSpina also formed part of the embassy sent by the Holy Father. Therewere, besides, several able theologians, among whom Doctor C---- wasdistinguished. 

 --[The "Doctor C----" was Caselti, later Archbishop of Parma. Bonier was green the Bishopric of Orleans, not Versailles; see Erreurs, tome i, p. 276. The details of the surprise attempted at the last moment by putting before Cardinal Consalvi for his signature an altered copy of the Concordat should be read in his Memoirs (tome i. P. 355), or in Lanfrey (tome ii. P. 267). As for Napoleon's belief that part of the nation might become Protestant, Narbonne probably put the matter truly when he said there was not religion enough in France to stand a division. It should be noted that the Concordat did not so much restore the Catholic Church as destroy the old Gallican Church, with all its liberties, which might annoy either Pope or Emperor. But on this point see The Gallican Church and the Revolution, by Jervis: London, Began Paul, Trench and Co. , 1882. The clergy may, it is true, have shown wisdom in acceding to any terms of restoration. ]--

He was a member of the Pope's chancery; his knowledge gave him so muchinfluence over his colleagues that affairs advanced only as much as hepleased. However, he was gained over by honours conferred on him, andpromises of money. Business then went on a little quicker. TheConcordat was signed on the 15th of July 1801, and made a law of theState in the following April. The plenipotentiaries on the part ofBonaparte were Joseph Bonaparte, Cretet, and the Abby Bernier, afterwardsBishop of Versailles. --[Orleans not Versailles. D. W. ]

A solemn Te Deum was chanted at the cathedral of Notre Dame on Sunday, the 11th of April. The crowd was immense, and the greater part of thosepresent stood during the ceremony, which was splendid in the extreme;but who would presume to say that the general feeling was in harmony withall this pomp? Was, then, the time for this innovation not yet arrived?Was it too abrupt a transition from the habits of the twelve precedingyears? It is unquestionably true that a great number of the personspresent at the ceremony expressed, in their countenances and gestures, rather a feeling of impatience and displeasure than of satisfaction or ofreverence for the place in which they were. Here and there murmurs aroseexpressive of discontent. The whispering, which I might more properlycall open conversation, often interrupted the divine service, andsometimes observations were made which were far from being moderate. Some would turn their heads aside on purpose to take a bit ofchocolate-cake, and biscuits were openly eaten by many who seemedto pay no attention to what was passing. 

The Consular Court was in general extremely irreligious; nor could it beexpected to be otherwise, being composed chiefly of those who hadassisted in the annihilation of all religious worship in France, and ofmen who, having passed their lives in camps, had oftener entered a churchin Italy to carry off a painting than to hear the Mass. Those who, without being imbued with any religious ideas, possessed that good sensewhich induces men to pay respect to the belief of others, though it beone in which they do not participate, did not blame the First Consul forhis conduct, and conducted themselves with some regard to decency. Buton the road from the Tuileries to Notre Dame, Lannes and Augereau wantedto alight from the carriage as soon as they saw that they ware beingdriven to Mass, and it required an order from the First Consul to preventtheir doing so. They went therefore to Notre Dame, and the next dayBonaparte asked Augereau what he thought of the ceremony. "Oh! it wasall very fine, " replied the General; "there was nothing wanting, exceptthe million of men who have perished in the pulling down of what you aresetting up. " Bonaparte was much displeased at this remark. 

 --[This remark has been attributed elsewhere to General Delmas. 

 According to a gentleman who played a part in this empty pageantry, Lannes at one moment did get out of the carriage, and Augerean kept swearing in no low whisper during the whole of the chanted Mass. Most of the military chiefs who sprang out of the Revolution had no religion at all, but there were some who were Protestants, and who were irritated by the restoration of Catholicism as the national faith. --Editor of 1896 edition. ]--

During the negotiations with the Holy Father Bonaparte one day said tome, "In every country religion is useful to the Government, and those whogovern ought to avail themselves of it to influence mankind. I was aMahometan in Egypt; I am a Catholic in France. With relation to thepolice of the religion of a state, it should be entirely in the hands ofthe sovereign. Many persons have urged me to found a Gallican Church, and make myself its head; but they do not know France. If they did, theywould know that the majority of the people would not like a rupture withRome. Before I can resolve on such a measure the Pope must push mattersto an extremity; but I believe he will not do so. "--"You are right, General, and you recall to my memory what Cardinal Consalvi said:'The Pope will do all the First Consul desires. '"--"That is the bestcourse for him. Let him not suppose that he has to do with an idiot. What do you think is the point his negotiations put most forward? Thesalvation of my soul! But with me immortality is the recollection oneleaves in the memory of man. That idea prompts to great actions. Itwould be better for a man never to have lived than to leave behind him notraces of his existence. "

Many endeavours were made to persuade the First Consul to perform inpublic the duties imposed by the Catholic religion. An influentialexample, it was urged, was required. He told me once that he had put anend to that request by the following declaration: "Enough of this. Ask me no more. You will not obtain your object. You shall never make ahypocrite of me. Let us remain where we are. "

I have read in a work remarkable on many accounts that it was on theoccasion of the Concordat of the 15th July 1801 that the First Consulabolished the republican calendar and reestablished the Gregorian. Thisis an error. He did not make the calendar a religious affair. The'Senatus-consulte', which restored the use of the Gregorian calendar, tocommence in the French Empire from the 11th Nivose, year XIV. (1stJanuary 1806), was adopted on the 22d Fructidor, year XIII. (9thSeptember 1805), more than four years after the Concordat. There-establishment of the ancient calendar had no other object than tobring us into harmony with the rest of Europe on a point so closelyconnected with daily transactions, which were much embarrassed by thedecadary calendar. 

Bonaparte at length, however, consented to hear Mass, and St. Cloud wasthe place where this ancient usage was first re-established. He directedthe ceremony to commence sooner than the hour announced in order thatthose who would only make a scoff at it might not arrive until theservice was ended. 

Whenever the First Consul determined to hear Mass publicly on Sundays inthe chapel of the Palace a small altar was prepared in a room near hiscabinet of business. This room had been Anne of Austria's oratory. A small portable altar, placed on a platform one step high, restored itto its original destination. During the rest of the week this chapel wasused as a bathing-room. On Sunday the door of communication was opened, and we heard Mass sitting in our cabinet of business. The number ofpersons there never exceeded three or four, and the First Consul seldomfailed to transact some business during the ceremony, which never lastedlonger than twelve minutes. Next day all the papers had the news thatthe First Consul had heard Mass in his apartments. In the same way LouisXVIII. Has often heard it in his!

On the 19th of July 1801 a papal bull absolved Talleyrand from his vows. He immediately married Madame Grandt, and the affair obtained littlenotice at the time. This statement sufficiently proves how report hasperverted the fact. It has been said that Bonaparte on becoming Emperorwished to restore that decorum which the Revolution had destroyed, andtherefore resolved to put an end to the improper intimacy which subsistedbetween Talleyrand and Madame Grandt. It is alleged that the Minister atfirst refused to marry the lady, but that he at last found it necessaryto obey the peremptory order of his master. This pretended resurrectionof morality by Bonaparte is excessively ridiculous. The bull was notregistered in the Council of State until the 19th of August 1802. 

 --[The First Consul had on several occasions urged M. De Talleyrand to return to holy orders. He pointed out to him that that course world be most becoming his age and high birth, and premised that he should be made a cardinal, thus raising him to a par with Richelieu, and giving additional lustre to his administration (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, vol. I. P. 426). 

 But M. De Talleyrand vindicated his choice, saying, "A clever wife often compromises her husband; a stupid one only compromises herself" (Historical Characters, p. 122, Bulwer, Lord Dulling). ]--

I will end this chapter by a story somewhat foreign to the precedingtransactions, but which personally concerns myself. On the 20th of July1801 the First Consul, 'ex proprio motu', named me a Councillor of Stateextraordinary. Madame Bonaparte kindly condescended to have an elegantbut somewhat ideal costume made for me. It pleased the First Consul, however, and he had a similar one made for himself. He wore it a shorttime and then left it off. Never had Bonaparte since his elevation shownhimself so amiable as on this occasion. 

CHAPTER VI. 

1802. 

 Last chapter on Egypt--Admiral Gantheaume--Way to please Bonaparte-- General Menou's flattery and his reward--Davoust--Bonaparte regrets giving the command to Menou, who is defeated by Abercromby--Otto's negotiation in London--Preliminaries of peace. 

For the last time in these Memoirs I shall return to the affairs ofEgypt--to that episode which embraces so short a space of time and holdsso high a place in the life of Bonaparte. Of all his conquests he setthe highest value on Egypt, because it spread the glory of his namethroughout the East. Accordingly he left nothing unattempted for thepreservation of that colony. In a letter to General Kleber he said, "You are as able as I am to understand how important is the possession ofEgypt to France. The Turkish Empire, in which the symptoms of decay areeverywhere discernible, is at present falling to pieces, and the evil ofthe evacuation of Egypt by France would now be the greater, as we shouldsoon see that fine province pass into the possession of some otherEuropean power. " The selection of Gantheaume, however, to carryassistance to Kleber was not judicious. Gantheaume had brought the FirstConsul back from Egypt, and though the success of the passage could onlybe attributed to Bonaparte's own plan, his determined character, andsuperior judgment, yet he preserved towards Gantheaume that favourabledisposition which is naturally felt for one who has shared a great dangerwith us, and upon whom the responsibility may be said to have beenimposed. 

This confidence in mediocrity, dictated by an honourable feeling, did notobtain a suitable return. Gantheaume, by his indecision and creepingabout in the Mediterranean, had already failed to execute a commissionentrusted to him. The First Consul, upon finding he did not leave Brestafter he had been ordered to the Mediterranean, repeatedly said to me, "What the devil is Gantheaume about?" With one of the daily reports sentto the First Consul he received the following quatrain, which made himlaugh heartily:

 "Vaisseaux lestes, tete sans lest, Ainsi part l'Amiral Gantheaume; Il s'en va de Brest a Bertheaume, Et revient de Bertheaume a Brest!"

 "With ballast on board, but none in his brain, Away went our gallant Gantheaume, On a voyage from Brest to Bertheaume, And then from Bertheaume--to Brest back again!"

Gantheaume's hesitation, his frequent tergiversations, his arrival atToulon, his tardy departure, and his return to that port on the 19th ofFebruary 1801, only ten days prior to Admiral Keith's appearance with SirRalph Abercromby off Alexandria, completely foiled all the plans whichBonaparte had conceived of conveying succour and reinforcements to acolony on the brink of destruction. 

Bonaparte was then dreaming that many French families would carry backcivilisation, science, and art to that country which was their cradle. But it could not be concealed that his departure from Egypt in 1799 hadprepared the way for the loss of that country, which was hastened byKleber's death and the choice of Menou as his successor. 

A sure way of paying court to the First Consul and gaining his favour wasto eulogise his views about Egypt, and to appear zealous for maintainingthe possession of that country. By these means it was that Menou gainedhis confidence. In the first year of the occupation of that country helaid before him his dreams respecting Africa. He spoke of the negroesof Senegal, Mozambique, Mehedie, Marabout, and other barbarous countrieswhich were all at once to assume a new aspect, and become civilised, in consequence of the French possession of Egypt. To Menou's adulationis to be attributed the favourable reception given him by the FirstConsul, even after his return from Egypt, of which his foolish conducthad allowed the English to get possession. The First Consul appointedhim Governor of Piedmont, and at my request gave my elder brother thesituation of Commissary-General of Police in that country; but I am incandour obliged to confess that the First Consul was obliged to retractthis mark of his favour in consequence of my brother's making an abuse ofit. 

It was also by flattering the First Consul on the question of the Eastthat Davoust, on his return from Egypt in 1800 in consequence of theConvention of El-Ariah, insinuated himself into Bonaparte's good gracesand, if he did not deserve, obtained his favour. At that time Davoustcertainly had no title whatever to the good fortune which he suddenlyexperienced. He obtained, without first serving in a subordinate rank, the command-in-chief of the grenadiers of the Consular Guard; and fromthat time commenced the deadly hatred which Davoust bore towards me. Astonished at the great length of time that Bonaparte had been one dayconversing with him I said, as soon as he was gone, "How could you talkso long with a man whom you have always called a stupid fellow?"--"Ah!but I did not know him well enough before. He is a better man, I assureyou, than he is thought; and you will come over to my opinion. "--"I hopeso. " The First Consul, who was often extremely indiscreet, told Davoustmy opinion of him, and his hostility against me ceased but with his life. 

The First Consul could not forget his cherished conquest in the East. It was constantly the object of his thoughts. He endeavoured to sendreinforcements to his army from Brest and Toulon, but without success. He soon had cause to repent having entrusted to the hands of Menou thecommand-in-chief, to which he became entitled only by seniority, afterthe assassination of Kleber by Soleiman Heleby. But Bonaparte'sindignation was excited when he became acquainted with Menou's neglectand mismanagement, when he saw him giving reins to his passion forreform, altering and destroying everything, creating nothing good in itsstead, and dreaming about forming a land communication with theHottentots and Congo instead of studying how to preserve the country. His pitiful plans of defence, which were useless from their want ofcombination, appeared to the First Consul the height of ignorance. Forgetful of all the principles of strategy, of which Bonaparte's conductafforded so many examples, he opposed to the landing of Abercromby a fewisolated corps, which were unable to withstand the enemy's attack, whilethe English army might have been entirely annihilated had all thedisposable troops been sent against it. 

The great admiration which Menou expressed at the expedition to Egypt;his excessive fondness for that country, the religion of which he hadridiculously enough embraced under the name of Abdallah; the efforts hemade, in his sphere, to preserve the colony; his enthusiasm and blindattachment to Bonaparte; the flattering and encouraging accounts he gaveof the situation of the army, at first had the effect of entirelycovering Menou's incapacity. 

 --[For a ludicrous description of Menou see the Memoirs of Marmont:-- "Clever and gay, he was an agreeable talker, but a great liar. He was not destitute of some education. His character, one of the oddest in the world, came very near to lunacy: Constantly writing, always in motion in his room, riding for exercise every day, he was never able to start on any necessary of useful journey. . . . When, later, Bonaparte, then First Consul, gave him by special favour the administration of Piedmont, he put off his departure from day to day for six months; and then he only did start because his friend Maret himself put him into his carriage, with post-horses already harnessed to it. . . . When he left this post they found in his cabinet 900 letters which he had not opened. He was an eccentric lunatic, amusing enough sometimes, but a curse to everything which depended on him. " (Memoirs of the Duc de Raguse, tome i. P. 410). ]--

This alone can account for the First Consul's preference of him. But Iam far from concurring in what has been asserted by many persons, thatFrance lost Egypt at the very moment when it seemed most easy ofpreservation. Egypt was conquered by a genius of vast intelligence, great capacity, and profound military science. Fatuity, stupidity, andincapacity lost it. What was the result of that memorable expedition?The destruction of one of our finest armies; the loss of some of our bestgenerals; the annihilation of our navy; the surrender of Malta; and thesovereignty of England in the Mediterranean. What is the result atpresent? A scientific work. The gossiping stories and mystifications ofHerodotus, and the reveries of the good Rollin, are worth as much, andhave not cost so dear. 

The First Consul had long been apprehensive that the evacuation of Egyptwas unavoidable. The last news he had received from that country was notvery encouraging, and created a presentiment of the approach of thedreaded catastrophe. He, however, published the contrary; but it wasthen of great importance that, an account of the evacuation should notreach England until the preliminaries of peace were signed, for whichpurpose M. Otto was exerting all his industry and talent. We made agreat merit of abandoning our conquests in Egypt; but the sacrifice wouldnot have been considered great if the events which took place at the endof August had been known in London before the signing of thepreliminaries on the 1st of October. The First Consul himself answeredM. Otto's last despatch, containing a copy of the preliminaries ready tobe adopted by the English Ministry. Neither this despatch nor the answerwas communicated to M. De Talleyrand, then Minister for Foreign Affairs. The First Consul, who highly appreciated the great talents and knowledgeof that Minister, never closed any diplomatic arrangement without firstconsulting him; and he was right in so doing. On this occasion, however, I told him that as M. De Talleyrand was, for his health, taking thewaters of Bourbon-l'Archambault, four days must elapse before his replycould be received, and that the delay might cause the face of affairs tochange. I reminded him that Egypt was on the point of yielding. He tookmy advice, and it was well for him that he did, for the news of thecompulsory evacuation of Egypt arrived in London the day after thesigning of the preliminaries. M. Otto informed the First Consul byletter that Lord Hawkesbury, ill communicating to him the news of theevacuation, told him he was very glad everything was settled, for itwould have been impossible for him to have treated on the same basisafter the arrival of such news. In reality we consented at Paris to thevoluntary evacuation of Egypt, and that was something for England, whileEgypt was at that very time evacuated by a convention made on the spot. The definitive evacuation of Egypt took place on the 30th of August 1801;and thus the conquest of that country, which had cost so dear, wasrendered useless, or rather injurious. 

CHAPTER VII. 

1802. 

 The most glorious epoch for France--The First Consul's desire of peace--Malta ceded and kept--Bonaparte and the English journals-- Mr. Addington's letter to the First Consul--Bonaparte prosecutes Peltier--Leclerc's expedition to St. Domingo--Toussaint Louverture-- Death of Leclerc--Rochambeau, his successor, abandons St. Domingo-- First symptoms of Bonaparte's malady--Josephine's intrigues for the marriage of Hortense--Falsehood contradicted. 

The epoch of the peace of Amiens must be considered as the most gloriousin the history of France, not excepting the splendid period of LouisXIV. 's victories and the more brilliant era of the Empire. The Consularglory was then pure, and the opening prospect was full of flatteringhope; whereas those who were but little accustomed to look closely intothings could discern mighty disasters lurking under the laurels of theEmpire. 

The proposals which the First Consul made in order to obtain peacesufficiently prove his sincere desire for it. He felt that if in thecommencement of his administration he could couple his name with so hopedfor an act he should ever experience the affection and gratitude of theFrench. I want no other proof of his sentiments than the offer he madeto give up Egypt to the Grand Seignior, and to restore all the ports ofthe Gulf of Venice and of the Mediterranean to the States to which theyhad previously belonged; to surrender Malta to the order of the Knightsof St. John, and even to raze its fortifications if England should thinksuch a measure necessary for her interests. In the Indies, Ceylon was tobe left to him, --[Ceylon belonged to Holland, but was retained by England under the treaty of Amiens. ]--

and he required the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope and all the placestaken by the English in the West Indies. 

England had firmly resolved to keep Malta, the Gibraltar of theMediterranean, and the Cape of Good Hope, the caravanserai of the Indies. She was therefore unwilling to close with the proposition respectingMalta; and she said that an arrangement might be made by which it wouldbe rendered independent both of Great Britain and France. We clearly sawthat this was only a lure, and that, whatever arrangements might beentered into, England would keep Malta, because it was not to be expectedthat the maritime power would willingly surrender an island whichcommands the Mediterranean. I do not notice the discussions respectingthe American islands, for they were, in my opinion, of little consequenceto us. 

 --[It is strange that Bourrienne does not allude to one of the first arbitrary acts of Napoleon, the discussions on which formed part of those conversations between Napoleon and his brother Lucien of which Bourrienne complained to Josephine he knew nothing. In 1763 France had ceded to England the part of Louisiana on the east of the Mississippi, and the part on the west of that river, with New Orleans, to Spain. By the treaty negotiated with Spain by Lucien Bonaparte in 1800 her share was given back to France. On the 80th April 1803 Napoleon sold the whole to the United States for 80, 000, 000 francs (L 3, 260, 000), to the intense anger of his brothers Joseph and Lucien. Lucien was especially proud of having obtained the cession for which Napoleon was, at that time, very anxious; but both brothers were horrified when Napoleon disclosed how little he cared for constitutional forms by telling them that if the Legislature, as his brothers threatened, would not ratify the treaty, he would do without the ratification; see Iung's Letter, tome ii. P. 128. 

 Napoleon's most obvious motives were want of money and the certainty of the seizure of the province by England, as the rupture with her was now certain. But there was perhaps another cause. The States had already been on the point of seizing the province from Spain, which had interfered with their trade (Hinton's United States, p. 435, and Thiers tome iv, p. 320). 

 Of the sum to be paid, 20, 000, 000 were to go to the States, to cover the illegal seizures of American ships by the French navy, a matter which was not settled for many years later. The remaining 80, 000, 000 were employed in the preparations for the invasion of England; see Thiers, tome iv. Pp. 320 and 326, and Lanfrey, tome iii. P. 48. The transaction is a remarkable one, as forming the final withdrawal of France from North America (with the exception of some islands on the Newfoundland coast), where she had once held such a proud position. It also eventually made an addition to the number of slave States. ]--

They cost more than they produce; and they will escape from us, some timeor other, as all colonies ultimately do from the parent country. Ourwhole colonial system is absurd; it forces us to pay for colonial produceat a rate nearly double that for which it may be purchased from ourneighbours. 

When Lord Hawkesbury consented to evacuate Malta, on condition that itshould be independent of France and Great Britain, he must have beenaware that such a condition would never be fulfilled. He cared littlefor the order of St. John, and he should have put, by way of postscript, at the bottom of his note, "We will keep Malta in spite of you. "I always told the First Consul that if he were in the situation of theEnglish he would act the same part; and it did not require much sagacityto foretell that Malta would be the principal cause of the rupture ofpeace. He was of my opinion; but at that moment he thought everythingdepended on concluding the negotiations, and I entirely agreed with him. It happened, as was foreseen, that Malta caused the renewal of war. TheEnglish, on being called upon to surrender the island, eluded the demand, shifted about, and at last ended by demanding that Malta should be placedunder the protection of the King of Naples, --that is to say, under theprotection of a power entirely at their command, and to which they mightdictate what they pleased. This was really too cool a piece of irony!

I will here notice the quarrel between the First Consul and the Englishnewspapers, and give a new proof of his views concerning the freedom ofthe press. However, liberty of the press did once contribute to give himinfinite gratification, namely, when all the London journals mentionedthe transports of joy manifested in London on the arrival of GeneralLauriston, the bearer of the ratification of the preliminaries of peace. 

The First Consul was at all times the declared enemy of the liberty ofthe press, and therefore he ruled the journals with a hand of iron. 

 --[An incident, illustrative of the great irritation which Bonaparte felt at the plain speaking of the English press, also shows the important character of Coleridge's writings in the 'Morning Post'. In the course of a debate in the House of Commons Fox asserted that the rupture of the trace of Amiens had its origin in certain essays which had appeared in the Morning POST, and which were known to have proceeded from the pen of Coleridge. But Fox added an ungenerous and malicious hint that the writer was at Rome, within the reach of Bonaparte. The information reached the ears for which it was uttered, and an order was sent from Paris to compass the arrest of Coleridge. It was in the year 1806, when the poet was making a tour in Italy. The news reached him at Naples, through a brother of the illustrious Humboldt, as Mr. Gillman says--or in a friendly warning from Prince Jerome Bonaparte, as we have it on the authority of Mr. Cottle--and the Pope appears to have been reluctant to have a hand in the business, and, in fact, to have furnished him with a passport, if not with a carriage for flight, Coleridge eventually got to Leghorn, where he got a passage by an American ship bound for England; but his escape coming to the ears of Bonaparte, a look-out was kept for the ship, and she was chased by a French cruiser, which threw the captain into such a state of terror that he made Coleridge throw all his journals and papers overboard (Andrews' History of Journalism, vol. Ii. P. 28). ]--

I have often heard him say, "Were I to slacken the reins, I should notcontinue three months in power. " He unfortunately held the same opinionrespecting every other prerogative of public freedom. The silence he hadimposed in France he wished, if he could, to impose in England. He wasirritated by the calumnies and libels so liberally cast upon him by theEnglish journals, and especially by one written in French, called'L'Ambigu', conducted by Peltier, who had been the editor of the 'Actesdes Apotres' in Paris. The 'Ambigu' was constantly teeming with the mostviolent attacks on the First Consul and the French nation. Bonapartecould never, like the English, bring himself to despise newspaper libels, and he revenged himself by violent articles which he caused to beinserted in the 'Moniteur'. He directed M. Otto to remonstrate, in anofficial note, against a system of calumny which he believed to beauthorised by the English Government. Besides this official proceedinghe applied personally to Mr. Addington, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, requesting him to procure the adoption of legislative measures againstthe licentious writings complained of; and, to take the earliestopportunity of satisfying his hatred against the liberty of the press, the First Consul seized the moment of signing the preliminaries to makethis request. 

Mr. Addington wrote a long answer to the First Consul, which I translatedfor him. The English Minister refuted, with great force, all thearguments which Bonaparte had employed against the press. He alsoinformed the First Consul that, though a foreigner, it was competent inhim to institute a complaint in the courts of law; but that in such casehe must be content to see all the scandalous statements of which hecomplained republished in the report of the trial. He advised him totreat the libels with profound contempt, and do as he and others did, whoattached not the slightest importance to them. I congratulate myself onhaving in some degree prevented a trial taking place at that time. 

Things remained in this state for the moment; but after the peace ofAmiens the First Consul prosecuted Pettier, whose journal was always fullof violence and bitterness against him. Pettier was defended by thecelebrated Mackintosh, who, according to the accounts of the time, displayed great eloquence on this occasion, yet, in spite of the abilityof his counsel, he was convicted. The verdict, which public opinionconsidered in the light of a triumph for the defendant, was not followedup by any judgment, in consequence of the rupture of the peace occurringsoon after. It is melancholy to reflect that this nervous susceptibilityto the libels of the English papers contributed certainly as much as, andperhaps more than, the consideration of great political interests to therenewal of hostilities. The public would be astonished at a great manythings if they could only look under the cards. 

I have anticipated the rupture of the treaty of Amiens that I might notinterrupt what I had to mention respecting Bonaparte's hatred of theliberty of the press. I now return to the end of the year 1801, theperiod of the expedition against St. Domingo. 

The First Consul, after dictating to me during nearly: the whole of onenight instructions for that expedition, sent for General Leclerc, andsaid to him in my presence, "Here, take your instructions; you have afine opportunity for filling your purse. Go, and no longer tease me withyour eternal requests for money. " The friendship which Bonaparte feltfor his sister Pauline had a good deal of influence in inducing him totake this liberal way of enriching her husband. 

The expedition left the ports of France on the 14th of December 1801, andarrived off Cape St. Domingo on the 1st of February 1802. The fatalresult of the enterprise is well known, but we are never to be cured ofthe folly of such absurd expeditions. In the instructions given toLeclerc everything was foreseen; but it was painful to know that thechoice of one of the youngest and least capable of all the generals ofthe army left no hope of a successful result. The expedition to St. Domingo was one of Bonaparte's great errors. Almost every person whom heconsulted endeavoured to dissuade him from it. He attempted ajustification through the medium of his historians of St. Helena; butdoes he succeed when he says, "that he was obliged to yield to the adviceof his Council of State?" He, truly, was a likely man to submit aquestion of war to the discussion of the Council of State, or to beguided in such an affair by any Council! We must believe that no othermotive influenced the First Consul but the wish, by giving him the meansof enriching himself, to get rid of a brother-in-law who had the gift ofspecially annoying him. The First Consul, who did not really much likethis expedition, should have perhaps reflected longer on the difficultiesof attempting to subdue the colony by force. He was shaken by thisargument, which I often repeated to him, and he agreed with it, but theinconceivable influence which the members of his family exercised on himalways overcame him. 

Bonaparte dictated to me a letter for Toussaint, full of sounding wordsand fine promises, informing him that his two children, who had beeneducated in Paris, were sent back to him, offering him the title ofvice-governor, and stating that he ought readily to assist in anarrangement which would contribute to reconnect the colony with themother-country. Toussaint, who had at first shown a disposition to closewith the bargain, yet feeling afraid of being deceived by the French, and probably induced by ambitious motives, resolved on war. Hedisplayed a great deal of talent; but, being attacked before the climatehad thinned the French ranks, he was unable to oppose a fresh army, numerous and inured to war. He capitulated, and retired to a plantation, which he was not to leave without Leclerc's permission. A feignedconspiracy on the part of the blacks formed a pretence for accusingToussaint, and he was seized and sent to France. 

Toussaint was brought to Pains in the beginning of August. He was sent, in the first instance, to the Temple, whence he was removed to theChateau de Joux. His imprisonment was rigorous; few comforts wereallowed him. This treatment, his recollection of the past, hisseparation from the world, and the effects of a strange climate, accelerated his death, which took place a few months after his arrival inFrance. The reports which spread concerning his death, the assertionthat it was not a natural one, and that it had been caused by poison, obtained no credit. I should add that Toussaint wrote a letter toBonaparte; but I never saw in it the expression attributed to him, "Thefirst man of the blacks to the first man of the whites" Bonaparteacknowledged that the black leader possessed energy, courage, and greatskill. I am sure that he would have rejoiced if the result of hisrelations with St. Domingo had been something else than the kidnaping andtransportation of Toussaint. 

Leclerc, after fruitless efforts to conquer the colony, was himselfcarried off by the yellow fever. Rochambeau succeeded him by right ofseniority, and was as unsuccessful as Menou had been in Egypt. Thesubmission of the blacks, which could only have been obtained byconciliation, he endeavoured to compel by violence. At last, in December1803, he surrendered to an English squadron, and abandoned the island toDessalines. 

Bonaparte often experienced severe bodily pain, and I have now littledoubt, from the nature of his sufferings, that they were occasioned bythe commencement of that malady which terminated his life at St. Helena. These pains, of which he frequently complained, affected him most acutelyon the night when he dictated to me the instructions for General Leclerc. It was very late when I conducted him to his apartment. We had just beentaking a cup of chocolate, a beverage of which we always partook when ourbusiness lasted longer than one o'clock in the morning. He never took alight with him when he went up to his bedroom. I gave him my arm, and wehad scarcely got beyond the little staircase which leads to the corridor, when he was rudely run against by a man who was endeavouring to escape asquickly as possible by the staircase. The First Consul did not fallbecause I supported him. We soon gained his chamber, where we, foundJosephine, who, having heard the noise, awoke greatly alarmed. From theinvestigations which were immediately made it appeared that the uproarwas occasioned by a fellow who had been keeping an assignation and hadexceeded the usual hour for his departure. 

On the 7th of January 1802 Mademoiselle Hortense was married to LouisBonaparte. As the custom was not yet resumed of adding the religiousceremony to the civil contract, the nuptial benediction was on thisoccasion privately given by a priest at the house Rue de la Victoire. Bonaparte also caused the marriage of his sister Caroline, --[The wife ofMurat, and the cleverest of Bonaparte's sisters. ]--which had taken placetwo years earlier before a mayor, to be consecrated in the same manner;but he and his wife did not follow the example. Had he already, then, anidea of separating from Josephine, and therefore an unwillingness torender a divorce more difficult by giving his marriage a religioussanction? I am rather inclined to think, from what he said to me, thathis neglecting to take a part in the religious ceremony arose fromindifference. 

Bonaparte said at St. Helena, speaking of Louis and Hortense, that "theyloved each other when they married: they desired to be united. Themarriage was also the result of Josephine's intrigues, who found heraccount in it. " I will state the real facts. Louis and Hortense did notlove one another at all. That is certain. The First Consul knew it, just as he well knew that Hortense had a great inclination for Duroc, whodid not fully return it. The First Consul agreed to their union, butJosephine was troubled by such a marriage, and did all she could toprevent it. She often spoke to me about it, but rather late in the day. She told me that her brothers-in law were her declared enemies, that Iwell knew their intrigues, and that I well knew there was no end to theannoyances they made her undergo. In fact, I did know all thisperfectly. She kept on repeating to me that with this projected marriageshe would not have any support; that Duroc was nothing except by thefavour of Bonaparte; that he had neither fortune, fame, nor reputation, and that he could be no help to her against the well-known ill-will ofthe brothers of Bonaparte. She wanted some assurance for the future. She added that her husband was very fond of Louis, and that if she hadthe good fortune to unite him to her daughter this would be acounterpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of her otherbrothers-in-law. I answered her that she had concealed her intentionstoo long from me, and that I had promised my services to the youngpeople, and the more willingly as I knew the favourable opinion of theFirst Consul, who had often said to me, "My wife has done well; theysuit one another, they shall marry one another. I like Duroc; he is ofgood family. I have rightly given Caroline to Murat, and Pauline toLeclerc, and I can well give Hortense to Duroc, who is a fine fellow. He is worth more than the others. He is now general of a division thereis nothing against this marriage. Besides, I have other plans forLouis. " In speaking to Madame Bonaparte I added that her daughter burstinto tears when spoken to about her marriage with Louis. 

The First Consul had sent a brevet of general of division to Duroc by aspecial courier, who went to Holland, through which the newly-madegeneral had to pass on his return from St. Petersburg, where, as I havealready said, he had been sent to compliment the Emperor Alexander on hisaccession to the throne. The First Consul probably paid this complimentto Duroc in the belief that the marriage would take place. 

During Duroc's absence the correspondence of the lovers passed, by theirconsent, through my hands. Every night I used to make one in a party atbilliards, at which Hortense played very well. When I told her, in awhisper, that I had got a letter for her, she would immediately leave offplaying and run to her chamber, where I followed and gave her Duroc'sepistle. When she opened it her eyes would fill with tears, and it wassome time before she could return to the salon. All was useless for her. Josephine required a support in the family against the family. Seeingher firm resolution, I promised to no longer oppose her wishes, which Icould not disapprove, but I told her I could only maintain silence andneutrality in these little debates, and she seemed satisfied. 

When we were at Malmaison those intrigues continued. At the Tuileriesthe same conduct was pursued, but then the probability of success was onDuroc's side; I even congratulated him on his prospects, but he receivedmy compliments in a very cold manner. In a few days after Josephinesucceeded in changing the whole face of affairs. Her heart was entirelyset on the marriage of Louis with her daughter; and prayers, entreaties, caresses, and all those little arts which she so well knew how to use, were employed to win the First Consul to her purpose. 

On the 4th of January the First Consul, after dinner, entered ourcabinet, where I was employed. "Where is Duroc?" he inquired. --"He hasgone to the opera, I believe. "--"Tell him, as soon as he returns, that Ihave promised Hortense to him, and he shall have her. But I wish themarriage to take place in two days at the latest. I will give him500, 000 francs, and name him commandant of the eighth military division;but he must set out the day after his marriage with his wife for Toulon. We must live apart; I want no son-in-law at home. As I wish to come tosome conclusion, let me know to-night whether this plan will satisfyhim. "--"I think it will not. "--"Very well! then she shall marryLouis. "--"Will she like that?"--"She must like it. " Bonaparte gave methese directions in a very abrupt manner, which made me think that somelittle domestic warfare had been raging, and that to put an end to it hehad come to propose his ultimatum. At half-past ten in the evening Durocreturned; I reported to him, word for word, the proposition of the FirstConsul. "Since it has come to that, my good friend, " said he, "tell himhe may keep his daughter for me. I am going to see the -----, " and, withan indifference for which I cannot account, he took his hat and wentoff. 

 --[Duroc eventually married a Mademoiselle Hervae d'Almenara, the daughter of a Spanish banker, who was later Minister of Joseph, and was created Marquis of Abruenara. The lady was neither handsome nor amiable, but she possessed a vast fortune, and Bonaparte himself solicited her hand for his aide de camp. After the death of Duroc his widow married a M. Fabvier, and Napoleon gave his Duchy of Frioul to his daughter. ]--

The First Consul, before going to bed, was informed of Duroc's reply, and Josephine received from him the promise that Louis and Hortenseshould be married. The marriage took place a few days after, to thegreat regret of Hortense, and probably to the satisfaction of Duroc. Louis submitted to have forced on him as a wife a woman who had hithertoavoided him as much as possible. She always manifested as muchindifference for him as he displayed repugnance for her, and thosesentiments have not been effaced. 

 --[The marriage of Louis Bonaparte took place on the 7th January. The bride and bridegroom were exceedingly dull, and Mademoiselle Hortense wept daring the whole of the ceremony. Josephine, knowing that this union, which commenced so inauspiciously, was her own work, anxiously endeavoured to establish a more cordial feeling between her daughter and son-in-law. But all her efforts were vain, and the marriage proved a very unhappy one (Memoirs de Constant). 

 Napoleon III. Was the son of the Queen of Holland (Hortense Beauharnais). ]--

Napoleon said at St. Helena that he wished to unite Louis with a niece ofTalleyrand. I can only say that I never heard a word of this niece, either from himself, his wife, or his daughter; and I rather think thatat that time the First Consul was looking after a royal alliance forLouis. He often expressed regret at the precipitate marriages of hissisters. It should be recollected that we were now in the year which sawthe Consulship for life established, and which, consequently, gavepresage of the Empire. Napoleon said truly to the companions of hisexile that "Louis' marriage was the result of Josephine's intrigues, " butI cannot understand how he never mentioned the intention he once had ofuniting Hortense to Duroc. It has been erroneously stated that the FirstConsul believed that he reconciled the happiness of his daughter with hispolicy. Hortense did not love Louis, and dreaded this marriage. Therewas no hope of happiness for her, and the event has proved this. As forthe policy of the First Consul, it is not easy to see how it wasconcerned with the marriage of Louis to Hortense, and in any case thegrand policy which professed so loudly to be free from all feminineinfluences would have been powerless against the intrigues of Josephine, for at this time at the Tuileries the boudoir was often stronger than thecabinet. Here I am happy to have it in my power to contradict mostformally and most positively certain infamous insinuations which haveprevailed respecting Bonaparte and Hortense. Those who have assertedthat Bonaparte ever entertained towards Hortense any other sentimentsthan those of a father-in-law for a daughter-in-law have, as the ancientknights used to say, "lied in their throats. " We shall see farther onwhat he said to me on this subject, but it is never too soon to destroysuch a base calumny. Authors unworthy of belief have stated, without anyproof, that not only was there this criminal liaison, but they have goneso far as to say that Bonaparte was the father of the eldest son ofHortense. It is a lie, a vile lie. And yet the rumour has spreadthrough all France and all Europe. Alas! has calumny such powerfulcharms that, once they are submitted to, their yoke cannot be broken?

 --[Bourrienne's account of this marriage, and his denial of the vile calumny about Napoleon, is corroborated by Madame Remusat. After saying that Hortense had refused to marry the son of Rewbell and also the Comte de Nun, she goes on: "A short time afterwards Duroc, then aide de camp to the Consul, and already noted by him, fell in love with Hortense. She returned the feeling, and believed she had found that other half of herself which she sought. Bonaparte looked favourably on their union, but Madame Bonaparte in her turn was inflexible. 'My daughter, ' said she, 'must marry a gentleman or a Bonaparte. ' Louis was then thought of. He had no fancy for Hortense; defeated the Beauharnais family, and had a supreme contempt for his sister-in-law. But as he was silent, he was believed to be gentle; and as he was severe by character, he was believed to be upright. Madame Louis told me afterwards that at the news of this arrangement she experienced violent grief. Not only was she forbidden to think of the man she loved, but she was about to be given to another of whom she had a secret distrust" (Remusat, tome i. P. 156). For the cruel treatment of Hortense by Louis see the succeeding pages of Remusat. As for the vile scandal about Hortense and Napoleon, there is little doubt that it was spread by the Bonapartist family for interested motives. Madame Louis became enceinte soon after her marriage. The Bonapartists, and especially Madame Murat (Caroline); had disliked this marriage because Joseph having only daughters, it was forseen that the first son of Louis and the grandson of Madame Bonaparte would be the object of great interest. They therefore spread the revolting story that this was the result of a connection of the First Consul with his daughter-in-law, encouraged by the mother herself. "The public willingly believed this suspicion. ' Madame Murat told Louis, " etc. (Remusat, tome i, p. 169). This last sentence is corroborated by Miot de Melito (tome ii. P. 170), who, speaking of the later proposal of Napoleon to adopt this child, says that Louis "remembered the damaging stories which ill-will had tried to spread among the public concerning Hortense Beauharnais before he married her, and although a comparison of the date of his marriage with that of the birth of his son must have shown him that these tales were unfounded, he felt that they would be revived by the adoption of this child by the First Consul. " Thus this wretched story did harm in every way. The conduct of Josephine mast be judged with leniency, engaged as she was in a desperate straggle to maintain her own marriage, --a struggle she kept up with great skill; see Metternich, tome ii. P. 296. "she baffled all the calculations, all the manoeuvres of her adversaries. " But she was foolish enough to talk in her anger as if she believed some of the disgraceful rumours of Napoleon. "Had he not seduced his sisters, one after the other?" (Remusat, tome i. P. 204). As to how far this scandal was really believed by the brothers of Napoleon, see Iung's Lucien (tome ii. Pp. 268-269), where Lucien describes Louis as coming three times to him for advice as to his marriage with Hortense, both brothers referring to this rumour. The third time Louis announces he is in love with Hortense. "You are in love? Why the devil, then, do you come to me for advice? If so, forget what has been rumoured, and what I have advised you. Marry, and may God bless you. "

 Thiers (tome iii. P. 308) follows Bourrienne's account. Josephine, alluding to Louis Bonaparte, said, "His family have maliciously informed him of the disgraceful stories which have been spread on the conduct of my daughter and on the birth of her son. Hate assigns this child to Napoleon. " (Remusat, tome i, p. 206). The child in question was Napoleon Charles (1802-1807). ]--

CHAPTER VIII. 

1802-1803. 

 Bonaparte President of the Cisalpine Republic--Meeting of the deputation at Lyons--Malta and the English--My immortality--Fete given by Madame Murat--Erasures from the emigrant list--Restitution of property--General Sebastiani--Lord Whitworth--Napoleon's first symptoms of disease--Corvisart--Influence of physical suffering on Napoleon's temper--Articles for the Moniteur--General Andreossi-- M. Talleyrand's pun--Jerome Bonaparte--Extravagance of Bonaparte's brothers--M. Collot and the navy contract. 

Bonaparte was anxious to place the Cisalpine Republic on a footing ofharmony with the Government of France. It was necessary to select aPresident who should perfectly agree with Bonaparte's views; and in thisrespect no one could be so suitable as Bonaparte himself. The twoPresidencies united would serve as a transition to the throne. Notwishing to be long absent from Paris, and anxious to avoid the trouble ofthe journey to Milan, he arranged to meet the deputation half-way atLyons. Before our departure I said to him, "Is it possible that you donot wish to revisit Italy, the first scene of your glory, and thebeautiful capital of Lombardy, where you were the object of so muchhomage?"--"I certainly should, " replied the First Consul, "but thejourney to Milan would occupy too much precious time. I prefer that themeeting should take place in France. My influence over the deputies willbe more prompt and certain at Lyons than at Milan; and then I should beglad to see the noble wreck of the army of Egypt, which is collected atLyons. "

On the 8th of January 1802 we set out. Bonaparte who was now ready toascend the throne of France, wished to prepare the Italians for one daycrowning him King of Italy, in imitation of Charlemagne, of whom inanticipation he considered himself the successor. He saw that the titleof President of the Cisalpine Republic was a great advance towards thesovereignty of Lombardy, as he afterwards found that the Consulate forlife was a decisive step towards the throne of France. He obtained thetitle of President without much difficulty on the 36th of January 1802. The journey to Lyons and the conferences were only matters of form; buthigh sounding words and solemn proceedings were required for the publicmind. 

The attempts which had been made on the life of the First Consul gaverise to a report that he took extraordinary precautions for his safetyduring this journey to Lyons. I never saw those precautions, andBonaparte was at all times averse to adopt any. He often repeated "Thatwhoever would risk his own life might take his. " It is not true thatguards preceded his carriage and watched the roads. The Consul travelledlike a private person, and very rarely had arms in his carriage. 

 --[Bonaparte may have been careless of his own safety, but that he took great pains in regard to his brother's may be inferred from the following letter, written a few years later:

 "Take care that your valets de chambre, your cooks, the guards that sleep in your apartments, and those who come during the night to awaken you with despatches, are all Frenchmen. No one should enter your room during the night except your aides de camp, who should sleep in the chamber that precedes your bedroom. Your door should be fastened inside, and you ought not to open it, even to your aide de camp, until you have recognised his voice; he himself should not knock at your door until he has locked that of the room which he is in, to make sure of being alone, and of being followed by no one. These precautions are important; they give no trouble, and they inspire confidence--besides, they may really save your life. You should establish these habits immediately end permanently; You ought not to be obliged to have resource to them on some emergency, which would hurt the feelings of those around you. Do not trust only to your own experience. The Neapolitan character has been violent in every age, and you have to do with a woman [Queen of Naples] who is the impersonation of crime" (Napoleon to Joseph, May 31, 1806. --Du Casse, tome ii. P. 260). ]--

At this time, when the ambition of Bonaparte every day took a fartherflight, General Clarke took it into his head to go into the box of theFirst Consul at the "Francais, " and to place himself in the front seat. By chance the First Consul came to the theatre, but Clarke, hardlyrising, did not give up his place. The First Consul only stayed a shorttime, and when he came back he showed great discontent at thisaffectation of pride and of vanity. Wishing to get rid of a man whom helooked on as a blundering flatterer and a clumsy critic, he sent him awayas charge d'affaires to the young extemporized King of Etruria, whereClarke expiated his folly in a sort of exile. This is all the "greatdisfavour" which has been so much spoken about, In the end General Clarkereturned to favour. Berlin knows and regrets it. 

On the 25th of March of the same year England signed, at Amiens, asuspension of arms for fourteen months, which was called a treaty ofpeace. The clauses of this treaty were not calculated to inspire thehope of a very long peace. It was evident, as I have already said, thatEngland would not evacuate Malta; and that island ultimately proved thechief cause of the rupture of the treaty of Amiens. But England, heretofore so haughty in her bearing to the First Consul, had at lengthtreated with him as the Head of the French Government. This, asBonaparte was aware, boded well for the consolidation of his power. 

At that time, when he saw his glory and power augmenting, he said to mein one of our walks at Malmaison, in a moment of hilarity, and clappingme on the shoulder, "Well, Bourrienne, you also will be immortal!"--"Why, General?"--"Are you not my secretary?"--"Tell me the name ofAlexander's, " said I. 

 --[Bonaparte did not know the name of Alexander's secretary, and I forgot at the moment to tell him it was Clallisthenes. He wrote Alexander's Memoirs, as I am writing Bonaparte's; but, notwithstanding this coincidence, I neither expect nor desire the immortality of my name. --Bourrienne. ]--

Bonaparte then turned to me and laughing, said, "Hem! that is not bad. "There was, to be sure, a little flattery conveyed in my question, butthat never displeased him, and I certainly did not in that instancedeserve the censure he often bestowed on me for not being enough of acourtier and flatterer. 

Madame Murat gave a grand fete in honour of Bonaparte at her residence atNeuilly. At dinner Bonaparte sat opposite Madame Murat at the principaltable, which was appropriated to the ladies. He ate fast, and talked butlittle. However, when the dessert was served, he put a question to eachlady. This question was to inquire their respective ages. When MadameBourrienne's turn came he said to her, "Oh! I know yours. " This was agreat deal for his gallantry, and the other ladies were far from beingpleased at it. 

Next day, while walking with me in his favourite alley at Malmaison, hereceived one of those stupid reports of the police which were sofrequently addressed to him. It mentioned the observations which hadbeen made in Paris about a green livery he had lately adopted. Some saidthat green had been chosen because it was the colour of the House ofArtois. On reading that a slight sneer was observable in hiscountenance, and he said, "What are these idiots dreaming of? They mustbe joking, surely. Am I no better than M. D'Artois? They shall soon seethe difference. "

Until the middle of the year 1801 the erasures from the emigrant list hadalways been proposed by the Minister of Police. The First Consul havingbeen informed that intrigue and even bribery had been employed to obtainthem, determined that in future erasures should be part of the businessof his cabinet. But other affairs took up his attention, and a dozen orfifteen erasures a week were the most that were made. After Te Deum hadbeen chanted at Malmaison for the Concordat and the peace, I tookadvantage of that moment of general joy to propose to Bonaparte thereturn of the whole body of emigrants. "You have, " said I in ahalf-joking way, "reconciled Frenchmen to God--now reconcile them to eachother. There have never been any real emigrants, only absentees; and theproof of this is, that erasures from the list have always been, and willalways be, made daily. " He immediately seized the idea. "We shall see, "said he; "but I must except a thousand persons belonging to highfamilies, especially those who are or have been connected with royalty orthe Court. "

I said in the Chamber of Deputies, and I feel pleasure in repeating here, that the plan of the 'Senatus-consults', which Bonaparte dictated to me, excepted from restitution only such mansions as were used for publicestablishments. These he would neither surrender nor pay rent for. Withthose exceptions he was willing to restore almost all that was possessedby the State and had not been sold. 

The First Consul, as soon as he had finished this plan of a decree, convoked a Grand Council to submit it to their consideration. I was inan adjoining room to that in which they met, and as the deliberationswere carried on with great warmth, the members talking very loudly, sometimes even vociferating, I heard all that passed. The revolutionaryparty rejected all propositions of restitution. They were willing tocall back their victims, but they would not part with the spoil. 

When the First Consul returned to his cabinet, dissatisfied with the illsuccess of his project, I took the liberty of saying to him, "you cannotbut perceive, General, that your object has been defeated, and yourproject unsuccessful. The refusal to restore to the emigrants all thatthe State possesses takes from the recall all its generosity and dignityof character. I wonder how you could yield to such an unreasonable andselfish opposition. "--"The revolutionary party, " replied he, "had themajority in the Council. What could I do? Am I strong enough toovercome all those obstacles?"--"General, you can revive the questionagain, and oppose the party you speak of. "--"That would be difficult, " hesaid; "they still have a high hand in these matters. Time is required. However, nothing is definitively arranged. We shall see what can bedone. " The 'Senatus-consulte', published on the 6th Floreal, year X. (26th of April 1802), a fortnight after the above conversation tookplace, is well known. Bonaparte was then obliged to yield to therevolutionary party, or he would have adhered to his first proposition. 

 --[The Senatus-consulte retained the woods and forests of the emigrants, and made their recall an "amnesty. " In the end this retention of the forests was used by Napoleon with great dexterity as a means of placing them under personal obligation to him for restoring this species of property. See Thiers tome iii, p. 458, livre xiv. ]--

Napoleon referred to this matter at St. Helena. He himself says that he"would have been able" (he should have said that he wished) to granteverything, that for a moment he thought of doing so, and that it was amistake not to do so. "This limitation on my part, " he adds, "destroyedall the good effect of the return of the emigrants. The mistake was thegreater since I thought of doing it, but I was alone, surrounded byoppositions and by spies: all were against your party, you cannot easilypicture the matter to yourself, but important affairs hurried me, timepressed, and I was obliged to act differently. " Afterwards he speaks ofa syndicate he wished to form, but I have never heard a word of that. Ihave said how things really happened, and what has been just readconfirms this. 

 --[This was by no means the only time that Napoleon's wishes were opposed successfully in his Council of State. On such occasions he used to describe himself as "repulsed with losses. " See the interesting work of St. Hilaire, Napoleon au Conseil d'Etat. ]--

The Royalists, dissatisfied with the state of political affairs, were notbetter pleased with the illiberal conditions of the recall of theemigrants. The friends of public liberty, on the other hand, were farfrom being satisfied with the other acts of the First Consul, or with theconduct of the different public authorities, who were always ready tomake concessions to him. Thus all parties were dissatisfied. 

Bonaparte was much pleased with General Sebastiani's conduct when he wassent to Constantinople, after the peace of Amiens, to induce the GrandSeignior to renew amicable relations with France. 

At the period here alluded to, namely, before the news of the evacuationof Egypt, that country greatly occupied Bonaparte's attention. Hethought that to send a man like Sebastiani travelling through NorthernAfrica, Egypt, and Syria might inspire the sovereigns of those countrieswith a more favourable idea of France than they now entertained, andmight remove the ill impressions which England was endeavouring toproduce. On this mission Sebastiani was accordingly despatched. Hevisited all the Barbary States, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles. Everywhere he drew a highly-coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte, and depreciated the glory of England. 

 --[This General, or Count Sebastian, was afterwards ambassador for Louis Philippe at our Court. ]--

He strengthened old connections, and contracted new ones with the chiefsof each country. He declared to the authorities of the Ionian Isles thatthey might rely on the powerful protection of France. Bonaparte, in myopinion, expected too much from the labours of a single individualfurnished with but vague instructions. Still Sebastiani did all thatcould be done. The interesting details of his proceedings were publishedin the 'Moniteur'. The secret information respecting the means ofsuccessfully attacking the English establishments in India was verycurious, though not affording the hope of speedy success. 

The published abstract of General Sebastiani's report was full ofexpressions hostile to England. Among other things it was stated thatEgypt might be conquered with 6000 men, and that the Ionian Isles wheredisposed to throw off the yoke. There can be little doubt that thispublication hastened the rupture of the treaty of Amiens. 

England suspended all discussions respecting Malta, and declared that shewould not resume them till the King of Great Britain should receivesatisfaction for what was called an act of hostility. This was alwaysput forward as a justification, good or bad, for breaking the treaty ofAmiens, which England had never shown herself very ready to execute. 

Bonaparte, waiving the usual forma of etiquette, expressed his wish tohave a private conference with Lord Whitworth, the ambassador from Londonto Paris, and who had been the English ambassador at St. Petersburgprevious to the rupture which preceded the death of Paul I. Bonapartecounted much on the effect he might produce by that captivating mannerwhich he so well knew how to assume in conversation; but all was in vain. In signing the treaty of Amiens the British Minister was well aware thathe would be the first to break it. 

About the commencement of the year 1802 Napoleon began to feel acutepains in his right side. I have often seen him at Malmaison, whensitting up at night, lean against the right arm of his chair, andunbuttoning his coat and waistcoat exclaim, --"What pain I feel!" I wouldthen accompany him to his bedchamber, and have often been obliged tosupport him on the little staircase which led from his cabinet to thecorridor. He frequently used to say at this time, "I fear that when I amforty I shall become a great eater: I have a foreboding that I shall growvery corpulent. " This fear of obesity, though it annoyed him very much, did not appear to have the least foundation, judging from his habitualtemperance and spare habit of body. He asked me who was my physician. I told him M. Corvisart, whom his brother Louis had recommended to me. A few days after he called in Corvisart, who three years later wasappointed first physician to the Emperor. He appeared to derive muchbenefit from the prescriptions of Corvisart, whose open and good-humouredcountenance at once made a favourable impression on him. 

The pain which the First Consul felt at this time increased hisirritability. Perhaps many of the sets of this epoch of his life shouldbe attributed to this illness. At the time in question his ideas werenot the same in the evening as they had been in the morning; and often inthe morning he would tear up, even without the least remark, notes he haddictated to me at night and which he had considered excellent. At othertimes I took on myself not to send to the Moniteur, as he wished me todo, notes which, dictated by annoyance and irascibility, might haveproduced a bad effect in Europe. When the next day he did not see thearticle, I attributed this to the note being too late, or to the latearrival of the courier. But I told him it was no loss, for it would beinserted the next day. He did not answer at once, but a quarter of anhour afterwards he said to me, "Do not send my note to the 'Moniteur'without showing it to me. " He took it and reread it. Sometimes he wasastonished at what he had dictated to me, and amused himself by sayingthat I had not understood him properly. "That is not much good, is it?"--"'Pon my word, I don't quite know. "--"Oh no, it is worthless; what sayyou?" Then he bowed his head a little, and tore up the paper. Once whenwe were at the Tuileries he sent me at two o'clock in the morning a smallnote in his own writing, in which was, "To Bourrienne. Write to Maret tomake him erase from the note which Fleurieu has read to the Tribunate thephrase (spelt frase) concerning Costaz, and to soften as much as possiblewhat concerns the reporter of the Tribunate. "

This change, after time for reflection, arose, as often happened withhim, from observations I had made to him, and which he had at firstangrily repulsed. 

After the peace of Amiens the First Consul, wishing to send an ambassadorto England, cast his eyes--for what reason I know not--on GeneralAndreossi. I took the liberty of making some observation on a choicewhich did not appear to me to correspond with the importance of themission. Bonaparte replied, "I have not determined on it; I will talk toTalleyrand on the subject. " When we were at Malmaison in the eveningM. De Talleyrand came to transact business with the First Consul. Theproposed appointment of an ambassador to England was mentioned. Afterseveral persons had been named the First Consul said, "I believe I mustsend Andreossi. " M. De Talleyrand, who was not much pleased with thechoice, observed in a dry sarcastic tone, "You must send Andre 'aussi', IPray, who is this Andre?"--"I did not mention any Andre; I saidAndreossi. You know Andreossi, the general of artillery?"--"Ah! true;Andreossi: I did not think of him: I was thinking only of the diplomaticmen, and did not recollect any of that name. Yes, yes; Andreossi is inthe artillery!" The general was appointed ambassador, and went to Londonafter the treaty of Amiens; but he returned again in a few months. Hehad nothing of consequence to do, which was very lucky for him. 

In 1802 Jerome was at Brest in the rank of 'enseigne de vaisseau'--[Arank in the navy equivalent to that of our lieutenant. ]--He launchedinto expenses far beyond what his fortune or his pay could maintain. Heoften drew upon me for sums of money which the First Consul paid withmuch unwillingness. One of his letters in particular excited Napoleon'sanger. The epistle was filled with accounts of the entertainments Jeromewas giving and receiving, and ended by stating that he should draw on mefor 17, 000 francs. To this Bonaparte wrote the following reply:--

 I have read your letter, Monsieur l'Enseigne de Vaisseau; and I am waiting to hear that you are studying on board your corvette a profession which you ought to consider as your road to glory. Die young, and I shall have some consolatory reflection; but if you live to sixty without having served your country, and without leaving behind you any honourable recollections, you had better not have lived at all. 

Jerome never fulfilled the wishes of his brother, who always called him alittle profligate. From his earliest years his conduct was often asource of vexation to his brother and his family. Westphalia will notsoon forget that he was her King; and his subjects did not without reasonsurname him "Heliogabalus in miniature. "

The First Consul was harassed by the continual demands for money made onhim by his brothers. To get rid of Joseph, who expended large sums atMortfontaine, as Lucien did at Neuilly, he gave M. Collot the contractfor victualling the navy, on the condition of his paying Joseph 1, 600, 000francs a year out of his profits. I believe this arrangement answeredJoseph's purpose very well; but it was anything but advantageous to M. Collot. I think a whole year elapsed without his pocketing a singlefarthing. He obtained an audience of the First Consul, to whom he statedhis grievances. His outlays he showed were enormous, and he could get nopayment from the navy office. Upon which the Consul angrily interruptedhim, saying, "Do you think I am a mere capuchin? Decres must have100, 000 crowns, Duroc 100, 000, Bourrienne 100, 000; you must make thepayments, and don't come here troubling me with your long stories. It isthe business of my Ministers to give me accounts of such matters; I willhear Decres, and that's enough. Let me be teased no longer with thesecomplaints; I cannot attend to them. " Bonaparte then veryunceremoniously dismissed M. Collot. I learned afterwards that he didnot get a settlement of the business until after a great deal of trouble. M. Collot once said to me, "If he had asked me for as much money as wouldhave built a frigate he should have had it. All I want now is to bepaid, and to get rid of the business. " M. Collot had reason and honouron his side; but there was nothing but shuffling on the other. 

CHAPTER IX. 

1802. 

 Proverbial falsehood of bulletins--M. Doublet--Creation of the Legion of Honour--Opposition to it in the Council and other authorities of the State--The partisans of an hereditary system-- The question of the Consulship for life. 

The historian of these times ought to put no faith in the bulletins, despatches, notes, and proclamations which have emanated from Bonaparte, or passed through his hands. For my part, I believe that the proverb, "As great a liar as a bulletin, " has as much truth in it as the axiom, two and two make four. 

The bulletins always announced what Bonaparte wished to be believed true;but to form a proper judgment on any fact, counter-bulletins must besought for and consulted. It is well known, too, that Bonaparte attachedgreat importance to the place whence he dated his bulletins; thus, hedated his decrees respecting the theatres and Hamburg beef at Moscow. 

The official documents were almost always incorrect. There was falsityin the exaggerated descriptions of his victories, and falsity again inthe suppression or palliation of his reverses and losses. A writer, ifhe took his materials from the bulletins and the official correspondenceof the time, would compose a romance rather than a true history. Of thismany proofs have been given in the present work. 

Another thing which always appeared to me very remarkable was, thatBonaparte, notwithstanding his incontestable superiority, studied todepreciate the reputations of his military commanders, and to throw ontheir shoulders faults which he had committed himself. It is notoriousthat complaints and remonstrances, as energetic as they were wellfounded, were frequently addressed to General Bonaparte on the subject ofhis unjust and partial bulletins, which often attributed the success of aday to some one who had very little to do with it, and made no mention ofthe officer who actually had the command. The complaints made by theofficers and soldiers stationed at Damietta compelled General Lanusse, the commander, to remonstrate against the alteration of a bulletin, bywhich an engagement with a body of Arabs was represented as aninsignificant affair, and the loss trifling, though the General hadstated the action to be one of importance, and the loss considerable. The misstatement, in consequence of his spirited and energeticremonstrances, was corrected. 

Bonaparte took Malta, as is well known, in forty-eight hours. The empireof the Mediterranean, secured to the English by the battle of Aboukir, and their numerous cruising vessels, gave them the means of starving thegarrison, and of thus forcing General Vaubois, the commandant of Malta, who was cut off from all communication with France, to capitulate. Accordingly on the 4th of September 1800 he yielded up the Gibraltar ofthe Mediterranean, after a noble defence of two years. These factsrequire to be stated in order the better to understand what follows. 

On 22d February 1802 a person of the name of Doublet, who was thecommissary of the French Government at Malta when we possessed thatisland, called upon me at the Tuileries. He complained bitterly that theletter which he had written from Malta to the First Consul on the 2dVentose, year VIII. (9th February 1800), had been altered in the'Moniteur'. "I congratulated him, " said M. Doublet, "on the 18thBrumaire, and informed him of the state of Malta, which was veryalarming. Quite the contrary was printed in the 'Moniteur', and that iswhat I complain of. It placed me in a very disagreeable situation atMalta, where I was accused of having concealed the real situation of theisland, in which I was discharging a public function that gave weight tomy words. " I observed to him that as I was not the editor of the'Moniteur' it was of no use to apply to me; but I told him to give me acopy of the letter, and I would mention the subject to the First Consul, and communicate the answer to him. Doublet searched his pocket for theletter, but could not find it. He said he would send a copy, and beggedme to discover how the error originated. On the same day he sent me thecopy of the letter, in which, after congratulating Bonaparte on hisreturn, the following passage occurs:--"Hasten to save Malta with men andprovisions: no time is to be lost. " For this passage these words weresubstituted in the 'Moniteur': "His name inspires the brave defenders ofMalta with fresh courage; we have men and provisions. "

Ignorant of the motives of so strange a perversion, I showed this letterto the First Consul. He shrugged up his shoulders and said, laughing, "Take no notice of him, he is a fool; give yourself no further troubleabout it. "

It was clear there was nothing more to be done. It was, however, indespite of me that M. Doublet was played this ill turn. I represented tothe First Consul the inconveniences which M. Doublet might experiencefrom this affair. But I very rarely saw letters or reports published asthey were received. I can easily understand how particular motives mightbe alleged in order to justify such falsifications; for, when the path ofcandour and good faith is departed from, any pretest is put forward toexcuse bad conduct. What sort of a history would he write who shouldconsult only the pages of the 'Moniteur'?

After the vote for adding a second ten years to the duration ofBonaparte's Consulship he created, on the 19th of May, the order of theLegion of Honour. This institution was soon followed by that of the newnobility. Thus, in a short space of time, the Concordat to tranquillizeconsciences and re-establish harmony in the Church; the decree to recallthe emigrants; the continuance of the Consular power for ten years, byway of preparation for the Consulship for life, and the possession of theEmpire; and the creation, in a country which had abolished alldistinctions, of an order which was to engender prodigies, followedclosely on the heels of each other. The Bourbons, in reviving theabolished orders, were wise enough to preserve along with them the Legionof Honour. 

It has already been seen how, in certain circumstances, the First Consulalways escaped from the consequences of his own precipitation, and gotrid of his blunders by throwing the blame on others--as, for example, inthe affair of the parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte. Hewas indeed so precipitate that one might say, had he been a gardener, hewould have wished to see the fruits ripen before the blossoms had fallenoff. This inconsiderate haste nearly proved fatal to the creation of theLegion of Honour, a project which ripened in his mind as soon as hebeheld the orders glittering at the button-holes of the ForeignMinisters. He would frequently exclaim, "This is well! These are thethings for the people!"

I was, I must confess, a decided partisan of the foundation in France ofa new chivalric order, because I think, in every well-conducted State, the chief of the Government ought to do all in his power to stimulate thehonour of the citizens, and to render them more sensible to honorarydistinctions than to pecuniary advantages. I tried, however, at the sametime to warn the First Consul of his precipitancy. He heard me not; butI must with equal frankness confess that on this occasion I was soonfreed from all apprehension with respect to the consequences of thedifficulties he had to encounter in the Council and in the otherconstituted orders of the State. 

On the 4th of May 1801 he brought forward, for the first timeofficially, in the Council of State the question of the establishment ofthe Legion of Honour, which on the 19th May 1802 was proclaimed a law ofthe State. The opposition to this measure was very great, and all thepower of the First Consul, the force of his arguments, and the immenseinfluence of his position, could procure him no more than 14 votes out of24. The same feeling was displayed at the Tribunate; where the measureonly passed by a vote of 56 to 38. The balance was about the same in theLegislative Body, where the votes were 166 to 110. It follows, then, that out of the 394 voters in those three separate bodies a majority onlyof 78 was obtained. Surprised at so feeble a majority, the First Consulsaid in the evening, "Ah! I see very clearly the prejudices are stilltoo strong. You were right; I should have waited. It was not a thing ofsuch urgency. But then, it must be owned, the speakers for the measuredefended it badly. The strong minority has not judged me fairly. "--"Be calm, " rejoined I: "without doubt it would have been better to wait;but the thing is done, and you will soon find that the taste for thesedistinctions is not near gone by. It is a taste which helongs to thenature of man. You may expect some extraordinary circumstances from thiscreation--you will soon see them. "

In April 1802 the First Consul left no stone unturned to get himselfdeclared Consul for life. It is perhaps at this epoch of his career thathe most brought into play those principles of duplicity and dissimulationwhich are commonly called Machiavellian. Never were trickery, falsehood, cunning, and affected moderation put into play with more talent orsuccess. 

In the month of March hereditary succession and a dynasty were ineverybody's mouths. Lucien was the most violent propagator of theseideas, and he pursued his vocation of apostle with constancy and address. It has already been mentioned that, by his brother's confession; hepublished in 1800 a pamphlet enforcing the same ideas; which workBonaparte afterwards condemned as a premature development of hisprojects. M. De Talleyrand, whose ideas could not be otherwise thanfavourable to the monarchical form of government, was ready to enter intoexplanations with the Cabinets of Europe on the subject. The words whichnow constantly resounded in every ear were "stability and order, " undercloak of which the downfall of the people's right was to be concealed. At the same time Bonaparte, with the view of disparaging the real friendsof constitutional liberty, always called them ideologues, --[I have classed all these people under the denomination of Ideologues, which, besides, is what specially and literally fits them, --searchers after ideas (ideas generally empty). They have been made more ridiculous than even I expected by this application, a correct one, of the term ideologue to them. The phrase has been successful, I believe, because it was mine (Napoleon in Iung's Lucien, tome ii. P, 293). Napoleon welcomed every attack on this description of sage. Much pleased with a discourse by Royer Collard, he said to Talleyrand, "Do you know, Monsieur is Grand Electeur, that a new and serious philosophy is rising in my university, which may do us great honour and disembarrass us completely of the ideologues, slaying them on the spot by reasoning?" It is with something of the same satisfaction that Renan, writing of 1898, says that the finer dreams had been disastrous when brought into the domain of facts, and that human concerns only began to improve when the ideologues ceased to meddle with them (Souvenirs, p. 122). ]--

or terrorists. Madame Bonaparte opposed with fortitude the influence ofcounsels which she believed fatal to her husband. He indeed spokerarely, and seldom confidentially, with her on politics or publicaffairs. "Mind your distaff or your needle, " was with him a commonphrase. The individuals who applied themselves with most perseverance insupport of the hereditary question were Lucien, Roederer, Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely, and Fontanel. Their efforts were aided by the conclusionof peace with England, which, by re-establishing general tranquillity fora time, afforded the First Consul an opportunity of forwarding any plan. 

While the First Consul aspired to the throne of France, his brothers, especially Lucien, affected a ridiculous pride and pretension. Take analmost incredible example of which I was witness. On Sunday, the 9th ofMay, Lucien came to see Madame Bonaparte, who said to him, "Why did younot come to dinner last Monday?"--"Because there was no place marked forme: the brothers of Napoleon ought to have the first place after him. "--"What am I to understand by that?" answered Madame Bonaparte. "If youare the brother of Bonaparte, recollect what you were. At my house allplaces are the same. Eugene world never have committed such a folly. "

 --[On such points there was constant trouble with the Bonapartist family, as will be seen in Madame de Remusat's Memoirs. For an instance, in 1812, where Joseph insisted on his mother taking precedence of Josephine at a dinner in his house, when Napoleon settled the matter by seizing Josephine's arm and leading her in first, to the consternation of the party. But Napoleon, right in this case, had his own ideas on such points, The place of the Princess Elisa, the eldest of his sisters, had been put below that of Caroline, Queen of Naples. Elisa was then only princess of Lucca. The Emperor suddenly rose, and by a shift to the right placed the Princess Elisa above the Queen. 'Now, ' said he, 'do not forget that in the imperial family I am the only King. ' (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. P. 251), This rule he seems to have adhered to, for when he and his brothers went in the same carriage to the Champ de Mai in 1815, Jerome, titular King of Westphalia, had to take the front seat, while his elder brother, Lucien, only bearing the Roman title of Prince de Canino, sat on one of the seats of honour alongside Napoleon. Jerome was disgusted, and grumbled at a King having to give way to a mere Roman Prince, See Iung's Lucien, tome ii. P, 190. ]--

At this period, when the Consulate for life was only in embryo, flattering counsels poured in from all quarters, and tended to encouragethe First Consul in his design of grasping at absolute power. 

Liberty rejected an unlimited power, and set bounds to the means hewished and had to employ in order to gratify his excessive love of warand conquest. "The present state of things, this Consulate of tenyears, " said he to me, does not satisfy me; "I consider it calculated toexcite unceasing troubles. " On the 7th of July 1801, he observed, "Thequestion whether France will be a Republic is still doubtful: it will bedecided in five or six years. " It was clear that he thought this toolong a term. Whether he regarded France as his property, or consideredhimself as the people's delegate and the defender of their rights, I amconvinced the First Consul wished the welfare of France; but then thatwelfare was in his mind inseparable from absolute power. It was withpain I saw him following this course. The friends of liberty, those whosincerely wished to maintain a Government constitutionally free, allowedthemselves to be prevailed upon to consent to an extension of ten yearsof power beyond the ten years originally granted by the constitution. They made this sacrifice to glory and to that power which was itsconsequence; and they were far from thinking they were lending theirsupport to shameless intrigues. They were firm, but for the moment only, and the nomination for life was rejected by the Senate, who voted onlyten years more power to Bonaparte, who saw the vision of his ambitionagain adjourned. 

The First Consul dissembled his displeasure with that profound art which, when he could not do otherwise, he exercised to an extreme degree. To amessage of the Senate on the subject of that nomination he returned acalm but evasive and equivocating answer, in which, nourishing hisfavourite hope of obtaining more from the people than from the Senate, he declared with hypocritical humility, "That he would submit to this newsacrifice if the wish of the people demanded what the Senate authorised. "Such was the homage he paid to the sovereignty of the people, which wassoon to be trampled under his feet!

An extraordinary convocation of the Council of State took place onMonday, the 10th of May. A communication was made to them, not merely ofthe Senate's consultation, but also of the First Consul's adroit andinsidious reply. The Council regarded the first merely as anotification, and proceeded to consider on what question the peopleshould be consulted. Not satisfied with granting to the First Consul tenyears of prerogative, the Council thought it best to strike the ironwhile it was hot, and not to stop short in the middle of so pleasing awork. In fine, they decided that the following question should be put tothe people: "Shall the First Consul be appointed for life, and shall hehave the power of nominating his successor?" The reports of the policehad besides much influence on the result of this discussion, for they oneand all declared that the whole of Paris demanded a Consul for life, withthe right of naming a successor. The decisions on these two questionswere carried as it were by storm. The appointment for life passedunanimously, and the right of naming the successor by a majority. TheFirst Consul, however, formally declared that he condemned this secondmeasure, which had not originated with himself. On receiving thedecision of the Council of State the First Consul, to mask his plan forattaining absolute power, thought it advisable to appear to reject a partof what was offered him. He therefore cancelled that clause whichproposed to give him the power of appointing a successor, and which hadbeen carried by a small majority. 

CHAPTER X. 

1802. 

 General Bernadotte pacifies La vendee and suppresses a mutiny at Tours--Bonaparte's injustice towards him--A premeditated scene-- Advice given to Bernadotte, and Bonaparte disappointed--The First Consul's residence at St. Cloud--His rehearsals for the Empire-- His contempt of mankind--Mr. Fox and Bonaparte--Information of plans of assassination--A military dinner given by Bonaparte--Moreau not of the party--Effect of the 'Senates-consultes' on the Consulate for life--Journey to Plombieres--Previous scene between Lucien and Josephine--Theatrical representations at Neuilly and Malmaison-- Loss of a watch, and honesty rewarded--Canova at St. Cloud-- Bonaparte's reluctance to stand for a model. 

Having arrived at nearly the middle of the career which I have undertakento trace, before I advance farther I must go back for a few moments, as Ihave already frequently done, in order to introduce some circumstanceswhich escaped my recollection, or which I purposely reserved, that Imight place them amongst facts analogous to them: Thus, for instance, Ihave only referred in passing to a man who, since become a monarch, hasnot ceased to honour me with his friendship, as will be seen in thecourse of my Memoirs, since the part we have seen him play in the eventsof the 18th Brumaire. This man, whom the inexplicable combination ofevents has raised to a throne for the happiness of the people he iscalled to govern, is Bernadotte. 

It was evident that hernadotte must necessarily fall into a kind ofdisgrace for not having supported Bonaparte's projects at the period ofthe overthrow of the Directory. The First Consul, however, did not dareto avenge himself openly; but he watched for every opportunity to removeBernadotte from his presence, to place him in difficult situations, andto entrust him with missions for which no precise instructions weregiven, in the hope that hernadotte would commit faults for which theFirst Consul might make him wholly responsible. 

At the commencement of the Consulate the deplorable war in La Vendeeraged in all its intensity. The organization of the Chouans wascomplete, and this civil war caused Bonaparte much more uneasiness thanthat which he was obliged to conduct on the Rhine and in Italy, because, from the success of the Vendeans might arise a question respectinginternal government, the solution of which was likely to be contrary toBonaparte's views. The slightest success of the Vendeans spread alarmamongst the holders of national property; and, besides, there was no hopeof reconciliation between France and England, her eternal and implacableenemy, as long as the flame of insurrection remained unextinguished. 

The task of terminating this unhappy struggle was obviously a difficultone. Bonaparte therefore resolved to impose it on Bernadotte; but thisgeneral's conciliatory disposition, his chivalrous manners, his tendencyto indulgence, and a happy mixture of prudence and firmness, made himsucceed where others would have failed. He finally established goodorder and submission to the laws. 

Some time after the pacification of La Vendee a rebellious dispositionmanifested itself at Tours amongst the soldiers of a regiment stationedthere. The men refused to march until they received their arrears ofpay. Bernadotte, as commander-in-chief of the army of the west, withoutbeing alarmed at the disturbance, ordered the fifty-second demi-brigade--the one in question--to be drawn up in the square of Tours, where, at thevery head of the corps, the leaders of the mutiny were by his ordersarrested without any resistance being offered. Carnot who was thenMinister of War, made a report to the First Consul on this affair, which, but for the firmness of Bernadotte, might have been attended withdisagreeable results. Carnet's report contained a plain statement of thefacts, and of General Bernadotte's conduct. Bonaparte was, however, desirous to find in it some pretext for blaming him, and made me writethese words on the margin of the report: "General Bernadotte did not actdiscreetly in adopting such severe measures against the fifty-seconddemi-brigade, he not having the means, if he had been unsuccessful, ofre-establishing order in a town the garrison of which was not strongenough to subdue the mutineers. "

A few days after, the First Consul having learned that the result of thisaffair was quite different from that which he affected to dread, andbeing convinced that by Bernadotte's firmness alone order had beenrestored, he found himself in some measure constrained to write to theGeneral, and he dictated the following letter to me:

 PARIS, 11th Vendemiaire. Year XI. 

 CITIZEN-GENERAL--I have read with interest the account of what you did to re-establish order in the fifty-second demi-brigade, and also the report of General Liebert, dated the 5th Vendemiaire. Tell that officer that the Government is satisfied with his conduct. His promotion from the rank of Colonel to that of General of brigade is confirmed. I wish that brave officer to come to Paris. He has afforded an example of firmness and energy which does honour to a soldier. (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

Thus in the same affair Bonaparte, in a few days, from the spontaneousexpression of blame dictated by hate, was reduced to the necessity ofdeclaring his approbation, which he did, as may be seen, with studiedcoldness, and even taking pains to make his praises apply to ColonelLiebert, and not to the general-in-chief. 

Time only served to augment Bonaparte's dislike of Bernadotte. It mightbe said that the farther he advanced in his rapid march towards absolutepower the more animosity he cherished against the individual who hadrefused to aid his first steps in his adventurous career. At the sametime the persons about Bonaparte who practised the art of flatteringfailed not to multiply reports and insinuations against Bernadotte. I recollect one day, when there was to be a grand public levee, seeingBonaparte so much out of temper that I asked him the cause of it. "I canbear it no longer, " he replied impetuously. "I have resolved to have ascene with Bernadotte to-day. He will probably be here. I will open thefire, let what will come of it. He may do what he pleases. We shallsee! It is time there should be an end of this. "

I had never before observed the First Consul so violently irritated. He was in a terrible passion, and I dreaded the moment when the levee wasto open. When he left me to go down to the salon I availed myself of theopportunity to get there before him, which I could easily do, as thesalon was not twenty steps from the cabinet. By good luck Bernadotte wasthe first person I saw. He was standing in the recess of a window whichlooked on the square of the Carrousel. To cross the salon and reach theGeneral was the work of a moment. "General!" said I, "trust me andretire!--I have good reasons for advising it!" Bernadotte, seeing myextreme anxiety, and aware of the sincere sentiments of esteem endfriendship which I entertained for him, consented to retire, and Iregarded this as a triumph; for, knowing Bernadotte's frankness ofcharacter and his nice sense of honour, I was quite certain that he wouldnot submit to the harsh observations which Bonaparte intended to addressto him. My stratagem had all the success I could desire. The FirstConsul suspected nothing, and remarked only one thing, which was that hisvictim was absent. When the levee was over he said to me, "What do youthink of it, Bourrienne?---Bernadotte did not come. "--"So much the betterfor him, General, " was my reply. Nothing further happened. The FirstConsul on returning from Josephine found me in the cabinet, andconsequently could suspect nothing, and my communication with Bernadottedid not occupy five minutes. Bernadotte always expressed himself muchgratified with the proof of friendship I gave him at this delicateconjuncture. The fact is, that from a disposition of my mind, which Icould not myself account for, the more Bonaparte'a unjust hatred ofBernadotte increased the more sympathy and admiration I felt for thenoble character of the latter. 

The event in question occurred in the spring of 1802. It was at thisperiod that Bonaparte first occupied St. Cloud, which he was much pleasedwith, because he found himself more at liberty there than at theTuileries; which palace is really only a prison for royalty, as there asovereign cannot even take the air at a window without immediately beingthe object of the curiosity of the public, who collect in large crowds. At St. Cloud, on the contrary, Bonaparte could walk out from his cabinetand prolong his promenade without being annoyed by petitioners. One ofhis first steps was to repair the cross road leading from St. Cloud toMalmaison, between which places Bonaparte rode in a quarter of an hour. This proximity to the country, which he liked, made staying at St. Cloudyet pleasanter to him. It was at St. Cloud that the First Consul made, if I may so express it, his first rehearsals of the grand drama of theEmpire. It was there he began to introduce, in external forms, thehabits and etiquette which brought to mind the ceremonies of sovereignty. He soon perceived the influence which pomp of ceremony, brilliancy ofappearance, and richness of costume, exercise over the mass of mankind. "Men, " he remarked to me a this period, "well deserve the contempt I feelfor them. I have only to put some gold lace on the coats of my virtuousrepublicans and they immediately become just what I wish them. "

I remember one day, after one of his frequent sallies of contempt forhuman kind, I observed to him that although baubles might excite vulgaradmiration, there were some distinguished men who did not permitthemselves to be fascinated by their allurements; and I mentioned thecelebrated Fox by way of example, who, previous to the conclusion of thepeace of Amiens, visited Paris, where he was remarked for his extremesimplicity. The First Consul said, "Ah! you are right with respect tohim. Mr. Fox is a truly great man, and pleases me much. "

In fact, Bonaparte always received Mr. Fox's visits with the greatestsatisfaction; and after every conversation they had together he neverfailed to express to me the pleasure which he experienced in discoursingwith a man every way worthy of the great celebrity he had attained. He considered him a very superior man, and wished he might have to treatwith him in his future negotiations with England. It may be supposedthat Mr. Fox, on his part, never forgot the terms of intimacy, I may sayof confidence, on which he had been with the First Consul. In fact, heon several occasions informed him in time of war of the plots formedagainst his life. Less could not be expected from a man of so noble acharacter. I can likewise affirm, having more than once been inpossession of proofs of the fact, that the English Government constantlyrejected with indignation all such projects. I do not mean those whichhad for their object the overthrow of the Consular or ImperialGovernment, but all plans of assassination and secret attacks on theperson of Bonaparte, whether First Consul or Emperor. I will hererequest the indulgence of the reader whilst I relate a circumstance whichoccurred a year before Mr. Fox's journey to Paris; but as it refers toMoreau, I believe that the transposition will be pardoned more easilythan the omission. 

During the summer 1801 the First Consul took a fancy to give a grandmilitary dinner at a restaurateur's. The restaurateur he favoured withhis company was Veri, whose establishment was situated on the terrace ofthe Feuillans with an entrance into the garden of the Tuileries. Bonaparte did not send an invitation to Moreau, whom I met by chance thatday in the following manner:--The ceremony of the dinner at Veri'sleaving me at liberty to dispose of my time, I availed myself of it to goand dine at a restaurateur's named Rose, who then enjoyed great celebrityamongst the distinguished gastronomes. I dined in company with M. Carbonnet, a friend of Moreau's family, and two or three other persons. Whilst we were at table in the rotunda we were informed by the waiter whoattended on us that General Moreau and his wife, with Lacuee and twoother military men, were in an adjoining apartment. Suchet, who haddined at Veri's, where he said everything was prodigiously dull, onrising from the table joined Moreau's party. These details we learnedfrom M. Carbonnet, who left us for a few moments to see the General andMadame Moreau. 

Bonaparte's affectation in not inviting Moreau at the moment when thelatter had returned a conqueror from the army of the Rhine, and at thesame time the affectation of Moreau in going publicly the same day todine at another restaurateur's, afforded ground for the supposition thatthe coolness which existed between them would soon be converted intoenmity. The people of Paris naturally thought that the conqueror ofMarengo might, without any degradation, have given the conqueror ofHohenlinden a seat at his table. 

By the commencement of the year 1802 the Republic had ceased to beanything else than a fiction, or an historical recollection. All thatremained of it was a deceptive inscription on the gates of the Palace. Even at the time of his installation at the Tuileries, Bonaparte hadcaused the two trees of liberty which were planted in the court to be cutdown; thus removing the outward emblems before he destroyed the reality. But the moment the Senatorial decisions of the 2d and 4th of August werepublished it was evident to the dullest perceptions that the power of theFirst Consul wanted nothing but a name. 

After these 'Consultes' Bonaparte readily accustomed himself to regardthe principal authorities of the State merely as necessary instrumentsfor the exercise of his power. Interested advisers then crowded roundhim. It was seriously proposed that he should restore the ancienttitles, as being more in harmony with the new power which the people hadconfided to him than the republican forms. He was still of opinion, however, according to his phrase, that "the pear was not yet ripe, " andwould not hear this project spoken of for a moment. "All this, " he saidto me one day, "will come in good time; but you must see, Bourrienne, that it is necessary I should, in the first place, assume a title, fromwhich the others that I will give to everybody will naturally take theirorigin. The greatest difficulty is surmounted. There is no longer anyperson to deceive. Everybody sees as clear as day that it is only onestep which separates the throne from the Consulate for life. However, wemust be cautious. There are some troublesome fellows in the Tribunate, but I will take care of them. "

Whilst these serious questions agitated men's minds the greater part ofthe residents at Malmaison took a trip to Plombieres. Josephine, Bonaparte's mother, Madame Beauharnais-Lavallette, Hortense, and GeneralRapp, were of this party. It pleased the fancy of the jocund company toaddress to me a bulletin of the pleasant and unpleasant occurrences ofthe journey. I insert this letter merely as a proof of the intimacywhich existed between the writers and myself. It follows, precisely as Ihave preserved it, with the exception of the blots, for which it will beseen they apologised. 

 AN ACCOUNT OF THE JOURNEY TO PLOMBIERES. To the Inhabitants of Malmaison. 

The whole party left Malmaison in tears, which brought on such dreadfulheadaches that all the amiable persons were quite overcome by the idea ofthe journey. Madame Bonaparte, mere, supported the fatigues of thismemorable day with the greatest courage; but Madame Bonaparte, Consulesse, did not show any. The two young ladies who sat in thedormouse, Mademoiselle Hortense and Madame Lavallette, were rivalcandidates for a bottle of Eau de Cologne; and every now and then theamiable M. Rapp made the carriage stop for the comfort of his poor littlesick heart, which overflowed with bile: in fine, he was obliged to taketo bed on arriving at Epernay, while the rest of the amiable party triedto drown their sorrows in champagne. The second day was more fortunateon the score of health and spirits, but provisions were wanting, andgreat were the sufferings of the stomach. The travellers lived on thehope of a good supper at Toul; but despair was at its height when, on arriving there, they found only a wretched inn, and nothing in it. We saw some odd-looking folks there, which indemnified us a little forspinach dressed in lamp-oil, and red asparagus fried with curdled milk. Who would not have been amused to see the Malmaison gourmands seated at atable so shockingly served!

In no record of history is there to be found a day passed in distress sodreadful as that on which we arrived at Plombieres. On departing fromToul we intended to breakfast at Nancy, for every stomach had been emptyfor two days; but the civil and military authorities came out to meet us, and prevented us from executing our plan. We continued our route, wasting away, so that you might, see us growing thinner every moment. To complete our misfortune, the dormouse, which seemed to have taken afancy to embark on the Moselle for Metz, barely escaped an overturn. But at Plombieres we have been well compensated for this unlucky journey, for on our arrival we were received with all kinds of rejoicings. Thetown was illuminated, the cannon fired, and the faces of handsome womenat all the windows give us reason to hope that we shall bear our absencefrom Malmaison with the less regret. 

With the exception of some anecdotes, which we reserve for chit-chat onour return, you have here a correct account of our journey, which we, theundersigned, hereby certify. 

JOSEPHINE BONAPARTE. BEAUHARNAIS-LAPALLETTE. HORTENSE BEAUHARNAIS. RAPP. BONAPARTE, mere. 

The company ask pardon for the blots. 21st Messidor. 

It is requested that the person who receives this journal will show it toall who take an interest in the fair travellers. 

This journey to Plombieres was preceded by a scene which I should abstainfrom describing if I had not undertaken to relate the truth respectingthe family of the First Consul. Two or three days before her departureMadame Bonaparte sent for me. I obeyed the summons, and found her intears. "What a man-what a man is that Lucien!" she exclaimed in accentsof grief. "If you knew, my friend, the shameful proposals he has daredto make to me! 'You are going to the waters, ' said he; 'you must get achild by some other person since you cannot have one by him. ' Imaginethe indignation with which I received such advice. 'Well, ' he continued, 'if you do not wish it, or cannot help it, Bonaparte must get a child byanother woman, and you must adopt it, for it is necessary to secure anhereditary successor. It is for your interest; you must know that. '--'What, sir!' I replied, 'do you imagine the nation will suffer a bastardto govern it? Lucien! Lucien! you would ruin your brother! This isdreadful! Wretched should I be, were any one to suppose me capable oflistening, without horror, to your infamous proposal! Your ideas arepoisonous; your language horrible!'--'Well, Madame, ' retorted he, 'all Ican say to that is, that I am really sorry for you!'"

The amiable Josephine was sobbing whilst she described this scene to me, and I was not insensible to the indignation which she felt. The truthis, that at that period Lucien, though constantly affecting to despisepower for himself, was incessantly labouring to concentrate it in thehands of his brother; and he considered three things necessary to thesuccess of his views, namely, hereditary succession, divorce, and theImperial Government. 

Lucien had a delightful house near Neuilly. Some days before thedeplorable scene which I have related he invited Bonaparte and all theinmates at Malmaison to witness a theatrical representation. 'Alzire'was the piece performed. Elise played Alzire, and Lucien, Zamore. Thewarmth of their declarations, the energetic expression of their gestures, the too faithful nudity of costume, disgusted most of the spectators, andBonaparte more than any other. When the play was over he was quiteindignant. "It is a scandal, " he said to me in an angry tone; "I oughtnot to suffer such indecencies--I will give Lucien to understand that Iwill have no more of it. " When his brother had resumed his own dress, and came into the salon, he addressed him publicly, and gave him tounderstand that he must for the future desist from such representations. When we returned to Malmaison; he again spoke of what had passed withdissatisfaction. "What!" said he, "when I am endeavouring to restorepurity of manners, my brother and sister must needs exhibit themselvesupon the boards almost in a state of nudity! It is an insult!"

Lucien had a strong predilection for theatrical exhibitions, to which heattached great importance. The fact is, he declaimed in a superiorstyle, and might have competed with the best professional actors. It wassaid that the turban of Orosmane, the costume of America, the Roman toga, or the robe of the high priest of Jerusalem, all became him equally well;and I believe that this was the exact truth. Theatrical representationswere not confined to Neuilly. We had our theatre and our company ofactors at Malmaison; but there everything was conducted with the greatestdecorum; and now that I have got behind the scenes, I will not quit themuntil I have let the reader into the secrets of our drama. 

By the direction of the First Consul a very pretty little theatre wasbuilt at Malmaison. Our usual actors were Eugene BEAUHARNAIS, Hortense, Madame Murat, Lauriston, M. Didelot, one of the prefects of the Palace, some other individuals belonging to the First Consul's household, andmyself. Freed from the cares of government, which we confined as much aspossible to the Tuileries, we were a very happy colony at Malmaison; and, besides, we were young, and what is there to which youth does not addcharms? The pieces which the First Consul most liked to see us performwere, 'Le Barbier de Seville' and 'Defiance et Malice'. In Le BarbierLauriston played the part of Count Almaviva; Hortense, Rosins; Eugene, Basil; Didelot, Figaro; I, Bartholo; and Isabey, l'Aveille. Our otherstock pieces were, Projets de Mariage, La Gageltre, the Dapit Anloureux, in which I played the part of the valet; and L'Impromptu de Campagne, inwhich I enacted the Baron, having for my Baroness the young and handsomeCaroline Murat. 

Hortense's acting was perfection, Caroline was middling, Eugene playedvery well, Lauriston was rather heavy, Didelot passable, and I mayventure to assert, without vanity, that I was not quite the worst of thecompany. If we were not good actors it was not for want of goodinstruction and good advice. Talma and Michot came to direct us, andmade us rehearse before them, sometimes altogether and sometimesseparately. How many lessons have I received from Michot whilst walkingin the beautiful park of Malmaison! And may I be excused for saying, that I now experience pleasure in looking back upon these trifles, whichare matters of importance when one is young, and which contrasted sosingularly with the great theatre on which we did not representfictitious characters? We had, to adopt theatrical language, a goodsupply of property. Bonaparte presented each of us with a collection ofdramas very well bound; and, as the patron of the company, he provided uswith rich and elegant dresses. 

--[While Bourrienne, belonging to the Malmaison company, consideredthat the acting at Neuilly was indecent, Lucien, who refused to act atMalmaison, naturally thought the Malmaison troupe was dull. "Hortenseand Caroline filled the principal parts. They were very commonplace. Inthis they followed the unfortunate Marie Antoinette and her companions. Louis XVI. , not naturally polite, when seeing them act, had said that itwas royally badly acted" (see Madame Campan's Life of Marie Antoinette, tome i. P. 299). "The First Consul said of his troupe that it wassovereignly badly acted". . . Murat, Lannes, and even Caroline ranted. Elisa, who, having been educated at Saint Cyr, spoke purely and withoutaccent, refused to act. Janot acted well the drunken parts, and even theothers he undertook. The rest were decidedly bad. Worse thanbad--ridiculous. (Lucien's, tome ii. P. 256). Rival actors arenot fair critics. Let us hear Madame Junot (tome ii. P. 103). "Thecleverest of our company was M. De Bourrienne. He played the moredignified characters in real perfection, and his talent was the morepleasing as it was not the result of study, but of a perfectcomprehension of his part. " And she goes on to say that even the bestprofessional actors might have learnt from him in some parts. Theaudience was not a pleasant one to face. It was the First Consul'shabit to invite forty persons to dinner, and a hundred and fifty for theevening, and consequently to hear, criticise, and banter us withoutmercy" (Memoirs of Duchesse d'Abrantes, tome ii. P. 108). ]--

Bonaparte took great pleasure in our performances. He liked to see playsacted by persons with whom he was familiar. Sometimes he complimented uson our exertions. Although I was as much amused with the thing asothers, I was more than once obliged to remind him that my occupationsleft me but little time to learn my parts. Then he would assume hiscoaxing manner and say, "Come, do not vex me! You have such a memory!You know that it amuses me. You see that these performances renderMalmaison gay and animated; Josephine takes much pleasure in them. Riseearlier in the morning. --In fact, I sleep too much; is not that thecafe--Come, Bourrienne, do oblige me. You make me laugh so heartily!Do not deprive me of this pleasure. I have not over much amusement, asyou well know. "--"All, truly! I would not deprive you of any pleasure. I am delighted to be able to contribute to your amusement. " After aconversation of this sort I could not do less than set about studying mypart. 

At this period, during summer, I had half the Sunday to myself. I was, however, obliged to devote a portion of this precious leisure to pleasingBonaparte by studying a new part as a surprise for him. Occasionally, however, I passed the time at Ruel. I recollect that one day, when I hadhurried there from Malmaison, I lost a beautiful watch made by Breguet. It was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the road was that day throngedwith people. I made my loss publicly known by means of the crier ofRuel. An hour after, as I was sitting down to table, a young ladbelonging to the village brought me my watch. He had found it on thehigh road in a wheel rut. I was pleased with the probity of this youngman, and rewarded both him and his father, who accompanied him. Ireiterated the circumstance the same evening to the First Consul, who wasso struck with this instance of honesty that he directed me to procureinformation respecting the young man and his family. I learned that theywere honest peasants. Bonaparte gave employment to three brothers ofthis family; and, what was most difficult to persuade him to, he exemptedthe young man who brought me the watch from the conscription. 

When a fact of this nature reached Bonaparte's ear it was seldom that hedid not give the principal actor in it some proof of his satisfaction. Two qualities predominated in his character--kindness and impatience. Impatience, when he was under its influence, got the better of him; itwas then impossible for him to control himself. I had a remarkable proofof it about this very period. 

Canova having arrived in Paris came to St. Cloud to model the figure ofthe First Consul, of whom he was about to make a colossal statue. Thisgreat artist came often, in the hope of getting his model to stand in theproper attitude; but Bonaparte was so tired, disgusted, and fretted bythe process, that he very seldom put himself in the required attitude, and then only for a short time. Bonaparte notwithstanding had thehighest regard for Canova. Whenever he was announced the First Consulsent me to keep him company until he was at leisure to give him asitting; but he would shrug up his shoulders and say, "More modeling!Good Heavens, how vexatious!" Canova expressed great displeasure at notbeing able to study his model as he wished to do, and the little anxietyof Bonaparte on the subject damped the ardour of his imagination. Everybody agrees in saying that he has not succeeded in the work, and Ihave explained the reason. The Duke of Wellington afterwards possessedthis colossal statue, which was about twice his own height. 

CHAPTER XI. 

1802. 

 Bonaparte's principle as to the change of Ministers--Fouche--His influence with the First Consul--Fouche's dismissal--The departments of Police and Justice united under Regnier--Madame Bonaparte's regret for the dismissal of Fouche--Family scenes--Madame Louis Bonaparte's pregnancy--False and infamous reports to Josephine-- Legitimacy and a bastard--Raederer reproached by Josephine--Her visit to Ruel--Long conversation with her--Assertion at St. Helena respecting a great political fraud. 

It is a principle particularly applicable to absolute governments that aprince should change his ministers as seldom as possible, and neverexcept upon serious grounds. Bonaparte acted on this principle whenFirst Consul, and also when he became Emperor. He often allowed unjustcauses to influence him, but he never dismissed a Minister without cause;indeed, he more than once, without any reason, retained Ministers longerthan he ought to have done in the situations in which he had placed them. Bonaparte's tenacity in this respect, in some instances, produced veryopposite results. For instance, it afforded M. Gaudin' time to establisha degree of order in the administration of Finance which hefore his timehad never existed; and on the other hand, it enabled M. Decres to reducethe Ministry of Marine to an unparalleled state of confusion. 

Bonaparte saw nothing in men but helps and obstacles. On the 18thBrumaire Fouche was a help. The First Consul feared that he would becomean obstacle; it was necessary, therefore, to think of dismissing him. Bonaparte's most sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed toFouche's having any share in the Government. But their disinterestedadvice produced no other result than their own disgrace, so influential aperson had Fouche become. How could it be otherwise? Fouche wasidentified with the Republic by the death of the King, for which he hadvoted; with the Reign of Terror by his sanguinary missions to Lyons andNevers; with the Consulate by his real though perhaps exaggeratedservices; with Bonaparte by the charm with which he might be said to havefascinated him; with Josephine by the enmity of the First Consul'sbrothers. Who would believe it? Fouche ranked the enemies of theRevolution amongst his warmest partisans. They overwhelmed him witheulogy, to the disparagement even of the Head of the State, because thecunning Minister, practising an interested indulgence, set himself up asthe protector of individuals belonging to classes which, when he wasproconsul, he had attacked in the mass. Director of public opinion, andhaving in his hands the means at his pleasure of inspiring fear or ofentangling by inducements, it was all in his favour that he had alreadydirected this opinion. The machinery he set in motion was so calculatedthat the police was rather the police of Fouche than that of the Ministerof the General Police. Throughout Paris, and indeed throughout allFrance, Fouche obtained credit for extraordinary ability; and the popularopinion was correct in this respect, namely, that no man ever displayedsuch ability in making it be supposed that he really possessed talent. Fouche's secret in this particular is the whole secret of the greaterpart of those persons who are called statesmen. 

Be this as it may, the First Consul did not behold with pleasure thefactitious influence of which Fouche had possessed himself. For sometime past, to the repugnance which at bottom he had felt towards. Fouche, were added other causes of discontent. In consequence of havingbeen deceived by secret reports and correspondence Bonaparte began toshrug up his shoulders with an expression of regret when he receivedthem, and said, "Would you believe, Bourrienne, that I have been imposedon by these things? All such denunciations are useless--scandalous. All the reports from prefects and the police, all the interceptedletters, are a tissue of absurdities and lies. I desire to have no moreof them. " He said so, but he still received them. However, Fouche'sdismissal was resolved upon. But though Bonaparte wished to get rid ofhim, still, under the influence of the charm, he dared not proceedagainst him without the greatest caution. He first resolved upon thesuppression of the office of Minister of Police in order to disguise themotive for the removal of the Minister. The First Consul told Fouchethat this suppression, which he spoke of as being yet remote, wascalculated more than anything else to give strength to the Government, since it would afford a proof of the security and internal tranquillityof France. Overpowered by the arguments with which Bonaparte supportedhis proposition, Fouche could urge no good reasons in opposition to it, but contented himself with recommending that the execution of the design, which was good in intention, should, however, be postponed for two years. Bonaparte appeared to listen favourably to Fouche's recommendation, who, as avaricious for money as Bonaparte of glory, consoled himself bythinking that for these two years the administration of the gaming tableswould still be for him a Pactolus flowing with gold. For Fouche, alreadythe possessor of an immense fortune, always dreamed of increasing it, though he himself did not know how to enjoy it. With him the ambition ofenlarging the bounds of his estate of Pont-Carre was not less felt thanwith the First Consul the ambition of extending the frontier of France. 

Not only did the First Consul not like Fouche, but it is perfectly truethat at this time the police wearied and annoyed him. Several times hetold me he looked on it as dangerous, especially for the possessor ofpower. In a Government without the liberty of the press he was quiteright. The very services which the police had rendered to the FirstConsul were of a nature to alarm him, for whoever had conspired againstthe Directory in favour of the Consulate might also conspire against theConsulate in favour of any other Government. It is needless to say thatI only allude to the political police, and not to the municipal police, which is indispensable for large towns, and which has the honourablemission of watching over the health and safety of the citizens. 

Fouche, as has been stated, had been Minister of Police since the 18thBrumaire. Everybody who was acquainted with, the First Consul'scharacter was unable to explain the ascendency which he had sufferedFouche to acquire over him, and of which Bonaparte himself was reallyimpatient. He saw in Fouche a centre around which all the interests ofthe Revolution concentrated themselves, and at this he felt indignant;but, subject to a species of magnetism, he could not break the charmwhich enthralled him. When he spoke of Fouche in his absence hislanguage was warm, bitter, and hostile. When Fouche was present, Bonaparte's tone was softened, unless some public scene was to be actedlike that which occurred after the attempt of the 3d Nivose. 

The suppression of the Ministry of Police being determined on, Bonapartedid not choose to delay the execution of his design, as he had pretendedto think necessary. On the evening of the 12th of September we went toMortfontaine. We passed the next day, which was Monday, at that place, and it was there, far removed from Fouche, and urged by the combinedpersuasions of Joseph and Lucien, that the First Consul signed the decreeof suppression. The next morning we returned to Paris. Fouche came toMalmaison, where we were, in the regular execution of his duties. TheFirst Consul transacted business with him as usual without daring to tellhim of his dismissal, and afterwards sent Cambaceres to inform him of it. After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, Bonapartestill endeavoured to modify his rigour. Having appointed Fouche aSenator, he said in the letter which he wrote to the Senate to notify theappointment:

 "Fouche, as Minister of Police, in times of difficulty, has by his talent, his activity, and his attachment to the Government done all that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the Senate, if events should again call for a Minister of Police the Government cannot find one more worthy of its confidence. "

From this moment the departments of Justice and Police united wereconfided to the hands of Regnier. ' Bonaparte's aversion for Fouchestrangely blinded him with respect to the capabilities of his successor. Besides, how could the administration of justice, which rests on fixed, rigid, and unchangeable bases, proceed hand in hand with anotheradministration placed on the quicksand of instantaneous decisions, andsurrounded by stratagems and deceptions? Justice should never haveanything to do with secret police, unless it be to condemn it. 

 --[M. Abrial, Minister of Justice, was called to the Senate at the same time as Fouche. Understanding that the assimilation of the two men was more a disgrace to Abrial than the mere loss of the Ministry, the First Consul said to M. Abrial: "In uniting the Ministry of Police to that of Justice I could not retain you in the Ministry, you are too upright a man to manage the police. " Not a flattering speech for Regnier. --Bourrienne. ]--

What could be expected from Regnier, charged as he was with incompatiblefunctions? What, under such circumstances, could have been expected evenfrom a man gifted with great talents? Such was the exact history ofFouche's disgrace. No person was more afflicted at it than MadameBonaparte, who only leaned the news when it was announced to the public. Josephine, on all occasions, defended Fouche against her husband'ssallies. She believed that he was the only one of his Ministers who toldhim the truth. She had such a high opinion of the way in which Fouchemanaged the police that the first time I was alone with her after ourreturn from Mortfontaine she said to me, "My dear Bourrienne; speakopenly to me; will Napoleon know all about the plots from the police ofMoncey, Duroc, Junot, and of Davoust? You know better than I do thatthese are only wretched spies. Has not Savary also eventually got hispolice? How all this alarms me. They take away all my supports, andsurround me only with enemies. "--"To justify your regrets we should besure that Fouche has never been in agreement with Lucien in favour of thedivorce. "--"Oh, I do not believe that. Bonaparte does not like him, andhe would have been certain to tell me of it when I spoke favourably tohim of Fouche. You will see that his brothers will end by bringing himinto their plan. "

I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct ofJoseph, but more particularly of Lucien, towards her; I will thereforedescribe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouche, whom MadameBonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about thisperiod at Malmaison. Having been the confidant of both parties, and aninvoluntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years havepassed since they occurred what motive can induce me to disguise thetruth in any respect?

Madame Louis Bonaparte was enceinte. Josephine, although she tenderlyloved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event whichthe situation of her daughter indicated with the interest natural to theheart of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reportscirculated respecting the supposed connection between Hortense and theFirst Consul, and that base accusation cost her many tears. PoorJosephine paid dearly for the splendour of her station! As I knew howdevoid of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured toconsole her by telling her what was true, that I was exerting all myefforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, however, dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards him from allquarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly vanity. Heendeavoured to persuade her that these reports had their origin only inthe wish of the public that he should have a child, so that these seemingconsolations offered by self-love to Josephine's grief gave force toexisting conjugal alarms, and the fear of divorce returned with all itshorrors. Under the foolish illusion of his vanity Bonaparte imaginedthat France was desirous of being governed even by a bastard if supposedto be a child of his, --a singular mode truly of founding a newlegitimacy!

Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me even now excusable, wellknew my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, andshe had not forgotten my conduct when two years before the question hadbeen agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII. 's letters to the FirstConsul. I remember that one day, after the publication of the parallelof Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine having entered our cabinetwithout being announced, which she sometimes did when from the goodhumour exhibited at breakfast she reckoned upon its continuance, approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her handgently through his hair and over his face, and thinking the momentfavourable, said to him in a burst of tenderness, "I entreat of you, Bonaparte, do not make yourself a King! It is that wretch Lucien whourges you to it. Do not listen to him!" Bonaparte replied, withoutanger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last words, "You are mad, my poor Josephine. It is your old dowagers of the Faubourg St. Germain, your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you all these fables!. .. Come now, youinterrupt me--leave me alone. "

What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife I have oftenheard him declare seriously. I have been present at five or sixaltercations on the subject. That there existed, too, an enmityconnected with this question between the family of BEAUHARNAIS and thefamily of Bonaparte cannot be denied. 

Fouche, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucienwas the most bitter of her enemies. One day Raederer inveighed with somuch violence against Fouche in the presence of Madame Bonaparte that shereplied with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte are those whofeed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce, and of marriage!" Josephine could not check this exclamation, as sheknew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad byLucien's direction. I recollect one day when she had been to see us atour little house at Ruel: as I walked with her along the high road to hercarriage, which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too unreservedly myfears on account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidiousadvice of his brothers. "Madame, " said I, "if we cannot succeed indissuading the General from making himself a King, I dread the future forhis sake. If ever he re-establishes royalty he will in all probabilitylabour for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to re-ascend the thronewhich he shall erect. No one, doubtless, without passing for a fool, canpretend to say with certainty what series of chances and events such aproceeding will produce; but common sense alone is sufficient to convinceany one that unfavourable chances must long be dreaded. The ancientsystem being re-established, the occupation of the throne will then beonly a family question, and not a question of government between libertyand despotic power. Why should not France, if it ceases to be free, prefer the race of her ancient kings? You surely know it. You had notbeen married two years when, on returning from Italy, your husband toldme that he aspired to royalty. Now he is Consul for life. Would he butresolve to stop there! He already possesses everything but an emptytitle. No sovereign in Europe has so much power as he has. I am sorryfor it, Madame, but I really believe that, in spite of yourself, you willbe made Queen or Empress. "

Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without interruption, but when Ipronounced the words Queen and Empress she exclaimed, "My God!Bourrienne, such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may alwayscontinue the wife of the First Consul is all I desire. Say to him allthat you have said to me. Try and prevent him from making himselfKing. "--"Madame, " I replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men, the strongest minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed histendency to the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He wouldnot listen to me. In all discussions on the subject he adheresinflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed hisanger knows no bounds; his language is harsh and abrupt, his toneimperious, and his authority bears down all before him. "--"Yet, Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you that of you should try oncemore!"--"Madame, I assure you he will not listen to me. Besides, whatcould I add to the remarks I made upon his receiving the letters of LouisXVIII. , when I fearlessly represented to him that heing without childrenhe would have no one to whom to bequeath the throne--that, doubtless, from the opinion which he entertained of his brothers, he could notdesire to erect it for them?" Here Josephine again interrupted me byexclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of children did he sayanything to you? Did he talk of a divorce?"--"Not a word, Madame, Iassure you. "--"If they do not urge him to it, I do not believe he willresolve to do such a thing. You know how he likes Eugene, and Eugenebehaves so well to him. How different is Lucien. It is that wretchLucien, to whom Bonaparte listens too much, and of whom, however, healways speaks ill to me. "--"I do not know, Madame, what Lucien says tohis brother except when he chooses to tell me, because Lucien alwaysavoids having a witness of his interviews with your husband, but I canassure you that for two years I have not heard the word 'divorce' fromthe General's mouth. "--"I always reckon on you, my dear Bourrienne; toturn him away from it; as you did at that time. "--"I do not believe he isthinking of it, but if it recurs to him, consider, Madame, that it willbe now from very different motives: He is now entirely given up to theinterests of his policy and his ambition, which dominate every otherfeeling in him. There will not now be any question of scandal, or of atrial before a court, but of an act of authority which complaisant lawswill justify and which the Church perhaps will sanction. "--"That's true. You are right. Good God! how unhappy I am. "

 --[When Bourrienne complains of not knowing what passed between Lucien and Napoleon, we can turn to Lucien's account of Bourrienne, apparently about this very time. "After a stormy interview with Napoleon, " says Lucien, "I at once went into the cabinet where Bourrienne was working, and found that unbearable busybody of a secretary, whose star had already paled more than once, which made him more prying than ever, quite upset by the time the First Consul had taken to come out of his bath. He must, or at least might, have heard some noise, for enough had been made. Seeing that he wanted to know the cause from me, I took up a newspaper to avoid being bored by his conversation" (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. P. 156)]--

Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with MadameBonaparte on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not perhapsbe uninteresting to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said atSt. Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the MemorialNapoleon there stated that when Josephine was at last constrained torenounce all hope of having a child, she often let fall allusions to agreat political fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I makeno doubt Bonaparte made use of words to this effect, but I do not believethe assertion. I recollect one day that Bonaparte, on entering ourcabinet, where I was already seated, exclaimed in a transport of joyimpossible for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at lastenceinte!" I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesythan from any hope of seeing him made a father by Josephine, for I wellremembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte, had nevertheless assured me that he expected no result from them. Medicine was really the only political fraud to which Josephine hadrecourse; and in her situation what other woman would not have done asmuch? Here, then, the husband and the wife are in contradiction, whichis nothing uncommon. But on which side is truth? I have no hesitationin referring it to Josephine. There is indeed an immense differencebetween the statements of a women--trusting her fears and her hopes tothe sole confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declaration of aman who, after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition leveled with thedust, is only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to preserve intact andspotless the other great edifice of his glory. Bonaparte should haverecollected that Caesar did not like the idea of his wife being evensuspected. 

CHAPTER XII. 

1802. 

 Citizen Fesch created Cardinal Fesch--Arts and industry--Exhibition in the Louvre--Aspect of Paris in 1802--The Medicean Venus and the Velletrian Pallas--Signs of general prosperity--Rise of the funds-- Irresponsible Ministers--The Bourbons--The military Government-- Annoying familiarity of Lannes--Plan laid for his disgrace-- Indignation of Lannes--His embassy to Portugal--The delayed despatch--Bonaparte's rage--I resign my situation--Duroc-- I breakfast with Bonaparte--Duroc's intercession--Temporary reconciliation. 

Citizen Fesch, who, when we were forced to stop at Ajaccio on our returnfrom Egypt, discounted at rather a high rate the General-in-Chief'sEgyptian sequins, became again the Abbe Fesch, as soon as Bonaparte byhis Consular authority re-erected the altars which the Revolution hadoverthrown. On the 15th of August 1802 he was consecrated Bishop, andthe following year received the Cardinal's hat. Thus Bonaparte tookadvantage of one of the members of his family being in orders to elevatehim to the highest dignities of the Church. He afterwards gave CardinalFesch the Archbishopric of Lyons, of which place he was long the titular. 

 --[Like Cambaceres the Cardinal was a bit of a gourmet, and on one occasion had invited a large party of clerical magnates to dinner. By a coincidence two turbots of singular beauty arrived as presents to his Eminence on the very morning of the feast. To serve both would have appeared ridiculous, but the Cardinal was most anxious to have the credit of both. He imparted his embarrassment to his chef:

 "'Be of good faith, your Eminence, ' was the reply, 'both shall appear and enjoy the reception so justly their due. ' The dinner was served: one of the turbots relieved the soup. Delight was on every face--it was the moment of the 'eprouvette positive'. The 'maitre a'hotel' advances; two attendants raise the turbot and carry him off to cut him up; but one of them loses his equilibrium: the attendants and the turbot roll together on the floor. At this sad sight the assembled Cardinals became as pale as death, and a solemn silence reigned in the 'conclave'--it was the moment of the 'eprouvette negative'; but the 'maitre a'hotel' suddenly turns to one of the attendants, Bring another turbot, ' said he, with the most perfect coolness. The second appeared, and the eprouvette positive was gloriously renewed. " (Hayward's Art of Dining, P. 65. )]--

The First Consul prided himself a good deal on his triumph, at least inappearance, over the scruples which the persons who surrounded him hadmanifested against the re-establishment of worship. He read with muchself-satisfaction the reports made to him, in which it was stated thatthe churches were well frequented: Indeed, throughout the year 1802, allhis attention wad directed to the reformation of manners, which hadbecome more dissolute under the Directory than even during the Reign ofTerror. 

In his march of usurpation the First Consul let slip no opportunity ofendeavouring to obtain at the same time the admiration of the multitudeand the approbation of judicious men. He was very fond of the arts, andwas sensible that the promotion of industry ought to be the peculiar careof the head of the Government. It must, however, at the same time beowned that he rendered the influence of his protection null and void bythe continual violations he committed on that liberty which is theanimating principle of all improvement. 

During the supplementary days of the year X. , that is to say, about thebeginning of the autumn of 1802, there was held at the Louvre anexhibition of the products of industry. The First Consul visited theexhibition, and as even at that period he had begun to attribute everygood result to himself, he seemed proud of the high degree of perfectionthe manufacturing arts had attained in France. He was, above all, delighted with the admiration this exhibition excited among the numerousforeigners who resorted to Paris during the peace. 

In fact, throughout the year 1802 the capital presented an interestingand animating-spectacle. The appetite for luxury and pleasure hadinsinuated itself into manners--which were no longer republican, and thevast number of Russians and English who drove about everywhere withbrilliant equipages contributed not a little to this metamorphosis. All Paris flocked to the Carrousel on review days, and regarded with eyesof delight the unusual sight of rich foreign liveries and emblazonedcarriages. The parties at the Tuileries were brilliant and numerous, andnothing was wanting but the name of levees. Count Markoff, who succeededM. De Kalitscheff as Russian ambassador; the Marquis de Lucchesini, thePrussian ambassador; and Lord Whitworth, the Minister from England, madenumerous presentations of their countrymen to the First Consul, who waswell pleased that the Court he was forming should have examples set byforeign courtiers. Never since the meeting of the States-General had thetheatres been so frequented, or fetes so magnificent; and never sincethat period had Paris presented so cheering an aspect. The First Consul, on his part, spared no exertion to render the capital more and moreworthy the admiration of foreigners. The statue of the Venus de Medicis, which had been robbed from the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, nowdecorated the gallery of the Louvre, and near it was placed that of theVelletrian Pallas, a more legitimate acquisition, since it was the resultof the researches of some French engineers at Velletri. Everywhere anair of prosperity was perceptible, and Bonaparte proudly put in his claimto be regarded as the author of it all. With what heartfelt satisfactiondid he likewise cast his eye upon what he called the grand thermometer ofopinion, the price of the funds! For if he saw them doubled in value inconsequence of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, rising as they did atthat period from seven to sixteen francs, this value was even more thantripled after the vote of Consulship for life and the 'Senates-consulte'of the 4th of August, --when they rose to fifty-two francs. 

While Paris presented so satisfactory an aspect the departments were in astate of perfect tranquillity; and foreign affairs had every appearanceof security. The Court of the Vatican, which since the Concordat may besaid to have become devoted to the First Consul, gave, under allcircumstances, examples of submission to the wishes of France. TheVatican was the first Court which recognised the erection of Tuscany intothe Kingdom of Etruria, and the formation of the Helvetic, Cisalpine, andBatavian Republics. Prussia soon followed the example of the Pope, whichwas successively imitated by the other powers of Europe. 

The whole of these new states, realms, or republics were under theimmediate influence of France. The Isle of Elba, which Napoleon's firstabdication afterwards rendered so famous, and Piedmont, divided into sixdepartments, were also united to France, still called it Republic. Everything now seemed to concur in securing his accession to absolutepower. We were now at peace with all the world, and every circumstancetended to place in the hands of the First Consul that absolute powerwhich indeed was the only kind of government he was capable of formingany conception of. Indeed, one of the characteristic signs of Napoleon'sgovernment, even under the Consular system, left no doubt as to his realintentions. Had he wished to found a free Government it is evident thathe world have made the Ministers responsible to the country, whereas hetook care that there should be no responsibility but to himself. Heviewed them, in fact, in the light of instruments which he might break ashe pleased. I found this single index sufficient to disclose all hisfuture designs In order to make the irresponsibility of his Ministers tothe public perfectly clear, he had all the acts of his Government signedmerely by M. Maret, Secretary of State. Thus the Consulship for life wasnothing but an Empire in disguise, the usufruct of which could not longsatisfy the First Consul's ambition. His brothers influenced him, and itwas resolved to found a new dynasty. 

It was not in the interior of France that difficulties were likely firstto arise on Bonaparte's carrying his designs into effect, but there wassome reason to apprehend that foreign powers, after recognising andtreating with the Consular Government, might display a different feeling, and entertain scruples with regard to a Government which had resumed itsmonarchical form. The question regarding the Bourbons was in somemeasure kept in the background as long as France remained a Republic, butthe re-establishment of the throne naturally called to recollection thefamily which had occupied it for so many ages. Bonaparte fully felt thedelicacy of his position, but he knew how to face obstacles, and had beenaccustomed to overcome them: he, however, always proceeded cautiously, aswhen obstacles induced him to defer the period of the Consulship forlife. 

Bonaparte laboured to establish iii France not only an absolutegovernment, but, what is still worse, a military one. He considered adecree signed by his hand possessed of a magic virtue capable oftransforming his generals into able diplomatists, and so he sent them onembassies, as if to show the Sovereigns to whom they were accredited thathe soon meant to take their thrones by assault. The appointment ofLannes to the Court of Lisbon originated from causes which probably willbe read with some interest, since they serve to place Bonaparte'scharacter in, its true light, and to point out, at the same time, themeans he disdained not to resort to, if he wished to banish his mostfaithful friends when their presence was no longer agreeable to him. 

Bonaparte had ceased to address Lannes in the second person singular; butthat general continued the familiarity of thee and thou in speaking toNapoleon. It is hardly possible to conceive how much this annoyed theFirst Consul. Aware of the unceremonious candour of his old comrade, whose daring spirit he knew would prompt him to go as great lengths incivil affairs as on the field of battle, Bonaparte, on the great occasionof the 18th Brumaire, fearing his reproaches, had given him the commandof Paris in order to ensure his absence from St. Cloud. 

After that time, notwithstanding the continually growing greatness of theFirst Consul, which, as it increased, daily exacted more and moredeference, Lannes still preserved his freedom of speech, and was the onlyone who dared to treat Bonaparte as a comrade, and tell him the truthwithout ceremony. This was enough to determine Napoleon to rid himselfof the presence of Lannes. But under what pretest was the absence of theconqueror of Montebello to be procured? It was necessary to conjure upan excuse; and in the truly diabolical machination resorted to for thatpurpose, Bonaparte brought into play that crafty disposition for which hewas so remarkable. 

Lannes, who never looked forward to the morrow, was as careless of hismoney as of his blood. Poor officers and soldiers partook largely of hisliberality. Thus he had no fortune, but plenty of debts when he wantedmoney, and this was not seldom, he used to come, as if it were a merematter of course, to ask it of the First Consul, who, I must confess, never refused him. Bonaparte, though he well knew the general'scircumstances, said to him one day, "My friend, you should attend alittle more to appearances. You must have your establishment suitable toyour rank. There is the Hotel de Noailles--why don't you take it, andfurnish it in proper style?" Lannes, whose own candour prevented himfrom suspecting the artful designs of others, followed the advice of theFirst Consul The Hotel de Noailles was taken and superbly fitted up. Odiot supplied a service of plate valued at 200, 000 francs. 

General Lannes having thus conformed to the wishes of Bonaparte came tohim and requested 400, 000 francs, the amount of the expense incurred, asit were, by his order. "But, " said the First Consul, "I have nomoney. "--"You have no money! What the devil am I to do, then?"

"But is there none in the Guard's chest? Take what you require, and wewill settle it, hereafter. "

Mistrusting nothing, Lannes went to the treasurer of the Guards, who madesome objections at first to the advance required, but who soon yielded onlearning that the demand was made with the consent of the First Consul. 

Within twenty-four hours after Lannes had obtained the 400, 000 francs thetreasurer received from the head commissary an order to balance hisaccounts. The receipt for the 400, 000 francs advanced to Lannes, was notacknowledged as a voucher. In vain the treasurer alleged the authorityof the First Consul for the transaction. Napoleon's memory had suddenlyfailed him; he had entirely forgotten all about it. In a word, it wasincumbent on Lannes to refund the 400, 000 francs to the Guards' chest;and, as I have already said, he had no property on earth, but debts inabundance. He repaired to General Lefebre, who loved him as his son, andto him he related all that had passed. "Simpleton, " said Lefebvre, "why did you not come to me? Why did you go and get into debt with that-----? Well, here are the 400, 000 francs; take them to him, and let himgo to the devil!"

Lannes hastened to the First Consul. "What!"--he exclaimed, "is itpossible you can be guilty of such baseness as this? To treat me in sucha manner! To lay such a foul snare for me after all that I have done foryou; after all the blood I have shed to promote your ambition! Is thisthe recompense you had in store for me? You forget the 13th Vendemiaire, to the success of which I contributed more than you! You forgetMillesimo: I was colonel before you! For whom did I fight at Bassano?You were witness of what I did at Lodi and at Governolo, where I waswounded; and yet you play me such a trick as this! But for me, Pariswould have revolted on the 18th Brumaire. But for me, you would havelost the battle of Marengo. I alone, yes, I alone, passed the Po, atMontebello, with my whole division. You gave the credit of that toBerthier, who was not there; and this is my reward--humiliation. Thiscannot, this shall not be. I will----" Bonaparte, pale with anger, listened without stirring, and Lannes was on the point of challenging himwhen Junot, who heard the uproar, hastily entered. The unexpectedpresence of this general somewhat reassured the First Consul, and at thesame time calmed, in some degree, the fury of Lannes. "Well, " saidBonaparte, "go to Lisbon. You will get money there; and when you returnyou will not want any one to pay your debts for you. " Thus wasBonaparte's object gained. Lannes set out for Lisbon, and neverafterwards annoyed the First Consul by his familiarities, for on hisreturn he ceased to address him with thee and thou. 

Having described Bonaparte's ill-treatment of Lannes I may here subjoin astatement of the circumstances which led to a rupture between the FirstConsul and me. So many false stories have been circulated on the subjectthat I am anxious to relate the facts as they really were. 

Nine months had now passed since I had tendered my resignation to theFirst Consul. The business of my office had become too great for me, and my health was so much endangered by over-application that myphysician, M. Corvisart, who had for a long time impressed upon me thenecessity of relaxation, now formally warned me that I should not longhold out under the fatigue I underwent. Corvisart had no doubt spoken tothe same effect to the First Consul, for the latter said to me one day, in a tone which hetrayed but little feeling, "Why, Corvisart says youhave not a year to live. " This was certainly no very welcome complimentin the mouth of an old college friend, yet I must confess that the doctorrisked little by the prediction. 

I had resolved, in fact, to follow the advice of Corvisart; my familywere urgent in their entreaties that I would do so, but I always put offthe decisive step. I was loath to give up a friendship which hadsubsisted so long, and which had been only once disturbed: on thatoccasion when Joseph thought proper to play the spy upon me at the tableof Fouche. I remembered also the reception I had met with from theconqueror of Italy; and I experienced, moreover, no slight pain at thethought of quitting one from whom I had received so many proofs ofconfidence, and to whom I had been attached from early boyhood. Theseconsiderations constantly triumphed over the disgust to which I wassubjected by a number of circumstances, and by the increasing vexationsoccasioned by the conflict between my private sentiments and the natureof the duties I had to perform. 

I was thus kept in a state of perplexity, from which some unforeseencircumstance alone could extricate me. Such a circumstance at lengthoccurred, and the following is the history of my first rupture withNapoleon:

On the 27th of February 1802, at ten at night, Bonaparte dictated to me adespatch of considerable importance and urgency, for M. De Talleyrand, requesting the Minister for Foreign Affairs to come to the Tuileries nextmorning at an appointed hour. According to custom, I put the letter intothe hands of the office messenger that it might be forwarded to itsdestination. 

This was Saturday. The following day, Sunday, M. De Talleyrand came asif for an audience about mid-day. The First Consul immediately began toconfer with him on the subject of the letter sent the previous evening, and was astonished to learn that the Minister had not received ituntil the morning. He immediately rang for the messenger, and ordered meto be sent for. Being in a very bad humour, he pulled the bell with somuch fury that he struck his hand violently against the angle of thechimney-piece. I hurried to his presence. "Why, " he said, addressing mehastily, "why was not my letter delivered yesterday evening?"--"I do notknow: I put it at once into the hands of the person whose duty it was tosee that it was sent. "--"Go and find the cause of the delay, and comeback quickly. " Having rapidly made my inquiries, I returned to thecabinet. "Well?" said the First Consul, whose irritation seemed to haveincreased. "Well, General, it is not the fault of anybody, M. DeTalleyrand was not to be found, either at the office or at his ownresidence, or at the houses of any of his friends where he was thoughtlikely to be. " Not knowing with whom to be angry, restrained by thecoolness of M. De Talleyrand, yet at the same time ready to burst withrage, Bonaparte rose from his seat, and proceeding to the hall, calledthe messenger and questioned him sharply. The man, disconcerted by theanger of the First Consul, hesitated in his replies, and gave confusedanswers. Bonaparte returned to his cabinet still more irritated than hehad left it. 

I had followed him to the hall, and on my way back to the cabinet Iattempted to soothe him, and I begged him not to be thus discomposed by acircumstance which, after all, was of no great moment. I do not knowwhether his anger was increased by the sight of the blood which flowedfrom his hand, and which he was every moment looking at; but however thatmight be, a transport of furious passion, such as I had never beforewitnessed, seized him; and as I was about to enter the cabinet after himhe threw back the door with so much violence that, had I been two orthree inches nearer him, it must infallibly have struck me in the face. He accompanied this action, which was almost convulsive, with anappellation, not to be borne; he exclaimed before M. De Talleyrand, "Leave me alone; you are a fool. " At an insult so atrocious I confessthat the anger which had already mastered the First Consul suddenlyseized on me. I thrust the door forward with as much impetuosity as hehad used in throwing it back, and, scarcely knowing what I said, exclaimed, "You are a hundredfold a greater fool than I am!" I thenbanged the door and went upstairs to my apartment, which was situatedover the cabinet. 

I was as far from expecting as from wishing such an occasion ofseparating from the First Consul. But what was done could not be undone;and therefore, without taking time for reflection, and still under theinfluence of the anger that had got the better of me, I penned thefollowing positive resignation:

GENERAL--The state of my health no longer permits me to continue in yourservice. I therefore beg you to accept my resignation. BOURRIENNE. 

Some moments after this note was written I saw Bonaparte's saddle-horsesbrought up to the entrance of the Palace. It was Sunday morning, and, contrary to his usual custom on that day, he was going to ride out. 

Duroc accompanied him. He was no sooner done than I, went down into hiscabinet, and placed my letter on his table. On returning at four o'clockwith Duroc Bonaparte read my letter. "Ah! ah!" said he, before openingit, "a letter from Bourrienne. " And he almost immediately added, for thenote was speedily perused, "He is in the sulks. --Accepted. " I had leftthe Tuileries at the moment he returned, but Duroc sent to me where I wasdining the following billet:

The First Consul desires me, my dear Bourrienne, to inform you that heaccepts your resignation, and to request that you will give me thenecessary information respecting your papers. --Yours, DUROC. 

P. S. :--I will call on you presently. 

Duroc came to me at eight o'clock the same evening. The First Consul wasin his cabinet when we entered it. I immediately commenced giving myintended successor the necessary explanations to enable him to enter uponhis new duties. Piqued at finding that I did not speak to him, and atthe coolness with which I instructed Duroc, Bonaparte said to me in aharsh tone, "Come, I have had enough of this! Leave me. " I stepped downfrom the ladder on which I had mounted for the purpose of pointing out toDuroc the places in which the various papers were deposited and hastilywithdrew. I too had quite enough of it!

I remained two more days at the Tuileries until I had suited myself withlodgings. On Monday I went down into the cabinet of the First Consul totake my leave of him. We conversed together for a long time, and veryamicably. He told me he was very sorry I was going to leave him, andthat he would do all he could for me. I pointed out several places tohim; at last I mentioned the Tribunate. "That will not do for you, " hesaid; "the members are a set of babblers and phrasemongers, whom I mean toget rid of. All the troubles of States proceed from such debatings. Iam tired of them. " He continued to talk in a strain which left me in nodoubt as to his uneasiness about the Tribunate, which, in fact, reckonedamong its members many men of great talent and excellent character. 

 --[In 1802 the First Consul made a reduction of fifty members of the Tribunate, and subsequently the whole body was suppressed. --Bourrienne. ]--

The following day, Tuesday, the First Consul asked me to breakfast withhim. After breakfast, while he was conversing with some other person, Madame Bonaparte and Hortense pressed me to make advances towardsobtaining a re-instalment in my office, appealing to me on the score ofthe friendship and kindness they had always shown me. They told me thatI had been in the wrong, and that I had forgotten myself. I answeredthat I considered the evil beyond remedy; and that, besides, I had reallyneed of repose. The First Consul then called me to him, and conversed aconsiderable time with me, renewing his protestations of goodwill towardsme. 

At five o'clock I was going downstairs to quit the Tuileries for goodwhen I was met by the office messenger, who told me that the First Consulwished to see me. Duroc; who was in the room leading to the cabinet, stopped me as I passed, and said, "He wishes you to remain. I beg of younot to refuse; do me this favour. I have assured him that I am incapableof filling your office. It does not suit my habits; and besides, to tellyou the truth, the business is too irksome for me. " I proceeded to thecabinet without replying to Duroc. The First Consul came up to mesmiling, and pulling me by the ear, as he did when he was in the best ofhumours, said to me, "Are you still in the sulks?" and leading me to myusual seat he added, "Come, sit down. "

Only those who knew Bonaparte can judge of my situation at that moment. He had at times, and when he chose, a charm in his manners which it wasquite impossible to resist. I could offer no opposition, and I resumedmy usual office and my accustomed labours. Five minutes afterwards itwas announced that dinner was on table. "You will dine with me?" hesaid. "I cannot; I am expected at the place where I was going when Duroccalled me back. It is an engagement that I cannot break. "--"Well, I havenothing to say, then. But give me your word that you will be here ateight o'clock. "--"I promise you. " Thus I became again the privatesecretary of the First Consul, and I believed in the sincerity of ourreconciliation. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

1802-1803. 

 The Concordat and the Legion of Honour--The Council of State and the Tribunate--Discussion on the word 'subjects'--Chenier--Chabot de l'Allier's proposition to the Tribunate--The marked proof of national gratitude--Bonaparte's duplicity and self-command--Reply to the 'Senatus-consulte'--The people consulted--Consular decree-- The most, or the least--M. De Vanblanc's speech--Bonaparte's reply-- The address of the Tribunate--Hopes and predictions thwarted. 

It may truly be said that history affords no example of an empire foundedlike that of France, created in all its parts under the cloak of arepublic. Without any shock, and in the short space of four years, therearose above the ruins of the short-lived Republic a Government moreabsolute than ever was Louis XIV. 's. This extraordinary change is to beassigned to many causes; and I had the opportunity of observing theinfluence which the determined will of one man exercised over hisfellow-men. 

The great object which Bonaparte had at heart was to legitimate hisusurpations by institutions. The Concordat had reconciled him with theCourt of Rome; the numerous erasures from the emigrant list gatheredround him a large body of the old nobility; and the Legion of Honour, though at first but badly received, soon became a general object ofambition. Peace, too, had lent her aid in consolidating the FirstConsul's power by affording him leisure to engage in measures of internalprosperity. 

The Council of State, of which Bonaparte had made me a member, but whichmy other occupations did not allow me to attend, was the soul of theConsular Government. Bonaparte felt much interest in the discussions ofthat body, because it was composed of the most eminent men in thedifferent branches of administration; and though the majority evinced aready compliance with his wishes, yet that disposition was often far frombeing unanimous. In the Council of State the projects of the Governmentwere discussed from the first with freedom and sincerity, and when onceadopted they were transmitted to the Tribunate, and to the LegislativeBody. This latter body might be considered as a supreme LegislativeTribunal, before which the Tribunes pleaded as the advocates of thepeople, and the Councillors of State, whose business it was to supportthe law projects, as the advocates of the Government. This will at onceexplain the cause of the First Consul's animosity towards the Tribunate, and will show to what the Constitution was reduced when that body wasdissolved by a sudden and arbitrary decision. 

During the Consulate the Council of State was not only a body politiccollectively, but each individual member might be invested with specialpower; as, for example, when the First Consul sent Councillors of Stateon missions to each of the military divisions where there was a Court ofAppeal, the instructions given them by the First Consul were extensive, and might be said to be unlimited. They were directed to examine all thebranches of the administration, so that their reports collected andcompared together presented a perfect description of the state of France. But this measure, though excellent in itself, proved fatal to the State. The reports never conveyed the truth to the First Consul, or at least ifthey did, it was in such a disguised form as to be scarcely recognisable;for the Councillors well knew that the best way to pay their court toBonaparte was not to describe public feeling as it really was, but as hewished it to be. Thus the reports of the councillors of State onlyfurnished fresh arguments in favour of his ambition. 

I must, however, observe that in the discussions of the Council of StateBonaparte was not at all averse to the free expression of opinion. He, indeed, often encouraged it; for although fully resolved to do only whathe pleased, he wished to gain information; indeed, it is scarcelyconceivable how, in the short space of two years, Bonaparte adapted hismind so completely to civil and legislative affairs. But he could notendure in the Tribunate the liberty of opinion which he tolerated in theCouncil; and for this reason--that the sittings of the Tribunate werepublic, while those of the Council of State were secret, and publicitywas what he dreaded above all things. He was very well pleased when hehad to transmit to the Legislative Body or to the Tribunate any proposedlaw of trifling importance, and he used then to say that he had thrownthem a bone to gnaw. 

Among the subjects submitted to the consideration of the Council and theTribunate was one which gave rise to a singular discussion, the ground ofwhich was a particular word, inserted in the third article of the treatyof Russia with France. This word seemed to convey a prophetic allusionto the future condition of the French people, or rather an anticipateddesignation of what they afterwards became. The treaty spoke of "thesubjects of the two Governments. " This term applied to those who stillconsidered themselves citizens, and was highly offensive to theTribunate. Chenier most loudly remonstrated against the introduction ofthis word into the dictionary of the new Government. He said that thearmies of France had shed their blood that the French people might becitizens and not subjects. Chenier's arguments, however, had no effecton the decision of the Tribunate, and only served to irritate the FirstConsul. The treaty was adopted almost unanimously, there being onlyfourteen dissentient voices, and the proportion of black balls in theLegislative Body was even less. 

Though this discussion passed off almost unnoticed, yet it greatlydispleased the First Consul, who expressed his dissatisfaction in theevening. "What is it, " said he, "these babblers want? They wish to becitizens--why did they not know how to continue so? My government musttreat on an equal footing with Russia. I should appear a mere puppet inthe eyes of foreign Courts were I to yield to the stupid demands of theTribunate. . Those fellows tease me so that I have a great mind to endmatters at once with them. " I endeavoured to soothe his anger, andobserved, that one precipitate act might injure him. "You are right, " hecontinued; "but stay a little, they shall lose nothing by waiting. "

The Tribunate pleased Bonaparte better in the great question of theConsulate for life, because he had taken the precaution of removing suchmembers as were most opposed to the encroachments of his ambition. TheTribunate resolved that a marked proof of the national gratitude shouldbe offered to the First Consul, and the resolution was transmitted to theSenate. Not a single voice was raised against this proposition, whichemanated from Chabot de l'Allier, the President of the Tribunate. Whenthe First Consul came back to his cabinet after receiving the deputationof the Tribunate he was very cheerful, and said to me, "Bourrienne, it isa blank cheque that the Tribunate has just offered me; I shall know howto fill it up. That is my business. "

The Tribunate having adopted the indefinite proposition of offering tothe First Consul a marked proof of the national gratitude, it now onlyremained to determine what that proof should be. Bonaparte knew wellwhat he wanted, but he did not like to name it in any positive way. Though in his fits of impatience, caused by the lingering proceedings ofthe Legislative Body and the indecision of some of its members, he oftentalked of mounting on horseback and drawing his sword, yet he so farcontrolled himself as to confine violence to his conversations with hisintimate friends. He wished it to be thought that he himself wasyielding to compulsion; that he was far from wishing to usurp permanentpower contrary to the Constitution; and that if he deprived France ofliberty it was all for her good, and out of mere love for her. Suchdeep-laid duplicity could never have been conceived and maintained in anycommon mind; but Bonaparte's was not a mind of the ordinary cast. Itmust have required extraordinary self-command to have restrained so longas he did that daring spirit which was so natural to him, and which wasrather the result of his temperament than his character. For my part, Iconfess that I always admired him more for what he had the fortitude notto do than for the boldest exploits he ever performed. 

In conformity with the usual form, the proposition of the Tribunate wastransmitted to the Senate. From that time the Senators on whom Bonapartemost relied were frequent in their visits to the Tuileries. In thepreparatory conferences which preceded the regular discussions in theSenate it has been ascertained that the majority was not willing that themarked proof of gratitude should be the Consulate for life; it wastherefore agreed that the reporter should limit his demand to a temporaryprolongation of the dignity of First Consul in favour of Bonaparte. Thereporter, M. De Lacepede, acted accordingly, and limited the prolongationto ten years, commencing from the expiration of the ten years granted bythe Constitution. I forget which of the Senators first proposed theConsulate for life; but I well recollect that Cambaceres used all hisendeavours to induce those members of the Senate whom he thought he couldinfluence to agree to that proposition. Whether from flattery orconviction I know not, but the Second Consul held out to his colleague, or rather his master, the hope of complete success Bonaparte on hearinghim shook his head with an air of doubt, but afterwards said to me, "Theywill perhaps make some wry faces, but they must come to it at last!"

It was proposed in the Senate that the proposition of the Consulate forlife should take the priority of that of the decennial prolongation; butthis was not agreed to; and the latter proposition being adopted, theother, of course, could not be discussed. 

There was something very curious in the 'Senatus-consulte' published onthe occasion. It spoke in the name of the French people, and statedthat, "in testimony of their gratitude to the Consuls of the Republic, "the Consular reign was prolonged for ten years; but that the prolongationwas limited to the First Consul only. 

Bonaparte, though much dissatisfied with the decision of the Senate, disguised his displeasure in ambiguous language. When Tronchet, thenPresident of the Senate, read to him, in a solemn audience, at the headof the deputation, the 'Senatus-consulte' determining the prorogation, he said in reply that he could not be certain of the confidence of thepeople unless his continuance in the Consulship were sanctioned by theirsuffrages. "The interests of my glory and happiness, " added he, "wouldseem to have marked the close of my public life at the moment when thepeace of the world is proclaimed. But the glory and the happiness of thecitizen must yield to the interests of the State and wishes of thepublic. You, Senators, conceive that I owe to the people anothersacrifice. I will make it if the voice of the people commands what yoursuffrage authorises. "

The true meaning of these words was not understood by everybody, and wasonly manifest to those who were initiated in the secret of Bonaparte'sdesigns. He did not accept the offer of the Senate, because he wishedfor something more. The question was to be renewed and to be decided bythe people only; and since the people had the right to refuse what theSenate offered, they possessed, for the same reason, the right to givewhat the Senate did not offer. 

The moment now arrived for consulting the Council of State as to the modeto be adopted for invoking and collecting the suffrages of the people. For this purpose au extraordinary meeting of the Council of State wassummoned on the 10th of May. Bonaparte wished to keep himself aloof fromall ostensible influence; but his two colleagues laboured for him morezealously than he could have worked for himself, and they were warmlysupported by several members of the Council. A strong majority were ofopinion that Bonaparte should not only be invested with the Consulshipfor life, but that he should be empowered to nominate his successor. Buthe, still faithful to his plan, affected to venerate the sovereignty ofthe people, which he held in horror, and he promulgated the followingdecree, which was the first explanation of his reply to the Senate. 

 The Consuls of the Republic, considering that the resolution of the First Consul is an homage rendered to the sovereignty of the People, and that the People, when consulted on their dearest interests, will not go beyond the limits of those interests, decree as follows:-- First, that the French people shall be consulted on the question whether Napoleon Bonaparte is to be made Consul for life, etc. 

The other articles merely regulated the mode of collecting the votes. 

This decree shows the policy of the First Consul in a new point of view, and displays his art in its fullest extent. He had just refused the lessfor the sake of getting the greater; and now he had contrived to get theoffer of the greater to show off his moderation by accepting only theless. The Council of State sanctioned the proposition for conferring onthe First Consul the right of nominating his successor, and, of his ownaccord, the First Consul declined this. Accordingly the Second Consul, when he, the next day, presented the decree to the Council of State, didnot fail to eulogise this extreme moderation, which banished even theshadow of suspicion of any ambitious after-thought. Thus the Senatefound itself out-manoeuvred, and the decree of the Consuls wastransmitted at once to the Legislative Body and to the Tribunate. 

In the Legislative Body, M. De Vaublanc was distinguished among all thedeputies who applauded the conduct of the Government; and it was he whodelivered the apologetic harangue of the deputation of the LegislativeBody to the First Consul. After having addressed the Governmentcollectively he ended by addressing the First Consul individually--a sortof compliment which had not hitherto been put in practice, and which wasfar from displeasing him who was its object. As M. De Vaublanc's speechhad been communicated beforehand to the First Consul, the latter prepareda reply to it which sufficiently showed how much it had gratified him. Besides the flattering distinction which separated him from theGovernment, the plenitude of praise was not tempered by anything likeadvice or comment. It was not so with the address of the Tribunate. After the compliments which the occasion demanded, a series of hopes wereexpressed for the future, which formed a curious contrast with the eventswhich actually ensued. The Tribunate, said the address, required noguarantee, because Bonaparte's elevated and generous sentiments wouldnever permit him to depart from those principles which brought about theRevolution and founded the Republic;--he loved real glory too well everto stain that which he had acquired by the abuse of power;--the nationwhich he was called to govern was free and generous he would respect andconsolidate her liberty; he would distinguish his real friends, who spoketruth to him, from flatterers who might seek to deceive him. In short, Bonaparte would surround himself with the men who, having made theRevolution, were interested in supporting it. 

To these and many other fine things the Consul replied, "This testimonyof the affection of the Tribunate is gratifying to the Government. Theunion of all bodies of the State is a guarantee of the stability andhappiness of the nation. The efforts of the Government will beconstantly directed to the interests of the people, from whom all poweris derived, and whose welfare all good men have at heart. "

So much for the artifice of governments and the credulity of subjects!It is certain that, from the moment Bonaparte gained his point insubmitting the question of the Consulate for life to the decision of thepeople, there was no longer a doubt of the result being in his favour. This was evident, not only on account of the influential means which agovernment always has at its command, and of which its agents extend theramifications from the centre to the extremities, but because theproposition was in accordance with the wishes of the majority. TheRepublicans were rather shy in avowing principles with which people werenow disenchanted;--the partisans of a monarchy without distinction offamily saw their hopes almost realised in the Consulate for life; therecollection of the Bourbons still lived in some hearts faithful tomisfortune but the great mass were for the First Consul, and his externalacts in the new step he had taken towards the throne had been socautiously disguised as to induce a belief in his sincerity. If I and afew others were witness to his accomplished artifice and secret ambition, France beheld only his glory, and gratefully enjoyed the blessings ofpeace which he had obtained for her. The suffrages of the peoplespeedily realised the hopes of the First Consul, and thus was founded theCONSULATE FOR LIFE. 

CHAPTER XIV

1802-1803. 

 Departure for Malmaison--Unexpected question relative to the Bourbons--Distinction between two opposition parties--New intrigues of Lucien--Camille Jordan's pamphlet seized--Vituperation against the liberty of the press--Revisal of the Constitution--New 'Senatus-consulte--Deputation from the Senate--Audience of the Diplomatic Body--Josephine's melancholy--The discontented--Secret meetings--Fouche and the police agents--The Code Napoleon-- Bonaparte's regular attendance at the Council of State--His knowledge of mankind, and the science of government--Napoleon's first sovereign act--His visit to the Senate--The Consular procession--Polite etiquette--The Senate and the Council of State-- Complaints against Lucien--The deaf and dumb assembly--Creation of senatorships. 

When nothing was wanting to secure the Consulate for life but the votesof the people, which there was no doubt of obtaining, the First Consulset off to spend a few days at Malmaison. 

On the day of our arrival, as soon as dinner was ended, Bonaparte said tome, "Bourrienne, let us go and take a walk. " It was the middle of May, so that the evenings were long. We went into the park: he was verygrave, and we walked for several minutes without his uttering a syllable. Wishing to break silence in a way that would be agreeable to him, Ialluded to the facility with which he had nullified the last'Senatus-consulte'. He scarcely seemed to hear me, so completely washis mind absorbed in the subject on which he was meditating. At length, suddenly recovering from his abstraction, he said, "Bourrienne, do youthink that the pretender to the crown of France would renounce hisclaims if I were to offer him a good indemnity, or even a province inItaly?" Surprised at this abrupt question on a subject which I was farfrom thinking of, I replied that I did not think the pretender wouldrelinquish his claims; that it was very unlikely the Bourbons wouldreturn to France as long as he, Bonaparte, should continue at the headof the Government, though they would look forward to their ultimatereturn as probable. "How so?" inquired he. "For a very simple reason, General. Do you not see every day that your agents conceal the truthfrom you, and flatter you in your wishes, for the purpose ofingratiating themselves in your favour? are you not angry when atlength the truth reaches your ear?"--"And what then?"--"why, General, itmust be just the same with the agents of Louis XVIII. In France. It isin the course of things, in the nature of man, that they should feed theBourbons with hopes of a possible return, were it only to induce abelief in their own talent and utility. "--"That is very true! You arequite right; but I am not afraid. However, something might perhaps bedone--we shall see. " Here the subject dropped, and our conversationturned on the Consulate for life, and Bonaparte spoke in unusually mildterms of the persons who had opposed the proposition. I was a littlesurprised at this, and could not help reminding him of the different wayin which he had spoken of those who opposed his accession to theConsulate. "There is nothing extraordinary in that, " said he. "Worthymen may be attached to the Republic as I have made it. It is a merequestion of form. I have nothing to say against that; but at the timeof my accession to the Consulate it was very different. Then, none butJacobins, terrorists, and rogues resisted my endeavours to rescue Francefrom the infamy into which the Directory had plunged her. But now Icherish no ill-will against those who have opposed me. "

During the intervals between the acts of the different bodies of theState, and the collection of the votes, Lucien renewed his intrigues, orrather prosecuted them with renewed activity, for the purpose of gettingthe question of hereditary succession included in the votes. Manyprefects transmitted to M. Chaptal anonymous circulars which had beensent to them: all stated the ill effect produced by these circulars, which had been addressed to the principal individuals of theirdepartments. Lucien was the originator of all this, though I cannotpositively say whether his brother connived with him, as in the case ofthe pamphlet to which I have already alluded. I believe, however, thatBonaparte was not entirely a stranger to the business; for the circularswere written by Raederer at the instigation of Lucien, and Raederer wasat that time in favour at the Tuileries. I recollect Bonaparte speakingto me one day very angrily about a pamphlet which had just, beenpublished by Camille Jordan on the subject of the national vote on theConsulate for life. Camille Jordan did not withhold his vote, but gaveit in favour of the First Consul; and instead of requiring preliminaryconditions, he contented himself, like the Tribunate, with enumeratingall the guarantees which he expected the honour of the First Consul wouldgrant. Among these guarantees were the cessation of arbitraryimprisonments, the responsibility of the agents of Government, and theindependence of the judges. But all these demands were mere peccadilloesin comparison with Camille Jordan's great crime of demanding the libertyof the press. 

The First Consul had looked through the fatal pamphlet, and lavishedinvectives upon its author. "How!" exclaimed he, "am I never to havedone with these fire brands?--These babblers, who think that politics maybe shown on a printed page like the world on a map? Truly, I know notwhat things will come to if I let this go on. Camille Jordan, whom Ireceived so well at Lyons, to think that he should--ask for the libertyof the press! Were I to accede to this I might as well pack up at onceand go and live on a farm a hundred leagues from Paris. " Bonaparte'sfirst act in favour of the liberty of the press was to order the seizureof the pamphlet in which Camille Jordan had extolled the advantages ofthat measure. Publicity, either by words or writing, was Bonaparte'shorror. Hence his aversion to public speakers and writers. 

Camille Jordan was not the only person who made unavailing efforts toarrest Bonaparte in the first steps of his ambition. There were yet inFrance many men who, though they had hailed with enthusiasm the dawn ofthe French Revolution, had subsequently been disgusted by its crimes, andwho still dreamed of the possibility of founding a truly ConstitutionalGovernment in France. Even in the Senate there were some men indignantat the usual compliance of that body, and who spoke of the necessity ofsubjecting the Constitution to a revisal, in order to render itconformable to the Consulate for life. 

The project of revising the Constitution was by no means unsatisfactoryto Bonaparte. It afforded him an opportunity of holding out freshglimmerings of liberty to those who were too shortsighted to see into thefuture. He was pretty certain that there could be no change but to hisadvantage. Had any one talked to him of the wishes of the nation hewould have replied, "3, 577, 259 citizens have voted. Of these how manywere for me? 3, 368, 185. Compare the difference! There is but one votein forty-five against me. I must obey the will of the people!" To thishe would not have failed to add, "Whose are the votes opposed to me?Those of ideologists, Jacobins, and peculators under the Directory. " Tosuch arguments what could have been answered? It must not be supposedthat I am putting these words into Bonaparte's mouth. They fell from himoftener than once. 

As soon as the state of the votes was ascertained the Senate conceiveditself under the necessity of repairing the only fault it had committedin the eyes of the First Consul, and solemnly presented him with a new'Senatus-consulte', and a decree couched in the following terms:

ARTICLE I. The French people nominate and the Senate proclaim NapoleonBonaparte Consul for life. 

ARTICLE II. A statue representing Peace, holding in one hand the laurelof victory, and in the other the decree of the senate, shall commemorateto posterity the gratitude of the Nation. 

ARTICLE III. The Senate will convey to the First Consul the expressionof the confidence, the love, and the admiration of the French people. 

Bonaparte replied to the deputation from the Senate, in the presence ofthe Diplomatic Body, whose audience had been appointed for that day inorder that the ambassadors might be enabled to make known to theirrespective Courts that Europe reckoned one King more. In his reply hedid not fail to introduce the high-sounding words "liberty and equality. "He commenced thus: "A citizen's life belongs to his country. The Frenchpeople wish that mine should be entirely devoted to their service. Iobey. "

On the day this ceremony took place, besides the audience of theDiplomatic Body there was an extraordinary assemblage of general officersand public functionaries. The principal apartments of the Tuileries'spresented the appearance of a fete. This gaiety formed a strikingcontrast with the melancholy of Josephine, who felt that every step ofthe First Consul towards the throne removed him farther from her. 

She had to receive a party that evening, and though greatly depressed inspirits she did the honours with her usual grace. 

Let a Government be what it may, it can never satisfy everyone. At theestablishment of the Consulate for life, those who were averse to thatchange formed but a feeble minority. But still they met, debated, corresponded, and dreamed of the possibility of overthrowing the ConsularGovernment. 

During the first six months of the year 1802 there were meetings of thediscontented, which Fouche, who was then Minister of the Police, knew andwould not condescend to notice; but, on the contrary, all the inferioragents of the police contended for a prey which was easily seized, and, with the view of magnifying their services, represented these secretmeetings as the effect of a vast plot against the Government. Bonaparte, whenever he spoke to me on the subject, expressed himself weary of theefforts which were made to give importance to trifles; and yet hereceived the reports of the police agents as if he thought them ofconsequence. This was because he thought Fouche badly informed, and hewas glad to find him at fault; but when he sent for the Minister ofPolice the latter told him that all the reports he had received were notworth a moment's attention. He told the First Consul all, and even agreat deal more than had been revealed to him, mentioning at the sametime how and from whom Bonaparte had received his information. 

But these petty police details did not divert the First Consul'sattention from the great object he had in view. Since March 1802 he hadattended the sittings of the Council of State with remarkable regularity. Even while we were at the Luxembourg he busied himself in drawing up anew code of laws to supersede the incomplete collection of revolutionarylaws, and to substitute order for the sort of anarchy which prevailed inthe legislation. The man who were most distinguished for legal knowledgehad cooperated in this laborious task, the result of which was the codefirst distinguished by the name of the Civil Code, and afterwards calledthe Code Napoleon. The labours of this important undertaking beingcompleted, a committee was appointed for the presentation of the code. This committee, of which Cambaceres was the president, was composed ofMM. Portalis, Merlin de Douai, and Tronchet. During all the time thediscussions were pending, instead of assembling as usual three times aweek, the Council of State assembled every day, and the sittings, whichon ordinary occasions only lasted two or three hours, were oftenprolonged to five or six. The First Consul took such interest in thesediscussions that, to have an opportunity of conversing upon them in theevening, he frequently invited several members of the Council to dinewith him. It was during these conversations that I most admired theinconceivable versatility of Bonaparte's genius, or rather, that superiorinstinct which enabled him to comprehend at a glance, and in their properpoint of view, legislative questions to which he might have been supposeda stranger. Possessing as he did, in a supreme degree, the knowledge ofmankind, ideas important to the science of government flashed upon hismind like sudden inspirations. 

Some time after his nomination to the Consulate for life, anxious toperform a sovereign act, he went for the first time to preside at theSenate. Availing myself that day of a few leisure moments I went out tosee the Consular procession. It was truly royal. The First Consul hadgiven orders that the military should-be ranged in the streets throughwhich he had to pass. On his first arrival at the Tuileries, Napoleonhad the soldiers of the Guard ranged in a single line in the interior ofthe court, but he now ordered that the line should be doubled, and shouldextend from the gate of the Tuileries to that of the Luxembourg. Assuming a privilege which old etiquette had confined exclusively to theKings of France, Bonaparte now for the first time rode in a carriagedrawn by eight horses. A considerable number of carriages followed thatof the First Consul, which was surrounded by generals and aides de campon horseback. Louis XIV. Going to hold a bed of justice at theParliament of Paris never displayed greater pomp than did Bonaparte inthis visit to the Senate. He appeared in all the parade of royalty; andten Senators came to meet him at the foot of the staircase of theLuxembourg. 

The object of the First Consul's visit to the Senate was the presentationof five plans of 'Senatus-consultes'. The other two Consuls were presentat the ceremony, which took place about the middle of August. 

Bonaparte returned in the same style in which he went, accompanied by M. Lebrun, Cambaceres remaining at the Senate, of which he was President. The five 'Senatus-consultes' were adopted, but a restriction was made inthat which concerned the forms of the Senate. It was proposed that whenthe Consuls visited the Senate they should be received by a deputation often members at the foot of the staircase, as the First Consul had thatday been received; but Bonaparte's brothers Joseph and Lucien opposedthis, and prevented the proposition from being adopted, observing thatthe Second and Third Consuls being members of the Senate could not bereceived with such honours by their colleagues. This little scene ofpolitical courtesy, which was got up beforehand, was very well acted. 

Bonaparte's visit to the Senate gave rise to a change of rank in thehierarchy of the different authorities composing the Government. Hitherto the Council of State had ranked higher in public opinion; butthe Senate, on the occasion of its late deputation to the Tuileries, hadfor the first time, received the honour of precedency. This had greatlydispleased some of the Councillors of State, but Bonaparte did not carefor that. He instinctively saw that the Senate would do what he wishedmore readily than the other constituted bodies, and he determined toaugment its rights and prerogatives even at the expense of the rights ofthe Legislative Body. These encroachments of one power upon another, authorised by the First Consul, gave rise to reports of changes inministerial arrangements. It was rumoured in Paris that the number ofthe ministers was to be reduced to three, and that Lucien, Joseph, and M. De Talleyrand were to divide among them the different portfolios. Lucienhelped to circulate these reports, and this increased the First Consul'sdissatisfaction at his conduct. The letters from Madrid, which werefilled with complaints against him, together with some scandalousadventures, known in Paris, such as his running away with the wife of a'limonadier', exceedingly annoyed Bonaparte, who found his own familymore difficult to govern than France. 

France, indeed, yielded with admirable facility to the yoke which, theFirst Consul wished to impose on her. How artfully did he undo all thatthe Revolution had done, never neglecting any means of attaining hisobject! He loved to compare the opinions of those whom he called theJacobins with the opinions of the men of 1789; and even them he found tooliberal. He felt the ridicule which was attached to the mute characterof the Legislative Body, which he called his deaf and dumb assembly. Butas that ridicule was favourable to him he took care to preserve theassembly as it was, and to turn it into ridicule whenever he spoke of it. In general, Bonaparte's judgment must not be confounded with his actions. His accurate mind enabled him to appreciate all that was good; but thenecessity of his situation enabled him to judge with equal shrewdnesswhat was useful to himself. 

What I have just said of the Senate affords me an opportunity ofcorrecting an error which has frequently been circulated in the chit-chatof Paris. It has erroneously been said of some persons that they refusedto become members of the Senate, and among the number have been mentionedM. Ducis, M. De La Fayette, and the Marechal de Rochambeau. The truthis, that no such refusals were ever made. The following fact, however, may have contributed to raise these reports and give them credibility. Bonaparte used frequently to say to persons in his salon and in hiscabinet; "You should be a Senator--a man like you should be a Senator. "But these complimentary words did not amount to a nomination. To enterthe Senate certain legal forms were to be observed. It was necessary tobe presented by the Senate, and after that presentation no one everrefused to become a member of the body, to which Bonaparte gaveadditional importance by the creation of "Senatoreries. "--[Districtspresided over by a Senator. ]--This creation took place in the beginningof 1803. 

CHAPTER XV

1802. 

 The intoxication of great men--Unlucky zeal--MM. Maret, Champagny, and Savary--M. De Talleyrand's real services--Postponement of the execution of orders--Fouche and the Revolution--The Royalist committee--The charter first planned during the Consulate--Mission to Coblentz--Influence of the Royalists upon Josephine--The statue and the pedestal--Madame de Genlis' romance of Madame de la Valliere--The Legion of Honour and the carnations--Influence of the Faubourg St. Germain--Inconsiderate step taken by Bonaparte--Louis XVIII's indignation--Prudent advice of the Abbe Andre--Letter from Louis XVIII. To Bonaparte--Council held at Neuilly--The letter delivered--Indifference of Bonaparte, and satisfaction of the Royalists. 

Perhaps one of the happiest ideas that ever were expressed was that ofthe Athenian who said, "I appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober. "The drunkenness here alluded to is not of that kind which degrades a manto the level of a brute, but that intoxication which is occasioned bysuccess, and which produces in the heads of the ambitious a sort ofcerebral congestion. Ordinary men are not subject to this excitement, and can scarcely form an idea of it. But it is nevertheless true thatthe fumes of glory and ambition occasionally derange the strongest heads;and Bonaparte, in all the vigour of his genius, was often subject toaberrations of judgment; for though his imagination never failed him, hisjudgment was frequently at fault. 

This fact may serve to explain, and perhaps even to excuse the faultswith which the First Consul has been most seriously reproached. Theactivity of his mind seldom admitted of an interval between theconception and the execution of a design; but when he reflected coolly onthe first impulses of his imperious will, his judgment discarded what waserroneous. Thus the blind obedience, which, like an epidemic disease, infected almost all who surrounded Bonaparte, was productive of the mostfatal effects. The best way to serve the First Consul was never tolisten to the suggestions of his first ideas, except on the field ofbattle, where his conceptions were as happy as they were rapid. Thus, for example, MM. Maret, de Champagny, and Savary evinced a readyobedience to Bonaparte's wishes, which often proved very unfortunate, though doubtless dictated by the best intentions on their part. To thisfatal zeal may be attributed a great portion of the mischief whichBonaparte committed. When the mischief was done, and past remedy, Bonaparte deeply regretted it. How often have I heard him say that Maretwas animated by an unlucky zeal! This was the expression he made use of. 

M. De Talleyrand was almost the only one among the ministers who did notflatter Bonaparte, and who really served both the First Consul and theEmperor. When Bonaparte said to M. De Talleyrand, "Write so and so, andsend it off by a special courier, " that minister was never in a hurry toobey the order, because he knew the character of the First Consul wellenough to distinguish between what his passion dictated and what hisreason would approve: in short, he appealed from Philip drunk to Philipsober. When it happened that M. De Talleyrand suspended the execution ofan order, Bonaparte never evinced the least displeasure. When, the dayafter he had received any hasty and angry order, M. De Talleyrandpresented himself to the First Consul, the latter would say, "Well, didyou send off the courier?"--"No, " the minister would reply, "I took carenot to do so before I showed you my letter. " Then the First Consul wouldusually add, "Upon second thoughts I think it would be best not to sendit. " This was the way to deal with Bonaparte. When M. De Talleyrandpostponed sending off despatches, or when I myself have delayed theexecution of an order which I knew had been dictated by anger, and hademanated neither from his heart nor his understanding, I have heard himsay a hundred times, "It was right, quite right. You understand me:Talleyrand understands me also. This is the way to serve me: the othersdo not leave me time for reflection: they are too precipitate. " Fouchealso was one of those who did not on all occasions blindly obeyBonaparte's commands. His other ministers, on the other hand, when toldto send off a courier the next morning, would have more probably sent himoff the same evening. This was from zeal, but was not the First Consulright in saying that such zeal was unfortunate?

Of Talleyrand and Fouche, in their connections with the First Consul, itmight be said that the one represented the Constituent Assembly, with aslight perfume of the old regime, and the other the Convention in all itsbrutality. Bonaparte regarded Fouche as a complete personification ofthe Revolution. With him, therefore, Fouche's influence was merely theinfluence of the Revolution. That great event was one of those which hadmade the most forcible impression on Bonaparte's ardent mind, and heimagined he still beheld it in a visible form as long as Fouche continuedat the head of his police. I am now of opinion that Bonaparte was insome degree misled as to the value of Fouche's services as a minister. No doubt the circumstance of Fouche being in office conciliated those ofthe Revolutionary party who were his friends. But Fouche cherished anundue partiality for them, because he knew that it was through them heheld his place. He was like one of the old Condottieri, who were madefriends of lest they should become enemies, and who owed all their powerto the soldiers enrolled under their banners. 

Such was Fouche, and Bonaparte perfectly understood his situation. Hekept the chief in his service until he could find an opportunity ofdisbanding his undisciplined followers. But there was one circumstancewhich confirmed his reliance on Fouche. He who had voted the death ofthe King of France, and had influenced the minds of those who had votedwith him, offered Bonaparte the best guarantee against the attempts ofthe Royalists for raising up in favour of the Bourbons the throne whichthe First Consul himself had determined to ascend. Thus, for differentreasons, Bonaparte and Fouche had common interests against the House ofBourbon, and the master's ambition derived encouragement from thesupposed terror of the servant. 

The First Consul was aware of the existence in Paris of a Royalistcommittee, formed for the purpose of corresponding with Louis XVIII. This committee consisted of men who must not be confounded with thosewretched intriguers who were of no service to their employers, and werenot unfrequently in the pay of both Bonaparte and the Bourbons. The Royalist committee, properly so called, was a very different thing. It consisted of men professing rational principles of liberty, such asthe Marquis de Clermont Gallerande, the Abbe de Montesqiou, M. Becquet, and M. Royer Collard. This committee had been of long standing; therespectable individuals whose names I have just quoted acted upon asystem hostile to the despotism of Bonaparte, and favourable to what theyconceived to be the interests of France. Knowing the superior wisdom ofLouis XVIII. , and the opinions which he had avowed and maintained in theAssembly of the Notables, they wished to separate that Prince from theemigrants, and to point him out to the nation as a suitable head of areasonable Constitutional Government. Bonaparte, whom I have often heardspeak on the subject, dreaded nothing so much as these ideas of liberty, in conjunction with a monarchy. He regarded them as reveries, called themembers of the committee idle dreamers, but nevertheless feared thetriumph of their ideas. He confessed to me that it was to counteract thepossible influence of the Royalist committee that he showed himself soindulgent to those of the emigrants whose monarchical prejudices he knewwere incompatible with liberal opinions. By the presence of emigrantswho acknowledged nothing short of absolute power, he thought he mightparalyse the influence of the Royalists of the interior; he thereforegranted all such emigrants permission to return. 

About this time I recollect having read a document, which had beensigned, purporting to be a declaration of the principles of Louis XVIII. It was signed by M. D'Andre, who bore evidence to its authenticity. The principles contained in the declaration were in almost all pointsconformable to the principles which formed the basis of the charter. Even so early as 1792, and consequently previous to the fatal 21st ofJanuary, Louis XVI. , who knew the opinions of M. De Clermont Gallerande, sent him on a mission to Coblentz to inform the Princes from him, and theQueen, that they would be ruined by their emigration. I am accuratelyinformed, and I state this fact with the utmost confidence. I can alsoadd with equal certainty that the circumstance was mentioned by M. DeClermont Gallerande in his Memoirs, and that the passage relative to hismission to Coblentz was cancelled before the manuscript was sent topress. 

During the Consular Government the object of the Royalist committee wasto seduce rather than to conspire. It was round Madame Bonaparte inparticular that their batteries were raised, and they did not proveineffectual. The female friends of Josephine filled her mind with ideasof the splendour and distinction she would enjoy if the powerful handwhich had chained the Revolution should raise up the subverted throne. I must confess that I was myself, unconsciously, an accomplice of thefriends of the throne; for what they wished for the interest of theBourbons I then ardently wished for the interest of Bonaparte. 

While endeavours were thus made to gain over Madame Bonaparte to theinterest of the royal family, brilliant offers were held out for thepurpose of dazzling the First Consul. It was wished to retemper for himthe sword of the constable Duguesclin; and it was hoped that a statueerected to his honour would at once attest to posterity his spotlessglory and the gratitude of the Bourbons. But when these offers reachedthe ears of Bonaparte he treated them with indifference, and placed nofaith in their sincerity. Conversing on the subject one day with M. DeLa Fayette he said, "They offer me a statue, but I must look to thepedestal. They may make it my prison. " I did not hear Bonaparte utterthese words; but they were reported to me from a source, the authenticityof which may be relied on. 

About this time, when so much was said in the Royalist circles and in theFaubourg St. Germain, of which the Hotel de Luynes was the headquarters, about the possible return of the Bourbons, the publication of a popularbook contributed not a little to direct the attention of the public tothe most brilliant period of the reign of Louis XIV. The book was thehistorical romance of Madame de la Valloire, by Madame de Genlis, who hadrecently returned to France. Bonaparte read it, and I have sinceunderstood that he was very well pleased with it, but he said nothing tome about it. It was not until some time after that he complained of theeffect which was produced in Paris by this publication, and especially byengravings representing scenes in the life of Louis XIV. , and which wereexhibited in the shop-windows. The police received orders to suppressthese prints; and the order was implicitly obeyed; but it was notFouche's police. Fouche saw the absurdity of interfering with trifles. I recollect that immediately after the creation of the Legion of Honour, it being summer, the young men of Paris indulged in the whim of wearing acarnation in a button-hole, which at a distance had rather a deceptiveeffect. Bonaparte took this very seriously. He sent for Fouche, anddesired him to arrest those who presumed thus to turn the new order intoridicule. Fouche merely replied that he would wait till the autumn; andthe First Consul understood that trifles were often rendered matters ofimportance by being honoured with too much attention. 

But though Bonaparte was piqued at the interest excited by the engravingsof Madame de Genlis' romance he manifested no displeasure against thatcelebrated woman, who had been recommended to him by MM. De Fontanes andFievee and who addressed several letters to him. As this sort ofcorrespondence did not come within the routine of my business I did notsee the letters; but I heard from Madame Bonaparte that they contained aprodigious number of proper names, and I have reason to believe that theycontributed not a little to magnify, in the eyes of the First Consul, theimportance of the Faubourg St. Germain, which, in spite of all hiscourage, was a scarecrow to him. 

Bonaparte regarded the Faubourg St. Germain as representing the wholemass of Royalist opinion; and he saw clearly that the numerous erasuresfrom the emigrant list had necessarily increased dissatisfaction amongthe Royalists, since the property of the emigrants had not been restoredto its old possessors, even in those cases in which it had not been sold. It was the fashion in a certain class to ridicule the unpolished mannersof the great men of the Republic compared with the manners of thenobility of the old Court. The wives of certain generals had severaltimes committed themselves by their awkwardness. In many circles therewas an affectation of treating with contempt what are called theparvenus; those people who, to use M. De Talleyrand's expression, do notknow how to walk upon a carpet. All this gave rise to complaints againstthe Faubourg St. Germain; while, on the other hand, Bonaparte's brothersspared no endeavours to irritate him against everything that wascalculated to revive the recollection of the Bourbons. 

Such were Bonaparte's feelings, and such was the state of society duringthe year 1802. The fear of the Bourbons must indeed have had a powerfulinfluence on the First Consul before he could have been induced to take astep which may justly be regarded as the most inconsiderate of his wholelife. After suffering seven months to elapse without answering the firstletter of Louis XVIII. , after at length answering his second letter inthe tone of a King addressing a subject, he went so far as to write toLouis, proposing that he should renounce the throne of his ancestors inhis, Bonaparte's, favour, and offering him as a reward for thisrenunciation a principality in Italy, or a considerable revenue forhimself and his family. 

 --[Napoleon seems to have always known, as with Cromwell and the Stuarts, that if his dynasty failed the Bourbons must succeed him. "I remember, " says Metternich, "Napoleon said to me, 'Do you know why Louis XVIII. Is not now sitting opposite to you? It is only because it is I who am sitting here. No other person could maintain his position; and if ever I disappear in consequence of a catastrophe no one but a Bourbon could sit here. '" (Metternich, tome i. P. 248). Farther, he said to Metternich, "The King overthrown, the Republic was master of the soil of France. It is that which I have replaced. The old throne of France is buried under its rubbish. I had to found a new one. The Bourbons could not reign over this creation. My strength lies in my fortune. I am new, like the Empire; there is, therefore, a perfect homogeneity between the Empire and myself. "--"However, " says Metternich, "I have often thought that Napoleon, by talking in this way, merely sought to study the opinion of others, or to confuse it, and the direct advance which he made to Louis XVIII. , in 1804 seemed to confirm this suspicion. Speaking to me one day of this advance he said, 'Monsieur's reply was grand; it was full of fine traditions. There is something in legitimate rights which appeals to more than the mere mind. If Monsieur had consulted his mind only he would have arranged with me, and I should have made for him a magnificent future'" (Metternich, tome i, p. 276). According to Iung's Lucien (tome ii. P. 421), the letter written and signed by Napoleon, but never sent, another draft being substituted, is still in the French archives. Metternich speaks of Napoleon making a direct advance to Louis XVIII. In 1804. According to Colonel Iung (Lucien Bonaparte, tome ii. Pp. 4211-426) the attempt was made through the King of Prussia in 1802, the final answer of Louis being made on the 28th February 1803, as given in the text, but with a postscript of his nephew in addition, "With the permission of the King, my uncle, I adhere with heart and soul to the contents of this note. "(signed) LOUIS ANTOINE, Due d'Angouleme. "

 The reader will remark that there is no great interval between this letter and the final break with the Bourbons by the death of the Duc d'Enghien. At this time, according to Savory (tome iii. P. 241), some of the Bourbons were receiving French pensions. The Prince de Conti, the Duchesse de Bourbon, and the Duchesse d'Orleans, when sent out of France by the Directory, were given pensions of from 20, 000 to 26, 000 francs each. They lived in Catalonia. When the French troops entered Spain in 1808 General Canclaux, a friend of the Prince de Conti, brought to the notice of Napoleon that the tiresome formalities insisted on by the pestilent clerks of all nations were observed towards these regal personages. Gaudin, the Minister of Finance, apparently on his own initiative, drew up a decree increasing the pensions to 80, 000 francs, and doing away with the formalities. "The Emperor signed at once, thanking the Minister of Finance. " The reader, remembering the position of the French Princes then, should compare this action of Napoleon with the failure of the Bourbons in 1814 to pay the sums promised to Napoleon, notwithstanding the strong remonstrances made at Vienna to Talleyrand by Alexander and Lord Castlereagh. See Talleyrand's Correspondence with Louis XVIII. , tome ii. Pp. 27, 28; or French edition, pp. 285, 288. ]--

The reader will recollect the curious question which the First Consul putto me on the subject of the Bourbons when we were walking in the park ofMalmaison. To the reply which I made to him on that occasion I attributethe secrecy he observed towards me respecting the letter just alluded to. I am indeed inclined to regard that letter as the result of one of hisprivate conferences with Lucien; but I know nothing positive on thesubject, and merely mention this as a conjecture. However, I had anopportunity of ascertaining the curious circumstances which took place atMittau, when Bonaparte's letter was delivered to Louis XVIII. 

That Prince was already much irritated against Bonaparte by his delay inanswering his first letter, and also by the tenor of his tardy reply;but on reading the First Consul's second letter the dethroned Kingimmediately sat down and traced a few lines forcibly expressing hisindignation at such a proposition. The note, hastily written by LouisXVIII. In the first impulse of irritation, bore little resemblance to thedignified and elegant letter which Bonaparte received, and which I shallpresently lay before the reader. This latter epistle closed very happilywith the beautiful device of Francis I. , "All is lost but honour. " Butthe first letter was stamped with a more chivalrous tone of indignation. The indignant sovereign wrote it with his hand supported on the hilt ofhis sword; but the Abbe Andre, in whom Louis XVIII. Reposed greatconfidence, saw the note, and succeeded, not without some difficulty, in soothing the anger of the King, and prevailing on him to write thefollowing letter:

 I do not confound M. Bonaparte with those who have preceded him. I esteem his courage and his military talents. I am grateful for some acts of his government; for the benefits which are conferred on my people will always be prized by me. 

 But he errs in supposing that he can induce me to renounce my rights; so far from that, he would confirm them, if they could possibly be doubtful, by the step he has now taken. 

 I am ignorant of the designs of Heaven respecting me and my subjects; but I know the obligations which God has imposed upon me. As a Christian, I will fulfil my duties to my last breath--as the son of St. Louis, I would, like him, respect myself even in chains-- as the successor of Francis I. , I say with him--'Tout est perdu fors l'honneur'. 

 MITTAU, 1802. LOUIS. 

Louis XVIII. 's letter having reached Paris, the Royalist committeeassembled, and were not a little embarrassed as to what should be done. The meeting took place at Neuilly. After a long deliberation it wassuggested that the delivery of the letter should be entrusted to theThird Consul, with whom the Abby de Montesqiou had kept up acquaintancesince the time of the Constituent Assembly. This suggestion was adopted. The recollections of the commencement of his career, under ChancellorMaupeou, had always caused M. Lebrun to be ranked in a distinct class bythe Royalists. For my part, I always looked upon him as a very honestman, a warm advocate of equality, and anxious that it should be protectedeven by despotism, which suited the views of the First Consul very well. The Abbe de Montesquiou accordingly waited upon M. Lebrun, who undertookto deliver the letter. Bonaparte received it with an air ofindifference; but whether that indifference were real or affected, I amto this day unable to determine. He said very little to me about the illsuccess of the negotiation with Louis XVIII. On this subject he dreaded, above all, the interference of his brothers, who created around him asort of commotion which he knew was not without its influence, and whichon several occasions had excited his anger. 

The letter of Louis XVIII. Is certainly conceived in a tone of dignitywhich cannot be too highly admired; and it may be said that Bonaparte onthis occasion rendered a real service to Louis by affording him theopportunity of presenting to the world one of the finest pages in thehistory of a dethroned King. This letter, the contents of which wereknown in some circles of Paris, was the object of general approbation tothose who preserved the recollection of the Bourbons, and above all, tothe Royalist committee. The members of that committee, proud of thenoble spirit evinced by the unfortunate monarch, whose return they weregenerously labouring to effect, replied to him by a sort of manifesto, towhich time has imparted interest, since subsequent events have fulfilledthe predictions it contained. 

CHAPTER XVI

1802. 

 The day after my disgrace--Renewal of my duties--Bonaparte's affected regard for me--Offer of an assistant--M. De Meneval--My second rupture with Bonaparte--The Due de Rovigo's account of it-- Letter from M. De Barbe Marbois--Real causes of my separation from the First Consul--Postscript to the letter of M. De Barbe Marbois-- The black cabinet--Inspection of letters dining the Consulate-- I retire to St. Cloud--Communications from M. De Meneval--A week's conflict between friendship and pride--My formal dismissal--Petty revenge--My request to visit England--Monosyllabic answer--Wrong suspicion--Burial of my papers--Communication from Duroc--My letter to the First Consul--The truth acknowledged. 

I shall now return to the circumstances which followed my first disgrace, of which I have already spoken. The day after that on which I hadresumed my functions I went as usual to awaken the First Consul at sevenin the morning. He treated me just the same as if nothing had happenedbetween us; and on my part I behaved to him just as usual, though Ireally regretted being obliged to resume labours which I found toooppressive for me. When Bonaparte came down into his cabinet he spoke tome of his plans with his usual confidence, and I saw, from the number ofletters lying in the basket, that during the few days my functions hadbeen suspended Bonaparte had not overcome his disinclination to perusethis kind of correspondence. At the period of this first rupture andreconciliation the question of the Consulate for life was yet unsettled. It was not decided until the 2d of August, and the circumstances to whichI am about to refer happened at the end of February. 

I was now restored to my former footing of intimacy with the FirstConsul, at least for a time; but I soon perceived that, after the scenewhich M. De Talleyrand had witnessed, my duties in the Tuileries weremerely provisional, and might be shortened or prolonged according tocircumstances. I saw at the very first moment that Bonaparte hadsacrificed his wounded pride to the necessity (for such I may, withoutany vanity, call it) of employing my services. The forced preference hegranted to me arose from the fact of his being unable to find any oneable to supply my place; for Duroc, as I have already said, showed adisinclination to the business. I did not remain long in the darkrespecting the new situation in which I stood. I was evidently stillunder quarantine; but the period of my quitting the port wasundetermined. 

A short time after our reconciliation the First Consul said to me, in acajoling tone of which I was not the dupe, "My dear Bourrienne, youcannot do everything. Business increases, and will continue to increase. You know what Corvisart says. You have a family; therefore it is rightyou should take care of your health. You must not kill yourself withwork; therefore some one must be got to assist you. Joseph tells me thathe can recommend a secretary, one of whom he speaks very highly. Heshall be under your direction; he can make out your copies, and do allthat can consistently be required of him. This, I think, will be a greatrelief to you. "--"I ask for nothing better, " replied I, "than to have theassistance of some one who, after becoming acquainted with the business, may, some time or other, succeed me. " Joseph sent M. De Meneval, a youngman who, to a good education, added the recommendations of industry andprudence. I had every reason to be satisfied with him. 

It was now that Napoleon employed all those devices and caresses whichalways succeeded so well with him, and which yet again gained the day, toput an end to the inconvenience caused to him by my retirement, and toretain me. Here I call every one who knew me as witnesses that nothingcould equal my grief and despair to find myself obliged to again begin mytroublesome work. My health had suffered much from it. Corvisart was aclever counsellor, but it was only during the night that I could carryout his advice. To resume my duties was to renounce all hope of rest, and even of health. 

 --[There is considerable truth in this statement about the effect on his health. His successor, Meneval, without the same amount of work, broke down and had to receive assistance (Meneval, tome i. P. 149). ]--

I soon perceived the First Consul's anxiety to make M. De Menevalacquainted with the routine of business, and accustomed to his manner. Bonaparte had never pardoned me for having presumed to quit him after hehad attained so high a degree of power; he was only waiting for anopportunity to punish me, and he seized upon an unfortunate circumstanceas an excuse for that separation which I had previously wished to bringabout. 

I will explain this circumstance, which ought to have obtained for me theconsolation and assistance of the First Consul rather than the forfeitureof his favour. My rupture with him has been the subject of variousmisstatements, all of which I shall not take the trouble to correct;I will merely notice what I have read in the Memoirs of the Duc deRovigo, in which it is stated that I was accused of peculation. M. DeRovigo thus expresses himself:

 Ever since the First Consul was invested with the supreme power his life had been a continued scene of personal exertion. He had for his private secretary M. De Bourrienne, a friend and companion of his youth, whom he now made the sharer of all his labours. He frequently sent for him in the dead of the night, and particularly insisted upon his attending him every morning at seven. Bourrienne was punctual in his attendance with the public papers, which he had previously glanced over. The First Consul almost invariably read their contents himself; he then despatched some business, and sat down to table just as the clock struck nine. His breakfast, which lasted six minutes, was no sooner over than he returned to his cabinet, only left it for dinner, and resumed his close occupation immediately after, until ten at night, which was his usual hour for retiring to rest. 

 Bourrienne was gifted with a most wonderful memory; he could speak and write many languages, and would make his pen follow as fast as words were uttered. He possessed many other advantages; he was well acquainted with the administrative departments, was versed in the law of nations, and possessed a zeal and activity which rendered his services quite indispensable to the First Consul. I have known the several grounds upon which the unlimited confidence placed in him by his chief rested, but am unable to speak with equal assurance of the errors which occasioned his losing that confidence. 

 Bourrienne had many enemies; some were owing to his personal character, a greater number to the situation which he held. Others were jealous of the credit he enjoyed with the Head of the Government; others, again, discontented at his not making that credit subservient to their personal advantage. Some even imputed to him the want of success that had attended their claims. It was impossible to bring any charge against him on the score of deficiency of talent or of indiscreet conduct; his personal habits were watched--it was ascertained that he engaged in financial speculations. An imputation could easily be founded on this circumstance. Peculation was accordingly laid to his charge. 

 This was touching the most tender ground, for the First Consul held nothing in greater abhorrence than unlawful gains. A solitary voice, however, would have failed in an attempt to defame the character of a man for whom he had so long felt esteem and affection; other voices, therefore, were brought to bear against him. Whether the accusations were well founded or otherwise, it is beyond a doubt that all means were resorted to for bringing them to the knowledge of the First Consul. 

 The most effectual course that suggested itself was the opening a correspondence either with the accused party direct, or with those with whom it was felt indispensable to bring him into contact; this correspondence was carried on in a mysterious manner, and related to the financial operations that had formed the grounds of a charge against him. --Thus it is that, on more than one occasion, the very channels intended for conveying truth to the knowledge of a sovereign have been made available to the purpose of communicating false intelligence to him. To give an instance. 

 Under the reign of Louis XV. , and even under the Regency, the Post Office was organized into a system of minute inspection, which did not indeed extend to every letter, but was exercised over all such as afforded grounds for suspicion. They were opened, and, when it was not deemed safe to suppress them, copies were taken, and they were returned to their proper channel without the least delay. Any individual denouncing another may, by the help of such an establishment, give great weight to his denunciation. It is sufficient for his purpose that he should throw into the Post Office any letter so worded as to confirm the impression which it is his object to convey. The worthiest man may thus be committed by a letter which he has never read, or the purport of which is wholly unintelligible to him. 

 I am speaking from personal experience. It once happened that a letter addressed to myself, relating to an alleged fact which had never occurred, was opened. A copy of the letter so opened was also forwarded to me, as it concerned the duties which I had to perform at that time; but I was already in possession of the original, transmitted through the ordinary channel. Summoned to reply to the questions to which such productions had given rise, I took that opportunity of pointing out the danger that would accrue from placing a blind reliance upon intelligence derived from so hazardous a source. Accordingly, little importance was afterwards attached to this means of information; but the system was in operation at the period when M. De Bourrienne was disgraced; his enemies took care to avail themselves of it; they blackened his character with M. De Barbe Marbois, who added to their accusations all the weight of his unblemished character. The opinion entertained by this rigid public functionary, and many other circumstances, induced the First Consul to part with his secretary (tome i. P. 418). 

Peculation is the crime of those who make a fraudulent use of the publicmoney. But as it was not in my power to meddle with the public money, nopart of which passed through my hands, I am at loss to conceive how I canbe charged with peculation! The Due de Rovigo is not the author, butmerely the echo, of this calumny; but the accusation to which his Memoirsgave currency afforded M. De Barbe Marbois an opportunity of adding onemore to the many proofs he has given of his love of justice. 

I had seen nothing of the Memoirs of the Due de Rovigo except theirannouncement in the journals, when a letter from M. De Barbe Marbois wastransmitted to me from my family. It was as follows:

 SIR--My attention has been called to the enclosed article in a recent publication. The assertion it contains is not true, and I conceive it to be a duty both to you and myself to declare that I then was, and still am, ignorant of the causes of the separation in question:--I am, etc. (Signed) MARBOIS

I need say no more in my justification. This unsolicited testimony of M. De Marbois is a sufficient contradiction to the charge of peculationwhich has been raised against me in the absence of correct informationrespecting the real causes of my rupture with the First Consul. 

M. Le Due de Rovigo also observes that my enemies were numerous. Myconcealed adversaries were indeed all those who were interested that thesovereign should not have about him, as his confidential companion, a mandevoted to his glory and not to his vanity. In expressing hisdissatisfaction with one of his ministers Bonaparte had said, in thepresence of several individuals, among whom was M. Maret, "If I couldfind a second Bourrienne I would get rid of you all. " This wassufficient to raise against me the hatred of all who envied theconfidence of which I was in possession. 

The failure of a firm in Paris in which I had invested a considerable sumof money afforded an opportunity for envy and malignity to irritate theFirst Consul against me. Bonaparte, who had not yet forgiven me forwishing to leave him, at length determined to sacrifice my services to anew fit of ill-humour. 

A mercantile house, then one of the most respectable in Patna, had amongits speculations undertaken some army contracts. With the knowledge ofBerthier, with whom, indeed, the house had treated, I had invested somemoney in this business. Unfortunately the principals were, unknown tome, engaged in dangerous speculations in the Funds, which in a short timeso involved them as to occasion their failure for a heavy amount. Thiscaused a rumour that a slight fall of the Funds, which took place at thatperiod, was occasioned by the bankruptcy; and the First Consul, who nevercould understand the nature of the Funds, gave credit to the report. Hewas made to believe that the business of the Stock Exchange was ruined. It was insinuated that I was accused of taking advantage of my situationto produce variations in the Funds, though I was so unfortunate as tolose not only my investment in the bankrupt house, but also a sum ofmoney for which I had become bound, by way of surety, to assist the housein increasing its business. I incurred the violent displeasure of theFirst Consul, who declared to me that he no longer required my services. I might, perhaps have cooled his irritation by reminding him that hecould not blame me for purchasing an interest in a contract, since hehimself had stipulated for a gratuity of 1, 500, 000 francs for his brotherJoseph out of the contract for victualling the navy. But I saw that forsome time past M. De Meneval had begun to supersede me, and the FirstConsul only wanted such an opportunity as this for coming to a rupturewith me. 

Such is a true statement of the circumstances which led to my separationfrom Bonaparte. I defy any one to adduce a single fact in support of thecharge of peculation, or any transaction of the kind; I fear noinvestigation of my conduct. When in the service of Bonaparte I causedmany appointments to be made, and many names to be erased from theemigrant list before the 'Senatus-consulte' of the 6th Floreal, year X. ;but I never counted upon gratitude, experience having taught me that itwas an empty word. 

The Duc de Rovigo attributed my disgrace to certain intercepted letterswhich injured me in the eyes of the First Consul. I did not know this atthe time, and though I was pretty well aware of the machinations ofBonaparte's adulators, almost all of whom were my enemies, yet I did notcontemplate such an act of baseness. But a spontaneous letter from M. DeBarbe Marbois at length opened my eyes, and left little doubt on thesubject. The following is the postscript to that noble peer's letter:

 I recollect that one Wednesday the First Consul, while presiding at a Council of Ministers at St. Cloud, opened a note, and, without informing us what it contained, hastily left the Board, apparently much agitated. In a few minutes he returned and told us that your functions had ceased. 

Whether the sudden displeasure of the First Consul was excited by a falserepresentation of my concern in the transaction which proved sounfortunate to me, or whether Bonaparte merely made that a pretence forcarrying into execution a resolution which I am convinced had beenpreviously adopted, I shall not stop to determine; but the Due de Rovigohaving mentioned the violation of the secrecy of letters in my case, Ishall take the opportunity of stating some particulars on that subject. 

Before I wrote these Memoirs the existence in the Post Office of thecabinet, which had obtained the epithet of black, had been denounced inthe chamber of deputies, and the answer was, that it no longer existed, which of course amounted to an admission that it had existed. I maytherefore, without indiscretion, state what I know respecting it. 

The "black cabinet" was established in the reign of Louis XV. , merely forthe purpose of prying into the scandalous gossip of the Court and thecapital. The existence of this cabinet soon became generally known toevery one. The numerous postmasters who succeeded each other, especiallyin latter times, the still more numerous Post Office clerks, and thatportion of the public who are ever on the watch for what is held up asscandalous, soon banished all the secrecy of the affair, and none butfools were taken in by it. All who did not wish to be committed by theircorrespondence chose better channels of communication than the Post; butthose who wanted to ruin an enemy or benefit a friend long continued toavail themselves of the black cabinet, which, at first intended merely toamuse a monarch's idle hours, soon became a medium of intrigue, dangerousfrom the abuse that might be made of it. 

Every morning, for three years, I used to peruse the portfolio containingthe bulletins of the black cabinet, and I frankly confess that I nevercould discover any real cause for the public indignation against it, except inasmuch as it proved the channel of vile intrigue. Out of 30, 000letters, which daily left Paris to be distributed through France and allparts of the world, ten or twelve, at most, were copied, and often only afew lines of them. 

Bonaparte at first proposed to send complete copies of interceptedletters to the ministers whom their contents might concern; but a fewobservations from me induced him to direct that only the importantpassages should be extracted and sent. I made these extracts, andtransmitted them to their destinations, accompanied by the followingwords: "The First Consul directs me to inform you that he has justreceived the following information, " etc. Whence the information camewas left to be guessed at. 

The First Consul daily received through this channel about a dozenpretended letters, the writers of which described their enemies asopponents of the Government, or their friends as models of obedience andfidelity to the constituted authorities. But the secret purpose of thisvile correspondence was soon discovered, and Bonaparte gave orders thatno more of it should be copied. I, however, suffered from it at the timeof my disgrace, and was well-nigh falling a victim to it at a subsequentperiod. 

The letter mentioned by M. De Marbois, and which was the occasion of thisdigression on the violation of private correspondence, derived importancefrom the circumstance that Wednesday, the 20th of October, when Bonapartereceived it, was the day on which I left the Consular palace. 

I retired to a house which Bonaparte had advised me to purchase at St. Cloud, and for the fitting up and furnishing of which he had promised topay. We shall see how he kept this promise! I immediately sent todirect Landoire, the messenger of Bonaparte's cabinet, to place allletters sent to me in the First Consul's portfolio, because many intendedfor him came under cover for me. In consequence of this message Ireceived the following letter from M. De Meneval:

 MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--I cannot believe that the First Consul would wish that your letters should be presented to him. I presume you allude only to those which may concern him, and which come addressed under cover to you. The First Consul has written to citizens Lavallette and Mollien directing them to address their packets to him. I cannot allow Landoire to obey the order you sent. 

 The First Consul yesterday evening evinced great regret. He repeatedly said, "How miserable I am! I have known that man since he was seven years old. " I cannot but believe that he will reconsider his unfortunate decision. I have intimated to him that the burden of the business is too much for me, and that he must be extremely at a loss for the services of one to whom he was so much accustomed, and whose situation, I am confident, nobody else can satisfactorily fill. He went to bed very low-spirited. I am, etc. (Signed) MENEVAL. 

 19 Vendemiaire, an X. (21st October 1802. )

Next day I received another letter from M. Meneval as follows:--

 I send you your letters. The First Consul prefers that you should break them open, and send here those which are intended for him. I enclose some German papers, which he begs you to translate. 

 Madame Bonaparte is much interested in your behalf; and I can assure you that no one more heartily desires than the First Consul himself to see you again at your old post, for which it would be difficult to find a successor equal to you, either as regards fidelity or fitness. I do not relinquish the hope of seeing you here again. 

A whole week passed away in conflicts between the First Consul'sfriendship and pride. The least desire he manifested to recall me wasopposed by his flatterers. On the fifth day of our separation hedirected me to come to him. He received me with the greatest kindness, and after having good-humouredly told me that I often expressed myselfwith too much freedom--a fault I was never solicitous to correct--headded: "I regret your absence much. You were very useful to me. You areneither too noble nor too plebeian, neither too aristocratic nor tooJacobinical. You are discreet and laborious. You understand me betterthan any one else; and, between ourselves be it said, we ought toconsider this a sort of Court. Look at Duroc, Bessieres, Maret. However, I am very much inclined to take you back; but by so doing Ishould confirm the report that I cannot do without you. "

Madame Bonaparte informed me that she had heard persons to whom Bonaparteexpressed a desire to recall me observe, "What would you do? People willsay you cannot do without him. You have got rid of him now; thereforethink no more about him: and as for the English newspapers, he gave themmore importance than they really deserved: you will no longer be troubledwith them. " This will bring to mind a scene--which occurred at Malmaisonon the receipt of some intelligence in the 'London Gazette'. 

I am convinced that if Bonaparte had been left to himself he would haverecalled me, and this conviction is warranted by the interval whichelapsed between his determination to part with me and the formalannouncement of my dismissal. Our rupture took place on the 20th ofOctober, and on the 8th of November following the First Consul sent methe following letter:

 CITIZEN BOURRIENNE, MINISTER OF STATE--I am satisfied with the services which you have rendered me during the time you have been with me; but henceforth they are no longer necessary. I wish you to relinquish, from this time, the functions and title of my private secretary. I shall seize an early opportunity of providing for you in a way suited to your activity and talents, and conducive to the public service. (Signed)BONAPARTE. 

If any proof of the First Consul's malignity were wanting it would befurnished by the following fact:--A few days after the receipt of theletter which announced my dismissal I received a note from Duroc; but, to afford an idea of the petty revenge of him who caused it to bewritten, it will be necessary first to relate a few precedingcircumstances. 

When, with the view of preserving a little freedom, I declined the offerof apartments which Madame Bonaparte had prepared at Malmaison for myselfand my family, I purchased a small house at Ruel: the First Consul hadgiven orders for the furnishing of this house, as well as one which Ipossessed in Paris. From the manner in which the orders were given I hadnot the slightest doubt but that Bonaparte intended to make me a presentof the furniture. However, when I left his service he applied to have itreturned. As at first I paid no attention to his demand, as far as itconcerned the furniture at Ruel, he directed Duroc to write the followingletter to me:

 The First Consul, my dear Bourrienne, has just ordered me to send him this evening the keys of your residence in Paris, from which the furniture is not to be removed. 

 He also directs me to put into a warehouse whatever furniture you may have at Ruel or elsewhere which you have obtained from Government. 

 I beg of you to send me an answer, so as to assist me in the execution of these orders. You promised me to have everything settled before the First Consul's return. I must excuse myself in the best way I can. (Signed) DUROC. 

 24 Brumaire, an X. (15th November 1802. )

Believing myself to be master of my own actions, I had formed the designof visiting England, whither I was called by some private business. However, I was fully aware of the peculiarity of my situation, and I wasresolved to take no step that should in any way justify a reproach. 

On the 11th of January I therefore wrote to Duroc:

 My affairs require my presence in England for some time. I beg of you, my dear Duroc, to mention my intended journey to the First Consul, as I do not wish to do anything inconsistent with his views. I would rather sacrifice my own interest than displease him. I rely on your friendship for an early answer to this, for uncertainty would be fatal to me in many respects. 

The answer, which speedily arrived, was as follows:--

 MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--I have presented to the First Consul the letter I just received from you. He read it, and said, "No!"

 That is the only answer I can give you. (Signed) DUROC. 

This monosyllable was expressive. It proved to me that Bonaparte wasconscious how ill he had treated me; and, suspecting that I was actuatedby the desire of vengeance, he was afraid of my going to England, lest Ishould there take advantage of that liberty of the press which he had soeffectually put down in France. He probably imagined that my object wasto publish statements which would more effectually have enlightened thepublic respecting his government and designs than all the scandalousanecdotes, atrocious calumnies, and ridiculous fabrications of Pelletier, the editor of the 'Ambigu'. But Bonaparte was much deceived in thissupposition; and if there can remain any doubt on that subject, it willbe removed on referring to the date of these Memoirs, and observing thetime at which I consented to publish them. 

I was not deceived as to the reasons of Bonaparte's unceremonious refusalof my application; and as I well knew his inquisitorial character, I thought it prudent to conceal my notes. I acted differently fromCamoens. He contended with the sea to preserve his manuscripts; I madethe earth the depository of mine. I carefully enclosed my most valuablenotes and papers in a tin box, which I buried under ground. A yellowtinge, the commencement of decay, has in some places almost obliteratedthe writing. 

It will be seen in the sequel that my precaution was not useless, andthat I was right in anticipating the persecution of Bonaparte, provokedby the malice of my enemies. On the 20th of April Duroc sent me thefollowing note:

 I beg, my dear Bourrienne, that you will come to St. Cloud this morning. I have something to tell you on the part of the First Consul. (Signed) DUROC. 

This note caused me much anxiety. I could not doubt but that my enemieshad invented some new calumny; but I must say that I did not expect suchbaseness as I experienced. 

As soon as Duroc had made me acquainted with the business which the FirstConsul had directed him to communicate, I wrote on the spot the subjoinedletter to Bonaparte:

 At General Duroc's desire I have this moment waited upon him, and he informs me that you have received notice that a deficit of 100, 000 francs has been discovered in the Treasury of the Navy, which you require me to refund this day at noon. 

 Citizen First Consul, I know not what this means! I am utterly ignorant of the matter. I solemnly declare to you that this charge is a most infamous calumny. It is one more to be added to the number of those malicious charges which have been invented for the purpose of destroying any influence I might possess with you. 

 I am in General Duroc's apartment, where I await your orders. 

Duroc carried my note to the First Consul as soon as it was written. Hespeedily returned. "All's right!" said he. "He has directed me to sayit was entirely a mistake!--that he is now convinced he was deceived!that he is sorry for the business, and hopes no more will be said aboutit. "

The base flatterers who surrounded Bonaparte wished him to renew hisEgyptian extortions upon me; but they should have recollected that thefusillade employed in Egypt for the purpose of raising money was nolonger the fashion in France, and that the days were gone by when it wasthe custom to 'grease the wheels of the revolutionary car. '

CHAPTER XVII. 

1803. 

 The First Consul's presentiments respecting the duration of peace-- England's uneasiness at the prosperity of France--Bonaparte's real wish for war--Concourse of foreigners in Paris--Bad faith of England--Bonaparte and Lord Whitworth--Relative position of France and England-Bonaparte's journey to the seaboard departments-- Breakfast at Compiegne--Father Berton--Irritation excited by the presence of Bouquet--Father Berton's derangement and death--Rapp ordered to send for me--Order countermanded. 

The First Consul never anticipated a long peace with England. He wishedfor peace merely because, knowing it to be ardently desired by thepeople, after ten years of war he thought it would increase hispopularity and afford him the opportunity of laying the foundation of hisgovernment. Peace was as necessary to enable him to conquer the throneof France as war was essential to secure it, and to enlarge its base atthe expense of the other thrones of Europe. This was the secret of thepeace of Amiens, and of the rupture which so suddenly followed, thoughthat rupture certainly took place sooner than the First Consul wished. On the great questions of peace and war Bonaparte entertained elevatedideas; but in discussions on the subject he always declared himself infavour of war. When told of the necessities of the people, of theadvantages of peace, its influence on trade, the arts, national industry, and every branch of public prosperity, he did not attempt to deny theargument; indeed, he concurred in it; but he remarked, that all thoseadvantages were only conditional, so long as England was able to throwthe weight of her navy into the scale of the world, and to exercise theinfluence of her gold in all the Cabinets of Europe. Peace must bebroken; since it was evident that England was determined to break it. Why not anticipate her? Why allow her to have all the advantages of thefirst step? We must astonish Europe! We must thwart the policy of theContinent! We must strike a great and unexpected blow. Thus reasonedthe First Consul, and every one may judge whether his actions agreed withhis sentiments. 

The conduct of England too well justified the foresight of Bonaparte'spolicy; or rather England, by neglecting to execute her treaties, playedinto Bonaparte's hand, favoured his love for war, and justified theprompt declaration of hostilities in the eyes of the French nation, whomhe wished to persuade that if peace were broken it would be against hiswishes. England was already at work with the powerful machinery of hersubsidies, and the veil beneath which she attempted to conceal hernegotiations was still sufficiently transparent for the lynx eye of theFirst Consul. It was in the midst of peace that all those plots werehatched, while millions who had no knowledge of their existence weresecurely looking forward to uninterrupted repose. 

Since the Revolution Paris had never presented such a spectacle as duringthe winter of 1802-3. At that time the concourse of foreigners in theFrench capital was immense. Everything wore the appearance ofsatisfaction, and the external signs of public prosperity. The visibleregeneration in French society exceedingly annoyed the British Ministry. The English who flocked to the Continent discovered France to be verydifferent from what she was described to be by the English papers. Thiscaused serious alarm on the other side of the Channel, and the EnglishGovernment endeavoured by unjust complaints to divert attention from justdissatisfaction, which its own secret intrigues excited. The King ofEngland sent a message to Parliament, in which he spoke of armamentspreparing in the ports of France, and of the necessity of adoptingprecautions against meditated aggressions. This instance of bad faithhighly irritated the First Consul, who one day, in a fit of displeasure, thus addressed Lord Whitworth in the salon, where all the foreignAmbassadors were assembled:

"What is the meaning of this? Are you then tired of peace? Must Europeagain be deluged with blood? Preparations for war indeed! Do you thinkto overawe us by this? You shall see that France may be conquered, perhaps destroyed, but never intimidated--never!"

The English Ambassador was astounded at this unexpected sally, to whichhe made no reply. He contented himself with writing to his Government anaccount of an interview in which the First Consul had so far forgottenhimself, -whether purposely or not I do not pretend to say. 

That England wished for war there could be no doubt. She occupied Malta, it is true, but she had promised to give it up, though she never had anyintention of doing so. She was to have evacuated Egypt, yet there shestill remained; the Cape of Good Hope was to have been surrendered, butshe still retained possession of it. England had signed, at Amiens, apeace which she had no intention of maintaining. She knew the hatred ofthe Cabinets of Europe towards France, and she was sure, by her intriguesand subsidies, of arming them on her side whenever her plans reachedmaturity. She saw France powerful and influential in Europe, and sheknew the ambitious views of the First Consul, who, indeed, had takenlittle pains to conceal them. 

The First Consul, who had reckoned on a longer duration of the peace ofAmiens, found himself at the rupture of the treaty in an embarrassingsituation. The numerous grants of furloughs, the deplorable conditionof the cavalry, and the temporary absence of artillery, in consequence ofa project for refounding all the field-pieces, caused much anxiety toBonaparte. He had recourse to the conscription to fill up thedeficiencies of the army; and the project of refounding the artillery wasabandoned. Supplies of money were obtained from the large towns, andHanover, which was soon after occupied, furnished abundance of goodhorses for mounting the cavalry. 

War had now become inevitable; and as soon as it was declared the FirstConsul set out to visit Belgium and the seaboard departments to ascertainthe best means of resisting the anticipated attacks of the English. Inpassing through Compiegne he received a visit from Father Berton, formerly principal of the military school of Brienne. He was then rectorof the school of arts at Compiegne, a situation in which he had beenplaced by Bonaparte. I learned the particulars of this visit throughJosephine. Father Berton, whose primitive simplicity of manner wasunchanged since the time when he held us under the authority of hisferule, came to invite Bonaparte and Josephine to breakfast with him, which invitation was accepted. Father Berton had at that time livingwith him one of our old comrades of Brienne, named Bouquet; but heexpressly forbade him to show himself to Bonaparte or any one of hissuite, because Bouquet, who had been a commissary at headquarters inItaly, was in disgrace with the First Consul. Bouquet promised toobserve Father Berton's injunctions, but was far from keeping hispromise. As soon as he saw Bonaparte's carriage drive up, he ran to thedoor and gallantly handed out Josephine. Josephine, as she took hishand, said, "Bouquet, --you have ruined yourself!" Bonaparte, indignantat what he considered an unwarrantable familiarity, gave way to one ofhis uncontrollable fits of passion, and as soon as he entered the roomwhere the breakfast was laid, he seated himself, and then said to hiswife in an imperious tone, "Josephine, sit there!" He then commencedbreakfast, without telling Father Becton to sit down, although a thirdplate had been laid for him. Father Becton stood behind his old pupil'schair apparently confounded at his violence. The scene produced such aneffect on the old man that he became incapable of discharging his dutiesat Compiegne. He retired to Rheims, and his intellect soon after becamederanged. I do not pretend to say whether this alienation of mind wascaused by the occurrence I have just related, and the account of which Ireceived from Josephine. She was deeply afflicted at what had passed. Father Berton died insane. What I heard from Josephine was afterwardsconfirmed by the brother of Father Becton. The fact is, that inproportion as Bonaparte acquired power he was the more annoyed at thefamiliarity of old companions; and, indeed, I must confess that theirfamiliarity often appeared very ridiculous. 

The First Consul's visit to the northern coast took place towards the endof the year 1803, at which time the English attacked the Dutchsettlements of Surinam, Demerara, and Essequibo, and a convention ofneutrality was concluded between France, Spain, and Portugal. Rappaccompanied the First Consul, who attentively inspected the preparationsmaking for a descent on England, which it was never his intention toeffect, as will be shortly shown. 

On the First Consul's return I learned from Rapp that I had been spokenof during the journey, and in the following way:--Bonaparte, being atBoulogne, wanted some information which no one there could give, him. Vexed at receiving no satisfactory answer to his inquiries he calledRapp, and said, "Do you know, Rapp, where Bourrienne is?"--"General, heis in Paris. "--"Write to him to come here immediately, and send off oneof my couriers with the letter. " The rumour of the First Consul's suddenrecollection of me spread like lightning, and the time required to writethe letter and despatch the courier was more than sufficient for theefforts of those whom my return was calculated to alarm. Artfulrepresentations soon checked these spontaneous symptoms of a return toformer feelings and habits. When Rapp carried to the First Consul theletter he had been directed to write the order was countermanded. However, Rapp advised me not to leave Paris, or if I did, to mention theplace where I might be found, so that Duroc might have it in his power toseize on any favourable circumstance without delay. I was well aware ofthe friendship of both Rapp and Duroc, and they could as confidently relyon mine. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

1803. 

 Vast works undertaken--The French and the Roman soldiers--Itinerary of Bonaparte's journeys to the coast--Twelve hours on horseback-- Discussions in Council--Opposition of Truguet--Bonaparte'a opinion on the point under discussion--Two divisions of the world--Europe a province--Bonaparte's jealousy of the dignity of France--The Englishman in the dockyard of Brest--Public audience at the Tuilleries--The First Consul's remarks upon England--His wish to enjoy the good opinion of the English people--Ball at Malmaison-- Lines on Hortense's dancing--Singular motive for giving the ball. 

At the time of the rupture with England Bonaparte was, as I havementioned, quite unprepared in most branches of the service; yeteverything was created as if by magic, and he seemed to impart to othersa share of his own incredible activity. It is inconceivable how manythings had been undertaken and executed since the rupture of the peace. The north coast of France presented the appearance of one vast arsenal;for Bonaparte on this occasion employed his troops like Roman soldiers, and made the tools of the artisan succeed to the arms of the warrior. 

On his frequent journeys to the coast Bonaparte usually set off at night, and on the following morning arrived at the post office of Chantilly, where he breakfasted. Rapp, whom I often saw when he was in Paris, talked incessantly of these journeys, for he almost always accompaniedthe First Consul, and it would have been well had he always beensurrounded by such men. In the evening the First Consul supped atAbbeville, and arrived early next day at the bridge of Brique. "It wouldrequire constitutions of iron to go through what we do, " said Rapp. "We no sooner alight from the carriage than we mount on horseback, andsometimes remain in our saddles for ten or twelve hours successively. The First Consul inspects and examines everything, often talks with thesoldiers. How he is beloved by them! When shall we pay a visit toLondon with those brave fellows?"

Notwithstanding these continual journeys the First Consul never neglectedany of the business of government, and was frequently present at thedeliberations of the Council. I was still with him when the question asto the manner in which the treaties of peace should be concluded cameunder the consideration of the Council. Some members, among whom Truguetwas conspicuous, were of opinion that, conformably with an article of theConstitution, the treaties should be proposed by the Head of theGovernment, submitted to the Legislative Body, and after being agreed topromulgated as part of the laws. Bonaparte thought differently. I wasentirely of his opinion, and he said to me, "It is for the mere pleasureof opposition that they appeal to the Constitution, for if theConstitution says so it is absurd. There are some things which cannotbecome the subject of discussion in a public assembly; for instance, if Itreat with Austria, and my Ambassador agrees to certain conditions, canthose conditions be rejected by the Legislative Body? It is a monstrousabsurdity! Things would be brought to a fine pass in this way!Lucchesini and Markow would give dinners every day like Cambaceres;scatter their money about, buy men who are to be sold, and thus cause ourpropositions to be rejected. This would be a fine way to managematters!"

When Bonaparte, according to his custom, talked to me in the evening ofwhat had passed in the Council, his language was always composed of asingular mixture of quotations from antiquity, historical references, andhis own ideas. He talked about the Romans, and I remember when Mr. Foxwas at Paris that he tried to distinguish himself before that ForeignMinister, whom he greatly esteemed. In his enlarged way of viewing theworld Bonaparte divided it into two large states, the East and the West:"What matters, " he would often say, "that two countries are separated byrivers or mountains, that they speak different languages? With veryslight shades of variety France, Spain, England, Italy, and Germany, havethe same manners and customs, the same religion, and the same dress. Inthem a man can only marry one wife; slavery is not allowed; and these arethe great distinctions which divide the civilised inhabitants of theglobe. With the exception of Turkey, Europe is merely a province of theworld, and our warfare is but civil strife. There is also another way ofdividing nations, namely, by land and water. " Then he would touch on allthe European interests, speak of Russia, whose alliance he wished for, and of England, the mistress of the seas. He usually ended by alludingto what was then his favourite scheme--an expedition to India. 

When from these general topics Bonaparte descended to the particularinterests of France, he still spoke like a sovereign; and I may truly saythat he showed himself more jealous than any sovereign ever was of thedignity of France, of which he already considered himself the solerepresentative. Having learned that a captain of the English navy hadvisited the dockyard of Brest passing himself off as a merchant, whosepassport he had borrowed, he flew into a rage because no one had venturedto arrest him. --[see James' Naval History for an account of Sir SidneySmith's daring exploit. ]--Nothing was lost on Bonaparte, and he madeuse of this fact to prove to the Council of State the necessity ofincreasing the number of commissary-generals of police. At a meeting ofthe Council he said, "If there had been a commissary of police at Bresthe would have arrested the English captain and sent him at once to Paris. As he was acting the part of a spy I would have had him shot as such. No Englishman, not even a nobleman, or the English Ambassador, should beadmitted into our dockyards. I will soon regulate all this. " Heafterwards said to me, "There are plenty of wretches who are selling meevery day to the English without my being subjected to English spying. "

 --[During the short and hollow peace of Amiens Bonaparte sent over to England as consuls and vice-consuls, a number of engineers and military men, who were instructed to make plans of all the harbours and coasts of the United Kingdom. They worked in secrecy, yet not so secretly but that they were soon suspected: the facts were proved, and they were sent out of the country without ceremony. -- Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

He had on one occasion said before an assemblage of generals, senators, and high officers of State, who were at an audience of the DiplomaticBody, "The English think that I am afraid of war, but I am not. " Andhere the truth escaped him, in spite of himself. "My power will losenothing by war. In a very short time I can have 2, 000, 000 of men at mydisposal. What has been the result of the first war? The union ofBelgium and Piedmont to France. This is greatly to our advantage; itwill consolidate our system. France shall not be restrained by foreignfetters. England has manifestly violated the treaties! It would bebetter to render homage to the King of England, and crown him King ofFrance at Paris, than to submit to the insolent caprices of the EnglishGovernment. If, for the sake of preserving peace, at most for only twomonths longer, I should yield on a single point, the English would becomethe more treacherous and insolent, and would enact the more in proportionas we yield. But they little know me! Were we to yield to England now, she would next prohibit our navigation in certain parts of the world. She would insist on the surrender of par ships. I know not what shewould not demand; but I am not the man to brook such indignities. SinceEngland wishes for war she shall have it, and that speedily!"

On the same day Bonaparte said a great deal more about the treachery ofEngland. The gross calumnies to which he was exposed in the Londonnewspapers powerfully contributed to increase his natural hatred of theliberty of the press; and he was much astonished that such attacks couldbe made upon him by English subjects when he was at peace with theEnglish Government. 

I had one day a singular proof of the importance which Bonaparte attachedto the opinion of the English people respecting any misconduct that wasattributed to him. What I am about to state will afford another exampleof Bonaparte's disposition to employ petty and roundabout means to gainhis ends. He gave a ball at Malmaison when Hortense was in the seventhmonth of her pregnancy. 

 --[This refers to the first son of Louis and of Hortense, Napoleon Charles, the intended successor of Napoleon, who was born 1802, died 1807, elder brother of Napoleon III. ]--

I have already mentioned that he disliked to see women in that situation, and above all could not endure to see them dance. Yet, in spite of thisantipathy, he himself asked Hortense to dance at the ball at Malmaison. She at first declined, but Bonaparte was exceedingly importunate, andsaid to her in a tone of good-humoured persuasion, "Do, I beg of you;I particularly wish to see you dance. Come, stand up, to oblige me. "Hortense at last consented. The motive for this extraordinary request Iwill now explain. 

On the day after the ball one of the newspapers contained some verses onHortense's dancing. She was exceedingly annoyed at this, and when thepaper arrived at Malmaison she expressed, displeasure at it. Evenallowing for all the facility of our newspaper wits, she was neverthelessat a loss to understand how the lines could have been written and printedrespecting a circumstance which only occurred the night before. Bonaparte smiled, and gave her no distinct answer. When Hortense knewthat I was alone in the cabinet she came in and asked me to explain thematter; and seeing no reason to conceal the truth, I told her that thelines had been written by Bonaparte's direction before the ball tookplace. I added, what indeed was the fact, that the ball had beenprepared for the verses, and that it was only for the appropriateness oftheir application that the First Consul had pressed her to dance. Headopted this strange contrivance for contradicting an article whichappeared in an English journal announcing that Hortense was delivered. Bonaparte was highly indignant at that premature announcement, which heclearly saw was made for the sole purpose of giving credit to thescandalous rumours of his imputed connection with Hortense. Such werethe petty machinations which not unfrequently found their place in a mindin which the grandest schemes were revolving. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

1803. 

 Mr. Pitt--Motive of his going out of office--Error of the English Government--Pretended regard for the Bourbons--Violation of the treaty of Amiens--Reciprocal accusations--Malta--Lord Whitworth's departure--Rome and Carthage--Secret satisfaction of Bonaparte-- Message to the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the Tribunate-- The King of England's renunciation of the title of King of France-- Complaints of the English Government--French agents in British ports --Views of France upon Turkey--Observation made by Bonaparte to the Legislative Body--Its false interpretation--Conquest of Hanover-- The Duke of Cambridge caricatured--The King of England and the Elector of Hanover--First address to the clergy--Use of the word "Monsieur"--The Republican weeks and months. 

One of the circumstances which foretold the brief duration of the peaceof Amiens was, that Mr. Pitt was out of office at the time of itsconclusion. I mentioned this to Bonaparte, and I immediately perceivedby his hasty "What do you say?" that my observation had been heard--butnot liked. It did not, however, require any extraordinary shrewdness tosee the true motive of Mr. Pitt's retirement. That distinguishedstatesman conceived that a truce under the name of a peace wasindispensable for England; but, intending to resume the war with Francemore fiercely than ever, he for a while retired from office, and left toothers the task of arranging the peace; but his intention was to mark hisreturn to the ministry by the renewal of the implacable hatred he hadvowed against France. Still, I have always thought that the conclusionof peace, however necessary to England, was an error of the Cabinet ofLondon. England alone had never before acknowledged any of thegovernments which had risen up in France since the Revolution; and as thepast could not be blotted out, a future war, however successful toEngland, could not take from Bonaparte's Government the immense weight ithad acquired by an interval of peace. Besides, by the mere fact of theconclusion of the treaty England proved to all Europe that therestoration of the Bourbons was merely a pretext, and she defaced thatpage of her history which might have shown that she was actuated bynobler and more generous sentiments than mere hatred of France. It isvery certain that the condescension of England in treating with the FirstConsul had the effect of rallying round him a great many partisans of theBourbons, whose hopes entirely depended on the continuance of war betweenGreat Britain and France. This opened the eyes of the greater number, namely, those who could not see below the surface, and were notpreviously aware that the demonstrations of friendship so liberally madeto the Bourbons by the European Cabinets, and especially by England, weremerely false pretences, assumed for the purpose of disguising, beneaththe semblance of honourable motives, their wish to injure France, and tooppose her rapidly increasing power. 

When the misunderstanding took place, France and England might havemutually reproached each other, but justice was apparently on the side ofFrance. It was evident that England, by refusing to evacuate Malta, wasguilty of a palpable infraction of the treaty of Amiens, while Englandcould only institute against France what in the French law language iscalled a suit or process of tendency. But it must be confessed that thistendency on the part of France to augment her territory was very evident, for the Consular decrees made conquests more promptly than the sword. The union of Piedmont with France had changed the state of Europe. Thisunion, it is true, was effected previously to the treaty of Amiens; butit was not so with the states of Parma and Piacenza, Bonaparte having byhis sole authority constituted himself the heir of the Grand Duke, recently deceased. It may therefore be easily imagined how great wasEngland's uneasiness at the internal prosperity of France and theinsatiable ambition of her ruler; but it is no less certain that, withrespect to Malta, England acted with decidedly bad faith; andthis bad faith appeared in its worst light from the followingcircumstance:--It had been stipulated that England should withdrawher troops from Malta three months after the signing of the treaty, yetmore than a year had elapsed, and the troops were still there. Theorder of Malta was to be restored as it formerly was; that is to say, itwas to be a sovereign and independent order, under the protection of theHoly See. The three Cabinets of Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg wereto guarantee the execution of the treaty of Amiens. The EnglishAmbassador, to excuse the evasions of his Government, pretended that theRussian Cabinet concurred with England in the delayed fulfilment of theconditions of the treaty; but at the very moment he was making thatexcuse a courier arrived from the Cabinet of St. Petersburg bearingdespatches completely, at variance with the assertion of Lord Whitworth. His lordship left Paris on the night of the 12th May 1803, and theEnglish Government, unsolicited, sent passports to the French embassy inLondon. The news of this sudden rupture made the English console fallfour per cent. , but did not immediately produce such a retrograde effecton the French funds, which were then quoted at fifty-five francs;--avery high point, when it is recollected that they were at seven or eightfrancs on the eve of the 18th Brumaire. 

In this state of things France proposed to the English Government toadmit of the mediation of Russia; but as England had declared war inorder to repair the error she committed in concluding peace, theproposition was of course rejected. Thus the public gave the FirstConsul credit for great moderation and a sincere wish for peace. Thusarose between England and France a contest resembling those furious warswhich marked the reigns of King John and Charles VII. Our beaux espritsdrew splendid comparisons between the existing state of things and theancient rivalry of Carthage and Rome, and sapiently concluded that, asCarthage fell, England must do so likewise. 

Bonaparte was at St. Cloud when Lord Whitworth left Paris. A fortnightwas spent in useless attempts to renew negotiations. War, therefore, wasthe only alternative. Before he made his final preparations the FirstConsul addressed a message to the Senate, the Legislative Body, and theTribunate. In this message he mentioned the recall of the EnglishAmbassador, the breaking out of hostilities, the unexpected message ofthe King of England to his Parliament, and the armaments whichimmediately ensued in the British ports. "In vain, " he said, "had Francetried every means to induce England to abide by the treaty. She hadrepelled every overture, and increased the insolence of her demands. France, " he added, "will not submit to menaces, but will combat for thefaith of treaties, and the honour of the French name, confidentlytrusting that the result of the contest will be such as she has a rightto expect from the justice of her cause and the courage of her people. "

This message was dignified, and free from that vein of boasting in whichBonaparte so frequently indulged. The reply of the Senate wasaccompanied by a vote of a ship of the line, to be paid for out of theSenatorial salaries. With his usual address Bonaparte, in acting forhimself, spoke in the name of the people, just as he did in the questionof the Consulate for life. But what he then did for his own intereststurned to the future interests of the Bourbons. The very treaty whichhad just been broken off gave rise to a curious observation. Bonaparte, though not yet a sovereign, peremptorily required the King of England torenounce the empty title of King of France, which was kept up as if toimply that old pretensions were not yet renounced. The proposition wasacceded to, and to this circumstance was owing the disappearance of thetitle of King of France from among the titles of the King of England, when the treaty of Paris was concluded on the return of the Bourbons. 

The first grievance complained of by England was the prohibition ofEnglish merchandise, which had been more rigid since the peace thanduring the war. The avowal of Great Britain on this point might wellhave enabled her to dispense with any other subject of complaint; for thetruth is, she was alarmed at the aspect of our internal prosperity, andat the impulse given to our manufactures. The English Government hadhoped to obtain from the First Consul such a commercial treaty as wouldhave proved a death-blow to our rising trade; but Bonaparte opposed this, and from the very circumstance of his refusal he might easily haveforeseen the rupture at which he affected to be surprised. What I stateI felt at the time, when I read with great interest all the documentsrelative to this great dispute between the two rival nations, whicheleven years afterwards was decided before the walls of Paris. 

It was evidently disappointment in regard to a commercial treaty whichcreated the animosity of the English Government, as that circumstance wasalluded to, by way of reproach, in the King of England's declaration. In that document it was complained that France had sent a number ofpersona into the ports of Great Britain and Ireland in the character ofcommercial agents, which character, and the privileges belonging to it, they could only have acquired by a commercial treaty. Such was, in myopinion, the real cause of the complaints of England; but as it wouldhave seemed too absurd to make it the ground of a declaration of war, sheenumerated other grievances, viz. , the union of Piedmont and of thestates of Parma and Piacenza with France, and the continuance of theFrench troops in Holland. A great deal was said about the views andprojects of France with respect to Turkey, and this complaint originatedin General Sebastiani's mission to Egypt. On that point I can take uponme to say that the English Government was not misinformed. Bonaparte toofrequently spoke to are of his ideas respecting the East, and his projectof attacking the English power in India, to leave any doubt of his everhaving renounced them. The result of all the reproaches which the twoGovernments addressed to each other was, that neither acted with goodfaith. 

The First Consul, in a communication to the Legislative Body on thestate of France and on her foreign relations; had said, "England, single-handed, cannot cope with France. " This sufficed to irritate thesusceptibility of English pride, and the British Cabinet affected toregard it as a threat. However, it was no such thing. When Bonapartethreatened, his words were infinitely more energetic. The passage abovecited was merely au assurance to France; and if we only look at the pastefforts and sacrifices made by England to stir up enemies to France onthe Continent, we may be justified in supposing that her anger atBonaparte's declaration arose from a conviction of its truth. Singlyopposed to France, England could doubtless have done her much harm, especially by assailing the scattered remnants of her navy; but she couldhave done nothing against France on the Continent. The two powers, unaided by allies, might have continued long at war without anyconsiderable acts of hostility. 

The first effect of the declaration of war by England was the invasion ofHanover by the French troops under General Mortier. The telegraphicdespatch by which this news was communicated to Paris was as laconic ascorrect, and contained, in a few words, the complete history of theexpedition. It ran as follows: "The French are masters of the Electorateof Hanover, and the enemy's army are made prisoners of war. " A day ortwo after the shop windows of the print-sellers were filled withcaricatures on the English, and particularly on the Duke of Cambridge. I recollect seeing one in which the Duke was represented reviewing histroops mounted on a crab. I mention these trifles because, as I was thenliving entirely at leisure, in the Rue Hauteville, I used frequently totake a stroll on the Boulevards, where I was sometimes much amused withthese prints; and I could not help remarking, that in large cities suchtriffles have more influence on the public mind than is usually supposed. 

The First Consul thought the taking of the prisoners in Hanover a goodopportunity to exchange them for those taken from us by the English navy. A proposition to this effect was accordingly made; but the EnglishCabinet was of opinion that, though the King of England was also Electorof Hanover, yet there was no identity between the two Governments, ofboth which George III. Was the head. In consequence of this subtledistinction the proposition for the exchange of prisoners fell to theground. At this period nothing could exceed the animosity of the twoGovernments towards each other, and Bonaparte, on the declaration of war, marked his indignation by an act which no consideration can justify;I allude to the order for the arrest of all the English inFrance--a truly barbarious measure; for; can anything be more cruel andunjust than to visit individuals with the vengeance due to theGovernment whose subjects they may happen to be? But Bonaparte, whenunder the influence of anger, was never troubled by scruples. 

I must here notice the fulfilment of a remark Bonaparte often made, useof to me during the Consulate. "You shall see, Bourrienne, " he wouldsay, "what use I will make of the priests. "

War being declared, the First Consul, in imitation of the most Christiankings of olden times, recommended the success of his arms to the prayersof the faithful through the medium of the clergy. To this end headdressed a circular letter, written in royal style, to the Cardinals, Archbishops, and Bishops of France. 

It was as follows:

 MONSIEUR--The motives of the present war are known throughout Europe. The bad faith of the King of England, who has violated his treaties by refusing to restore Malta to the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and attacked our merchant vessels without a previous declaration of war, together with the necessity of a just defence, forced us to have recourse to arms. I therefore wish you to order prayers to be offered up, in order to obtain the benediction of Heaven on our enterprises. The proofs I have received of your zeal for the public service give me an assurance of your readiness to conform with my wishes. 

 Given at St. Cloud, 18 Prairial, an XI. (7th June 1803). 

 (Signed) BONAPARTE. 

This letter was remarkable in more than one respect. It astonished mostof his old brothers-in-arms, who turned it into ridicule; observing thatBonaparte needed no praying to enable him to conquer Italy twice over. The First Consul, however, let them laugh on, and steadily followed theline he had traced out. His letter was admirably calculated to pleasethe Court of Rome, which he wished should consider him in the light ofanother elder son of the Church. The letter was, moreover, remarkablefor the use of the word "Monsieur, " which the First Consul now employedfor the first time in an act destined for publicity. This circumstancewould seem to indicate that he considered Republican designationsincompatible with the forms due to the clergy: the clergy were especiallyinterested in the restoration of monarchy. It may, perhaps, be thoughtthat I dwell too much on trifles; but I lived long enough in Bonaparte'sconfidence to know the importance he attached to trifles. The FirstConsul restored the old names of the days of the week, while he allowedthe names of the months, as set down in the Republican calendar, toremain. He commenced by ordering the Moniteur to be dated "Saturday, "such a day of "Messidor. " "See, " said he one day, "was there ever suchan inconsistency? We shall be laughed at! But I will do away with theMessidor. I will efface all the inventions of the Jacobins. "

The clergy did not disappoint the expectations of the First Consul. Theyowed him much already, and hoped for still more from him. The letter tothe Bishops, etc. , was the signal for a number of circulars full ofeulogies on Bonaparte. 

These compliments were far from displeasing to the First Consul, who hadno objection to flattery though he despised those who meanly madethemselves the medium of conveying it to him. Duroc once told me thatthey had all great difficulty in preserving their gravity when the cureof a parish in Abbeville addressed Bonaparte one day while he was on hisjourney to the coast. "Religion, " said the worthy cure, with pompoussolemnity, "owes to you all that it is, we owe to you all that we are;and I, too, owe to you all that I am. "

 --[Not so fulsome as some of the terms used a year later when Napoleon was made Emperor. "I am what I am, " was placed over a seat prepared for the Emperor. One phrase, "God made Napoleon and then rested, " drew from Narbonne the sneer that it would have been better if the Deity had rested sooner. "Bonaparte, " says Joseph de Maistre, "has had himself described in his papers as the 'Messenger of God. ' Nothing more true. Bonaparte comes straight from heaven, like a thunderbolt. " (Saints-Benve, Caureries, tome iv. P. 203. )]

CHAPTER XX. 

1803. 

 Presentation of Prince Borghese to Bonaparte--Departure for Belgium Revival of a royal custom--The swans of Amiens--Change of formula in the acts of Government--Company of performers in Bonaparte's suite--Revival of old customs--Division of the institute into four classes--Science and literature--Bonaparte's hatred of literary men --Ducis--Bernardin de Saint-Pierre--Chenier and Lemercier-- Explanation of Bonaparte's aversion to literature--Lalande and his dictionary--Education in the hands of Government--M. De Roquelaure, Archbishop of Malines. 

In the month of April 1803 Prince Borghese, who was destined one day tobecome Bonaparte's brother-in-law by marrying the widow of Leclerc, wasintroduced to the First Consul by Cardinal Caprara. 

About the end of June Bonaparte proceeded, with Josephine, on his journeyto Belgium and the seaboard departments. Many curious circumstances wereconnected with this journey, of which I was informed by Duroc after theFirst Consul's return. Bonaparte left Paris on the 24th of June, andalthough it was not for upwards of a year afterwards that his brow wasencircled with the imperial-diadem, everything connected with the journeyhad an imperial air. It was formerly the custom, when the Kings ofFrance entered the ancient capital of Picardy, for the town of Amiens tooffer them in homage some beautiful swans. Care was taken to revive thiscustom, which pleased Bonaparte greatly, because it was treating him likea King. The swans were accepted, and sent to Paris to be placed in thebasin of the Tuileries, in order to show the Parisians the royal homagewhich the First Consul received when absent from the capital. 

It was also during this journey that Bonaparte began to date his decreesfrom the places through which he passed. He had hitherto left a greatnumber of signatures in Paris, in order that he might be present, as itwere, even during his absence, by the acts of his Government. Hithertopublic acts had been signed in the name of the Consuls of the Republic. Instead of this formula, he substituted the name of the Government of theRepublic. By means of this variation, unimportant as it might appear, the Government was always in the place where the First Consul happened tobe. The two other Consuls were now mere nullities, even in appearance. The decrees of the Government, which Cambaceres signed during thecampaign of Marengo, were now issued from all the towns of France andBelgium which the First Consul visited during his six weeks' journey. Having thus centred the sole authority of the Republic in himself, theperformers of the theatre of the Republic became, by a naturalconsequence, his; and it was quite natural that they should travel in hissuite, to entertain the inhabitants of the towns in which he stopped bytheir performances. But this was not all. He encouraged the renewal ofa host of ancient customs. He sanctioned the revival of the festival ofJoan of Arc at Orleans, and he divided the Institute into four classes, with the intention of recalling the recollection of the old academies, the names of which, however, he rejected, in spite of the wishes andintrigues of Suard and the Abby Morellet, who had gained over Lucien uponthis point. 

However, the First Consul did not give to the classes of the Institutethe rank which they formerly possessed as academies. He placed the classof sciences in the first rank, and the old French Academy in the secondrank. It must be acknowledged that, considering the state of literatureand science at that period, the First Consul did not make a wrongestimate of their importance. 

Although the literature of France could boast of many men of greattalent, such as La Harpe, who died during the Consulate, Ducis, Bernardinde Saint-Pierre, Chenier, and Lemercier, yet they could not be comparedwith Lagrange, Laplace, Monge, Fourcroy, Berthollet, and Cuvier, whoselabours have so prodigiously extended the limits of human knowledge. Noone, therefore, could murmur at seeing the class of sciences in theInstitute take precedence of its elder sister. Besides, the First Consulwas not sorry to show, by this arrangement, the slight estimation inwhich he held literary men. When he spoke to me respecting them hecalled them mere manufacturers of phrases. He could not pardon them forexcelling him in a pursuit in which he had no claim to distinction. I never knew a man more insensible than Bonaparte to the beauties ofpoetry or prose. A certain degree of vagueness, which was combined withhis energy of mind, led him to admire the dreams of Ossian, and hisdecided character found itself, as it were, represented in the elevatedthoughts of Corneille. Hence his almost exclusive predilection for thesetwo authors With this exception, the finest works in our literature werein his opinion merely arrangements of sonorous words, void of sense, andcalculated only for the ear. 

Bonaparte's contempt, or, more properly speaking, his dislike ofliterature, displayed itself particularly in the feeling he cherishedtowards some men of distinguished literary talent. He hated Chenier, andDucis still more. He could not forgive Chenier for the Republicanprinciples which pervaded his tragedies; and Ducis excited in him; as ifinstinctively, an involuntary hatred. Ducis, on his part, was notbackward in returning the Consul's animosity, and I remember his writingsome verses which were inexcusably violent, and overstepped all thebounds of truth. Bonaparte was so singular a composition of good and badthat to describe him as he was under one or other of these aspects wouldserve for panegyric or satire without any departure from truth. Bonaparte was very fond of Bernardin Saint-Pierre's romance of 'Paul andVirginia', which he had read in his boyhood. I remember that he one daytried to read 'Les etudes de la Nature', but at the expiration of aquarter of an hour he threw down the book, exclaiming, "How can any oneread such silly stuffy. It is insipid and vapid; there is nothing in it. These are the dreams of a visionary! What is nature? The thing is vagueand unmeaning. Men and passions are the subjects to write about--thereis something there for study. These fellows are good for nothing underany government. I will, however, give them pensions, because I ought todo so, as Head of the State. They occupy and amuse the idle. I willmake Lagrange a Senator--he has a head. "

Although Bonaparte spoke so disdainfully of literary men it must not betaken for granted that he treated them ill. On the contrary, all thosewho visited at Malmaison were the objects of his attention, and evenflattery. M. Lemercier was one of those who came most frequently, andwhom Bonaparte received with the greatest pleasure. Bonaparte treatedM. Lemercier with great kindness; but he did not like him. His characteras a literary man and poet, joined to a polished frankness, and a mildbut inflexible spirit of republicanism, amply sufficed to explainBonaparte's dislike. He feared M. Lemercier and his pen; and, ashappened more than once, he played the part of a parasite by flatteringthe writer. M. Lemercier was the only man I knew who refused the crossof the Legion of Honour. 

Bonaparte's general dislike of literary men was less the result ofprejudice than circumstances. In order to appreciate or even to readliterary works time is requisite, and time was so precious to him that hewould have wished, as one may say, to shorten a straight line. He likedonly those writers who directed their attention to positive and precisethings, which excluded all thoughts of government and censures onadministration. He looked with a jealous eye on political economists andlawyers; in short, as all persons who in any way whatever meddled withlegislation and moral improvements. His hatred of discussions on thosesubjects was strongly displayed on the occasion of the classification ofthe Institute. Whilst he permitted the reassembling of a literary class, to the number of forty, as formerly, he suppressed the class of moral andpolitical science. Such was his predilection for things of immediate andcertain utility that even in the sciences he favoured only such asapplied to terrestrial objects. He never treated Lalande with so muchdistinction as Monge and Lagrange. Astronomical discoveries could notadd directly to his own greatness; and, besides, he could never forgiveLalande for having wished to include him in a dictionary of atheistsprecisely at the moment when he was opening negotiations with the courtof Rome. 

Bonaparte wished to be the sole centre of a world which he believed hewas called to govern. With this view he never relaxed in his constantendeavour to concentrate the whole powers of the State in the hands ofits Chief. His conduct upon the subject of the revival of publicinstruction affords evidence of this fact. He wished to establish 6000bursaries, to be paid by Government, and to be exclusively at hisdisposal, so that thus possessing the monopoly of education, he couldhave parcelled it out only to the children of those who were blindlydevoted to him. This was what the First Consul called the revival ofpublic instruction. During the period of my closest intimacy with himhe often spoke to me on this subject, and listened patiently to myobservations. I remember that one of his chief arguments was this:"What is it that distinguishes men? Education--is it not? Well, if thechildren of nobles be admitted into the academies, they will be as welleducated as the children of the revolution, who compose the strength ofmy government. Ultimately they will enter into my regiments as officers, and will naturally come in competition with those whom they regard as theplunderers of their families. I do not wish that!"

My recollections have caused me to wander from the journey of the FirstConsul and Madame Bonaparte to the seabord departments and Belgium. I have, however, little to add to what I have already stated on thesubject. I merely remember that Bonaparte's military suite, andLauriston and Rapp in particular, when speaking to me about the journey, could not conceal some marks of discontent on account of the greatrespect which Bonaparte had shown the clergy, and particularly to M. DeRoquelaure, the Archbishop of Malines (or Mechlin). That prelate, whowas a shrewd man, and had the reputation of having been in his youth moreaddicted to the habits of the world than to those of the cloister, hadbecome an ecclesiastical courtier. He went to Antwerp to pay his homageto the First Consul, upon whom he heaped the most extravagant praises. Afterwards, addressing Madame Bonaparte, he told her that she was unitedto the First Consul by the sacred bonds of a holy alliance. In thisharangue, in which unction was singularly blended with gallantry, surelyit was a departure from ecclesiastical propriety to speak of sacred bondsand holy alliance when every one knew that those bonds and that allianceexisted only by a civil contract. Perhaps M. De Roquelaure merely hadrecourse to what casuists call a pious fraud in order to engage themarried couple to do that which he congratulated them on having alreadydone. Be this as it may, it is certain that this honeyed language gainedM. De Roquelaure the Consul's favour, and in a short time after he wasappointed to the second class of the Institute. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

1804. 

 The Temple--The intrigues of Europe--Prelude to the Continental system--Bombardment of Granville--My conversation with the First Consul on the projected invasion of England--Fauche Borel--Moreau and Pichegru--Fouche's manoeuvres--The Abbe David and Lajolais-- Fouche's visit to St. Cloud--Regnier outwitted by Fouche-- My interview with the First Consul--His indignation at the reports respecting Hortense--Contradiction of these calumnies--The brothers Faucher--Their execution--The First Consul's levee--My conversation with Duroc--Conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru--Moreau averse to the restoration of the Bourbons--Bouvet de Lozier's attempted suicide--Arrest of Moreau--Declaration of MM. De Polignac and de Riviere--Connivance of the police--Arrest of M. Carbonnet and his nephew. 

The time was passed when Bonaparte, just raised to the Consulate, onlyproceeded to the Temple to release the victims of the "Loi des suspects"by his sole and immediate authority. This state prison was now to befilled by the orders of his police. All the intrigues of Europe were inmotion. Emissaries came daily from England, who, if they could notpenetrate into the interior of France, remained in the towns near thefrontiers, where they established correspondence, and publishedpamphlets, which they sent to Paris by post, in the form of letters. 

The First Consul, on the other hand, gave way, without reserve, to thenatural irritation which that power had excited by her declaration ofwar. He knew that the most effective war he could carry on againstEngland would be a war against her trade. 

As a prelude to that piece of madness, known by the name of theContinental system, the First Consul adopted every possible preventivemeasure against the introduction of English merchandise. Bonaparte'sirritation against the English was not without a cause. The intelligencewhich reached Paris from the north of France was not very consolatory. The English fleets not only blockaded the French ports, but were actingon the offensive, and had bombarded Granville. The mayor of the town didhis duty, but his colleagues, more prudent, acted differently. In theheight of his displeasure Bonaparte issued a decree, by which he bestoweda scarf of honour on Letourneur, the mayor, and dismissed his colleaguesfrom office as cowards unworthy of trust. The terms of this decree wererather severe, but they were certainly justified by the conduct of thosewho had abandoned their posts at a critical moment. 

I come now to the subject of the invasion of England, and what the FirstConsul said to me respecting it. I have stated that Bonaparte never hadany idea of realising the pretended project of a descent on England. Thetruth of this assertion will appear from a conversation which I had withhim after he returned from his journey to the north. In thisconversation he repeated what he had often before mentioned to me inreference to the projects and possible steps to which fortune mightcompel him to resort. 

The peace of Amiens had been broken about seven months when, on the 15thof December 1803, the First Consul sent for me to the Tuileries. Hisincomprehensible behaviour to me was fresh in my mind; and as it wasupwards of a year since I had seen him, I confess I did not feel quite atease when I received the summons. He was perfectly aware that Ipossessed documents and data for writing his history which would describefacts correctly, and destroy the illusions with which his flatterersconstantly, entertained the public. I have already stated that at thatperiod I had no intention of the kind; but those who laboured constantlyto incense him against me might have suggested apprehensions on thesubject. At all events the fact is, that when he sent for me I took theprecaution of providing myself with a night-cap, conceiving it to be verylikely that I should be sent to sleep at Vincennes. On the day appointedfor the interview Rapp was on duty. I did not conceal from him myopinion as to the possible result of my visit. "You need not be afraid, "said Rapp; "the First Consul merely wishes to talk with you. " He thenannounced me. 

Bonaparte came into the grand salon where I awaited him, and addressingme in the most good-humoured way said, "What do the gossips say of mypreparations for the invasion of England?"--"There is a great differenceof opinion on the subject, General, " I replied. "Everyone speaksaccording to his own views. Suchet, for instance, who comes to see mevery often, has no doubt that it will take place, and hopes to give youon the occasion fresh proofs of his gratitude and fidelity. "--"But Suchettells me that you do not believe it will be attempted. "--"That is true, Icertainly do not. "--"Why?"--"Because you told me at Antwerp, five yearsago, that you would not risk France on the cast of a die--that theadventure was too hazardous--and circumstances have not altered sincethat time. "--"You are right. Those who look forward to the invasion ofEngland are blockheads. They do not see the affair in its true light. I can, doubtless, land in England with 100, 000 men. A great battle willbe fought, which I shall gain; but I must reckon upon 30, 000 men killed, wounded, and prisoners. If I march on London, a second battle must befought. I will suppose myself again victorious; but what should I do inLondon with an army diminished three-fourths and without the hope ofreinforcements? It would be madness. Until our navy acquiressuperiority it is useless to think of such a project. The greatassemblage of troops in the north has another object. My Government mustbe the first in the world, or it must fall. " Bonaparte then evidentlywished it to be supposed that he entertained the design of invadingEngland in order to divert the attention of Europe to that direction. 

From Dunkirk the First Consul proceeded to Antwerp, where also he hadassembled experienced men to ascertain their opinions respecting thesurest way of attempting a landing, the project of which was merely apretence. The employment of large ships of was, after rang discussions, abandoned in favour of a flotilla. 

 --[At this period a caricature (by Gillray) appeared in London. Which was sent to Paris, and strictly sought after by the police. One of the copies was shown to the First Consul, who was highly indignant at it. The French fleet was represented by a number of nut-shells. An English sailor, seated on a rock, was quietly smoking his pipe, the whiffs of which were throwing the whole squadron into disorder. --Bourrienne. Gillray's caricatures should be at the reader's side during the perusal of this work, also English Caricature and Satire on Napoleon I. , by J. Ashton Chatto: and Windus, 1884. ]--

After visiting Belgium, and giving directions there, the First Consulreturned from Brussels to Paris by way of Maestricht, Liege, andSoissons. 

Before my visit to the Tuileries, and even before the rupture of thepeace of Amiens, certain intriguing speculators, whose extravagant zealwas not less fatal to the cause of the Bourbons than was the blindsubserviency of his unprincipled adherents to the First Consul, had takenpart in some underhand manoeuvres which could have no favourable result. Amongst these great contrivers of petty machinations the well-knownFauche Borel, the bookseller of Neufchatel, had long been conspicuous. Fauche Borel, whose object was to create a stir, and who wished nothingbetter than to be noticed and paid, failed not to come to France as soonas the peace of Amiens afforded him the opportunity. I was at that timestill with Bonaparte, who was aware of all these little plots, but whofelt no personal anxiety on the subject, leaving to his police the careof watching their authors. 

The object of Fauche Borel's mission was to bring about a reconciliationbetween Moreau and Pichegru. The latter general, who was banished on the18th Fructidor 4th (September 1797), had not obtained the First Consul'spermission to return to France. He lived in England, where he awaited afavourable opportunity for putting his old projects into execution. Moreau was in Pains, but no longer appeared at the levees or parties ofthe First Consul, and the enmity of both generals against Bonaparte, openly avowed on the part of Pichegru; and still disguised by Moreau, wasa secret to nobody. But as everything was prosperous with Bonaparte heevinced contempt rather than fear of the two generals. His apprehensionswere, indeed, tolerably allayed by the absence of the one and thecharacter of the other. Moreau's name had greater weight with the armythan that of Pichegru; and those who were plotting the overthrow of theConsular Government knew that that measure could not be attempted withany chance of success without the assistance of Moreau. The moment wasinopportune; but, being initiated in some secrets of the British Cabinet, they knew that the peace was but a truce, and they determined to profitby that truce to effect a reconciliation which might afterwards secure acommunity of interests. Moreau and Pichegru had not been friends sinceMoreau sent to the Directory the papers seized in M. De Klinglin'scarriage, which placed Pichegru's treason in so clear a light. Sincethat period Pichegru's name possessed no influence over the minds of thesoldiers, amongst whom he had very few partisans, whilst the name ofMoreau was dear to all who had conquered under his command. 

Fauche Borel's design was to compromise Moreau without bringing him toany decisive step. Moreau's natural indolence, and perhaps it may besaid his good sense, induced him to adopt the maxim that it was necessaryto let men and things take their course; for temporizing policy is oftenas useful in politics as in war. Besides, Moreau was a sincereRepublican; and if his habit of indecision had permitted him to adopt anyresolution, it is quite certain that he would not then have assisted inthe reestablishment of the Bourbons, as Pichegru wished. 

What I have stated is an indispensable introduction to the knowledge ofplots of more importance which preceded the great event that marked theclose of the Consulship: I allude to the conspiracy of Georges, Cadoudal, Moreau, and Pichegru, and that indelible stain on the character ofNapoleon, --the death of the Duc d'Enghien. Different opinions have beenexpressed concerning Georges' conspiracy. I shall not contradict any ofthem. I will relate what I learned and what I saw, in order to throwsome light on that horrible affair. I am far from believing what I haveread in many works, that it was planned by the police in order to pavethe First Consul's way to the throne. I think that it was contrived bythose who were really interested in it, and encouraged by Fouche in orderto prepare his return to office. 

To corroborate my opinion respecting Fouche's conduct and his manoeuvresI must remind the reader that about the close of 1803 some personsconceived the project of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru. Fouche, whowas then out of the Ministry, caused Moreau to be visited by men of hisown party, and who were induced, perhaps unconsciously, by Fouche's art, to influence and irritate the general's mind. It was at first intendedthat the Abbe David, the mutual friend of Moreau and Pichegru, shouldundertake to effect their reconciliation; but he, being arrested andconfined in the Temple, was succeeded by a man named Lajolais, whom everycircumstance proves to have been employed by Fouche. He proceeded toLondon, and, having prevailed on Pichegru and his friends to return toFrance, he set off to announce their arrival and arrange everything fortheir reception and destruction. Moreau's discontent was the solefoundation of this intrigue. I remember that one day, about the end ofJanuary 1804, I called on Fouche, who informed me that he had been at St. Cloud, where he had had a long conversation with the First Consul on thesituation of affairs. Bonaparte told him that he was satisfied with theexisting police, and hinted that it was only to make himself ofconsequence that he had given a false colouring to the picture. Foucheasked him what he would say if he told him that Georges and Pichegru hadbeen for some time in Paris carrying on the conspiracy of which he hadreceived information. The First Consul, apparently delighted at what heconceived to be Fouche's mistake, said, with an air of contempt, "You arewell informed, truly! Regnier has just received a letter from Londonstating that Pichegru dined three days ago at Kingston with one of theKing of England's ministers. "

As Fouche, however, persisted in his assertion, the First Consul sent toParis for the Grand Judge, Regnier, who showed Fouche the letter he hadreceived. The First Consul triumphed at first to see Fouche at fault;but the latter so clearly proved that Georges and Pichegru were actuallyin Paris that Regnier began to fear he had been misled by his agents, whom his rival paid better than he did. The First Consul, convinced thathis old minister knew more than his new one, dismissed Regnier, andremained a long time in consultation with Fouche, who on that occasionsaid nothing about his reinstatement for fear of exciting suspicion. He only requested that the management of the business might be entrustedto Real, with orders to obey whatever instructions he might receive fromhim. I will return hereafter to the arrest of Moreau and the otherpersons accused, and will now subjoin the account of a long interviewwhich I had with Bonaparte in the midst of these important events. 

On the 8th of March 1804, some time after the arrest but before the trialof General Moreau, I had an audience of the First Consul, which wasunsought on my part. Bonaparte, after putting several unimportantquestions to me as to what I was doing, what I expected he should do forme, and assuring me that he would bear me in mind, gave a sudden turn tothe conversation, and said, "By the by, the report of my connection withHortense is still kept up: the most abominable rumours have been spreadas to her first child. I thought at the time that these reports had onlybeen admitted by the public in consequence of the great desire that Ishould not be childless. Since you and I separated have you heard themrepeated?"--"Yes, General, oftentimes; and I confess I could not havebelieved that this calumny would have existed so long. "--"It is trulyfrightful to think of! You know the truth--you have seen all--heardall--nothing could have passed without your knowledge; you were in herfull confidence during the time of her attachment to Duroc. I thereforeexpect, if you should ever write anything about me, that you will clearme from this infamous imputation. I would not have it accompany my nameto posterity. I trust in you. You have never given credit to the horridaccusation?"--"No, General, never. " Napoleon then entered into a numberof details on the previous life of Hortense; on the way in which sheconducted herself, and on the turn which her marriage had taken. "It hasnot turned out, " he said, "as I wished: the union has not been a happyone. I am sorry for it, not only because both are dear to me, butbecause the circumstance countenances the infamous reports that arecurrent among the idle as to my intimacy with her. " He concluded theconversation with these words:--"Bourrienne, I sometimes think ofrecalling you; but as there is no good pretext for so doing, the worldwould say that I have need of you, and I wish it to be known that I standin need of nobody. " He again said a few words about Hortense. I answered that it would fully coincide with my conviction of the truthto do what he desired, and that I would do it; but that suppressing thefalse reports did not depend on me. 

Hortense, in fact, while she was Mademoiselle BEAUHARNAIS, regardedNapoleon with respectful awe. She trembled when she spoke to him, andnever dared to ask him a favour. When she had anything to solicit sheapplied to me; and if I experienced any difficulty in obtaining for herwhat she sought, I mentioned her as the person for whom I pleaded. "The little simpleton!" Napoleon would say, "why does she not ask meherself: is the girl afraid of me?" Napoleon never cherished for her anyfeeling but paternal tenderness. He loved her after his marriage withher mother as he would have loved his own child. During three years Iwas a witness to all their most private actions, and I declare that Inever saw or heard anything that could furnish the least ground forsuspicion, or that afforded the slightest trace of the existence of aculpable intimacy. This calumny must be classed among those with whichmalice delights to blacken the characters of men more brilliant thantheir fellows, and which are so readily adopted by the light-minded andunreflecting. I freely declare that did I entertain the smallest doubtwith regard to this odious charge, of the existence of which I was wellaware before Napoleon spoke to me on the subject, I would candidly avowit. He is no more: and let his memory be accompanied only by that, be itgood or bad, which really belongs to it. Let not this reproach be one ofthose charged against him by the impartial historian. I must say, inconcluding this delicate subject, that the principles of Napoleon onpoints of this kind were rigid in the utmost degree, and that aconnection of the nature of that charged against him was neither inaccordance with his morals nor his tastes. 

I cannot tell whether what followed was a portion of his premeditatedconversation with me, or whether it was the result of the satisfaction hehad derived from ascertaining my perfect conviction of the purity of hisconduct with regard to Hortense, and being assured that I would expressthat conviction. Be this as it may, as I was going out at the door hecalled me back, saying, "Oh! I have forgotten something. " I returned. "Bourrienne, " said he, "do you still keep up your acquaintance with theFauchers?"--"Yes, General; I see them frequently. "--"You are wrong. "--"Why should I not? They are clever, well-educated men, and exceedinglypleasant company, especially Caesar. I derive great pleasure from theirsociety; and then they are almost the only persons whose friendship hascontinued faithful to me since I left you. You know people do not carefor those who can render them no service. "--"Maret will not see theFauchers. "--"That may be, General; but it is nothing to me; and you mustrecollect that as it was through him I was introduced to them at theTuileries, I think he ought to inform me of his reasons for droppingtheir acquaintance. "--"I tell you again he has closed his door againstthem. Do you the same; I advise you. " As I did not seem disposed tofollow this advice without some plausible reason, the First Consul added, "You must know, then, that I learn from Caesar all that passes in yourhouse. You do not speak very ill of me yourself, nor does any oneventure to do so in your presence. You play your rubber and go to bed. But no sooner are you gone than your wife, who never liked me, and mostof those who visit at your house, indulge in the most violent attacksupon me. I receive a bulletin from Caesar Faucher every day when hevisits at your house; this is the way in which he requites you for yourkindness, and for the asylum you afforded his brother. --[ConstantineRancher had been condemned in contumacy for the forgery of a publicdocument. --Bourrienne. ]--But enough; you see I know all--farewell;" andhe left me. 

The grave having closed over these two brothers, --[The Fauchers were twinbrothers, distinguished in the war of the Revolution, and madebrigadier-generals at the same time on the field of battle. After theCent Jours they refused to recognise the Bourbons, and were shot bysentence of court-martial at Bordeaux. (Bouillet)]--I shall merely statethat they wrote me a letter the evening preceding their execution, inwhich they begged me to forgive their conduct towards me. The followingis an extract from this letter:

In our dungeon we hear our sentence of death being cried in the streets. To-morrow we shall walk to the scaffold; but we will meet death with suchcalmness and courage as shall make our executioners blush. We are sixtyyears old, therefore our lives will only be shortened by a brief apace. During our lives we have shared in common, illness, grief, pleasure, danger, and good fortune. We both entered the world on the same day, andon the same day we shall both depart from it. As to you, sir. .. . 

I suppress what relates to myself. 

The hour of the grand levee arrived just as the singular interview whichI have described terminated. I remained a short time to look at thisphantasmagoria. Duroc was there. As soon as he saw me he came up, andtaking me into the recess of a window told me that Moreau's guilt wasevident, and that he was about to be put on his trial. I made someobservations on the subject, and in particular asked whether there weresufficient proofs of his guilt to justify his condemnation? "They shouldbe cautious, " said I; "it is no joke to accuse the conqueror ofHohenlinden. " Duroc's answer satisfied me that he at least had no doubton the subject. "Besides, " added he, "when such a general as Moreau hasbeen between two gendarmes he is lost, and is good for nothing more. Hewill only inspire pity. " In vain I tried to refute this assertion soentirely contrary to facts, and to convince Duroc that Moreau would neverbe damaged by calling him "brigand, " as was the phrase then, withoutproofs. Duroc persisted in his opinion. As if a political crime eversullied the honour of any one! The result has proved that I judgedrightly. 

No person possessing the least degree of intelligence will be convincedthat the conspiracy of Moreau, Georges, Pichegru, and the other personsaccused would ever have occurred but for the secret connivance ofFouche's police. 

Moreau never for a moment desired the restoration of the Bourbons. I wastoo well acquainted with M. Carbonnet, his most intimate friend, to beignorant of his private sentiments. It was therefore quite impossiblethat he could entertain the same views as Georges, the Polignacs, Riviera, and others; and they had no intention of committing any overtacts. These latter persons had come to the Continent solely toinvestigate the actual state of affairs, in order to inform the Princesof the House of Bourbon with certainty how far they might depend on thefoolish hopes constantly held out to them by paltry agents, who werealways ready to advance their own interests at the expense of truth. These agents did indeed conspire, but it was against the Treasury ofLondon, to which they looked for pay. 

Without entering into all the details of that great trial I will relatesome facts which may assist in eliciting the truth from a chaos ofintrigue and falsehood. 

Most of the conspirators had been lodged either in the Temple or LaForce, and one of them, Bouvet de Lozier, who was confined in the Temple, attempted to hang himself. He made use of his cravat to effect hispurpose, and had nearly succeeded, when a turnkey by chance entered andfound him at the point of death. When he was recovered he acknowledgedthat though he had the courage to meet death, he was unable to endure theinterrogatories of his trial, and that he had determined to kill himself, lest he might be induced to make a confession. He did in fact confess, and it was on the day after this occurred that Moreau was arrested, whileon his way from his country-seat of Grosbois to Paris. 

Fouche, through the medium of his agents, had given Pichegru, Georges, and some other partisans of royalty, to understand that they might dependon Moreau, who, it was said, was quite prepared. It is certain thatMoreau informed Pichegru that he (Pichegru) had been deceived, and thathe had never been spoken to on the subject. Russillon declared on thetrial that on the 14th of March the Polignacs said to some one, "Everything is going wrong--they do not understand each other. Moreaudoes not keep his word. We have been deceived. " M. De Riviera declaredthat he soon became convinced they had been deceived, and was about toreturn to England when he was arrested. It is certain that the principalconspirators obtained positive information which confirmed theirsuspicions. They learned Moreau's declaration from Pichegru. Many ofthe accused declared that they soon discovered they had been deceived;and the greater part of them were about to quit Paris, when they were allarrested, almost at one and the same moment. Georges was going into LaVendee when he was betrayed by the man who, with the connivance of thepolice, had escorted him ever since his departure from London, and whohad protected him from any interruption on the part of the police so longas it was only necessary to know where he was, or what he was about. Georges had been in Paris seven months before it was considered that theproper moment had arrived for arresting him. 

The almost simultaneous arrest of the conspirators proves clearly thatthe police knew perfectly well where they could lay their hands uponthem. 

When Pichegru was required to sign his examination he refused. He saidit was unnecessary; that, knowing all the secret machinery of the police, he suspected that by some chemical process they would erase all thewriting except the signature, and afterwards fill up the paper withstatements which he had never made. His refusal to sign theinterrogatory, he added, would not prevent him from repeating before acourt of justice the truth which he had stated in answer to the questionsproposed to him. Fear was entertained of the disclosures he might makerespecting his connection with Moreau, whose destruction was sought for, and also with respect to the means employed by the agents of Fouche tourge the conspirators to effect a change which they desired. 

On the evening of the 15th of February I heard of Moreau's arrest, andearly next morning I proceeded straight to the Rue St. Pierre, whereM. Carbonnet resided with his nephew. I was anxious to hear from him theparticulars of the general's arrest. What was my surprise! I had hardlytime to address myself to the porter before he informed me thatM. Carbonnet and his nephew were both arrested. "I advise you, sir, "added the man, "to retire without more ado, for I can assure you that thepersons who visit M. Carbonnet are watched. "--"Is he still at home?"said I. "Yes, Sir; they are examining his papers. "--"Then, " said I, "I will go up. " M. Carbonnet, of whose friendship I had reason to beproud, and whose memory will ever be dear to me, was more distressed bythe arrest of his nephew and Moreau than by his own. His nephew was, however, liberated after a few hours. M. Carbonnet's papers were sealedup, and he was placed in solitary confinement at St. Pelagic. 

Thus the police, who previously knew nothing, were suddenly informed ofall. In spite of the numerous police agents scattered over France, itwas only discovered by the declarations of Bouvet de Lozier that threesuccessive landings had been effected, and that a fourth was expected, which, however, did not take place, because General Savary was despatchedby the First Consul with orders to seize the persons whose arrival waslooked for. There cannot be a more convincing proof of the fidelity ofthe agents of the police to their old chief, and their combineddetermination of trifling with their new one. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

1804. 

 The events of 1804--Death of the Due d'Enghien--Napoleon's arguments at St. Helena--Comparison of dates--Possibility of my having saved the Due d'Enghien's life--Advice given to the Duc d'Enghien--Sir Charles Stuart--Delay of the Austrian Cabinet--Pichegru and the mysterious being--M. Massias--The historians of St. Helena-- Bonaparte's threats against the emigrants and M. Cobentzel-- Singular adventure of Davoust's secretary--The quartermaster-- The brigand of La Vendee. 

In order to form a just idea of the events which succeeded each other sorapidly at the commencement of 1804 it is necessary to consider them bothseparately and connectedly. It must be borne in mind that allBonaparte's machinations tended to one object, the foundation of theFrench Empire in his favour; and it is also essential to consider how thesituation of the emigrants, in reference to the First Consul, had changedsince the declaration of war. As long as Bonaparte continued at peacethe cause of the Bourbons had no support in foreign Cabinets, and theemigrants had no alternative but to yield to circumstances; but on thebreaking out of a new war all was changed. The cause of the Bourbonsbecame that of the powers at war with France; and as many causesconcurred to unite the emigrants abroad with those who had returned buthalf satisfied, there was reason to fear something from their revolt, incombination with the powers arrayed against Bonaparte. 

Such was the state of things with regard to the emigrants when theleaders and accomplices of Georges' conspiracy were arrested at the verybeginning of 1804. The assassination of the Due d'Enghien

 --[Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, Duc d'Enghien (1772-1804), son of the Duc de Bourbon, and grandson of the Prince de Conde, served against France in the army of Conde. When this force was disbanded he stayed at Ettenheim on account of a love affair with the Princesse Charlotte de Rohan-Rochefort. Arrested in the territory of Baden, he was taken to Vincennes, and after trial by court-martial shot in the moat, 21st May 1804. With him practically ended the house of Bourbon-Conde as his grandfather died in 1818, leaving only the Duc de Bourbon, and the Princesee Louise Adelaide, Abbesse de Remiremont, who died in 1824. ]--

took place on the 21st of March; on the 30th of April appeared theproposition of the Tribunate to found a Government in France under theauthority of one individual; on the 18th of May came the'Senatus-consulte', naming Napoleon Bonaparte EMPEROR, and lastly, onthe 10th. Of June, the sentence of condemnation on Georges and hisaccomplices. Thus the shedding of the blood of a Bourbon, and theplacing of the crown of France on the head of a soldier of fortune weretwo acts interpolated in the sanguinary drama of Georges' conspiracy. It must be remembered, too, that during the period of these events wewere at war with England, and on the point of seeing Austria and theColossus of the north form a coalition against the new Emperor. 

I will now state all I know relative to the death of the Due d'Enghien. That unfortunate Prince, who was at Ettenheim, in consequence of a loveaffair, had no communication whatever with those who were concocting aplot in the interior. Machiavelli says that when the author of a crimecannot be discovered we should seek for those to whose advantage itturns. In the present case Machiavelli's advice will find an easyapplication, since the Duke's death could be advantageous only toBonaparte, who considered it indispensable to his accession to the crownof France. The motives may be explained, but can they be justified?How could it ever be said that the Due d'Enghien perished as a presumedaccomplice in the conspiracy of Georges?

Moreau was arrested on the 15th of February 1804, at which time theexistence of the conspiracy was known. Pichegru and Georges were alsoarrested in February, and the Due d'Enghien not till the 15th of March. Now if the Prince had really been concerned in the plot, if even he had aknowledge of it, would he have remained at Ettenheim for nearly a monthafter the arrest of his presumed accomplices, intelligence of which hemight have obtained in the space of three days? Certainly not. Soignorant was he of that conspiracy that when informed at Ettenheim ofthe affair he doubted it, declaring that if it were true his father andgrandfather would have made him acquainted with it. Would so long aninterval have been suffered to elapse before he was arrested? Alas!cruel experience has shown that that step would have been taken in a fewhours. 

The sentence of death against Georges and his accomplices was notpronounced till the 10th of June 1804, and the Due d'Enghien was shot onthe 21st of March, before the trials were even commenced. How is thisprecipitation to be explained? If, as Napoleon has declared, the youngBourbon was an accomplice in the crime, why was he not arrested at thetime the others were? Why was he not tried along with them, on theground of his being an actual accomplice; or of being compromised, bycommunications with them; or, in short, because his answers might havethrown light on that mysterious affair? How was it that the name of theillustrious accused was not once mentioned in the course of that awfultrial?

It can scarcely be conceived that Napoleon could say at St. Helena, "Either they contrived to implicate the unfortunate Prince in theirproject, and so pronounced his doom, or, by omitting to inform him ofwhat was going on, allowed him imprudently to slumber on the brink of aprecipice; for he was only a stone's cast from the frontier when theywere about to strike the great blow in the name and for the interest ofhis family. "

This reasoning is not merely absurd, it is atrocious. If the Duke wasimplicated by the confession of his accomplices, he should have beenarrested and tried along with them. Justice required this. If he wasnot so implicated, where is the proof of his guilt? Because someindividuals, without his knowledge, plotted to commit a crime in the nameof his family he was to be shot! Because he was 130 leagues from thescene of the plot, and had no connection with it, he was to die! Sucharguments cannot fail to inspire horror. It is absolutely impossible anyreasonable person can regard the Due d'Enghien as an accomplice ofCadoudal; and Napoleon basely imposed on his contemporaries and posterityby inventing such falsehoods, and investing them with the authority ofhis name. 

Had I been then in the First Consul's intimacy I may aver, with as muchconfidence as pride, that the blood of the Due d'Enghien would not haveimprinted an indelible stain on the glory of Bonaparte. In this terriblematter I could have done what no one but me could even attempt, and thison account of my position, which no one else has since held withBonaparte. I quite admit that he would have preferred others to me, andthat he would have had more friendship for them than for me, supposingfriendship to be compatible with the character of Bonaparte, but I knewhim better than any one else. Besides, among those who surrounded him Ialone could have permitted myself some return to our former familiarityon account of our intimacy of childhood. Certainly, in a matter whichpermanently touched the glory of Bonaparte, I should not have beenrestrained by the fear of some transitory fit of anger, and the readerhas seen that I did not dread disgrace. Why should I have dreaded it?I had neither portfolio, nor office, nor salary, for, as I have said, Iwas only with Bonaparte as a friend, and we had, as it were, a commonpurse. I feel a conviction that it would have been very possible for meto have dissuaded Bonaparte from his fatal design, inasmuch as Ipositively know that his object, after the termination of the peace, wasmerely to frighten the emigrants, in order to drive them from Ettenheim, where great numbers, like the Due d'Enghien, had sought refuge. Hisanger was particularly directed against a Baroness de Reith and aBaroness d'Ettengein, who had loudly vituperated him, and distributednumerous libels on the left bank of the Rhine. At that period Bonapartehad as little design against the Due d'Enghien's life as against that ofany other emigrant. He was more inclined to frighten than to harm him, and certainly his first intention was not to arrest the Prince, but, as I have said, to frighten the 'emigres', and to drive them to adistance. I must, however, admit that when Bonaparte spoke to Rapp andDuroc of the emigrants on the other side of the Rhine he expressedhimself with much irritability: so much so, indeed, that M. DeTalleyrand, dreading its effects for the Due d'Enghien, warned thatPrince, through the medium of a lady to whom he was attached, of hisdanger, and advised him to proceed to a greater distance from thefrontier. On receiving this notice the Prince resolved to rejoin hisgrandfather, which he could not do but by passing through the Austrianterritory. Should any doubt exist as to these facts it may be added thatSir Charles Stuart wrote to M. De Cobentzel to solicit a passport for theDuc d'Enghien; and it was solely owing to the delay of the AustrianCabinet that time was afforded for the First Consul to order the arrestof the unfortunate Prince as soon as he had formed the horribleresolution of shedding the blood of a Bourbon. This resolution couldhave originated only with himself, for who would have dared to suggest itto him? The fact is, Bonaparte knew not what he did. His fever ofambition amounted to delirium; and he knew not how he was losing himselfin public opinion because he did not know that opinion, to gain which hewould have made every sacrifice. 

When Cambaceres (who, with a slight reservation, had voted the death ofLouis XVI. ) warmly opposed in the Council the Duc d'Enghien's arrest, theFirst Consul observed to him, "Methinks, Sir, you have grown very charyof Bourbon blood!"

Meanwhile the Due d'Enghien was at Ettenheim, indulging in hope ratherthan plotting conspiracies. It is well known that an individual made anoffer to the Prince de Conde to assassinate the First Consul, but thePrince indignantly rejected the proposition, and nobly refused to recoverthe rights of the Bourbons at the price of such a crime. The individualabove-mentioned was afterwards discovered to be an agent of the Parispolice, who had been commissioned to draw the Princes into a plot whichwould have ruined them, for public feeling revolts at assassination underany circumstances. 

It has been alleged that Louis XVIII. 's refusal to treat with Bonaparteled to the fatal catastrophe of the Due d'Enghien's death. The firstcorrespondence between Louis XVIII. And the First Consul, which has beengiven in these Memoirs, clearly proves the contrary. It is certainlyprobable that Louis XVIII. 's refusal to renounce his rights should haveirritated Bonaparte. But it was rather late to take his revenge twoyears after, and that too on a Prince totally ignorant of thoseovertures. It is needless to comment on such absurdities. It is equallyunnecessary to speak of the mysterious being who often appeared atmeetings in the Faubourg St. Germain, and who was afterwards discoveredto be Pichegru. 

A further light is thrown on this melancholy catastrophe by aconversation Napoleon had, a few days after his elevation to the imperialthrone, with M. Masaias, the French Minister at the Court of the GrandDuke of Baden. This conversation took place at Aix-la-Chapelle. Aftersome remarks on the intrigues of the emigrants Bonaparte observed, "Youought at least to have prevented the plots which the Due d'Enghien washatching at Ettenheim. "--"Sire, I am too old to learn to tell afalsehood. Believe me, on this subject your Majesty's ear has beenabused. "--"Do you not think, then, that had the conspiracy of Georges andPichegru proved successful, the Prince would have passed the Rhine, andhave come post to Paris?"

M. Massias, from whom I had these particulars, added, "At this lastquestion of the Emperor I hung down my head and was silent, for I saw hedid not wish to hear the truth. "

Now let us consider, with that attention which the importance of thesubject demands, what has been said by the historians of St. Helena. 

Napoleon said to his companions in exile that "the Due d'Enghien's deathmust be attributed either to an excess of zeal for him (Napoleon), toprivate views, or to mysterious intrigues. He had been blindly urged on;he was, if he might say so, taken by surprise. The measure wasprecipitated, and the result predetermined. "

This he might have said; but if he did so express himself, how are we toreconcile such a declaration with the statement of O'Meara? How givecredit to assertions so very opposite?

Napoleon said to M. De Las Casas:

 "One day when alone, I recollect it well, I was taking my coffee, half seated on the table at which I had just dined, when suddenly information was brought to me that a new conspiracy had been discovered. I was warmly urged to put an end to these enormities; they represented to me that it was time at last to give a lesson to those who had been day after day conspiring against my life; that this end could only be attained by shedding the blood of one of them; and that the Due d'Enghien, who might now be convicted of forming part of this new conspiracy, and taken in the very act, should be that one. It was added that he had been seen at Strasburg; that it was even believed that he had been in Paris; and that the plan was that he should enter France by the east at the moment of the explosion, whilst the Due de Berri was disembarking in the west. I should tell you, " observed the Emperor, "that I did not even know precisely who the Due d'Enghien was (the Revolution having taken place when I was yet a very young man, and I having never been at Court), and that I was quite in the dark as to where he was at that moment. Having been informed on those points I exclaimed that if such were the case the Duke ought to be arrested, and that orders should be given to that effect. Everything had been foreseen and prepared; the different orders were already drawn up, nothing remained to be done but to sign them, and the fate of the young Prince was thus decided. "

Napoleon next asserts that in the Duke's arrest and condemnation all theusual forms were strictly observed. But he has also declared that thedeath of that unfortunate Prince will be an eternal reproach to thosewho, carried away by a criminal zeal, waited not for their Sovereign'sorders to execute the sentence of the court-martial. He would, perhaps, have allowed the Prince to live; but yet he said, "It is true I wished tomake an example which should deter. "

It has been said that the Due d'Enghien addressed a letter to Napoleon, which was not delivered till after the execution. This is false andabsurd! How could that Prince write to Bonaparte to offer him hisservices and to solicit the command of an army? His interrogatory makesno mention of this letter, and is in direct opposition to the sentimentswhich that letter would attribute to him. The truth is, no such letterever existed. The individual who was with the Prince declared he neverwrote it. It will never be believed that any one would have presumed towithhold from Bonaparte a letter on which depended the fate of so augusta victim. 

In his declarations to his companions in exile Napoleon endeavouredeither to free himself of this crime or to justify it. His fear or hissusceptibility was such, that in discoursing with strangers he merelysaid, that had he known of the Prince's letter, which was not deliveredto him. --God knows why!--until after he had breathed his last, he wouldhave pardoned him. But at a subsequent date he traced, with his ownhand, his last thoughts, which he supposed would be consecrated in theminds of his contemporaries, and of posterity. Napoleon, touching on thesubject which he felt would be one of the most important attached to hismemory, said that if the thing were to do again he would act as he thendid. How does this declaration tally with his avowal, that if he hadreceived the Prince's letter he should have lived? This isirreconcilable. But if we compare all that Napoleon said at St. Helena, and which has been transmitted to us by his faithful followers; if weconsider his contradictions when speaking of the Due d'Enghien's death tostrangers, to his friends, to the public, or to posterity, the questionceases to be doubtful Bonaparte wished to strike a blow which wouldterrify his enemies. Fancying that the Duc de Berri was ready to land inFrance, he despatched his aide de camp Savary, in disguise, attended bygendarmes, to watch the Duke's landing at Biville, near Dieppe. Thisturned out a fruitless mission. The Duke was warned in time not toattempt the useless and dangerous enterprise, and Bonaparte, enraged tosee one prey escape him, pounced upon another. It is well known thatBonaparte often, and in the presence even of persons whom he conceived tohave maintained relations with the partisans of the Bourbons at Paris, expressed himself thus: "I will put an end to these conspiracies. If anyof the emigrants conspire they shall be shot. I have been told thatCobentzel harbours some of them. I do not believe this; but if it betrue, Cobentzel shall be arrested and shot along with them. I will letthe Bourbons know I am not to be trifled with. " The above statement offacts accounts for the suppositions respecting the probable influence ofthe Jacobins in this affair. It has been said, not without someappearance of reason, that to get the Jacobins to help him to ascend thethrone Bonaparte consented to sacrifice a victim of the blood royal, asthe only pledge capable of ensuring them against the return of theproscribed family. Be this as it may, there are no possible means ofrelieving Bonaparte from his share of guilt in the death of the Dued'Enghien. 

To the above facts, which came within my own knowledge, I may add thefollowing curious story, which was related to me by an individual whohimself heard it from the secretary of General Davoust. 

Davoust was commanding a division in the camp of Boulogne, and hissecretary when proceeding thither to join him met in the diligence a manwho seemed to be absorbed in affliction. This man during the wholejourney never once broke silence but by some deep sighs, which he had notpower to repress. General Davoust's secretary observed him withcuriosity and interest, but did not venture to intrude upon his grief byany conversation. The concourse of travellers from Paris to the campwas, however, at that time very great, and the inn at which the diligencestopped in the evening was so crowded that it was impossible to assign achamber to each traveller. Two, therefore, were put into one room, andit so happened that the secretary was lodged with his mysterioustravelling companion. 

When they were alone he addressed him in a torso of interest whichbanished all appearance of intrusion. He inquired whether the cause ofhis grief was of a nature to admit of any alleviation, and offered torender him any assistance in his power. "Sir, " replied the stranger, "I am much obliged for the sympathy you express for me--I want nothing. There is no possible consolation for me. My affliction can end only withmy life. You shall judge for yourself, for the interest you seem to takein my misfortune fully justifies my confidence. I was quartermaster inthe select gendarmerie, and formed part of a detachment which was orderedto Vincennes. I passed the night there under arms, and at daybreak wasordered down to the moat with six men. An execution was to take place. The prisoner was brought out, and I gave the word to fire. The man fell, and after the execution I learned that we had shot the Due d'Enghien. Judge of my horror! . . . I knew the prisoner only by the name of thebrigand of La Vendee! . . . I could no longer remain in theservice--I obtained my discharge, and am about to retire to my family. Would that I had done so sooner!" The above has been related to me andother persons by Davoust's secretary, whom I shall not name. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

1804. 

 General Ordener's mission--Arrest of the Due d'Enghien--Horrible night-scene---Harrel's account of the death of the Prince--Order for digging the grave--The foster-sister of the Duo d'Enghien--Reading the sentence--The lantern--General Savary--The faithful dog and the police--My visit to Malmaison--Josephine's grief-- The Duc d'Enghien's portrait and lock of hair--Savary's emotion-- M. De Chateaubriand's resignation--M. De Chateaubriand's connection with Bonaparte--Madame Bacciocchi and M. De Fontanes--Cardinal Fesch --Dedication of the second edition of the 'Genie du Christianisme' --M. De Chateaubriand's visit to the First Consul on the morning of the Due d'Enghien's death--Consequences of the Duo d'Enghien's death--Change of opinion in the provinces--The Gentry of the Chateaus--Effect of the Due d'Enghien's death on foreign Courts-- Remarkable words of Mr. Pitt--Louis XVIII. Sends back the insignia of the Golden Fleece to the King of Spain. 

I will now narrate more fully the sanguinary scene which took place atVincennes. General Ordener, commanding the mounted grenadiers of theGuard, received orders from the War Minister to proceed to the Rhine, togive instructions to the chiefs of the gendarmerie of New Brissac, whichwas placed at his disposal. General Ordener sent a detachment ofgendarmerie to Ettenheim, where the Due d'Enghien was arrested on the15th of March. He was immediately conducted to the citadel of Strasburg, where he remained till the 18th, to give time for the arrival of ordersfrom Paris. These orders were given rapidly, and executed promptly, forthe carriage which conveyed the unfortunate Prince arrived at the barrierat eleven o'clock on the morning of the 20th, where it remained for fivehours, and afterwards proceeded by the exterior boulevards on the road toVincennes, where it arrived at night. Every scene of this horrible dramawas acted under the veil of night: the sun did not even shine upon itstragical close. The soldiers received orders to proceed to Vincennes atnight. It was at night that the fatal gates of the fortress were closedupon the Prince. At night the Council assembled and tried him, or rathercondemned him without trial. When the clock struck six in the morningthe orders were given to fire, and the Prince ceased to exist. 

Here a reflection occurs to me. Supposing one were inclined to admitthat the Council held on the 10th of March had some connection with theDue d'Enghien's arrest, yet as no Council was held from the time of theDuke's arrival at the barrier to the moment of his execution, it couldonly be Bonaparte himself who issued the orders which were too punctuallyobeyed. When the dreadful intelligence of the Duc d'Enghien's death wasspread in Paris it excited a feeling of consternation which recalled therecollection of the Reign of Terror. Could Bonaparte have seen the gloomwhich pervaded Paris, and compared it with the joy which prevailed on theday when he returned victorious from the field of Marengo, he would havefelt that he had tarnished his glory by a stain which could never beeffaced. 

About half-past twelve on the 22d of March I was informed that some onewished to speak with me. It was Harrel. 

 --[Harrel, who had been unemployed till the plot of Arena and Ceracchi on the 18th Vendemiairean IX (10th October 1800) which he had feigned to join, and had then revealed to the police (see ante), had been made Governor of Vincennes. ]--

I will relate word for word what he communicated to me. Harrel probablythought that he was bound in gratitude to acquaint me with these details;but he owed me no gratitude, for it was much against my will that he hadencouraged the conspiracy of Ceracchi, and received the reward of histreachery in that crime. The following is Harrel's statement:--

"On the evening of the day before yesterday, when the Prince arrived, I was asked whether I had a room to lodge a prisoner in; I replied, No--that there were only my apartments and the Council-chamber. I wastold to prepare instantly a room in which a prisoner could sleep who wasto arrive that evening. I was also desired to dig a pit in thecourtyard. 

 --[This fact must be noted. Harrel is told to dig a trench before the sentence. Thus it was known that they had come to kill the Duc d'Enghien. How can this be answered? Can it possibly be supposed that anyone, whoever it was, would have dared to give each an order in anticipation if the order had not been the carrying out of a formal command of Bonaparte? That is incredible. --Bourrienne. ]--

"I replied that that could not be easily done, as the courtyard was paved. The moat was then fixed upon, and there the pit was dug. The Princearrived at seven o'clock in the evening; he was perishing with cold andhunger. He did not appear dispirited. He said he wanted something toeat, and to go to bed afterwards. His apartment not being yetsufficiently aired, I took him into my own, and sent into the village forsome refreshment. The Prince sat down to table, and invited me to eatwith him. He then asked me a number of questions respectingVincennes--what was going on there, and other particulars. He told methat he had been brought up in the neighbourhood of the castle, andspoke to me with great freedom and kindness. 'What do they want withme?' he said. 'What do they mean to do with me?' But these questionsbetrayed no uneasiness or anxiety. My wife, who was ill, was lying inthe same room in an alcove, closed by a railing. She heard, withoutbeing perceived, all our conversation, and she was exceedingly agitated, for she recognised the Prince, whose foster-sister she was, and whosefamily had given her a pension before the Revolution. 

"The Prince hastened to bed, but before he could have fallen asleep thejudges sent to request his presence in the Council-chamber. I was notpresent at his examination; but when it was concluded he returned to hischamber, and when they came to read his sentence to him he was in aprofound sleep. In a few moments after he was led out for execution. He had so little suspicion of the fate that awaited him that ondescending the staircase leading to the moat he asked where they weretaking him. He received no answer. I went before the Prince with alantern. Feeling the cold air which came up the staircase he pressed myarm and said, 'Are they going to put me into a dungeon?'"

The rest is known. I can yet see Harrel shuddering while thinking ofthis action of the Prince's. 

Much has been said about a lantern which it is pretended was attached toone of the Due d'Enghien's button-holes. This is a pure invention. Captain Dautancourt, whose sight was not very good, took the lantern outof Harrel's hand to read the sentence to the victim, who had beencondemned with as little regard to judicial forms as to justice. Thiscircumstance probably gave rise to the story about the lantern to which Ihave just alluded. The fatal event took place at six o'clock on themorning of the 21st of March, and it was then daylight. 

General Savary did not dare to delay the execution of the sentence, although the Prince urgently demanded to have an interview with the FirstConsul. Had Bonaparte seen the prince there can be little doubt but thathe would have saved his life. Savary, however, thought himself bound tosacrifice his own opinions to the powerful faction which then controlledthe First Consul; and whilst he thought he was serving his master, he wasin fact only serving the faction to which, I must say, he did not belong. The truth is, that General Savary can only be reproached for not havingtaken upon himself to suspend the execution, which very probably wouldnot have taken place had it been suspended. He was merely an instrument, and regret on his part would, perhaps, have told more in his favour thanhis vain efforts to justify Bonaparte. I have just said that if therehad been any suspension there would have been no execution; and I thinkthis is almost proved by the uncertainty which must have existed in themind of the First Consul. If he had made up his mind all the measureswould have been taken in advance, and if they had been, the carriage ofthe Duke would certainly not have been kept for five hours at thebarriers. Besides, it is certain that the first intention was to takethe Prince to the prison of the Temple. 

From all that I have stated, and particularly from the non-suspension ofthe execution, it appears to me as clear as day that General Savary hadreceived a formal order from Bonaparte for the Due d'Enghien's death, andalso a formal order that it should be so managed as to make it impossibleto speak to Bonaparte again on the subject until all should be over. Canthere be a more evident, a more direct proof of this than the digging ofthe grave beforehand? I have repeated Harrel's story just as he relatedit to me. He told it me without solicitation, and he could not invent acircumstance of this nature. 

General Savary was not in the moat during the execution, but on the bank, from whence he could easily see all that passed. Another circumstanceconnected with the Due d'Enghien's death has been mentioned, which istrue. The Prince had a little dog; this faithful animal returnedincessantly to the fatal spot in the moat. There are few who have notseen that spot. Who has not made a pilgrimage to Vincennes and dropped atear where the victim fell? The fidelity of the poor dog excited so muchinterest that the police prevented any one from visiting the fatal spot, and the dog was no longer heard to howl over his master's grave. 

I promised to state the truth respecting the death of the Due d'Enghien, and I have done so, though it has cost me some pain. Harrel's narrative, and the shocking circumstance of the grave being dug beforehand, left meno opportunity of cherishing any doubts I might have wished to entertain;and everything which followed confirmed the view I then took of thesubject. When Harrel left me on the 22d I determined to go to Malmaisonto see Madame Bonaparte, knowing, from her sentiments towards the Houseof Bourbon, that she would be in the greatest affliction. I hadpreviously sent to know whether it would be convenient for her to see me, a precaution I had never before observed, but which I conceived to beproper upon that occasion. On my arrival I was immediately introduced toher boudoir, where she was alone with Hortense and Madame de Remusat. They were all deeply afflicted. "Bourrienne, " exclaimed Josephine, as soon as she perceived me, "what a dreadful event! Did you but knowthe state of mind Bonaparte is in! He avoids, he dreads the presence ofevery one! Who could have suggested to him such an act as this?"I then acquainted Josephine with the particulars which I had receivedfrom Harrel. "What barbarity!" she resumed. "But no reproach can restupon me, for I did everything to dissuade him from this dreadful project. He did not confide the secret to me, but I guessed it, and heacknowledged all. How harshly he repelled my entreaties! I clung tohim! I threw myself at his feet! 'Meddle with what concerns you!'he exclaimed angrily. 'This is not women's business! Leave me!' And herepulsed me with a violence which he had never displayed since our firstinterview after your return from Egypt. Heavens! what will become ofus?"

I could say nothing to calm affliction and alarm in which I participated, for to my grief for the death of the Due d'Enghien was added my regretthat Bonaparte should be capable of such a crime. "What, " saidJosephine, "can be thought of this in Paris? He must be the object ofuniversal, imprecation, for even here his flatterers appear astoundedwhen they are out of his presence. How wretched we have been sinceyesterday; and he!. .. . You know what he is when he is dissatisfied withhimself. No one dare speak to him, and all is mournful around us. Whata commission he gave to Savary! You know I do not like the general, because he is one of those whose flatteries will contribute to ruinBonaparte. Well! I pitied Savary when he came yesterday to fulfil acommission which the Due d'Enghien had entrusted to him. Here, " addedJosephine, "is his portrait and a lock of his hair, which he hasrequested me to transmit to one who was dear to him. Savary almost shedtears when he described to me the last moments of the Duke; then, endeavouring to resume his self-possession, he said: 'It is in vain totry to be indifferent, Madame! It is impossible to witness the death ofsuch a man unmoved!'"

Josephine afterwards informed me of the only act of courage whichoccurred at this period--namely, the resignation which M. DeChateaubriand had sent to Bonaparte. She admired his conduct greatly, and said: "What a pity he is not surrounded by men of this description!It would be the means of preventing all the errors into which he is ledby the constant approbation of those about him. " Josephine thanked mefor my attention in coming to see her at such an unhappy juncture; and Iconfess that it required all the regard I cherished for her to induce meto do so, for at that moment I should not have wished to see the FirstConsul, since the evil was irreparable. On the evening of that daynothing was spoken of but the transaction of the 21st of March, and thenoble conduct of M. De Chateaubriand. As the name of that celebrated manis for ever written in characters of honour in the history of thatperiod, I think I may with propriety relate here what I know respectinghis previous connection with Bonaparte. 

I do not recollect the precise date of M. De Chateaubriand's return toFrance; I only know that it was about the year 1800, for we were, I think, still at the Luxembourg: However, I recollect perfectly thatBonaparte began to conceive prejudices against him; and when I one dayexpressed my surprise to the First Consul that M. De Chateaubriand's namedid not appear on any of the lists which he had ordered to be presentedto him for filling up vacant places, he said: "He has been mentioned tome, but I replied in a way to check all hopes of his obtaining anyappointment. He has notions of liberty and independence which will notsuit my system. I would rather have him my enemy than my forced friend. At all events, he must wait awhile; I may, perhaps, try him first in asecondary place, and, if he does well, I may advance him. "

The above is, word for word, what Bonaparte said the first time Iconversed with him about M. De Chateaubriand. The publication of 'Atala'and the 'Genie du Christianisme' suddenly gave Chateaubriand celebrity, and attracted the attention of the First Consul. Bonaparte who thenmeditated the restoration of religious worship: in France, found himselfwonderfully supported by the publication of a book which excited thehighest interest, and whose superior merit led the public mind to theconsideration of religious topics. I remember Madame Bacciocchi comingone day to visit her brother with a little volume in her hand; it was'Atala'. She presented it to the First Consul, and begged he would readit. "What, more romances!" exclaimed he. "Do you think I have time toread all your fooleries?" He, however, took the book from his sister andlaid it down on my desk. Madame Bacciocchi then solicited the erasure ofM. De Chateaubriand's name from the list of emigrants. "Oh! oh!" saidBonaparte, "it is Chateaubriand's book, is it? I will read it, then. Bourrienne, write to Fouche to erase his name from the list. "

Bonaparte, at that time paid so little attention to what was doing in theliterary world that he was not aware of Chateaubriand being the author of'Atala'. It was on the recommendation of M. De Fontanel that MadameBacciocchi tried this experiment, which was attended by complete success. The First Consul read 'Atala', and was much pleased with it. On thepublication of the 'Genie du Christianisme' some time after, his firstprejudices were wholly removed. Among the persons about him there weremany who dreaded to see a man of de Chateaubriand's talent approach theFirst Consul, who knew how to appreciate superior merit when it did notexite his envy. 

Our relations with the Court of the Vatican being renewed, and CardinalFesch appointed Ambassador to the Holy See, Bonaparte conceived the ideaof making M. De Chateaubriand first secretary to the Embassy, thinkingthat the author of the 'Genie du Christianisme' was peculiarly fitted tomake up for his uncle's deficiency of talent in the capital of theChristian world, which was destined to become the second city of theEmpire. 

It was not a little extraordinary to let a man, previously, a stranger todiplomatic business; stepping over all the intermediate degrees; andbeing at once invested with the functions of first secretary to animportant Embassy. I oftener than once heard the First Consulcongratulate himself on having made the appointment. I knew, thoughBonaparte was not aware of the circumstance at the time, thatChateaubriand at first refused the situation, and that he was onlyinduced to accept it by the entreaties of the head of the clergy, particularly of the Abby Emery, a man of great influence. Theyrepresented to the author of the' Genie du Christianisme that it wasnecessary he should accompany the uncle of the First Consul to Rome; andM. De Chateaubriand accordingly resolved to do so. 

However, clouds, gathered; I do not know from what cause, between theambassador and his secretary. All I know is, that on Bonaparte beinginformed of the circumstance he took the part of the Cardinal, and thefriends of M. De Chateaubriand expected to see him soon deprived of hisappointment, when, to the great astonishment of every one, the secretaryto the Roman Embassy, far from being disgraced, was raised by the FirstConsul to the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary to the Valais, with leaveto travel in Switzerland and Italy, together with the promise of thefirst vacant Embassy. 

This favour excited a considerable sensation at the Tuileries; but as itwas known to be the will and pleasure of the First Consul all expressionof opinion on the subject was confined to a few quiet murmurs thatBonaparte had done for the name of Chateaubriand what, in fact, he haddone only on account of his talent. It was during the continuance ofthis favour that the second edition of the 'Genie du Christianisme' wasdedicated to the First Consul. 

M. De Chateaubriand returned to France previously to entering on thefulfilment of his new mission. He remained for some months in Paris, andon the day appointed for his departure he went to take leave of the FirstConsul. By a singular chance it happened to be the fatal morning of the21st of March, and consequently only a few hours after the Duc d'Enghienhad been shot. It is unnecessary to observe that M. De Chateaubriand wasignorant of the fatal event. However, on his return home he said to hisfriends that he had remarked a singular change in the appearance of theFirst Consul, and that there was a sort of sinister expression in hiscountenance. Bonaparte saw his new minister amidst the crowd whoattended the audience, and several times seemed inclined to step forwardto speak to him, but as often turned away, and did not approach him thewhole morning. A few hours after, when M. De Chateaubriand mentioned hisobservations to some of his friends; he was made acquainted with thecause of that agitation which, in spite of all his strength of mind andself-command, Bonaparte could not disguise. 

M. De Chateaubriand instantly resigned his appointment of MinisterPlenipotentiary to the Valais. For several days his friends were muchalarmed for his safety, and they called every morning early to ascertainwhether he had not been carried off during the night. Their fears werenot without foundation. I must confess that I, who knew Bonaparte well, was somewhat surprised that no serious consequence attended the anger hemanifested on receiving the resignation of the man who had dedicated hiswork to him. In fact, there was good reason for apprehension, and it wasnot without considerable difficulty that Elisa succeeded in averting thethreatened storm. From this time began a state of hostility betweenBonaparte and Chateaubriand which only terminated at the Restoration. 

I am persuaded, from my knowledge of Bonaparte's character, that thoughhe retained implacable resentment against a returned emigrant who haddared to censure his conduct in so positive a manner, yet, his firstburst of anger being soothed, that which was the cause of hatred was atthe same time the ground of esteem. Bonaparte's animosity was, I confess, very natural, for he could not disguise from himself the realmeaning of a resignation made under such circumstances. It said plainly, "You have committed a crime, and I will not serve your Government, whichis stained with the blood of a Bourbon!" I can therefore very wellimagine that Bonaparte could never pardon the only man who dared to givehim such a lesson in the midst of the plenitude of his power. But, as Ihave often had occasion to remark, there was no unison betweenBonaparte's feelings and his judgment. 

I find a fresh proof of this in the following passage, which he dictatedto M. De Montholon at St. Helena (Memoires, tome iv. P 248). "If, " saidhe, "the royal confidence had not been placed in men whose minds wereunstrung by too important circumstances, or who, renegade to theircountry, saw no safety or glory for their master's throne except underthe yoke of the Holy Alliance; if the Duc de Richelieu, whose ambitionwas to deliver his country from the presence of foreign bayonets; ifChateaubriand, who had just rendered valuable services at Ghent; if theyhad had the direction of affairs, France would have emerged from thesetwo great national crises powerful and redoubtable. Chateaubriand hadreceived from Nature the sacred fire-his works show it! His style is notthat of Racine but of a prophet. Only he could have said with impunityin the chamber of peers, 'that the redingote and cocked hat of Napoleon, put on a stick on the coast of Brest, would make all Europe run toarms. '"

The immediate consequences of the Duc d'Enghien's death were not confinedto the general consternation which that unjustifiable stroke of statepolicy produced in the capital. The news spread rapidly through theprovinces and foreign countries, and was everywhere accompanied byastonishment and sorrow. There is in the departments a separate class ofsociety, possessing great influence, and constituted entirely of personsusually called the "Gentry of the Chateaux, " who may be said to form theprovincial Faubourg St. Germain, and who were overwhelmed by the news. The opinion of the Gentry of the Chateaux was not hitherto unfavourableto the First Consul, for the law of hostages which he repealed had beenfelt very severely by them. With the exception of some familiesaccustomed to consider themselves, in relation to the whole world, whatthey were only within the circle of a couple of leagues; that is to say, illustrious personages, all the inhabitants of the provinces, though theymight retain some attachment to the ancient order of things, had viewedwith satisfaction the substitution of the Consular for the Directorialgovernment, and entertained no personal dislike to the First Consul. Among the Chateaux, more than anywhere else, it had always been thecustom to cherish Utopian ideas respecting the management of publicaffairs, and to criticise the acts of the Government. It is well knownthat at this time there was not in all France a single old mansionsurmounted by its two weathercocks which had not a systems of policypeculiar to itself, and in which the question whether the First Consulwould play the part of Cromwell or Monk was not frequently canvassed. In those innocent controversies the little news which the Paris paperswere allowed to publish was freely discussed, and a confidential letterfrom Paris sometimes furnished food for the conversation of a whole week. 

While I was with Bonaparte he often talked to me about the life in theChateaux, which he considered as the happiest for men with sufficientincome and exempt from ambition. He knew and could appreciate this sortof life, for he often told me the period of his life which he remembered. With the greatest pleasure was that which he had passed in a Chateau ofthe family of Boulat du Colombier near Valence. Bonaparte set greatvalue on the opinion of the Chateaux, because while living in the countryhe had observed the moral influence which their inhabitants exercise overtheir neighbourhood. He had succeeded to a great degree in conciliatingthem, but the news of the death of the Due d'Enghien alienated from himminds which were still wavering, and even those which had alreadydeclared in his favour. That act of tyranny dissolved the charm whichhad created hope from his government and awakened affections which had asyet only slumbered. Those to whom this event was almost indifferent alsojoined in condemning it; for there are certain aristocratic ideas whichare always fashionable in a certain class of society. Thus for differentcauses this atrocity gave a retrograde direction to public opinion, whichhad previously been favourably disposed to Bonaparte throughout the wholeof France. 

The consequences were not less important, and might have been disastrouswith respect to foreign Courts. I learned, through a channel which doesnot permit me to entertain any doubt of the correctness of myinformation, that as soon as the Emperor Alexander received the news itbecame clear that England might conceive a well-founded hope of forming anew coalition against France. Alexander openly expressed hisindignation. I also learned with equal certainty that when Mr. Pitt wasinformed of the death of the French Prince he said, "Bonaparte has nowdone himself more mischief than we have done him since the lastdeclaration of war. "

 --[The remark made on this murder by the astute cold-blooded Fouche is well known. He said, "It was worse than a crime--it was a blunder!"--Editor of 1836 Edition. ]--

Pitt was not the man to feel much concern for the death of any one; buthe understood and seized all the advantages afforded to him by this greaterror of policy committed by the most formidable enemy of England. Inall the Treasury journals published in London Bonaparte was never spokenof under any other name than that of the "assassin of the Duc d'Enghien. "The inert policy of the Cabinet of Vienna prevented the manifestation ofits displeasure by remonstrances, or by any outward act. At Berlin, inconsequence of the neighbourhood of the French troops in Hanover, thecommiseration for the death of the Due d'Enghien was also confined to theKing's cabinet, and more particularly to the salons of the Queen ofPrussia; but it is certain that that transaction almost everywherechanged the disposition of sovereigns towards the First Consul, and thatif it did not cause, it at least hastened the success of the negotiationswhich England was secretly carrying on with Austria and Prussia. EveryPrince of Germany was offended by the violation of the Grand Duke ofBaden's territory, and the death of a Prince could not fail everywhere toirritate that kind of sympathy of blood and of race which had hithertoalways influenced the crowned heads and sovereign families of Europe; forit was felt as an injury to all of them. 

When Louis XVIII. Learned the death of the Due d'Enghien he wrote to theKing of Spain, returning him the insignia of the Order of the GoldenFleece (which had also been conferred on Bonaparte), with theaccompanying letter:

 SIRE, MONSIEUR, AND DEAR COUSIN--It is with regret that I send back to you the insignia of the Order of the Golden Fleece which his Majesty, your father, of glorious memory conferred upon me. There can be nothing in common between me and the great criminal whom audacity and fortune have placed on my throne, since he has had the barbarity to stain himself with the blood of a Bourbon, the Duc d'Enghien. 

 Religion might make me pardon an assassin, but the tyrant of my people must always be my enemy. 

 In the present age it is more glorious to merit a sceptre than to possess one. 

 Providence, for incomprehensible reasons, may condemn me to end my days in exile, but neither my contemporaries nor posterity shall ever have to say, that in the period of adversity I showed my self unworthy of occupying the throne of my ancestors. LOUIS

The death of the Due d'Enghien was a horrible episode in the proceedingsof the great trial which was then preparing, and which was speedilyfollowed by the accession of Bonaparte to the Imperial dignity. It wasnot one of the least remarkable anomalies of the epoch to see thejudgment by which criminal enterprises against the Republic werecondemned pronounced in the name of the Emperor who had so evidentlydestroyed that Republic. This anomaly certainly was not removed by thesubtlety, by the aid of which he at first declared himself Emperor of theRepublic, as a preliminary to his proclaiming himself Emperor of theFrench. Setting aside the means, it must be acknowledged that it isimpossible not to admire the genius of Bonaparte, his tenacity inadvancing towards his object, and that adroit employment of supplenessand audacity which made him sometimes dare fortune, sometimes avoiddifficulties which he found insurmountable, to arrive, not merely at thethrone of Louis XVI. , but at the reconstructed throne of Charlemagne. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

1804. 

 Pichegru betrayed--His arrest--His conduct to his old aide de camp-- Account of Pichegru's family, and his education at Brienne-- Permission to visit M. Carbonnet--The prisoners in the Temple-- Absurd application of the word "brigand"--Moreau and the state of public opinion respecting him--Pichegru's firmness--Pichegru strangled in prison--Public opinion at the time--Report on the death of Pichegru. 

I shall now proceed to relate what I knew at the time and what I havesince learnt of the different phases of the trial of Georges, Pichegru, Moreau and the other persons accused of conspiracy, --a trial to all theproceedings of which I closely attended. From those proceedings I wasconvinced that Moreau was no conspirator, but at the same time I mustconfess that it is very probable the First Consul might believe that hehad been engaged in the plot, and I am also of opinion that the realconspirators believed Moreau to be their accomplice and their chief; forthe object of the machinations of the police agents was to create afoundation for such a belief, it being important to the success of theirscheme. 

It has been stated that Moreau was arrested on the day after theconfessions made by Bouvet de Lozier; Pichegru was taken by means of themost infamous treachery that a man can be guilty of. The official policehad at last ascertained that he was in Paris, but they could not learnthe place of his concealment. The police agents had in vain exerted alltheir efforts to discover him, when an old friend, who had given him hislast asylum, offered to deliver him up for 100, 000 crowns. This infamousfellow gave an enact description of the chamber which Pichegru occupiedin the Rue de Chabanais, and in consequence of his information Comminges, commissary of police, proceeded thither, accompanied by some determinedmen. Precautions were necessary, because it was known that Pichegru wasa man of prodigious bodily strength, and that hesides, as he possessedthe means of defence, he would not allow himself to be taken withoutmaking a desperate resistance. The police entered his chamber by usingfalse keys, which the man who had sold him had the baseness to get madefor them. A light was burning on his night table. The party of police, directed by Comminges, overturned the table, extinguished the light, andthrew themselves on the general, who struggled with all his strength, andcried out loudly. They were obliged to bind him, and in this state theconqueror of Holland was removed to the Temple, out of which he wasdestined never to come alive. 

It must be owned that Pichegru was far from exciting the same interest asMoreau. The public, and more especially the army, never pardoned him forhis negotiations with the Prince de Conde prior to the 18th Fructidor. However, I became acquainted with a trait respecting him while he was inParis which I think does him much honour. A son of M. Lagrenee, formerlydirector of the French Academy at Rome, had been one of Pichegru's aidesde camp. This young man, though he had obtained the rank of captain, resigned on the banishment of his general, and resumed the pencil, whichhe had lad aside for the sword. Pichegru, while he was concealed inParis; visited his former aide de camp, who insisted upon giving him anasylum; but Pichegru positively refused to accept M. Lagrenee's offer, being determined not to commit a man who had already given him so stronga proof of friendship. I learned this fact by a singular coincidence. At this period Madame de Bourrienne wished to have a portrait of one ofour children; she was recommended to M. Lagrenee, and he related thecircumstance to her. 

It was on the night of the 22d of February that Pichegru was arrested inthe manner I have described. The deceitful friend who gave him up wasnamed Le Blanc, and he went to settle at Hamburg with the reward of histreachery, I had entirely lost sight of Pichegru since we left Brienne, for Pichegru was also a pupil of that establishment; but, being olderthan either Bonaparte or I, he was already a tutor when we were onlyscholars, and I very well recollect that it was he who examined Bonapartein the four first rules of arithmetic. 

Pichegru belonged to an agricultural family of Franche-Comte. He had arelation, a minim, ' in that country. The minim, who had the charge ofeducating the pupils of the Military School of Brienne, being very poor, and their poverty not enabling them to hold out much inducement to otherpersons to assist them, they applied to the minims of Franche-Comte. Inconsequence of this application Pichegru's relation, and some otherminims, repaired to Brienne. An aunt of Pichegru, who was a sister ofthe order of charity, accompanied them, and the care of the infirmary wasentrusted to her. This good woman took her nephew to Brienne with her, and he was educated at the school gratuitously. As soon as his agepermitted, Pichegru was made a tutor; but all, his ambition was to becomea minim. He was, however, dissuaded from that pursuit by his relation, and he adopted the military profession. There is this further remarkablecircumstance in the youth of Pichegru, that, though he was older byseveral years than Bonaparte, they were both made lieutenants ofartillery at the same time. What a difference in their destiny! Whilethe one was preparing to ascend a throne the other was a solitaryprisoner in the dungeon of the Temple. 

I had no motive to induce me to visit either the Temple or La Force, butI received at the time circumstantial details of what was passing inthose prisons, particularly in the former; I went, however, frequently toSt. Pelagie, where M. Carbonnet was confined. As soon as I knew that hewas lodged in that prison I set about getting an admission from Real, whosmoothed all difficulties. M. Carbonnet was detained two months insolitary confinement. He was several times examined, but theinterrogatories produced no result, and, notwithstanding the desire toimplicate him in consequence of the known intimacy between him andMoreau, it was at last found impossible to put him on trial with theother parties accused. 

The Temple had more terrors than St. Pelagie, but not for the prisonerswho were committed to it, for none of those illustrious victims of policemachination displayed any weakness, with the exception of Bouvet deLozier, who, being sensible of his weakness, wished to prevent itsconsequences by death. The public, however, kept their attention rivetedon the prison in which Moreau was confined. I have already mentionedthat Pichegru was conveyed thither on the night of the 22d of February; afortnight later Georges was arrested, and committed to the same prison. 

Either Real or Desmarets, and sometimes both together, repaired to theTemple to examine the prisoners. In vain the police endeavoured todirect public odium against the prisoners by placarding lists of theirnames through the whole of Paris, even before they were arrested. Inthose lists they were styled "brigands, " and at the head of "thebrigands, " the name of General Moreau shone conspicuously. An absurditywithout a parallel. The effect produced was totally opposite to thatcalculated on; for, as no person could connect the idea of a brigand withthat of a general who was the object of public esteem, it was naturallyconcluded that those whose names were placarded along with his were nomore brigands than he. 

Public opinion was decidedly in favour of Moreau, and every one wasindignant at seeing him described as a brigand. Far from believing himguilty, he was regarded as a victim fastened on because his reputationembarrassed Bonaparte; for Moreau had always been looked up to as capableof opposing the accomplishment of the First Consul's ambitious views. The whole crime of Moreau was his having numerous partisans among thosewho still clung to the phantom of the Republic, and that crime wasunpardonable in the eyes of the First Consul, who for two years had ruledthe destinies of France as sovereign master. What means were notemployed to mislead the opinion of the public respecting Moreau? Thepolice published pamphlets of all sorts, and the Comte de Montgaillardwas brought from Lyons to draw up a libel implicating him with Pichegruand the exiled Princes. But nothing that was done produced the effectproposed. 

The weak character of Moreau is known. In fact, he allowed himself to becircumvented by a few intriguers, who endeavoured to derive advantagefrom the influence of his name. But he was so decidedly opposed to thereestablishment of the ancient system that he replied to one of theagents who addressed' him, "I cannot put myself at the head of anymovement for the Bourbons, and such an attempt would not succeed. IfPichegru act on another principle--and even in that case I have told himthat the Consuls and the Governor of Paris must disappear--I believe thatI have a party strong enough in the Senate to obtain possession ofauthority, and I will immediately make use of it to protect his friends;public opinion will then dictate what may be fit to be done, but I willpromise nothing in writing. " Admitting these words attributed to Moreauto be true, they prove that he was dissatisfied with the ConsularGovernment, and that he wished a change; but there is a great differencebetween a conditional wish and a conspiracy. 

The commander of the principal guard of the Temple was General Savory, and he had reinforced that guard by his select gendarmerie. Theprisoners did not dare to communicate one with another for fear of mutualinjury, but all evinced a courage which created no little alarm as to theconsequences of the trial. Neither offers nor threats produced anyconfessions in the course of the interrogatories. Pichegru, inparticular, displayed an extraordinary firmness, and Real one day, onleaving the chamber where he had been examining him, said aloud in thepresence of several persons, "What a man that Pichegru is!"

Forty days elapsed after the arrest of General Pichegru when, on themorning of the 6th of April, he was found dead in the chamber he occupiedin the Temple. Pichegru had undergone ten examinations; but he had madeno confessions, and no person was committed by his replies. 

All his declarations, however, gave reason to believe that he would speakout, and that too in a lofty and energetic manner during the progress ofthe trial. "When I am before my judges, " said he, "my language shall beconformable to truth and the interests of my country. " What would thatlanguage have been? Without doubt there was no wish that it should beheard. Pichegru would have kept his promise, for he was distinguishedfor his firmness of character above everything, even above his qualitiesas a soldier; differing in this respect from Moreau, who allowed himselfto be guided by his wife and mother-in-law, both of whom displayedridiculous pretensions in their visits to Madame Bonaparte. 

The day on which Real spoke before several persons of Pichegru in the wayI have related was the day of his last examination. I afterwardslearned, from a source on which I can rely, that during his examinationPichegru, though careful to say nothing which could affect the otherprisoners, showed no disposition to be tender of him who had sought andresolved his death, but evinced a firm resolution to unveil before thepublic the odious machinery of the plot into which the police had drawnhim. He also declared that he and his companions had no longer anyobject but to consider of the means of leaving Paris, with the view ofescaping from the snares laid for them when their arrest took place. He declared that they had all of them given up the idea of overturningthe power of Bonaparte, a scheme into which they had been enticed byshameful intrigues. I am convinced the dread excited by hismanifestation of a resolution to speak out with the most rigid candourhastened the death of Pichegru. M. Real, who is still living, knowsbetter than any one else what were Pichegru's declarations, as heinterrogated him. I know not whether that gentleman will think fit, either at the present or some future period, to raise the veil of mysterywhich hangs over these events, but of this I am sure, he will be unableto deny anything I advance. There is evidence almost amounting todemonstration that Pichegru was strangled in prison, and consequently allidea of suicide must be rejected as inadmissible. Have I positive andsubstantive proof of what I assert? I have not; but the concurrence offacts and the weight of probabilities do not leave me in possession ofthe doubts I should wish to entertain on that tragic event. Besides, there exists a certain popular instinct, which is rarely at fault, and itmust be in the recollection of many, not only that the general opinionfavoured the notion of Pichegru's assassination, but that the pains takento give that opinion another direction, by the affected exhibition of thebody, only served to strengthen it. He who spontaneously says, I have notcommitted such or such a crime, at least admits there is room forsuspecting his guilt. 

The truth is, the tide of opinion never set in with such force againstBonaparte as during the trial of Moreau; nor was the popular sentiment inerror on the subject of the death of Pichegru, who was clearly strangledin the Temple by secret agents. The authors, the actors, and thewitnesses of the horrible prison scenes of the period are the onlypersons capable of removing the doubts which still hang over the death ofPichegru; but I must nevertheless contend that the precedingcircumstances, the general belief at the time, and even probability, arein contradiction with any idea of suicide on the part of Pichegru. Hisdeath was considered necessary, and this necessity was its real cause. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

1804. 

 Arrest of Georges--The fruiterer's daughter of the Rue de La Montagne--St. Genevieve--Louis Bonaparte's visit to the Temple-- General Lauriston--Arrest of Villeneuve and Barco--Villeneuve wounded--Moreau during his imprisonment--Preparations for leaving the Temple--Remarkable change in Georges--Addresses and congratulations--Speech of the First Consul forgotten--Secret negotiations with the Senate--Official proposition of Bonaparte's elevation to the Empire--Sitting of the Council of State-- Interference of Bonaparte--Individual votes--Seven against twenty-- His subjects and his people--Appropriateness of the title of Emperor--Communications between Bonaparte and the Senate--Bonaparte first called Sire by Cambaceres--First letter signed by Napoleon as Emperor--Grand levee at the Tuileries--Napoleon's address to the Imperial Guard--Organic 'Senatus-consulte'--Revival of old formulas and titles--The Republicanism of Lucien--The Spanish Princess-- Lucien's clandestine marriage--Bonaparte's influence on the German Princes--Intrigues of England--Drake at Munich--Project for overthrowing Bonaparte's Government--Circular from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the members of the Diplomatic Body--Answers to that circular. 

Georges was arrested about seven o'clock, on the evening of the 9th ofMarch, with another conspirator, whose name, I think, was Leridan. Georges was stopped in a cabriolet on the Place de l'Odeon, whither hehad no doubt been directed by the police agent, who was constantly abouthim. In not seizing him at his lodgings, the object, probably, was togive more publicity to his arrest, and to produce an effect upon theminds of the multitude. This calculation cost the life of one man, andhad well-nigh sacrificed the lives of two, for Georges, who constantlycarried arms about him, first shot dead the police officer who seized thehorse's reins, and wounded another who advanced to arrest him is thecabriolet. Besides his pistols there was found upon him a poniard ofEnglish manufacture. 

Georges lodged with a woman named Lemoine, who kept a fruiterer's shop inthe Rue de la Montagne St. Genevieve, and on the evening of the 9th ofMarch he had just left his lodging to go, it was said, to a perfumer'snamed Caron. It is difficult to suppose that the circumstance of thepolice being on the spot was the mere effect of chance. The fruiterer'sdaughter was putting into the cabriolet a parcel belonging to Georges atthe moment of his arrest. Georges, seeing the officers advance to seizehim, desired the girl to get out of the way, fearing lest he should shoother when he fired on the officers. She ran into a neighbouring house, taking the parcel along with her. The police, it may readily besupposed, were soon after her. The master of the house in which she hadtaken refuge, curious to know what the parcel contained, had opened it, and discovered, among other things, a bag containing 1000 Dutchsovereigns, from which he acknowledged he had abstracted a considerablesum. He and his wife, as well as the fruiterer's daughter, were allarrested; as to Georges, he was taken that same evening to the Temple, where he remained until his removal to the Conciergerie when the trialcommenced. 

During the whole of the legal proceedings Georges and the other importantprisoners were kept in solitary confinement. Immediately on Pichegru'sdeath the prisoners were informed of the circumstance. As they were allacquainted with the general, and none believed the fact of his reportedsuicide, it may easily be conceived what consternation and horror thetragical event excited among them. I learned, and I was sorry to hear ofit, that Louis Bonaparte, who was an excellent man, and, beyond allcomparison, the best of the family, had the cruel curiosity to seeGeorges in his prison a few days after the death of Pichegru, and whenthe sensation of horror excited by that event in the interior of theTemple was at its height, Louis repaired to the prison, accompanied by abrilliant escort of staff-officers, and General Savary introduced him tothe prisoners. When Louis arrived, Georges was lying on his bed with hishands strongly bound by manacles. Lauriston, who accompanied Louis, related to me some of the particulars of this visit, which, in spite ofhis sincere devotedness to the first Consul, he assured me had been verypainful to him. 

After the arrest of Georges there were still some individuals marked outas accomplices in the conspiracy who had found means to elude the searchof the police. The persons last arrested were, I think, Villeneuve, oneof the principal confidants of Georges, Burban Malabre, who went by thename of Barco, and Charles d'Hozier. They were not taken till five daysafter the arrest of the Duc d'Enghien. The famous CommissionerComminges, accompanied by an inspector and a detachment of gendarmesd'Elite, found Villeneuve and Burban Malabre in the house of a man namedDubuisson, in the Rue Jean Robert. 

This Dubuisson and his wife had sheltered some of the principal personsproscribed by the police. The Messieurs de Polignac and M. De Rivierehad lodged with them. When the police came to arrest Villeneuve andBurban Malabre the people with whom they lodged declared that they hadgone away in the morning. The officers, however, searched the house, anddiscovered a secret door within a closet. They called, and receiving noanswer, the gendarmerie had recourse to one of those expedients whichwere, unfortunately, too familiar to them. They fired a pistol throughthe door. Villeneuve, who went by the name of Joyau, was wounded in thearm, which obliged him and his companion to come from the place of theirconcealment, and they were then made prisoners. 

Moreau was not treated with the degree of rigour observed towards theother prisoners. Indeed, it would not have been safe so to treat him, for even in his prison he received the homage and respect of all themilitary, not excepting even those who were his guards. Many of thesesoldiers had served under him, and it could not be forgotten how much hewas beloved by the troops he had commanded. He did not possess thatirresistible charm which in Bonaparte excited attachment, but hismildness of temper and excellent character inspired love and respect. It was the general opinion in Paris that a single word from Moreau to thesoldiers in whose custody he was placed would in a moment have convertedthe gaoler-guard into a guard of honour, ready to execute all that mightbe required for the safety of the conqueror of Hohenlinden. Perhaps therespect with which he was treated and the indulgence of daily seeing hiswife and child were but artful calculations for keeping him within thelimits of his usual character. Besides, Moreau was so confident of theinjustice of the charge brought against him that he was calm andresigned, and showed no disposition to rouse the anger of an enemy whowould have been happy to have some real accusation against him. To thesecauses combined I always attributed the resignation; and I may say theindifference, of Moreau while he was in prison and on his trial. 

When the legal preparations for the trial were ended the prisoners of theTemple were permitted to communicate with each other, and, viewing theirfate with that indifference which youth, misfortune, and courageinspired, they amused themselves with some of those games which usuallyserve for boyish recreation. While they were thus engaged the orderarrived for their removal to the Conciergerie. The firmness of allremained unshaken, and they made their preparations for departure as ifthey were going about any ordinary business. This fortitude wasparticularly remarkable in Georges, in whose manner a change had takenplace which was remarked by all his companions in misfortune. 

For some time past the agents of Government throughout France had beeninstructed to solicit the First Consul to grant for the people what thepeople did not want, but what Bonaparte wished to take while he appearedto yield to the general will, namely, unlimited sovereign authority, freefrom any subterfuge of denomination. The opportunity of the greatconspiracy just discovered, and in which Bonaparte had not incurred amoment's danger, as he did at the time of the infernal machine, was notsuffered to escape; that opportunity was, on the contrary, eagerlyseized by the authorities of every rank, civil, ecclesiastical, andmilitary, and a torrent of addresses, congratulations, and thanksgivingsinundated the Tuileries. Most of the authors of these addressee did notconfine themselves to mere congratulations; they entreated Bonaparte toconsolidate his work, the true meaning of which was that it was time heshould make himself Emperor and establish hereditary succession. Thosewho on other occasions had shown an officious readiness to executeBonaparte's commands did not now fear to risk his displeasure by opposingthe opinion he had expressed in the Council of State on the discussion ofthe question of the Consulate for life. Bonaparte then said, "Hereditarysuccession is absurd. It is irreconcilable with the principle of thesovereignty of the people, and impossible in France. "

In this scene of the grand drama Bonaparte played his part with hisaccustomed talent, keeping himself in the background and leaving toothers the task of preparing the catastrophe. The Senate, who took thelead in the way of insinuation, did not fail, while congratulating theFirst Consul on his escape from the plots of foreigners, or, as they wereofficially styled, the daggers of England, to conjure him not to delaythe completion of his work. Six days after the death of the Dued'Enghien the Senate first expressed this wish. Either because Bonapartebegan to repent of a useless crime, and felt the ill effect it mustproduce on the public mind, or because he found the language of theSenate somewhat vague, he left the address nearly a month unanswered, andthen only replied by the request that the intention of the address mightbe more completely expressed. These negotiations between the Senate andthe Head of the Government were not immediately published. Bonaparte didnot like publicity except for what had arrived at a result; but to attainthe result which was the object of his ambition it was necessary that theproject which he was maturing should be introduced in the Tribunate, andthe tribune Curee had the honour to be the first to propose officially, on the 30th of April 1804, the conversion of the Consular Republic intoan Empire, and the elevation of Bonaparte to the title of Emperor; withthe rights of hereditary succession. 

If any doubts could exist respecting the complaisant part which Cureeacted on this occasion one circumstance would suffice to remove them;that is, that ten days before the development of his propositionBonaparte had caused the question of founding the Empire and establishinghereditary succession in his family to be secretly discussed in theCouncil of State. I learned from one of the Councillors of State allthat passed on that occasion, and I may remark that Cambaceres showedhimself particularly eager in the Council of State, as well as afterwardsin the Senate, to become the exalted subject of him who had been hisfirst colleague in the Consulate. 

About the middle of April, the Council of State being assembled as for anordinary sitting, the First Consul, who was frequently present at thesittings, did not appear. Cambaceres arrived and took the Presidency inhis quality of Second Consul, and it was remarked that his air was moresolemn than usual, though he at all times affected gravity. 

The partisans of hereditary succession were the majority, and resolved topresent an address to the First Consul. Those of the Councillors whoopposed this determined on their part to send a counter-address; and toavoid this clashing of opinions Bonaparte signified his wish that eachmember of the Council should send him his opinion individually, with hissignature affixed. By a singular accident it happened to be Berlier'stask to present to the First Consul the separate opinions of the Council. Out of the twenty-seven Councillors present only seven opposed thequestion. Bonaparte received them all most graciously, and told them, among other things, that he wished for hereditary power only for thebenefit of France; that the citizens would never be his subjects, andthat the French people would never be his people. Such were thepreliminaries to the official proposition of Curee to the Tribunate, andupon reflection it was decided that, as all opposition would be uselessand perhaps dangerous to the opposing party, the minority should join themajority. This was accordingly done. 

The Tribunate having adopted the proposition of Curee, there was nolonger any motive for concealing the overtures of the Senate. Itsaddress to the First Consul was therefore published forty days after itsdate: the pear was then ripe. This period is so important that I mustnot omit putting together the most remarkable facts which either camewithin my own observation, or which I have learned since respecting thefoundation of the Empire. 

Bonaparte had a long time before spoken to me of the title of Emperor asbeing the most appropriate for the new sovereignty which he wished tofound in France. This, he observed, was not restoring the old systementirely, and he dwelt much on its being the title which Caesar hadborne. He often said, "One may be the Emperor of a republic, but not theKing of a republic, those two terms are incongruous. "

In its first address the Senate had taken as a test the documents it hadreceived from the Government in relation to the intrigues of Drake, whohad been sent from England to Munich. That text afforded the opportunityfor a vague expression of what the Senate termed the necessities ofFrance. To give greater solemnity to the affair the Senate proceeded ina body to the Tuileries, and one thing which gave a peculiar character tothe preconcerted advances of the Senate was that Cambaceres, the SecondConsul, fulfilled his functions of President on this occasion, anddelivered the address to the First Consul. 

However, the First Consul thought the address of the Senate, which, Ihave been informed, was drawn up by Francois de Neufchateau, was notexpressed with sufficient clearness; he therefore, after suffering alittle interval to elapse, sent a message to the Senate signed byhimself, in which he said, "Your address has been the object of myearnest consideration. " And though the address contained no mention ofhereditary succession, he added, "You consider the hereditary successionof the supreme magistracy necessary to defend the French people againstthe plots of our enemies and the agitation arising from rival ambition. At the same time several of our institutions appear to you to requireimprovement so as to ensure the triumph of equality and public liberty, and to offer to the nation and the Government the double guarantee theyrequire. " From the subsequent passages of the message it will besufficient to extract the following: "We have been constantly guided bythis great truth: that the sovereignty dwells with the French people, andthat it is for their interest, happiness, and glory that the SupremeMagistracy, the Senate, the Council of State, the Legislative Body, theElectoral Colleges, and the different branches of the Government, are andmust be instituted. " The omission of the Tribunate in this enumerationis somewhat remarkable. It announced a promise which was speedilyrealised. 

The will of Bonaparte being thus expressed in his message to the--Senate, that body, which was created to preserve the institutions consecrated bythe Constitution of the year VIII. , had no alternative but to submit tothe intentions manifested by the First Consul. The reply to the messagewas, therefore, merely a counterpart of the message itself. Itpositively declared that hereditary government was essential to thehappiness, the glory, and the prosperity of France, and that thatgovernment could be confided only to Bonaparte and his family. While theSenate so complaisantly played its part in this well-get-up piece, yet, the better to impose on the credulity of the multitude, its reply, likeBonaparte's message, resounded with the words liberty and equality. Indeed, it was impudently asserted in that reply that Bonaparte'saccession to hereditary power would be a certain guarantee for theliberty of the press, a liberty which Bonaparte held in the greatesthorror, and without which all other liberty is but a vain illusion. 

By this reply of the Senate the most important step was performed. Therenow remained merely ceremonies to regulate and formulas to fill up. These various arrangements occasioned a delay of a fortnight. On the18th of May the First Consul was greeted for the first time by theappellation of Sire by his former colleague, Cambaceres, who at the headof the Senate went to present to Bonaparte the organic 'Senatus-consulte'containing the foundation of the Empire. Napoleon was at St. Cloud, whither the Senate proceeded in state. After the speech of Cambaceres, in which the old designation of Majesty was for the first time revived, the EMPEROR replied:--

 All that can contribute to the welfare of the country is essentially connected with my happiness. I accept the title which you believe to be conducive to the glory of the nation. I submit to the sanction of the people the law of hereditary succession. I hope that France will never repent the honours she may confer on my family. At all events, my spirit will not be with my posterity when they cease to merit the confidence and love of the great nation. 

Cambaceres next went to congratulate the Empress, and then was realisedto Josephine the prediction which I had made to her three years before atMalmaison. 

 --[In the original motion as prepared by Curee, the Imperial dignity was to be declared hereditary in the family of Napoleon. Previous to being formerly read before the Tribunate, the First Consul sent for the document, and when it was returned it was found that the word family was altered to descendants. Fabre, the President of the Tribunate, who received the altered document from Maret, seeing the effect the alteration would have on the brothers of Napoleon, and finding that Maret affected to crest the change as immaterial, took on himself to restore the original form, and in that shape it was read by the unconscious Curee to the Tribunals. On this curious, passage see Miot de Melito, tome ii, p. 179. As finally settled the descent of the crown in default of Napoleon's children was limited to Joseph and Louis and their descendants, but the power of adoption was given to Napoleon. The draft of the 'Senates-consulte' was heard by the Council of State in silence, and Napoleon tried in vain to get even the most talkative of the members now to speak. The Senate were not unanimous in rendering the 'Senatus-consulte'. The three votes given against it were said to have been Gregoire, the former constitutional Bishop of Blois, Carat, who as Minister of Justice had read to Louis XVI. The sentence of death, and Lanjuinais, one of the very few survivors of the Girondists, Thiers says there was only one dissentient voice. For the fury of the brothers of Napoleon, who saw the destruction of all their ambitions hopes in any measure for the descent of the crown except in the family, see Miot, tome ii. P. . 172, where Joseph is described as cursing the ambition of his brother, and desiring his death as a benefit for France and his family. ]--

Bonaparte's first act as Emperor, on the very day of his elevation to theImperial throne, was the nomination of Joseph to the dignity of GrandElector, with the title of Imperial Highness. Louis was raised to thedignity of Constable, with the same title, and Cambaceres and Lebrun werecreated Arch-Chancellor and Arch-Treasurer of the Empire. On the sameday Bonaparte wrote the following letter to Cambaceres, the first whichhe signed as Emperor, and merely with the name of Napoleon:--

 CITIZEN CONSUL CAMBACERES--Your title has changed; but your functions and my confidence remain the same. In the high dignity with which you are now invested you will continue to manifest, as you have hitherto done in that of Consul, that wisdom and that distinguished talent which entitle you to so important a share in all the good which I may have effected. I have, therefore, only to desire the continuance of the sentiments you cherish towards the State and me. 

 Given at the Palace of St. Cloud, 28th Floreal, an XII. (18th May 1804). (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

 By the Emperor. H. B. MARET. 

I have quoted this first letter of the Emperor because it ischaracteristic of Bonaparte's art in managing transitions. It was to theCitizen Consul that the Emperor addressed himself, and it was datedaccording to the Republican calendar. That calendar, together with thedelusive inscription on the coin, were all that now remained of theRepublic. Next day the Emperor came to Paris to hold a grand levee atthe Tuileries, for he was not the man to postpone the gratification thatvanity derived from his new dignity and title. The assembly was morenumerous and brilliant than on any former occasion. Bessieres havingaddressed the Emperor on the part of the Guards, the Emperor replied inthe following terms: "I know the sentiments the Guards cherish towardsme. I repose perfect confidence in their courage and fidelity. Iconstantly see, with renewed pleasure, companions in arms who haveescaped so many dangers, and are covered with so many honourable wounds. I experience a sentiment of satisfaction when I look at the Guards, andthink that there has not, for the last fifteen years, in any of the fourquarters of the world, been a battle in which some of them have not takenpart. "

On the same day all the generals and colonels in Paris were presented tothe Emperor by Louis Bonaparte, who had already begun to exercise hisfunctions of Constable. In a few days everything assumed a new aspect;but in spite of the admiration which was openly expressed the Parisianssecretly ridiculed the new courtiers. This greatly displeased Bonaparte, who was very charitably informed of it in order to check hisprepossession in favour of the men of the old Court, such as the Comte deSegur, and at a later period Comte Louis de Narbonne. 

To give all possible solemnity to his accession Napoleon ordered that theSenate itself should proclaim in Paris the organic 'Senates-consulte', which entirely changed the Constitution of the State. By one of thoseanomalies which I have frequently had occasion to remark, the Emperorfixed for this ceremony Sunday, the 30th Floral. That day was a festivalin all Paris, while the unfortunate prisoners were languishing in thedungeons of the Temple. 

On the day after Bonaparte's accession the old formulae were restored. The Emperor determined that the French Princes and Princesses shouldreceive the title of Imperial Highness; that his sisters should take thesame title; that the grand dignitaries of the Empire should be calledSerene Highnesses; that the Princes and titularies of the granddignitaries should be addressed by the title of Monseigneur; that M. Maret, the Secretary of State, should have the rank of Minister; that theministers should retain the title of Excellency, to which should be addedthat of Monseigneur in the petitions addressed to them; and that thetitle of Excellency should be given to the President of the Senate. 

At the same time Napoleon appointed the first Marshals of the Empire, and determined that they should be called Monsieur le Marechal whenaddressed verbally, and Monseigneur in writing. The following are thenames of these sons of the Republic transformed into props of the Empire:Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, and Besaieres. The title ofMarshal of the Empire was also granted to the generals Kellerman, Lefebvre, Perignon, and Serrurier, as having served ascommander-in-chief. 

The reader cannot have failed to observe that the name of Lucien has notbeen mentioned among the individuals of Bonaparte's family on whomdignities were conferred. The fact is, the two brothers were no longeron good terms with each other. Not, as it has been alleged, becauseLucien wished to play the part of a Republican, but because he would notsubmit to the imperious will of Napoleon in a circumstance in which thelatter counted on his brother's docility to serve the interests of hispolicy. In the conferences which preceded the great change in the formof government it was not Lucien but Joseph who, probably for the sake ofsounding opinion, affected an opposition, which was by some mistaken forRepublicanism. With regard to Lucien, as he had really rendered greatservices to Napoleon on the 19th Brumaire at St. Cloud, and as he himselfexaggerated the value of those services, he saw no reward worthy of hisambition but a throne independent of his brother. It is certain thatwhen at Madrid he had aspired to win the good graces of a SpanishInfanta, and on that subject reports were circulated with which I havenothing to do, because I never had any opportunity of ascertaining theirtruth. All I know is that, Lucien's first wife being dead, Bonaparte, wished him to marry a German Princess, by way of forming the first greatalliance in the family. Lucien, however, refused to comply withNapoleon's wishes, and he secretly married the wife of an agent, named, I believe, Joubertou, who for the sake of convenience was sent to theWest Indies, where he: died shortly after. When Bonaparte heard of thismarriage from the priest by whom it had been clandestinely performed, hefell into a furious passion, and resolved not to confer on Lucien thetitle of French Prince, on account of what he termed his unequal match. Lucien, therefore, obtained no other dignity than that of Senator. 

 --[According to Lucien himself, Napoleon wished him to marry the Queen of Etruria Maria-Louise, daughter of Charles IV. Of Spain, who had married, 1795 Louie de Bourbon, Prince of Parma, son of the Duke of Parma, to whom Napoleon had given Tuscany in 1801 as the Kingdom of, Etruria. Her husband had died in May 1808, and she governed in the name of her son. Lucien, whose first wife, Anne Christine Boyer, had died in 1801, had married his second wife, Alexandrine Laurence de Bleschamps, who had married, but who had divorced, a M. Jonberthon. When Lucien had been ambassador in Spain in 1801, charged among other things with obtaining Elba, the Queen, he says, wished Napoleon should marry an Infanta, --Donna Isabella, her youngest daughter, afterwards Queen of Naples, an overture to which Napoleon seems not to have made any answer. As for Lucien, he objected to his brother that the Queen was ugly, and laughed at Napoleon's representations as to her being "propre": but at last he acknowledged his marriage with Madame Jouberthon. This made a complete break between the brothers, and on hearing of the execution of the Due d'Enghien, Lucien said to his wife, "Alexandrine, let us go; he has tasted blood. " He went to Italy, and in 1810 tried to go to the United States. Taken prisoner by the English, he was detained first at Malta, and then in England, at Ludlow Castle and at Thorngrove, till 1814, when he went to Rome. The Pope, who ever showed a kindly feeling towards the Bonapartes, made the ex-"Brutus" Bonaparte Prince de Canino and Due de Musignano. In 1815 he joined Napoleon and on the final fall of the Empire he was interned at Rome till the death of his brother. ]--

Jerome, who pursued an opposite line of conduct, was afterwards made aKing. As to Lucien's Republicanism, it did not survive the 18thBrumaire, and he was always a warm partisan of hereditary succession. 

But I pass on to relate what I know respecting the almost incredibleinfluence which, on the foundation of the Empire, Bonaparte exercisedover the powers which did not yet dare to declare war against him. I studied Bonaparte's policy closely, and I came to this conclusion onthe subject, that he was governed by ambition, by the passion ofdominion, and that no relations, on a footing of equality, betweenhimself and any other power, could be of long duration. The other Statesof Europe had only to choose one of two things--submission or war. As tosecondary States, they might thenceforth be considered as fiefs of theFrench Government; and as they could not resist, Bonaparte easilyaccustomed them to bend to his yoke. Can there be a stronger proof ofthis arbitrary influence than what occurred at Carlsruhe, after theviolation of the territory of Baden, by the arrest of the Due d'Enghien?Far from venturing to make any observation on that violation, so contraryto the rights of nations, the Grand Duke of Baden was obliged to publish, in his own State, a decree evidently dictated by Bonaparte. The decreestated, that many individuals formerly belonging to the army of Condehaving come to the neighbourhood of Carlsruhe, his Electoral Highness hadfelt it his duty to direct that no individual coming from Conde's army, nor indeed any French emigrant, should, unless he had permissionpreviously to the place, make a longer sojourn than was allowed toforeign travellers. Such was already the influence which Bonaparteexercised over Germany, whose Princes, to use an expression which heemployed in a later decree, were crushed by the grand measures of theEmpire. 

But to be just, without however justifying Bonaparte, I must acknowledgethat the intrigues which England fomented in all parts of the Continentwere calculated to excite his natural irritability to the utmost degree. The agents of England were spread over the whole of Europe, and theyvaried the rumours which they were commissioned to circulate, accordingto the chances of credit which the different places afforded. Theirreports were generally false; but credulity gave ear to them, andspeculators endeavoured, each according to his interest, to give themsupport. The headquarters of all this plotting was Munich, where Drake, who was sent from England, had the supreme direction. Hiscorrespondence, which was seized by the French Government, was at firstplaced amongst the documents to be produced on the trial of Georges, Moreau, and the other prisoners; but in the course of the preliminaryproceedings the Grand Judge received directions to detach them, and makethem the subject of a special report to the First Consul, in order thattheir publication beforehand might influence public opinion, and renderit unfavourable to those who were doomed to be sacrificed. Theinstructions given by Drake to his agents render it impossible to doubtthat England wished to overthrow the Government of Bonaparte. Drakewrote as follows to a man who was appointed to travel through France:--

 The principal object of your journey being the overthrow of the existing Government, one of the means of effecting it is to acquire a knowledge of the enemy's plans. For this purpose it is of the highest importance to begin, in the first place, by establishing communications with persons who may be depended upon in the different Government offices in order to obtain exact information of all plans with respect to foreign or internal affairs. The knowledge of these plans will supply the best means of defeating them; and failure is the way to bring the Government into complete discredit--the first and most important step towards the end proposed. Try to gain over trustworthy agents in the different Government departments. Endeavour, also, to learn what passes in the secret committee, which is supposed to be established at St Cloud, and composed of the friends of the First Consul. Be careful to furnish information of the various projects which Bonaparte may entertain relative to Turkey and Ireland. Likewise send intelligence respecting the movements of troops, respecting vessels and ship-building, and all military preparations. 

Drake, in his instructions, also recommended that the subversion ofBonaparte's Government should, for the time, be the only object in view, and that nothing should be said about the King's intentions until certaininformation could be obtained respecting his views; but most of hisletters and instructions were anterior to 1804. The whole bearing of theseized documents proved what Bonaparte could not be ignorant of, namely, that England was his constant enemy; but after examining them, I was ofopinion that they contained nothing which could justify the belief thatthe Government of Great Britain authorised any attempt at assassination. 

When the First Consul received the report of the Grand Judge relative toDrake's plots' against his Government he transmitted a copy of it to theSenate, and it was in reply to this communication that the Senate madethose first overtures which Bonaparte thought vague, but which, nevertheless, led to the formation of the Empire. Notwithstanding thisimportant circumstance, I have not hitherto mentioned Drake, because hisintrigues for Bonaparte's overthrow appeared to me to be more immediatelyconnected with the preliminaries of the trial of Georges and Moreau, which I shall notice in my next chapter. 

 --[These were not plots for assassination. Bonaparte, in the same way, had his secret agents in every country of Europe, without excepting England. Alison (chap. Xxxvii. Par. 89) says on this matter of Drake that, though the English agents were certainly attempting a counter-revolution, they had no idea of encouraging the assassination of Napoleon, while "England was no match for the French police agents in a transaction of this description, for the publication of Regular revealed the mortifying fact that the whole correspondence both of Drake and Spencer Smith had been regularly transmitted, as fast as it took place, to the police of Paris, and that their principal corresponded in that city, M. Mehu de la Tonche, was himself an agent of the police, employed to tempt the British envoys into this perilous enterprise. "]--

At the same time that Bonaparte communicated to the Senate the report ofthe Grand Judge, the Minister for Foreign Affairs addressed the followingcircular letter to the members of the Diplomatic Body:

 The First Consul has commanded me to forward to your Excellency a copy of a report which has been presented to him, respecting a conspiracy formed in France by Mr. Drake, his Britannic Majesty's Minister at the Court of Munich, which, by its object as well as its date, is evidently connected with the infamous plot now in the course of investigation. 

 The printed copy of Mr. Drake's letters and authentic documents is annexed to the report. The originals will be immediately sent, by order of the First Consul, to the Elector of Bavaria. 

 Such a prostitution of the most honourable function which can be intrusted to a man is unexampled in the history of civilised nations. It will astonish and afflict Europe as an unheard of crime, which hitherto the most perverse Governments have not dared to meditate. The First Consul is too well acquainted with sentiments of the Diplomatic Body accredited to him not to be fully convinced that every one of its members will behold, with profound regret, the profanation of the sacred character of Ambassador, basely transformed into a minister of plots, snares, and corruption. 

All the ambassadors, ministers, plenipotentiaries, envoys, ordinary orextraordinary, whatever might be their denomination, addressed answers tothe Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which they expressed horror andindignation at the conduct of England and Drake's machinations. Theseanswers were returned only five days after the Duc d'Enghien's death;and here one cannot help admiring the adroitness of Bonaparte, who thuscompelled all the representatives of the European Governments to giveofficial testimonies of regard for his person and Government. 

CHAPTER XXYI. 

1804. 

 Trial of Moreau, Georges, and others--Public interest excited by Moreau--Arraignment of the prisoners--Moreau's letter to Bonaparte-- Violence of the President of the Court towards the prisoners-- Lajolais and Rolland--Examinations intended to criminate Moreau-- Remarkable observations--Speech written by M. Garat--Bonaparte's opinion of Garat's eloquence--General Lecourbe and Moreau's son-- Respect shown to Moreau by the military--Different sentiments excited by Georges and Moreau--Thoriot and 'Tui-roi'--Georges' answers to the interrogatories--He refuses an offer of pardon-- Coster St. Victor--Napoleon and an actress--Captain Wright-- M. De Riviere and the medal of the Comte d'Artois--Generous struggle between MM. De Polignac--Sentence on the prisoners--Bonaparte's remark--Pardons and executions. 

On the 28th of May, about ten days after Napoleon had been declaredEmperor, the trials of Moreau and others commenced. No similar eventthat has since occurred can convey an idea of the fermentation which thenprevailed in Paris. The indignation excited by Moreau's arrest wasopenly manifested, and braved the observation of the police. Endeavourshad been successfully made to mislead public opinion with respect toGeorges and some others among the accused, who were looked upon asassassins in the pay of England, at least by that numerous portion of thepublic who lent implicit faith to declarations presented to them asofficial. But the case was different with regard to those individualswho were particularly the objects of public interest, --viz. MM. DePolignac, de Riviere, Charles d'Hozier, and, above all, Moreau. The nameof Moreau towered above all the rest, and with respect to him theGovernment found itself not a little perplexed. It was necessary on theone hand to surround him with a guard sufficiently imposing, to repressthe eagerness of the people and of his friends, and yet on the other handcare was required that this guard should not be so strong as to admit ofthe possibility of making it a rallying-point, should the voice of achief so honoured by the army appeal to it for defence. A rising of thepopulace in favour of Moreau was considered as a very possibleevent, --some hoped for it, others dreaded it. When I reflect on thestate of feeling which then prevailed, I am certain that a movement inhis favour would infallibly have taken place had judges more complyingthan even those who presided at the trial condemned Moreau to capitalpunishment. 

It is impossible to form an idea of the crowd that choked up the avenuesof the Palace of Justice on the day the trials commenced. This crowdcontinued during the twelve days the proceedings lasted, and wasexceedingly great on the day the sentence was pronounced. Persons of thehighest class were anxious to be present. 

I was one of the first in the Hall, being determined to watch the courseof these solemn proceedings. The Court being assembled, the Presidentordered the prisoners to be brought in. They entered in a file, andranged themselves on the benches each between two gendarmes. Theyappeared composed and collected, and resignation was depicted on thecountenances of all except Bouvet de Lozier, who did not dare to raisehis eyes to his companions in misfortune, whom his weakness, rather thanhis will, had betrayed. I did not recognise him until the Presidentproceeded to call over the prisoners, and to put the usual questionsrespecting their names, professions, and places of abode. Of theforty-nine prisoners, among whom were several females, only two werepersonally known to me; namely, Moreau, whose presence on the prisoner'sbench seemed to wring every heart, and Georges, whom I had seen at theTuileries in the First Consul's cabinet. 

The first sitting of the Court was occupied with the reading of the actof accusation or indictment, and the voices of the ushers, commandingsilence, could scarce suppress the buzz which pervaded the Court at themention of Moreau's name. All eyes were turned towards the conqueror ofHohenlinden, and while the Procureur Imperial read over the longindictment and invoked the vengeance of the law on an attempt against thehead of the Republic, it was easy to perceive how he tortured hisingenuity to fasten apparent guilt on the laurels of Moreau. The goodsense of the public discerned proofs of his innocence in the verycircumstances brought forward against him. I shall never forget theeffect produced--so contrary to what was anticipated by theprosecutors--by the reading of a letter addressed by Moreau from hisprison in the Temple to the First Consul, when the judges appointed tointerrogate him sought to make his past conduct the subject ofaccusation, on account of M. De Klinglin's papers having fallen into hishands. He was reproached with having too long delayed transmittingthese documents to the Directory; and it was curious to see the EmperorNapoleon become the avenger of pretended offences committed against theDirectory which he had overthrown. 

In the letter here alluded to Moreau said to Bonaparte, then FirstConsul--

 "In the short campaign of the year V. (from the 20th to the 23d of March 1797) we took the papers belonging to the staff of the enemy's army, and a number of documents were brought to me which General Desaix, then wounded, amused himself by perusing. It appeared from this correspondence that General Pichegru had maintained communications with the French Princes. This discovery was very painful, and particularly to me, and we agreed to say nothing of the matter. Pichegru, as a member of the Legislative Body, could do but little to injure the public cause, since peace was established. I nevertheless took every precaution for protecting the army against the ill effects of a system of espionage. . . . The events of the 18th Fructidor occasioned so much anxiety that two officers, who knew of the existence of the correspondence, prevailed on me to communicate it to the Government. . . . I felt that, as a public functionary, I could no longer remain silent. . . . During the two last campaigns in Germany, and since the peace, distant overtures have been made to me, with the view of drawing me into connection with the French Princes. This appeared so absurd that I took no notice of these overtures. As to the present conspiracy, I can assure you I have been far from taking any share in it. I repeat to you, General, that whatever proposition to that effect was made me, I rejected it, and regarded it as the height of madness. When it was represented to me that the invasion of England would offer a favourable opportunity for effecting a change in the French Government, I invariably answered that the Senate was the authority to which the whole of France would naturally cling in the time of trouble, and that I would be the first to place myself under its orders. To such overtures made to a private individual, who wished to preserve no connection either with the army, of whom nine-tenths have served under me, or any constituted authority, the only possible answer was a refusal. Betrayal of confidence I disdained. Such a step, which is always base, becomes doubly odious when the treachery is committed against those to whom we owe gratitude, or have been bound by old friendship. 

 "This, General, is all I have to tell you respecting my relations with Pichegru, and it must convince you that very false and hasty inferences have been drawn from conduct which, though perhaps imprudent, was far from being criminal. "

Moreau fulfilled his duty as a public functionary by communicating to theDirectory the papers which unfolded a plot against the Government, andwhich the chances of war had thrown into his hands. He fulfilled hisduty as a man of honour by not voluntarily incurring the infamy which cannever be wiped from the character of an informer. Bonaparte in Moreau'ssituation would have acted the same part, for I never knew a man expressstronger indignation than himself against informers, until he began toconsider everything a virtue which served his ambition, and everything acrime which opposed it. 

The two facts which most forcibly obtruded themselves on my attentionduring the trial were the inveterate violence of the President of theCourt towards the prisoners and the innocence of Moreau. 

 --[It is strange that Bourrienne does not acknowledge that he was charged by Napoleon with the duty of attending this trial of Moreau, and of sending in a daily report of the proceedings. ]--

But, in spite of the most insidious examinations which can be conceived, Moreau never once fell into the least contradiction. If my memory failme not, it was on the fourth day that he was examined by Thuriot, one ofthe judges. The result, clear as day to all present, was, that Moreauwas a total stranger to all the plots, all the intrigues which had beenset on foot in London. In fact, during the whole course of the trial, towhich I listened with as much attention as interest, I did not discoverthe shadow of a circumstance which could in the least commit him, orwhich had the least reference to him. Scarcely one of the hundred andthirty-nine witnesses who were heard for the prosecution knew him, and hehimself declared on the fourth sitting, which took place on the 31st ofMay, that there was not an individual among the accused whom heknew, --not one whom he had ever seen. In the course of the longproceedings, notwithstanding the manifest efforts of Thuriot to extortfalse admissions and force contradictions, no fact of any consequencewas elicited to the prejudice of Moreau. His appearance was as calm ashis conscience; and as he sat on the bench he had the appearance of oneled by curiosity to be present at this interesting trial, rather than ofan accused person, to whom the proceedings might end in condemnation anddeath. But for the fall of Moreau in the ranks of the enemy, --but forthe foreign cockade which disgraced the cap of the conqueror ofHohenlinden, his complete innocence would long since have been putbeyond doubt, and it would have been acknowledged that the most infamousmachinations were employed for his destruction. It is evident thatLajolais, who had passed from London to Paris, and from Paris to London, had been acting the part of an intriguer rather than of a conspirator;and that the object of his missions was not so much to reconcile Moreauand Pichegru as to make Pichegru the instrument of implicating Moreau. Those who supposed Lajolais to be in the pay of the British Governmentwere egregiously imposed on. Lajolais was only in the pay of the secretpolice; he was condemned to death, as was expected, but he received hispardon, as was agreed upon. Here was one of the disclosures whichPichegru might have made; hence the necessity of getting him out of theway before the trial. As to the evidence of the man named Rolland, itwas clear to everybody that Moreau was right when he said to thePresident, "In my opinion, Rolland is either a creature of the police, or he has given his evidence under the influence of fear. " Rolland madetwo declarations the first contained nothing at all; the second was inanswer to the following observations: "You see you stand in a terriblesituation; you must either be held to be an accomplice in theconspiracy, or you must be taken as evidence. If you say nothing, youwill be considered in the light of an accomplice; if you confess, youwill be saved. " This single circumstance may serve to give an idea ofthe way the trials were conducted so as to criminate Moreau. On hispart the general repelled the attacks, of which he was the object, withcalm composure and modest confidence, though flashes of just indignationwould occasionally burst from him. I recollect the effect he producedupon the Court and the auditors at one of the sittings, when thePresident had accused him of the design of making himself Dictator. Heexclaimed, "I Dictator! What, make myself Dictator at the head of thepartisans of the Bourbons! Point out my partisans! My partisans wouldnaturally be the soldiers of France, of whom I have commandednine-tenths, and saved more than fifty thousand. These are thepartisans I should look to! All my aides de camp, all the officers ofmy acquaintance, have been arrested; not the shadow of a suspicion couldbe found against any of them, and they have been set at liberty. Why, then, attribute to me the madness of aiming to get myself made Dictatorby the aid of the adherents of the old French Princes, of persons whohave fought in their cause since 1792? You allege that these men, inthe space of four-and-twenty hours, formed the project of raising me tothe Dictatorship! It is madness to think of it! My fortune and my payhave been alluded to; I began the world with nothing; I might have hadby this time fifty millions; I have merely a house and a bit of ground;as to my pay, it is forty thousand francs. Surely that sum will not becompared with my services. "

During the trial Moreau delivered a defence, which I knew had beenwritten by his friend Garat, whose eloquence I well remember was alwaysdisliked by Bonaparte. Of this I had a proof on the occasion of a grandceremony which took place in the Place des Victoires, on laying the firststone of a monument which was to have been erected to the memory ofDesaix, but which was never executed. The First Consul returned home invery ill-humour, and said to me, "Bourrienne, what a brute that Garat is!What a stringer of words! I have been obliged to listen to him forthree-quarters of an hour. There are people who never know when to holdtheir tongues!"

Whatever might be the character of Garat's eloquence or Bonaparte'sopinion of it, his conduct was noble on the occasion of Moreau's trial;for he might be sure Bonaparte would bear him a grudge for lending theaid of his pen to the only man whose military glory, though not equal tothat of the First Consul, might entitle him to be looked upon as hisrival in fame. At one of the sittings a circumstance occurred whichproduced an almost electrical effect. I think I still see GeneralLecourbe, the worthy friend of Moreau, entering unexpectedly into theCourt, leading a little boy. Raising the child in his arms, he exclaimedaloud, and with considerable emotion, "Soldiers, behold the son of yourgeneral!"

 --[This action of Lecourbe, together with the part played in this trial by his brother, one of the judges, was most unfortunate, not only for Lecourbe but for France, which consequently lost the services of its best general of mountain warfare. His campaigns of Switzerland in 1799 on the St. Gothard against Suwarrow are well known. Naturally disgraced for the part he took with Moreau, he was not again employed till the Cent Jours, when he did good service, although he had disapproved of the defection of Ney from the Royalist cause. He died in 1816; his brother, the judge, had a most furious reception from Napoleon, who called him a prevaricating judge, and dismissed him from his office (Remusat, tome ii. P. 8). ]--

At this unexpected movement all the military present spontaneously roseand presented arms; while a murmur of approbation from the spectatorsapplauded the act. It is certain that had Moreau at that moment said butone word, such was the enthusiasm in his favour, the tribunal would havebeen broken up and the prisoners liberated. Moreau, however, was silent, and indeed appeared the only unconcerned person in Court. Throughout thewhole course of the trial Moreau inspired so much respect that when hewas asked a question and rose to reply the gendarmes appointed to guardhim rose at the same time and stood uncovered while he spoke. 

Georges was far from exciting the interest inspired by Moreau. He was anobject of curiosity rather than of interest. The difference of theirprevious conduct was in itself sufficient to occasion a great contrast intheir situation before the Court. Moreau was full of confidence andGeorges full of resignation. The latter regarded his fate with a fiercekind of resolution. He occasionally resumed the caustic tone which heseemed to have renounced when he harangued his associates before theirdeparture from the Temple. With the most sarcastic bitterness he alludedto the name and vote of Thuriot, one of the most violent of the judges, often terming him 'Tue-roi';

 --[Thuriot and the President Hemart both voted for the death of the King. Merlin, the imperial Procureur-General, was one of the regicides. --Bourrienne. ]--

and after pronouncing his name, or being forced to reply to hisinterrogatories, he would ask for a glass of brandy to wash his mouth. 

Georges had the manners and bearing of a rude soldier; but under hiscoarse exterior he concealed the soul of a hero. When the witnesses ofhis arrest had answered the questions of the President Hemart, this judgeturned towards the accused, and inquired whether he had anything to sayin reply. --"No. "--"Do you admit the facts?"--"Yes. " Here Georges busiedhimself in looking over the papers which lay before him, when Hemartwarned him to desist, and attend to the questions. The followingdialogue then commenced. "Do you confess having been arrested in theplace designated by the witness?"--"I do not know the name of theplace. "--"Do you confess having been arrested?"--"Yes. "--"Did you twicefire a pistol?"--"Yes. "--"Did you kill a man?"--"Indeed I do not know. "--"Had you a poniard?"--"Yes. "--"And two pistols?"--"Yes. "--"Who was incompany with you?"--"I do not know the person. "--"Where did you lodge inParis?"--"Nowhere. "--"At the time of your arrest did you not reside inthe house of a fruiterer in the Rue de la Montagne St. Genevieve?"--"At the time of my arrest I was in a cabriolet. I lodged nowhere. "--"Where did you sleep on the evening of your arrest?"--"Nowhere. "--"Whatwere you doing in Paris?"--"I was walking about. "--"Whom have you seenin Paris?"--"I shall name no one; I know no one. "

From this short specimen of the manner in which Georges replied to thequestions of the President we may judge of his unshaken firmness duringthe proceedings. In all that concerned himself he was perfectly open;but in regard to whatever tended to endanger his associates he maintainedthe most obstinate silence, notwithstanding every attempt to overcome hisfirmness. 

That I was not the only one who justly appreciated the noble character ofGeorges is rendered evident by the following circumstance. Havingaccompanied M. Carbonnet to the police, where he went to demand hispapers, on the day of his removal to St. Pelagic, we were obliged toawait the return of M. Real, who was absent. M. Desmarets and severalother persons were also in attendance. M. Real had been at theConciergerie, where he had seen Georges Cadoudal, and on his entranceobserved to M. Desmarets and the others, sufficiently loud to bedistinctly heard by M. Carbonnet and myself, "I have had an interviewwith Georges who is an extraordinary man. I told him that I was disposedto offer him a pardon if he would promise to renounce the conspiracy andaccept of employment under Government. But to my arguments andpersuasions he only replied, 'My comrades followed me to France, and Ishall fellow them, to death. '" In this he kept his word. 

Were we to judge these memorable proceedings from the official documentspublished in the Moniteur and other journals of that period, we shouldform a very erroneous opinion. Those falsities were even the object of avery serious complaint on the part of Cosier St. Victor, one of theaccused. 

After the speech of M. Gauthier, the advocate of Coster St. Victor, thePresident inquired of the accused whether he had anything further to sayin his defence, to which he replied, "I have only to add that thewitnesses necessary to my exculpation have not yet appeared. I mustbesides express my surprise at the means which have been employed to leadastray public opinion, and to load with infamy not only the accused butalso their intrepid defenders. I have read with pain in the journals ofto-day that the proceedings--" Here the President interrupting, observedthat "these were circumstances foreign to the case. "--"Not in theleast, " replied Cosier St. Victor; "on the contrary, they bear verymaterially on the cause, since mangling and misrepresenting our defenceis a practice assuredly calculated to ruin us in the estimation of thepublic. In the journals of to-day the speech of M. Gauthier isshamefully garbled, and I should be deficient in gratitude were I nothere to bear testimony to the zeal and courage which he has displayed inmy defence. I protest against the puerilities and absurdities which havebeen put into his mouth, and I entreat him not to relax in his generousefforts. It is not on his account that I make this observation; he doesnot require it at my hands; it is for 'myself, it is for the accused, whom such arts tend to injure in the estimation of the public. "

Coster St. Victor had something chivalrous in his language and mannerswhich spoke greatly in his favour; he conveyed no bad idea of one of theFiesco conspirators, or of those leaders of the Fronds who intermingledgallantry with their politics. 

An anecdote to this effect was current about the period of the trial. Coster St. Victor, it is related, being unable any longer to find asecure asylum in Paris, sought refuge for a single night in the house ofa beautiful actress, formerly in the good graces of the First Consul; andit is added that Bonaparte, on the same night, having secretly arrived ona visit to the lady, found himself unexpectedly in the presence of CosterSt. Victor, who might have taken his life; but that only an interchangeof courtesy took place betwixt the rival gallants. 

This ridiculous story was doubtless intended to throw additional odium onthe First Consul, if Cosier St. Victor should be condemned and not obtaina pardon, in which case malignity would not fail to attribute hisexecution to the vengeance of a jealous lover. 

I should blush to relate such stories, equally destitute of probabilityand truth, had they not obtained some credit at the time. Whilst I waswith Bonaparte he never went abroad during the night; and it was notsurely at a moment when the saying of Fouche, "The air is full ofponiards, " was fully explained that he would have risked such nocturnaladventures. 

Wright was heard in the sixth sitting, on the 2d of June, as the hundredand thirty-fourth witness in support of the prosecution. He, however, refused to answer any interrogatories put to him, declaring that, as aprisoner of war, he considered himself only amenable to his ownGovernment. 

The Procureur-General requested the President to order the examinationsof Captain Wright on the 21st of May' and at a later period to be readover to him; which heing done, the witness replied, that it was omittedto be stated that on these occasions the questions had been accompaniedwith the threat of transferring him to a military tribunal, in order tobe shot, if he did not betray the secrets of his country. 

In the course of the trial the most lively interest was felt for MM. DePolignac--

 --[The eldest of the Polignacs, Armand (1771-1847), condemned to death, had that penalty remitted, but was imprisoned in Ham till permitted to escape m 1813. He became Duc de Richelieu in 1817. His younger brother, Jules (1780-1847) was also imprisoned and escaped. In 1814 he was one of the first to display the white flag in Paris. In 1829 he became Minister of Charles X. And was responsible for the ordinances which oust his master his throne in 1830. Imprisoned, nominally for life, he was released in 1836, and after passing some time in England returned to France. The remission of the sentence of death on Prince Armand was obtained by the Empress Josephine. Time after time, urged on by Madame de Remusat, she implored mercy from Napoleon, who at last consented to see the wife of the Prince. Unlike the Bourbon Louis XVIII. , who could see Madame de Lavalette only to refuse the wretched woman's prayer for her husband, for Napoleon to grant the interview was to concede the pardon. The Prince escaped death, and his wife who had obtained the interview by applying to Madame de Remusat, when she met her benefactress in the times of the Restoration, displayed a really grand forgetfulness of what had passed (see Remusat, tome ii. Chap. I. ). ]--

Charles d'Hozier, and de Riviere. So short a period had elapsed sincethe proscription of the nobility that, independently of every feeling ofhumanity, it was certainly impolitic to exhibit before the public theheirs of an illustrious name, endowed with that devoted heroism whichcould not fail to extort admiration even from those who condemned theiropinions and principles. 

The prisoners were all young, and their situation create universalsympathy. The greatest number of them disdained to have recourse to adenial, and seemed less anxious for the preservation of their own livesthan for the honour of the cause in which they had embarked, not with theview of assassination, as had been demonstrated, but for the purpose ofascertaining the true state of the public feeling, which had beenrepresented by some factious intriguers as favourable to the Bourbons. Even when the sword of the law was suspended over their heads thefaithful adherents of the Bourbons displayed on every occasion theirattachment and fidelity to the royal cause. I recollect that the Courtwas dissolved in tears when the President adduced as a proof of the guiltof M. De Riviere his having worn a medal of the Comte d'Artois, which theprisoner requested to examine; and, on its being handed to him by anofficer, M. De Riviere pressed it to his lips and his heart, thenreturning it, he said that he only wished to render homage to the Princewhom he loved. 

The Court was still more deeply affected on witnessing the generousfraternal struggle which took place during the last sitting between thetwo De Polignacs. The emotion was general when the eldest of thebrothers, after having observed that his always going out alone andduring the day did not look like a conspirator anxious for concealment, added these remarkable words which will remain indelibly engraven on mymemory: "I have now only one wish, which is that, as the sword issuspended over our heads, and threatens to cut short the existence ofseveral of the accused, you would, in consideration of his youth if notof his innocence, spare my brother, and shower down upon me the wholeweight of your vengeance. " It was during the last sitting but one, onFriday the 8th of June, that M. Armand de Polignac made the aboveaffecting appeal in favour of his brother. The following day, before thefatal sentence was pronounced, M. Jules de Polignac addressed the judges, saying, "I was so deeply affected yesterday, while my brother wasspeaking, as not fully to have attended to what I read in my own defence:but being now perfectly tranquil, I entreat, gentlemen, that you will notregard what he urged in my behalf. I repeat, on the contrary, and withmost justice, if one of us must fall a sacrifice, if there be yet time, save him, restore him to the tears of his wife; I have no tie like him, Ican meet death unappalled;--too young to have tasted the pleasures of theworld, I cannot regret their loss. "--"No, no, " exclaimed his brother, "you are still in the outset of your career; it is I who ought to fall. "

At eight in the morning the members of the Tribunal withdrew to thecouncil-chamber. Since the commencement of the proceedings the crowd, far from diminishing, seemed each day to increase; this morning it wasimmense, and, though the sentence was not expected to be pronounced tilla late hour, no one quitted the Court for fear of not being able to finda place when the Tribunal should resume its sitting. 

Sentence of death was passed upon Georges Caudoudal, Bouvet de Lozier, Rusillon, Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, Charles d'Hozier, De Riviere, Louis Ducorps, Picot, Lajolais, Roger, Coster St. Victor, Deville, Gaillard, Joyaub, Burban; Lemercier, Jean Cadudol, Lelan, and Merille;while Lies de Polignac, Leridant, General Moreau, --[General Moreau'ssentence was remitted, and he was allowed to go to America. ]--Rolland, and Hisay were only condemned to two years' imprisonment. 

This decree was heard with consternation by the assembly, and soon spreadthroughout Paris. I may well affirm it to have been a day of publicmourning; even though it was Sunday every place of amusement was nearlydeserted. To the horror inspired by a sentence of death passed sowantonly, and of which the greater number of the victims belonged to themost distinguished class of society, was joined the ridicule inspired bythe condemnation of Moreau; of the absurdity of which no one seemed moresensible than Bonaparte himself, and respecting which he expressedhimself in the most pointed terms. I am persuaded that every one whonarrowly watched the proceedings of this celebrated trial must have beenconvinced that all means were resorted to in order that Moreau, onceaccused, should not appear entirely free from guilt. 

Bonaparte is reported to have said, "Gentlemen, I have no control overyour proceedings; it is your duty strictly to examine the evidence beforepresenting a report to me. But when it has once the sanction of yoursignatures, woe to you if an innocent man be condemned. " This remark isin strict conformity with his usual language, and bears a strikingsimilarity to the conversation I held with him on the following Thursday;but though this language might be appropriate from the lips of asovereign whose ministers are responsible, it appears but a lame excusein the mouth of Bonaparte, the possessor of absolute power. 

The condemned busied themselves in endeavouring to procure a repeal oftheir sentence, the greatest number of them yielded in this respect tothe entreaties of their friends, who lost no time in taking the stepsrequisite to obtain the pardon of those in whom they were mostinterested. Moreau at first also determined to appeal; but herelinquished his purpose before the Court of Cessation commenced itssittings. 

As soon as the decree of the special Tribunal was delivered, Murat, Governor of Paris, and brother-in-law to the Emperor, sought his presenceand conjured him in the most urgent manner to pardon all the criminals, observing that such an act of clemency would redound greatly to hishonour in the opinion of France and all Europe, that it would be said theEmperor pardoned the attempt against the life of the First Consul, thatthis act of mercy would shed more glory over the commencement of hisreign than any security which could accrue from the execution of theprisoners. Such was the conduct of Murat; but he did not solicit, ashas been reported, the pardon of any one in particular. 

Those who obtained the imperial pardon were Bouvet de Lozier, whoexpected it from the disclosures he had made; Rusillon, de Riviere, Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, d'Hozier, Lajolais, who had beforehandreceived a promise to that effect, and Armand Gaillard. 

The other ill-fated victims of a sanguinary police underwent theirsentence on the 25th of June, two days after the promulgation of thepardon of their associates. 

Their courage and resignation never forsook them even for a moment, andGeorges, knowing that it was rumoured he had obtained a pardon, entreated that he might die the first, in order that his companions intheir last moments might be assured he had not survived them. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

1804. 

 Clavier and Hemart--Singular Proposal of Corvisart-M. Desmaisons-- Project of influencing the judges--Visit to the Tuileries--Rapp in attendance--Long conversation with the Emperor--His opinion on the trial of Moreau--English assassins and Mr. Fox--Complaints against the English Government--Bonaparte and Lacuee--Affectionate behaviour--Arrest of Pichegru--Method employed by the First Consul to discover his presence in Paris--Character of Moreau--Measures of Bonaparte regarding him--Lauriston sent to the Temple--Silence respecting the Duc d'Enghien--Napoleon's opinion of Moreau and Georges--Admiration of Georges--Offers of employment and dismissal-- Recital of former vexations--Audience of the Empress--Melancholy forebodings--What Bonaparte said concerning himself--Marks of kindness. 

The judges composing the Tribunal which condemned Moreau were not alllike Thuriot and Hemart. History has recorded an honourable contrast tothe general meanness of the period in the reply given by M. Clavier, whenurged by Hemart to vote for the condemnation of Moreau. "Ah, Monsieur, if we condemn him, how shall we be able to acquit ourselves?" I have, besides, the best reason for asserting that the judges were tamperedwith, from, a circumstance which occurred to myself. 

Bonaparte knew that I was intimately connected with M. Desmaisons, one ofthe members of the Tribunal, and brother in-law to Corvisart; he alsoknew that Desmaisons was inclined to believe in Moreau's innocence, andfavourable to his acquittal. During the progress of the trial Corvisartarrived at my house one morning at a very early hour, in a state of suchevident embarrassment that, before he had time to utter a word, I said tohim, "What is the matter? Have you heard any bad news?"

"No, " replied Corvisart, "but I came by the Emperor's order. He wishesyou to see my brother-in-law. 'He is, ' said he to me, 'the senior judge, and a man of considerable eminence; his opinion will carry with it greatweight, and I know that he is favourable to Moreau; he is in the wrong. Visit Bourrienne, said the Emperor, and concert with him respecting thebest method of convincing Desmaisons of his error, for I repeat he iswrong, he is deceived. ' This is the mission with which I am entrusted. "

"How, " said I, with thorough astonishment, "how came you to be employedin this affair? Could you believe for one moment that I would tamperwith a magistrate in order to induce him to exercise an unjust rigour?"

"No, rest assured, " replied Corvisart, "I merely visited you this morningin obedience to the order of the Emperor; but I knew beforehand in whatmanner you would regard the proposition with which I was charged. I knewyour opinions and your character too well to entertain the smallest doubtin this respect, and I was convinced that I ran no risk in becoming thebearer of a commission which would be attended with no effect. Besides, had I refused to obey the Emperor, it would have proved prejudicial toyour interest, and confirmed him in the opinion that you were favourableto the acquittal of Moreau. For myself, " added Corvisart, "it isneedless to affirm that I have no intention of attempting to influencethe opinion of my brother-in-law; and if I had, you know him sufficientlywell to be convinced in what light he would regard such a proceeding. "

Such were the object and result of Corvisart's visit, and I am thence ledto believe that similar attempts must have been made to influence othermembers of the Tribunal. 

 --["The judges had been pressed and acted on in a thousand ways by the hangers on of the Palace and especially by Real, the natural intermediary between justice and the Government. Ambition, servility, fear, every motive capable of influencing them, had been used: even their humane scruples were employed" (Lanfrey tome iii. P. 193, who goes on to say that the judges were urged to sentence Moreau to death in order that the Emperor might fully pardon him). ]

But however this may be, prudence led me to discontinue visitingM. Desmaisons, with whom I was in habits of the strictest friendship. 

About this period I paid a visit which occupies an important place in myrecollections. On the 14th of June 1804, four days after thecondemnation of Georges and his accomplices, I received a summons toattend the Emperor at St. Cloud. It was Thursday, and as I thought onthe great events and tragic scenes about to be acted, I was rather uneasyrespecting his intentions. 

But I was fortunate enough to find my friend Rapp in waiting, who said tome as I entered, "Be not alarmed; he is in the best of humours atpresent, and wishes to have some conversation with you. "

Rapp then announced me to the Emperor, and I was immediately admitted tohis presence. After pinching my ear and asking his usual questions, suchas, "What does the world say? How are your children? What are youabout? etc. , " he said to me, "By the by, have you attended theproceedings against Moreau?"--"Yes, Sire, I have not been absent duringone of the sittings. "--"Well, Bourrienne, are you of the opinion thatMoreau is innocent?"--"Yes, Sire; at least I am certain that nothing hascome out in the course of the trial tending to criminate him; I am evensurprised how he came to be implicated in this conspiracy, since nothinghas appeared against him which has the most remote connexion with theaffair. "--"I know your opinion on this subject; Duroc related to me theconversation you held with him at the Tuileries; experience has shownthat you were correct; but how could I act otherwise? You know thatBouvet de Lozier hanged himself in prison, and was only saved byaccident. Real hurried to the Temple in order to interrogate him, and inhis first confessions he criminated Moreau, affirming that he had heldrepeated conferences with Pichegru. Real immediately reported to me thisfact, and proposed that Moreau should be arrested, since the rumoursagainst him seemed to be well founded; he had previously made the sameproposition. I at first refused my sanction to this measure; but afterthe charge made against him by Bouvet de Lozier, how could I actotherwise than I did? Could I suffer such open conspiracies against theGovernment? Could I doubt the truth of Bouvet de Lozier's declaration, under the circumstances in which it was made? Could I foresee that hewould deny his first declaration when brought before the Court? Therewas a chain of circumstances which human sagacity could not penetrate, and I consented to the arrest of Moreau when it was proved that he was inleague with Pichegru. Has not England sent assassins?"--"Sire, " said I, "permit me to call to your recollection the conversation you had in mypresence with Mr. Fox, after which you said to me, 'Bourrienne, I am veryhappy at having heard from the mouth of a man of honour that the BritishGovernment is incapable of seeking my life; I always wish to esteem myenemies. "--"Bah! you are a fool! Parbleu! I did not say that theEnglish Minister sent over an assassin, and that he said to him, 'Here isgold and a poniard; go and kill the First Consul. ' No, I did not believethat; but it cannot be denied that all those foreign conspirators againstmy Government were serving England, and receiving pay from that power. Have I agents in London to disturb the Government of Great Britain?I have waged with it honourable warfare; I have not attempted to awaken aremembrance of the Stuarts amongst their old partisans. Is not Wright, who landed Georges and his accomplices at Dieppe, a captain in theBritish navy? But rest assured that, with the exception of a fewbabblers, whom I can easily silence, the hearts of the French people arewith me; everywhere public opinion has been declared in my favour, sothat I have nothing to apprehend from giving the greatest publicity tothese plots, and bringing the accused to a solemn trial. The greaternumber of those gentlemen wished me to bring the prisoners before amilitary commission, that summary judgment might be obtained; but Irefused my consent to this measure. It might have been said that Idreaded public opinion; and I fear it not. People may talk as much asthey please, well and good, I am not obliged to hear them; but I do notlike those who are attached to my person to blame what I have done. "

As I could not wholly conceal an involuntary emotion, in which theEmperor saw something more than mere surprise, he paused, took me by theear, and, smiling in the most affectionate manner, said, "I had noreference to you in what I said, but I have to complain of Lacuee. Couldyou believe that during the trial he went about clamouring in behalf ofMoreau? He, my aide de camp--a man who owes everything to me! As foryou, I have said that you acted very well in this affair. "--"I know not, Sire, what has either been done or said by Lacuee, --whom I have not seenfor a long time; what I said to Duroc is what history teaches in everypage. "--"By the by, " resumed the Emperor, after a short silence, "do youknow that it was I myself who discovered that Pichegru was in Paris. Everyone said to me, Pichegru is in Paris; Fouche, Real, harped on thesame string, but could give me no proof of their assertion. 'What a foolyou are, ' said I to Real, when in an instant you may ascertain the fact. Pichegru has a brother, an aged ecclesiastic, who resides in Paris; lethis dwelling be searched, and should he be absent, it will warrant asuspicion that Pichegru is here; if, on the contrary, his brother shouldbe at home, let him be arrested: he is a simple-minded man, and in thefirst moments of agitation will betray the truth. Everything happened asI had foreseen, for no sooner was he arrested than, without waiting to bequestioned, he inquired if it was a crime to have received his brotherinto his house. Thus every doubt was removed, and a miscreant in thehouse in which Pichegru lodged betrayed him to the police. What horriddegradation to betray a friend for the sake of gold. "

Then reverting to Moreau, the Emperor talked a great deal respecting thatgeneral. "Moreau, " he said, "possesses many good qualities; his braveryis undoubted; but he has more courage than energy; he is indolent andeffeminate. When with the army he lived like a pasha; he smoked, wasalmost constantly in bed, and gave himself up to the pleasures of thetable. His dispositions are naturally good; but he is too indolent forstudy; he does not read, and since he has been tied to his wife'sapronstrings is fit for nothing. He sees only with the eyes of his wifeand her mother, who have had a hand in all these late plots; and then, Bourrienne, is it not very strange that it was by my advice that heentered into this union? I was told that Mademoiselle Hulot was acreole, and I believed that he would find in her a second Josephine; howgreatly was I mistaken! It is these women who have estranged us fromeach other, and I regret that he should have acted so unworthily. Youmust remember my observing to you more than two years ago that Moreauwould one day run his head against the gate of the Tuileries; that he hasdone so was no fault of mine, for you know how much I did to secure hisattachment. You cannot have forgotten the reception I gave him atMalmaison. On the 18th Brumaire I conferred on him the charge of theLuxembourg, and in that situation he fully justified my choice. Butsince that period he has behaved towards me with the utmostingratitude--entered into all the silly cabala against me, blamed all mymeasures, and turned into ridicule the Legion of Honour. Have not someof the intriguers put it into his head that I regard him with jealousy?You must be aware of that. You must also know as well as I how anxiousthe members of the Directory were to exalt the reputation of Moreau. Alarmed at my success in Italy, they wished to have in the armies ageneral to serve as a counterpoise to my renown. I have ascended thethrone and he is the inmate of a prison! You are aware of the incessantclamouring raised against me by the whole family, at which I confess Iwas very much displeased; coming from those whom I had treated so well!Had he attached himself to me, I would doubtless have conferred on himthe title of First Marshal of the Empire; but what could I do? Heconstantly depreciated my campaigns and my government. From discontentto revolt there is frequently only one step, especially when a man of aweak character becomes the tool of popular clubs; and therefore when Iwas first informed that Moreau was implicated in the conspiracy ofGeorges I believed him to be guilty, but hesitated to issue an order forhis arrest till I had taken the opinion of my Council. The membershaving assembled, I ordered the different documents to be laid beforethem, with an injunction to examine them with the utmost care, sincethey related to an affair of importance, and I urged them candidly toinform me whether, in their opinion, any of the charges against Moreauwere sufficiently strong to endanger his life. The fools! their replywas in the affirmative; I believe they were even unanimous! Then I hadno alternative but to suffer the proceedings to take their course. It isunnecessary to affirm to you, Bourrienne, that Moreau never should haveperished on a scaffold! Most assuredly I would have pardoned him; butwith the sentence of death hanging over his head he could no longer haveproved dangerous; and his name would have ceased to be a rallying-pointfor disaffected Republicans or imbecile Royalists. Had the Councilexpressed any doubts respecting his guilt I would have intimated to himthat the suspicions against him were so strong as to render any furtherconnection between us impossible; and that the best course he couldpursue would be to leave France for three years, under the pretext ofvisiting some of the places rendered celebrated during the late wars;but that if he preferred a diplomatic mission I would make a suitableprovision for his expenses; and the great innovator, Time, might effectgreat changes during the period of his absence. But my foolish Councilaffirmed to me that his guilt, as a principal, being evident, it wasabsolutely necessary to bring him to trial; and now his sentence is onlythat of a pickpocket. What think you I ought to do? Detain him? He mightstill prove a rallying-point. No. Let him sell his property and quit?Can I confine him in the Temple? It is full enough without him. Still, if this had been the only great error they had led me to commit--"

"Sire, how greatly you have been deceived. "

"Oh yes, I have been so; but I cannot see everything with my own eyes. "

At this part of our conversation, of which I have suppressed my own shareas much as possible, I conceived that the last words of Bonaparte alludedto the death of the Duc d'Enghien; and I fancied he was about to mentionthat event but he again spoke of Moreau. 

"He is very much mistaken, " resumed the Emperor, "if he conceives I boreany ill-will towards him. After his arrest I sent Lauriston to theTemple, whom I chose because he was of an amiable and conciliatingdisposition; I charged him to tell Moreau to confess he had only seenPichegru, and I would cause the proceedings against him to be suspended. Instead of receiving this act of generosity as he ought to have done, hereplied to it with great haughtiness, so much was he elated that Pichegruhad not been arrested; he afterwards, however, lowered his tone. He wroteto me a letter of excuse respecting his anterior conduct, which I causedto be produced on the trial. He was the author of his own ruin; besides, it would have required men of a different stamp from Moreau to conspireagainst me. Amoung, the conspirators, for example, was an individualwhose fate I regret; this Georges in my hands might have achieved greatthings. I can duly appreciate the firmness of character he displayed, and to which I could have given a proper direction. I caused Real tointimate to him that, if he would attach himself to me, not only shouldhe be pardoned, but that I would give him the command of a regiment. Perhaps I might even have made him my aide de camp. Complaints wouldhave been made, but, parbleu, I should not have cared. Georges refusedall my offers; he was as inflexible as iron. What could I do? heunderwent his fate, for he was a dangerous man; circumstances renderedhis death a matter of necessity. Examples of severity were called for, when England was pouring into France the whole offscouring of theemigration; but patience, patience! I have a long arm, and shall be ableto reach them, when necessary. Moreau regarded Georges merely as aruffian--I viewed him in a different light. You may remember theconversation I had with him at the Tuileries--you and Rapp were in anadjoining cabinet. I tried in vain to influence him--some of hisassociates were affected at the mention of country and of glory; he alonestood cold and unmoved. I addressed myself to his feelings, but in vain;he was insensible to everything I said. At that period Georges appearedto me little ambitious of power; his whole wishes seemed to centre incommanding the Vendeans. It was not till I had exhausted every means ofconciliation that I assumed the tone and language of the firstmagistrate. I dismissed him with a strong injunction to liveretired--to be peaceable and obedient--not to misinterpret the motivesof my conduct towards himself--nor attribute to weakness what was merelythe result of moderation and strength. 'Rest assured, ' I added, 'andrepeat to your associates, that while I hold the reins of authoritythere will be neither chance nor salvation for those who dare toconspire against me: How he conformed to this injunction the event hasshown. Real told me that when Moreau and Georges found themselves inthe presence of Pichegru they could not come to any understanding, because Georges would not act against the Bourbons. Well, he had aplan, but Moreau had none; he merely wished for my overthrow, withouthaving formed any ulterior views whatever. This showed that he wasdestitute of even common sense. Apropos, Bourrienne, have you seenCorvisart?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"Well!" "He delivered to me the message withwhich you entrusted him. "--"And Desmaisons!--I wager that you have notspoken to him in conformity to my wishes. "--"Sire, the estimation inwhich I hold Desmaisons deterred me from a course so injurious to him;for in what other light could he have considered what I should have saidto him? I have never visited at his house since the commencement of thetrial. "--"Well! well! Be prudent and discreet, I shall not forget you. "He then waved a very gracious salute with his hand, and withdrew intohis cabinet. 

The Emperor had detained me more than an hour. On leaving theaudience-chamber I passed through the outer salon, where a number ofindividuals were waiting; and I perceived that an observance ofetiquette was fast gaining ground, though the Emperor had not yetadopted the admirable institution of Court Chamberlains. 

I cannot deny that I was much gratified with my reception; besides I wasbeginning to be weary of an inactive life, and was anxious to obtain aplace, of which I stood in great need, from the losses I had sustainedand the unjust resumption which Bonaparte had made of his gifts. Beingdesirous to speak of Napoleon with the strictest impartiality, I preferdrawing my conclusions from those actions in which I had no personalconcern. I shall therefore only relate here, even before giving anaccount of my visit to the Empress on leaving the audience-chamber, theformer conduct of Napoleon towards myself and Madame de Bourrienne, whichwill justify the momentary alarm with which I was seized when summoned tothe Tuileries, and the satisfaction I felt at my reception. I had aproof of what Rapp said of the Emperor being in good-humour, and wasflattered by the confidential manner in which he spoke to me concerningsome of the great political secrets of his Government. On seeing me comeout Rapp observed, "You have had a long audience. "--"Yes, not amiss;" andthis circumstance procured for me a courtly salutation from all personswaiting in the antechamber. '

I shall now relate how I spent the two preceding years. The month afterI tendered my resignation to the First Consul, and which he refused toaccept, the house at St. Cloud belonging to Madame Deville was offered tome; it was that in which the Due d'Angouleme and the Due de Berri wereinoculated. I visited this mansion, thinking it might be suitable for myfamily; but, notwithstanding the beauty of its situation, it seemed fartoo splendid either for my taste or my fortune. Except the outer walls, it was in a very dilapidated state, and would require numerous andexpensive repairs. Josephine, being informed that Madame de Bourriennehad set her face against the purchase, expressed a wish to see themansion, and accompanied us for that purpose. She was so much delightedwith it that she blamed my wife for starting any objections to mybecoming, its possessor. "With regard to the expense, " Josephine repliedto her, "ah, we shall arrange that. " On our return to Malmaison shespoke of it in such high terms that Bonaparte said to me, "Why don't youpurchase it, Bourrienne, since the price is so reasonable?"

The house was accordingly purchased. An outlay of 20, 000 francs wasimmediately required to render it habitable. Furniture was alsonecessary for this large mansion, and orders for it were accordinglygiven. But no sooner were repairs begun than everything crumbled topieces, which rendered many additional expenses necessary. 

About this period Bonaparte hurried forward the works at St. Cloud, to which place he immediately removed. My services being constantlyrequired, I found it so fatiguing to go twice or thrice a day from Ruelto St. Cloud that I took possession of my new mansion, though it wasstill filled with workmen. Scarcely eight days had elapsed from thisperiod when Bonaparte intimated that he no longer had occasion for myservices. When my wife went to take leave Napoleon spoke to her in aflattering manner of my good qualities, my merit, and the utility of mylabours, saying that he was himself the most unfortunate of the three, and that my loss could never be replaced. He then added, "I shall beabsent for a month, but Bourrienne may be quite easy; let him remain inretirement, and on my return I shall reward his services, should I evencreate a place on purpose for him. "

Madame de Bourrienne then requested leave to retain the apartmentsappropriated to her in the Tuileries till after her accouchement, whichwas not far distant, to which he replied, "You may keep them as long asyou please; for it will be some time before I again reside in Paris. "

Bonaparte set out on his journey, and shortly afterwards I went with myfamily to visit Madame de Coubertin, my cousin-german, who received uswith her usual kindness. We passed the time of the First Consul'sabsence at her country seat, and only returned to St. Cloud on the dayBonaparte was expected. 

Scarcely a quarter of an hour had elapsed after his arrival when Ireceived an intimation to give up, in twenty-four hours, the apartmentsin the Tuileries, which he had promised my wife should retain till afterher confinement. He reclaimed at the same time the furniture of Ruel, which he presented to me two years before, when I purchased that smallhouse on purpose to be near him. 

I addressed several memorials to him on this subject, stating that I hadreplaced the worn-out furniture with new and superior articles; but thishe wholly disregarded, compelling me to give up everything, even to thegreatest trifle. It may be right to say that on his return the Emperorfound his table covered with information respecting my conduct in Paris, though I had not held the smallest communication with any one in thecapital, nor once entered it during his absence. 

After my departure for Hamburg, Bonaparte took possession of my stablesand coach-house, which he filled with horses. Even the very avenues andwalks were converted into stabling. A handsome house at the entrance tothe park was also appropriated to similar purposes; in fact, he sparednothing. Everything was done in the true military style; I neither hadprevious intimation of the proceedings nor received any remuneration formy loss. The Emperor seemed to regard the property as his own; butthough he all but ordered me to make the purchase, he did not furnish themoney that was paid for it. In this way it was occupied for more thanfour years. 

The recollection of those arbitrary and vexatious proceedings on the partof Bonaparte has led me farther than I intended. I shall thereforereturn to the imperial residence of St. Cloud. On leaving theaudience-chamber, as already stated, I repaired to the apartments of theEmpress, who, knowing that I was in the Palace, had intimated her wishesfor my attendance. No command could have been more agreeable to me, forevery one was certain of a gracious reception from Josephine. I do notrecollect which of the ladies in waiting was in attendance when my namewas announced; but she immediately retired, and left me alone withJosephine. Her recent elevation had not changed the usual amenity ofher disposition. After some conversation respecting the change in hersituation, I gave her an account of what had passed between the Emperorand myself. 

I faithfully related all that he had said of Moreau, observing that atone moment I imagined he was about to speak of the Due d'Enghien, when hesuddenly reverted to what he had been saying, and never made theslightest allusion to the subject. 

Madame Bonaparte replied to me, "Napoleon has spoken the truth respectingMoreau. He was grossly deceived by those who believed they could bestpay their court to him by calumniating that general. His silence on thesubject of the Due d'Enghien does not surprise me; he says as littlerespecting it as possible, and always in a vague manner, and withmanifest repugnance. When you see Bonaparte again be silent on thesubject, and should chance bring it forward, avoid every expression inthe smallest degree indicative of reproach; he would not suffer it; youwould ruin yourself for ever in his estimation, and the evil is, alas!without remedy. When you came to Malmaison I told you that I had vainlyendeavoured to turn him from his fatal purpose, and how he had treatedme. Since then he has experienced but little internal satisfaction; itis only in the presence of his courtiers that he affects a calm andtranquil deportment; but I perceive his sufferings are the greater fromthus endeavouring to conceal them. By the by, I forgot to mention thathe knew of the visit you paid me on the day after the catastrophe. Idreaded that your enemies, the greater number of whom are also mine, might have misrepresented that interview; but, fortunately, he paidlittle attention to it. He merely said, 'So you have seen Bourrienne?Does he sulk at me? Nevertheless I must do something for him. ' He hasagain spoken in the same strain, and repeated nearly the same expressionsthree days ago; and since he has commanded your presence to-day, I havenot a doubt but he has something in view for your advantage. "--"May Ipresume to inquire what it is?"--"I do not yet know; but I wouldrecommend to you, in the meantime, to be more strictly on your guard thanever; he is so suspicious, and so well informed of all that is done orsaid respecting himself. I have suffered so much since I last saw you;never can I forget the unkind manner in which he rejected my entreaties!For several days I laboured under a depression of spirits which greatlyirritated him, because he clearly saw whence it proceeded. I am notdazzled by the title of Empress; I dread some evil will result from thisstep to him, to my children, and to myself. The miscreants ought to besatisfied; see to what they have driven us! This death embitters everymoment of my life. I need not say to you, Bourrienne, that I speak thisin confidence. "--"You cannot doubt my prudence. "--"No, certainly not, Bourrienne. I do not doubt it. My confidence in you is unbounded. Restassured that I shall never forget what you have done for me, undervarious circumstances, and the devotedness you evinced to me on yourreturn from Egypt. --Adieu, my friend. Let me see you soon again. "

It was on the 14th of June 1804 that I had this audience of the Emperor, and afterwards attended the Empress. 

On my return home I spent three hours in making notes of all that wassaid to me by these two personages; and the substance of these notes Ihave now given to the reader. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

1804. 

 Curious disclosures of Fouche--Remarkable words of Bonaparte respecting the protest of Louis XVIII--Secret document inserted in the Moniteur--Announcement from Bonaparte to Regnier--Fouche appointed Minister of Police--Error of Regnier respecting the conspiracy of Georges--Undeserved praise bestowed on Fouche-- Indication of the return of the Bourbons--Variation between the words and conduct of Bonaparte--The iron crown--Celebration of the 14th of July--Church festivals and loss of time--Grand ceremonial at the Invalides--Recollections of the 18th Brumaire--New oath of the Legion of Honour--General enthusiasm--Departure for Boulogne--Visits to Josephine at St. Cloud and Malmaison--Josephine and Madame de Remusat--Pardons granted by the Emperor--Anniversary of the 14th of July--Departure for the camp of Boulogne--General error respecting Napoleon's designs--Caesar's Tower--Distribution of the crosses of the Legion of Honour--The military throne--Bonaparte's charlatanism --Intrepidity of two English sailors--The decennial prizes and the Polytechnic School--Meeting of the Emperor and Empress--First negotiation with the Holy Sea--The Prefect of Arras and Comte Louis de Narbonne--Change in the French Ministry. 

Louis XVIII. , being at Warsaw when he was informed of the elevation ofNapoleon to the Imperial dignity, addressed to the sovereigns of Europe aprotest against that usurpation of his throne. Fouche, being the firstwho heard of this protest, immediately communicated the circumstance tothe Emperor, observing that doubtless the copies would be multiplied anddistributed amongst the enemies of his Government, in the Faubourg St. Germain, which might produce the worst effects, and that he thereforedeemed it his duty to inform him that orders might be given to Regnierand Real to keep a strict watch over those engaged in distributing thisdocument. 

"You may judge of my surprise, " added Fouche, "you who know so well thatformerly the very mention of the Bourbons rendered Bonaparte furious, when, after perusing the protest, he returned it to me, saying, 'Ah, ah, so the Comte de Lille makes his protest! Well, well, all in good time. I hold my right by the voice of the French nation, and while I wear asword I will maintain it! The Bourbons ought to know that I do not fearthem; let them, therefore, leave me in tranquillity. Did you say thatthe fools of the Faubourg St. Germain would multiply the copies of thisprotest of Comte de Lille? well, they shall read it at their ease. Sendit to the Moniteur, Fouche; and let it be inserted to-morrow morning. '"This passed on the 30th of June, and the next day the protest of LouisXVIII. Did actually appear in that paper. 

Fouche was wholly indifferent respecting the circulation of this protest;he merely wished to show the Emperor that he was better informed ofpassing events than Regnier, and to afford Napoleon another proof of theinexperience and inability of the Grand Judge in police; and Fouche wasnot long in receiving the reward which he expected from this step. Infact, ten days after the publication of the protest, the Emperorannounced to Regnier the re-establishment of the Ministry of GeneralPolice. 

The formula, I Pray God to have you in His holy keeping, with which theletter to Regnier closed, was another step of Napoleon in the knowledgeof ancient usages, with which he was not sufficiently familiar when hewrote Cambaceres on the day succeeding his elevation to the Imperialthrone; at the same time it must be confessed that this formula assortedawkwardly with the month of "Messidor, " and the "twelfth year of theRepublic!"

The errors which Regnier had committed in the affair of Georges were thecause which determined Bonaparte to re-establish the Ministry of Police, and to bestow it on a man who had created a belief in the necessity ofthat measure, by a monstrous accumulation of plots and intrigues. I amalso certain that the Emperor was swayed by the probability of a warbreaking out, which would force him to leave France; and that heconsidered Fouche as the most proper person to maintain the publictranquillity during his absence, and detect any cabala that might beformed in favour of the Bourbons. 

At this period, when Bonaparte had given the finishing blow to theRepublic, which had only been a shadow since the 19th Brumaire, it wasnot difficult to foresee that the Bourbons would one day remount thethrone of their ancestors; and this presentiment was not, perhaps, without its influence in rendering the majority greater in favour of thefoundation of the Empire than for the establishment of a Consulate forlife. The reestablishment of the throne was a most important step infavour of the Bourbons, for that was the thing most difficult to be done. But Bonaparte undertook the task; and, as if by the aid of a magic rod, the ancient order of things was restored in the twinkling of an eye. Thedistinctions of rank--orders--titles, the noblesse--decorations--all thebaubles of vanity--in short, all the burlesque tattooing which the vulgarregard as an indispensable attribute of royalty, reappeared in aninstant. The question no longer regarded the form of government, but theindividual who should be placed at its head. By restoring the ancientorder of things, the Republicans had themselves decided the question, andit could no longer be doubted that when an occasion presented itself themajority of the nation would prefer the ancient royal family, to whomFrance owed her civilisation, her greatness, and her power, and who hadexalted her to such a high degree of glory and prosperity. 

It was not one of the least singular traits in Napoleon's character thatduring the first year of his reign he retained the fete of the 14th ofJuly. It was not indeed strictly a Republican fate, but it recalled therecollection of two great popular triumphs, --the taking of the Bastilleand the first Federation. This year the 14th of July fell on a Saturday, and the Emperor ordered its celebration to be delayed till the followingday, because it was Sunday; which was in conformity with the sentimentshe delivered respecting the Concordat. "What renders me, " he said, "mosthostile to the re-establishment of the Catholic worship is the number offestivals formerly observed. A saint's day is a day of indolence, and Iwish not for that; the people must labour in order to live. I consent tofour holidays in the year, but no more; if the gentlemen from Rome arenot satisfied with this, they may take their departure. "

The loss of time seemed to him so great a calamity that he seldom failedto order an indispensable solemnity to be held on the succeeding holiday. Thus he postponed the Corpus Christi to the following Sunday. 

On Sunday, the 15th of July 1804, the Emperor appeared for the first timebefore the Parisians surrounded by all the pomp of royalty. The membersof the Legion of Honour, then in Paris, took the oath prescribed by thenew Constitution, and on this occasion the Emperor and Empress appearedattended for the first time by a separate and numerous retinue. 

The carriages in the train of the Empress crossed the garden of theTuileries, hitherto exclusively appropriated to the public; then followedthe cavalcade of the Emperor, who appeared on horseback, surrounded byhis principal generals, whom he had created Marshals of the Empire. M. De Segur, who held the office of Grand Master of Ceremonies, had thedirection of the ceremonial to be observed on this occasion, and with, the Governor received the Emperor on the threshold of the Hotel desInvalides. They conducted the Empress to a tribune prepared for herreception, opposite the Imperial throne which Napoleon alone occupied, tothe right of the altar. I was present at this ceremony, notwithstandingthe repugnance I have to such brilliant exhibitions; but as Duroc had twodays before presented me with tickets, I deemed it prudent to attend onthe occasion, lest the keen eye of Bonaparte should have remarked myabsence if Duroc had acted by his order. 

I spent about an hour contemplating the proud and sometimes almostludicrous demeanour of the new grandees of the Empire; I marked themanoeuvring of the clergy, who, with Cardinal Belloy at their head, proceeded to receive the Emperor on his entrance into the church. What asingular train of ideas was called up to my mind when I beheld my formercomrade at the school of Brienne seated upon an elevated throne, surrounded by his brilliant staff, the great dignitaries of hisEmpire--his Ministers and Marshals! I involuntarily recurred to the19th Brumaire, and all this splendid scene vanished; when I thought ofBonaparte stammering to such a degree that I was obliged to pull theskirt of his coat to induce him to withdraw. 

It was neither a feeling of animosity nor of jealousy which called upsuch reflections; at no period of our career would I have exchanged mysituation for his; but whoever can reflect, whoever has witnessed theunexpected elevation of a former equal, may perhaps be able to conceivethe strange thoughts that assailed my mind, for the first time, on thisoccasion. 

When the religious part of the ceremony terminated, the church assumed, in some measure, the appearance of a profane temple. The congregationdisplayed more devotion to the Emperor than towards the God of theChristians, --more enthusiasm than fervour. The mass had been heard withlittle attention; but when M. De Lacepede, Grand Chancellor of the Legionof Honour, after pronouncing a flattering discourse, finished the call ofthe Grand Officers of the Legion, Bonaparte covered, as did the ancientkings of France when they held a bed of justice. A profound silence, asort of religious awe, then reigned throughout the assembly, andNapoleon, who did not now stammer as in the Council of the Five Hundred, said in a firm voice:

"Commanders, officers, legionaries, citizens, soldiers; swear upon yourhonour to devote yourselves to the service of the Empire--to thepreservation of the integrity of the French territory--to the defence ofthe Emperor, of the laws of the Republic, and of the property which theyhave made sacred--to combat by all the means which justice, reason, andthe laws authorise every attempt to reestablish the feudal system; inshort, swear to concur with all your might in maintaining liberty andequality, which are the bases of all our institutions. Do you swear?"

Each member of the Legion of Honour exclaimed, "I swear;" adding, "Vivel'Empereur!" with an enthusiasm it is impossible to describe, and in whichall present joined. 

What, after all, was this new oath? It only differed from that taken bythe Legion of Honour, under the Consulate, in putting the defence of theEmperor before that of the laws of the Republic; and this was not merelya form. It was, besides, sufficiently laughable and somewhat audacious, to make them swear to support equality at the moment so many titles andmonarchical distinctions had been re-established. 

On the 18th of July, three days after this ceremony, the Emperor leftParis to visit the camp at Boulogne. He was not accompanied by theEmpress on this journey, which was merely to examine the progress of themilitary operations. Availing myself of the invitation Josephine hadgiven me, I presented myself at St. Cloud a few days after the departureof Napoleon; as she did not expect my visit, I found her surrounded byfour or five of the ladies in waiting, occupied in examining some of theelegant productions of the famous Leroi and Madame Despeaux; for amidstthe host of painful feelings experienced by Josephine she was too much ofa woman not to devote some attention to the toilet. 

On my introduction they were discussing the serious question of thecostume to be worn by the Empress on her journey to Belgium to meetNapoleon at the Palace of Lacken, near Brussels. Notwithstanding thosediscussions respecting the form of hats, the colour and shape of dresses, etc. , Josephine received me in her usual gracious manner. But not beingable to converse with me, she said, without giving it an appearance ofinvitation but in a manner sufficiently evident to be understood, thatshe intended to pass the following morning at Malmaison. 

I shortened my visit, and at noon next day repaired to that delightfulabode, which always created in my mind deep emotion. Not an alley, not agrove but teemed with interesting recollections; all recalled to me theperiod when I was the confidant of Bonaparte. But the time was past whenhe minutely calculated how much a residence at Malmaison would cost, andconcluded by saying that an income of 30, 000 livres would be necessary. 

When I arrived Madame Bonaparte was in the garden with Madame de Remusat, who was her favourite from the similarity of disposition which existedbetween them. 

Madame de Remusat was the daughter of the Minister Vergennes, and sisterto Madame de Nansouty, whom I had sometimes seen with Josephine, but notso frequently as her elder sister. I found the ladies in the avenuewhich leads to Ruel, and saluted Josephine by inquiring respecting thehealth of Her Majesty. Never can I forget the tone in which she replied:"Ah! Bourrienne, I entreat that you will suffer me, at least here, toforget that I am an Empress. " As she had not a thought concealed fromMadame de Remusat except some domestic vexations, of which probably I wasthe only confidant, we conversed with the same freedom as if alone, andit is easy to define that the subject of our discourse regardedBonaparte. 

After having spoken of her intended journey to Belgium, Josephine saidtome, "What a pity, Bourrienne, that the past cannot be recalled!He departed in the happiest disposition: he has bestowed some pardonsand I am satisfied that but for those accursed politics he would havepardoned a far greater number. I would have said much more, but Iendeavoured to conceal my chagrin because the slightest contradictiononly renders him the more obstinate. Now, when in the midst of his army, he will forget everything. How much have I been afflicted that I was notable to obtain a favourable answer to all the petitions which wereaddressed to me. That good Madame de Monteason came from Romainville toSt. Cloud to solicit the pardon of MM. De Riviere and de Polignac; wesucceeded in gaining an audience for Madame de Polignac; . . . Howbeautiful she is! Bonaparte was greatly affected on beholding her; hesaid to her, 'Madame, since it was only my life your husband menaced, Imay pardon him. ' You know Napoleon, Bourrienne; you know that he is notnaturally cruel; it is his counsellors and flatterers who have inducedhim to commit so many villainous actions. Rapp has behaved extremelywell; he went to the Emperor, and would not leave him till he hadobtained the pardon of another of the condemned, whose name I do notrecollect. How much these Polignacs have interested me! There will bethen at least some families who will owe him gratitude! Strive, if it bepossible, to throw a veil over the past; I am sufficiently miserable inmy anticipations of the future. Rest assured, my dear Bourrienne, that Ishall not fail to exert myself during our stay in Belgium in your behalf, and inform you of the result. Adieu!"

During the festival in celebration of the 14th of July, which I havealready alluded to, the Emperor before leaving the Hotel des Invalideshad announced that he would go in person to distribute the decorations ofthe Legion of Honour to the army assembled in the camp of Boulogne. Hewas not long before he fulfilled his promise. He left St. Cloud on the18th and travelled with such rapidity that the next morning, whilst everyone was busy with preparations for his reception, he was already at thatport, in the midst of the labourers, examining the works. He seemed tomultiply himself by his inconceivable activity, and one might say that hewas present everywhere. 

At the Emperor's departure it was generally believed at Paris that thedistribution of the crosses at the camp of Boulogne was only a pretext, and that Bonaparte had at length gone to carry into execution the projectof an invasion of England, which every body supposed he contemplated. Itwas, indeed, a pretext. The Emperor wished to excite more and more theenthusiasm of the army--to show himself to the military invested in hisnew dignity, to be present at some grand manoeuvres, and dispose the armyto obey the first signal he might give. How indeed, on beholding suchgreat preparations, so many transports created, as it were, byenchantment, could any one have supposed that he did not really intend toattempt a descent on England? People almost fancied him already inLondon; it was known that all the army corps echelloned on the coast fromMaples to Ostend were ready to embark. Napoleon's arrival in the midstof his troops inspired them, if possible, with a new impulse. The Frenchports on the Channel had for a long period been converted into dockyardsand arsenals, where works were carried on with that inconceivableactivity which Napoleon knew so well how to inspire. An almostincredible degree of emulation prevailed amongst the commanders of thedifferent camps, and it descended from rank to rank to the commonsoldiers and even to the labourers. 

As every one was eager to take advantage of the slightest effects ofchance, and exercised his ingenuity in converting them into prognosticsof good fortune for the Emperor, those who had access to him did not failto call his attention to some remains of a Roman camp which had beendiscovered at the Tour d'Ordre, where the Emperor's tent was pitched. This was considered an evident proof that the French Caesar occupied thecamp which the Roman Caesar had formerly constructed to menace GreatBritain. To give additional force to this allusion, the Tour d'Ordreresumed the name of Caesar's Tower. Some medals of William theConqueror, found in another spot, where, perhaps, they had been buriedfor the purpose of being dug up, could not fail to satisfy the mostincredulous that Napoleon must conquer England. 

It was not far from Caesar's Tower that 80, 000 men of the camps ofBoulogne and Montreuil, under the command of Marshal Soult, wereassembled in a vast plain to witness the distribution of the crosses ofthe Legion of Honour impressed with the Imperial effigy. This plain, which I saw with Bonaparte in our first journey to the coast, before ourdeparture to Egypt, was circular and hollow; and in the centre was alittle hill. This hill formed the Imperial throne of Bonaparte in themidst of his soldiers. There he stationed himself with his staff andaround this centre of glory the regiments were drawn up in lines andlooked like so many diverging rays. From this throne, which had beenerected by the hand of nature, Bonaparte delivered in a loud voice thesame form of oath which he had pronounced at the Hotel des Invalides afew days before. It was the signal for a general burst of enthusiasm, and Rapp, alluding to this ceremony, told me that he never saw theEmperor appear more pleased. How could he be otherwise? Fortune thenseemed obedient to his wishes. A storm came on during this brilliantday, and it was apprehended that part of the flotilla would havesuffered. 

Bonaparte quitted the hill from which he had distributed the crosses andproceeded to the port to direct what measures should be taken, when uponhis arrival the storm--

 --[The following description of the incident when Napoleon nearly occasioned the destruction of the Boulogne flotilla was forwarded to the 'Revue Politique et Litteraire' from a private memoir. The writer, who was an eye-witness, says--

 One morning, when the Emperor was mounting his horse, he announced that he intended to hold a review of his naval forces, and gave the order that the vessels which lay in the harbour should alter their positions, as the review was to be held on the open sea. He started on his usual ride, giving orders that everything should be arranged on his return, the time of which he indicted. His wish was communicated to Admiral Bruix, who responded with imperturbable coolness that he was very sorry, but that the review could not take place that day. Consequently not a vessel was moved. On his return back from his ride the Emperor asked whether all was ready. He was told what the Admiral had said. Twice the answer had to be repeated to him before he could realise its nature, and then, violently stamping his foot on the ground, he sent for the Admiral. The Emperor met him halfway. With eyes burning with rage, he exclaimed in an excited voice, "Why have my orders not been executed?" With respectful firmness Admiral Bruix replied, "Sire, a terrible storm is brewing. Your Majesty may convince yourself of it; would you without need expose the lives of so many men?" The heaviness of the atmosphere and the sound of thunder in the distance more than justified the fears of the Admiral. "Sir, said the Emperor, getting more and more irritated, "I have given the orders once more; why have they not been executed? The consequences concern me alone. Obey!" 'Sire, I will not obey, ' replied the Admiral. "You are insolent!" And the Emperor, who still held his riding-whip in his hand, advanced towards the admiral with a threatening gesture. Admiral Bruix stepped back and put his hand on the sheath of his sword and said, growing very pale, "sire, take care!" The whole suite stood paralysed with fear. The Emperor remained motionless for some time, his hand lifted up, his eyes fixed on the Admiral, who still retained his menacing attitude. At last the Emperor threw his whip on the floor. M. Bruix took his hand off his sword, and with uncovered head awaited in silence the result of the painful scene. Rear-Admiral Magon was then ordered to see that the Emperor's orders were instantly executed. "As for you, sir, " said the Emperor, fixing his eyes on Admiral Bruix, you leave Boulogne within twenty-four hours and depart for Holland. Go!" M. Magon ordered the fatal movement of the fleet on which the Emperor had insisted. The first arrangements had scarcely been made when the sea because very high. The black sky was pierced by lightning, the thunder rolled and every moment the line of vessels was broken by the wind, and shortly after, that which the Admiral had foreseen came to pass, and the most frightful storm dispersed the vessels in each a way that it seamed impossible to save them. With bent head, arms crossed, and a sorrowful look in his face, the Emperor walked up and down on the beach, when suddenly the most terrible cries were heard. More than twenty gunboats filled with soldiers and sailors were being driven towards the shore, and the unfortunate men were vainly fighting against the furious waves, calling for help which nobody could give them. Deeply touched by the spectacle and the heart-rending cries and lamentations of the multitude which had assembled on the beach, the Emperor, seeing his generals and officers tremble with horror, attempted to set an example of devotion, and, in spite of all efforts to keep him back, he threw himself into a boat, saying, "Let me go! let me go! they must be brought out of this. " In a moment the boat was filled with water. The waves poured over it again and again, and the Emperor was drenched. One wave larger than the others almost threw him overboard and his hat was carried sway. Inspired by so much courage, officers, soldiers, seamen, and citizens tried to succour the drowning, some in boats, some swimming. But, alas! only a small number could be saved of the unfortunate men. The following day more than 200 bodies were thrown ashore, and with them the hat of the conqueror of Marengo. That sad day was one of desolation for Boulogne and for the camp. The Emperor groaned under the burden of an accident which he had to attribute solely to his own obstinacy. Agents were despatched to all parts of the town to subdue with gold the murmurs which ware ready to break out into a tumult. ]--

--ceased as if by enchantment. The flotilla entered the port safe andsound and he went back to the camp, where the sports and amusementsprepared for the soldiers commenced, and in the evening the brilliantfireworks which were let off rose in a luminous column, which wasdistinctly seen from the English coast. --[It appears that Napoleon wasso well able to cover up this fiasco that not even Bourrienne ever heardthe true story. D. W. ]

When he reviewed the troops he asked the officers, and often thesoldiers, in what battles they had been engaged, and to those who hadreceived serious wounds he gave the cross. Here, I think, I mayappropriately mention a singular piece of charlatanism to which theEmperor had recourse, and which powerfully contributed to augment theenthusiasm of his troops. He would say to one of his aides decamp, "Ascertain from the colonel of such a regiment whether he has in hiscorps a man who has served in the campaigns of Italy or the campaigns ofEgypt. Ascertain his name, where he was born, the particulars of hisfamily, and what he has done. Learn his number in the ranks, and to whatcompany he belongs, and furnish me with the information. "

On the day of the review Bonaparte, at a single glance, could perceivethe man who had been described to him. He would go up to him as if herecognised him, address him by his name, and say, "Oh! so you are here!You area brave fellow--I saw you at Aboukir--how is your old father?What! have you not got the Cross? Stay, I will give it you. " Then thedelighted soldiers would say to each other, "You see the Emperor knows usall; he knows our families; he knows where we have served. " What astimulus was this to soldiers, whom he succeeded in persuading that theywould all some time or other become Marshals of the Empire!

Lauriston told me, amongst other anecdotes relating to Napoleon's sojournat the camp at Boulogne, a remarkable instance of intrepidity on the partof two English sailors. These men had been prisoners at Verdun, whichwas the most considerable depot of English prisoners in France at therupture of the peace of Amiens. They effected their escape from Verdun, and arrived at Boulogne without having been discovered on the road, notwithstanding the vigilance with which all the English were watchedThey remained at Boulogne for some time, destitute of money, and withoutbeing able to effect their escape. They had no hope of getting aboard aboat, on account of the strict watch that was kept upon vessels of everykind. These two sailors made a boat of little pieces of wood, which theyput together as well as they could, having no other tools than theirknives. They covered it with a piece of sail-cloth. It was only threeor four feet wide, and not much longer, and was so light that a man couldeasily carry it on his shoulders, --so powerful a passion is the love ofhome and liberty! Sure of being shot if they were discovered, almostequally sure of being drowned if they effected their escape, they, nevertheless, resolved to attempt crossing the Channel in their fragileskiff. Perceiving an English frigate within sight of the coast, theypushed off and endeavoured to reach her. They had not gone a hundredtoises from the shore when they were perceived by the custom-houseofficers, who set out in pursuit of them, and brought them back again. The news of this adventure spread through the camp, where theextraordinary courage of the two sailors was the subject of generalremark. The circumstance reached the Emperor's ears. He wished to seethe men, and they were conducted to his presence, along with their littleboat. Napoleon, whose imagination was struck by everythingextraordinary, could not conceal his surprise at so bold a project, undertaken with such feeble means of execution. "Is it really true, "said the Emperor to them, "that you thought of crossing the sea inthis?"--"Sire, " said they, "if you doubt it, give us leave to go, and youshall see us depart. "--"I will. You are bold and enterprising men--Iadmire courage wherever I meet it. But you shall not hazard your lives. You are at liberty; and more than that, I will cause you to be put onboard an English ship. When you return to London tell how I esteem bravemen, even when they are my enemies. " Rapp, who with Lauriaton, Duroc, and many others were present at this scene, were not a little astonishedat the Emperor's generosity. If the men had not been brought before him, they would have been shot as spies, instead of which they obtained theirliberty, and Napoleon gave several pieces of gold to each. Thiscircumstance was one of those which made the strongest impression onNapoleon, and he recollected it when at St. Helena, in one of hisconversations with M. De Las Casas. 

No man was ever so fond of contrasts as Bonaparte. He liked, aboveeverything, to direct the affairs of war whilst seated in his easy chair, in the cabinet of St. Cloud, and to dictate in the camp his decreesrelative to civil administration. Thus, at the camp of Boulogne, hefounded the decennial premiums, the first distribution of which heintended should take place five years afterwards, on the anniversary ofthe 18th Brumaire, which was an innocent compliment to the date of thefoundation of the Consular Republic. This measure also seemed to promiseto the Republican calendar a longevity which it did not attain. Allthese little circumstances passed unobserved; but Bonaparte had so oftendeveloped to me his theory of the art of deceiving mankind that I knewtheir true value. It was likewise at the camp of Boulogne that, by adecree emanating from his individual will, he destroyed the noblestinstitution of the Republic, the Polytechnic School, by converting itinto a purely military academy. He knew that in that sanctuary of highstudy a Republican spirit was fostered; and whilst I was with him he hadoften told me it was necessary that all schools, colleges, andestablishments for public instruction should be subject to militarydiscipline. I frequently endeavoured to controvert this idea, butwithout success. 

It was arranged that Josephine and the Emperor should meet in Belgium. He proceeded thither from the camp of Boulogne, to the astonishment ofthose who believed that the moment for the invasion of England had atlength arrived. He joined the Empress at the Palace of Lacken, which theEmperor had ordered to be repaired and newly furnished with greatmagnificence. 

The Emperor continued his journey by the towns bordering on the Rhine. He stopped first in the town of Charlemagne, passed through the threebishoprics, --[There are two or three little circumstances in connection with this journey that seem worth inserting here:

 Mademoiselle Avrillion was the 'femme de chambre' of Josephine, and was constantly about her person from the time of the first Consulship to the death of the Empress in 1814. In all such matters as we shall quote from them, her memoirs seem worthy of credit. According to Mademoiselle, the Empress during her stay at Aix-la- Chapelle, drank the waters with much eagerness and some hope. As the theatre there was only supplied with some German singers who were not to Josephine's taste, she had part of a French operatic company sent to her from Paris. The amiable creole had always a most royal disregard of expense. When Bonaparte joined her, he renewed his old custom of visiting his wife now and then at her toilet, and according to Mademoiselle Avrillion, he took great interest in the subject of her dressing. She says, "It was a most extraordinary thing for us to see the man whose head was filled with such vast affairs enter into the most minute details of the female toilet and of what dresses, what robes, and what jewels the Empress should wear on such and such an occasion. One day he daubed her dress with ink because he did not like it, and wanted her to put on another. Whenever he looked into her wardrobe he was sure to throw everything topsy-turvy. "

 This characteristic anecdote perfectly agrees with what we have heard from other persons. When the Neapolitan Princess di----- was at the Tuileries as 'dame d'honneur' to Bonaparte's sister Caroline Murat, then Queen of Naples, on the grand occasion of the marriage with Maria Louisa, the, Princess, to her astonishment, saw the Emperor go up to a lady of the Court and address her thus: "This is the same gown you wore the day before yesterday! What's the meaning of this, madame? This is not right, madame!"

 Josephine never gave him a similar cause of complaint, but even when he was Emperor she often made him murmur at the profusion of her expenditure under this head. The next anecdote will give some idea of the quantity of dresses which she wore for a day or so, and then gave away to her attendants, who appear to have carried on a very active trade in them. 

 "While we were at Mayence the Palace was literally besieged by Jews, who continually brought manufactured and other goods to show to the followers of the Court; and we had the greatest difficulty to avoid buying them. At last they proposed that we should barter with them; and when Her Majesty had given us dresses that were far too rich for us to wear ourselves, we exchanged them with the Jews for piecegoods. The robes we thus bartered did not long remain in the hands of the Jews, and there must have been a great demand for them among the belles of Mayence, for I remember a ball there at which the Empress might have seen all the ladies of a quadrille party dressed in her cast-off clothes. --I even saw German Princesses wearing them" (Memoires de Mademoiselle Avrillion). ]

--on his way Cologne and Coblentz, which the emigration had rendered sofamous, and arrived at Mayence, where his sojourn was distinguished by thefirst attempt at negotiation with the Holy See, in order to induce thePope to come to France to crown the new Emperor, and consolidate hispower by supporting it with the sanction of the Church. This journey ofNapoleon occupied three months, and he did not return to St. Cloud tillOctober. Amongst the flattering addresses which the Emperor received inthe course of his journey I cannot pass over unnoticed the speech of M. De la Chaise, Prefect of Arras, who said, "God made Bonaparte, and thenrested. " This occasioned Comte Louis de Narbonne, who was not yetattached to the Imperial system, to remark "That it would have been wellhad God rested a little sooner. "

During the Emperor's absence a partial change took place in the Ministry. M. De Champagny succeeded M. Chaptal as Minister of the Interior. At thecamp of Boulogne the pacific Joseph found himself, by his brother'swish, transformed into a warrior, and placed in command of a regiment ofdragoons, which was a subject of laughter with a great number ofgenerals. I recollect that one day Lannes, speaking to me of thecircumstance in his usual downright and energetic way, said, "He hadbetter not place him under my orders, for upon the first fault I will putthe scamp under arrest. "

CHAPTER XXIX. 

1804. 

 England deceived by Napoleon--Admirals Missiessy and Villeneuve-- Command given to Lauriston--Napoleon's opinion of Madame de Stael-- Her letters to Napoleon--Her enthusiasm converted into hatred-- Bonaparte's opinion of the power of the Church--The Pope's arrival at Fontainebleau--Napoleon's first interview with Pius VII. -- The Pope and the Emperor on a footing of equality--Honours rendered to the Pope--His apartments at the Tuileries--His visit to the Imperial printing office--Paternal rebuke--Effect produced in England by the Pope's presence in Paris--Preparations for Napoleon's coronation--Votes in favour of hereditary succession--Convocation of the Legislative Body--The presidents of cantons--Anecdote related by Michot the actor--Comparisons--Influence of the Coronation on the trade of Paris--The insignia of Napoleon and the insignia of Charlemagne--The Pope's mule--Anecdote of the notary Raguideau-- Distribution of eagles in the Champ de Mars--Remarkable coincidence. 

England was never so much deceived by Bonaparte as during the period ofthe encampment at Boulogne. The English really believed that an invasionwas intended, and the Government exhausted itself in efforts for raisingmen and money to guard against the danger of being taken by surprise. Such, indeed, is the advantage always possessed by the assailant. He canchoose the point on which he thinks it most convenient to act, while theparty which stands on the defence, and is afraid of being attacked, iscompelled to be prepared in every point. However, Napoleon, who was thenin the full vigour of his genius and activity, had always his eyes fixedon objects remote from those which surrounded him, and which seemed toabsorb his whole attention. Thus, during the journey of which I havespoken, the ostensible object of which was the organisation of thedepartments on the Rhine, he despatched two squadrons from Rochefort andBoulogne, one commanded by Missiessy, the other by Villeneuve--I shallnot enter into any details about those squadrons; I shall merely mentionwith respect to them that, while the Emperor was still in Belgium, Lauriston paid me a sudden and unexpected visit. He was on his way toToulon to take command of the troops which were to be embarked onVilleneuve's squadron, and he was not much pleased with the service towhich he had been appointed. 

Lauriston's visit was a piece of good fortune for me. We were always onfriendly terms, and I received much information from him, particularlywith respect to the manner in which the Emperor spent his time. "You canhave no idea, " said he, "how much the Emperor does, and the sort ofenthusiasm which his presence excites in the army. But his anger at thecontractors is greater than ever, and he has been very severe with someof them. " These words of Lauriaton did not at all surprise me, for Iwell knew Napoleon's dislike to contractors, and all men who hadmercantile transactions with the army. I have often heard him say thatthey were a curse and a leprosy to nations; that whatever power he mightattain, he never would grant honours to any of them, and that of allaristocracies, theirs was to him the most insupportable. After hisaccession to the Empire the contractors were no longer the importantpersons they had been under the Directory, or even during the two firstyears of the Consulate. Bonaparte sometimes acted with them as he hadbefore done with the Beya of Egypt, when he drew from them forcedcontributions. 

 --[Lauriston, one of Napoleon's aides de camp, who was with him at the Military School of Paris, and who had been commissioned in the artillery at the same time as Napoleon, considered that he should have had the post of Grand Ecuyer which Caulaincourt had obtained. He had complained angrily to the Emperor, and after a stormy interview was ordered to join the fleet of Villeneuve--In consequence he was at Trafalgar. On his return after Austerlitz his temporary disgrace was forgotten, and he was sent as governor to Venice. He became marshal under the Restoration. ]--

I recollect another somewhat curious circumstance respecting the visit ofLauriston, who had left the Emperor and Empress at Aix-la-Chapelle. Lauriston was the best educated of the aides de camp, and Napoleon oftenconversed with him on such literary works as he chose to notice. "He sent for me one day, " said Lauriston, "when I was on duty at thePalace of Lacken, and spoke to me of the decennial prizes, and thetragedy of 'Carion de Nisas', and a novel by Madame de Stael, which hehad just read, but which I had not seen, and was therefore ratherembarrassed in replying to him. Respecting Madame de Stael and herDelphine, he said some remarkable things. 'I do not like women, ' heobserved, 'who make men of themselves, any more than I like effeminatemen. There is a proper part for every one to play in the world. Whatdoes all this flight of imagination mean? What is the result of it?Nothing. It is all sentimental metaphysics and disorder of the mind. Icannot endure that woman; for one reason, that I cannot bear women whomake a set at me, and God knows how often she has tried to cajole me!'"

The words of Lauriston brought to my recollection the conversations I hadoften had with Bonaparte respecting Madame de Stael, of whose advancesmade to the First Consul, and even to the General of the Army of Italy, I had frequently been witness. Bonaparte knew nothing at first of Madamede Stael but that she was the daughter of M. Necker, a man for whom, as Ihave already shown, he had very little esteem. Madame de Stael had notbeen introduced to him, and knew nothing more of him than what fame hadpublished respecting the young conqueror of Italy, when she addressed tohim letters full of enthusiasm. Bonaparte read some passages of them tome, and, laughing, said, "What do you think, Bourrienne, of theseextravagances. This woman is mad. " I recollect that in one of herletters Madame de Stael, among other things, told him that they certainlywere created for each other--that it was in consequence of an error inhuman institutions that the quiet and gentle Josephine was united to hisfate--that nature seemed to have destined for the adoration of a herosuch as he, a soul of fire like her own. These extravagances disgustedBonaparte to a degree which I cannot describe. When he had finishedreading these fine epistles he used to throw them into the fire, or tearthem with marked ill-humour, and would say, "Well, here is a woman whopretends to genius--a maker of sentiments, and she presumes to compareherself to Josephine! Bourrienne, I shall not reply to such letters. "

I had, however, the opportunity of seeing what the perseverance of awoman of talent can effect. Notwithstanding Bonaparte's prejudicesagainst Madame de Stael, which he never abandoned, she succeeded ingetting herself introduced to him; and if anything could have disgustedhim with flattery it would have been the admiration, or, to speak moreproperly, the worship, which she paid him; for she used to compare him toa god descended on earth, --a kind of comparison which the clergy, Ithought, had reserved for their own use. But, unfortunately, to pleaseMadame de Stael it would have been necessary that her god had beenPlutua; for behind her eulogies lay a claim for two millions, which M. Necker considered still due to him on account of his good and worthyservices. However, Bonaparte said on this occasion that whatever valuehe might set on the suffrage of Madame de Stael, he did not think fit topay so dear for it with the money of the State. The conversion of Madamede Stael's enthusiasm into hatred is well known, as are also the pettyvexations, unworthy of himself, with which the Emperor harassed her inher retreat at Coppet. 

Lauriston had arrived at Paris, where he made but a short stay, some daysbefore Caffarelli, who was sent on a mission to Rome to sound the PapalCourt, and to induce the Holy Father to come to Paris to consecrateBonaparte at his coronation. I have already described the nature ofBonaparte's ideas on religion. His notions on the subject seemed toamount to a sort of vague feeling rather than to any belief founded onreflection. Nevertheless, he had a high opinion of the power of theChurch; but not because he considered it dangerous to Governments, particularly to his own. Napoleon never could have conceived how it waspossible that a sovereign wearing a crown and a sword could have themeanness to kneel to a Pope, or to humble his sceptre before the keys ofSt. Peter. His spirit was too great to admit of such a thought. On thecontrary, he regarded the alliance between the Church and his power as ahappy means of influencing the opinions of the people, and as anadditional tie which was to attach them to a Government renderedlegitimate by the solemn sanction of the Papal authority. Bonaparte wasnot deceived. In this, as well as in many other things, the perspicacityof his genius enabled him to comprehend all the importance of aconsecration bestowed on him by the Pope; more especially as LouisXVIII. , without subjects, without territory, and wearing only an illusorycrown, had not received that sacred unction by which the descendants ofHugh Capet become the eldest sons of the Church. 

As soon as the Emperor was informed of the success of Caffarelli'smission, and that the Pope, in compliance with his desire, was about torepair to Paris to confirm in his hands the sceptre of Charlemagne, nothing was thought of but preparations for that great event, which hadbeen preceded by the recognition of Napoleon as Emperor of the French onthe part of all the States of Europe, with the exception of England. 

On the conclusion of the Concordat Bonaparte said to me, "I shall let theRepublican generals exclaim as much as they like against the Mass. Iknow what I am about; I am working for posterity. " He was now gatheringthe fruits of his Concordat. He ordered that the Pope should beeverywhere treated in his journey through the French territory with thehighest distinction, and he proceeded to Fontainebleau to receive hisHoliness. This afforded an opportunity for Bonaparte to re-establish theexample of those journeys of the old Court, during which changes ofministers used formerly to be made. The Palace of Fontainebleau, nowbecome Imperial, like all the old royal chateaux, had been newlyfurnished with a luxury and taste corresponding to the progress of modernart. The Emperor was proceeding on the road to Nemours when courtiersinformed him of the approach of Pius VII. Bonaparte's object was toavoid the ceremony which had been previously settled. He had thereforemade the pretext of going on a hunting-party, and was in the way as itwere by chance when the Pope's carriage was arriving. He alighted fromhorseback, and the Pope came out of his carriage. Rapp was with theEmperor, and I think I yet hear him describing, in his original mannerand with his German accent, this grand interview, upon which, however, hefor his part looked with very little respect. Rapp, in fact, was amongthe number of those who, notwithstanding his attachment to the Emperor, preserved independence of character, and he knew he had no reason todissemble with me. "Fancy to yourself, " said he, "the amusing comedythat was played. " After the Emperor and the Pope had well embraced theywent into the same carriage; and, in order that they might be upon afooting of equality, they were to enter at the same time by oppositedoors. All that was settled; but at breakfast the Emperor had calculatedhow he should manage, without appearing to assume anything, to get on therighthand side of the Pope, and everything turned out as he wished. "Asto the Pope, " said Rapp, "I must own that I never saw a man with a finercountenance or more respectable appearance than Pius VII. "

After the conference between the Pope and the Emperor at Fontainebleau, Pius VII. Set off for Paris first. On the road the same honours werepaid to him as to the Emperor. Apartments were prepared for him in thePavilion de Flore in the Tuileries, and his bedchamber was arranged andfurnished in the same manner as his chamber in the Palace ofMonte-Cavallo, his usual residence in Rome. The Pope's presence inParis was so extraordinary a circumstance that it was scarcely believed, though it had some time before been talked of. What, indeed, could bemore singular than to see the Head of the Church in a capital where fouryears previously the altars had been overturned, and the few faithfulwho remained had been obliged to exercise their worship in secret!

The Pope became the object of public respect and general curiosity. Iwas exceedingly anxious to see him, and my wish was gratified on the daywhen he went to visit the Imperial printing office, then situated wherethe Bank of France now is. 

A pamphlet, dedicated to the Pope, containing the "Pater Noster, " in onehundred and fifty different languages, was struck off in the presence ofhis Holiness. During this visit to the printing office an ill-bred youngman kept his hat on in the Pope's presence. Several persons, indignantat this indecorum, advanced to take off the young man's hat. A littleconfusion arose, and the Pope, observing the cause of it, stepped up tothe young man and said to him, in a tone of kindness truly patriarchal, "Young man, uncover, that I may give thee my blessing. An old man'sblessing never yet harmed any one. " This little incident deeply affectedall who witnessed it. The countenance and figure of Pope Pius VII. Commanded respect. David's admirable portrait is a living likeness ofhim. 

The Pope's arrival at Paris produced a great sensation in London, greaterindeed there than anywhere else, notwithstanding the separation of theEnglish Church from the Church of Rome. The English Ministry now sparedno endeavours to influence public opinion by the circulation of libelsagainst Bonaparte. The Cabinet of London found a twofold advantage inencouraging this system, which not merely excited irritation against thepowerful enemy of England, but diverted from the British Government theclamour which some of its measures were calculated to create. Bonaparte's indignation against England was roused to the utmost extreme, and in truth this indignation was in some degree a national feeling inFrance. 

Napoleon had heard of the success of Caffarelli's negotiations previousto his return to Paris, after his journey to the Rhine. On arriving atSt. Cloud he lost no time in ordering the preparations for hiscoronation. Everything aided the fulfilment of his wishes. On 28thNovember the Pope arrived at Paris, and two days after, viz. On the 1stof December, the Senate presented to the Emperor the votes of the peoplefor the establishment of hereditary succession in his family: for as itwas pretended that the assumption of the title of Emperor was no wayprejudicial to the Republic, the question of hereditary succession onlyhad been proposed for public sanction. Sixty thousand registers had beenopened in different parts of France, --at the offices of the ministers, the prefects, the mayors of the communes, notaries, solicitors, etc. France at that time contained 108 departments, and there were 3, 574, 898voters. Of these only 2569 voted against hereditary succession. Bonaparte ordered a list of the persons who had voted against thequestion to be sent to him, and he often consulted it. They proved to benot Royalist, but for the most part staunch Republicans. To my knowledgemany Royalists abstained from voting at all, not wishing to committhemselves uselessly, and still less to give their suffrages to theauthor of the Duo d'Enghien's death. For my part, I gave my vote infavour of hereditary succession in Bonaparte's family; my situation, asmay well be imagined, did not allow me to do otherwise. 

Since the month of October the Legislative Body had been convoked toattend the Emperor's coronation. Many deputies arrived, and with them aswarm of those presidents of cantons who occupied a conspicuous place inthe annals of ridicule at the close of the year 1804. They became theobjects of all sorts of witticisms and jests. The obligation of wearingswords made their appearance very grotesque. As many droll, stories weretold of them as were ten years afterwards related of those who werestyled the voltigeurs of Louis XIV. One of these anecdotes was soexceedingly ludicrous that, though it was probably a mere invention, yetI cannot refrain from relating it. A certain number of these presidentswere one day selected to be presented to the Pope; and as most of themwere very poor they found it necessary to combine economy with theetiquette necessary to be observed under the new order of things. Tosave the expense of hiring carriages they therefore proceeded to thePavilion de Flore on foot, taking the precaution of putting on gaiters topreserve their white silk stockings from the mud which covered thestreets, for it was then the month of December. On arriving at theTuileries one of the party put his gaiters into his pocket. It happenedthat the Pope delivered such an affecting address that all present weremoved to tears, and the unfortunate president who had disposed of hisgaiters in the way just mentioned drew them out instead of hishandkerchief and smeared his face over with mud. The Pope is said tohave been much amused at this mistake. If this anecdote should bethought too puerile to be repeated here, I may observe that it affordedno small merriment to Bonaparte, who made Michot the actor relate it tothe Empress at Paris one evening after a Court performance. 

Napoleon had now attained the avowed object of his ambition; but hisambition receded before him like a boundless horizon. On the 1st ofDecember; the day on which the Senate presented to the Emperor the resultof the votes for hereditary succession, Francois de Neufchateau deliveredan address to him, in which there was no want of adulatory expressions. As President of the Senate he had had some practice in that style ofspeechmaking; and he only substituted the eulogy of the MonarchicalGovernment for that of the Republican Government 'a sempre bene', as theItalians say. 

If I wished to make comparisons I could here indulge in some curiousones. Is it not extraordinary that Fontainebleau should have witnessed, at the interval of nearly ten years, Napoleon's first interview with thePope, and his last farewell to his army, and that the Senate, who hadpreviously given such ready support to Bonaparte, should in 1814 havepronounced his abdication at Fontainebleau. 

The preparations for the Coronation proved very advantageous to thetrading classes of Paris. Great numbers of foreigners and people fromthe provinces visited the capital, and the return of luxury and therevival of old customs gave occupation to a variety of tradespeople whocould get no employment under the Directory or Consulate, such assaddlers, carriage-makers, lacemen, embroiderers, and others. By thesepositive interests were created more partisans of the Empire than byopinion and reflection; and it is but just to say that trade had not beenso active for a dozen years before. The Imperial crown jewels wereexhibited to the public at Biennais the jeweller's. The crown was of alight form, and, with its leaves of gold, it less resembled the crown ofFrance than the antique crown of the Caesars. These things wereafterwards placed in the public treasury, together with the imperialinsignia of Charlemagne, which Bonaparte had ordered to be brought fromAix-la-Chapelle. But while Bonaparte was thus priding himself in hiscrown and his imagined resemblance to Charlemagne, Mr. Pitt, latelyrecalled to the Ministry, was concluding at Stockholm a treaty withSweden, and agreeing to pay a subsidy to that power to enable it tomaintain hostilities against France. This treaty was concluded on the 3dof December, the day after the Coronation. 

 --[The details of the preparation for the Coronation caused many stormy scenes between Napoleon and his family. The Princesses, his sisters and sisters-in-law, were especially shocked at having to carry the train of the Imperial mantle of Josephine, and even when Josephine was actually moving from the altar to the throne the Princesses evinced their reluctance so plainly that Josephine could not advance and an altercation took place which had to be stopped by Napoleon himself. Joseph was quite willing himself give up appearing in a mantle with a train, but he wished to prevent his wife bearing the mantle of the Empress; and he opposed his brother on so many points that Napoleon ended by calling on him to either give up his position and retire from all politics, or else to fully accept the imperial regime. How the economical Camberceres used up the ermine he could not wear will be seen in Junot tome iii. P. 196. Josephine herself was in the greatest anxiety as to whether the wish of the Bonaparte family that she should be divorced would carry the day with her husband. When she had gained her cause for the time and after the Pope had engaged to crown her, she seems to have most cleverly managed to get the Pope informed that she was only united to Napoleon by a civil marriage. The Pope insisted on a religious marriage. Napoleon was angry, but could not recede, and the religions rite was performed by Cardinal Fesch the day, or two days, before the Coronation. The certificate of the marriage was carefully guarded from Napoleon by Josephine, and even placed beyond his reach at the time of the divorce. Such at least seems to be the most probable account of this mysterious and doubtful matter. 

 The fact that Cardinal Fesch maintained that the religious rite had been duly performed, thirteen of the Cardinals (not, however including Fesch) were so convinced of the legality of the marriage that they refused to appear at the ceremony of marriage with Marie Louise, thus drawing down the wrath of the Emperor, and becoming the "Cardinals Noirs, " from being forbidden; to wear their own robes, seems to leave no doubt that the religious rite had been performed. The marriage was only pronounced to be invalid in 1809 by the local canonical bodies, not by the authority of the pope. ]--

It cannot be expected that I should enter into a detail of the ceremonywhich took place on the 2d of December. The glitter of gold, the wavingplumes, and richly-caparisoned horses of the Imperial procession; themule which preceded the Pope's cortege, and occasioned so much merriment. To the Parisians, have already been described over and over again. I may, however, relate an anecdote connected with the Coronation, told meby Josephine, and which is exceedingly characteristic of Napoleon. 

When Bonaparte was paying his addresses to Madame de BEAUHARNAIS, neitherthe one nor the other kept a carriage; and therefore Bonaparte frequentlyaccompanied her when she walked out. One day they went together to thenotary Raguideau, one of the shortest men I think I ever saw in my life, Madame de Beauharnais placed great confidence, in him, and went there onpurpose to acquaint him of her intention to marry the young general ofartillery, --the protege of Barras. Josephine went alone into, thenotary's cabinet, while Bonaparte waited for her in an adjoining room. The door of Raguideau's cabinet did not shut close, and Bonaparte plainlyheard him dissuading Madame de Beauharnais from her projected marriage. "You are going to take a very wrong step, " said he, "and you will besorry for it, Can you be so mad as to marry a young man who has nothingbut his cloak and his sword?" Bonaparte, Josephine told me, had nevermentioned this to her, and she never supposed that he had heard what fellfrom Raguideau. "Only think, Bourrienne, " continued she, "what was myastonishment when, dressed in the Imperial robes on the Coronation day, he desired that Raguideau might be sent for, saying that he wished to seehim immediately; and when Raguidesu appeared; he said to him, 'Well, sir!have I nothing but my cloak and my sword now?'"

Though Bonaparte had related to me almost all the circumstances of hislife, as they occurred to his memory, he never once mentioned this affairof Raguideau, which he only seemed to have suddenly recollected on hisCoronation day. 

The day after the Coronation all the troops in Paris were assembled inthe Champ de Mars the Imperial eagles might be distributed to eachregiment, in lieu of the national flags. I has stayed away from theCoronation in the church of Notre Dame, but I wished to see the militaryfete in the Champ de Mars because I took real pleasure in seeingBonaparte amongst his soldiers. A throne was erected in front of theMilitary School, which, though now transformed into a barrack, must haverecalled, to Bonaparte's mind some singular recollections of his boyhood. At a given signal all the columns closed and approached the throne. ThenBonaparte, rising, gave orders for the distribution of the eagles, anddelivered the following address to the deputations of the different corpsof the army:

 "Soldiers, Soldiers! behold your colours. These eagles will always be your rallying-point! They will always be where your Emperor may thank them necessary for the defence of his throne and of his people. Swear to sacrifice your lives to defend them, and by your courage to keep them constantly in the path of victory. --Swear!"

It would be impossible to describe the acclamations which followed thisaddress; there is something so seductive in popular enthusiasm that evenindifferent persons cannot help yielding to its influence. And yet theleast reflection would have shown how shamefully Napoleon forswore thedeclaration he made to the Senate, when the organic 'Senatus-consulte'for the foundation of the Empire was presented to him at St: Cloud: Onthat occasion he said; "The French people shall never be MY people!"And yet the day after his Coronation his eagles were to be carriedwherever they might be necessary for the defence of his people. 

By a singular coincidence, while on the 2d of December 1804 Bonaparte wasreceiving from the head of the Church the Imperial crown of France, LouisXVIII. , who was then at Colmar, prompted as it were by an inexplicablepresentiment, drew up and signed a declaration to the French people, inwhich he declared that he then, swore never to break the sacred bondwhich united his destiny to theirs, never to renounce the inheritance ofhis ancestors, or to relinquish his rights. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

1805

 My appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary at Hamburg--My interview with Bonaparte at Malmaison--Bonaparte's designs respecting Italy-- His wish to revisit Brienne--Instructions for my residence in Hamburg--Regeneration of European society--Bonaparte's plan of making himself the oldest sovereign in Europe--Amedee Jaubert's mission--Commission from the Emperor to the Empress--My conversation with Madame Bonaparte. 

I must now mention an event which concerns myself personally, namely, myappointment as Minister Plenipotentiary, to the Dukes of Brunswick andMecklenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hanse towns. 

This appointment took place on the 22d of March 1806. Josephine, who hadkindly promised to apprise me of what the Emperor intended to do for me, as soon as she herself should know his intentions, sent a messenger toacquaint me with my appointment, and to tell me that the Emperor wishedto see me. I had not visited Josephine since her departure for Belgium. The pomp and ceremonies of the Coronation had, I may say, dazzled me, and deterred me from presenting myself at the Imperial Palace, where Ishould have been annoyed by the etiquette which had been observed sincethe Coronation. I cannot describe what a disagreeable impression thisparade always produced on me. I could not all at once forget the timewhen I used without ceremony to go into Bonaparte's chamber and wake himat the appointed hour. As to Bonaparte I had not seen him since he sentfor me after the condemnation of Georges, when I saw that my candourrelative to Moreau was not displeasing to him. Moreau had since quittedFrance without Napoleon's subjecting him to the application of the odiouslaw which has only been repealed since the return of the Bourbons, and byvirtue of which he was condemned to the confiscation of his property. Moreau sold his estate of Gros Bois to Bertlier, and proceeded to Cadiz, whence he embarked for America. I shall not again have occasion to speakof him until the period of the intrigues into which he was drawn by thesame influence which ruined him in France. 

On the evening of the day when I received the kind message from JosephineI had an official invitation to proceed the next day to Malmaison, wherethe Emperor then was. I was much pleased at the idea of seeing him thererather than at the Tuileries, or even at St. Cloud. Our former intimacyat Malmaison made me feel more at my ease respecting an interview ofwhich my knowledge of Bonaparte's character led me to entertain someapprehension. Was I to be received by my old comrade of Brienne, or byHis Imperial Majesty? I was received by my old college companion. 

On my arrival at Malmaison I was ushered into the tentroom leading to thelibrary. How I was astonished at the good-natured familiarity with whichhe received me! This extraordinary man displayed, if I may employ theterm, a coquetry towards me which surprised me, notwithstanding my pastknowledge of his character. He came up to me with a smile on his lips, took my hand (which he had never done since he was Consul), pressed itaffectionately, and it was impossible that I could look upon him as theEmperor of France and the future King of Italy. Yet I was too well awareof his fits of pride to allow his familiarity to lead me beyond thebounds of affectionate respect. "My dear Bourrienne, " said he, "can yousuppose that the elevated rank I have attained has altered my feelingstowards you? No. I do not attach importance to the glitter ofImperial pomp; all that is meant for the people; but I must still bevalued according to my deserts. I have been very well satisfied withyour services, and I have appointed you to a situation where I shall haveoccasion for them. I know that I can rely upon you. " He then asked withgreat warmth of friendship what I was about, and inquired after myfamily, etc. In short, I never saw him display less reserve or morefamiliarity and unaffected simplicity; which he did the more readily, perhaps, because his greatness was now incontestable. 

"You know, " added Napoleon, "that I set out in a week for Italy. I shallmake myself King; but that is only a stepping-stone. I have greaterdesigns respecting Italy. 

"It must be a kingdom comprising all the Transalpine States, from Veniceto the Maritime Alps. The union of Italy with France can only betemporary; but it is necessary, in order to accustom the nations of Italyto live under common laws. The Genoese, the Piedmontese, the Venetians, the Milanese, the inhabitants of Tuscany, the Romans, and theNeapolitans, hate each other. None of them will acknowledge thesuperiority of the other, and yet Rome is, from the recollectionsconnected with it, the natural capital of Italy. To make it so, however, it is necessary that the power of the Pope should be confined withinlimits purely spiritual. I cannot now think of this; but I will reflectupon it hereafter. At present I have only vague ideas on the subject, but they will be matured in time, and then all depends on circumstances. What was it told me, when we were walking like two idle fellows, as wewere, in the streets of Paris, that I should one day be master ofFrance--my wish--merely a vague wish. Circumstances have done the rest. It is therefore wise to look into the future, and that I do. Withrespect to Italy, as it will be impossible with one effort to unite herso as to form a single power, subject to uniform laws, I will begin bymaking her French. All these little States will insensibly becomeaccustomed to the same laws, and when manners shall be assimilated andenmities extinguished, then there will be an Italy, and I will give herindependence. But for that I must have twenty years, and who can counton the future? Bourrienne, I feel pleasure in telling you all this. Itwas locked up in my mind. With you I think aloud. "

I do not believe that I have altered two words of what Bonaparte said tome respecting Italy, so perfect, I may now say without vanity, was mymemory then, and so confirmed was my habit of fixing in it all that hesaid to me. After having informed me of his vague projects Bonaparte, with one of those transitions so common to him, said, "By the by, Bourrienne, I have something to tell you. Madame de Brienne has beggedthat I will pass through Brienne, and I promised that I will. I will notconceal from you that I shall feel great pleasure in again beholding thespot which for six years was the scene of our boyish sports and studies. "Taking advantage of the Emperor's good humour I ventured to tell him whathappiness it would give me if it were possible that I could share withhim the revival of all recollections which were mutually dear to us. ButNapoleon, after a moment's pause, said with extreme kindness, "Hark ye, Bourrienne, in your situation and mine this cannot be. It is more thantwo years since we parted. What would be said of so sudden areconciliation? I tell you frankly that I have regretted you, and thecircumstances in which I have frequently been placed have often made mewish to recall you. At Boulogne I was quite resolved upon it. Rapp, perhaps, has informed you of it. He liked you, and he assured me that hewould be delighted at your return. But if upon reflection I changed mymind it was because, as I have often told you, I will not have it saidthat I stand in need of any one. No. Go to Hamburg. I have formed someprojects respecting Germany in which you can be useful to me. It isthere I will give a mortal blow to England. I will deprive her of theContinent, --besides, I have some ideas not yet matured which extend muchfarther. There is not sufficient unanimity amongst the nations ofEurope. European society must be regenerated--a superior power mustcontrol the other powers, and compel them to live in peace with eachother; and France is well situated for that purpose. For details youwill receive instructions from Talleyrand; but I recommend you, above allthings, to keep a strict watch on the emigrants. Woe to them if theybecome too dangerous! I know that there are still agitators, --among themall the 'Marquis de Versailles', the courtiers of the old school. Butthey are moths who will burn themselves in the candle. You have been anemigrant yourself, Bourrienne; you feel a partiality for them, and youknow that I have allowed upwards of two hundred of them to return uponyour recommendation. But the case is altered. Those who are abroad arehardened. They do not wish to return home. Watch them closely. That isthe only particular direction I give you. You are to be Minister fromFrance to Hamburg; but your place will be an independent one; besidesyour correspondence with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, I authoriseyou to write to me personally, whenever you have anything particularto communicate. You will likewise correspond with Fouche. "

Here the Emperor remained silent for a moment, and I was preparing toretire, but he detained me, saying in the kindest manner, "What, are yougoing already, Bourrienne? Are you in a hurry? Let us chat a littlelonger. God knows, when we may see each other again!" Then after two orthree moments' silence he said, "The more I reflect on our situation, onour former intimacy, and our subsequent separation, the more I see thenecessity of your going to Hamburg. Go, then, my dear fellow, I adviseyou. Trust me. When do you think of setting out?" "In May. "--"In May?. . . . Ah, I shall be in Milan then, for I wish to stop at Turin. Ilike the Piedmontese; they are the best soldiers in Italy. "--"Sire, theKing of Italy will be the junior of the Emperor of France!"

 --[I alluded to a conversation which I had with Napoleon when we first went to the Tuileries. He spoke to me about his projects of royalty, and I stated the difficulties which I thought he would experience in getting himself acknowledged by the old reigning families of Europe. "If it comes to that, " he replied. "I will dethrone them all, and then I shall be the oldest sovereign among them. "--Bourrienne. ]--

--"Ah! so you recollect what I said one day at the Tuileries; but, mydear fellow, I have yet a devilish long way to go before I gain mypoint. "--"At the rate, Sire, at which you are going you will not be longin reaching it. "--"Longer than you imagine. I see all the obstacles inmy way; but they do not alarm me. England is everywhere, and thestruggle is between her and me. I see how it will be. The whole ofEurope will be our instruments; sometimes serving one, sometimes theother, but at bottom the dispute is wholly between England and France. 

"A propos, " said the Emperor, changing the subject, for all who knew himare aware that this 'a propos' was his favourite, and, indeed, his onlymode of transition; a propos, Bourrienne, you surely must have heard ofthe departure of Jaubert, --[Amedee Jaubart had been with Napoleon in Egypt, and was appointed to the cabinet of the Consul as secretary interpreter of Oriental languages. He was sent on several missions to the East, and brought back, is 1818, goats from Thibet, naturalising in France the manufacture of cashmeres. He became a peer of France under the Monarchy of July. ]--

and his mission. What is said on the subject?"--"Sire, I have onlyheard it slightly alluded to. His father, however, to whom he saidnothing respecting the object of his journey, knowing I was intimate withJaubert, came to me to ascertain whether I could allay his anxietyrespecting a journey of the duration of which he could form no idea. Theprecipitate departure of his son had filled him with apprehension I toldhim the truth, viz. , that Jaubert had said no more to me on the subjectthan to him. "--"Then you do not know where he is gone?"--"I beg yourpardon, Sire; I know very well. "--"How, the devil!" said Bonaparte, suddenly turning on me a look of astonishment. "No one, I, declare, hasever told me; but I guessed it. Having received a letter from Jaubertdated Leipsic, I recollected what your Majesty had often told me of yourviews respecting Persia and India. I have not forgotten our conversationin Egypt, nor the great projects which you enfolded to me to relieve thesolitude and sometimes the weariness of the cabinet of Cairo. Besides, Ilong since knew your opinion of Amedee, of his fidelity, his ability, and his courage. I felt convinced, therefore, that he had a mission tothe Shah of Persia. "--"You guessed right; but I beg of you, Bourrienne, say nothing of this to any person whatever. Secrecy on this point is ofgrew importance. The English would do him an ill turn, for they are wellaware that my views are directed against their possessions and theirinfluence in the East. "--"I think, Sire, that my answer to Anedee'sworthy father is a sufficient guarantee for my discretion. Besides, itwas a mere supposition on my part, and I could have stated nothing withcertainty before your Majesty had the kindness to inform me of the fact. Instead of going to Hamburg, if your Majesty pleases, I will joinJaubert, accompany him to Persia, and undertake half his mission. "--"How! would you go with him?"--"Yes, Sire; I am much attached to him. Heis an excellent man, and I am sure that he would not be sorry to have mewith him. "--"But . . . Stop, Bourrienne, . . . This, perhaps, would not be a bad idea. You know a little of the East. You areaccustomed to the climate. You could assist Jaubert. . . . But. . . . No! Daubert must be already far off--I, fear you could not overtake him. And besides you have a numerous family. You will be more useful to me inGermany. All things considered, go to Hamburg--you know the country, and, what is better you speak the language. "

I could see that Bonaparte still had something to say to me. As we werewalking up and down the room he stopped; and looking at me with anexpression of sadness, he said, "Bourrienne, you must, before I proceedto Italy, do me a service. You sometimes visit my wife, and it is right;it is fit you should. You have been too long one of the family not tocontinue your friendship with her. Go to her. 

 --[This employment of Bourrienne to remonstrate with Josephine is a complete answer to the charge sometimes made that Napoleon, while scolding, really encouraged the foolish expenses of his wife, as keeping her under his control. Josephine was incorrigible. "On the very day of her death, " says Madame de Remusat "she wished to put on a very pretty dressing-gown because she thought the Emperor of Russia would perhaps come to see her. She died all covered with ribbons and rose-colored satin. " "One would not, sure, be frightful when one's dead!" As for Josephine's great fault--her failure to give Napoleon an heir--he did not always wish for one. In 1802, on his brother Jerome jokingly advising Josephine to give the Consul a little Caesar. Napoleon broke out, "Yea, that he may end in the same manner as that of Alexander? Believe me, Messieurs, that at the present time it is better not to have children: I mean when one is condemned to rule nations. " The fate of the King of Rome shows that the exclamation was only too true!]--

"Endeavour once more to make her sensible of her mad extravagance. Everyday I discover new instances of it, and it distresses me. When I speakto her--on the subject I am vexed; I get angry--she weeps. I forgiveher, I pay her bills--she makes fair promises; but the same thing occursover and over again. If she had only borne me a child! It is thetorment of my life not to have a child. I plainly perceive that my powerwill never be firmly established until I have one. If I die without anheir, not one of my brothers is capable of supplying my place. All isbegun, but nothing is ended. God knows what will happen! Go and seeJosephine, and do not forget my injunctions. . "

Then he resumed the gaiety which he had exhibited at intervals during ourconversation, far clouds driven by the wind do not traverse the horizonwith such rapidity as different ideas and sensations succeeded each otherm Napoleon's mind. He dismissed me with his usual nod of the head, andseeing him in such good humour I said on departing, "well, Sire, you aregoing to hear the old bell of Brienne. I have no doubt it will pleaseyou better than the bells of Ruel. " He replied, "That's tree--you areright. Adieu!"

Such are my recollections of this conversation, which lasted for morethan an hour and a half. We walked about all the time, for Bonaparte wasindefatigable in audiences of this sort, and would, I believe, havewalked and talked for a whole day without being aware of it. I left him, and, according to his desire, went to see Madame Bonaparte, which indeedI had intended to do before he requested it. 

I found Josephine with Madame de la Rochefoucauld, who had long been inher suite, and who a short time before had obtained the title of lady ofhonour to the Empress. Madame de la Rochefoucauld was a very amiablewoman, of mild disposition, and was a favourite with Josephine. When Itold the Empress that I had just left the Emperor, she, thinking that Iwould not speak freely before a third person, made a sign to Madame de laRochefoucauld to retire. I had no trouble in introducing theconversation on the subject concerning which Napoleon had directed me tospeak to Josephine, for; after the interchange of a few indifferentremarks, she herself told me of a violent scene, which had occurredbetween her and the Emperor two days before. "When I wrote to youyesterday, " said she, "to announce your appointment, and to tell you thatBonaparte would recall you, I hoped that you would come to see me onquitting him, but I did not think that he would have sent for you sosoon. Ah! how I wish that you were still with him, Bourrienne; youcould make him hear reason. I know not who takes pleasure in bearingtales to him; but really I think there are persons busy everywhere infinding out my debts, and telling him of them. "

These complaints, so gently uttered by Josephine rendered less difficultthe preparatory mission with which I commenced the exercise of mydiplomatic functions. I acquainted Madame Bonaparte with all that theEmperor had said to me. I reminded her of the affair of the 1, 200, 000francs which we had settled with half that sum. I even dropped someallusions to the promises she had made. 

"How can I help it?" Said she. "Is it my fault?" Josephine utteredthese words in a tone of sincerity which was at once affecting andludicrous. "All sorts of beautiful things are brought to me, " shecontinued; "they are praised up; I buy them--I am not asked for themoney, and all of a sudden, when I have got none, they come upon me withdemands for payment. This reaches Napoleon's ears, and he gets angry. When I have money, Bourrienne you know how I employ it. I give itprincipally to the unfortunate who solicit my assistance, and to pooremigrants. But I will try to be more economical in future. Tell him soif you see him again, But is it not my duty to bestow as much in charityas I can?"--"Yes, Madame; but permit me to say that nothing requiresgreater discernment than the distribution of charity. If you had alwayssat upon a throne you might have always supposed that your bounty alwaysfall into the hands of the deserving; but you cannot be ignorant that itoftener falls to the lot of intrigue than to the meritorious needy. I cannot disguise from you that the Emperor was very earnest when hespoke on this subject; and he desired me to tell you so. "--"Did hereproach me with nothing else?"--"No Madame. You know the influence youhave over him with respect to everything but what relates to politics. Allow a faithful and sincere friend to prevail upon you seriously not tovex him on this point. "--"Bourrienne, I give you my word. Adieu! myfriend. "

In communicating to Josephine what the Emperor had said to me I took carenot to touch a chord which would have awakened feelings far more painfulto her than even the Emperor's harsh reproof on account of herextravagance. Poor Josephine! how I should have afflicted her had Iuttered a word of Bonaparte's regret at not having a child. She alwayshad a presentiment of the fate that one day awaited her. Besides, Josephine told the truth in assuring me that it was not her fault that, she spent as she did; at least all the time I was with both of them, order and economy were no more compatible with her than moderationand--patience with Napoleon. The sight of the least waste put him besidehimself, and that was a sensation his wife hardly ever spared him. Hesaw with irritation the eagerness of his family to gain riches; the morehe gave, the more insatiable they appeared, with the exception of Louis, whose inclinations were always upright, and his tastes moderate. As forthe other members of his family, they annoyed him so much by theirimportunity that one day he said, "Really to listen to them it would bethought that I had wasted the heritage of our father. "

CHAPTER XXXI. 

1805

 Napoleon and Voltaire--Demands of the Holy See--Coolness between the pope and the Emperor--Napoleon's departure for Italy--Last interview between the Pope and the Emperor at Turin--Alessandria--The field of Marengo--The last Doge of Genoa--Bonaparte's arrival at Milan--Union of Genoa to the French Empire--Error in the Memorial of St. Helen-- Bonaparte and Madam Grassini--Symptoms of dissatisfaction on the part of Austria and Russia--Napoleon's departure from Milan-- Monument to commemorate the battle of Marengo--Napoleon's arrival in Paris and departure for Boulogne--Unfortunate result of a naval engagement--My visit to Fouche's country seat--Sieyes, Barras, the Bourbons, and Bonaparte--Observations respecting Josephine. 

Voltaire says that it is very well to kiss the feet of Popes providedtheir hands are tied. Notwithstanding the slight estimation in whichBonaparte held Voltaire, he probably, without being aware of thisirreverent satire, put it into practice. The Court of Rome gave him theopportunity of doing so shortly after his Coronation. The Pope, orrather the Cardinals, his advisers' conceiving that so great an instanceof complaisance as the journey of His Holiness to Paris ought not to gofor nothing; demanded a compensation, which, had they been betteracquainted with Bonaparte's character and policy, they would never havedreamed of soliciting. The Holy see demanded the restitution of Avignon, Bologna, and some parts of the Italian territory which had formerly beensubject to the Pope's dominion. It may be imagined how such demands werereceived by Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained all he wantedfrom the Pope. It was, it must be confessed, a great mistake of theCourt of Rome, whose policy is usually so artful and adroit, not to makethis demand till after the Coronation. Had it been made the condition ofthe Pope's journey to France perhaps Bonaparte would have consented togive up, not Avignon, certainly, but the Italian territories, with theintention of taking them back again. Be this as it may, these tardyclaims, which were peremptorily rejected, created an extreme coolnessbetween Napoleon and Pius VII. The public did not immediately perceiveit, but there is in the public an instinct of reason which the most ablepoliticians never can impose upon; and all eyes were opened when it wasknown that the Pope, after having crowned Napoleon as Emperor of France, refused to crown him as sovereign of the regenerated kingdom of Italy. 

Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April to take possession of the IronCrown at Milan. The Pope remained some time longer in the Frenchcapital. The prolonged presence of His Holiness was not without itsinfluence on the religious feelings of the people, so great was therespect inspired by the benign countenance and mild manners of the Pope. When the period of his persecutions arrived it would have been well forBonaparte had Pius VII. Never been seen in Paris, for it was impossibleto view in any other light than as a victim the man whose truly evangelicmeekness had been duly appreciated. 

Bonaparte did not evince great impatience to seize the Crown of Italy, which he well knew could not escape him. He stayed a considerable timeat Turin, where he resided in the Stupinis Palace, which may be calledthe St. Cloud of the Kings of Sardinia. The Emperor cajoled thePiedmontese. General Menou, who was made Governor of Piedmont, remainedthere till Napoleon founded the general government of the Transalpinedepartments in favour of his brother-in-law, the Prince Borghese, of whomhe would have, found it difficult to make anything else than a RomanPrince. Napoleon was still at Turin when the Pope passed through thatcity on his return to Rome. Napoleon had a final interview with HisHoliness to whom he now affected to show the greatest personal deference. From Turin Bonaparte proceeded to Alessandria, where he commenced thoseimmense works on which such vast sums were expended. He had many timesspoken to me of his projects respecting Alessandria, as I have alreadyobserved, all his great measures as Emperor were merely the execution ofprojects conceived at a time when his future elevation could have beenonly a dream of the imagination. He one day said to Berthier, in mypresence, during our sojurn at Milan after the battle of Marengo, "WithAlessandria in my possession I should always be master of Italy. Itmight be made the strongest fortress in the world; it is capable ofcontaining a garrison of 40, 000 men, with provisions for six months. Should insurrection take place, should Austria send a formidable forcehere, the French troops might retire to Alessandria, and stand a sixmonths' siege. Six months would be more than sufficient, wherever Imight be, to enable me to fall upon Italy, rout the Austrians, andraise the siege of Alessandria!"

As he was so near the field of Marengo the Emperor did not fail to visitit, and to add to this solemnity he reviewed on the field all the corpsof French troops which were in Italy. Rapp told me afterwards that theEmperor had taken with him from Paris the dress and the hat which he woreon the day of that memorable battle, with the intention of wearing themon the field where it was fought. He afterwards proceeded by the way ofCasal to Milan. 

There the most brilliant reception he had yet experienced awaited him. His sojourn at Milan was not distinguished by outward demonstrations ofenthusiasm alone. M. Durszzo, the last Doge of Genoa, added another gemto the Crown of Italy by supplicating the Emperor in the name of theRepublic, of which he was the representative, to permit Genoa to exchangeher independence for the honour of becoming a department of France. Thisoffer, as may be guessed, was merely a plan contrived beforehand. It wasaccepted with an air of protecting kindness, and at the same moment thatthe country of Andrea Doria was effaced from the list of nations its lastDoge was included among the number of French Senators. Genoa, whichformerly prided herself in her surname, the Superb, became the chiefstation of the twenty-seventh military division. The Emperor went totake possession of the city in person, and slept in the Doria Palace, inthe bed where Charles V. Had lain. He left M. Le Brun at Genoa asGovernor-General. 

At Milan the Emperor occupied the Palace of Monza. The old Iron Crown ofthe Kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had beenburied, and the new Coronation took place in the cathedral at Milan, thelargest in Italy, with the exception of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleonreceived the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placedit on his head, exclaiming, "Dieu me l'a donnee, gare a qui la touche. "This became the motto of the Order of the Iron Crown, which the Emperorfounded in commemoration of his being crowned King of Italy. 

Napoleon was crowned in the month of May 1805: and here I cannot avoidcorrecting some gross and inconceivable errors into which Napoleon musthave voluntarily fallen at St. Helena. The Memorial states "that thecelebrated singer Madame Grasaini attracted his attention at the time ofthe Coronation. " Napoleon alleges that Madame Grassini on that occasionsaid to him, "When I was in the prime of my beauty and talent all Iwished was that you would bestow a single look upon me. That wish wasnot fulfilled, and now you notice me when I am no longer worthy yourattention. "

I confess I am at a loss to conceive what could induce Napoleon to inventsuch a story. He might have recollected his acquaintance with MadameGrassini at Milan before the battle of Marengo. It was in 1800, and notin 1805, that I was first introduced to her, and I know that I severaltimes took tea with her and Bonaparte in the General's apartments Iremember also another circumstance, which is, that on the night when Iawoke Bonaparte to announce to him the capitulation of Genoa, MadameGrassini also awoke. Napoleon was charmed with Madame Grasaini'sdelicious voice, and if his imperious duties had permitted it he wouldhave listened with ecstasy to her singing for hours together. WhilstNapoleon was at Milan, priding himself on his double sovereignty, someschemes were set on foot at Vienna and St. Petersburg which I shallhereafter have occasion to notice. The Emperor, indeed, gave cause forjust complaint by the fact of annexing Genoa to the Empire within fourmonths after his solemn declaration to the Legislative Body, in which hepledged himself in the face of France and Europe not to seek anyaggrandisement of territory. The pretext of a voluntary offer on thepart of Genoa was too absurd to deceive any one. The rapid progress ofNapoleon's ambition could not escape the observation of the Cabinet ofVienna, which hegan to allow increased symptoms of hostility. The changewhich was effected in the form of the Government of the CisalpineRepublic was likewise an act calculated to excite remonstrance on thepart of all the powers who were not entirely subject to the yoke ofFrance. He disguised the taking of Genoa under the name of a gift, andthe possession of Italy under the appearance of a mere change ofdenomination. Notwithstanding these flagrant outrages the exclusiveapologists of Napoleon have always asserted that he did not wish for war, and he himself maintained that assertion at St. Helena. It is said thathe was always attacked, and hence a conclusion is drawn in favour of hislove of peace. I acknowledge Bonaparte would never have fired a singlemusket-shot if all the powers of Europe had submitted to be pillaged byhim one after the other without opposition. It was in fact declaring waragainst them to place them under the necessity of breaking a peace, during the continuance of which he was augmenting his power, andgratifying his ambition, as if in defiance of Europe. In this wayNapoleon commenced all the wars in which he was engaged, with theexception of that which followed the peace of Marengo, and whichterminated in Moreau's triumph at Hohenlinden. As there was no libertyof the press in France he found it easy to deceive the nation. He was infact attacked, and thus he enjoyed the pleasure of undertaking his greatmilitary expeditions without being responsible in the event of failure. 

During the Emperor's stay in the capital of the new kingdom of Italy hereceived the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria andRussia. That dissatisfaction was not of recent date. When I entered onmy functions at Hamburg I learned some curious details (which I willrelate in their proper place) respecting the secret negotiations whichhad been carried on for a considerable time previously to thecommencement of hostilities. Even Prussia was no stranger to thedissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; I do not mean the King, but theCabinet of Berlin, which was then under the control of ChancellorHardenberg; for the King of Prussia had always personally declaredhimself in favour of the exact observance of treaties, even when theirconditions were not honourable. Be that as it may, the Cabinet ofBerlin, although dissatisfied in 1806 with the rapid progress ofNapoleon's ambition, was nevertheless constrained to conceal itsdiscontent, owing to the presence of the French troops in Hanover. 

On returning from Milan the Emperor ordered the erection, of a monumenton the Great St. Bernard in commemoration of the victory of Marengo. M. Denon who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a use less searchto discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buriedbeneath the monument and that it was at length found by General Savary. It is therefore certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on thesummit of the Alps. 

The Emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June and instantly set offfor the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the projectof invading England would be accomplished. This idea obtained thegreater credit because Bonaparte caused some experiments for embarkationto be made, in his presence. These experiments, however, led to noresult. About this period a fatal event but too effectually contributedto strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A Frenchsquadron consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleetcommanded by Admiral Calder, who had only nine vessels under his command, and in an engagement, which there was every reason to expect wouldterminate in our favour, we had the misfortune to lose two ships. Theinvasion of England was as little the object of this as of the previousjourney to Boulogne; all Napoleon had in view was to stimulate theenthusiasm of the troops, and to hold out those threats against Englandwhen conceived necessary for diverting attention from the real motive ofhis hostile preparations, which was to invade Germany and repulse theRussian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria. Such was thetrue object of Napoleons last journey to Boulogne. 

I had been some time at Hamburg when these events took place, and it wascurious to observe the effect they produced. But I must not forget onecircumstance in which I am personally concerned, and which brings me backto the time when I was in Paris. My new title of MinisterPlenipotentiary obliged me to see a little more of society than duringthe period when prudence required me to live as it were in retirement. I had received sincere congratulations from Duroc, Rape, and Lauriston, the three friends who had shown the greatest readiness to serve myinterests with the Emperor; and I had frequent occasion to see M. Talleyrand, as my functions belonged to his department. The Emperor, onmy farewell audience, having informed me that I was to corresponddirectly with the Minister of the General Police, I called on Fouche, whoinvited me to spend some days at his estate of Pont-Carre. I acceptedthe invitation because I wanted to confer with him, and I spent Sundayand Monday, the 28th and 29th of April, at Pont-Carre. 

Fouche, like the Emperor, frequently revealed what he intended toconceal; but he had such a reputation for cunning that this sort ofindiscretion was attended by no inconvenience to him. He was supposed tobe such a constant dissembler that those who did not know him well lookedupon the truth when he spoke it merely as an artful snare laid to entrapthem. I, however, knew that celebrated person too well to confound hiscunning with his indiscretion. The best way to get out of him more thanhe was aware of was to let him talk on without interruption. There werevery few visitors at Pont-Carre, and during the two days I spent there Ihad several conversations with Fouche. He told me a great deal about theevents of 1804, and he congratulated himself on having advised Napoleonto declare himself Emperor--"I have no preference, " says Fouche, "forone form of government more than another. Forms signify nothing. Thefirst object of the Revolution was not the overthrow of the Bourbons, butmerely the reform of abuses and the destruction of prejudices. However, when it was discovered that Louis XVI. Had neither firmness to refusewhat he did not wish to grant, nor good faith to grant what his weaknesshad led him to promise, it was evident that the Bourbons could no longerreign over France and things were carried to such a length that we wereunder the necessity of condemning Louis XVI. And resorting to energeticmeasures. You know all that passed up to the 18th Brumaire, and after. We all perceived that a Republic could not exist in France; the question, therefore, was to ensure the perpetual removal of the Bourbons; and Ibehaved the only means for so doing was to transfer the inheritance oftheir throne to another family. Some time before the 18th Brumaire I hada conversation with Sieyes and Barras, in which it was proposed, in caseof the Directory being threatened, to recall the Duke of Orleans; and Icould see very well that Barras favoured that suggestion, although healluded to it merely as a report that was circulated about, andrecommended me to pay attention to it. Sieyes said nothing, and Isettled the question by observing, that if any such thing had beenagitated I must have been informed of it through the reports of myagents. I added, that the restoration of the throne to a collateralbranch of the Bourbons would be an impolitic act, and would buttemporarily change the position of those who had brought about theRevolution. I rendered an account of this interview with Barras toGeneral Bonaparte the first time I had an opportunity of conversing withhim after your return from Egypt. I sounded him; and I was perfectlyconvinced that in the state of decrepitude into which the Directory hadfallen he was just the man we wanted. I therefore adopted such measureswith the police as tended to promote his elevation to the FirstMagistracy. He soon showed himself ungrateful, and instead of giving meall his confidence he tried to outwit me. He put into the hands of anumber of persons various matters of police which were worse thanuseless. Most of their agents, who were my creatures, obeyed myinstructions in their reports; and it often happened that the FirstConsul thought he had discovered, through the medium of others, information that came from me, and of the falsehood of which I easilyconvinced him. I confess I was at fault on the 3d Nivoise; but are thereany human means of preventing two men, who have no accomplices, frombringing a plot to execution? You saw the First Consul on his returnfrom the opera; you heard all his declamations. I felt assured that theinfernal machine was the work of the Royalists. I told the Emperor this, and he was, I am sure, convinced of it; but he, nevertheless, proscribesa number of men on the mere pretence of their old opinions. Do yousuppose I am ignorant of what he said of me and of my vote at theNational Convention? Most assuredly it ill becomes him to reproach theConventionists. It was that vote which placed the crown upon his head. But for the situation in which we were placed by that event, whichcircumstances had rendered inevitable, what should we have cared for thechance of seeing the Bourbons return? You must have remarked that theRepublicans, who were not Conventionists, were in general more aversethan we to the proceedings of the 18th Brumaire, as, for example, Bernadotte and Moreau. I know positively that Moreau was averse to theConsulate; and that it was only from irresolution that he accepted thecustody of the Directory. I know also that he excused himself to hisprisoners for the duty which had devolved upon him. They themselves toldme this. "

Fouche entered further into many details respecting his conduct, and themotives which had urged him to do what he did in favour of the FirstConsul. My memory does not enable me to report all he told me, but Idistinctly recollect that the impression made on my mind by what fellfrom him was, that he had acted merely with a view to his own interests. He did not conceal his satisfaction at having outwitted Regnier, andobliged Bonaparte to recall him, that he set in motion every springcalculated to unite the conspirators, or rather to convert thediscontented into conspirators, is evident from the following remarkswhich fell from him: "With the information I possessed, had I remained inoffice it is probable that I might have prevented the conspiracy, butBonaparte would still have had to fear the rivalry of Moreau. He wouldnot have been Emperor; and we should still have had to dread the returnof the Bourbons, of which, thank God, there is now no fear. "

During my stay at Pont-Carry I said but little to Fouche about my longaudience with the Emperor. However, I thought I might inform him that Iwas authorised to correspond directly with his Majesty. I thought ituseless to conceal this fact, since he would soon learn it through hisagents. I also said a few words about Bonaparte's regret at not havingchildren. My object was to learn Fouche's opinion on this subject, andit was not without a feeling of indignation that I heard him say, "It isto be hoped the Empress will soon die. Her death will remove manydifficulties. Sooner or later he must take a wife who will bear him achild; for as long as he has no direct heir there is every chance thathis death will be the signal for a Revolution. His brothers areperfectly incapable of filling his place, and a new party would rise upin favour of the Bourbons; which must be prevented above all things. Atpresent they are not dangerous, though they still have active and devotedagents. Altona is full of them, and you will be surrounded by them. I beg of you to keep a watchful eye upon them, and render me a strictaccount of all their movements, and even of their most trivial actions. As they have recourse to all sorts of disguises, you cannot be toovigilant; therefore it will be advisable, in the first place, toestablish a good system of espionage; but have a care of the spies whoserve both sides, for they swarm in Germany. "

This is all I recollect of my conversations with Fouche at Pont-Carre. I returned to Paris to make preparations for my journey to Hamburg. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

1805. 

 Capitulation of Sublingen--Preparations for war--Utility of commercial information--My instructions--Inspection of the emigrants and the journals--A pamphlet by Kotzebue--Offers from the Emperor of Russia to Moreau--Portrait of Gustavus Adolphus by one of his ministers--Fouche's denunciations--Duels at Hamburg--M. De Gimel --The Hamburg Correspondent--Letter from Bernadotte. 

I left Paris on the 20th of May 1805. On the 5th of June following Idelivered my credentials to the Senate of Hamburg, which was representedby the Syndic Doormann and the Senator Schutte. M. Reinhart, mypredecessor, left Hamburg on the 12th of June. 

The reigning Dukes of Mecklenburg-Schwerin and Brunswick, to whom I hadannounced my arrival as accredited Minister to them, wrote me lettersrecognising me in that character. General Walmoden had just signed thecapitulation of Sublingen with Marshal Mortier, who had the command inHanover. The English Government refused to ratify this, because itstipulated that the troops should be prisoners of war. Bonaparte had twomotives for relaxing this hard condition. He wished to keep Hanover as acompensation for Malta, and to assure the means of embarrassing andattacking Prussia, which he now began to distrust. By advancing uponPrussia he would secure his left, so that when convenient he might marchnorthward. Mortier, therefore, received orders to reduce the conditionsof the capitulation to the surrender of the arms, baggage, artillery, andhorses. England, which was making great efforts to resist the invasionwith which she thought herself threatened, expended considerable sums forthe transport of the troops from Hanover to England. Her precipitationwas indescribable, and she paid the most exorbitant charges for the hireof ships. Several houses in Hamburg made fortunes on this occasion. Experience has long since proved that it is not at their source thatsecret transactions are most readily known. The intelligence of an eventfrequently resounds at a distance, while the event itself is almostentirely unknown in the place of its occurrence. The direct influence ofpolitical events on commercial speculations renders merchants exceedinglyattentive to what is going on. All who are engaged in commercialpursuits form a corporation united by the strongest of all bonds, commoninterest; and commercial correspondence frequently presents a fertilefield for observation, and affords much valuable information, which oftenescapes the inquiries of Government agents. 

I resolved to form a connection with some of the mercantile houses whichmaintained extensive and frequent communications with the NorthernStates. I knew that by obtaining their confidence I might gain aknowledge of all that was going on in Russia, Sweden, England, andAustria. Among the subjects upon which it was desirable to obtaininformation I included negotations, treaties, military measures--such asrecruiting troops beyond the amount settled for the peace establishment, movements of troops, the formation of camps and magazines, financialoperations, the fitting-out of ships, and many other things, which, though not important in themselves, frequently lead to the knowledge ofwhat is important. 

I was not inclined to place reliance on all public reports and gossipingstories circulated on the Exchange without close investigation; for Iwished to avoid transmitting home as truths what might frequently be merestock-jobbing inventions. I was instructed to keep watch on theemigrants, who were exceedingly numerous in Hamburg and itsneighbourhood, Mecklenburg, Hanover, Brunswick, and Holstein; but I mustobserve that my inspection was to extend only to those who were known tobe actually engaged in intrigues and plots. 

I was also to keep watch on the state of the public mind, and on thejournals which frequently give it a wrong direction, and to point outthose articles in the journals which I thought censurable. At first Imerely made verbal representations and complaints, but I could not alwaysconfine myself to this course. I received such distinct and positiveorders that, in spite of myself, inspection was speedily converted intooppression. Complaints against the journals filled one-fourth of mydespatches. 

As the Emperor wished to be made acquainted with all that was printedagainst him, I sent to Paris, in May 1805, and consequently a very fewdays after my arrival in Hamburg, a pamphlet by the celebrated Kotzebue, entitled 'Recollections of my Journey to Naples and Rome'. Thispublication, which was printed at Berlin, was full of indecorous attacksand odious allusions on the Emperor. 

I was informed at that time, through a certain channel, that the EmperorAlexander had solicited General Moreau to enter his service, and take thecommand of the Russian infantry. He offered him 12, 000 roubles to defrayhis travelling expenses. At a subsequent period Moreau unfortunatelyaccepted these offers, and died in the enemy's ranks. 

On the 27th of June M. Bouligny arrived at Hamburg. He was appointed tosupersede M. D'Ocariz at Stockholm. The latter minister had left Hamburgon the 11th of June for Constantinople, where he did not expect to staythree months. I had several long conversations with him before hisdeparture, and he did not appear to be satisfied with his destination. We frequently spoke of the King of Sweden, whose conduct M. D'Ocarizblamed. He was, he said, a young madman, who, without reflecting on thechange of time and circumstances, wished to play the part of GustavusAdolphus, to whom he bore no resemblance but in name. M. D'Ocariz spokeof the King of Sweden's camp in a tone of derision. That Prince hadreturned to the King of Prussia the cordon of the Black Eagle because theorder had been given to the First Consul. I understood that FrederickWilliam was very much offended at this proceeding, which was asindecorous and absurd as the return of the Golden Fleece by Louis XVII. To the King of Spain was dignified and proper. Gustavus Adolphus wasbrave, enterprising, and chivalrous, but inconsiderate and irascible. Hecalled Bonaparte Monsieur Napoleon. His follies and reverses in Hanoverwere without doubt the cause of his abdication. On the 31st of October1805 he published a declaration of war against France in language highlyinsulting to the Emperor. 

Fouche overwhelmed me with letters. If I had attended to all hisinstructions I should have left nobody unmolested. He asked me forinformation respecting a man named Lazoret, of the department of Gard, a girl, named Rosine Zimbenni, having informed the police that he hadbeen killed in a duel at Hamburg. I replied that I knew but of fourFrenchmen who had been killed in that way; one, named Clement, was killedby Tarasson; a second, named Duparc, killed by Lezardi; a third, namedSadremont, killed by Revel; and a fourth, whose name I did not know, killed by Lafond. This latter had just arrived at Hamburg when he waskilled, but he was not the man sought for. 

Lafond was a native of Brabant, and had served in the British army. Heinsulted the Frenchman because he wore the national cockade--A duel wasthe consequence, and the offended party fell. M. Reinhart, mypredecessor wished to punish Lafond, but the Austrian Minister havingclaimed him as the subject of his sovereign, he was not molested. Lafondtook refuge in Antwerp, where he became a player. 

During the first months which succeeded my arrival in Hamburg I receivedorders for the arrest of many persons, almost all of whom were designatedas dangerous and ill disposed men. When I was convinced that theaccusation was groundless I postponed the arrest. The matter was thenforgotten, and nobody complained. 

A title, or a rank in foreign service, was a safeguard against the Parisinquisition. Of this the following is an instance. Count Gimel, of whomI shall hereafter have occasion to speak more at length, set out aboutthis time for Carlsbad. Count Grote the Prussian Minister, frequentlyspoke to me of him. On my expressing apprehension that M. De Gimel mightbe arrested, as there was a strong prejudice against him, M. Grotereplied, "Oh! there is no fear of that. He will return to Hamburg withthe rauk of an English colonel. "

On the 17th of July there appeared in the Correspondent an articleexceedingly insulting to France. It had been inserted by order of BaronNovozilzow, who was at Berlin, and who had become very hostile to France, though it was said he had been sent from St. Petersburg on a specificmission to Napoleon. The article in question was transmitted from Berlinby an extraordinary courier, and Novozilzow in his note to the Senatesaid it might be stated that the article was inserted at the request ofHis Britannic Majesty. The Russian Minister at Berlin, M. Alopaeus, despatched also an 'estafette' to the Russian charge d'affaires atHamburg, with orders to apply for the insertion of the article, whichaccordingly appeared. In obedience to the Emperor's instructions, Icomplained of it, and the Senate replied that it never opposed theinsertion of an official note sent by any Government; that insults wouldredound against those from whom they came; that the reply of the FrenchGovernment would be published; and that the Senate had never deviatedfrom this mode of proceeding. 

I observed to the Senate that I did not understand why the Correspondentshould make itself the trumpet of M. Novozilzow; to which the Syndicreplied, that two great powers, which might do them much harm, hadrequired the insertion of the article, and that it could not be refused. 

The hatred felt by the foreign Princes, which the death of the Ducd'Enghien had considerably increased; gave encouragement to thepublication of everything hostile to Napoleon. This was candidly avowedto me by the Ministers and foreigners of rank whom I saw in Hamburg. TheKing of Sweden was most violent in manifesting the indignation which wasgenerally excited by the death of the Due d'Enghien. M. Wetterstadt, whohad succeeded M. La Gerbielske in the Cabinet of Stockholm, sent to theSwedish Minister at Hamburg a long letter exceedingly insulting toNapoleon. It was in reply to an article inserted in the 'Moniteur'respecting the return of the Black Eagle to the King of Prussia. M. Peyron, the Swedish Minister at Hamburg, who was very far fromapproving all that his master did, transmitted to Stockholm some veryenergetic remarks on the ill effect which would be produced by theinsertion of the article in the 'Correspondent'. The article was then alittle modified, and M. Peyron received formal orders to get it inserted. However; on my representations the Senate agreed to suppress it, and itdid not appear. 

Marshal Bernadotte, who had the command of the French troops in Hanover, kept up a friendly correspondence with me unconnected with the duties ofour respective functions. 

On the occupation of Hanover Mr. Taylor, the English Minister at Cassel, was obliged to leave that place; but he soon returned in spite of theopposition of France. On this subject the marshal furnished me with thefollowing particulars:

 I have just received, my dear Bourrienne, information which leaves no doubt of what has taken place at Cassel with respect to Mr. Taylor. That Minister has been received in spite of the representations of M. Bignon, which, however, had previously been merely verbal. I know that the Elector wrote to London to request that Mr. Taylor should not return. In answer to this the English Government sent him back. Our Minister has done everything he could to obtain his dismissal; but the pecuniary interests of the Elector have triumphed over every other consideration. He would not risk quarrelling with the Court from which he expects to receive more than 12, 000, 000 francs. The British Government has been written to a second time, but without effect. The Elector himself, in a private letter, has requested the King of England to recall Mr. Taylor, but it is very probable that the Cabinet of London will evade this request. 

 Under these circumstances our troops have approached nearer to Cassel. Hitherto the whole district of Gottingen had been exempt from quartering troops. New arrangements, tendered necessary by the scarcity of forage, have obliged me to send a squadron of 'chasseurs de cheval' to Munden, a little town four leagues from Cassel. This movement excited some alarm in the Elector, who expressed a wish to see things restored to the same footing as before. He has requested M. Bignon to write to me, and to assure me again that he will be delighted to become acquainted with me at the waters of Nemidorff, where he intends to spend some time. But on this subject I shall not alter the determination I have already mentioned to you. --Yours, etc. , (Signed) BERNADOTTE. STADE, 10th Thermidor (29th July, 1805). 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

1805. 

 Treaty of alliance between England and Russia--Certainty of an approaching war--M. Forshmann, the Russian Minister--Duroc's mission to Berlin--New project of the King of Sweden--Secret mission to the Baltic--Animosity against France--Fall of the exchange between Hamburg and Paris--Destruction of the first Austrian army--Taking of Ulm--The Emperor's displeasure at the remark of a soldier--Battle of Trafalgar--Duroc's position at the Court of Prussia--Armaments in Russia--Libel upon Napoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'-- Embarrassment of the Syndic and Burgomaster of Hamburg--The conduct of the Russian Minister censured by the Swedish and English Ministers. 

At the beginning of August 1805 a treaty of alliance between Russia andEngland was spoken of. Some persons of consequence, who had the means ofknowing all that was going on in the political world, had read thistreaty, the principal points of which were communicated to me. 

Article 1st stated that the object of the alliance was to restore thebalance of Europe. By art. 2d the Emperor of Russia was to place 36, 000men at the disposal of England. Art. 3d stipulated that neither of thetwo powers would consent to treat with France, nor to lay down arms untilthe King of Sardinia should either be restored to his dominions orreceive an equivalent indemnity in the northeast of Italy. By art. 4thMalta was to be evacuated by the English, and occupied by the Russians. By art. 5th the two powers were to guarantee the independence of theRepublic of the Ionian Isles, and England was to pledge herself to assistRussia in her war against Persia. If this plan of a treaty, of theexistence of which I was informed on unquestionable authority, had beenbrought to any result it is impossible to calculate what might have beenits consequences. 

At that time an immediate Continental war was confidently expected byevery person in the north of Europe; and it is very certain that, had notNapoleon taken the hint in time and renounced his absurd schemes atBoulogne, France would have stood in a dangerous situation. 

M. Forshmann, the Russian charge d'affaires, was intriguing to excite thenorth of Europe against France. He repeatedly received orders to obtainthe insertion of irritating articles in the 'Correspondent'. He was anactive, intriguing, and spiteful little man, and a declared enemy ofFrance; but fortunately his stupidity and vanity rendered him lessdangerous than he wished to be. He was universally detested, and hewould have lost all credit but that the extensive trade carried onbetween Russia and Hamburg forced the inhabitants and magistrates of thatcity to bear with a man who might have done them, individually, considerable injury. 

The recollection of Duroc's successful mission to Berlin during theConsulate induced Napoleon to believe that that general might appease theKing of Prussia, who complained seriously of the violation of theterritory of Anspach, which hernadotte, in consequence of the orders hereceived, had not been able to respect. Duroc remained about six weeksin Berlin. 

The following letter from Duroc will show that the facility of passingthrough Hesse seemed to excuse the second violation of the Prussianterritory; but there was a great difference between a petty Prince ofHesse and the King of Prussia. 

 I send you, my dear Bourrienne, two despatches, which I have received for you. M. De Talleyrand, who sends them, desires me to request that you will transmit General Victor's by a sure conveyance. 

 I do not yet know whether I shall stay long in Berlin. By the last accounts I received the Emperor is still in Paris, and numerous forces are assembling on the Rhine. The hopes of peace are vanishing every day, and Austria does everything to promote war. 

 I have received accounts from Marshal Bernadotte. He has effected his passage through Hesse. Marshal Bernadotte was much pleased with the courtesy he experienced from the Elector. 

The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte with the army of theEmperor was very important, and Napoleon therefore directed the Marshalto come up with him as speedily as possible, and by the shortest road. It was necessary he should arrive in time for the battle of Austerlitz. Gustavus, King of Sweden, who was always engaged in some enterprise, wished to raise an army composed of Swedes, Prussians, and English; andcertainly a vigorous attack in the north would have prevented Bernadottefrom quitting the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, and reinforcing theGrand Army which was marching on Vienna. But the King of Sweden'scoalition produced no other result than the siege of the little fortressof Hameln. 

Prussia would not come to a rupture with France, the King of Sweden wasabandoned, and Bonaparte's resentment against him increased. Thisabortive project of Gustavus contributed not a little to alienate theaffections of his subjects, who feared that they might be the victims ofthe revenge excited by the extravagant plans of their King, and theinsults he had heaped upon Napoleon, particularly since the death of theDue d'Enghien. 

On the 13th of September 1805 I received a letter from the Minister ofPolice soliciting information about Swedish Pomerania. 

Astonished at not obtaining from the commercial Consuls at Lubeck andStettin any accounts of the movements of the Russians, I had sent tothose ports, four days before the receipt of the Police Minister'sletter, a confidential agent, to observe the Baltic: though we were only64 leagues from Stralsund the most uncertain and contradictory accountscame to hand. It was, however, certain that a landing of the Russianswas expected at Stralsund, or at Travemtinde, the port of Lubeck, at themouth of the little river Trave. I was positively informed that Russiahad freighted a considerable number of vessels for those ports. 

The hatred of the French continued to increase in the north of Europe. About the end of September there appeared at Kiel, in Denmark, alibellous pamphlet, which was bought and read with inconceivable avidity. This pamphlet, which was very ably written, was the production of somefanatic who openly preached a crusade against France. The authorregarded the blood of millions of men as a trifling sacrifice for thegreat object of humiliating France and bringing her back to the limits ofthe old monarchy. This pamphlet was circulated extensively in the Germandepartments united to France, in Holland, and in Switzerland. The numberof incendiary publications which everywhere abounded indicated but tooplainly that if the nations of the north should be driven back towardsthe Arctic regions they would in their turn repulse their conquerorstowards the south; and no man of common sense could doubt that if theFrench eagles were planted in foreign capitals, foreign standards wouldone day wave over Paris. 

On the 30th of September 1805 I received, by an 'estafette', intelligenceof the landing at Stralsund of 6000 Swedes, who had arrived fromStockholm in two ships of war. 

About the end of September the Hamburg exchange on Paris fell alarmingly. The loss was twenty per cent. The fall stopped at seventeen below par. The speculation for this fall of the exchange had been made with equalimprudence and animosity by the house of Osy and Company. 

The head of that house, a Dutch emigrant, who had been settled at Hamburgabout six years, seized every opportunity of manifesting his hatred ofFrance. An agent of that rich house at Rotterdam was also very hostileto us, a circumstance which shows that if many persons sacrifice theirpolitical opinions to their interests there are others who endanger theirinterests for the triumph of their opinions. 

On the 23d of October 1805 I received official intelligence of the totaldestruction of the first Austrian army: General Barbou, who was inHanover, also informed me of that event in the following terms: "Thefirst Austrian army has ceased to exist. " He alluded to the brilliantaffair of Ulm. I immediately despatched twelve estafettes to differentparts; among other places to Stralsund and Husum. I thought that theseprodigies, which must have been almost incredible to those who wereunacquainted with Napoleon's military genius, might arrest the progressof the Russian troops, and produces some change in the movements of theenemy's forces. A second edition of the 'Correspondent' was publishedwith this intelligence, and 6000 copies were sold at four times the usualprice. 

I need not detain the reader with the details of the capitulation of Ulm, which have already been published, but I may relate the followinganecdote, which is not generally known. A French general passing beforethe ranks of his men said to them, "Well, comrades, we have prisonersenough here. "--"yes indeed, " replied one of the soldiers, "we never sawso many . . . Collected together before. " It was stated at the time, and I believe it, that the Emperor was much displeased when he heard ofthis, and remarked that it was "atrocious to insult brave men to whom thefate of arms had proved unfavourable. "

In reading the history of this period we find that in whatever placeNapoleon happened to be, there was the central point of action. Theaffairs of Europe were arranged at his headquarters in the same manner asif he had been in Paris. Everything depended on his good or bad fortune. Espionage, seduction, false promises, exactions, --all were put in forceto promote the success of his projects; but his despotism, which exciteddissatisfaction in France, and his continual aggressions, whichthreatened the independence of foreign States, rendered him more and moreunpopular everywhere. 

The battle of Trafalgar took place while Napoleon was marching on Vienna, and on the day after the capitulation of Ulm. The southern coast ofSpain then witnessed an engagement between thirty-one French and about anequal number of English ships, and in spite of this equality of force theFrench fleet was destroyed. --[The actual forces present were 27 Englishships of the line and 38 Franco-Spanish ships of the line; see James'Naval History, vol. Iii. P. 459. ]

This great battle afforded another proof of our naval inferiority. Admires Calder first gave us the lesson which Nelson completed, but whichcost the latter his life. According to the reports which Duroctransmitted to me, courage gave momentary hope to the French; but theywere at length forced to yield to the superior naval tactics of theenemy. The battle of Trafalgar paralysed our naval force, and banishedall hope of any attempt against England. 

The favour which the King, of Prussia had shown to Duroc was withdrawnwhen his Majesty received intelligence of the march of Bernadotte'stroops through the Margravate of Anspach. All accounts concurredrespecting the just umbrage which that violation of territory occasionedto the King of Prussia. The agents whom I had in that quarteroverwhelmed me with reports of the excesses committed by the French inpassing through the Margravate. A letter I received from Duroc containsthe following remarks on this subject:

 The corps of Marshal Bernadotte has passed through Anapach and by some misunderstanding this has been regarded at Berlin as an insult to the King, a violence committed upon his neutrality. How can it be supposed, especially under present circumstances, that the Emperor could have any intention of insulting or committing violence upon his friend? Besides, the reports have been exaggerated, and have been made by persons who wish to favour our enemies rather than us. However, I am perfectly aware that Marshal Bernadotte's 70, 000 men are not 70, 000 virgins. Be this as it may, the business might have been fatal, and will, at all events, be very injurious to us. Laforeat and I are treated very harshly, though we do not deserve it. All the idle stories that have been got up here must have reached you. Probably Prussia will not forget that France was, and still may be, the only power interested in her glory and aggrandisement. 

At the end of October the King of Prussia, far from thinking of war, butin case of its occurrence wishing to check its disasters as far aspossible, proposed to establish a line of neutrality. This was the firstidea of the Confederation of the North. Duroc, fearing lest the Russiansshould enter Hamburg, advised me, as a friend, to adopt precautions. ButI was on the spot; I knew all the movement the little detached corps, andI was under no apprehension. 

The editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent' sent me every evening a proofof the number which was to appear next day, --a favour which was grantedonly to the French Minister. On the 20th of November I received theproof as usual, and saw nothing objectionable in it. How great, therefore, was my astonishment when next morning I read in the samejournal an article personally insulting to the Emperor, and in which thelegitimate sovereigns of Europe were called upon to undertake a crusadeagainst the usurper etc. I immediately sent for M. Doormann, firstSyndic of the Senate of Hamburg. When he appeared his mortified looksufficiently informed me that he knew what I had to say to him. Ireproached him sharply, and asked him how, after all I had told him ofthe Emperor's susceptibility, he could permit the insertion of such anarticle. I observed to him that this indecorous diatribe had no officialcharacter, since it had no signature; and that, therefore, he had actedin direct opposition to a decree of the Senate, which prohibited theinsertion in the journals of any articles which were not signed. I toldhim plainly that his imprudence might be attended with seriousconsequences. M. Doormann did not attempt to justify himaelt but merelyexplained to me how the thing had happened. 

On the 20th of November, in the evening, M. Forshmann, the Russian charged'affaires who had in the course of the day arrived from the Russianheadquarters presented to the editor of the Correspondent the article inquestion. The editor, after reading the article, which he thoughtexceedingly indecorous, observed to M. Forshmann that his paper wasalready made up, which was the fact, for I had seen a proof. M. Forshmann, however, insisted on the insertion of the article. Theeditor then told him that he could not admit it without the approbationof the Syndic Censor. M. Forshmann immediately waited upon M. Doormann, and when the latter begged that he would not insist on the insertion ofthe article, M. Forshmann produced a letter written in French, which, among other things, contained the following: "You will get the enclosedarticle inserted in the Correspondent without suffering a single word tobe altered. Should the censor refuse, you must apply to the directingBurgomaster, and, in case of his refusal, to General Tolstoy, who willdevise some means of rendering the Senate more complying, and forcing itto observe an impartial deference. "

M. Doorman, thinking he could not take upon himself to allow theinsertion of the article, went, accompanied by M. Forshmann, to wait uponM. Von Graffen, the directing Burgomaster. MM. Doorman and Von Graffenearnestly pointed out the impropriety of inserting the article; but M. Forshmann referred to his order, and added that the compliance of theSenate on this point was the only means of avoiding great mischief. TheBurgomaster and the Syndic, finding themselves thus forced to admit thearticle, entreated that the following passage at least might besuppressed: "I know a certain chief, who, in defiance of all laws divineand human, --in contempt of the hatred he inspires in Europe, as well asamong those whom he has reduced to be his subjects, keeps possession ofa usurped throne by violence and crime. His insatiable ambition wouldsubject all Europe to his rule. But the time is come for avenging therights of nations . . . . " M. Forshmann again referred to his orders, and with some degree of violence insisted on the insertion of the articlein its complete form. The Burgomaster then authorised the editor of theCorrespondent to print the article that night, and M. Forshmann, havingobtained that authority, carried the article to the office at half-pasteleven o'clock. 

Such was the account given me by M. Doormann. I observed that I did notunderstand how the imaginary apprehension of any violence on the part ofRussia should have induced him to admit so insolent an attack upon themost powerful sovereign in Europe, whose arms would soon dictate laws toGermany. The Syndic did not dissemble his fear of the Emperor'sresentment, while at the same time he expressed a hope that the Emperorwould take into consideration the extreme difficulty of a small powermaintaining neutrality in the extraordinary circumstances in whichHamburg was placed, and that the articles might be said to have beenpresented almost at the point of the Cossacks' spears. M. Doormann addedthat a refusal, which world have brought Russian troops to Hamburg, mighthave been attended by very unpleasant consequences to me, and might havecommitted the Senate in a very different way. I begged of him, once forall, to set aside in these affairs all consideration of my personaldanger: and the Syndic, after a conversation of more than two hours, departed more uneasy in his mind than when he arrived, and conjuring meto give a faithful report of the facts as they had happened. 

M. Doormann was a very worthy man, and I gave a favourable representationof his excuses and of the readiness which he had always evinced to keepout of the Correspondent articles hostile to France; as, for example, thecommencement of a proclamation of the Emperor of Germany to his subjects, and a complete proclamation of the King of Sweden. As it happened, thegood Syndic escaped with nothing worse than a fright; I was myselfastonished at the success of my intercession. I learned from theMinister for Foreign Affairs that the Emperor was furiously indignant onreading the article, in which the French army was outraged as well as he. Indeed, he paid but little attention to insults directed against himselfpersonally. Their eternal repetition had inured him to them; but at theidea of his army being insulted he was violently enraged, and uttered themost terrible threats. 

It is worthy of remark that the Swedish and English Ministers, as soon asthey read the article, waited upon the editor of the Correspondent, andexpressed their astonishment that such a libel should have beenpublished. "Victorious armies, " said they, "should be answered bycannonballs and not by insults as gross as they are ridiculous. " Thisopinion was shared by all the foreigners at that time in Hamburg. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

1805

 Difficulties of my situation at Hamburg--Toil and responsibility-- Supervision of the emigrants--Foreign Ministers--Journals--Packet from Strasburg--Bonaparte fond of narrating Giulio, an extempore recitation of a story composed by the Emperor. 

The brief detail I have given in the two or three preceding chapters ofthe events which occurred previously to and during the campaign ofAusterlitz, with the letters of Duroc and Bernadotte, may afford thereader some idea of my situation during the early part of my residence inHamburg. Events succeeded each other with such incredible rapidity as torender my labour excessive. My occupations were different, but not lesslaborious, than those which I formerly performed when near the Emperor;and, besides, I was now loaded with a responsibility which did not attachto me as the private secretary of General Bonaparte and the First Consul. I had, in fact, to maintain a constant watch over the emigrants inAltona, which was no easy matter--to correspond daily with the Ministerfor Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Police--to confer with theforeign Ministers accredited at Hamburg--to maintain active relationswith the commanders of the French army--to interrogate my secret agents, and keep a strict surveillance over their proceedings; it was, besides, necessary to be unceasingly on the watch for scurrilous articles againstNapoleon in the Hamburg 'Corespondent'. I shall frequently have occasionto speak of all these things, and especially of the most markedemigrants, in a manner less irregular, because what I have hitherto saidmay, in some sort, be considered merely as a summary of all the factsrelating to the occurrences which daily passed before my eyes. 

In the midst of these multifarious and weighty occupations I received apacket with the Strasburg postmark at the time the Empress was in thatcity. This packet had not the usual form of a diplomatic despatch, andthe superscription announced that it came from the residence ofJosephine. My readers, I venture to presume, will not experience lessgratification than I did on a perusal of its contents, which will befound at the end of this chapter; but before satisfying the curiosity towhich I have perhaps given birth, I may here relate that one of thepeculiarities of Bonaparte was a fondness of extempore narration; and itappears he had not discontinued the practice even after he becameEmperor. 

In fact, Bonaparte, during the first year after his elevation to theImperial throne, usually passed those evenings in the apartments of theEmpress which he could steal from public business. Throwing himself on asofa, he would remain absorbed in gloomy silence, which no one dared tointerrupt. Sometimes, however, on the contrary, he would give the reinsto his vivid imagination and his love of the marvelous, or, to speak morecorrectly, his desire to produce effect, which was perhaps one of hisstrongest passions, and would relate little romances, which were alwaysof a fearful description and in unison with the natural turn of hisideas. During those recitals the ladies-in-waiting were always present, to one of whom I am indebted for the following story, which she hadwritten nearly in the words of Napoleon. "Never, " said this lady in herletter to me, "did the Emperor appear more extraordinary. Led away bythe subject, he paced the salon with hasty strides; the intonations ofhis voice varied according to the characters of the personages he broughton the scene; he seemed to multiply himself in order to play thedifferent parts, and no person needed to feign the terror which he reallyinspired, and which he loved to see depicted in the countenances of thosewho surrounded him. " In this tale I have made no alterations, as can beattested by those who, to my knowledge, have a copy of it. It is curiousto compare the impassioned portions of it with the style of Napoleon insome of the letters addressed to Josephine. 

VOLUME III. -- 1805-1807

CHAPTER I. 

1805. 

 Abolition of the Republican calendar--Warlike preparations in Austria--Plan for re-organizing the National Guard--Napoleon in Strasburg--General Mack--Proclamation--Captain Bernard's reconnoitering mission--The Emperor's pretended anger and real satisfaction--Information respecting Ragusa communicated by Bernard --Rapid and deserved promotion--General Bernard's retirement to the United States of America. 

I had been three months at Hamburg when I learned that the Emperor had atlast resolved to abolish the only remaining memorial of the Republic, namely, the revolutionary calendar. That calendar was indeed an absurdinnovation, for the new denominations of the months were not applicablein all places, even in France; the corn of Provence did not wait to beopened by the sun of the month of Messidor. On the 9th of September a'Senates-consulte' decreed that on the 1st of January following themonths and days should resume their own names. I read with much interestLaplace's report to the Senate, and must confess I was very glad to seethe Gregorian calendar again acknowledged by law, as it had already beenacknowledged in fact. Frenchmen in foreign countries experiencedparticular inconvenience from the adoption of a system different from allthe rest of the world. 

A few days after the revival of the old calendar the Emperor departed forthe army. When at Hamburg it may well be supposed that I was anxious toobtain news, and I received plenty from the interior of Germany and fromsome friends in Paris. This correspondence enables me to present to myreaders a comprehensive and accurate picture of the state of publicaffairs up to the time when Napoleon took the field. I have alreadymentioned how artfully he always made it appear that he was anxious forpeace, and that he was always the party attacked; his, conduct previousto the first conquest of Vienna affords a striking example of thisartifice. It was pretty evident that the transformation of the CisalpineRepublic into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of Genoa to France wereinfractions of treaties; yet the Emperor, nevertheless, pretended thatall the infractions were committed by Austria. The truth is, thatAustria was raising levies as secretly as possible, and collecting hertroops on the frontiers of Bavaria. An Austrian corps even penetratedinto some provinces of the Electorate; all this afforded Napoleon apretest for going to the aid of his allies. 

In the memorable sitting preceding his departure the Emperor presented aproject of a 'Senatus-consulte' relative to the re-organisation of theNational Guard. The Minister for Foreign Affairs read an explanation ofthe reciprocal conduct of France and Austria since the peace ofLuneville, in which the offences of France were concealed with wonderfulskill. Before the sitting broke up the Emperor addressed the members, stating that he was about to leave the capital to place himself at thehead of the army to afford prompt succour to his allies, and defend thedearest interests of his people. He boasted of his wish to preservepeace, which Austria and Russia, as he alleged, had, through theinfluence of England, been induced to disturb. 

This address produced a very powerful impression in Hamburg. For mypart, I recognised in it Napoleon's usual boasting strain; but on thisoccasion events seemed bent on justifying it. The Emperor may certainlyhave performed more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, butnever any more glorious in results. Everything seemed to partake of themarvellous, and I have often thought of the secret joy which Bonapartemust have felt on seeing himself at last an the point of commencing agreat war in Germany, for which he had so often expressed an ardentdesire. He proceeded first to Strasburg, whither Josephine accompaniedhim. 

All the reports that I received agreed with the statements of my privatecorrespondence in describing the incredible enthusiasm which prevailed inthe army on learning that it was to march into Germany. For the firsttime Napoleon had recourse to an expeditious mode of transport, and20, 000 carriages conveyed his army, as if by enchantment, from the shoresof the Channel to the banks of the Rhine. The idea of an active campaignfired the ambition of the junior part of the army. All dreamed of glory, and of speedy promotion, and all hoped to distinguish themselves beforethe eyes of a chief who was idolised by his troops. Thus during hisshort stay at Strasburg the Emperor might with reason prophesy thesuccess which crowned his efforts under the walls of Vienna. 

Rapp, who accompanied him, informed me that on leaving Strasburg heobserved, in the presence of several persons, "It will be said that Imade Mack's plan of campaign for him. The Caudine Forks are at Ulm. "

 --[This allusion to the Caudine Forks was always in Napoleon's mouth when he saw an enemy's army concentrated on a point, and foresaw its defeat--Bourrienne. ]--

Experience proved that Bonaparte was not deceived; but I ought on thisoccasion to contradict a calumnious report circulated at that time, andsince maliciously repeated. It has been said that there existed anunderstanding between Mack and Bonaparte, and that the general was boughtover to deliver up the gates of Ulm. I have received positive proof thatthis assertion is a scandalous falsehood; and the only thing that couldgive it weight was Napoleon's intercession after the campaign that Mackmight not be put on his trial. In this intercession Napoleon wasactuated only by humanity. 

On taking the field Napoleon placed himself at the head of the Bavarians, with whom be opposed the enemy's army before the arrival of his owntroops. As soon as they were assembled he published the followingproclamation, which still further excited the ardour of the troops. 

 SOLDIERS--The war of the third coalition is commenced. The Austrian army has passed the Inn, violated treaties, attacked and driven our ally from his capital. You yourselves have been obliged to hasten, by forced marches, to the defence of our frontiers. But you have now passed the Rhine; and we will not stop till we have secured the independence of the Germanic body, succoured our allies, and humbled the pride of our unjust assailants. We will not again make peace without a sufficient guarantee! Our generosity shall not again wrong our policy. Soldiers, your Emperor is among you! You are but the advanced guard of the great people. If it be necessary they will all rise at my call to confound and dissolve this new league, which has been created by the malice and the gold of England. But, soldiers, we shall have forced marches to make, fatigues and privations of every kind to endure. Still, whatever obstacles may be opposed to us, we will conquer them; and we will never rest until we have planted our eagles on the territory of our enemies!

In the confidential notes of his diplomatic agents, in his speeches, andin his proclamations, Napoleon always described himself as the attackedparty, and perhaps his very earnestness in so doing sufficed to revealthe truth to all those who had learned to read his thoughts differentlyfrom what his words expressed them. 

At the commencement of the campaign of Austerlitz a circumstance occurredfrom which is to be dated the fortune of a very meritorious man. Whilethe Emperor was at Strasburg he asked General Marescot, thecommander-in-chief of the engineers, whether he could recommend from hiscorps a brave, prudent, and intelligent young officer, capable of beingentrusted with an important reconnoitering mission. The officerselected by General Marescot was a captain in the engineers, namedBernard, who had been educated in the Polytechnic School. He set off onhis mission, advanced almost to Vienna, and returned to the headquartersof the Emperor at the capitulation of Ulm. 

Bonaparte interrogated him himself, and was well satisfied with hisreplies; but, not content with answering verbally the questions put byNapoleon, Captain Bernard had drawn up a report of what he observed, andthe different routes which might be taken. Among other things heobserved that it would be a great advantage to direct the whole army uponVienna, without regard to the fortified places; for that, once master ofthe capital of Austria, the Emperor might dictate laws to all theAustrian monarchy. "I was present, " said Rapp to me, "at this youngofficer's interview with the Emperor. After reading the report, wouldyou believe that the Emperor flew into a furious passion? 'How!' criedhe, 'you are very bold, very presumptuous! A young officer to take theliberty of tracing out a plan of campaign for me! Begone, and await myorders. '"

This, and some other circumstances which I shall have to add respectingCaptain Bernard, completely reveal Napoleon's character. Rapp told methat as soon as the young officer had left the Emperor all at oncechanged his tone. "That, " said he, "is a clever young man; he has takena proper view of things. I shall not expose him to the chance of beingshot. Perhaps I shall sometime want his services. Tell Berthier todespatch an order for his departure for Elyria. "

This order was despatched, and Captain Bernard, who, like his comrades, was ardently looking forward to the approaching campaign, regarded as apunishment what was, on the Emperor's part, a precaution to preserve ayoung man whose merit he appreciated. At the close of the campaign, whenthe Emperor promoted those officers who had distinguished themselves, Bernard, who was thought to be in disgrace, was not included inBerthier's list among the captains of engineers whom he recommended tothe rank of chef de bataillon; but Napoleon himself inscribed Bernard'sname before all the rest. However, the Emperor forgot him for some time;and it was only an accidental circumstance that brought him to hisrecollection. I never had any personal acquaintance with Bernard, but Ilearned from Rapp, how he afterwards became his colleague as aide de campto the Emperor; a circumstance which I shall now relate, though it refersto a later period. 

Before the Emperor left Paris for the campaign of 1812 he wished to gainprecise information respecting Ragusa and Elyria. He sent for Marmont, but was not satisfied with his answers. He then interrogated severalother generals, but the result of his inquiries always was, "This is allvery well; but it is not what I want. I do not know Ragusa. " He thensent for General Dejean, who had succeeded M. De Marescot as firstinspector of the Engineers. 

"Have you any one among your officers, " he asked, "who is well acquaintedwith Ragusa?" Dejean, after a little reflection, replied, "Sire, thereis a chef de bataillon who has been a long time forgotten, but who knowsElyria perfectly. "--"What's his name?"--"Bernard. "--"Ah! stop . . . Bernard! I remember that name. Where is he?"--"At Antwerp, Sire, employed on the fortifications. "--"Let a telegraphic despatch beimmediately, transmitted, --[by semaphore arms. ]--desiring him to mounthis horse and come with all speed to Paris. "

The promptitude with which the Emperor's orders were always executed iswell known. A few days after Captain Bernard was in the Emperor'scabinet in Paris. Napoleon received him very graciously. The firstthing he said was, "Talk to me about Ragusa. " This was a favourite modeof interrogation with him in similar cases, and I have heard him say thatit was a sure way of drawing out all that a man had observed in anycountry that he had visited. Be that as it may, he was perfectlysatisfied with M. Bernard's information respecting Elyria; and when thechef de bataillon had finished speaking Napoleon said, "Colonel Bernard, I am now acquainted with Ragusa. " The Emperor afterwards conversedfamiliarly with him, entered into details respecting the system offortification adopted at Antwerp, referred to the plan of the works, criticised it, and showed how he would, if he besieged the town, renderthe means of defence unavailing. The new Colonel explained so well howhe would defend the town against the Emperor's attack that Bonaparte wasdelighted, and immediately bestowed upon, the young officer a mark ofdistinction which, as far as I know, he never granted but upon thatsingle occasion. The Emperor was going to preside at the Council ofState, and desired Colonel Bernard to accompany him, and many timesduring the sittings be asked him for his opinion upon the points whichwere under discussion. On leaving the Council Napoleon said, "Bernard, you are in future my aide de camp. " After the campaign he was madeGeneral of Brigade, soon after General of Division, and now he isacknowledged to be one of the ablest engineer officers in existence. Clarke's silly conduct deprived France of this distinguished man, whorefused the brilliant offers of several sovereigns of Europe for the sakeof retiring to the United States of America, where he commands theEngineers, and has constructed fortifications on the coast of theFloridas which are considered by engineers to be masterpieces of militaryart. 

CHAPTER II. 

1805. 

 Rapidity of Napoleon's victories--Murat at Wertingen--Conquest of Ney's duchy--The French army before Ulm--The Prince of Liechtenstein at the Imperial headquarters--His interview with Napoleon described by Rapp--Capitulation of Ulm signed by Berthier and Mack--Napoleon before and after a victory--His address to the captive generals-- The Emperor's proclamation--Ten thousand prisoners taken by Murat-- Battle of Caldiero in Italy--Letter from Duroc--Attempts to retard the Emperor's progress--Fruitless mission of M. De Giulay--The first French eagles taken by the Russians--Bold adventure of Lannes and Murat--The French enter Vienna--Savary's mission to the Emperor Alexander. 

To convey an idea of the brilliant campaign of 1805 from an abstract ofthe reports and letters I received at Hamburg I should, like thealmanac-makers, be obliged to note down a victory for every day. Wasnot the rapidity of the Emperor's first operations a thing hithertounprecedented? He departed from Paris on the 24th of September, andhostilities commenced on the 2d of October. On the 6th and 7th theFrench passed the Danube, and turned the enemy's army. On the 8thMurat, at the battle of Wertingen, on the Danube, took 2000 Austrianprisoners, amongst whom, besides other general officers, was CountAuffemberg. Next day the Austrians fell back upon Gunsburg, retreatingbefore our victorious legions, who, pursuing their triumphal course, entered Augsburg on the 10th, and Munich on the 12th. When I receivedmy despatches I could have fancied I was reading a fabulous narrative. Two days after the French entered Munich--that is to say, on the14th--an Austrian corps of 6000 men surrendered to Marshal Soult atMemingen, whilst Ney conquered, sword in hand, his future Duchy ofElchingen. Finally, on the 17th of October, came the famous capitulationof General Mack at Ulm, ' and on the same day hostilities commenced inItaly between the French and Austrians, the former commanded by Massenaand the latter by Prince Charles. 

 --[Prince Maurice Liechtenstein was sent by General Mack as a flag of truce to the Imperial headquarters before Ulm. He was, according to custom, led blindfold on horseback. Rapp, who was present, together with several of Napoleon's aides de camp, afterwards spoke to me of the Prince's interview with the Emperor. I think he told me that herthier was present likewise. "Picture to yourself, " said Rapp, "the astonishment, or rather confusion, of the poor Prince when the bandage was removed from his eyes. He knew nothing of what had been going on, and did not even suspect that the Emperor had yet joined the army. When he understood that he was in the presence of Napoleon he could not suppress an exclamation of surprise, which did not escape the Emperor, and he ingenuously acknowledged that General Mack had no idea he was before the walls of Ulm. " Prince Liechtenstein proposed to capitulate on condition that the garrison of Ulm should be allowed to return into Austria. This proposal, in the situation in which the garrison stood, Rapp said, made the Emperor smile. "How can you expect, " said Napoleon, "that I can accede to such a proposition? What shall I gain by it? Eight days. In eight days you will be in my power without any condition. Do you suppose I am not acquainted with everything? . . You expect the Russians? . . . At the nearest they are in Bohemia. Were I to allow you to march out, what security can I have that you will not join them, and afterwards fight against me? Your generals have deceived me often enough, and I will no longer be duped. At Marengo I was weak enough to allow the troops of Melas to march out of Alessandria. He promised to treat for peace. What happened? Two months after Moreau had to fight with the garrison of Alessandria. Besides, this war is not an ordinary war. After the conduct of your Government I am not bound to keep any terms with it. I have no faith in its promises. You have attacked me. If I should agree to what you ask, Mack would pledge his word, I know. But, even relying on his good faith, would be he able to keep his promise? As far as regards himself--yes; but as regards his army--no. If the Archduke Ferdinand were still with you I could rely upon his word, because he would be responsible for the conditions, and he would not disgrace himself; but I know he has quitted Ulm and passed the Danube. I know how to reach him, however. "

 Rapp said it was impossible to imagine the embarrassment of Prince Liechtenstein whilst the Emperor was speaking. He, however, somewhat regained his self-possession, and observed that, unless the conditions which he proposed were granted the army would not capitulate. "If that be the case, " said Napoleon. "you may as well go back to Mack, for I will never grant such conditions. Are you jesting with me? Stay; here is the capitulation of Memingen--show it to your General--let him surrender on the same conditions--I will consent to no others. Your officers may return to Austria, but the soldiers must be prisoners. Tell him to be speedy, for I have no time to lose. The more he delays the worse he will render his own condition and yours. To-morrow I shall have here the corps to which Memingen capitulated, and then we shall see what is to be done. Make Mack clearly understand that he has no alternative but to conform to my will. "

 The imperious tones which Napoleon employed towards his enemies almost always succeeded, and it produced the accustomed effect upon Mack. On the same day that Prince Liechtenstein had been at our headquarters Mack wrote to the Emperor, stating that he would not have treated with any other on such terms; but that he yielded to the ascendency of Napoleon's fortune; and on the following day Berthier was sent into Ulm, from whence he returned with the capitulation signed. Thus Napoleon was not mistaken respecting the Caudine Forks of the Austrian army. The garrison of Ulm marched out with what are called the honours of war, and were led prisoners into France. --Bourrienne. ]--

Napoleon, who was so violently irritated by any obstacle which opposedhim, and who treated with so much hauteur everybody who ventured toresist his inflexible will, was no longer the same man when, as aconqueror, he received the vanquished generals at Ulm. He condoled withthem on their misfortune; and this, I can affirm, was not the result of afeeling of pride concealed beneath a feigned generosity. Although heprofited by their defeat he pitied them sincerely. How frequently has heobserved to me, "How much to be pitied is a general on the day after alost battle. " He had himself experienced this misfortune when he wasobliged to raise the siege of St. Jean d'Acre. At that moment he would, I believe, have strangled Djezzar; but if Djezzar had surrendered, hewould have treated him with the same attention which he showed to Mackand the other generals of the garrison of Ulm. These generals wereseventeen in number, and among them was Prince Liechtenstein. There werealso General Klenau (Baron de Giulay), who had acquired considerablemilitary reputation in the preceding wars, and General Fresnel, who stoodin a more critical situation than his companions in misfortune, for hewas a Frenchman, and an emigrant. 

Rapp told me that it was really painful to see these generals. Theybowed respectfully to the Emperor, having Mack at their head. Theypreserved a mournful silence, and Napoleon was the first to speak, whichhe did in the following terms: "Gentlemen, I feel sorry that such bravemen as you are should be the victims of the follies of a Cabinet whichcherishes insane projects, and which does not hesitate to commit thedignity of the Austrian nation by trafficking with the services of itsgenerals. Your names are known to me--they are honourably known whereveryou have fought. Examine the conduct of those who have committed you. What could be more iniquitous than to attack me without a declaration ofwar? Is it not criminal to bring foreign invasion upon a country? Is itnot betraying Europe to introduce Asiatic barbarities into her disputes?If good policy had been followed the Aulic Council, instead of attackingme, would have sought my alliance in order to drive back the Russians tothe north. The alliance which your Cabinet has formed will appearmonstrous in history. It is the alliance of dogs, shepherds, and wolvesagainst sheep--such a scheme could never have been planned in the mind ofa statesman. It is fortunate for you that I have not been defeated inthe unjust struggle to which I have been provoked; if I had, the Cabinetof Vienna would have soon perceived its error, for which, perhaps, itwill yet one day pay dearly. "

What a change fifteen days of success, crowned by the capture of Ulm, hadmade in affairs! At Hamburg I knew through my agents to what a degree offolly the hopes of Napoleon's enemies had risen before he began thecampaign. The security of the Cabinet of Vienna was really inexplicable;not only did they not dream of the series of victories which madeNapoleon master of all the Austrian monarchy, but the assistants of Drakeand all the intriguers of that sort treated France already as a conqueredcountry, and disposed of some of our provinces. In the excess of theirfolly, to only give one instance, they promised the town of Lyons to theKing of Sardinia, to recompense him for the temporary occupation ofPiedmont. 

 --[In the treaties and declarations (see Martens and Thiers, tome v. P. 355) there is rather a tendency to sell the skin of the bear before killing him. ]--

While Napoleon flattered his prisoners at the expense of their Governmenthe wished to express satisfaction at the conduct of his own army, andwith this view he published a remarkable proclamation, which in somemeasure presented an abstract of all that had taken place since theopening of the campaign. 

This proclamation was as follows:--

 SOLDIERS OF THE GRAND ARMY--In a fortnight we have finished an entire campaign. What we proposed to do has been done. We have driven the Austrian troops from Bavaria, and restored our ally to the sovereignty of his dominions. 

 That army, which, with equal presumption and imprudence, marched upon our frontiers, is annihilated. 

 But what does this signify to England? She has gained her object. We are no longer at Boulogne, and her subsidy will be neither more nor less. 

 Of a hundred thousand men who composed that army, sixty thousand are prisoners. They will replace our conscripts in the labours of agriculture. 

 Two hundred pieces of cannon, the whole park of artillery, ninety flags, and all their generals are in our power. Fifteen thousand men only have escaped. 

 Soldiers! I announced to you the result of a great battle; but, thanks to the ill-devised schemes of the enemy, I was enabled to secure the wished-for result without incurring any danger, and, what is unexampled in the history of nations, that result has been gained at the sacrifice of scarcely fifteen hundred men killed and wounded. 

 Soldiers! this success is due to your unlimited confidence in your Emperor, to your patience in enduring fatigues and privations of every kind, and to your singular courage and intrepidity. 

 But we will not stop here. You are impatient to commence another campaign!

 The Russian army, which English gold has brought from the extremities of the universe, shall experience the same fate as that which we have just defeated. 

 In the conflict in which we are about to engage the honour of the French infantry is especially concerned. We shall now see another decision of the question which has already been determined in Switzerland and Holland; namely, whether the French infantry is the first or the second in Europe. 

 Among the Russians there are no generals in contending against whom I can acquire any glory. All I wish is to obtain the victory with the least possible bloodshed. My soldiers are, my children. 

This proclamation always appeared to me a masterpiece of militaryeloquence. While he lavished praises on his troops, he excited theiremulation by hinting that the Russians were capable of disputing withthem the first rank among the infantry of Europe, and he concluded hisaddress by calling them his children. 

The second campaign, to which Napoleon alleged they so eagerly lookedforward, speedily ensued, and hostilities were carried on with a degreeof vigour which fired the enthusiasm of the army. Heaven knows whataccounts were circulated of the Russians, who, as Bonaparte solemnlystated in his proclamation, had come from the extremity of the world. They were represented as half-naked savages, pillaging, destroying andburning wherever they went. It was even asserted that they werecannibals, and had been seen to eat children. In short, at that periodwas introduced the denomination of northern barbarians which has sincebeen so generally applied to the Russians. Two days after thecapitulation of Ulm Murat obtained the capitulation of Trochtelfingenfrom General Yarneck, and made 10, 000 prisoners, so that, withoutcounting killed and wounded, the Austrian army had sustained a diminutionof 50, 000 men after a campaign of twenty days. On the 27th of Octoberthe French army crossed the Inn, and thus penetrated into the Austrianterritory. Salzburg and Brannan were immediately taken. The army ofItaly, under the command of Massena, was also obtaining great advantages. On the 30th of October, that is to say, the very day on which the GrandArmy took the above-mentioned fortresses, the army of Italy, havingcrossed the Adige, fought a sanguinary battle at Caldiero, and took 5000Austrian prisoners. 

In the extraordinary campaign, which has been distinguished by the nameof "the Campaign of Austerlitz, " the exploits of our troops succeededeach other with the rapidity of thought. I confess I was equallyastonished and delighted when I received a note from Duroc, sent by anextraordinary courier, and commencing laconically with the words, "We arein Vienna; the Emperor is well. "

Duroc's letter was dated the 13th November, and the words, "We are inVienna, " seemed to me the result of a dream. The capital of Austria, which from time immemorial had not been occupied by foreigners--the citywhich Sobieski had saved from Ottoman violence, had become the prey ofthe Imperial eagle of France, which, after a lapse of three centuries, avenged the humiliations formerly imposed upon Francis I. By the 'AquilaGrifagna' of Charles V. Duroc had left the Emperor before the camp ofBoulogne was raised; his mission to Berlin being terminated, he rejoinedthe Emperor at Lintz. 

 --[As soon as Bonaparte became Emperor he constituted himself the avenger of all the insults given to the sovereigns, whom he styled his predecessors. All that related to the honour of France was sacred to him. Thus he removed the column of Rosbach from the Prussian territory. --Bourrienne. ]--

Before I noticed the singular mission of M. Haugwitz to the EmperorNapoleon, and the result of that mission, which circumstances rendereddiametrically the reverse of its object, I will relate what came to myknowledge respecting some other negotiations on the part of Austria, theevident intent of which was to retard Napoleon's progress, and thereby todupe him. M. De Giulay, one of the generals included in the capitulationof Ulm, had returned home to acquaint his sovereign with the disastrousevent. He did not conceal, either from the Emperor Francis or theCabinet of Vienna, the destruction of the Austrian army, and theimpossibility of arresting the rapid advance of the French. M. De Giulaywas sent with a flag of truce to the headquarters of Napoleon, to assurehim of the pacific intentions of the Emperor of Austria, and to solicitan armistice. The snare was too clumsy not to be immediately discoveredby so crafty a man as Napoleon. 

 --[Metternich (tome ii. P. 346, compare French edition, tome ii. P. 287) says, "Let us hold always the sword in one hand and the olive branch in the other; always ready to negotiate, but only negotiating while advancing. " Here is Napoleons system. ]--

He had always pretended a love for peace, though he was overjoyed at theidea of continuing a war so successfully commenced, and he directedGeneral Giulay to assure the Emperor of Austria that he was not lessanxious for peace than he, and that he was ready to treat for it, butwithout suspending the course of his operations. Bonaparte, indeed, could not, without a degree of imprudence of which he was incapable, consent to an armistice; for M. De Giulay, though entrusted with powersfrom Austria, had received none from Russia. Russia, therefore, mightdisavow the armistice and arrive in time to defend Vienna, the occupationof which was so important to the French army. The Russians, indeed, wereadvancing to oppose us, and the corps of our army, commanded by Mortieron the left bank of the Danube, experienced in the first engagement acheck at Dirnstein, which not a little vexed the Emperor. This was thefirst reverse of fortune we had sustained throughout the campaign. Itwas trivial, to be sure, but the capture by the Russians of three Frencheagles, the first that had fallen into the hands of the enemy, was verymortifying to Napoleon, and caused him to prolong for some days his staffat St. Folten, where he then was. 

The rapid occupation of Vienna was due to the successful temerity ofLannes and Murat, two men alike distinguished for courage and daringspirit. A bold artifice of these generals prevented the destruction ofthe Thabor bridge at Vienna, without which our army would haveexperienced considerable difficulty in penetrating into the Austriancapital. This act of courage and presence of mind, which had so great aninfluence on the events of the campaign, was described to me by Lannes, who told the story with an air of gaiety, unaccompanied by anyself-complacency, and seemed rather pleased with the trick played uponthe Austrians than proud of the brilliant action which had beenperformed. Bold enterprises were so natural to Lannes that he wasfrequently the only person who saw nothing extraordinary in his ownexploits. Alas! what men were sacrificed to Napoleon's ambition!

The following is the story of the Bridge of Thabor as I heard it fromLannes:--

 --[I was one day walking with Murat, on the right bank of the Danube, and we observed on the left bank, which was occupied by the Austrians, some works going on, the evident object of which was to blow up the bridge on the approach of our troops. The fools had the impudence to make these preparations under our very noses; but we gave them a good lesson. Having arranged our plan, we returned to give orders, and I entrusted the command of my column of grenadiers to an officer on whose courage and intelligence I could rely. I then returned to the bridge, accompanied by Murat and two or three other officers. We advanced, unconcernedly, and entered into conversation with the commander of a post in the middle of the bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which was to be speedily concluded: While conversing with the Austrian officers we contrived to make them turn their eyes towards the left bank, and then, agreeably to the orders we had given, my column of grenadiers advanced on the bridge. The Austrian cannoneers, on the left bank, seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to fire, and my column advanced at a quick step. Murat and I, at the head of it, gained the left bank. All the combustibles prepared for blowing up the bridge were thrown into the river, and my men took possession of the batteries erected for the defence of the bridge head. The poor devils of Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when I told them they were my prisoners. ]--

Such, as well as I can recollect, was the account given by Lannes, wholaughed immoderately in describing the consternation of the Austrianofficers when they discovered the trick that had been played upon them. When Lannes performed this exploit he had little idea of the importantconsequences which would attend, it. He had not only secured to theremainder of the French army a sure and easy entrance to Vienna, but, without being aware of it, he created an insurmountable impediment to thejunction of the Russian army with the Austrian corps, commanded by PrinceCharles, who, being pressed by Massena, hastily advanced into the heartof the Hereditary States, where he fully expected a great battle wouldtake place. 

As soon as the corps of Murat and Lannes had taken possession of Viennathe Emperor ordered all the divisions of the army to march upon thatcapital. 

 --[The story to told in much the same way in Theirs (tome vi, p. 260), Rupp (p. 57), and Savory (tome ii. P. 162), but as Erreurs (tome i. P. 814) points out, Bourrienne makes an odd mistake in believing the Thabor Bridge gave the French access to Vienna. The capital is on the right bank, and was already in their power. The possession of the bridge enabled them to pass over to the left bank, and to advance towards Austerlitz before the Archduke Charles, coming from Italy, could make his junction with the allied army. See plan 48 of Thiers' Atlas, or 58 of Alison's. The immediate result of the success of this rather doubtful artifice would have been the destruction of the corps of Kutusoff; but Murat in his turn was deceived by Bagration into belief in an armistice. In fact, both sides at this time fell into curious errors. ]--

Napoleon established his headquarters at Schoenbrunn, where he plannedhis operations for compelling the corps of Prince Charles to retire toHungary, and also for advancing his own forces to meet the Russians. Murat and Lannes always commanded the advanced guard during the forcedmarches ordered by Napoleon, which were executed in a way trulymiraculous. 

To keep up the appearance of wishing to conclude peace as soon asreasonable propositions should be made to him, Napoleon sent for hisMinister for foreign Affairs, who speedily arrived at Vienna, and GeneralSavary was sent on a mission to the Emperor Alexander. The details ofthis mission I have learned only from the account of it given by the Ducde Rovigo in his apologetic Memoirs. In spite of the Duke's eagerness toinduce a belief in Napoleon's pacific disposition, the very facts onwhich he supports his argument lead to the contrary conclusion. Napoleonwished to dictate his conditions before the issue of a battle the successof which might appear doubtful to the young Emperor of Russia, and theseconditions were such as he might impose when victory should be declaredin favour of our eagles. It must be clear to every reflecting personthat by always proposing what he knew could not be honourably acceded to, he kept up the appearance of being a pacificator, while at the same timehe ensured to himself the pleasure of carrying on the war. 

CHAPTER III. 

1805. 

 My functions at Hamburg--The King of Sweden at Stralsund-- My bulletin describing the situation of the Russian armies--Duroc's recall from Berlin--General Dumouriez--Recruiting of the English in Hanover--The daughter of M. De Marbeof and Napoleon--Treachery of the King of Naples--The Sun of Austerlitz--Prince Dolgiorouki Rapp's account of the battle of Austerlitz--Gerard's picture-- Eugene's marriage. 

I must now relate how, in conformity with my instructions, I was employedin Hamburg in aiding the success of the French army. I had sent an agentto observe the Russian troops, which were advancing by forced marches tothe banks of the Elbe. This agent transmitted to me from Gadbusch anaccount of the routes taken by the different columns. It was thensupposed that they would march upon Holland by the way of Bremen andOldenburg. On the receipt of thus intelligence the Electorate of Hanoverwas evacuated by the French, and General Barbou, who had commanded thereconcentrated his forces in Hamelin. 

On the 2d of November 1805 the King of Sweden arrived at Stralsund. Iimmediately intimated to our Government that this circumstance wouldprobably give a new turn to the operations of the combined army, forhitherto the uncertainty of its movements and the successive counter-orders afforded no possibility of ascertaining any determined plan. Theintention seemed to be, that all the Swedo-Russian troops should crossthe Elbe at the same point; viz. , Lauenburg, six miles from Hamburg. 

There was not on the 5th of November a single Russian on the southernbank of the Elbe. 

The first column of the grand Russian army passed through Warsaw on the1st of November, and on the 2d the Grand-Duke Constantine was expectedwith the Guards. This column, which amounted to 6000 men, was the firstthat passed through Prussian Poland. 

At this time we momentarily expected to see the Hanoverian army landed onthe banks of the Weser or the Elbe, augmented by some thousands ofEnglish. Their design apparently was either to attack Holland, or toattempt some operation on the rear of our Grand Army. 

The French Government was very anxious to receive accurate accounts ofthe march of the Swedo-Russian troops through Hanover, and of the Russianarmy through Poland. My agents at Warsaw and Stralsund, who wereexceedingly active and intelligent, enabled me to send off a bulletindescribing the state of Hanover, the movements of the Russians andSwedes, together with information of the arrival of English troops in theElbe, and a statement of the force of the combined army in Hanover, whichconsisted of 15, 000 Russians, 8000 Swedes, and 12, 000 English; making inall 35, 000 men. 

It was probably on account of this bulletin that Napoleon expressed toDuroc his satisfaction with my services. The Emperor on recalling Durocfrom Berlin did not manifest the least apprehension respecting Prussia. Duroc wrote to me the following letter on the occasion of his recall:

 MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--The Emperor having thought my services necessary to the army has recalled me. I yesterday had a farewell audience of the King and Queen, who treated me very graciously. His Majesty presented me with his portrait set in diamonds. The Emperor Alexander will probably depart to morrow, and the Archduke Anthony vary speedily. We cannot but hope that their presence here will facilitate a good understanding. (Signed) DUROC. 

Whenever foreign armies were opposing France the hopes of the emigrantsrevived. They falsely imagined that the powers coalesced againstNapoleon were labouring in their cause; and many of them entered theRussian and Austrian armies. Of this number was General Dumouriez. I received information that he had landed at Stade on the 21st ofNovember; but whither he intended to proceed was not known. A man namedSt. Martin, whose wife lived with Dumouriez, and who had accompanied thegeneral from England to Stade, came to Hamburg, where he observed greatprecautions for concealment, and bought two carriages, which wereimmediately forwarded to Stade. St, Martin himself immediately proceededto the latter place. I was blamed for not having arrested this man; buthe had a commission attesting that he was in the English service, and, asI have before mentioned; a foreign commission was a safeguard; and theonly one which could not be violated in Hamburg. 

In December 1805 the English recruiting in Hanover was kept up withoutinterruption, and attended with extraordinary success. Sometimes ahundred men were raised in a day. The misery prevailing in Germany, which had been ravaged by the war, the hatred against the French, and thehigh bounty that was offered enabled the English to procure as many menas they wished. 

The King of Sweden, meditating on the stir he should make in Hanover, took with him a camp printing-press to publish the bulletins of the grandSwedish army. --The first of these bulletins announced to Europe that hisSwedish Majesty was about to leave Stralsund; and that his army wouldtake up its position partly between Nelsen and Haarburg, and partlybetween Domitz and the frontiers of Hamburg. 

Among the anecdotes of Napoleon connected with this campaign I find in mynotes the following, which was related to me by Rapp. Some days beforehis entrance into Vienna Napoleon, who was riding on horseback along theroad, dressed in his usual uniform of the chasseurs of the Guard, met anopen carriage, in which were seated a lady and a priest. The lady was intears, and Napoleon could not refrain from stopping to ask her what wasthe cause of her distress. "Sir, " she replied, for she did not know theEmperor, "I have been pillaged at my estate, two leagues from hence, by aparty of soldiers, who have murdered my gardener. I am going to seekyour Emperor, who knows my family, to whom he was once under greatobligations. "--"What is your name?" inquired Napoleon. --"De Bunny, "replied the lady. "I am the daughter of M de Marbeuf, formerly Governorof Corsica. "--"Madame, " exclaimed Napoleon, "I am the Emperor. I amdelighted to have the opportunity of serving you. "--"You cannotconceive, " continued Rapp, "the attention which the Emperor showed Madamede Bunny. He consoled her, pitied her, almost apologised for themisfortune she had sustained. 'Will you have the goodness, Madame, ' saidhe, 'to go and wait for me at my head-quarters? I will join youspeedily; every member of M. De Marbeuf's family has a claim on myrespect. ' The Emperor immediately gave her a picquet of chasseurs of hisguard to escort her. He saw her again during the day, when he loaded herwith attentions, and liberally indemnified her for the losses she hadsustained. "

For some time previous to the battle of Austerlitz the different corps ofthe army intersected every part of Germany and Italy, all tending towardsVienna as a central point. At the beginning of November the corpscommanded by Marshal Bernadotte arrived at Saltzburg at the moment whenthe Emperor had advanced his headquarters to Braunau, where there werenumerous magazines of artillery and a vast quantity of provisions ofevery kind. The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte in Hanoverwith the Grand Army was a point of such high importance that Bonapartehad directed the Marshal to come up with him as speedily as possible, andto take the shortest road. This order obliged Bernadotte to pass throughthe territory of the two Margravates. 

At that time we were at peace with Naples. In September the Emperor hadconcluded with Ferdinand IV. A treaty of neutrality. This treaty enabledCarra St. Cyr, who occupied Naples, to evacuate that city and to joinMassena in Upper Italy; both reached the Grand Army on the 28th ofNovember. But no sooner had the troops commanded by Carra St. Cyrquitted the Neapolitan territory than the King of Naples, influenced byhis Ministers, and above all by Queen Caroline, broke the treaty ofneutrality, ordered hostile preparations against France, opened his portsto the enemies of the Emperor, and received into his States 12, 000Russians and 8000 English. It was on the receipt of this news thatBonaparte, in one of his most violent bulletins, styled the Queen ofNaples a second Fredegonda. The victory of Austerlitz having givenpowerful support to his threats, the fall of Naples was decided, andshortly after his brother Joseph was seated on the Neapolitan throne. 

At length came the grand day when, to use Napoleon's expression, the Sunof Austerlitz rose. All our forces were concentrated on one point, atabout 40 leagues beyond Vienna. There remained nothing but the wreck ofthe Austrian army, the corps of Prince Charles being by scientificmanoeuvres kept at a distance from the line of operations; but theRussians alone were superior to us in numbers, and their army was almostentirely composed of fresh troops. The most extraordinary illusionprevailed in the enemy's camp. The north of Europe has its Gascons aswell as the south of France, and the junior portion of the Russian armyat this period assumed an absurd braggadocio tone. On the very eve ofthe battle the Emperor Alexander sent one of his aides de camp, PrinceDolgorouki, as a flag of truce to Napoleon. The Prince could not represshis self-sufficiency even in the presence of the Emperor, and Rappinformed me that on dismissing him the Emperor said, "If you were on 'theheights of Montmartre, ' I would answer such impertinence only bycannon-balls. " This observation was very remarkable, inasmuch assubsequent events rendered it a prophecy. 

As to the battle itself, I can describe it almost as well as if I hadwitnessed it, for some time after I had the pleasure of seeing my friendRapp, who was sent an a mission to Prussia. He gave me the followingaccount:

 "When we arrived at Austerlitz the Russians were not aware of the scientific plans which the Emperor had laid for drawing them upon the ground he had marked out; and seeing our advanced guards fall back before theirs they already considered themselves conquerors. They supposed that their Guard alone would secure an easy triumph. But the action commenced, and they experienced an energetic resistance on all points. At one o'clock the victory was yet uncertain, for they fought admirably. They wished to make a last effort by directing close masses against our centre. Their Imperial Guard deployed; their artillery, cavalry, and infantry marched upon a bridge which they attacked, and this movement, which was concealed by the rising and falling of the ground, was not observed by Napoleon. I was at that moment near the Emperor, awaiting his orders. We heard a well-maintained firing of musketry. The Russians were repulsing one of our brigades. The Emperor ordered me to take some of the Mamelukes, two squadrons of chasseurs, and one of grenadiers of the Guard, and to go and reconnoitre the state of things. I set off at full gallop, and soon discovered the disaster. The Russian cavalry had penetrated our squares, and was sabring our men. I perceived in the distance some masses of cavalry and infantry; which formed the reserve of the Russians. At that moment the enemy advanced to meet us, bringing with him four pieces of artillery, and ranged himself in order of battle. I had the brave Morland on my left, and General D'Allemagne on my right. 'Forward, my lads!' exclaimed I to my troop. 'See how your brothers and friends are being cut to pieces. Avenge them! avenge our flag! Forward!' These few words roused my men. We advanced as swiftly as our horses could carry us upon the artillery, which was taken. The enemy's cavalry, which awaited us firmly, was repulsed by the same shock, and fled in disorder, galloping as we did over the wrecks of our squares. The Russians rallied but a squadron of horse grenadiers came up to reinforce me, and thus enabled me to hold ground against the reserves of the Russian Guard. We charged again, and this charge was terrible. The brave Morland was killed by my side. It was downright butchery. We were opposed man to man, and were so mingled together that the infantry of neither one nor the other side could venture to fire for fear of killing its own men. At length the intrepidity of our troops overcame every obstacle, and the Russians fled in disorder, in sight of the two Emperors of Russia and Austria, who had stationed themselves on a height in order to witness the battle. They saw a desperate one, " said Rapp, "and I trust they were satisfied. For my part, my dear friend, I never spent so glorious a day. What a reception the Emperor gave me when I returned to inform him that we had won the battle! My sword was broken, and a wound which I received on my head was bleeding copiously, so that I was covered with blood! He made me a General of Division. The Russians did not return to the charge; we had taken all their cannon and baggage, and Prince Repnin was among the prisoners. "

Thus it was that Rapp related to me this famous battle of which he wasthe hero, as Kellerman had been the hero of Marengo. What now remains ofAusterlitz? The recollection, the glory, and the magnificent picture ofGerard, the idea of which was suggested to the Emperor by the sight ofRapp with the blood streaming from his wound. 

I cannot forbear relating here a few particulars which I learned fromRapp respecting his mission after the cure of his wound; and the marriageof Prince Eugene to the Princess Augusta of Bavaria. The friendshipwhich Rapp cherished for me was of the most sincere kind. During mydisgrace he did not even conceal it from Napoleon; and whoever knowsanything of the Emperor's Court will acknowledge that that was a greatermark of courage than the carrying of a redoubt or making the mostbrilliant charge of cavalry. Rapp possessed courage of every kind, anexcellent heart, and a downright frankness, which for a time brought himinto disgrace with Napoleon. The only thing for which Rapp could bereproached was his extreme prejudice against the nobility, which I amconvinced was the sole reason why he was not created a Duke. The Emperormade him a Count because he wished that all his aides de camp should havetitles. 

 "He had been a fortnight at Schoenbrunn, " said Rapp to me, "and I had not yet resumed my duties, when the Emperor sent for me. He asked me whether I was able to travel, and on my replying in the affirmative, he said, 'Go then, and give an account of the battle of Austerlitz to Marmont, and vex him for not having been at it. ' I set off, and in conformity with the instructions I had received from the Emperor I proceeded to Gratz, where I found Marmont, who was indeed deeply mortified at not having had a share in the great battle. I told him, as the Emperor had directed me, that the negotiations were commenced, but that nothing was yet concluded, and that therefore, at all events, he must hold himself in readiness. I ascertained the situation of his army in Styria, and the amount of the enemy's force before him: The Emperor wished him to send a number of spies into Hungary, and to transmit to him a detailed report from their communications. I next proceeded to Laybach, where I found Massena at the head of the eighth corps, and I informed him that the Emperor wished him to march in all haste upon Vienna, in case he should hear of the rupture of the negotiations. I continued the itinerary marked out for me until I reached Venice, and thence till I met the troops of Carra St. Cyr, who had received orders to march back upon Naples as soon as the Emperor heard of the treachery of the King of Naples and the landing of the English and Russians. Having fulfilled these different missions I proceeded to Klagenfurth, where I saw Marshal Ney, and I afterwards rejoined the Emperor at Munich. There I had the pleasure of finding our friends assembled, and among them Josephine, still as affable and amiable as ever. How delighted I was when, an my arrival, I learned that the Emperor had adopted Eugene. I was present at his marriage with the Princess Augusta of Bavaria. As to me, you know I am not very fond of fetes, and the Emperor might have dispensed with my performing the duties of Chamberlain; Eugene had no idea of what was going on when the Emperor sent to desire his presence at Munich with all possible speed. He, too, remains unchanged; he is still our old comrade. At first he was not much pleased with the idea of a political marriage; but when he saw his bride he was quite enchanted; and no wonder, for I assure you she is a very charming woman. "

CHAPTER IV. 

1805. 

 Depreciation of the Bank paper--Ouvrard--His great discretion-- Bonaparte's opinion of the rich--Ouvrard's imprisonment--His partnership with the King of Spain--His connection with Waalenberghe and Desprez--Bonaparte's return to Paris after the campaign of Vienna--Hasty dismissal of M. Barbe Marbois. 

At the moment when the Emperor had reason to hope that the news of hisextraordinary success would animate public spirit he was informed thatconsiderable disquietude prevailed, and that the Bank of France wasassailed by demands for the payment of its paper, which had fallen, morethan 5 per cent. I was not ignorant of the cause of this decline. I hadbeen made acquainted, through the commercial correspondence betweenHamburg and Paris, with a great financial operation, planned by M. Ouvrard, in consequence of which he was to obtain piastres from SpanishAmerica at a price much below the real value; and I had learned that hewas obliged to support this enterprise by the funds which he and hispartners previously employed in victualling the forces. A freshinvestment of capital was therefore necessary for this service, which, when on a large scale, requires extensive advances, and the tardy paymentof the Treasury at that period was well known. 

I was well acquainted with M. Ouvrard, and in what I am about to say I donot think there will be found anything offensive or disagreeable to him. I observed the greater number of the facts to which I shall refer intheir origin, and the rest I learned from M. Ouvrard himself, who, whenhe visited Hamburg in 1808, communicated to me a variety of detailsrespecting his immense transaction with the King of Spain. Among otherthings I recollect he told me that hefore the 18th Brumaire he waspossessed of 60, 000, 000, without owing a franc to any person. 

This celebrated financier has been the object of great public attention. The prodigious variations of fortune which he has experienced, theactivity of his life, the immense commercial operations in which he hasbeen engaged; the extent and the boldness of his enterprises, render itnecessary, in forming a judgment of M. Ouvrard, to examine his conductwith due care and deliberation. The son of a stationer, who was ablemerely through his own resources to play so remarkable a part, could beno ordinary man. It may be said of M. Ouvrard what Beaumarchais said ofhimself, that his life was really a combat. I have known him long, and Isaw much of him in his relations with Josephine. He always appeared tome to possess great knowledge of the world, accompanied by honourableprinciples, and a high degree of generosity, which added greatly to thevalue of his prudence and discretion. No human power, no consideration, not even the ingratitude of those whom he had obliged, could induce himto disclose any sacrifice which he had made at the time when, under theDirectory, the public revenue may be said to have been always at thedisposal of the highest bidder, and when no business could be brought toa conclusion except by him who set about it with his hands full of money. To this security, with which M. Ouvrard impressed all official personswho rendered him services, I attribute the facility with which heobtained the direction of the numerous enterprises in which he engaged, and which produced so many changes in his fortune. The discretion of M. Ouvrard was not quite agreeable to the First Consul, who found itimpossible to extract from him the information he wanted. He tried everymethod to obtain from him the names of persons to whom he had given thosekind of subsidies which in vulgar language are called sops in the pan, and by ladies pin money. Often have I seen Bonaparte resort to everypossible contrivance to gain his object. He would sometimes endeavour toalarm M. Ouvrard by menaces, and at other times to flatter him bypromises, but he was in no instance successful. 

While we were at the Luxembourg, on, as I recollect, the 25th of January1800, Bonaparte said to me during breakfast, "Bourrienne, my resolutionis taken. I shall have Ouvrard arrested. "--"General, have you proofsagainst him?"--"Proofs, indeed! He is a money-dealer, a monopoliser; wemust make him disgorge. All the contractors, the provision agents, arerogues. How have they made their fortunes? At the expense of thecountry, to be sure. I will not suffer such doings. They possessmillions, they roll in an insolent luxury, while my soldiers have neitherbread nor shoes! I will have no more of that! I intend to speak on thebusiness to-day in the Council, and we shall see what can be done. "

I waited with impatience for his return from the Council to know what hadpassed. "Well, General?" said I "The order is given. " On hearing thisI became anxious about the fate of M. Ouvrard, who was thus to be treatedmore like a subject of the Grand Turk than a citizen of the Republic; butI soon learned that the order had not been executed because he could notbe found. 

Next day I learned that a person, whom I shall not name, who was presentat the Council, and who probably was under obligations to Ouvrard, wrotehim a note in pencil to inform him of the vote for his arrest carried bythe First Consul. This individual stepped out for a moment anddespatched his servant with the note to Ouvrard. Having thus escaped thewrit of arrest, Ouvrard, after a few days had passed over, reappeared, and surrendered himself prisoner. Bonaparte was at first furious onlearning that he had got out of the way; but on hearing that Ouvrard hadsurrendered himself he said to me, "The fool! he does not know what isawaiting him! He wishes to make the public believe that he has nothingto fear; that his hands are clean. But he is playing a bad game; he willgain nothing in that way with me. All talking is nonsense. You may besure, Bourrienne, that when a man has so much money he cannot have got ithonestly, and then all those fellows are dangerous with their fortunes. In times of revolution no man ought to have more than 3, 000, 000 francs, and that is a great deal too much. "

Before going to prison Ouvrard took care to secure against all thesearches of the police any of his papers which might have committedpersons with whom he had dealings; and I believe that there wereindividuals connected with the police itself who had good reason for notregretting the opportunity which M. Ouvrard had taken for exercising thisprecaution. Seals, however, were put upon his papers; but on examiningthem none of the information Bonaparte so much desired to obtain wasfound. Nevertheless on one point his curiosity was satisfied, for onlooking over the documents he found from some of them that MadameBonaparte had been borrowing money from Ouvrard. 

As Ouvrard had a great number of friends they bestirred themselves to getsome person of influence to speak to the First Consul in his favour. But this was a commission no one was willing to undertake; because, prejudiced as Bonaparte was, the least hint of the kind would haveappeared to him to be dictated by private interest. Berthier was veryearnestly urged to interfere, but he replied, "That is impossible. Hewould say that it was underhand work to get money for Madame Visconti. "

I do not recollect to what circumstance Ouvrard was indebted for hisliberty, but it is certain that his captivity did not last long. Sometime after he had left his prison Bonaparte asked him for 12, 000, 000, which M. Ouvrard refused. 

On his accession to the Consulate Bonaparte found M. Ouvrard contractorfor supplying the Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Massaredo. This business introduced him to a correspondence with the famous Godoy, Prince of the Peace. The contract lasted three years, and M. Ouvrardgained by it a net profit of 15, 000, 000. The money was payable inpiastres, at the rate of 3 francs and some centimes each, though thepiastre was really worth 5 francs 40 centimes. But to recover it at thisvalue it was necessary for M. Ouvrard to go and get the money in Mexico. This he was much inclined to do, but he apprehended some obstacle on thepart of the First Consul, and, notwithstanding his habitual shrewdness, he became the victim of his over-precaution. On his application M. DeTalleyrand undertook to ask the First Consul for authority to give him apassport. I was in the cabinet at the time, and I think I still hear thedry and decided "No, " which was all the answer M. De Talleyrandobtained. When we were alone the First Consul said to me, "Do you notsee, Bourrienne, this Ouvrard must have made a good thing of his businesswith the Prince of the Peace? But the fool! Why did he get Talleyrandto ask me for a passport? That is the very thing that raised mysuspicion. Why did he not apply for a passport as every one else does?Have I the giving of them? He is an ass; so much the worse for him. "

I was sorry for Ouvrard's disappointment, and I own none the less sobecause he had intimated his willingness to give me a share in thebusiness he was to transact its Spain; and which was likely to be veryprofitable. His brother went to Mexico in his stead. 

In 1802 a dreadful scarcity afflicted France. M. Ouvrard took uponhimself, in concert with Wanlerberghe, the task of importing foreigngrain to prevent the troubles which might otherwise have been expected. In payment of the grain the foreign houses who sent it drew upon Ouvrardand Wanlerberghe for 26, 000, 000 francs in Treasury bills, which, according to the agreement with the Government, were to be paid. Butwhen the bills of the foreign houses became due there was no money in theTreasury, and payment was refused. After six months had elapsed paymentwas offered, but on condition that the Government should retain half theprofit of the commission! This Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe refused, uponwhich the Treasury thought it most economical to pay nothing, and thedebt remained unsettled. Notwithstanding this transaction Ouvrard andWanlerberghe engaged to victual the navy, which they supplied for sixyears and three months. After the completion of these different servicesthe debt due to them amounted to 68, 000, 000. 

In consequence of the long delay of, payment by the Treasury thedisbursements for supplies of grain amounted at least to more than40, 000, 000; and the difficulties which arose had a serious effect on thecredit of the principal dealers with those persons who supplied them. The discredit spread and gradually reached the Treasury, theembarrassments of which augmented with the general alarm. Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Seguin were the persons whose capital and creditrendered them most capable of relieving the Treasury, and they agreed toadvance for that purpose 102, 000, 000, in return for which they wereallowed bonds of the Receivers-General to the amount of 150, 000, 000. M. Desprez undertook to be the medium through which the 102, 000, 000 were tobe paid into the Treasury, and the three partners transferred the bandsto him. 

Spain had concluded a treaty with France, by which she was bound to pay asubsidy of 72, 000, 000 francs, and 32, 000, 000 had become due without anypayment being made: It was thought advisable that Ouvrard should be sentto Madrid to obtain a settlement, but he was afraid that his business inParis would suffer during his absence, and especially the transaction inwhich he was engaged with Desprez. The Treasury satisfied him on thispoint by agreeing to sanction the bargain with Desprez, and Ouvrardproceeded to Madrid. It was on this occasion he entered into the immensespeculation for trading with Spanish America. 

Spain wished to pay the 32, 000, 000 which were due to France as soon aspossible, but her coffers were empty, and goodwill does not ensureability; besides, in addition to the distress of the Government, therewas a dreadful famine in Spain. In this state of things Ouvrard proposedto the Spanish Government to pay the debt due to France, to import asupply of corn, and to advance funds for the relief of the SpanishTreasury. For this he required two conditions. (1. ) The exclusive rightof trading with America. (2. ) The right of bringing from America on hisown account all the specie belonging to the Crown, with the power ofmaking loans guaranteed and payable by the Spanish Treasuries. 

About the end of July 1805 the embarrassment which sometime before hadbegun to be felt in the finances of Europe was alarmingly augmented. Under these circumstances it was obviously the interest of Ouvrard toprocure payment as soon as possible of the 32, 000, 000 which he hadadvanced for Spain to the French Treasury. He therefore redoubled hisefforts to bring his negotiation to a favourable issue, and at lastsucceeded in getting a deed of partnership between himself and CharlesIV. Which contained the following stipulation:--"Ouvrard and Company areauthorised to introduce into the ports of the New World every kind ofmerchandise and production necessary for the consumption of thosecountries, and to export from the Spanish Colonies, during thecontinuance of the war with England; all the productions and all speciederivable from them. " This treaty was only to be in force during the warwith England, and it was stipulated that the profits arising from thetransactions of the Company should be equally divided between Charles IV. And the rest of the Company; that is to say, one-half to the King and theother half to his partners. 

The consequences of this extraordinary partnership between a King and aprivate individual remain to be stated. On the signing of the deedOuvrard received drafts from the Treasury of Madrid to the extent of52, 500, 000 piastres; making 262, 500, 000 francs; but the piastres were tobe brought from America, while the terms of the treaty required that theurgent wants of the Spanish Government should be immediately supplied, and, above all, the progress of the famine checked. To accomplish thisobject fresh advances to an enormous amount were necessary, for M. Ouvrard had to begin by furnishing 2, 000, 000 of quintals of grain at therate of 26 francs the quintal. Besides all this, before he could realisea profit and be reimbursed for the advances he had made to the Treasuryof Paris, he had to get the piastres conveyed from America to Europe. After some difficulty the English Government consented to facilitate theexecution of the transaction by furnishing four frigates for theconveyance of the piastres. 

Ouvrard had scarcely completed the outline of his extraordinaryenterprise when the Emperor suddenly broke up his camp at Boulogne tomarch to Germany. It will readily be conceived that Ouvrard's intereststhen imperatively required his presence at Madrid; but he was recalled toParis by the Minister of the Treasury, who wished to adjust his accounts. The Emperor wanted money for the war on which he was entering, and toprocure it for the Treasury Ouvrard was sent to Amsterdam to negotiatewith the House of Hope. He succeeded, and Mr. David Parish became theCompany's agent. 

Having concluded this business Ouvrard returned in all haste to Madrid;but in the midst of the most flattering hopes and most giganticenterprises he suddenly found himself threatened with a dreadful crisis. M. Desprez, as has been stated, had, with the concurrence of theTreasury, been allowed to take upon himself all the risk of executing thetreaty, by which 150, 000, 000 were to be advanced for the year 1804, and400, 000, 000 for the year 1805. Under the circumstances which had arisenthe Minister of the Treasury considered himself entitled to call uponOuvrard to place at his disposal 10, 000, 000 of the piastres which he hadreceived from Spain. The Minister at the same time informed him that hehad made arrangements on the faith of this advance, which he thoughtcould not be refused at so urgent a moment. 

The embarrassment of the Treasury, and the well-known integrity of theMinister, M. De Barbe Marbois, induced Ouvrard to remit the 10, 000, 000piastres. But a few days after he had forwarded the money a Commissionerof the Treasury arrived at Madrid with a ministerial despatch, in whichOuvrard was requested to deliver to the Commissioner all the assets hecould command, and to return immediately to Paris. 

The Treasury was then in the greatest difficulty, and a general alarmprevailed. This serious financial distress was occasioned by thefollowing circumstances. The Treasury had, by a circular, notified tothe Receivers-General that Desprez was the holder of their bonds. Theywere also authorised to transmit to him all their disposable funds, to beplaced to their credit in an account current. Perhaps the giving of thisauthority was a great error; but, be that as it may, Desprez, encouragedby the complaisance of the Treasury, desired the Receivers-General totransmit to him all the sums they could procure for payment of interestunder 8 per cent. , promising to allow them a higher rate of interest. Asthe credit of the house of Desprez stood high, it may be easily conceivedthat on such conditions the Receivers-General, who were besides securedby the authority of the Treasury, would enter eagerly into the proposedplan. In short, the Receivers-General soon transmitted very considerablesums. Chests of money arrived daily from every point of France. Intoxicated by this success, Desprez engaged in speculations which in hissituation were extremely imprudent. He lent more than 50, 000, 000 to themerchants of Paris, which left him no command of specie. Being obligedto raise money, he deposited with the Bank the bonds of theReceivers-General which had been consigned to him, but which were alreadydischarged by the sums transmitted to their credit in the accountcurrent. The Bank, wishing to be reimbursed for the money advanced toDesprez, applied to the Receivers-General whose bonds were held ansecurity. This proceeding had become necessary on the part of the Bank, as Desprez, instead of making his payments in specie, sent in hisacceptances. The Directors of the Bank, who conducted that establishmentwith great integrity and discretion, began to be alarmed, and requiredDesprez to explain the state of his affairs. The suspicions of theDirectors became daily stronger, and were soon shared by the public. Atlast the Bank was obliged to stop payment, and its notes were soon at adiscount of 12 per cent. 

The Minister of the Treasury, dismayed, as well may be supposed, at sucha state of things during the Emperor's absence, convoked a Council, atwhich Joseph Bonaparte presided, and to which Desprez and Wanlerberghewere summoned. Ouvrard being informed of this financial convulsion madeall possible haste from Madrid, and on his arrival at Paris soughtassistance from Amsterdam. Hope's house offered to take 15, 000, 000piastres at the rate of 3 francs 75 centimes each. Ouvrard havingengaged to pay the Spanish Government only 3 francs, would very willinglyhave parted with them at that rate, but his hasty departure from Madrid, and the financial events at Paris, affected his relations with theSpanish Treasury, and rendered it impossible for him to afford anysupport to the Treasury of France; thus the alarm continued, until thenews of the battle of Austerlitz and the consequent hope of peacetranquillised the public mind. The bankruptcy of Desprez was dreadful;it was followed by the failure of many houses, the credit of which waspreviously undoubted. 

To temper the exultation which victory was calculated to excite, the newsof the desperate situation of the Treasury and the Bank reached theEmperor on the day after the battle of Austerlitz. The alarming accountswhich he received hastened his return to France; and on the very eveningon which he arrived in Paris he pronounced, while ascending the stairs ofthe Tuileries, the dismissal of M. De Barbs Marbois. This Minister hadmade numerous enemies by the strict discharge of his duty, and yet, notwithstanding his rigid probity, he sunk under the accusation of havingendangered the safety of the State by weakness of character. At thisperiod even Madame de Stael said, in a party where the firmness of M. Barbs Marbois was the topic of conversation--"What, he inflexible? He isonly a reed bronzed!" But whatever may be the opinion entertained of thecharacter of this Minister, it is certain that Napoleon's rage againsthim was unbounded. Such was the financial catastrophe which occurredduring the campaign of Vienna; but all was not over with Ouvrard, and inso great a confusion of affairs it was not to be expected that theImperial hand, which was not always the hand of justice, should not makeitself somewhere felt. 

In the course of the month of February 1806 the Emperor issued twodecrees, in which he declared Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Michel, contractors for the service of 1804, and Desprez their agent, debtors tothe amount of 87, 000, 000, which they had misapplied in privatespeculations, and in transactions with Spain "for their personalinterests. " Who would not suppose from this phrase that Napoleon hadtaken no part whatever in the great financial operation between Spain andSouth America? He was, however, intimately acquainted with it, and washimself really and personally interested. But whenever any enterprisewas unsuccessful he always wished to deny all connection with it. Possessed of title-deeds made up by himself--that is to say, his owndecrees--the Emperor seized all the piastres and other property belongingto the Company, and derived from the transaction great pecuniaryadvantage, --though such advantage never could be regarded by a sovereignas any compensation for the dreadful state into which the public credithad been brought. 

CHAPTER V

1805-1806. 

 Declaration of Louis XVIII. --Dumouriez watched--News of a spy-- Remarkable trait of courage and presence of mind--Necessity of vigilance at Hamburg--The King of Sweden--His bulletins--Doctor Gall --Prussia covets Hamburg--Projects on Holland--Negotiations for peace--Mr. Fox at the head of the British Cabinet--Intended assassination of Napoleon--Propositions made through Lord Yarmouth --Proposed protection of the Hanse towns--Their state-- Aggrandisement of the Imperial family--Neither peace nor war-- Sebastiani's mission to Constantinople--Lord Lauderdale at Paris, and failure of the negotiations--Austria despoiled--Emigrant pensions--Dumouriez's intrigues--Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin-- Loizeau. 

I have been somewhat diffuse respecting the vast enterprises of M. Ouvrard, and on the disastrous state of the finances during the campaignof Vienna. Now, if I may so express myself, I shall return to theMinister Plenipotentiary's cabinet, where several curious transactionsoccurred. The facts will not always be given in a connected series, because there was no more relation between the reports which I receivedon a great variety of subjects than there is in the pleading of thebarristers who succeed each other in a court of justice. 

On the 2d of January 1806 I learned that many houses in Hamburg hadreceived by post packets, each containing four copies of a declaration ofLouis XVIII. Dumouriez had his carriage filled with copies of thisdeclaration when he passed through Brunswick; and in that small townalone more than 3000 were distributed. The size of this declarationrendered its transmission by post very easy, even in France. 

All my letters from the Minister recommended that I should keep a strictwatch over the motions of Dumouriez; but his name was now as seldommentioned as if he had ceased to exist. The part he acted seemed to belimited to disseminating pamphlets more or less insignificant. 

It is difficult to conceive the great courage and presence of mindsometimes found in men so degraded as are the wretches who fill theoffice of spies. I had an agent amongst the Swedo-Russians, namedChefneux, whom I had always found extremely clever and correct. Havingfor a long time received no intelligence from him I became veryanxious, --an anxiety which was not without foundation. He had, in fact, been arrested at Lauenburg, and conducted, bound, tied hand and foot, bysome Cossacks to Luneburg. There was found on him a bulletin which hewas about to transmit to me, and he only escaped certain death by havingin his possession a letter of recommendation from a Hamburg merchantwell known to M. Alopaeus, the Russian Minister in that city. Thisprecaution, which I had taken before he set out, saved his life. M. Alopaeus replied to the merchant that, in consequence of hisrecommendation the spy should be sent back safe and sound, but thatanother time neither the recommended nor the recommender should escapeso easily. Notwithstanding this, Chefneux would certainly have paid withhis head for the dangerous business in which he was embarked but for theinconceivable coolness he displayed under the most trying circumstances. Though the bulletin which was found upon him was addressed to M. Schramm, merchant, they strongly suspected that it was intended for me. They demanded of the prisoner whether he knew me; to which he boldlyreplied that he had never seen me. They endeavoured, by every possiblemeans, to extort a confession from him, but without success. Hisrepeated denials, joined to the name of M. Schramm, created doubts inthe minds of his interrogators; they hesitated lest they should condemnan innocent man. They, however, resolved to make a last effort todiscover the truth, and Chefneux, condemned to be shot, was conducted tothe plain of Luneburg. His eyes were bandaged, and he heard the commandof preparation given to the platoon, which was to fire upon him; at thatmoment a man approaching him whispered in his ear, in a tone offriendship and compassion, "They are going to fire; but I am yourfriend; only acknowledge that you know M. De Bourrienne and you aresafe. "--"No, " replied Chefneux in a firm tone; "if I said so I shouldtell a falsehood. " Immediately the bandage was removed from his eyes, and he was set at liberty. It would be difficult to cite a moreextraordinary instance of presence of mind. 

Much as I execrate the system of espionage I am nevertheless compelled toadmit that the Emperor was under the necessity of maintaining the mostunremitting vigilance amidst the intrigues which were going forward inthe neighbourhood of Hamburg, especially when the English, Swedes, andRussians were in arms, and there were the strongest grounds forsuspecting the sincerity of Prussia. 

On the 5th of January 1806 the King of Sweden arrived before the gates ofHamburg. The Senate of that city, surrounded on all sides by English, Swedish, and Russian troops, determined to send a deputation tocongratulate the Swedish monarch, who, however, hesitated so long aboutreceiving this homage that fears were entertained lest his refusal shouldbe followed by some act of aggression. At length, however, the deputieswere admitted, and they returned sufficiently well satisfied with theirreception. 

The King of Sweden then officially declared, "That all the arrangementsentered into with relation to Hanover had no reference to hint, as theSwedish army was under the immediate command of its august sovereign. "

The King, with his 6000 men, seemed inclined to play the part of therestorer of Germany, and to make himself the Don Quixote of the treaty ofWestphalia. He threatened the Senate of Hamburg with the whole weight ofhis anger, because on my application the colours which used to besuspended over the door of the house for receiving Austrian recruits hadbeen removed. The poor Senate of Hamburg was kept in constant alarm byso dangerous a neighbour. 

The King of Sweden had his headquarters at Boetzenburg, on the northernbank of the Elbe. In order to amuse himself he sent for Dr. Gall, whowas at Hamburg, where he delivered lectures on his system of phrenology, which was rejected in the beginning by false science and prejudice, andafterwards adopted in consequence of arguments, in my opinion, unanswerable. I had the pleasure of living some time with Dr. Gall, andI owe to the intimacy which subsisted between us the honour he conferredon me by the dedication of one of his works. I said to him, when hedeparted for the headquarters of the King of Sweden, "My dear doctor, youwill certainly discover the bump of vanity. " The truth is, that had thedoctor at that period been permitted to examine the heads of thesovereigns of Europe they would have afforded very curious craniologicalstudies. 

It was not the King of Sweden alone who gave uneasiness to Hamburg; theKing of Prussia threatened to seize upon that city, and his Ministerpublicly declared that it would very soon belong to his master. TheHamburgers were deeply afflicted at this threat; in fact, next to theloss of their independence, their greatest misfortune would have been tofall under the dominion of Prussia, as the niggardly fiscal system of thePrussian Government at that time would have proved extremely detrimentalto a commercial city. Hanover, being evacuated by the French troops, hadbecome a kind of recruiting mart for the British army, where every manwho presented himself was enrolled, to complete the Hanoverian legionwhich was then about to be embodied. The English scattered gold byhandfuls. One hundred and fifty carriages, each with six horses, wereemployed in this service, which confirmed me in the belief I hadpreviously entertained, that the English were to join with the Russiansin an expedition against Holland. The aim of the Anglo-Russians was tomake a diversion which might disconcert the movements of the Frencharmies in Germany, the allies being at that time unacquainted with thepeace concluded at Presburg. Not a moment was therefore to be lost inuniting the whole of our disposable force for the defence of Holland; butit is not of this expedition that I mean to speak at present. I onlymention it to afford some idea of our situation at Hamburg, surrounded, as we then were, by Swedish, English, and Russian troops. At this periodthe Russian Minister at Hamburg, M. Forshmann, became completely insane;his conduct had been more injurious than advantageous to his Government. He was replaced by M. Alopcous, the Russian Minister at Berlin; and theycould not have exchanged a fool for a more judicious and ablediplomatist. 

I often received from the Minister of Marine letters said packets totransmit to the Isle of France, (Mauritius) of which the Emperor wasextremely anxious to retain possession; and I had much trouble in findingany vessels prepared for that colony by which I could forward theMinister's communications. The death of Pitt and the appointment ofFox as his successor had created a hope of peace. It was universallyknown that Mr. Fox, in succeeding to his office, did not inherit thefurious hatred of the deceased Minister against France and her Emperor. There moreover existed between Napoleon and Mr. Fox a reciprocal esteem, and the latter had shown himself really disposed to treat. Thepossibility of concluding a peace had always been maintained by thatstatesman when he was in opposition to Mr. Pitt; and Bonaparte himselfmight have been induced, from the high esteem he felt for Mr. Fox, tomake concessions from which he would before have recoiled. But therewere two obstacles, I may say almost insurmountable ones. The first wasthe conviction on the part of England that any peace which might be madewould only be a truce, and that Bonaparte would never seriouslyrelinquish his desire of universal dominion. On the other side, it wasbelieved that Napoleon had formed the design of invading England. Had hebeen able to do so it would have been less with the view of striking ablow at her commerce and destroying her maritime power, than ofannihilating the liberty of the press, which he had extinguished in hisown dominions. The spectacle of a free people, separated only by sixleagues of sea, was, according to him, a seductive example to the French, especially to those among them who bent unwillingly under his yoke. 

At an early period of Mr. Fox's ministry a Frenchman made the propositionto him of assassinating the Emperor, of which information was immediatelytransmitted to M. De Talleyrand. In this despatch the Minister saidthat, though the laws of England did not authorise the permanentdetention of any individual not convicted of a crime, he had on thisoccasion taken it on himself to secure the miscreant till such time asthe French Government could be put on its guard against his attempts. Mr. Fox said in his letter that he had at first done this individual "thehonour to take him for a spy, " a phrase which sufficiently indicated thedisgust with which the British Minister viewed him. 

This information was the key which opened the door to new negotiations. M. De Talleyrand was ordered to express, in reply to the communication ofMr. Fox, that the Emperor was sensibly affected at the index it affordedof the principles by which the British Cabinet was actuated. Napoleondid not limit himself to this diplomatic courtesy; he deemed it afavourable occasion to create a belief that he was actuated by a sincerelove of peace. He summoned to Paris Lord Yarmouth, one of the mostdistinguished amongst the English who had been so unjustly detainedprisoners at Verdun on the rupture of the peace of Amiens. He gave hislordship instructions to propose to the British Government a new form ofnegotiations, offering to guarantee to England the Cape of Good Hope andMalta. Some have been inclined from this concession to praise themoderation of Bonaparte; others to blame him for offering to resign thesetwo places, as if the Cape and Malta could be put in competition with thetitle of Emperor, the foundation of the Kingdom of Italy, the acquisitionof Genoa and of all the Venetian States, the dethronement of the King ofNaples and the gift of his kingdom to Joseph, and finally, the newpartition of Germany. These transactions, of which Bonaparte said not aword, and from which he certainly had no intention of departing, were alllong after the treaty of Amiens. 

Every day brought with it fresh proofs of insatiable ambition. In fact, Napoleon longed to obtain possession of the Hanse Towns. I was, however, in the first place, merely charged to make overtures to the Senates ofeach of these towns, and to point out the advantages they would derivefrom the protection of Napoleon in exchange for the small sacrifice of6, 000, 000 francs in his favour. I had on this subject numerousconferences with the magistrates: they thought the sum too great, representing, to me that the city was not so rich as formerly, becausetheir commerce had been much curtailed by the war; in short, the Senatedeclared that, with the utmost goodwill, their circumstances would notpermit them to accept the "generous proposal" of the Emperor. 

I was myself, indeed, at a loss to conceive how the absurdity ofemploying me to make such a proposition was overlooked, for I had, reallyno advantage to offer in return to the Hanse Towns. Against whom didBonaparte propose to protect them? The truth is, Napoleon then wished toseize these towns by direct aggression, which, however, he was not ableto accomplish until four years afterwards. 

During five years I witnessed the commercial importance of these cities, and especially of Hamburg. Its geographical situation, on a great rivernavigable by large vessels to the city, thirty leagues from the mouth ofthe Elbe; the complete independence it enjoyed; its municipal regulationsand paternal government, were a few amongst the many causes which hadraised Hamburg to its enviable height of prosperity. What, in fact, wasthe population of these remnants of the grand Hanseatic League of theMiddle Ages? The population of Hamburg when I was there amounted to90, 000, and that of its small surrounding territory to 25, 000. Bremenhad 36, 000 inhabitants, and 9000 in its territory; the city of Lubeck, which is smaller and its territory a little more extensive than that ofBremen, contained a population of 24, 000 souls within and 16, 000 withoutthe walls. Thus the total population of the Hanse Towns amounted to only200, 000 individuals; and yet this handful of men carried on an extensivecommerce, and their ships ploughed every sea, from the shores of India tothe frozen regions of Greenland. 

The Emperor arrived at Paris towards the end of January 1806. Havingcreated kings in Germany he deemed the moment favourable for surroundinghis throne with new princes. It was at this period that he createdMurat, Grand Duke of Cleves and Berg; Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte-Corvo;M. De Talleyrand, Duke of Benevento; and his two former colleagues, Cambaceres and Lebrun, Dukes of Parma and Piacenza. He also gave to hissister Pauline, a short time after her second marriage with the PrinceBorghese, the title of Duchess of Guastalla. Strange events! who couldthen have foreseen that the duchy of Cambaceres would become the refugeof a Princess of Austria, the widowed wife of Napoleon Bonaparte?In the midst of the prosperity of the Imperial family, when the eldest ofthe Emperor's brothers had ascended the throne of Naples, when Hollandwas on the eve of being offered to Louis, and Jerome had exchanged hislegitimate wife for the illegitimate throne of Westphalia, the Imperialpillow was still far from being free from anxiety. Hostilities did notactually exist with the Continental powers; but this momentary state ofrepose lacked the tranquillity of peace. France was at war with Russiaand England, and the aspect of the Continent presented great uncertainty, while the treaty of Vienna had only been executed in part. In themeantime Napoleon turned his eyes towards the East. General Sebastianiwas sent to Constantinople. The measures be pursued and his judiciousconduct justified the choice of the Emperor. He was adroit andconciliating, and peace with Turkey was the result of his mission. Thenegotiations with England did not terminate so happily, although, afterthe first overtures made to Lord Yarmouth, the Earl of Lauderdale hadbeen sent to Paris by Mr. Fox. In fact, these negotiations whollyfailed. The Emperor had drawn enormous sums from Austria, withoutcounting the vases, statues, and pictures. With which he decorated theLouvre, and the bronze with which he clothed the column of the PlaceVendome, --in my opinion the finest monument of his reign and the mostbeautiful one in Paris. As Austria was exhausted all the contributionsimposed on her could not be paid in cash, and they gave the Emperor billsin payment. I received one for about 7, 000, 000 on Hamburg on account ofthe stipulations of the treaty of Presburg. 

The affairs of the Bourbon Princes became more and more unfavourable, andtheir finances, as well as their chances of success, were so muchdiminished that about this period it was notified to the emigrants inBrunswick that the pretender (Louis XVIII. ) had no longer the means ofcontinuing their pensions. This produced great consternation amongstthose emigrants, many of whom had no other means of existence; andnotwithstanding their devotion to the cause of royalty they found apension very useful in strengthening their zeal. 

 --[When Louis XVIII. Returned to France, and Fouche was his Minister of Police, the King asked Fouche whether during his (the King's) exile, had not set spies over him, and who they were. Fouche hesitated to reply, but the King insisting he said: "If your Majesty presses for an answer, it was the Due de Blacas to whom this matter was confided. "--"And how much did you pay him?" said the King. "Deux cents mille livres de rents, Sire. "--"Ah, so!" said the King, "then he has played fair; we went halves. "--Henry Greville's Diary, p. 430. ]--

Amongst those emigrants was one whose name will occupy a certain place inhistory; I mean Dumouriez, of whom I have already spoken, and who had forsome time employed himself in distributing pamphlets. He was then atStralsund; and it was believed that the King of Sweden would give him acommand. The vagrant life of this general, who ran everywhere heggingemployment from the enemies of his country without being able to obtainit, subjected him to general ridicule; in fact, he was everywheredespised. 

To determine the difficulties which had arisen with regard to Holland, which Dumouriez dreamed of conquering with an imaginary army, and beingdiscontented besides with the Dutch for not rigorously excluding Englishvessels from their ports, the Emperor constituted the Batavian territorya kingdom under his brother Louis. When I notified to the States of thecircle of Lower Saxony the accession of Louis Bonaparte to the throne ofHolland, and the nomination of Cardinal Fesch as coadjutor and successorof the Arch-chancellor of the Germanic Empire, along with their officialcommunications, the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was the only member ofthe circle who forebore to reply, and I understood he had applied to theCourt of Russia to know "whether" and "how" he should reply. At the sametime he made known to the Emperor the marriage of his daughter, thePrincess Charlotte Frederica, with Prince Christian Frederick of Denmark. 

At this period it would have been difficult to foresee the way in whichthis union would terminate. The Prince was young and handsome, and of anamiable disposition, which seemed to indicate that he would prove a goodhusband. As for the Princess, she was as beautiful as love; but she washeedless and giddy; in fact, she was a spoiled child. She adored herhusband, and during several years their union proved happy. I had thehonour of knowing them at the period when the Duke of Mecklenburg, withhis family, sought refuge at Altona. Before leaving that town theDuchess of Mecklenburg, a Princess of Saxony, paid a visit to Madame deBourrienne and loaded her with civilities. This Princess was perfectlyamiable, and was therefore generally regretted when, two yearsafterwards, death snatched her from her family. Before leaving Altonathe Duke of Mecklenburg gave some parties by way of bidding adieu toHolstein, where he had been so kindly received; and I can never forgetthe distinguished reception and many kindnesses Madame de Bourrienne andmyself received from that illustrious family. 

It consisted of the hereditary Prince, so distinguished by his talentsand acquirements (he was at that time the widower of a Grand Duchess ofRussia, a sister of the Emperor Alexander), of Prince Gustavus, soamiable and graceful, and of Princess Charlotte and her husband, thePrince Royal of Denmark. 

This happy couple were far from foreseeing that in two years they wouldbe separated for ever. The Princess was at this period in all thesplendour of her beauty; several fetes were given on her account on thebanks of the Elbe, at which the Prince always opened the ball with Madamede Bourrienne. Notwithstanding her amiability the Princess Charlotte wasno favourite at the Danish Court. Intrigues were formed against her. Iknow not whether any foundation existed for the calumnies spread to herdisadvantage, but the Court dames accused her of great levity of conduct, which, true or false, obliged her husband to separate from her; and atthe commencement of 1809 he sent her to Altona, attended by a chamberlainand a maid of honour. On her arrival she was in despair; hers was not asilent grief, for she related her story to every one. This unfortunatewoman really attracted pity, as she shed tears for her son, three yearsof age, whom she was doomed never again to behold. But her naturallevity returned; she did not always maintain the reserve suitable to herrank, and some months afterwards was sent into Jutland, where I believeshe still lives. 

The enemies of the French Government did not confine themselves towriting and publishing invectives against it. More than one wretch wasready to employ daggers against the Emperor. Among this number was a mannamed Louis Loizeau, recently arrived from London. He repaired toAltona, there to enjoy the singular privilege which that city afforded ofsheltering all the ruffians, thieves, and bankrupts who fled from thejustice of their own Governments. On the 17th of July Loizeau presentedhimself to Comte de Gimel, who resided at Altona, as the agent of theComte de Lille. He offered to repair to Paris and assassinate theEmperor. Comte de Gimel rejected the proposal with indignation; andreplied, that if he had no other means of serving the Bourbons thancowardly assassination he might go elsewhere and find confederates. Thisfact, which was communicated to me by a friend of M. De Gimel, determinedme to arrest Loizeau. Not being warranted, however, to take this step atAltona, I employed a trusty agent to keep watch, and draw him into aquarrel the moment he should appear on the Hamburg side of a public walkwhich divides that city from Altona, and deliver him up to the nearestHamburg guard-house. Loizeau fell into the snare; but finding that hewas about to be conducted from the guardhouse to the prison of Hamburg, and that it was at my request he had been arrested, he hastily unloosedhis cravat, and tore with his teeth the papers it contained, part ofwhich he swallowed. He also endeavoured to tear some other papers whichwere concealed under his arm, but was prevented by the guard. Furious atthis disappointment, he violently resisted the five soldiers who had himin custody, and was not secured until he had been slightly wounded. Hisfirst exclamation on entering prison was, "I am undone!" Loizeau wasremoved to Paris, and, though I am ignorant of the ultimate fate of thiswretch, I am pretty certain that Fouche would take effectual means toprevent him from doing any further mischief. 

CHAPTER VI. 

1806. 

 Menaces of Prussia--Offer for restoring Hanover to England--Insolent ultimatum--Commencement of hostilities between France and Prussia-- Battle of Auerstadt--Death of the Duke of Brunswick--Bernadotte in Hamburg--Davonet and Bernadotte--The Swedes at Lubeck--Major Amiel-- Service rendered to the English Minister at Hamburg--My appointment of Minister for the King of Naples--New regulation of the German post-office--The Confederation of the North--Devices of the Hanse Towns--Occupation of Hamburg in the name of the Emperor--Decree of Berlin--The military governors of Hamburg--Brune, Michaud, and Bernadotte. 

The moment now approached when war was about to be renewed in Germany, and in proportion as the hopes of peace diminished Prussia redoubled herthreats, which were inspired by the recollection of the deeds of thegreat Frederick. The idea of peace was hateful to Prussia. Hermeasures, which till now had been sufficiently moderate, suddenly assumeda menacing aspect on learning that the Minister of the King of Englandhad declared in Parliament that France had consented to the restitutionof Hanover. The French Ministry intimated to the Prussian Governmentthat this was a preliminary step towards a general peace, and that alarge indemnity would be granted in return. But the King of Prussia, who was well informed, and convinced that the House of Hanover clung tothis ancient domain, which gave to England a certain preponderance inGermany, considered himself trifled with, and determined on war. 

Under these circumstances Lord Lauderdale was recalled from Paris by hisGovernment. War continued with England, and was about to commence withPrussia. The Cabinet of Berlin sent an ultimatum which could scarcely beregarded in any other light than a defiance, and from the well-knowncharacter of Napoleon we may judge of his irritation at this ultimatum. 

 --[The severity with which Bonaparte treated the press may be inferred from the case of Palm the publisher. In 1808 Johann Phillip Palm, of Nuremberg, was shot by Napoleon's order for issuing a pamphlet against the rule of the French in Germany. ]--

The Emperor, after his stay of eight months in Paris passed in abortivenegotiations for peace, set out on the 25th of September for the Rhine. 

Hostilities commenced on the 10th of October 1806 between France andPrussia, and I demanded of the Senate that a stop should be put to thePrussians recruiting. The news of a great victory gained by the Emperorover the Prussians on the 14th of October reached Hamburg on the 19th, brought by some fugitives, who gave such exaggerated accounts of the lossof the French army that it was not until the arrival of the officialdespatches on the 28th of October that we knew whether to mourn or torejoice at the victory of Jena. 

The Duke of Brunswick, who was dangerously wounded at the battle ofAuerstadt, arrived on the 29th of October at Altona. --[This Prince was inthe seventy-second year of his age, and extremely infirm. ]--His entranceinto that city afforded a striking example of the vicissitudes offortune. That Prince entered Altona on a wretched litter, borne by tenmen, without officers, without domestics, followed by a troop ofvagabonds and children, who were drawn together by curiosity. He waslodged in a wretched inn, and so much worn out by fatigue and the pain ofhis eyes that on the day after his arrival a report of his death verygenerally prevailed. Doctor Unzer was immediately sent for to attend theunfortunate Duke, who, during the few days that he survived his wounds, saw no one else except his wife, who arrived on the 1st of November. Heexpired on the 10th of the same month. 

 --[For the mistimed but rather pathetic belief of the old dying Duke in the courtesy with which he and his States would be treated by the French, see Beugnot, tome 1. P. 80: "I feel sure that there is a courier of the Emperor's on the road to know how I am. "]--

At this juncture Bernadotte returned to Hamburg. I asked him how I wasto account for his conduct while he was with Davoust, who had leftNuremberg to attack the Prussian army; and whether it was true that hehad refused to march with that general, and afterwards to aid him when heattacked the Prussians on the Weimar road. "The letters I received, "observed I, "state that you took no part in the battle of Auerstadt; thatI did not believe, but I suppose you saw the bulletin which I received alittle after the battle, and which stated that Bonaparte said atNuremberg, in the presence of several officers, 'Were I to bring himbefore a court-martial he would be shot. I shall say nothing to himabout it, but I will take care he shall know what I think of hisbehaviour. He has too keen a sense of honour not to be aware that heacted disgracefully. "--"I think him very likely, " rejoined Bernadotte, "to have made these observations. He hates me because he knows I do notlike him; but let him speak to me and he shall have his answer. If I ama Gascon, he is a greater one. I might have felt piqued at receivingsomething like orders from Davoust, but I did my duty. "

 --[The complaints of Bernadotte's conduct on the 14th of October 1806. When he gave no assistance to Davoust in repulsing the main body of the Prussians at Aneratadt, are well known. Jomini says that Davoust proposed to Bernadotte to march with him, and even offered him the command of the two corps. Bernadotte refused, and marched away to Dornburg, where he was of no use, "his obstinacy, difficult to explain, nearly compromised both Davoust and the success of the battle;" See also Thiers (tome vii. P. 172), who attributes Bernadotte's conduct to a profound aversion for Davoust conceived on the most frivolous grounds. Bernadotte had frequently given cause of complaint to Napoleon in the two campaigns of 1806 and 1806. In the movement on Vienna Napoleon considered he showed want of activity and of zeal. These complaints seem to have been made in good faith, for in a letter to Bernadotte's brother-in-law, Joseph, Napoleon suggests that health may have been the causes (Du Cases, tome i. P. 322). Bernadotte was equally unfortunate in putting in his appearance too late at Eylan (see Due de Rovigo's Memoirs, tome ii. P. 48), and also incurred the displeasure of Napoleon at Wagram (see later on). ]--

In the beginning of November the Swedes entered Lubeck; but on the 8th ofthat month the town was taken by assault, and the Swedes, as well as therest of the corps which had escaped from Jena, were made prisoners. 

A troop of Prussians had advanced within four leagues of Hamburg, andthat town had already prepared for a vigorous resistance, in case theyshould attempt an entrance, when Major Amiel attacked them atZollenspieker and made some prisoners. Hamburg was, however, threatenedwith another danger, for Major Amiel expressed his intention of enteringwith all his prisoners, notwithstanding the acknowledged neutrality ofthe town. Amiel was a partisan leader in the true sense of the word; hefought rather on his own account than with the intention of contributingto the success of the operations of the army. His troop did not consistof more than forty men, but that was more than sufficient to spreadterror and devastation in the surrounding villages. He was a boldfellow, and when, with his handful of men, he threw himself upon Hamburg, the worthy inhabitants thought he had 20, 000 troops with him. He hadpillaged every place through which he passed, and brought with him 300prisoners, and a great many horses he had taken on his road. It wasnight when he presented himself at the gates of the city, which heentered alone, having left his men and booty at the last village. Heproceeded to the French Embassy. I was not there at the time, but I wassent for, and about seven o'clock in the evening I had my first interviewwith the Major. He was the very, beau ideal of a bandit, and would havebeen an admirable model for a painter. I was not at all surprised tohear that on his arrival his wild appearance and huge mustachios hadexcited some degree of terror among those who were in the salon. Hedescribed his exploits on the march, and did not disguise his intentionof bringing his troops into Hamburg next day. He talked of the Bank andof pillage. I tried for some time to divert him from this idea, butwithout effect, and at length said to him, "Sir, you know that this isnot the way the Emperor wishes to be served. During the seven years thatI have been about him, I have invariably heard him express hisindignation against those who aggravate the misery which war naturallybrings in her train. It is the express wish of the Emperor that nodamage, no violence whatever, shall be committed on the city or territoryof Hamburg. " These few words produced a stronger effect than anyentreaties I could have used, for the mere name of the Emperor made eventhe boldest tremble, and Major Amiel next thought of selling his booty. The Senate were so frightened at the prospect of having Amiel quarteredupon them that to get rid of him they determined to purchase his booty atonce, and even furnished him with guards for his prisoners. I did notlearn till some time afterwards that among the horses Major Amiel hadseized upon the road were those of the Countess Walmoden. Had I knownthis fact at the time I should certainly have taken care to have had themrestored to her. Madame Walmoden was then a refugee at Hamburg, andbetween her and my family a close intimacy existed. On the very day, Ibelieve, of the Major's departure the Senate wrote me a letter of thanksfor the protection I afforded the town. 

Before the commencement of the Prussian campaign, while anxiety wasentertained respecting the designs of the Cabinet of Berlin, my task wasnot an easy one. I exerted all my efforts to acquaint the FrenchGovernment with what was passing on the Spree. I announced the firstintelligence of an unexpected movement which had taken place among thePrussian troops cantoned in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. They suddenlyevacuated Lauenburg, Platzburg, Haarburg, Stade, Twisenfelth, andCuxhaven. This extraordinary movement gave rise to a multitude ofsurmises. I was not wrong when I informed the French Government that, according to every probability, Prussia was about to declare hostilitiesagainst France, and to enter into an alliance with England. 

I much regretted that my situation did not allow me more frequentopportunities of meeting Mr. Thornton, the English Minister to the circleof Lower Saxony. However; I saw him sometimes, and had on two differentoccasions the opportunity of rendering him some service. Mr. Thorntonhad requested me to execute a little private business for him, thesuccess of which depended on the Emperor. I made the necessarycommunication to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, adding in my letterthat Mr. Thornton's conduct towards the French who had come in any way incontact with him had ever been just and liberal, and that I shouldreceive great pleasure in being able to announce to him the success ofhis application. His request was granted. 

On another occasion Mr. Thornton applied to me for my services, and I hadonce more the pleasure of rendering them. He wished to procure someinformation respecting an Englishman named Baker, who had gone toTerracina, in the Campagna di Roma, for the benefit of sea-bathing. Hewas there arrested, without any cause assigned, by order of thecommandant of the French troops in Terracina. The family of Mr. Baker, not having heard from him for some months, became very uneasy respectinghim, for they had not the least idea of his arrest. His relationsapplied to Mr. Thornton, and that gentleman, notwithstanding thecircumstances which, as I have stated, prevented our frequentintercourse, hesitated not a moment in requesting me to furnish him withsome information respecting his countryman. I lost no time in writing toM. Alquier, our Ambassador at Rome, and soon enabled Mr. Thornton to easethe apprehension of Mr. Baker's friends. 

I had every opportunity of knowing what was passing in Italy, for I hadjust been invested with a new dignity. As the new King of Naples, Joseph, had no Minister in Lower Saxony, he wished that I shoulddischarge the function of Minister Plenipotentiary for Naples. HisMinisters accordingly received orders to correspond with me upon allbusiness connected with his government and his subjects. The relationsbetween Hamburg and Naples were nearly nil, and my new office made nogreat addition to my labours. 

I experienced, however, a little more difficulty in combining all thepost-offices of Hamburg in the office of the Grand Duchy of Berg, thusdetaching them from the offices of Latour and Taxis, so named after theGerman family who for a length of time had had the possession of them, and who were devoted to Austria. 

After some days of negotiation I obtained the suppression of theseoffices, and their union with the postoffice of the Grand Due de Berg(Murat), who thus received letters from Italy, Hungary, Germany, Poland, part of Russia, and the letters from England for these countries. 

The affair of the post-offices gained for me the approbation of Napoleon. He expressed his satisfaction through the medium of a letter I receivedfrom Duroc, who at the same time recommended me to continue informing theEmperor of all that was doing in Germany with relation to the plans ofthe Confederation of the North. I therefore despatched to the Ministerfor Foreign Affairs a detailed letter, announcing that Baron Grote, thePrussian Minister at Hamburg, had set off on a visit to Bremen andLubeck. Among those who accompanied him on this excursion was a personwholly devoted to me; and I knew that Baron Grote's object was to offerto these towns verbal propositions for their union with the Confederationof the North, which the King of Prussia wished to form as a counterpoiseto the Confederation of the Rhine, just created by Napoleon. Baron Groteobserved the strictest secrecy in all his movements. He showed, inconfidence, to those to whom he addressed himself, a letter from M. Haugwitz, the Minister of the King of Prussia, --[In July 1806, after Austerlitz, Napoleon had formed the "Confederation du Rhin. " to include the smaller States of Germany, who threw off all connection with the German Empire, and formed a Confederation furnishing a considerable army. ]--

 --[The Emperor of Germany, Francis IL, had already in 1804, on Napoleon taking the title of Emperor, declared himself Hereditary Emperor of Austria. After the formation of the Rhenish Confederation and Napoleon's refusal to acknowledge the German Empire any longer, he released the States of the Holy Roman Empire from their allegiance, declared the Empire dissolved, and contented himself with the title of Emperor of Austria, as Francis I. ]--

who endeavoured to point out to the Hanse Towns how much theConfederation of the North would turn to their advantage, it being theonly means of preserving their liberty, by establishing a formidablepower. However, to the first communication only an evasive answer wasreturned. M. Van Sienen, the Syndic of Hamburg, was commissioned by theSenate to inform the Prussian Minister that the affair required theconcurrence of the burghers, and that hefore he could submit it to themit would be necessary to know its basis and conditions. Meanwhile theSyndic Doormann proceeded to Lubeck, where there was also a deputy fromBremen. The project of the Confederation, however, never came toanything. 

I scrupulously discharged the duties of my functions, but I confess Ioften found it difficult to execute the orders I received, and more thanonce I took it upon myself to modify their severity. I loved the frankand generous character of the Hamburgers, and I could not help pity thefate of the Hanse Towns, heretofore so happy, and from which Bonapartehad exacted such immense sacrifices. 

On the principal gate of the Hanse Towns is inscribed the followingmotto, well expressing the pacific spirit of the people: 'Da nobis pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris'. The paternal and elected government, whichdid everything to secure the happiness of these towns, was led to believethat the sacrifices imposed on them would be recompensed by thepreservation of their neutrality. No distrust was entertained, and hopewas kept alive by the assurances given by Napoleon. He published in theMoniteur that the Hanse Towns could not be included in any particularConfederation. He thus strangled in its birth the Confederation of theNorth, to which those feeble States would otherwise have been obliged toconsent. When in 1806 Napoleon marched against Prussia, he detachedMarshal Mortier from the Grand Army when it had passed the Rhine, anddirected him to invade the Electorate of Hesse, and march on Hamburg. Onthe 19th of November the latter town was occupied by the French army inthe name of the Emperor, amidst the utmost order and tranquillity. 

I must acknowledge that I was under much apprehension as to this event. At the intelligence of the approach of the French army consternation wasgreat and universal in Hamburg, which was anxious to maintain itsneutrality unimpaired. At the urgent request of the magistrates of thecity I assumed functions more than diplomatic, and became, in somerespects, the first magistrate of the town. I went to meet MarshalMortier to endeavour to dissuade him from entering. I thought I shouldby this means better serve the interests of France than by favouring theoccupation of a neutral town by our troops. But all my remonstranceswere useless. Marshal Mortier had received formal orders from theEmperor. 

No preparations having been made at Hamburg for the reception of MarshalMortier, he quartered himself and his whole staff upon me. The fewtroops he had with him were disposed of in my courtyard, so that theresidence of a Minister of peace was all at once converted intoheadquarters. This state of things continued until a house was got readyfor the Marshal. 

Marshal Mortier had to make very rigorous exactions, but myrepresentations suspended for a while Napoleon's orders for takingpossession of the Bank of Hamburg. I am here bound to bear testimony tothe Marshal's honourable principles and integrity of character. Therepresentations which I had sent to Marshal Mortier were transmitted bythe latter to the Emperor at Berlin; and Mortier stated that he hadsuspended the execution of the orders until he should receive others. The Emperor approved of this. It was, indeed, a happy event for Franceand for Europe, even more so than for Hamburg. Those who suggested tothe Emperor the idea of pillaging that fine establishment must have beenprofoundly ignorant of its importance. They thought only of the90, 000, 000 of marks banco deposited in its cellars. 

By the famous decree of Berlin, dated 21st November 1806, Mortier wascompelled to order the seizure of all English merchandise in the HanseTowns, but he enforced the decree only so far as to preserve theappearance of having obeyed his orders. 

Mortier, on leaving Hamburg for Mecklenburg, was succeeded by GeneralMichaud, who in his turn was succeeded by Marshal Brune in the beginningof 1807. I am very glad to take the present opportunity of correctingthe misconceptions which arose through the execution of certain acts ofImperial tyranny. The truth is, Marshal Brune, during his government, constantly endeavoured to moderate, as far as he could, the severity ofthe orders he received. Bernadotte became Governor of Hamburg when thebattle of Jena rendered Napoleon master of Prussia and the north ofGermany. 

The Prince of Ponte-Corvo lightened, as far as possible, the unjustburdens and vexations to which that unfortunate town was subject. Henever refused his assistance to any measures which I adopted to oppose asystem of ruin and persecution. He often protected Hamburg againstexorbitant exactions, The Hanse Towns revived a little under hisgovernment, which continued longer than that of Mortier, Michaud, andBrune. The memory of Bernadotte will always be dear to the Hamburgers;and his name will never be pronounced without gratitude. His attentionwas especially directed to moderate the rigour of the custom-houses; andperhaps the effect which his conduct produced on public opinion may beconsidered as having, in some measure, led to the decision which, fouryears after, made him Hereditary Prince of Sweden. 

CHAPTER VII. 

1806. 

 Ukase of the Emperor of Russia--Duroc's mission to Weimar-- Napoleon's views defeated--Triumphs of the French armies--Letters from Murat--False report respecting Murat--Resemblance between Moreau and M. Billand--Generous conduct of Napoleon--His interview with Madame Hatzfeld at Berlin--Letter from Bonaparte to Josephine-- Blucher my prisoner--His character--His confidence in the future fate of Germany--Prince Paul of Wurtemberg taken prisoner--His wish to enter the French service--Distinguished emigrants at Altona-- Deputation of the Senate to the Emperor at Berlin--The German Princes at Altona--Fauche-Boiel and the Comte de Gimel. 

In September 1806 it became very manifest that, as soon as war shouldbreak out between France and Prussia, Russia would not be slow in formingan alliance with the latter power. Peace had, however, beenreestablished between Napoleon and Alexander by virtue of a treaty justsigned at Paris. By that treaty Russia was to evacuate the Bouches duCattaro, --[The Bouches do Cattaro, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, had formed part of the Dalmatian possessions of Venice. ]--a conditionwith which she was in no hurry to comply. I received a number of theCourt Gazette of St. Petersburg, containing a ukase of the Emperor ofRussia, in which Alexander pointed out the danger which again menacedEurope, showed the necessity of adopting precautions for generaltranquillity and the security of his own Empire, and declared hisdetermination of not only completing but augmenting his army. Hetherefore ordered a levy of four men out of every 500 inhabitants. 

Before the commencement of hostilities Duroc was sent to the King ofPrussia with the view of discovering whether there was any possibility ofrenewing negotiations; but affairs were already too much embarrassed. All Duroc's endeavours were in vain, and perhaps it was no longer in thepower of the King of Prussia to avoid war with France. Besides, he hadjust grounds of offence against the Emperor. Although the latter hadgiven him Hanover in exchange for the two Margravates, he had, nevertheless, offered to England the restoration of that province as oneof the terms of the negotiations commenced with Mr. Fox. This underhandwork was not unknown to the Berlin Cabinet, and Napoleon's duplicityrendered Duroc's mission useless. At this time the King of Prussia wasat Weimar. 

Victory everywhere favoured the French arms. Prince Hohenlohe, whocommanded a corps of the Prussian army, was forced to capitulate atPrentzlau. After this capitulation General Blucher took the command ofthe remains of the corps, to which he joined the troops whose absencefrom Prentzlau exempted them from the capitulation. These corps, addedto those which Blucher had at Auerstadt, were then almost the onlyramparts of the Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte received ordersfrom Murat to pursue Blucher, who was using all his efforts to draw fromBerlin the forces of those two generals. Blucher marched in thedirection of Lubeck. 

General Murat pursued the wreck of the Prussian army which had escapedfrom Saxony by Magdeburg. Blucher was driven upon Lubeck. It was veryimportant to the army at Berlin that this numerous corps should bedestroyed, commanded as it was by a skillful and brave general, who drewfrom the centre of the military operations numerous troops, with which hemight throw himself into Hanover, or Hesse, or even Holland, and byjoining the English troops harass the rear of the Grand Army. The GrandDuke of Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and soon afterannounced their fulfilment in several letters which contained, amongother things, the particulars of the taking of Lubeck. 

In two of these letters Murat, who was probably deceived by his agents, or by some intriguer, informed me that General Moreau had passed throughParis on the 12th of October, and had arrived in Hamburg on the 28th ofOctober. The proof which Murat possessed of this circumstance was aletter of Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curiouscircumstance which serves to show the necessity of mistrusting the vagueintelligence furnished to persons in authority. A fortnight before Ireceived Murat's first letter a person informed me that General Moreauwas in Hamburg. I gave no credit to this intelligence, yet I endeavouredto ascertain whether it had any foundation, but without effect. Two dayslater I was assured that an individual had met General Moreau, that hehad spoken to him, that he knew him well from having served underhim--together with various other circumstances, the truth of which thereappeared no reason to doubt. I immediately sent for the individual inquestion, who told me that he knew Moreau, that he had met him, that theGeneral had inquired of him the way to the Jungfersteige (a promenade atHamburg), that he had pointed it out to him, and then said, "Have I notthe honour to speak to General Moreau?" upon which the General answered, "Yes, but say nothing about having seen me; I am here incognito. " Allthis appeared to me so absurd that, pretending not to know Moreau, Iasked the person to describe him to me. He described a person bearinglittle resemblance to Moreau, and added that he wore a braided Frenchcoat and the national cockade in his hat. I instantly perceived thewhole was a mere scheme for getting a little money. I sent the fellowabout his business. In a quarter of an hour after I had got rid of himM. La Chevardiere called on me, and introduced M. Billaud, the FrenchConsul at Stettin. This gentleman wore a braided coat and the nationalcockade in his hat. He was the hero of the story I had heard from theinformer. A slight personal resemblance between the Consul and theGeneral had caused several persons to mistake them for each other. 

During the Prussian campaign nothing was talked of throughout Germany butNapoleon's generous conduct with respect to Prince Hatzfeld. I wasfortunate enough to obtain a copy of a letter which the Emperor wrote toJosephine on the subject, and which I shall presently lay before thereader. In conformity with the inquisitorial system which too frequentlycharacterised the Emperor's government, and which he extended to everycountry of which he had military possession, the first thing done onentering a town was to take possession of the post-office, and then, Heaven knows how little respect was shown to the privacy ofcorrespondence. Among the letters thus seized at Berlin and delivered toNapoleon was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince Hatzfeld, whohad imprudently remained in the Prussian capital. In this letter thePrince gave his Sovereign an account of all that had occurred in Berlinsince he had been compelled to quit at; and at the same time he informedhim of the force and situation of the corps of the French army. TheEmperor, after reading this letter, ordered that the Prince should bearrested, and tried by a court-martial on the charge of being a spy. 

The Court was summoned, and little doubt could be entertained as to itsdecision when Madame Hatzfeld repaired to Duroc, who on such occasionswas always happy when he could facilitate communication with the Emperor. On that day Napoleon had been at a review. Duroc knew Madame Hatzfeld, whom he had several times seen on his visits to Berlin. When Napoleonreturned from the review he was astonished to see Duroc at the palace atthat hour, and inquired whether he had brought any news. Duroc answeredin the affirmative, and followed the Emperor into his Cabinet, where hesoon introduced Madame Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is describedin Napoleon's letter. It may easily be perceived that this letter is ananswer to one from Josephine reproaching him for the manner in which hespoke of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate Queenof Prussia, respecting whom he had expressed himself with too littlerespect in one of his bulletins. The following is Napoleon's letter:--

 I have received your letter, in which you seem to reproach me for speaking ill of women. It is true that I dislike female intriguers above all things. I am used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory women. I love them, and if they have spoiled me it is not my fault, but yours. However, you will see that I have done an act of kindness to one deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld. When I showed her her husband's letter she stood weeping, and in a tone of mingled grief and ingenuousness said, "It is indeed his writing!" This went to my heart, and I said, "Well, madame, throw the letter into the fire, and then I shall have no proof against your husband. " She burned the letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband now is safe: two hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are simple, gentle, and amiable; because they alone resemble you. 

 November 6, 1806, 9 o'clock P. M. 

When Marshal Bernadotte had driven Blucher into Lubeck and made himprisoner, he sent to inform me of the circumstance; but I was far from, expecting that the prisoner would be confided to my charge. Such, however, was the case. After his capitulation he was sent to Hamburg, where he had the whole city for his prison. 

I was curious to become acquainted with this celebrated man, and I sawhim very frequently. I found that he was an enthusiastic Prussianpatriot--a brave man, enterprising even to rashness, of limitededucation, and almost to an incredible degree devoted to pleasure, ofwhich he took an ample share while he remained in Hamburg. He sat anenormous time at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he rendered full justice to the wines of France. His passion for womenwas unbounded, and one of his most favourite sources of amusement was thegaming-table, at which he spent a considerable portion of his time. Blucher was of an extremely gay disposition; and considered merely as acompanion he was very agreeable. The original style of his conversationpleased me much. His confidence in the deliverance of Germany remainedunshaken in spite of the disasters of the Prussian army. He often saidto me, "I place great reliance on the public spirit of Germany--on theenthusiasm which prevails in our universities. The events of war aredaily changing, and even defeats con tribute to nourish in a peoplesentiments of honour and national glory. You may depend upon it thatwhen a whole nation is determined to shake off a humiliating yoke it willsucceed. There is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehr verydifferent from any militia to which the subdued spirit of the Frenchpeople could give birth. England will always lend us the support of hernavy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Russia andAustria. I can pledge myself to the truth of a fact of which I havecertain knowledge, and you may rely upon it; namely, that none of theallied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of territorialaggrandisement. All they unanimously desire is to put an end to thesystem of aggrandisement which your Emperor has established and acts uponwith such alarming rapidity. In our first war against France, at thecommencement of your Revolution, we fought for questions respecting therights of sovereigns, for which, I assure you, I care very little; butnow the case is altered, the whole population of Prussia makes commoncause with its Government. The people fight in defence of their homes, and reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of thenation. I rely confidently on the future because I foresee that fortunewill not always favour your Emperor. It is impossible; but the time willcome when all Europe, humbled by his exactions, and impatient of hisdepredations, will rise up against him. The more he enslaves nations, the more terrible will be the reaction when they break their chains. It cannot be denied that he is tormented with an insatiable desire ofacquiring new territories. To the war of 1805 against Austria and Russiathe present war has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen. Prussia is occupied; but Russia still remains undefeated. I cannotforesee what will be the termination of the war; but, admitting that theissue should be favourable to you, it will end only to break out againspeedily. If we continue firm, France, exhausted by her conquests, mustin the end fall. You may be certain of it. You wish for peace. Recommend it! By so doing You will give strong proofs of love for yourcountry. "

In this strain Blucher constantly spoke to me; and as I never thought itright to play the part of the public functionary in the drawing-room Ireplied to him with the reserve necessary in my situation. I could nottell him how much my anticipations frequently coincided with his; but Inever hesitated to express to him how much I wished to see a reasonablepeace concluded. 

Blucher's arrival at Hamburg was preceded by that of Prince Paul ofWutrtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon, whose crowns were not yet a year old. This young Prince, who was imbuedwith the ideas of liberty and independence which then prevailed inGermany, had taken a headlong step. He had quitted Stuttgart to serve inthe Prussian campaign without having asked his father's permission, whichinconsiderate proceeding might have drawn Napoleon's anger upon the Kingof Wurtemberg. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank ofgeneral, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement ofhostilities. Prince Paul was not, as has been erroneously stated, conducted to Stuttgart by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg, where I received many visits from him. He did not yet possess verydefinite ideas as to what he wished; for after he was made prisoner heexpressed to me his strong desire to enter the French service, and oftenasked me to solicit for him an interview with the Emperor. He obtainedthis interview, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know hehas frequently resided since the Restoration. 

The individuals whom I had to observe in Hamburg gave me much lesstrouble than our neighbours at Altona. The number of the latter hadconsiderably augmented, since the events of the war had compelled a greatnumber of emigrants who had taken refuge at Munster to leave that town. They all proceeded to Altona. Conquered countries became as dangerous tothem as the land which they had forsaken. The most distinguished amongstthe individuals assembled at Altona were Vicomte de Sesmaisons, theBailly d'Hautefeuille, the Duchess of Luxembourg, the Marquis de Bonnard, the Due d'Aumont (then Due de Villequier), the wife of Marshal de Brogueand her daughter, Cardinal de Montmorency, Madame de Cosse, her twodaughters and her son (and a priest), and the Bishop of Boulogne. 

Bonaparte stayed long enough at Berlin to permit of the arrival of adeputation from the French Senate to congratulate him on his firsttriumphs. I learned that in this instance the Senatorial deputation, departing from its accustomed complaisance, ventured not to confineitself to compliments and felicitations, but went so far as to interferewith the Emperor's plan of the campaign, to speak of the danger thatmight be incurred and finally to express a desire to in passing the Oder, see peace concluded. Napoleon received this communication with a verybad grace. He thought the Senators very bold to meddle with his affairs, treated the conscript fathers of France as if they had been inconsiderateyouths, protested, according to custom, his sincere love of peace, andtold the deputation that it was Prussia, backed by Russia, and not he, who wished for war!

All the German Princes who had taken part against Napoleon fled to Altonaafter the battle of Jena with as much precipitation as the emigrantsthemselves. The Hereditary Prince of Weimar, the Duchess of Holstein, Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli, and a multitude of other personsdistinguished for rank and fortune, arrived there almost simultaneously. Among the persons who took refuge in Altona were some intriguers, of whomFauche-Borel was one. I remember receiving a report respecting a violentaltercation which Fauche had the audacity to enter into with Comte deGimel because he could not extort money from the Count in payment of hisintrigues. Comte de Gimel had only funds for the payment of pensions, and, besides, he had too much sense to suppose there was any utility inthe stupid pamphlets of Fauche-Borel, and therefore he dismissed him witha refusal. Fauche was insolent, which compelled Comte de Gimel to sendhim about his business as he deserved. This circumstance, which wasfirst communicated to me in a report, has since been confirmed by aperson who witnessed the scene. Fauche-Borel merely passed throughHamburg, and embarked for London on board the same ship which took LordMorpeth back to England. 

 --[Louis Fauche-Borel (1762-1829), a Swiss who devoted himself to the cause of the Royalists. As Louis stepped on the shore of France in 1814, Fauche-Borel was ready to assist him from the boat, and was met with the gracious remark that he was always at hand when a service was required. His services were however left unrewarded]--

CHAPTER VIII. 

1806. 

 Alarm of the city of Hamburg--The French at Bergdorf--Favourable orders issued by Bernadotte--Extortions in Prussia--False endorsements--Exactions of the Dutch--Napoleon's concern for his wounded troops--Duroc's mission to the King of Prussia--Rejection of the Emperor's demands--My negotiations at Hamburg--Displeasure of the King of Sweden--M. Netzel and M. Wetteratedt. 

At this critical moment Hamburg was menaced on all sides; the French evenoccupied a portion of its territory. The French troops, fortunately forthe country, were attached to the corps commanded by the Prince dePonte-Corvo. This military occupation alarmed the town of Hamburg, towhich, indeed, it proved very injurious. I wrote to Marshal Bernadotteon the subject. The grounds on which the Senate appealed for theevacuation of their territory were such that hernadotte could not butacknowledge their justice. The prolonged stay of the French troops inthe bailiwick of Bergdorf, which had all the appearance of anoccupation, might have led to the confiscation of all Hamburg propertyin England, to the laying an embargo on the vessels of the Republic, andconsequently to the ruin of a great part of the trade of France andHolland, which was carried on under the flag of Hamburg. There was nolonger any motive for occupying the bailiwick of Bergdorf when therewere no Prussians in that quarter. It would have been an absurdmisfortune that eighty men stationed in that bailiwick should, for thesake of a few louis and a few ells of English cloth, have occasioned theconfiscation of Hamburg, French, and Dutch property to the amount of80, 000, 000 francs. 

Marshal Bernadotte replied to me on the 16th of November, and said, "I hasten to inform you that I have given orders for the evacuation ofthe bailiwick of Bergdorf and all the Hamburg territory. If you couldobtain from the Senate of Hamburg, by the 19th of this month, two orthree thousand pairs of shoes, you would oblige me greatly. They shallbe paid for in goods or in money. "

I obtained what Bernadotte required from the Senate, who knew hisintegrity, while they were aware that that quality was not thecharacteristic of all who commanded the French armies! What extortionstook place during the occupation of Prussia! I will mention one of themeans which, amongst others, was employed at Berlin to procure money. Bills of exchange were drawn, on which endorsements were forged, andthese bills were presented to the bankers on whom they were purported tobe drawn. One day some of these forged bills to a large amount werepresented to Messrs. Mathiesen and Silleine of Hamburg, who, knowing theendorsement to be forged, refused to cash them. The persons whopresented the bills carried their impudence so far as to send for thegendarmes, but the bankers persisted in their refusal. I was informed ofthis almost incredible scene, which had drawn together a great number ofpeople. Indignant at such audacious robbery, I instantly proceeded tothe spot and sent away the gendarmes, telling them it was not their dutyto protect robbers, and that it was my business to listen to any justclaims which might be advanced. Under Clarke's government at Berlin theinhabitants were subjected to all kinds of oppression and exaction. Amidst these exactions and infamous proceedings, which are not theindispensable consequences of war, the Dutch generals distinguishedthemselves by a degree of rapacity which brought to mind the period ofthe French Republican peculations in Italy. It certainly was not theirnew King who set the example of this conduct. His moderation was wellknown, and it was as much the result of his disposition as of his honestprinciples. Louis Bonaparte, who was a King in spite of himself, afforded an example of all that a good man could suffer upon a usurpedthrone. 

When the King of Prussia found himself defeated at every point hebitterly repented having undertaken a war which had delivered his Statesinto Napoleon's power in less time than that in which Austria had fallenthe preceding year. He wrote to the Emperor, soliciting a suspension ofhostilities. Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King ofPrussia's letter. "It is too late, " said he; "but, no matter, I wish tostop the effusion of blood; I am ready to agree to anything which is notprejudicial to the honour or interests of the nation. " Then callingDuroc, he gave him orders to visit the wounded, and see that they wantedfor nothing. He added, "Visit every man on my behalf; give them all theconsolation of which they stand in need; afterwards find the King ofPrussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals let me know them. "

Negotiations were commenced, but Napoleon's conditions were of a naturewhich was considered inadmissible. Prussia still hoped for assistancefrom the Russian forces. Besides, the Emperor's demands extended toEngland, who at that moment had no reason to accede to the pretensions ofFrance. The Emperor wished England to restore to France the colonieswhich she had captured since the commencement of the war, that Russiashould restore to the Porte Moldavia and Wallachia, which she thenoccupied; in short, he acted upon the advice which some tragedy-kinggives to his ambassador: "Demand everything, that you may obtainnothing. " The Emperor's demands were, in fact, so extravagant that itwas scarcely possible he himself could entertain the hope of their beingaccepted. Negotiations, alternately resumed and abandoned, were carriedon with coldness on both sides until the moment when England prevailed onRussia to join Prussia against France; they then altogether ceased: andit was for the sake of appearing to wish for their renewal, on basesstill more favourable to France, that Napoleon sent Duroc to the King ofPrussia. Duroc found the King at Osterode, on the other side of theVistula. The only answer he received from His Majesty was, "The time ispassed;" which was very much like Napoleon's observation; "It is toolate. "

Whilst Duroc was on his mission to the King of Prussia I was myselfnegotiating at Hamburg. Bonaparte was very anxious to detach Sweden fromthe coalition, and to terminate the war with her by a separate treaty. Sweden, indeed, was likely to be very useful to him if Prussia, Russia, and England should collect a considerable mass of troops in the north. Denmark was already with us, and by gaining over Sweden also the union ofthose two powers might create a diversion, and give serious alarm to thecoalition, which would be obliged to concentrate its principal force tooppose the attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron, the Swedish Minister at Hamburg, were decidedly opposed to thewar in which his sovereign was engaged with France. I was sorry thatthis gentleman left Hamburg upon leave of absence for a year just at themoment I received my instructions from the Emperor upon this subject. M. Peyron was succeeded by M. Netzel, and I soon had the pleasure ofperceiving that his opinions corresponded in every respect with thoseof his predecessor. 

As soon as he arrived M. Netzel sought an interview to speak to me on thesubject of the Swedes, who had been taken prisoners on the Drave. Heentreated me to allow the officers to return to Sweden on their parole. I was anxious to get Netzel's demand acceded to, and availed myself ofthat opportunity to lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had good reason to be satisfied with the manner in which he received myfirst overtures. I said nothing to him of the justice of which he wasnot previously convinced. I saw he understood that his sovereign wouldhave everything to gain by a reconciliation with France, and he told methat all Sweden demanded peace. Thus encouraged, I told him frankly thatI was instructed to treat with him. M. Netzel assured me that M. DeWetterstedt, the King of Sweden's private secretary, with whom he wasintimate, and from whom he showed me several letters, was of the sameopinion on the subject as himself. He added, that he had permission tocorrespond with the King, and that he would; write the same evening tohis sovereign and M. . De Wetterstedt to acquaint them with ourconversation. 

It will be perceived, from what I have stated, that no negotiation wasever commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could foresee whatturn the King of Sweden would take? That unlucky Prince took M. Netzel'sletter in very ill part, and M. De Wetterstedt himself receivedperemptory orders to acquaint M. Netzel with his sovereign's displeasureat his having presumed to visit a French Minster, and, above all, toenter into a political conversation with him, although it was nothingmore than conversation. The King did not confine himself to reproaches;M. Netzel came in great distress to inform me he had received orders toquit Hamburg immediately, without even awaiting the arrival of hissuccessor. He regarded his disgrace as complete. I had the pleasure ofseeing M. Netzel again in 1809 at Hamburg, where he was on a mission fromKing Charles XIII. 

CHAPTER IX. 

1806

 The Continental system--General indignation excited by it--Sale of licences by the French Government--Custom-house system at Hamburg-- My letter to the Emperor--Cause of the rupture with Russia-- Bernadotte's visit to me--Trial by court-martial for the purchase of a sugar-loaf--Davoust and the captain "rapporteur"--Influence of the Continental system on Napoleon's fall. 

I have a few remarks to make on the famous Continental system, which wasa subject of such engrossing interest. I had, perhaps, betteropportunities than any other person of observing the fraud and estimatingthe fatal consequences of this system. It took its rise during the warin 1806, and was brought into existence by a decree; dated from Berlin. The project was conceived by weak counsellors, who; perceiving theEmperor's just indignation at the duplicity of England, her repugnance toenter, into negotiations with him, and her constant endeavours to raiseenemies against France, prevailed upon him to issue the decree, which Icould only regard as an act of madness and tyranny. It was not a decree, but fleets, that were wanting. Without a navy it was ridiculous todeclare the British Isles in a state of blockade, whilst the Englishfleets were in fact blockading all the French ports. This declarationwas, however, made in the Berlin Decree. This is what was called theContinental system! which, in plain terms, was nothing but a system offraud and pillage. 

One can now scarcely conceive how Europe could for a single day endurethat fiscal tyranny which extorted exorbitant prices for articles whichthe habits of three centuries had rendered indispensable to the poor aswell as to the rich. So little of truth is there in the pretence thatthis system had for its sole and exclusive object to prevent the sale ofEnglish goods, that licences for their disposal were procured at a highprice by whoever was rich enough to pay for them. The number and qualityof the articles exported from France were extravagantly exaggerated. Itwas, indeed, necessary to take out some of the articles is compliancewith the Emperor's wishes, but they were only thrown into the sea. Andyet no one had the honesty to tell the Emperor that England sold on thecontinent but bought scarcely anything. The speculation in licences wascarried to a scandalous extent only to enrich a few, and to satisfy theshort-sighted views of the contrivers of the system. 

This system proves what is written in the annals of the human heart andmind, that the cupidity of the one is insatiable, and the errors of theother incorrigible. Of this I will cite an example, though it refers toa period posterior to the origin of the Continental system. In Hamburg, in 1811, under Davoust's government, a poor man had well-nigh been shotfor having introduced into the department of the Elbe a small loaf ofsugar for the use of his family, while at the same moment Napoleon wasperhaps signing a licence for the importation of a million ofsugar-loaves. 

 --[In this same year (1811) Murat, as King of Naples, not only winked at the infringement of the Continental system, but almost openly broke the law himself. His troops in Calabria and all round his immense line sea coast, carried on an active trade with Sicilian and English smugglers. This was so much the case that an officer never set out from Naples to join, without, being, requested by his wife, his relations or friends, to bring them some English muslins, some sugar and coffee, together with a few needles, pen-knives, and razors. Some of the Neapolitan officers embarked in really large commercial operations, going shares with the custom house people who were there to enforce the law, and making their soldiers load and unload the contraband vessels. The Comte de -----, a French officer on Murat's staff, was very noble, but very poor, and excessively extravagant. After making several vain efforts to set him up in the world, the King told him one day he would give him the command of the troops round the Gulf of Salerno; adding that the devil was in it if he could not make a fortune in such a capital smuggling district, in a couple of years. --The Count took the hint, and did make a fortune. --Editor 1836 edition. ]--

Smuggling on a small scale was punished with death, whilst the Governmentthemselves carried it on extensively. The same cause filled the Treasurywith money, and the prisons with victims:

The custom-house laws of this period, which waged open war againstrhubarb, and armed the coasts of the Continent against the introductionof senna, did not save the Continental system from destruction. Ridiculeattended the installation of the odious prevotal courts. The presidentof the Prevotal Court at Hamburg, who was a Frenchman, delivered anaddress, in which he endeavoured to prove that in the time of thePtolemies there had existed extraordinary fiscal tribunals, and that itwas to those Egypt owed her prosperity. Terror was thus introduced bythe most absurd folly. The ordinary customhouse officers, formerly somuch abhorred in Hamburg, declared with reason that they would soon beregretted, and than the difference between them and the prevotal courtswould soon be felt. Bonaparte's counsellors led him to commit the follyof requiring that a ship which had obtained a licence should exportmerchandise equivalent to that of the colonial produce to be importedunder the authority of the licence. What was the consequence? Thespeculators bought at a low price old stores of silk-which change offashion had made completely unsaleable, and as those articles wereprohibited in England they were thrown into the sea without their lossbeing felt. The profits of the speculation made ample amends for thesacrifice. The Continental system was worthy only of the ages ofignorance and barbarism, and had it been admissible in theory, wasimpracticable in application. 

 --[Sydney Smith was struck with the, ridiculous side of the war of tariffs: "We are told that the Continent is to be reconquered by the want of rhubarb and plums. " (Essays of Sydney Smith, p. 533, edition of 1861). ]--

It cannot be sufficiently stigmatised. They were not the friends of theEmperor who recommended a system calculated to rouse the indignation ofEurope, and which could not fail to create reaction. To tyrannize overthe human species, and to exact uniform admiration and submission, is torequire an impossibility. It would seem that fate, which had still somesplendid triumphs in store for Bonaparte, intended to prepare beforehandthe causes which were to deprive him of all his triumphs at once, andplunge him into reverses even greater than the good fortune which hadfavoured his elevation. 

The prohibition of trade, the habitual severity in the execution of thisodious system, made it operate like a Continental impost. I will give aproof of this, and I state nothing but what came under my ownobservation. The fiscal regulations were very rigidly enforced atHamburg, and along the two lines of Cuxhaven and Travemunde. M. Eudel, the director of that department, performed his duty with zeal anddisinterestedness. I feel gratified in rendering him this tribute. Enormous quantities of English merchandise and colonial produce wereaccumulated at Holstein, where they almost all arrived by way of Kiel andHudsum, and were smuggled over the line at the expense of a premium of 33and 40 per cent. Convinced of this fact by a thousand proofs, and wearyof the vexations of the preventive system, I took upon myself to lay myopinions on the subject before the Emperor. He had given me permissionto write to him personally, without any intermediate agency, uponeverything that I might consider essential to his service. I sent anextraordinary courier to Fontainebleau, where he then was, and in mydespatch I informed him that, notwithstanding his preventive guard, everyprohibited article was smuggled in because the profits on the sale inGermany, Poland, Italy, and even France, into which the contrabrand goodsfound their way, were too considerable not to induce persons to incur allrisks to obtain them. I advised him, at the very time he was about tounite the Hanse Towns to the French Empire, to permit merchandise to beimported subject to a duty of 33 per cent. , which was about equal to theamount of the premium for insurance. The Emperor adopted my advicewithout hesitation, and in 1811 the regulation produced a revenue ofupwards of 60, 000, 000 francs in Hamburg alone. 

This system, however, embroiled us with Sweden and Russia, who could notendure that Napoleon should enact a strict blockade from them, whilst hewas himself distributing licences in abundance. Bernadotte, on his wayto Sweden, passed through Hamburg in October 1810. He stayed with methree days, during which time he scarcely saw any person but myself. Heasked my opinion as to what he should do in regard to the Continentalsystem. I did not hesitate to declare to him, not as a French Minister, but as a private individual to his friend, that in his place, at the headof a poor nation, which could only subsist by the exchange of itsterritorial productions with England, I would open my ports, and give theSwedes gratuitously that general licence which Bonaparte sold in detailto intrigue and cupidity. 

The Berlin decree could not fail to cause a reaction against theEmperor's fortune by raising up whole nations against him. The hurlingof twenty kings from their thrones would have excited less hatred thanthis contempt for the wants of nations. This profound ignorance of themaxims of political economy caused general privation and misery, which intheir turn occasioned general hostility. The system could only succeedin the impossible event of all the powers of Europe honestly endeavouringto carry it into effect. A single free port would have destroyed it. In order to ensure its complete success it was necessary to conquer andoccupy all countries, and never to evacuate them. As a means of ruiningEngland it was contemptible. It was necessary that all Europe should becompelled by force of arms to join this absurd coalition, and that thesame force should be constantly employed to maintain it. Was thispossible? The captain "rapporteur" of a court-martial allowed a poorpeasant to escape the punishment due to the offence of having bought aloaf of sugar beyond the custom-house barrier. This officer was sometime afterwards at a dinner given by Marshal Davoust; the latter said tohim, "You have a very scrupulous conscience, sir; go to headquarters andyou will find an order there for you. " This order sent him eightyleagues from Hamburg. It is necessary to have witnessed, as I have, thenumberless vexations and miseries occasioned by the unfortunateContinental system to understand the mischief its authors did in Europe, and how much that mischief contributed to Napoleon's fall. 

 --[The so-called Continental system was framed by Napoleon in revenge for the English very extended system of blockades, after Trafalgar had put it out of his power to attempt to keep the seas. By these decrees all ports occupied by the French were closed to the English, and all English goods were to be destroyed wherever found in any country occupied by the French. All States under French influence had to adopt this system. It must be remembered that Napoleon eventually held or enforced his system on all the coastlines of Europe, except that of Spain and Turkey; but as Bourrienne shows the plan of giving licences to break his own system was too lucrative to be resisted by him, or, still more, by his officers. For the working of the system in the occupied lands, Laffite the banker told Savary it was a grand idea, but impracticable (Savary, tome v. P. 110). The Emperor Alexander is reported to have said, after visiting England in 1814, that he believed the system would have reduced England if it had lasted another year. The English, who claimed the right of blockading any coast with but little regard to the effectiveness of the blockade, retaliated by orders in Council, the chief of which are dated 7th January 1807, and 11th November 1807, by which no ships of any power were allowed to trade between any French ports, or the ports of any country closed to England. Whatever the real merits of the system, and although it was the cause of war between the United States and England, its execution did most to damage France and Napoleon, and to band all Europe against it. It is curious that even in 1831 a treaty had to be made to settle the claims of the United States on France for unjust seizures under these decrees. ]--

CHAPTER X. 

1806-1807. 

 New system of war--Winter quarters--The Emperor's Proclamation-- Necessity of marching to meet the Russians--Distress in the Hanse Towns--Order for 50, 000 cloaks--Seizure of Russian corn and timber-- Murat's entrance into Warsaw--Re-establishment of Poland--Duroc's accident--M. De Talleyrand's carriage stopped by the mud--Napoleon's power of rousing the spirit of his troops--His mode of dictating-- The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin--His visits to Hamburg--The Duke of Weimar--His letter and present--Journey of the Hereditary Prince of Denmark to Paris--Batter, the English spy--Traveling clerks--Louis Bonaparte and the Berlin decree--Creation of the Kingdom of Saxony-- Veneration of Germany for the King of Saxony--The Emperor's uncertainty respecting Poland--Fetes and reviews at Warsaw--The French Government at the Emperor's head quarters--Ministerial portfolios sent to Warsaw. --Military preparations during the month of January--Difference of our situation daring the campaigns of Vienna and Prussia--News received and sent--Conduct of the Cabinet of Austria similar to that of the Cabinet of Berlin--Battle of Eylau--Unjust accusation against Bernadotte--Death of General d'Hautpoult--Te Deum chanted by the Russians--Gardanne's mission to Persia

Bonaparte was not only beyond all comparison the greatest captain ofmodern times, but he may be said to have wrought a complete change in theart of war. Before his time the most able generals regulated thefighting season by the almanac. It was customary in Europe to brave thecannon's mouth only from the first fine days of spring to the last finedays of autumn; and the months of rain, snow, and frost were passed inwhat were called winter quarters. Pichegru, in Holland, had set theexample of indifference to temperature. At Austerlitz, too, Bonapartehad braved the severity of winter; this answered his purpose well, and headopted the same course in 1806. His military genius and activity seemedto increase, and, proud of his troops, he determined to commence a wintercampaign in a climate more rigorous than any in which he had yet fought. The men, chained to his destiny, were now required to brave the northernblast, as they had formerly braved the vertical sun of Egypt. Napoleon, who, above all generals, was remarkable for the choice of his fields ofbattle, did not wish to wait tranquilly until the Russian army, which wasadvancing towards Germany, should come to measure its strength with himin the plains of conquered Prussia; he resolved to march to meet it, andto reach it before it should arose the Vistula; but before he left Berlinto explore and conqueror, Poland and the confines of Russia; he addresseda proclamation to his troops, in which he stated all that had hithertobeen achieved by the French army, and at the same time announced hisfuture intentions. It was especially advisable that he should marchforward, for, had he waited until the Russians had passed the Vistula, there could probably have been no winter campaign, and he would have beenobliged either to take up miserable winter quarters between the Vistulaand the Oder, or to recross the Oder to combat the enemy in Prussia. Napoleon's military genius and indefatigable activity served himadmirably on this occasion, and the proclamation just alluded to, whichwas dated from Berlin before his departure from Charlottenburg; provesthat he did not act fortuitously, as he frequently did, but that hiscalculations were well-made. 

 --[Before leaving the capital of Prussia Bonaparte stole from the monument, of Frederick the Great his sword and military orders. He also plundered the galleries of Berlin and Potsdam of their best pictures and statues, thus continuing the system he had began is Italy. All those things he sent to Paris as trophies of victory and glory. --Editor of as 1836 edition. ]

A rapid and immense impulse given to great masses of men by the will ofa single individual may produce transient lustre and dazzle the eyes ofthe multitude; but when, at a distance from the theatre of glory, we fleeonly the melancholy results which have been produced. The genius ofconquest can only be regarded as the genius of destruction. What a sadpicture was often presented to my eyes! I was continually doomed to hearcomplaints of the general distress, and to execute orders which augmentedthe immense sacrifices already made by the city of Hamburg. Thus, forexample, the Emperor desired me to furnish him with 50, 000 cloaks which Iimmediately did. I felt the importance of such an order with theapproach of winter, and in a climate--the rigour of which our troops hadnot yet encountered. I also received orders to seize at Lubeck (Whichtown, as I have already stated, had been alternately taken and retakentry Blucher and Bernadotte) 400, 000 lasts of corn, --[A last weighs 2000kilogrammes]--and to send them to Magdeburg. This corn belonged toRussia. Marshal Mortier, too, had seized some timber for building, whichalso belonged to Russia; and which was estimated at 1, 400, 000 francs. 

Meanwhile our troops continued to advance with such rapidity that heforethe end of November Murat arrived at Warsaw, at the head of the advancedguard of the Grand Army, of which, he had the command. The Emperor'sheadquarters, were then at Posen, and, he received deputations from allparts soliciting the re-establishment and independence of the Kingdom ofPoland. 

Rapp informed me that after receiving the deputation from Warsaw theEmperor said to him, "I love the Poles; their enthusiastic characterpleases me; I should like to make them independent, but that is adifficult matter. Austria, Russia, and Prussia have all had a slice ofthe cake; when the match is once kindled who knows where, theconflagration may stop? My first duty, is towards France, which I mustnot sacrifice to Poland; we must refer this matter to the sovereign ofall things--Time, he will presently show us what we must do. " HadSulkowsky lived Napoleon might have recollected what he had said to himin Egypt, and, in all probability he would have raised up a power, thedismemberment of which; towards the close of the last century, began tooverturn the political equilibrium which had subsisted in Europe sincethe peace of Westphalia in 1648. 

It was at the headquarters at Posen that Duroc rejoined the Emperor afterhis mission to the King of Prussia. His carriage overturned on the way, and he had the misfortune to break his collar-bone. All the letters Ireceived were nothing but a succession of complaints on the bad state ofthe roads. Our troops were absolutely fighting in mud, and it was withextreme difficulty that the artillery and caissons of the army could bemoved along. M. De Talleyrand had been summoned to headquarters by theEmperor, in the expectation of treating for peace, and I was informedthat his carriage stuck in the mud and he was detained on his journey fortwelve hours. A soldier having asked one of the persons in M. DeTalleyrand's suite who the traveller was, was informed that he was theMinister for Foreign Affairs. "Ah! bah!" said the soldier, "why does hecome with his diplomacy to such a devil of a country as this?"

The Emperor entered Warsaw on the 1st of January 1807. Most of thereports which he had received previous to his entrance had concurred indescribing the dissatisfaction of the troops, who for some time had hadto contend with bad roads, bad weather, and all aorta of privations. 'Bonaparte said to the generals who informed him that the enthusiasm ofhis troops had been succeeded by dejection and discontent, "Does theirspirit fail them when they come in sight of the enemy?"--"No, Sire. "--"I knew it; my troops are always the same. " Then turning to Rapp hesaid, "I must rouse them;" and he dictated the following proclamation:

 SOLDIERS--It is a year this very hour since you were on the field of Austerlitz, where the Russian battalions fled in disorder, or surrendered up their arms to their conquerors. Next day proposals, of peace were talked of; but they were deceptive. No sooner had the Russians escaped, by perhaps, blamable generosity from the disasters of the third coalition than they contrived a fourth. But the ally on whose tactics they founded their principal hope was no more. His capital, his fortresses; his magazines; his arsenals, 280 flags, and 700 field-pieces have fallen into our power. The Oder, the Wartha, the deserts of Poland, and the inclemency of the season have not for a moment retarded your progress. You have braved all; surmounted all; every obstacle has fled at your approach. The Russians have in vain endeavoured to defend the capital of ancient and illustrious Poland. The French eagle hovers over the Vistula. The brave and unfortunate Poles, on beholding you, fancied they saw the legions of Sobieski, returning from their memorable expedition. 

 Soldiers, we will not lay down our arms until a general peace has secured the power of our allies and restored to us our colonies and our freedom of trade. We have gained on the Elbe and the Oder, Pondicherry, our Indian establishments, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spanish colonies. Why should the Russians have the right of opposing destiny and thwarting our just designs? They and we are still the soldiers who fought at Austerlitz. 

Rapp thus describes the entrance of the French into Warsaw, and adds afew anecdotes connected with that event:

 "At length we entered the Polish capital. The King of Naples had preceded us, and had driven the Russians from the city. Napoleon was received with enthusiasm. The Poles thought that the moment of their regeneration had arrived, and that their wishes were fulfilled. It would be difficult to describe the joy thus evinced, and the respect with which they treated us. The French troops, however, were not quite so well pleased; they manifested the greatest repugnance to crossing the Vistula. The idea of want and bad weather had inspired them with the greatest aversion to Poland, and they were inexhaustible, in their jokes on the country. "

When Bonaparte dictated his proclamations--and how many have I notwritten from his dictation!--he was for the moment inspired, and heevinced all the excitement which distinguishes the Italian improvisatori. To follow him it was necessary to write with inconceivable rapidity. WhenI have read over to him what he has dictated I have often known him tosmile triumphantly at the effect which he expected any particular phrasewould produce. In general his proclamations turned on three distinctpoints--(1) Praising his soldiers for what they had done; (2) pointingout to them what they had yet to do; and (3) abusing his enemies. Theproclamation to which I have just now alluded was circulated profuselythrough Germany, and it is impossible to conceive the effect it produced. On the whole army. The corps stationed in the rear burned too pass, byforced marches, the space which still separated them from headquarters;and those who were nearer the Emperor forgot their fatigues andprivations and were only anxious to encounter the enemy. They frequentlycould not understand what Napoleon said in these proclamations; but nomatter for that, they would have followed him cheerfully barefooted andwithout provisions. Such was the enthusiasm, or rather the fanaticism, which Napoleon could inspire among his troops when he thought proper torouse them, as he termed it. 

When, on a former occasion, I spoke of the Duke of, Mecklenburg-Schwerinand his family, I forgot a circumstance respecting my intercourse withhim which now occurs to my memory. When, on his expulsion from hisStates, after the battle of Jena, he took refuge in Altona, he requested, through the medium of his Minister at Hamburg, Count von Plessen, that Iwould give him permission occasionally to visit that city. Thispermission I granted without hesitation; but the Duke observed noprecaution in his visits, and I made some friendly observations to him onthe subject. I knew the object of his visits. It was a secretconnection in Hamburg; but in consequence of my observations he removedthe lady to Altona, and assured me that he adopted that determination toavoid committing me. He afterwards came very seldom to Hamburg; but aswe were on the best understanding with Denmark I frequently saw hisdaughter, and son-in-law, who used to visit me at a house I had inHolstein, near Altona. 

There I likewise saw, almost every day, the Duke of Weimar, an excellentold man. I had the advantage of being on such terms of intimacy with himthat my house was in some measure his. He also had lost his States. Iwas so happy as to contribute to their restitution, for my situationenabled me to exercise some influence on the political indulgences orseverities of the Government. I entertained a sincere regard for theDuke of Weimar, and I greatly regretted his departure. No sooner had hearrived in Berlin than he wrote me a letter of, thanks, to which he addedthe present of a diamond, in token of his grateful remembrance of me. The Duke of Mecklenburg was not so fortunate as the Duke of Weimar, inspite of his alliance with the reigning family of Denmark. He wasobliged to remain at Altona until the July following, for his States wererestored only by the Treaty of Tilsit. As soon as it was known that theEmperor had returns to Paris the Duke's son, the Hereditary Prince, visited me in Hamburg, and asked me whether I thought he could presenthimself to the Emperor, for the purpose of expressing his own and hisfather's gratitude. He was a very well-educated young man. He set out, accompanied by M. Oertzen and Baron von Brandstaten. Some timeafterwards I saw his name in the Moniteur, in one of the lists ofpresentations to Napoleon, the collection of which, during the Empire, might be regarded as a general register of the nobility of Europe. 

It is commonly said that we may accustom ourselves to anything, but to methis remark is subject to an exception; for, in spite of the necessity towhich I was reduced of employing spies, I never could surmount thedisgust I felt at them, especially when I saw men destined to fill arespectable rank in society degrade themselves to that infamousprofession. It is impossible to conceive the artifices to which thesemen resort to gain the confidence of those whom they wish to betray. Ofthis the following example just now occurs to my mind. 

One of those wretches who are employed in certain circumstances, and byall parties, came to offer his services to me. His name was Butler, andhe had been sent from England to the Continent as a spy upon the FrenchGovernment. He immediately came to me, complaining of pretended enemiesand unjust treatment. He told me he had the greatest wish to serve theEmperor, and that he would make any sacrifice to prove his fidelity. The real motive of his change of party was, as it is with all such men, merely the hope of a higher reward. Most extraordinary were the schemeshe adopted to prevent his old employers from suspecting that he wasserving new ones. To me he continually repeated how happy he was to berevenged on his enemies in London. He asked me to allow him to go toParis to be examined by the Minister of Police. The better to keep upthe deception he requested that on his arrival in Paris he might beconfined in the Temple, and that there might be inserted in the Frenchjournals an announcement in the following terms:

 "John Butler, commonly called Count Butler, has just been arrested and sent to Paris under a good escort by the French Minister at Hamburg. "

At the expiration of a few weeks Butler, having received hisinstruction's, set out for London, but by way of precaution he said itwould be well to publish in the journals another announcement; which wasas follows:

 "John Butler, who has been arrested in Hamburg as an English agent, and conveyed to Paris, is ordered to quit France and the territories occupied by the French armies and their allies, and not to appear there again until the general peace. "

In England Butler enjoyed the honours of French prosecution. He wasregarded as a victim who deserved all the confidence of the enemies ofFrance. He furnished Fouche with a considerable amount of information, and he was fortunate enough to escape being hanged. 

Notwithstanding the pretended necessity of employing secret agents, Bonaparte was unwilling that, even under that pretext, too manycommunications should be established between France and England: Fouche, nevertheless, actively directed the evolutions of his secret army. Everready to seize on anything that could give importance to the police andencourage the suspicions of the Emperor, Fouche wrote to me that thegovernment had received certain--information that many Frenchmentraveling for commercial houses in France were at Manchester purchasingarticles of English manufacture. This was true; but how was it to beprevented? These traveling clerks passed through Holland, where theyeasily procured a passage to England. 

Louis Bonaparte, conceiving that the King of Holland ought to sacrificethe interests of his new subjects to the wishes of his brother, was atfirst very lenient as to the disastrous Continental system. But at thisNapoleon soon manifested his displeasure, and about the end of the year1806 Louis was reduced to the necessity of ordering the strict observanceof the blockade. The facility with which the travelers of Frenchcommercial houses passed from Holland to England gave rise to otheralarms on the part of the French Government. It was said that sinceFrenchmen could so easily pass from the Continent to Great Britain, theagents of the English Cabinet might, by the same means, find their way tothe Continent. Accordingly the consuls were directed to keep a watchfuleye, not only upon individuals who evidently came from England, but uponthose who might by any possibility come from that country. This plan wasall very well, but how was it to be put into execution? . . . TheContinent was, nevertheless, inundated with articles of Englishmanufacture, for this simple reason, that, however powerful may be thewill of a sovereign, it is still less powerful and less lasting than thewants of a people. The Continental system reminded me of the law createdby an ancient legislator, who, for a crime which he conceived could notpossibly be committed, condemned the person who should be guilty of it tothrow a bull over Mount Taurus. 

It is not my present design to trace a picture of the state of Europe atthe close of 1806. I will merely throw together a few facts which came tomy knowledge at the time, and which I find in my correspondence. I havealready mentioned that the Emperor arrived at Warsaw on the 1st ofJanuary. During his stay at Posen he had, by virtue of a treatyconcluded with the Elector of Saxony, founded a new kingdom, andconsequently extended his power in Germany, by the annexation of the newKingdom of Saxony to the Confederation of the Rhine. By the terms ofthis treaty Saxony, so justly famed for her cavalry, was to furnish theEmperor with a contingent of 20, 000 men and horses. 

It was quite a new spectacle to the Princes of Germany, all accustomed toold habits of etiquette, to see an upstart sovereign treat them assubjects, and even oblige them to consider themselves as such. Thosefamous Saxons, who had made Charlemagne tremble, threw themselves on theprotection of the Emperor; and the alliance of the head of the House ofSaxony was not a matter of indifference to Napoleon, for the new Kingwas, on account of his age, his tastes, and his character, more reveredthan any other German Prince. 

From the moment of Napoleon's arrival at Warsaw until the commencement ofhostilities against the Russians he was continually solicited toreestablish the throne of Poland, and to restore its chivalrousindependence to the ancient empire of the Jagellons. A person who was atthat time in Warsaw told me that the Emperor was in the greatestuncertainty as to what he should do respecting Poland. He was entreatedto reestablish that ancient and heroic kingdom; but he came to nodecision, preferring, according to custom, to submit to events, that hemight appear to command them. At Warsaw, indeed, the Emperor passed agreat part of his time in fetes and reviews, which, however, did notprevent him from watching, with his eagle eye, every department of thepublic service, both interior and exterior. He himself was in the capitalof Poland, but his vast influence was present everywhere. I heard Durocsay, when we were conversing together about the campaign of Tilsit, thatNapoleon's activity and intelligence were never more conspicuouslydeveloped. 

One very remarkable feature of the imperial wars was, that, with theexception of the interior police, of which Fouche was the soul, the wholegovernment of France was at the headquarters of the Emperor. At WarsawNapoleon's attention was not only occupied with the affairs of his army, but he directed the whole machinery of the French Government just thesame as if he had been in Paris. Daily estafettes, and frequently theuseless auditors of the Council of State, brought him reports more orless correct, and curious disclosures which were frequently the inventionof the police. The portfolios of the Ministers arrived every week, withthe exception of those of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and theMinister of the War Department; the former had first stopped at Mayencewith the Empress, but had been called on to Warsaw; and the latter, Clarke, was, for the misfortune of Berlin, governor of that city. Thisstate of things lasted during the ten months of the Emperor's absencefrom Paris. Louis XIV. Said, "I am myself the State. " Napoleon did notsay this; but, in fact, under his reign the Government of France wasalways at his headquarters. This circumstance had well-nigh proved fatalto him, on the occasion of the extraordinary conspiracy of Malet, withsome points of which I alone, perhaps, am thoroughly acquainted. TheEmperor employed the month of January in military preparations for theapproaching attack of the Russians, but at the same time he did notneglect the business of the cabinet: with him nothing was suffered tolinger in arrear. 

While Napoleon was at Warsaw a battle was not the only thing to bethought about; affairs were much more complicated than during thecampaign of Vienna. It was necessary, on the one hand, to observePrussia, which was occupied; and on the other to anticipate the Russians, whose movements indicated that they were inclined to strike the firstblow. In the preceding campaign Austria, before the taking of Vienna, was engaged alone. The case was different now: Austria had had onlysoldiers; and Prussia, as Blucher declared to me, was beginning to havecitizens. There was no difficulty in returning from Vienna, but a greatdeal in returning from Warsaw, in case of failure, notwithstanding thecreation of the Kingdom of Saxony, and the provisional government givento Prussia, and to the other States of Germany which we had conquered. None of these considerations escaped the penetration of Napoleon: nothingwas omitted in the notes, letters, and official correspondence which cameto me from all quarters. Receiving, as I did, accurate information frommy own correspondents of all that was passing in Germany, it oftenhappened that I transmitted to the Government the same news which ittransmitted to me, not supposing that I previously knew it. Thus, forexample, I thought I was apprising the Government of the arming ofAustria, of which I received information from headquarters a few daysafter. 

During the Prussian campaign Austria played precisely the same waitinggame which Prussia had played clueing the campaign of Austria. AsPrussia had, before the battle of Austerlitz, awaited the success ordefeat of the French to decide whether she should remain neutral ordeclare herself against France, so Austria, doubtless supposing thatRussia would be more fortunate as the ally of Prussia than she had beenas her ally, assembled a corps of 40, 000 men in Bohemia. That corps wascalled an army of observation; but the nature of these armies ofobservation is well known; they belong to the class of armedneutralities, like the ingenious invention of sanitary cordons. The factis, that the 40, 000 men assembled in Bohemia were destined to aid andassist the Russians in case they should be successful (and who can blamethe Austrian Government for wishing to wash away the shame of the Treatyof Presburg?). Napoleon had not a moment to lose, but this activityrequired no spur; he had hastened the battle of Austerlitz to anticipatePrussia, and he now found it necessary to anticipate Russia in order tokeep Austria in a state of indecision. 

The Emperor, therefore, left Warsaw about the end of January, andimmediately gave orders for engaging the Russian army in the beginning ofFebruary; but, in spite of his desire of commencing the attack, he wasanticipated. On the 8th of February, at seven in the morning, he wasattacked by the Russians, who advanced during a terrible storm of snow, which fell in large flakes. They approached Preussich-Eylau, where theEmperor was, and the Imperial Guard stopped the Russian column. Nearlythe whole French army was engaged in that battle-one of the mostsanguinary ever fought in Europe. The corps commanded by Bernadotte wasnot engaged, in the contest; it had been stationed on the left atMohrungen, whence it menaced Dantzic. The issue of the battle would havebeen very different had the four, divisions of infantry and the two ofcavalry composing Bernadotte's corps arrived in time; but unfortunatelythe officer instructed to convey orders to Bernadotte to march withoutdelay on Preussich-Eylau was taken by a body of Cossacks; Bernadotte, therefore, did not arrive. Bonaparte, who always liked to throw blame onsome one if things did not turn out exactly as he wished, attributed thedoubtful success of the day to the absence of Bernadotte; in this he wasright; but to make his absence a reproach to that Marshal was a grossinjustice. Bernadotte was accused of not having been willing to march onPreussich-Eylau, though, as it was alleged, General d'Hautpoult hadinformed him of the necessity of his presence. But how can that fact beascertained, since General d'Hautpoult was killed on that same day? Whocan assure us that that General had been able to communicate with theMarshal?

Those who knew Bonaparte, his cunning, and the artful advantage he wouldsometimes take of words which he attributed to the dead, will easilysolve the enigma. The battle of Eylau was terrible. Night cameon--Bernadotte's corps was instantly, but in vain, expected; and after agreat loss the French army had the melancholy honour of passing the nighton the field of battle. Bernadotte at length arrived, but too late. Hemet the enemy, who were retreating without the fear of being molestedtowards Konigsberg, the only capital remaining to Prussia. The King ofPrussia was then at Memel, a small port on the Baltic, thirty leaguesfrom Konigsberg. 

After the battle of Eylau both sides remained stationary, and severaldays elapsed without anything remarkable taking place. The offers ofpeace made by the Emperor, with very little earnestness it is true, weredisdainfully rejected, as if a victory disputed with Napoleon was to beregarded as a triumph. The battle of Eylau seemed to turn the heads ofthe Russians, who chanted Te Deum on the occasion. But while the Emperorwas making preparations to advance, his diplomacy was taking effect in adistant quarter, and raising up against Russia an old and formidableenemy. Turkey declared war against her. This was a powerful diversion, and obliged Russia to strip her western frontiers to secure a line ofdefence on the south. 

Some time after General Gardanne set out on the famous embassy to Persia;for which the way had been paved by the success of the mission of myfriend, Amedee Jaubert. This embassy was not merely one of those pompouslegations such as Charlemagne, Louis XIV. , and Louis XVI. Received fromthe Empress Irene, the King of Siam, and Tippoo Saib. It was connectedwith ideas which Bonaparte had conceived at the very dawn of his power. It was, indeed, the light from the East which fast enabled him to see hisgreatness in perspective; and that light never ceased to fix hisattention and dazzle his imagination. I know well that Gardanne'sembassy was at first conceived on a much grander scale than that on whichit was executed. Napoleon had resolved to send to the Shah of Persia4000 infantry, commanded by chosen and experienced officers, 10, 000muskets, and 50 pieces, of cannon; and I also know that orders were givenfor the execution of this design. The avowed object of the Emperor wasto enable the Shah of Persia to make an important diversion, with 80, 000men, in, the eastern provinces of Russia. But there was likewiseanother, an old and constant object, which was always, uppermost inNapoleon's mind, namely the wish to strike at England in the very heartof her Asiatic possessions. Such was the principal motive of Gardanne'smission, but circumstances did not permit the Emperor, to, give, it, allthe importance he desired. He contented himself with sending a fewofficers of engineers and artillery, to Persia, who, on their arrival, were astonished at the number of English they found there. 

CHAPTER XI. 

1807

 Abuse of military power--Defence of diplomatic rights--Marshal Brune --Army supplies--English cloth and leather--Arrest on a charge of libel--Dispatch from M. Talleyrand--A page of Napoleon's glory-- Interview between the two Emperors at Tilsit, --Silesia restored to the Queen of Prussia--Unfortunate situation in Prussia-- Impossibility of reestablishing Poland in 1807--Foundation of the Kingdom of Westphalia--The Duchy of Warsaw and the King of Saxony. 

Meanwhile the internal affairs of the towns over which my diplomaticjurisdiction extended soon gave me more employment than ever. Thegreatest misfortune of the Empire was, perhaps, the abuse of the rightarrogated by the wearers of epaulettes. My situation gave me anopportunity of observing all the odious character of a militarygovernment. Another in my place could not have done all that I did. Isay this confidently, for my situation was a distinct and independentone, as Bonaparte had told me: Being authorised to correspond directlywith the Emperor; the military chiefs feared, if they did not yield to myjust representations, that I would made private reports; thisapprehension was wonderfully useful in enabling me to maintain the rightsof the towns, which had adopted me as their first citizen. 

A circumstance occurred in which I had to defend the rights of thediplomatic and commercial agents against the pretensions of militarypower. Marshal Brune during his government at Hamburg, went to Bremman. To watch the strict execution of the illusive blockade against England. The Marshal acting no doubt, in conformity with the instructions ofClarke, then Minister of War and Governor of Berlin, wished to arrogatethe right of deciding on the captures made by our cruisers. 

He attempted to prevent the Consul Lagau from selling the confiscatedships in order to sell them himself. Of this M. Lagau complained to me. The more I observed a disposition to encroach on the part of the militaryauthorities, the more I conceived it necessary to maintain the rights ofthe consuls, and to favour their influence, without which they would havelost their consideration. To the complaints of M. Lagau I replied, "That to him alone belonged the right of deciding, in the first instance, on the fate of the ships; that he could not be deprived of that rightwithout changing the law; that he was free to sell the confiscatedPrussian ships; that Marshall Brune was at Bremen only for the executionof the decree respecting the blockade of England, and that he ought notto interfere in business unconnected with that decree. " Lagau showedthis letter to Brune, who then allowed him to do as he wished; but it wasan affair of profit, and the Marshal for a long time owed me a grudge. 

Bernadotte was exceedingly disinterested, but he loved to be talkedabout. The more the Emperor endeavoured to throw accusations upon him, the more he was anxious to give publicity to all his actions. He sent tome an account of the brilliant affair of Braunsburg, in which a divisionof the first corps had been particularly distinguished. Along with thisnarrative he sent me a note in the following terms:--"I send you, mydear. Minister, an account of the affair of Braunsburg. You will, perhaps, think proper to publish it. In that case I shall be obliged byyour getting it inserted in the Hamburg journals, " I did so. Theinjustice of the Emperor, and the bad way in which he spoke ofBernadotte, obliged the latter, --for the sake of his own credit, to makethe truth known to the world. 

I have already mentioned that I received an order from the Emperor tosupply 50, 000 cloaks for the army. With this order, which was not theonly one I received of the same kind, some circumstances were connectedwhich I may take the present opportunity of explaining. 

The Emperor gave me so many orders for army clothing that all that couldbe supplied by the cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck would have beeninsufficient for executing the commissions. I entered into a treaty witha house in Hamburg, which I authorised, in spite of the Berlin decree, to bring cloth and leather from England. Thus I procured these articlesin a sure and cheap way. Our troops might have perished of cold had theContinental system and the absurd mass of inexecutable decrees relativeto English merchandise been observed. 

The Director of the Customs at Hamburg got angry, but I held firm: mycloths and my leather arrived; cloaks, coats; boots, all were promptlymade, and our soldiers thus were sheltered from the severity of theseason. To preserve peace with the Imperial Custom-house I wrote to M. Collie, then Director-General, that M. Eudel having wished to put inexecution the law of the 10th Brumaire and complaints had been made onevery side. Marshal Brune asked for my opinion on this matter, and Igave it to him. I declared to M. Collie that the full execution of thedecree of 31st October 1796 was impracticable, injurious to France, andto the Hanseatic Towns, without doing harm to England. Indeed, what saidarticle 5 of this law? "All goods imported from foreign countries, whatever may be their origin, are to be considered as coming from Englishmanufacturers. " According to this article France was a foreign countryfor the Hanseatic Towns, and none of the objects enumerated in thisarticle ought to enter Hamburg! But the town received from England alarge quantity of fine cloths, buttons; ironmongery, toys, china; andfrom France only clocks, bronzes, jewellery, ribbons, bonnets, gauzes andgloves. "Let, " said I to M. Eudel, "the Paris Duane be asked what thattown alone exports in matters of this sort and it will be seen howimportant it is not to stop a trade all the more profitable to France, as the workmanship forms the greatest part of the price of the goodswhich make up this trade. What would happen if the importation of thesegoods were absolutely prohibited in Hamburg? The consignments wouldcease, and one of the most productive sources of trade for France, andespecially for Paris would be cut off. "

At this time neither Hamburg nor its territory had any manufacture ofcloth. All woollen stuffs were prohibited, according to M. Eudel, andstill my duty was to furnish, and I had furnished, 50, 000 cloaks for theGrand Army. In compliance with a recent Imperial decree I had to havemade without delay 16, 000 coats, 37, 000 waistcoats, and the Emperorrequired of me 200, 000 pairs of boots, besides the 40, 000 pairs I hadsent in. Yet M. Eudel said that tanned and worked leather ought not toenter Hamburg! If such a ridiculous application of the law of 1796 hadbeen made it would have turned the decree of 21st November 1796 againstFrance, without fulfilling its object. 

These reflections, to which I added other details, made the Governmentconclude that I was right, and I traded with England to the greatadvantage of the armies, which were well clothed and shod. What in theworld can be more ridiculous than commercial laws carried out to one'sown detriment?

At the beginning of 1807 my occupations at Hamburg were divided betweenthe furnishing of supplies for the army and the inspection of theemigrants, whom Fouche pretended to dread in order to give greaterimportance to his office. 

I never let slip an opportunity of mitigating the rigour of Fouche'sorders, which, indeed, were sometimes so absurd that I did not attempt toexecute them. Of this an instance occurs to my recollection. A printerat Hamburg had been arrested on the charge of having printed a libel inthe German language. The man was detained in prison because, very muchto his honour, he would not disclose the name of the writer of thepamphlet. I sent for him and questioned him. He told me, with everyappearance of sincerity, that he had never but once seen the man who hadbrought him the manuscript. I was convinced of the truth of what hesaid, and I gave an order for his liberation. To avoid irritating thesusceptibility of the Minister of Police I wrote to him the following fewlines:--"The libel is the most miserable rhapsody imaginable. The author, probably with the view of selling his pamphlet in Holstein, predicts thatDenmark will conquer every other nation and become the greatest kingdomin the world. This alone will suffice to prove to you how little clangerthere is in rubbish written in the style of the Apocalypse. "

After the battle of Eylau I received a despatch from M. De Talleyrand, towhich was added an account in French of that memorable battle, which wasmore fatal to the conqueror than to the other party, --I cannot say theconquered in speaking of the Russians, the more especially when Irecollect the precautions which were then taken throughout Germany tomake known the French before the Russian version. The Emperor wasexceedingly anxious that every one should view that event as he himselfviewed it. Other accounts than his might have produced an unfavourableimpression in the north. I therefore had orders to publish that account. I caused 2000 copies of it to be issued, which were more than sufficientfor circulation in the Hanse Towns and their territories. 

The reader will perhaps complain that I have been almost silent withrespect to the grand manoeuvres of the French army from the battle ofEylau to that of Friedland, where, at all events, our success wasindisputable. There was no necessity for printing favourable versions ofthat event, and, besides, its immense results were soon felt throughoutEurope. The interview at Tilsit is one of the culminating points ofmodern history, and the waters of the Niemen reflected the image ofNapoleon at the height of his glory. The interview between the twoEmperors at Tilsit, and the melancholy situation of the King of Prussia, are generally known. I was made acquainted with but few secret detailsrelative to those events, for Rapp had gone to Dantzic, and it was he whomost readily communicated to me all that the Emperor said and did, andall that was passing around him. --

 --[Savory gives the following account of the interview between Napoleon and Alexander at Tilsit. 

 "The Emperor Napoleon, whose courtesy was manifest in all his actions, ordered a large raft to be floated in the middle of the river, upon which was constructed a room well covered in and elegantly decorated having two doors on opposite aides, each of which opened into an antechamber. The work could not have been better executed in Paris. The roof was surmounted by two weathercocks: one displaying the eagle of Russia, and the other the eagle of France. The two outer doors were also surmounted by the eagles of the two countries. 

 "The raft was precisely in the middle of the river, with the two doors of the salon facing the two opposite banks. 

 "The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of the river, and embarked at the same moment But the Emperor Napoleon having a good boat, manned by marines of the Guard, arrived first on the raft, entered the room, and went to the opposite door, which he opened, and then stationed himself on the edge of the raft to receive the Emperor Alexander, who had not yet arrived, not having each good rowers as the Emperor Napoleon. 

 "The two Emperors met in the most amicable way, et least to all appearance. They remained together for a considerable time, and then took leave of each other with as friendly an air as that with which they had met. 

 "Next day the Emperor of Russia established himself at Tilsit with a battalion of his Guard. Orders were given for evacuating that part of the town where he and his battalion were to be quartered; and, though we were very much pressed for room, no encroachment on the space allotted to the Russians was thought of. 

 "On the day the Emperor Alexander, entered Tilsit the whole army was under arms. The Imperial Guard was drawn out in two lines of three deep from the landing-place to the Emperor Napoleon's quarters, and from thence to the quarters of the Emperor of Russia. A salute of 100 guns was fired the moment Alexander stepped ashore on the spot where the Emperor Napoleon was waiting to receive him. The latter carried his attention to his visitor so far as to send from his quarters the furniture for Alexander's bedchamber. Among the articles sent was a camp-bed belonging to the Emperor, which he presented to Alexander, who appeared much pleased with the gift. 

 "This meeting; the first which history records of the same kind and of equal importance, attracted visitors to Tilsit from 100 leagues round. M. De Talleyrand arrived, and after the observance of the usual ceremonies business began to be discussed. " (Memoirs of the Due de Rovigo, tome iii. P. 117). 

 "When, " said Napoleon, "I was at Tilsit with the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia, I was the most ignorant of the three in military affairs. These two sovereigns, especially the King of Prussia, were completely 'au fait' as to the number of buttons there ought to be in front of a jacket, how many behind, and the manner in which the skirts ought to be cut. Not a tailor in the army knew better than King Frederick how many measures of cloth it took to make a jacket. In fact, " continued he laughing, "I was nobody in comparison with them. They continually tormented me about matters belonging to tailors, of which I was entirely ignorant, although, in order not to affront them, I answered just as gravely as if the fate of an army depended upon the cut of a jacket. When I went to see the King of Prussia, instead of a library, I found that he had a large room, like an arsenal, furnished with shelves and pegs; on which were hung fifty or sixty jackets of different patterns. Every day he changed his fashion and put on a different one. He attached more importance to this than was necessary for the salvation of a kingdom. " (O'Meara's Napoleon in Exile. )]--

I, however, learned one circumstance peculiarly worthy of remark whichoccurred in the Emperor's apartments at Tilsit the first time he receiveda visit from the King of Prussia. That unfortunate monarch, who wasaccompanied by Queen Louisa, had taken refuge in a mill beyond the town. This was his sole habitation, whilst the Emperors occupied the twoportions of the town, which is divided by the Niemen. The fact I amabout to relate reached me indirectly through the medium of an offices ofthe Imperial Guard, who was on duty in Napoleon's apartments and was aneye-witness of it. When the Emperor Alexander visited Napoleon theycontinued for a long time in conversation on a balcony below, where asimmense crowd hailed their meeting with enthusiastic shouts. Napoleoncommenced the conversation, as he did the year preceding with the Emperorof Austria, by speaking of the uncertain fate of war. Whilst they wereconversing the King of Prussia was announced. The King's emotion wasvisible, and may easily be imagined; for as hostilities were suspended, and his territory in possession of the French, his only hope was in thegenerosity of the conqueror. Napoleon himself, it is said, appearedmoved by his situation, and invited him, together with the Queen, todinner. On sitting down to table Napoleon with great gallantry told thebeautiful Queen that he would restore to her Silesia, a province whichshe earnestly wished should be retained in the new arrangements whichwere necessarily about to take place. 

 --[Las Cases mentions that at the time of the treaty of Tilsit Napoleon wrote to the Empress Josephine as follows:

 "'The Queen of Prussia is really a charming woman. She is fond of coquetting with me; but do not be jealous: I am like oilcloth, along which everything of this sort elides without penetrating. It would cost me too dear to play the gallant'

 "On this subject an anecdote was related in the salon of Josephine. It was said that the Queen of Prussia one day had a beautiful rose in her hand, which the Emperor asked her to give him. The Queen hesitated for a few moments, and then presented it to him, saying, 'Why should I so readily grant what you request, while you remain deaf to all my entreaties?' (She alluded to the fortress of Magdeburg, which she had earnestly solicited). " (Memorial de St. Helene). ]--

The treaty of peace concluded at Tilsit between France and Russia, on the7th of July, and ratified two days after, produced no less striking achange in the geographical division of Europe than had been effected theyear preceding by the Treaty of Presburg. The treaty contained nostipulation dishonourable to Russia, whose territory was preservedinviolate; but how was Prussia treated? Some historians, for the vainpleasure of flattering by posthumous praises the pretended moderation ofNapoleon, have almost reproached him for having suffered some remnants ofthe monarchy of the great Frederick to survive. There is, nevertheless, a point on which Napoleon has been wrongfully condemned, at least withreference to the campaign of 1807. It has been said that he should atthat period have re-established the kingdom of Poland; and certainlythere is every reason to regret, for the interests of France and Europe, that it was not re-established. But when a desire, even founded onreason, is not carried into effect, should we conclude that thewished-for object ought to be achieved in defiance of all obstacles? Atthat time, that is to say, during the campaign of Tilsit, insurmountableobstacles existed. 

If, however, by the Treaty of Tilsit, the throne of Poland was notrestored to serve as a barrier between old Europe and the Empire of theCzars, Napoleon founded a Kingdom of Westphalia, which he gave to theyoung 'ensigne de vaisseau' whom he had scolded as a schoolboy, and whomhe now made a King, that he might have another crowned prefect under hiscontrol. The Kingdom of Westphalia was composed of the States ofHesse-Cassel, of a part of the provinces taken from Prussia by themoderation of the Emperor, and of the States of Paderborn, Fulda, Brunswick, and a part of the Electorate of Hanover. Napoleon, at thesame time, though he did not like to do things by halves, to avoidtouching the Russian and Austrian provinces of old Poland, planted onthe banks of the Vistula the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which he gave to theKing of Saxony, with the intention of increasing or destroying itafterwards as he might find convenient. Thus he allowed the Poles tohope better things for the future, and ensured to himself partisans inthe north should the chances of fortune call him thither. Alexander, who was cajoled even more than his father had been by what I may callthe political coquetry of Napoleon, consented to all these arrangements, acknowledged 'in globo' all the kings crowned by the Emperor, andaccepted some provinces which had belonged to his despoiled ally, theKing of Prussia, doubtless by way of consolation for not having beenable to get more restored to Prussia. The two Emperors parted the bestfriends in the world; but the Continental system was still in existence. 

CHAPTER XII. 

1807. 

 Effect produced at Altona by the Treaty of Tilsit--The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin's departure from Hamburg--English squadron in the Sound--Bombardment of Copenhagen--Perfidy of England--Remark of Bonaparte to M. Lemercier--Prussia erased from the map--Napoleon's return to Paris--Suppression of the Tribunate--Confiscation of English merchandise--Nine millions gained to France--M. Caulaincourt Ambassador to Russia--Repugnance of England to the intervention of Russia--Affairs of Portugal--Junot appointed to command the army-- The Prince Regent's departure for the Brazils--The Code Napoleon-- Introduction of the French laws into Germany--Leniency of Hamburg Juries--The stolen cloak and the Syndic Doormann. 

The Treaty of Tilsit, as soon as it was known at Altona, spreadconsternation amongst the emigrants. As to the German Princes, who wereawaiting the issue of events either at Altolna or Hamburg, when theylearned that a definitive treaty of peace had been signed between Franceand Russia, and that two days after the Treaty of Tilsit the Prussianmonarchy was placed at the mercy of Napoleon, every courier that arrivedthrew them into indescribable agitation. It depended on the Emperor'swill whether they were to be or not to be. The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin had not succeeded in getting himself re-established in hisstates, by an exceptional decision, like the Duke of Weimar; but atlength he obtained the restitution of his territory at the request of theEmperor Alexander, and on the 28th of July he quitted Hamburg to returnto his Duchy. 

The Danish charge d'affaires communicated to me about the same time anofficial report from his Government. This report announced that onMonday, the 3d of August, a squadron consisting of twelve ships of theline and twelve frigates, commanded by Admiral Gambier, had passed theSound. The rest of the squadron was seen in the Categat. At the sametime the English troops which were in the island of Rugen had reembarked. We could not then conceive what enterprise this considerable force hadbeen sent upon. But our uncertainty was soon at an end. M. Didelot, theFrench Ambassador at Copenhagen, arrived at Hamburg, at nine o'clock inthe evening of the 12th of August. He had been fortunate enough to passthrough the Great Belt, though in sight of the English, without beingstopped. I forwarded his report to Paris by an extraordinary courier. 

The English had sent 20, 000 men and twenty-seven vessels into the Baltic;Lord Cathcart commanded the troops. The coast of Zealand was blockadedby ninety vessels. Mr. Jackson, who had been sent by England tonegotiate with Denmark, which she feared would be invaded by the Frenchtroops, supported the propositions he was charged to offer to Denmark bya reference to this powerful British force. Mr. Jackson's proposals hadfor their object nothing less than to induce the King of Denmark to placein the custody of England the whole of his ships and naval stores. Theywere, it is true, to be kept in deposit, but the condition contained thewords, "until the conclusion of a general peace, " which rendered theperiod of their restoration uncertain. They were to be detained untilsuch precautions should be no longer necessary. A menace and itsexecution followed close upon this demand. After a noble but uselessresistance, and a terrific bombardment, Copenhagen surrendered, and theDanish fleet was destroyed. It would be difficult to find in history amore infamous and revolting instance of the abuse of power againstweakness. 

Sometime after this event a pamphlet entitled "Germania" appeared, whichI translated and sent to the Emperor. It was eloquently written, andexpressed the indignation which the conduct of England had excited in theauthor as in every one else. 

 --["That expedition, " said Napoleon at St. Helena, "showed great energy on the part of your Ministers: but setting aside the violation of the laws of, nations which you committed--for in fact it was nothing but a robbery--I think that it was; injurious to your interests, as it made the Danish nation irreconcilable enemies to you, and in fact shut you out of the north for three years. When I heard of it I said, I am glad of it, as it will embroil England irrecoverably with the Northern Powers. The Danes being able to join me with sixteen sail of the line was of but little consequence. I had plenty of ships, and only wanted seamen, whom you did not take, and whom I obtained afterwards, while by the expedition your Ministers established their characters as faithless, and as persons with whom no engagements, no laws were binding. " (Voice from St. Helena. )]--

I have stated what were the principal consequences of the Treaty ofTilsit; it is more than probable that if the bombardment of Copenhagenhad preceded the treaty the Emperor would have used Prussia even worsethan he did. He might have erased her from the list of nations; but hedid not do so, out of regard to the Emperor Alexander. The destructionof Prussia was no new project with Bonaparte. I remember an observationof his to M. Lemercier upon that subject when we first went to reside atMalmaison. M. Lemercier had been reading to the First Consul some poemin which Frederick the Great was spoken of. "You seem to admire himgreatly, " said Bonaparte to M. Lemercier; "what do you find in him soastonishing? He is not equal to Turenne. "--"General, " replied M. Lemercier, "it is not merely the warrior that I esteem in Frederick; itis impossible to refrain from admiring a man who was a philosopher evenon the throne. " To this the First Consul replied, in a half ill-humouredtone, "Certainly, Lemercier; but Frederick's philosophy shall not preventme from erasing his kingdom from the map of Europe. " The kingdom ofFrederick the Great was not, however, obliterated from the map, becausethe Emperor of Russia would not basely abandon a faithful ally who hadincurred with him the chances of fortune. Prussia then bitterly had tolament the tergiversations which had prevented her from declaring herselfagainst France during the campaign of Austerlitz. 

Napoleon returned to Paris about the end of July after an absence of tenmonths, the longest he had yet made since he had been at the head of theFrench Government, whether as Consul or Emperor. The interview atTilsit, the Emperor Alexander's friendship, which was spoken ofeverywhere in terms of exaggeration, and the peace established on theContinent, conferred on Napoleon a moral influence in public opinionwhich he had not possessed since his coronation. Constant in his hatredof deliberative assemblies, which he had often termed collections ofbabblers, ideologists, and phrasemongers, Napoleon, on his return toParis, suppressed the Tribunate, which had been an annoyance to him eversince the first day of his elevation. The Emperor, who was 'skillfulabove all men in speculating on the favourable disposition of opinion, availed himself at this conjuncture of the enthusiasm produced by hisinterview on the Niemen. He therefore discarded from the fundamentalinstitutions of the government that which still retained the shadow of apopular character. But it was necessary that he should possess a Senatemerely to vote men; a mute Legislative Body to vote money; that thereshould be no opposition in the one and no criticism in the other; nocontrol over him of any description; the power of arbitrarily doingwhatever he pleased; an enslaved press;--this was what Napoleon wished, and this he obtained. But the month of March 1814 resolved the questionof absolute power!

In the midst of these great affairs, and while Napoleon was dreaming ofuniversal monarchy, I beheld in a less extensive sphere the inevitableconsequences of the ambition of a single man. Pillage and robbery werecarried on in all parts over which my diplomatic jurisdiction extended. Rapine seemed to be legally authorised, and was perpetrated with suchfury, and at the same time with such ignorance, that the agents werefrequently unacquainted with the value of the articles which they seized. Thus, for example, the Emperor ordered the seizure at Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck of all English merchandise, whatever might be its nature ororigin. The Prince of Neufchatel (Berthier) wrote to me from the Emperorthat I must procure 10, 000, 000 francs from the Hanse Towns. M. Daru, theIntendant-General, whose business it was to collect this sort of levy, which Napoleon had learned to make in Egypt, wrote to urge me to obtain aprompt and favourable decision. The unfortunate towns which I was thusenjoined to oppress had already suffered sufficiently. I had obtained, by means of negotiation, more than was demanded for the ransom of theEnglish merchandise, which had been seized according to order. Before Ireceived the letters of M. Darn and the Prince of Neufchatel I hadobtained from Hamburg 16, 000, 000 instead of 10, 000, 000, besides nearly3, 000, 000 from Bremen and Lubeck. Thus I furnished the Government with9, 000, 000 more than had been required, and yet I had so managed thatthose enormous sacrifices were not overoppressive to those who made them. I fixed the value of the English merchandise because I knew that the highprice at which it sold on the Continent would not only cover the proposedransom but also leave a considerable profit. Such was the singulareffect of the Continental system that when merchandise was confiscated, and when afterwards the permission to sell it freely was given, the pricefetched at the sale was so large that the loss was covered, and evengreat advantage gained. 

Peace being concluded with Russia it was necessary to make choice of anAmbassador, not only to maintain the new relations of amity betweenNapoleon and Alexander, but likewise to urge on the promised interventionof Russia with England, --to bring about reconciliation and peace betweenthe Cabinets of Paris and London. The Emperor confided this mission toCaulaincourt, with respect to whom there existed an unfounded prejudicerelating to some circumstances which preceded the death of the Ducd'Enghien. This unfortunate and unjust impression had precededCaulaincourt to St. Petersburg, and it was feared that he would notexperience the reception due to the French Ambassador and to his ownpersonal qualities. I knew at the time, from positive information, thatafter a short explanation with Alexander that monarch retained nosuspicion unfavourable to our Ambassador, for whom he conceived andmaintained great esteem and friendship. 

Caulaincourt's mission was not, in all respects, easy of fulfilment, forthe invincible repugnance and reiterated refusal of England to enter intonegotiations with France through the medium of Russia was one of theremarkable circumstances of the period of which I am speaking. I knewpositively that England was determined never to allow Napoleon to possesshimself of the whole of the Continent, --a project which he indicated tooundisguisedly to admit of any doubt respecting it. For two years he hadindeed advanced with rapid strides; but England was not discouraged. Shewas too well aware of the irritation of the sovereigns and the discontentof the people not be certain that when she desired it, her lever of goldwould again raise up and arm the Continent against the encroaching powerof Napoleon. He, on his part, perceiving that all his attempts werefruitless, and that England would listen to no proposals, devised freshplans for raising up new enemies against England. 

It probably is not forgotten that in 1801 France compelled Portugal tomake common cause with her against England. In 1807 the Emperor didagain what the First Consul had done. By an inexplicable fatality Junotobtained the command of the troops which were marching against Portugal. I say against Portugal, for that was the fact, though France representedherself as a protector to deliver Portugal from the influence of England. Be that as it may, the choice which the Emperor made of a commanderastonished everybody. Was Junot, a compound of vanity and mediocrity, the fit man to be entrusted with the command of an army in a distantcountry, and under circumstances in which great political and militarytalents were requisite? For my own part, knowing Junot's incapacity, Imust acknowledge that his appointment astonished me. I remember one day, when I was speaking on the subject to Bernadotte, he showed me a letterhe had received from Paris, in which it was said that the Emperor hadsent Junot to Portugal only for the sake of depriving him of thegovernment of Paris. Junot annoyed Napoleon by his bad conduct, hisfolly, and his incredible extravagance. He was alike devoid ofdignity--either in feeling or conduct. Thus Portugal was twice theplace of exile selected by Consular and Imperial caprice: first, whenthe First Consul wished to get rid of the familiarity of Lannes; andnext, when the Emperor grew weary of the misconduct of a favourite. 

The invasion of Portugal presented no difficulty. It was an armedpromenade and not a war; but how many events were connected with theoccupation of that country! The Prince Regent of Portugal, unwilling toact dishonourably to England, to which he was allied by treaties; andunable to oppose the whole power of Napoleon, embarked for Brazil, declaring that all defence was useless. At the same time he recommendedhis subjects to receive the French troops in a friendly manner, and saidthat he consigned to Providence the consequences of an invasion which waswithout a motive. He was answered in the Emperor's name that, Portugalbeing the ally of England, we were only carrying on hostilities against, the latter country by invading his dominions. 

It was in the month of November that the code of French jurisprudence, upon which the most learned legislators had indefatigably laboured, wasestablished as the law of the State, under the title of the CodeNapoleon. Doubtless this legislative monument will redound to Napoleon'shonour in history; but was it to be supposed that the same laws would beequally applicable throughout so vast an extent as that comprised withinthe French Empire? Impossible as this was, as soon as the Code Napoleonway promulgated I received orders to establish it in the Hanse Towns. 

 --[This great code of Civil Law was drawn up under Napoleon's orders and personal superintendence. Much had been prepared under the Convention, and the chief merits of it were due to the labours of such men as Tronchet; Partatis, Bigot de Preameneu, Maleville, Cambaceres, etc. But it was debated under and by Napoleon, who took a lively interest in it. It was first called the "Code Civil, " but is 1807 was named "Code Napoleon, " or eventually "Les Cinq Codes de Napoleon. " When completed in 1810 it included five Codes--the Code Civil, decreed March 1803; Code de Procedure Civile, decreed April 1806; Code de Commerce, decreed September 1807; Code d'Instruction Criminelle, decreed November 1808; and the Code Penal, decreed February 1810. It had to be retained by the Bourbons, and its principles have worked and are slowly working their way into the law of every nation. Napoleon was justly proud of this work. The Introduction of the Code into the conquered countries was, as Bourrienne says, made too quickly. Puymaigre, who was employed in the administration of Hamburg after Bourrienne left, says, "I shall always remember the astonishment of the Hamburgers when they were invaded by this cloud of French officials, who, under every form, made researches is their houses, and who came to apply the multiplied demands of the fiscal system. Like Proteus, the administration could take any shape. To only speak of my department, which certainly was not the least odious one, for it was opposed to the habits of the Hamburgers and annoyed all the industries, no idea can be formed of the despair of the inhabitants, subjected to perpetual visits, and exposed to be charged with contraventions of the law, of which they knew nothing. 

 "Remembering their former laws, they used to offer to meet a charge of fraud by the proof of their oath, and could not imagine that such a guarantee could be repulsed. When they were independent they paid almost nothing, and such was the national spirit, that in urgent cases when money was wanted the senate taxed every citizen a certain proportion of his income, the tenth or twentieth. A donator presided over the recovery of this tax, which was done in a very strange manner. A box, covered with a carpet, received the offering of every citizen, without any person verifying the sum, and only on the simple moral guarantee of the honesty of the debtor, who himself judged the sum he ought to pay. When the receipt was finished the senate always obtained more than it had calculated on. " (Puymaigre, pp, 181. )]--

The long and frequent conversations I had on this subject with theSenators and the most able lawyers of the country soon convinced me ofthe immense difficulty I should have to encounter, and the danger ofsuddenly altering habits and customs which had been firmly established bytime. 

The jury system gave tolerable satisfaction; but the severe punishmentsassigned to certain offences by the Code were disapproved of. Henceresulted the frequent and serious abuse of men being acquitted whoseguilt was evident to the jury, who pronounced them not guilty rather thancondemn them to a punishment which was thought too severe. Besides, their leniency had another ground, which was, that the people beingignorant of the new law were not aware of the penalties attached toparticular offences. I remember that a man who was accused of stealing acloak at Hamburg justified himself on the ground that he committed theoffence in a fit of intoxication. M. Von Einingen, one of the jury, insisted that the prisoner was not guilty, because, as he said, theSyndic Doormann, when dining with him one day, having drunk more winethan usual, took away his cloak. This defence per Baccho was completelysuccessful. An argument founded on the similarity between the conduct ofthe Syndic and the accused, could not but triumph, otherwise the littledebauch of the former would have been condemned in the person of thelatter. This trial, which terminated so whimsically, nevertheless provesthat the best and the gravest institutions may become objects of ridiculewhen suddenly introduced into a country whose habits are not prepared toreceive them. 

The Romans very wisely reserved in the Capitol a place for the gods ofthe nations they conquered. They wished to annex provinces and kingdomsto their empire. Napoleon, on the contrary, wished to make his empireencroach upon other states, and to realise the impossible Utopia of tendifferent nations, all having different customs and languages, unitedinto a single State. Could justice, that safeguard of human rights, beduly administered in the Hanse Towns when those towns were converted intoFrench departments? In these new departments many judges had beenappointed who did not understand a word of German, and who had noknowledge of law. The presidents of the tribunals of Lilbeck, Stade, Bremerlehe, and Minden were so utterly ignorant of the German languagethat it was necessary to explain to them all the pleadings in thecouncil-chamber. Was it not absurd to establish such a judicial system, and above all, to appoint such men in a country so important to France asHamburg and the Hanse Towns? Add to this the impertinence of somefavourites who were sent from Paris to serve official and legalapprenticeships in the conquered provinces, and it may be easilyconceived what was the attachment of the people to Napoleon the Great. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

1807-1808. 

 Disturbed state of Spain--Godoy, Prince of the Peace--Reciprocal accusations between the King of Spain and his son--False promise of Napoleon--Dissatisfaction occasioned by the presence of the French troops--Abdication of Charles IV. --The Prince of the Peace made prisoner--Murat at Madrid--Important news transmitted by a commercial letter--Murat's ambition--His protection of Godoy-- Charles IV, denies his voluntary abdication--The crown of Spain destined for Joseph--General disapprobation of Napoleon's conduct-- The Bourbon cause apparently lost--Louis XVIII. After his departure from France--As Comte de Provence at Coblentz--He seeks refuge in Turin and Verona--Death of Louis XVII--Louis XVIII. Refused an asylum in Austria, Saxony, and Prussia--His residence at Mittan and Warsaw--Alexander and Louis XVIII--The King's departure from Milan and arrival at Yarmouth--Determination of the King of England--M. Lemercier's prophecy to Bonaparte--Fouche's inquiries respecting Comte de Rechteren--Note from Josephine--New demands on the Hanse Towns--Order to raise 3000 sailors in Hamburg. 

The disorders of Spain, which commenced about the close of the year 1807, in a short time assumed a most complicated aspect. Though far from thetheatre of events I obtained an intimate knowledge of all the importantfacts connected with the extraordinary transactions in the Peninsula. However, as this point of history is one of the most generally, though Icannot say the best, known, I shall omit in my notes and memoranda manythings which would be but repetitions to the reading portion of thepublic. It is a remarkable fact that Bonaparte, who by turns cast hiseyes on all the States of Europe, never directed his attention to Spainas long as his greatness was confined to mere projects. Whenever hespoke of his future destiny he alluded to Italy, Germany, the East, andthe destruction of the English power; but never to Spain. Consequently, when he heard of the first symptoms of disorder in the Peninsula he paidbut little attention to the business, and some time elapsed before hetook any part in events which subsequently had so great an influence onhis fate. 

Godoy reigned in Spain under the name of the imbecile Charles IV. He wasan object of execration to all who were not his creatures; and even thosewhose fate depended upon him viewed him with the most profound contempt. The hatred of a people is almost always the just reward of favourites. What sentiments, therefore, must have been inspired by a man who, to theknowledge of all Spain, owed the favour of the king only to the favoursof the queen!

 --[Manuel Godoy, originally a private in the guards, became the paramour of Charles IV. 's Queen; then a grandee; and then the supreme ruler of the State. --Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

Godoy's ascendancy over the royal family was boundless; his power wasabsolute: the treasures, of America were at his command, and he made themost infamous use of them. In short, he had made the Court of Madrid oneof those places to which the indignant muse of Juvenal conducts themother of Britanicus. There is no doubt that Godoy was one of theprincipal causes of all the misfortunes which have overwhelmed Spainunder so many various forms. 

The hatred of the Spaniards against the Prince of the Peace was general. This hatred was shared by the Prince the Asturias, --[Afterwards FerdinandVII. ]--who openly declared himself the enemy of Godoy. The latterallied himself with France, from which he hoped to obtain powerfulprotection against his enemies. This alliance gave rise to greatdissatisfaction in Spain, and caused France to be regarded with anunfavourable eye. The Prince of the Asturias was encouraged andsupported by the complaints of the Spaniards, who wished to see theoverthrow of Godoy's power. Charles IV. , on his part, regarded allopposition to the Prince of the Peace as directed against himself, and inNovember 1807 he accused his son of wishing to dethrone him. 

The King of Spain did not confine himself to verbal complaints. He, orrather the Prince of the Peace, acting in his name, arrested the warmestpartisans of the Prince of the Asturias. The latter, understanding thesentiments of his father, wrote to Napoleon, soliciting his support. Thus the father and son, at open war, were appealing one against anotherfor the support of him who wished only to get rid of them both, and toput one of his brothers in their place, that he might have one juniormore in the college of European kings: but, as I have already mentioned, this new ambition was not premeditated; and if he gave the throne ofSpain to his brother Joseph it was only on the refusal of his brotherLouis (King of Holland) to accept it. 

The Emperor had promised to support Charles IV against his son; and, notwishing to take part in these family quarrels, he had not answered thefirst letters of the Prince of the Asturias. But finding that theintrigues of Madrid were taking a serious turn, he commencedprovisionally by sending troops to Spain. This gave offence to thepeople, who were averse to the interference of France. In the provincesthrough which the French troops passed it was asked what was the object:of the invasion. Some attributed it to the Prince of the Peace, othersto the Prince of the Asturias; but it excited general indignation, andtroubles broke out at Madrid accompanied by all the violence peculiar tothe Spanish character. 

In these fearful circumstances Godoy proposed that Charles IV. Shouldremove to Seville, where he would be the better enabled to visit thefactious with punishment. A proposition from Godoy to his master was, infact, a command, and Charles IV. Accordingly resolved to depart. Thepeople now looked upon Godoy as a traitor. An insurrection broke out, the palace was surrounded and the, Prince of the Peace was on the pointof being massacred in an upper apartment, where he had taken refuge. 

 --[French troops had appeared in again some months before, on their way to Portugal, the conquest of which country by Junot was to be aided by Godoy and a Spanish force of 27, 000 men, according to a treaty (more disgraceful to the Court of Spain than to Bonaparte) which had been ratified at Fontainebleau on the 27th of October 1807. Charles IV. Was little better than an idiot, and Godoy and the French made him believe that Bonaparte world give part, or the whole of Portugal, to Spain. At the time of Junot's march on Lisbon a reserve of 40, 000 French troops were assembled at Bayonne-- a pretty clear indication, though the factious infatuated Court of Madrid would not see it, that Bonaparte intended to seize the whole of the Peninsula. --Editor of 1838 edition. ]--

One of the mob had the presence of mind to invoke in his favour the nameof the Prince of the Asturias: this saved his life. 

Charles IV. Did not preserve his crown; he was easily intimidated, andadvantage was taken of a moment of alarm to demand that abdication whichhe had not spirit to refuse. He surrendered up his rights to his son, and thus was overthrown the insolent power of the Prince of the Peace;the favourite was made prisoner, and the Spaniards, who, like allignorant people, are easily excited, manifested their joy on the occasionwith barbarous enthusiasm. Meanwhile the unfortunate King, who hadescaped from imaginary rather than real dangers, and who was at firstcontent with having exchanged the right of reigning for the right ofliving, no sooner found himself in safety than he changed, his mind. He wrote to the Emperor protesting against his abdication, and appealed. To him as the arbiter of his future fate. 

During these internal dissensions the French army was continuing itsmarch towards the Pyrenees. Those barriers were speedily crossed, andMurat entered Madrid in the beginning of April 1808. Before I receivedany despatch from our Government I learned that Murat's presence inMadrid, far from producing a good effect, had only increased thedisorder. I obtained this information from a merchant of Lubeck who cameto Hamburg on purpose to show me a letter he had received from hiscorrespondent in Madrid. In this letter Spain was said to be a preywhich Murat wished to appropriate to himself; and all that afterwardscame to my knowledge served only to prove the accuracy of the writer'sinformation. It was perfectly true that Murat wished to conquer Spainfor himself, and it is not astonishing that the inhabitants of Madridshould have understood his designs, for he carried his indiscretion sofar as openly to express his wish to become King of Spain. The Emperorwas informed of this, and gave him to understand, in very significantterms, that the throne of Spain was not destined for him, but that heshould not be forgotten in the disposal of other crowns. 

However, Napoleon's remonstrances were not sufficient to restrain theimprudence of Murat; and if he did not gain the crown of Spain forhimself he powerfully contributed to make Charles IV. Lose it. Thatmonarch, whom old habits attached to the Prince of the Peace, solicitedthe Emperor to liberate his favourite, alleging that he and his familywould be content to live in any place of security provided Godoy werewith them. The unfortunate Charles seemed to be thoroughly disgustedwith greatness. 

Both the King and Queen so earnestly implored Godoy's liberation thatMurat, whose vanity was flattered by these royal solicitations, took thePrince of the Peace under his protection; but he at the same timedeclared that, in spite of the abdication of Charles IV. , he wouldacknowledge none but that Prince as King of Spain until he should receivecontrary orders from the Emperor. This declaration placed Murat informal opposition to the Spanish people, who, through their hatred ofGodoy, embraced the cause of the heir of the throne; in whose favourCharles IV. Had abdicated. 

It has been remarked that Napoleon stood in a perplexing situation inthis conflict between the King and his son. This is not correct. KingCharles, though he afterwards said that his abdication had been forcedfrom him by violence and threats, had nevertheless tendered it. By thisact Ferdinand was King, but Charles declared it was done against hiswill, and he retracted. The Emperor's recognition was wanting, and he, could give or withhold it as he pleased. 

In this state of things Napoleon arrived at Bayonne. Thither Ferdinandwas also invited to go, under pretence of arranging with the Emperor thedifferences between his father and himself. It was some time before hecould form his determination, but at length his ill-advised friendsprevailed on him to set off, and he was caught in the snare. Whathappened to him, as well as to his father, who repaired to Bayonne withhis inseparable friend the Prince of the Peace is well known. Napoleon, who had undertaken to be arbiter between the father and son, thought thebest way of settling the difference was to give the disputed throne tohis brother Joseph, thus verifying the fable of the "Two Lawyers and theOyster. " The insurrection in Madrid on the 2d of May accelerated thefate of Ferdinand, who was accused of being the author of it; at leastthis suspicion fell on his friends and adherents. 

Charles IV. , it was said, would not return to Spain, and solicited anasylum in France. He signed a renunciation of his rights to the crown ofSpain, which renunciation was also signed by the Infantas. 

Napoleon now issued a decree, appointing "his dearly beloved brotherJoseph Napoleon, King of Naples and Sicily, to the crowns of Spain andthe Indies. " By a subsequent decree, 15th of July, he appointed "hisdearly-beloved cousin, Joachim Murat, Grand Duke of Berg, to the throneof Naples and Sicily, which remained vacant by the accession of JosephNapoleon to the kingdoms of Spain and the Indies. " Both these documentsare signed Napoleon, and countersigned by the Minister Secretary ofState, Maret. 

The Prince Royal of Sweden, who was at Hamburg at this time, and theMinisters of all the European power, loudly condemned the conduct ofNapoleon with respect to Spain. I cannot say whether or not M. DeTalleyrand advised the Emperor not to attempt the overthrow of a branchof the house of Bourbon; his good sense and elevated views mightcertainly have suggested that advice. But the general opinion was that, had he retained the portfolio of foreign affairs, the Spanish revolutionwould have terminated with more decorum and good faith than was exhibitedin the tragi-comedy acted at Madrid and Bayonne. 

After the Treaty of Tilsit and the bonds of friendship which seemedlikely to produce a permanent union between the Emperors of France andRussia, the cause of the Bourbons must have been considered irretrievablylost. Indeed, their only hope consisted in the imprudence and folly ofhim who had usurped their throne, and that hope they cherished. I willhere relate what I had the opportunity of learning respecting the conductof Louis XVIII. After his departure from France; this will naturallybring me to the end of November 1807, at which time I read in the Abeilledu Nord published on the 9th of the same month, that the Comte de Lilleand the Due d'Angouleme had set off for England. 

The Comte de Provence, as Louis' title then went, left Paris on the 21stof June 1791. He constantly expressed his wish of keeping as near aspossible to the frontiers of France. He at first took up his abode atCoblentz, and I knew from good authority that all the emigrants did notregard him with a favourable eye. They could not pardon the wise. Principles he had professed at a period when there was yet time toprevent, by reasonable concession, the misfortunes which imprudentirritation brought upon France. When the emigrants, after the campaignof 1792, passed the Rhine, the Comte de Provence resided in the littletown of Ham on the Lippe, where he remained until he was persuaded thatthe people of Toulon had called him to Provence. As he could not, ofcourse, pass through France, Monsieur repaired to the Court of hisfather-in-law, the King of Sardinia, hoping to embark at Genoa, and fromthence to reach the coast of Provence. But the evacuation of Toulon, where the name of Bonaparte was for the first time sounded by the breathof fame, having taken place before he was able to leave Turin, Monsieurremained there four months, at the expiration of which time hisfather-in-law intimated to him the impossibility of his remaining longerin the Sardinian States. He was afterwards permitted to reside atVerona, where he heard of Louis XVI. 's death. After remaining two yearsin that city the Senate of Venice forbade his presence in the VenetianStates. Thus forced to quit Italy the Comte repaired to the army ofConde. 

The cold and timid policy of the Austrian Cabinet afforded no asylum tothe Comte de Provence, and he was obliged to pass through Germany; yet, as Louis XVIII. Repeated over and over again, ever since the Restoration, "He never intended to shed French blood in Germany for the sake ofserving foreign interests. " Monsieur had, indeed, too much penetrationnot to see that his cause was a mere pretext for the powers at war withFrance. They felt but little for the misfortunes of the Prince, andmerely wished to veil their ambition and their hatred of France under thefalse pretence of zeal for the House of Bourbon. 

When the Dauphin died, Louis XVIII. Took the title of King of France, andwent to Prussia, where he obtained an asylum. 

 --[His brother, Charles X. , the youngest of the three grandsons of Louis XV. (Louis XVI. , Louis XVIII. Charles X. ), the Comte d'Artois, afterwards Charles X. Emigrated in 1789, and went to Turin and Mantas for 1789 and 1790. In 1791 and 1792 he lived at Coblenta, Worms, Brussels, Vienna, and at Turin. From 1792 to 1812 he lived at Ham on the Lippe at Westphalia at London, and for most of the time at Holyrood, Edinburgh. During this time he visited Russia and Germany, and showed himself on the coast of France. In 1818 he went to Germany, and in 1814 entered France in rear of the allies. In risking his person in the daring schemes of the followers who were giving their lives for the cause of his family he displayed a circumspection which was characterised by them with natural warmth. 

 "Sire, the cowardice of your brother has ruined all;" so Charette is said to have written to Louis XVIII. ]--

But the pretender to the crown of France had not yet drained his cup ofmisfortune. After the 18th Fructidor the Directory required the King ofPrussia to send away Louis XVIII. , and the Cabinet of Berlin, it must begranted, was not in a situation to oppose the desire of the FrenchGovernment, whose wishes were commands. In vain Louis XVIII. Sought anasylum in the King of Saxony's States. There only remained Russia thatdurst offer a last refuge to the descendant of Louis XIV. Paul I. , whowas always in extremes, and who at that time entertained a violentfeeling of hatred towards France, earnestly offered Louis XVIII. , aresidence at Mittau. He treated him with the honours of a sovereign, and loaded him with marks of attention and respect. Three years hadscarcely passed when Paul was seized with mad enthusiasm for the man whotwelve years later, ravaged his ancient capital, and Louis XVIII. Foundhimself expelled from that Prince's territory with a harshness equal tothe kindness with which he had at first been received. 

It was during, his three, years' residence at Mittau that Louis XVIII. , who was then known by the title of Comte de Lille, wrote to the FirstConsul those letters which have been referred to in these Memoirs. Prussia, being again solicited, at length consented that Louis XVIII. Should reside at Warsaw; but on the accession of Napoleon to the Empirethe Prince quitted that residence in order to consult respecting his newsituation with the only sovereign who had not deserted him in hismisfortune, viz. The King of Sweden. They met at Colmar, and from thatcity was dated the protest which I have already noticed. Louis XVIII. Did not stay long in the States of the King of Sweden. Russia was now onthe point of joining her eagles with those of Austria to oppose the neweagles of imperial France. Alexander offered to the Comte de Lille theasylum which Paul had granted to him and afterwards withdrawn. LouisXVIII. Accepted the offer, but after the peace of Tilsit, fearing lestAlexander might imitate the second act of his father as well as thefirst, he plainly saw that he must give up all intention of residing onthe Continent; and it was then that I read in the 'Abeille du Nord' thearticle before alluded to. There is, however, one fact upon which I mustinsist, because I know it to be true, viz. That it was of his own freewill that Louis XVIII. Quitted Mittau; and if he was afraid thatAlexander would imitate his father's conduct that fear was withoutfoundation. The truth is, that Alexander was ignorant even of the King'sintention to go away until he heard from Baron von Driesen, Governor ofMittau, that he had actually departed. Having now stated the truth onthis point I have to correct another error, if indeed it be only anerror, into which some writers have fallen. It has been falsely allegedthat the King left Mittau for the purpose of fomenting fresh troubles inFrance. The friends of Louis XVIII. , who advised him to leave Mittau, had great hopes from the last war. They cherished still greater hopesfrom the new wars which Bonaparte's ambition could not fail to excite, but they were not so ill-informed respecting the internal condition ofFrance as to expect that disturbances would arise there, or even tobelieve in the possibility of fomenting them. The pear was not yet ripefor Louis XVIII. 

On the 29th of November the contents of a letter which had arrived fromLondon by way of Sweden were communicated to me. This letter was datedthe 3d of November, and contained some particulars respecting the Comtede Lille's arrival in England. That Prince had arrived at Yarmouth onthe 31st of October 1807, and it was stated that the King was obliged towait some time in the port until certain difficulties respecting hislanding and the continuance of his journey should be removed. Itmoreover appeared from this letter that the King of England thoughtproper to refuse the Comte de Lille permission to go to London or itsneighbourhood. The palace of Holyrood in Edinburgh was assigned as hisplace of residence; and Mr. Ross, secretary to Mr. Canning, conveyed thedetermination of the King of England to Louis XVIII. , at Yarmouth. 

The precaution of the English Ministry in not permitting the refugee Kingto go near London appeared to me remarkable, considering the relativeposition of the Governments of France and England, and I regarded it as acorroboration of what the Prince Wittgenstein had told me respecting Mr. Canning's inclination for an amicable arrangement. But the moment wasapproaching when the affairs of Spain were to raise an invincibleobstacle to peace, to complicate more than ever the interests of thepowers of Europe, and open to Napoleon that vast career of ambition whichproved his ruin. He did not allow the hopes of the emigrants to remainchimerical, and the year 1814 witnessed the realization of the propheticremark made by M. Lemereier, in a conversation with Bonaparte a few daysbefore the foundation of the Empire: "If you get into the bed of theBourbons, General, you will not lie in it ten year. " Napoleon occupiedit for nine years and nine months. 

Fouche, the grand investigator of the secrets of Europe, did not fail, onthe first report of the agitations in Spain, to address to me question onquestion respecting the Comte de Rechteren, the Spanish Minister atHamburg, who, however, had left that city, with the permission of hisCourt, four months after I had entered on my functions. This was goingback very far to seek information respecting the affairs of the day. Atthe very moment when I transmitted a reply to Fouche which was notcalculated to please him, because it afforded no ground for suspicion asto the personal conduct of M. De Rechteren, I received from the amiableJosephine a new mark of her remembrance. She sent me the following note:

"M. Milon, who is now in Hamburg, wishes me, my dear Bourrienne, torequest that you will use your interest in his favour. I feel the morepleasure in making this request as it affords me an opportunity ofrenewing the assurance of my regard for you. "

Josephine's letter was dated from Fontainebleau, whither the Emperor usedto make journeys in imitation of the old Court of France. During theseexcursions he sometimes partook of the pleasures of the chase, but merelyfor the sake of reviving an old custom, for in that exercise he found aslittle amusement as Montaigne did in the game of chess. 

At Fontainebleau, as everywhere else, his mind was engaged with the meansof augmenting his greatness, but, unfortunately, the exactions he imposedon distant countries were calculated to alienate the affections of thepeople. Thus, for example, I received an order emanating from him, andtransmitted to me by M. Daru, the Intendant-General of the army, that thepay of all the French troops stationed in the Hanse Towns should bedefrayed by these towns. I lamented the necessity of making such acommunication to the Senates of Bremen, Lubeck, and Hamburg; but my dutycompelled me to do so, and I had long been accustomed to fulfil dutieseven more painful than this. I tried every possible means with the threeStates, not collectively but separately, to induce them to comply withthe measure, in the hope that the assent of one would help me to obtainthat of the two others. But, as if they, had been all agreed, I onlyreceived evasive expressions of regret. 

Knowing as I did, and I may say better than any one else, the hopes anddesigns of Bonaparte respecting the north of Germany, it was not withoutpain, nor even without alarm, that I saw him doing everything calculatedto convert into enemies the inhabitants of a country which would alwayshave remained quiet had it only been permitted to preserve itsneutrality. Among the orders I received were often many which could onlyhave been the result of the profoundest ignorance. For example, I wasone day directed to press 3000 seamen in the Hanse Towns. Three thousandseamen out of a population of 200, 000! It was as absurd as to think ofraising 500, 000 sailors in France. This project being impossible, it wasof course not executed; but I had some difficulty in persuading theEmperor that a sixth of the number demanded was the utmost the HanseTowns could supply. Five hundred seamen were accordingly furnished, butto make up that number it was necessary to include many men who weretotally unfit for war service. 

CHAPTER--XIV. 

1808. 

 Departure of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo--Prediction and superstition --Stoppage of letters addressed to the Spanish troops--La Romana and Romanillos--Illegible notifications--Eagerness of the German Princes to join the Confederation of the Rhine--Attack upon me on account of M. Hue--Bernadotte's successor in Hamburg--Exactions and tyrannical conduct of General Dupas--Disturbance in Hamburg--Plates broken in a fit of rage--My letter to Bernadotte--His reply--Bernadotte's return to Hamburg, and departure of Dupas for Lubeck--Noble conduct of the 'aide de camp' Barrel. 

In the spring of 1808 a circumstance occurred which gave, me muchuneasiness; it was the departure of Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte-Corvo, who received orders to repair to Copenhagen. He left Hamburg on the 8thof March, as he was to reach his destination on the 14th of the samemonth. The Danish charge d'affaires also received orders to join thePrince, and discharge the functions of King's commissary. It was duringhis government at Hamburg and his stay in Jutland that hernadotteunconsciously paved his way to the throne of Sweden. I recollect that hehad also his presages and his predestinations. In short, he believed inastrology, and I shall never forget the serious tone in which he one daysaid to me, "Would you believe, my dear friend, that it was predicted atParis that I should be a King, but that I must cross the sea to reach mythrone?" I could not help smiling with him at this weakness of mind, from which Bonaparte was not far removed. It certainly was not anysupernatural influence which elevated Bernadotte to sovereign rank. That elevation was solely due to his excellent character. He had noother talisman than the wisdom of his government, and the promptitudewhich he always, showed to oppose unjust measures. This it was thatunited all opinions in his favour. 

The bad state of the roads in the north prolonged Bernadotte's journeyone day. He set out on the 8th of March; he was expected to arrive atCopenhagen on the 14th, but did not reach there till the 15th. Hearrived precisely two hours before the death of Christian, King ofDenmark, an event with which he made me acquainted by letter written twodays after his arrival. 

On the 6th of April following I received a second letter from Bernadotte, in which he desired me to order the Grand Ducal postmaster to keep backall letters addressed to the Spanish troops, who had been placed underhis command, and of which the corps of Romana formed part. Thepostmaster was ordered to keep the letters until he received orders toforward them to their destinations. Bernadotte considered this stepindispensable, to prevent the intrigues which he feared might be set onfoot in order to shake the fidelity of the Spaniards he commanded. I sawfrom his despatch that he feared the plotting of Romanillos, who, however, was not a person to cause much apprehension. Romanillos was ascommonplace a man as could well be conceived; and his speeches, as wellas his writings, were too innocent to create any influence on publicopinion. 

In addition to the functions with which the Emperor at first invested me, I had to discharge the duties of French Consul-General at Hamburg, and inthat character I was obliged to present to the Minister for ForeignAffairs a very singular request, viz. That the judicial notifications, which as Consul-General I had to make known to the people of Hamburg, might be written in a more legible hand. Many of these notifications hadbeen disregarded on account of the impossibility of reading them: Withrespect to one of them it was declared that it was impossible to discoverwhether the writing was German, French, or Chinese. 

I shall not record all the acts of spoliation committed by second-rateambitious aspirants who hoped to come in for their share in the divisionof the Continent: The Emperor's lieutenants regarded Europe as atwelfthcake, but none of them ventured to dispute the best bit withNapoleon. Long would be the litany were I to enregister all the fraudand treachery which they committed, either to augment their fortunes orto win the favour of the chief who wished to have kings for his subjects. The fact is, that all the Princes of Germany displayed the greatesteagerness to range themselves under the protection of Napoleon, by, joining the Confederation of the Rhine. I received from those Princesseveral letters which served to prove at once the influence of Napoleonin Germany and the facility with which men bend beneath the yoke of a newpower. I must say that among the emigrants who remained faithful totheir cause there were some who evinced more firmness of character thanthe foreign Princes. I may mention, for example, M. Hue, the 'valet dechambre' of Louis XVI. I do not intend to deny the high regard Ientertained for that faithful servant of the martyred King; but theattentions which I congratulate myself on having shown to an excellentman should not have subjected me to false imputations. 

I have read the following statement in a publication:

 "M. Hue retired to Hamburg, where he passed nine, months in perfect obscurity. He afterwards went to Holland, provided with a passport from Bourrienne, who was Napoleon's Minister, though in disgrace, and who, foreseeing what was to happen, sought to ingratiate himself in the favour of the Bourbons. "

The above passage contains a falsehood in almost every line. M. Huewished to reside in Hamburg, but he did not wish to conceal himself. I invited him to visit me, and assured him that he might remain inHamburg without apprehension, provided he acted prudently. He wished togo to Holland, and I took upon myself to give him a passport. I left M. Hue in the free management of his business, the nature of which I knewvery well, and which was very honourable; he was deputed to pay thepensions which Louis XVIII. Granted to the emigrants. As for myself, Ihad tendered my resignation of private secretary to Bonaparte; and evenadmitting I was in disgrace in that character, I was not so as Ministerand Consul-General at Hamburg. My situation, which was of littleconsequence at the time I was appointed to it, was later on renderedexceedingly important by circumstances. It was, in fact, a sort ofwatch-tower of the Government, whence all the movements of northernGermany were observed; and during my residence in the Hanse Towns Icontinually experienced the truth of what Bonaparte said to me at myfarewell audience--"Yours is a place independent and apart. "

It is absurd to say that the kindness I showed to M. Hue was an attemptto ingratiate myself with the Bourbons. My attentions to him weredictated solely by humanity, unaccompanied by any afterthought. Napoleonhad given me his confidence, and by mitigating the verity of his ordersI served him better than they who executed them in a way which could notfail to render the French Government odious. If I am accused ofextending every possible indulgence to the unfortunate emigrants, I pleadguilty; and, far from wishing to defend myself against the charge, Iconsider it honourable to me. But I defy any one of them to say that Ibetrayed in their favour the interests with which I was entrusted. Theywho urged Bonaparte to usurp the crown of France served, though perhapsunconsciously, the cause of the Bourbons. I, on the contrary, used allmy endeavours to dissuade him from that measure, which I clearly sawmust, in the end, lead to the restoration, though I do not pretend that Iwas sufficiently clear-sighted to guess that Napoleon's fall was so nearat hand. The kindness I showed to M. Hue and his companions inmisfortune was prompted by humanity, and not by mean speculation. As well might it be said that hernadotte, who, like myself, neglectedno opportunity of softening the rigour of the orders he was deputed toexecute, was by this means working his way to the throne of Sweden. 

Bernadotte had proceeded to Denmark to take the command of the Spanishand French troops who had been removed from the Hanse Towns to occupythat kingdom, which was then threatened by the English. His departurewas a great loss to me, for we had always agreed respecting the measuresto be adopted, and I felt his absence the more sensibly when I wasenabled to make a comparison between him and his successor. It ispainful to me to detail the misconduct of those who injured the Frenchname in Germany, but in fulfilment of the task I have undertaken, I ambound to tell the truth. 

In April 1808 General Dupas came to take the command of Hamburg, but onlyunder the orders of Bernadotte, who retained the supreme command of theFrench troops in the Hanse Towns. By the appointment of General Dupasthe Emperor cruelly thwarted the wishes and hopes of the inhabitants ofLower Saxony. That General said of the people of Hamburg, "As long as Isee those . . . Driving in their carriages I can get money from them. "It is, however, only just to add, that his dreadful exactions were notmade on his own account, but for the benefit of another man to whom heowed his all, and to whom he had in some measure devoted his existence. 

I will state some particulars respecting the way in which the generalswho commanded the French troops at Hamburg were maintained. The Senateof Hamburg granted to the Marshals thirty friederichs a day for theexpenses of their table exclusive of the hotel in which they were lodgedby the city. The generals of division had only twenty friederichs. General Dupas wished to be provided for on the same footing as theMarshals. The Senate having, with reason, rejected this demand, Dupasrequired that he should be daily served with a breakfast and a dinner ofthirty covers. This was an inconceivable burden, and Dupas cost the citymore than any of his predecessors. 

I saw an account of his expenses, which during the twenty-one weeks heremained at Hamburg amounted to 122, 000 marks, or about 183, 000 francs. None but the most exquisite wines were drunk at the table of Dupas. Evenhis servants were treated with champagne, and the choicest fruits werebrought from the fine hothouses of Berlin. The inhabitants wereirritated at this extravagance, and Dupas accordingly experienced theresistance of the Senate. 

Among other vexations there was one to which the people could not readilysubmit. In Hamburg, which had formerly been a fortified town, the customwas preserved of closing the gates at nightfall. On Sundays they wereclosed three-quarters of an hour later, to avoid interrupting theamusements of the people. 

While General Dupas was Governor of Hamburg an event occurred whichoccasioned considerable irritation in the public mind, and might havebeen attended by fatal consequences. From some whim or other the Generalordered the gates to be closed at seven in the evening, and consequentlywhile it was broad daylight, for it was in the middle of spring; noexception was made in favour of Sunday, and on that day a great number ofthe inhabitants who had been walking in the outskirts of the citypresented themselves at the gate of Altona for admittance. To theirsurprise they found the gate closed, though it was a greater thoroughfarethan any other gate in Hamburg. The number of persons, requiringadmittance increased, and a considerable crowd soon collected. Afteruseless entreaties had been addressed to the chief officer of the postthe people were determined to send to the Commandant for the keys. TheCommandant arrived, accompanied by the General. When they appeared itwas supposed they had come for the purpose of opening the gates, and theywere accordingly saluted with a general hurrah! which throughout almostall the north is the usual cry for expressing popular satisfaction. General Dupas not understanding the meaning of this hurrah! supposed itto be a signal for sedition, and instead of ordering the gates to beopened he commanded the military to fire upon the peaceful citizens, who only wanted to return to their homes. Several persons were killed, and others more or less seriously wounded. Fortunately, after this firstdischarge the fury of Dupas was appeased; but still he persisted inkeeping the gates closed at night. Next day an order was posted aboutthe city prohibiting the cry of hurrah! under pain of a severepunishment. It was also forbidden that more than three persona shouldcollect together in the streets. Thus it was that certain personsimposed the French yoke upon towns and provinces which were previouslyhappy. 

Dupas was as much execrated in the Hanse Towns as Clarke had been inBerlin when he was governor of that capital during the campaign of 1807. Clarke had burdened the people of Berlin with every kind of oppressionand exaction. He, as well as many others, manifested a ready obediencein executing the Imperial orders, however tyrannical they might be; andHeaven knows what epithets invariably accompanied the name of Clarke whenpronounced by the lips of a Prussian. 

Dupas seemed to have taken Clarke as his model. An artillery officer, who was in Hamburg at the time of the disturbance I have just mentioned, told me that it was he who was directed to place two pieces oflight-artillery before the gate of Altona. Having executed this order, he went to General Dupas, whom he found in a furious fit of passion, breaking and destroying everything within his reach. In the presence ofthe officer he broke more than two dozen plates which were on the tablebefore him: these plates, of course, had cost him very little!

On the day after the disturbance which had so fatal a termination I wroteto inform the Prince of Porte-Corvo of what had taken place; and in myletter I solicited the suppression of an extraordinary tribunal which hadbeen created by General Dupas. He returned me an immediate answer, complying with my request. His letter was as follows:

 I have received your letter, my dear Minister: it forcibly conveys the expression of your right feeling, which revolts against oppression, severity, and the abase of power. I entirely concur in your view of the subject, and I am distressed whenever I see such acts of injustice committed. On an examination of the events which took place on the 19th it is impossible to deny that the officer who ordered the gates to be closed so soon was in the wrong; and next, it may be asked, why were not the gates opened instead of the military being ordered to fire on the people? But, on the other hand, did not the people evince decided obstinacy and insubordination? were they not to blame in throwing stones at the guard, forcing the palisades, and even refusing to listen to the voice of the magistrates? It is melancholy that they should have fallen into these excesses, from which, doubtless, they would have refrained had they listened to the civil chiefs, who ought to be their first directors. Finally, my dear Minister, the Senator who distributed money at the gate of Altona to appease the multitude would have done better had he advised them to wait patiently until the gates were opened; and he might, I think, have gone to the Commandant or the General to solicit that concession. 

 Whenever an irritated mob resorts to violence there is no safety for any one. The protecting power mast then exert its utmost authority to stop mischief. The Senate of ancient Rome, so jealous of its prerogatives, assigned to a Dictator, in times of trouble, the power of life and death, and that magistrate knew no other code than his own will and the axe of his lictors. The ordinary laws did not resume their course until the people returned to submission. 

 The event which took place in Hamburg produced a feeling of agitation of which evil-disposed persons might take advantage to stir up open insurrection. That feeling could only be repressed by a severe tribunal, which, however, is no longer necessary. General Dupas has, accordingly, received orders to dissolve it, and justice will resume her usual course. J. BERNADOTTE DENSEL, 4th May, 1808. 

When Bernadotte returned to Hamburg he sent. Dupas to Lubeck. Thatcity, which was poorer than Hamburg, suffered cruelly from the visitationof such a guest. 

Dupas levied all his exactions in kind, and indignantly spurned everyoffer of accepting money, the very idea of which, he said, shocked hisdelicacy of feeling. But his demands became so extravagant that the cityof Lubeck was utterly unable to satisfy them. Besides his table, whichwas provided in the same style of profusion as at Hamburg, he required tobe furnished with plate, linen, wood, and candles; in short, with themost trivial articles of household consumption. 

The Senate deputed to the incorruptible General Dupas M. Nolting, avenerable old man, who mildly represented to him the abuses which wereeverywhere committed in his name, and entreated that he would vouchsafeto accept twenty Louis a day to defray the expenses of his table alone. At this proposition General Dupes flew into a rage. To offer him moneywas an insult not to be endured! He furiously drove the terrifiedSenator out of the house, and at once ordered his 'aide de camp' Barrelto imprison him. M. De Barrel, startled at this extraordinary order, ventured to remonstrate with the General, but in vain; and, thoughagainst his heart, he was obliged to obey. The aide de camp accordinglywaited upon the Senator Notting, and overcome by that feeling of respectwhich gray hairs involuntarily inspire in youth, instead of arrestinghim, he besought the old man not to leave his house until he shouldprevail on the General to retract his orders. It was not till thefollowing day that M. De Barrel succeeded in getting these ordersrevoked--that is to say, he obtained M. Notting's release fromconfinement; for Dupas would not be satisfied until he heard that theSenator had suffered at least the commencement of the punishment to whichhis capricious fury had doomed him. 

In spite of his parade of disinterestedness General Dupas yielded so faras to accept the twenty Louis a day for the expense of his table whichM. Notting had offered him on the part of the Senate of Lubeck; but itwas not without murmurings, complaints, and menaces that he made thisgenerous concession; and he exclaimed more than once, "These fellows haveportioned out my allowance for me. " Lubeck was not released from thepresence of General Dupes until the month of March 1809, when he wassummoned to command a division in the Emperor's new campaign againstAustria. Strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless the fact, that, oppressive as had been his presence at Lubeck, the Hanse Towns soon hadreason to regret him. 

CHAPTER XV. 

1808. 

 Promulgation of the Code of Commerce--Conquests by Status-consulte-- Three events in one day--Recollections--Application of a line of Voltaire--Creation of the Imperial nobility--Restoration of the university--Aggrandisement of the kingdom of Italy at the expense of Rome--Cardinal Caprara'a departure from Paris--The interview at Erfurt. 

The year 1808 was fertile in remarkable events. Occupied as I was withmy own duties, I yet employed my leisure hours in observing the course ofthose great acts by which Bonaparte seemed determined to mark every dayof his life. At the commencement of 1808 I received one of the firstcopies of the Code of Commerce, promulgated on the 1st of January by theEmperor's order. This code appeared to me an act of mockery; at least itwas extraordinary to publish a code respecting a subject which it was theeffect of all the Imperial decrees to destroy. What trade could possiblyexist under the Continental system, and the ruinous severity of thecustoms? The line was already extended widely enough when, by a'Senatus-consulte', it was still further widened. The Emperor, to whomall the Continent submitted, had recourse to no other formality for thepurpose of annexing to the Empire the towns of Kehl, Cassel near Mayence, Wesel, and Flushing, with the territories depending on them. 

 --[A resolution of the senate, or a "Senatus-consulte" was the means invented by Napoleon for altering the imperial Constitutions, and even the extent of the Empire. By one of these, dated 21st January 1808, the towns of Kehl, Cassel, and Wesel, with Flushing, all already seized, were definitely united to France. The loss of Wesel, which helonged to Murat's Grand Duchy of Berg, was a very sore point with Murat. ]--

These conquests, gained by decrees and senatorial decisions, had at leastthe advantage of being effected without bloodshed. All these things werecarefully communicated to me by the Ministers with whom I corresponded, for my situation at Hamburg had acquired such importance that it wasnecessary I should know everything. 

At this period I observed among the news which I received from differentplaces a singular coincidence of dates, worthy of being noted by theauthors of ephemrides. On the same day-namely, the 1st of FebruaryParis, Lisbon, and Rome were the scenes of events of different kinds, but, as they all happened on one day, affording a striking example of therapidity of movement which marked the reign of Bonaparte. At Paris theniece of Josephine, Mademoiselle de Tascher, whom Napoleon had latelyexalted to the rank of Princess, was married to the reigning Prince ofAhremberg, while at the same time Junot declared to Portugal that thehouse of Braganza had ceased to reign, and French troops were, under thecommand of General Miollis, occupying Rome. This occupation was thecommencement of prolonged struggles, during which Pins VII. Expiated thecondescension he had shown in going to Paris to crown Napoleon. 

Looking over my notes, I see it was the day after these three eventsoccurred that Bonaparte gave to his brother-in-law, Prince Borghese, theGovernorship-General of the departments beyond the Alps which he had justfounded; and of which he made the eighth Grand Dignitary of the Empire. General Menou, whom I had not seen since Egypt, was obliged by thisappointment to leave Turin, where he had always remained. Bonaparte, notwishing to permit him to come to Paris, sent Menou to preside over theJunta of Tuscany, of which he soon afterwards made anotherGeneral-Governorship, which he entrusted to the care of his sister Elisa. 

 --[Prince Camille Philippe Louis Borghese (1755-1832), an Italian, had married, 6th November 1808, Pauline Bonaparte, the sister of Napoleon, and the widow of General Leclerc. He had been made Prince and Duke of Guastalla when that duchy was given to his wife, 30th Marsh 1806. He separated from his wife after a few years. Indeed Pauline was impossible as a wife if half of the stories about her are true. It was she who, finding that a lady was surprised at her having sat naked while a statue of her was being modelled for Canova, believed she had satisfactorily explained matters by saying, "but there was a fire in the room. "]--

My correspondence relative to what passed in the south of France and ofEurope presented to me, if I may so express myself, merely an anecdotalinterest. Not so the news which came from the north. At Hamburg I waslike the sentinel of an advanced post, always on the alert. I frequentlyinformed the Government of what would take place before the eventactually happened. I was one of the first to hear of the plans of Russiarelative to Sweden. The courier whom I sent to Paris arrived there atthe very moment when Russia made the declaration of war. About the endof February the Russian troops entered Swedish Finland, and occupied alsothe capital of that province, which had at all times been coveted by theRussian Government. It has been said that at the interview at ErfurtBonaparte consented to the usurpation of that province by Alexander inreturn for the complaisance of the latter in acknowledging Joseph as Kingof Spain and the Indies. 

The removal of Joseph from the throne of Naples to the throne of Madridbelongs, indeed, to that period respecting which I am now throwingtogether a few recollections. Murat had succeeded Joseph at Naples, andthis accession of the brother-in-law of Napoleon to one of the thrones ofthe House of Bourbon gave Bonaparte another junior in the college ofkings, of which he would have infallibly become the senior if he had goneon as he began. 

I will relate a little circumstance which now occurs to me respecting thekings manufactured by Napoleon. I recollect that during the King ofEtruria's stay in Paris--the First Consul went with that Prince to theComedie Francaise, where Voltaire's 'OEdipus' was performed. This piece, I may observe, Bonaparte liked better than anything Voltaire ever wrote. I was in the theatre, but not in the First Consul's box, and I observed, as all present must have done, the eagerness with which the audienceapplied to Napoleon and the King of Etruria the line in which Philoctetessays--

 "J'ai fait des souverains et n'ai pas voulu l'etre. "

 ["I have made sovereigns, but have not wished to be one myself. "]

The application was so marked that it could not fail to become thesubject of conversation between the First Consul and me. "You remarkedit, Bourrienne?" . . . "Yes, General. " . . "The fools! . . . They shall see! They shall see!" We did indeed see. Not content withmaking kings, Bonaparte, when his brow was encircled by a double crown, after creating princes at length realised the object he had longcontemplated, namely, to found a new nobility endowed with hereditaryrights. It was at the commencement of March 1808 that he accomplishedthis project; and I saw in the 'Moniteur' a long list of princes, dukes, counts, barons, and knights of the Empire; there were wanting onlyviscounts and marquises. 

At the same time that Bonaparte was founding a new nobility he determinedto raise up the old edifice of the university, but on a new foundation. The education of youth had always been one of his ruling ideas, and I hadan opportunity of observing how he was changed by the exercise ofsovereign power when I received at Hamburg the statutes of the new elderdaughter of the Emperor of the French, and compared them with the ideaswhich Bonaparte, when General and First Consul, had often expressed to merespecting the education which ought to be given youth. Though the swornenemy of everything like liberty, Bonaparte had at first conceived a vastsystem of education, comprising above all the study of history, and thosepositive sciences, such as geology and astronomy, which give the utmostdegree of development to the human mind. The Sovereign, however, shrunkfrom the first ideas of the man of genius, and his university, confidedto the elegant suppleness of M. De Fontaines, was merely a school capableof producing educated subjects but not enlightened men. 

Before taking complete possession of Rome, and making it the second cityof the Empire, the vaunted moderation of Bonaparte was confined todismembering from it the legations of Ancona, Urbino, Macerata, andCamerino, which were divided into three departments; and added to theKingdom of Italy. The patience of the Holy See could no longer hold outagainst this act of violence, and Cardinal Caprara, who had remained inParis since the coronation, at last left that capital. Shortlyafterwards the Grand Duchies of Parma and Piacenza were united to theFrench Empire, and annexed to the government of the departments beyondthe Alps. These transactions were coincident with the events in Spainand Bayonne before mentioned. 

After the snare laid at Bayonne the Emperor entered Paris on the 14th ofAugust, the eve of his birthday. Scarcely had he arrived in the capitalwhen he experienced fresh anxiety in consequence of the conduct ofRussia, which, as I have stated, had declared open war with Sweden, anddid not conceal the intention of seizing Finland. But Bonaparte, desirous of actively carrying on the war in Spain, felt the necessity ofremoving his troops from Prussia to the Pyrenees. He then hastened theinterview at Erfurt, where the two Emperors of France and Russia hadagreed to meet. He hoped that this interview would insure thetranquillity of the Continent, while he should complete the subjection ofSpain to the sceptre of Joseph. That Prince had been proclaimed on the8th of June; and on the 21st of the same month he made his entry intoMadrid, but having received, ten days after, information of the disasterat Baylen, he was obliged to leave the Spanish capital. 

 --[The important battle of Daylen, where the French, under General Dupont, were beaten by the Spaniards, was fought on the 19th of July 1808. ]--

Bonaparte's wishes must at this time have been limited to thetranquillity of the Continent, for the struggle between him and Englandwas more desperate than ever. England had just sent troops to Portugalunder the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley. There was no longer any hopeof a reconciliation with Great Britain: The interview at Erfurt havingbeen determined on, the Emperor, who had returned from Bayonne to Paris, again left the capital about the end of September, and arrived at Metzwithout stopping, except for the purpose of reviewing the regiments whichwere echeloned on his route, and which were on their march from the GrandArmy to Spain. 

I had heard some time previously of the interview which was about to takeplace, and which was so memorable in the life of Napoleon. It excited somuch interest in Germany that the roads were covered with the equipagesof the Princes who were going to Erfurt to witness the meeting. TheFrench Emperor arrived there before Alexander, and went forward threeleagues to meet him. Napoleon was on horseback, Alexander in a carriage. They embraced, it is said, in a manner expressive of the most cordialfriendship. This interview was witnessed by most of the sovereignPrinces of Germany. However, neither the King of Prussia nor the Emperorof Austria was present. The latter sovereign sent a letter to Napoleon, of which I obtained a copy. It was as follows:

 SIRE, MY BROTHER, --My Ambassador in Paris informs me that your Majesty is about to proceed to Erfurt to meet the Emperor Alexander. I eagerly seize the opportunity of your approach to my frontier to renew those testimonials of friendship and esteem which I have pledged to you; and I send my Lieutenant-General, Baron Vincent, to convey to you the assurance of my unalterable sentiments. If the false accounts that have been circulated respecting the internal institutions which I have established in my monarchy should for a moment have excited your Majesty's doubts as to my intentions, I fatter myself that the explanations given on that subject by Count Metternich to your Minister will have entirely removed them. Baron Vincent is enabled to confirm to your Majesty all that has been said by Count Metternich on the subject, and to add any further explanations, you may wish for. I beg that your Majesty will grant him the same gracious reception he experienced at Paris and at Warsaw. The renewed marks of favour you may bestow on him will be an unequivocal pledge of the reciprocity of your sentiments, and will seal that confidence which will render our satisfaction mutual. 

 Deign to accept the assurance of the unalterable affection and respect with which I am, Sire, my Brother, Your imperial and royal Majesty's faithful brother and friend, (Signed) FRANCIS. PRESBURG, 8th September 1808. 

This letter appears to be a model of ambiguity, by which it is impossibleNapoleon could have been imposed upon. However, as yet he had nosuspicion of the hostility of Austria, which speedily became manifest;his grand object then was the Spanish business, and, as I have beforeobserved, one of the secrets of Napoleon's genius was, that he did notapply himself to more than one thing at a time. 

At Erfurt Bonaparte attained the principal object he had promised himselfby the meeting. Alexander recognized Joseph in his new character of Kingof Spain and the Indies. It has been said that as the price of thisrecognition Napoleon consented that Alexander should have SwedishFinland; but for the truth of this I cannot vouch. However, I rememberthat when, after the interview at Erfurt, Alexander had given-orders tohis ambassador to Charles IV. To continue his functions under KingJoseph, the Swedish charge d'affaires at Hamburg told me thatconfidential letters received by him from Erfurt led him to fear that theEmperor Alexander had communicated to Napoleon his designs on Finland, and that Napoleon had given his consent to the occupation. Be this as itmay, as soon as the interview was over Napoleon returned to Paris, wherehe presided with much splendour at the opening of the Legislative Body, and set out in the month of November for Spain. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

1808. 

 The Spanish troops in Hamburg--Romana's siesta--His departure for Funen--Celebration of Napoleon's birthday--Romana's defection-- English agents and the Dutch troops--Facility of communication between England and the Continent--Delay of couriers from Russia-- Alarm and complaints--The people of Hamburg--Montesquieu and the Minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany--Invitations at six months-- Napoleon's journey to Italy--Adoption of Eugene--Lucien's daughter and the Prince of the Asturias--M. Auguste de Stael's interview with Napoleon. 

Previous to the interview at Erfurt an event took place which created astrong interest in Hamburg and throughout Europe, an event which wasplanned and executed with inconceivable secrecy. I allude to thedefection of the Marquis de la Romans, which I have not hitherto noticed, in order that I might not separate the different facts which came to myknowledge respecting that defection and the circumstances whichaccompanied it. 

The Marquis de la Romans had come to the Hanse Towns at the head of anarmy corps of 18, 000 men, which the Emperor in the preceding campaignclaimed in virtue of treaties previously concluded with the SpanishGovernment. The Spanish troops at first met with a good reception in theHanse Towns. The difference of language, indeed, occasionally causeddiscord, but when better acquainted the inhabitants and their visitorsbecame good friends. The Marquis de la Romans was a little swarthy man, of unprepossessing and rather common appearance; but he had aconsiderable share of talent and information. He had travelled in almostevery part of Europe, and as he had been a close observer of all he sawhis conversation was exceedingly agreeable and instructive. 

During his stay at Hamburg General Romans spent almost every evening atmy house, and invariably fell asleep over a game at whist. Madame deBourrienne was usually his partner, and I recollect he perpetuallyoffered apologies for his involuntary breach of good manners. This, however, did not hinder him from being guilty of the same offence thenext evening. I will presently explain the cause of this regular siesta. 

On the King of Spain's birthday the Marquis de la Romans gave amagnificent entertainment. The decorations of the ballroom consisted ofmilitary emblems. The Marquis did the honours with infinite grace, andpaid particular attention to the French generals. He always spoke of theEmperor in very respectful terms, without any appearance of affectation, so that it was impossible to suspect him of harbouring disaffection. Heplayed his part to the last with the utmost address. At Hamburg we hadalready received intelligence of the fatal result of the battle of theSierra Morena, and of the capitulation of Dupont, which disgraced him atthe very moment when the whole army marked him out as the man most likelynext to receive the baton of Marshal of France. 

Meanwhile the Marquis de la Romans departed for the Danish island ofFunen, in compliance with the order which Marshal Bernadotte hadtransmitted to him. There, as at Hamburg, the Spaniards were well liked, for their general obliged them to observe the strictest discipline. Great preparations were made in Hamburg on the approach of SaintNapoleon's day, which was then celebrated with much solemnity in everytown in which France had representatives. The Prince de Ponte-Corvo wasat Travemunde, a small seaport near Lubeck, but that did not prevent himfrom giving directions for the festival of the 15th of August. TheMarquis de la Romana, the better to deceive the Marshal, despatched acourier, requesting permission to visit Hamburg on the day of the fete inorder to join his prayers to those of the French, and to receive, on theday of the fete, from the hands of the Prince, the grand order of theLegion of Honour, which he had solicited, and which Napoleon had grantedhim. Three days after Bernadotte received intelligence of the defectionof de la Romana. The Marquis had contrived to assemble a great number ofEnglish vessels on the coast, and to escape with all his troops except adepot of 600 men left at Altona. We afterwards heard that he experiencedno interruption on his passage, and that he landed with his troops atCorunna. I now knew to what to attribute the drowsiness which alwaysovercame the Marquis de la Romana when he sat down to take a hand atwhist. The fact was, he sat up all night making preparations for theescape which he had long meditated, while to lull suspicion he showedhimself everywhere during the day, as usual. 

On the defection of the Spanish troops I received letters from Governmentrequiring me to augment my vigilance, and to seek out those persons whomight be supposed to have been in the confidence of the Marquis de laRomans. I was informed that English agents, dispersed through the HanseTowns, were endeavouring to foment discord and dissatisfaction among theKing of Holland's troops. These manoeuvres were connected with thetreason of the Spaniards and the arrival of Danican in Denmark. Insubordination had already broken out, but it was promptly repressed. Two Dutch soldiers were shot for striking their officers, butnotwithstanding this severity desertion among the troops increased to analarming degree. Indefatigable agents in the pay of the EnglishGovernment laboured incessantly to seduce the soldiers of King Louis (ofHolland) from their duty. Some of these agents being denounced to mewere taken almost in the act, and positive proof being adduced of theirguilt they were condemned to death. 

These indispensable examples of severity did not check the manoeuvres ofEngland, though they served to cool the zeal of her agents. I used everyendeavour to second the Prince of Ponte-Corvo in tracing out the personsemployed by England. It was chiefly from the small island of Heligolandthat they found their way to the Continent. This communication wasfacilitated by the numerous vessels scattered about the small islandswhich lie along that coast. Five or six pieces of gold defrayed theexpense of the passage to or from Heligoland. Thus the Spanish news, which was printed and often fabricated at London, was profuselycirculated in the north of Germany. Packets of papers addressed tomerchants and well-known persons in the German towns were put into thepost-offices of Embden, Kuipphausen, Varel, Oldenburg, Delmenhorst, andBremen. Generally speaking, this part of the coast was not sufficientlywell watched to prevent espionage and smuggling; with regard tosmuggling, indeed, no power could have entirely prevented it. TheContinental system had made it a necessity, so that a great part of thepopulation depended on it for subsistence. 

In the beginning of December 1808 we remarked that the Russian courierwho passed through Konigsberg and Berlin, was regularly detained four, five, and even six hours on his way to Hamburg. The trading portion ofthe population, always suspicious, became alarmed at this chance in thecourier's hours, into which they inquired and soon discovered the cause. It was ascertained that two agents had been stationed by the postmasterof the Grand Duchy of Berg at Hamburg, in a village called Eschburgbelonging to the province of Lauenburg. There the courier from Berlinwas stopped, and his packets and letters opened. As soon as these factswere known in Hamburg there was a general consternation among the tradingclass-that is to say, the influential population of the city. Importantand well-grounded complaints were made. Some letters had beensuppressed, enclosures had been taken from one letter and put intoanother, and several bills of exchange had gone astray. The intelligencesoon reached the ears of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo, and was confirmed bythe official report of the commissioner for the Imperial and RoyalPost-office, who complained of the delay of the courier, of theconfusion of the packets, and of want of confidence in the ImperialPost-office. It was impolitic to place such agents in a village wherethere was not even a post-office, and where the letters were opened inan inn without any supervision. This examination of the letters, sometimes, perhaps, necessary, but often dangerous, and always extremelydelicate, created additional alarm, on account of the persons to whomthe business was entrusted. If the Emperor wished to be made acquaintedwith the correspondence of certain persons in the north it would havebeen natural to entrust the business to his agents and his commissionerat Hamburg, and not to two unknown individuals--another inconvenienceattending black cabinets. At my suggestion the Prince of Ponte-Corvogave orders for putting a stop to the clandestine business at Eschburg. The two agents were taken to Hamburg and their conduct inquired into. They were severely punished. They deserved this, however, less thanthose who had entrusted them with such an honourable mission; butleaders never make much scruple about abandoning their accomplices inthe lower ranks. 

But for the pain of witnessing vexations of this sort, which I had notalways power to prevent, especially after Bernadotte's removal, myresidence at Hamburg would have been delightful. Those who have visitedthat town know the advantages it possesses from its charming situation onthe Elbe, and above all, the delightful country which surrounds it like agarden, and extends to the distance of more than a league along the banksof the Eyder. The manners and customs of the inhabitants bear the stampof peculiarity; they are fond of pursuing their occupations in the openair. The old men are often seen sitting round tables placed before theirdoors sipping tea, while the children play before them, and the youngpeople are at their work. These groups have a very picturesque effect, and convey a gratifying idea of the happiness of the people. On seeingthe worthy citizens of Hamburg assembled round their doors I could nothelp thinking of a beautiful remark of Montesquieu. When he went toFlorence with a letter of recommendation to the Prime Minister of theGrand Duke of Tuscany he found him sitting at the threshold of his door, inhaling the fresh air and conversing with some friends. "I see, " saidMontesquieu, "that I am arrived among a happy people, since their PrimeMinister can enjoy his leisure moments thus. "

A sort of patriarchal simplicity characterises the manners of theinhabitants of Hamburg. They do not visit each other much, and only byinvitation; but on such occasions they display great luxury beneath theirsimple exterior. They are methodical and punctual to an extraordinarydegree. Of this I recollect a curious instance. I was very intimatewith Baron Woght, a man of talent and information, and exceedinglyamiable manners. One day he called to make us a farewell visit as heintended to set out on the following day for Paris. On Madame deBourrienne expressing a hope that he would not protract his absencebeyond six months, the period he had fixed upon, he replied, "Be assured, madame, nothing shall prevent me getting home on the day I haveappointed, for I have invited a party of friends to dine with me on theday after my return. " The Baron returned at the appointed time, and noneof his guests required to be reminded of his invitation at six months'date. 

Napoleon so well knew the effect which his presence produced that after aconquest he loved to show himself to the people whose territories headded to the Empire. Duroc, who always accompanied him when he was notengaged on missions, gave me a curious account of Napoleon's journey in1807 to Venice and the other Italian provinces, which, conformably withthe treaty of Presburg, were annexed to the Kingdom of Italy. 

In this journey to the Kingdom of Italy Napoleon had several importantobjects in view. He was planning great alliances; and he loaded Eugenewith favours for the purpose of sounding him and preparing him for hismother's divorce. At the same time he intended to have an interview withhis brother Lucien, because, wishing to dispose of the hand of hisbrother's daughter, he thought of making her marry the Prince of theAsturias (Ferdinand), who before the Spanish war, when the firstdissensions between father and son had become manifest, had solicited analliance with the Emperor in the hope of getting his support. This wasshortly after the eldest son of Louis had died in Holland of croup. Ithas been wrongly believed that Napoleon had an affection for this childbeyond that of an uncle for a nephew. I have already said the truthabout this. 

However this may be, it is certain that Napoleon now seriouslycontemplated a divorce from Josephine. If there had been no other proofof this I, who from long habit knew how to read Napoleon's thoughts byhis acts, found a sufficient one in the decree issued at Milan by whichNapoleon adopted Eugene as his son and successor to the crown of Italy, in default of male and legitimate children directly descended from him. Lucien went to Mantua on his brother's invitation, and this was the lastinterview they had before the Cent Tours. Lucien consented to give hisdaughter to the Prince of the Asturias, but this marriage did not takeplace. I learned from Duroc to what a height the enmity of Lucientowards the Beauharnais family, an enmity which I have often had occasionto speak of, had been renewed on this occasion. Lucien could not pardonJosephine for the rebuff of the counsels which he had given her, andwhich she had rejected with such proper indignation. Lucien had besidesanother special reason for giving his daughter to the Prince of theAsturias. He particularly wished to prevent that Prince marryingMademoiselle de Tascher, the niece of Josephine, a marriage for which M. De Beauharnais, then Ambassador of France at Madrid, was working with allhis might. Lucien also, with his Republican stolidity, submitted withouttoo much scruple to the idea of having a Bourbon King as son-in-law. Itwas also during this journey of Napoleon that he annexed Tuscany to theEmpire. 

Bonaparte returned to Paris on the 1st of January 1808. On his way hestopped for a short time at Chambery, where a young man had been waitingfor him several days. This was Madame de Stael's son, who was then notmore than seventeen years of age. M. Auguste de Stael lodged at thehouse of the postmaster of Chambery, and as the Emperor was expected inthe course of the night, he gave orders that he should be called up onthe arrival of the first courier. The couriers, who had been delayed onthe road, did not arrive until six in the morning, and were almostimmediately followed by the Emperor himself, so that M, de Stael wasawakened by the cries of Vive l'Empereur! He had just time to dresshimself hastily, and fly to meet Napoleon, to whom he delivered a letter, which he had prepared beforehand for the purpose of soliciting anaudience. Lauriston, the aide de camp on duty, took the letter, it beinghis business to receive all the letters and petitions which werepresented to Napoleon on his way. Before breakfast the Emperor openedthe letters which Lauriston had laid on the table; he merely looked atthe signatures, and then laid them aside. On opening M. De Stael'sletter he said, "Ah! ah! what have we here? a letter from M. De Stael!. . . He wishes to see me: . . . What can he want? . . . Canthere be anything in common between me and the refugees of Geneva?"--"Sire, " observed Lauriston, "he is a very young man; and, as well as Icould judge from the little I saw of him, there is something veryprepossessing in his appearance. "--"A very young man, say you? . . . Oh, then I will see him. . . . Rustan, tell him to come in. "M. De Stael presented himself to Napoleon with modesty, but without anyunbecoming timidity. When he had respectfully saluted the Emperor aconversation ensued between them, which Duroc described to me in nearlythe following manner. 

As M. De Stael advanced towards the Emperor the latter said, "Whence doyou come?"--"From Geneva, Sire. "--"Where is your mother?"--"She is eitherin Vienna or will soon be there. "--"At Vienna! . . . Well, that iswhere she ought to be; and I suppose she is happy. . . . She willnow have a good opportunity of learning German. "--"Sire, how can youimagine my mother is happy when she is absent from her country and herfriends? If I were permitted to lay before your Majesty my mother'sconfidential letter you would see how unhappy she is in her exile. "--"Ah, bah! your mother unhappy, indeed! . . . However, I do not meanto say she is altogether a bad woman. . . . She has talent--perhapstoo much; and hers is an unbridled talent. She was educated amidst thechaos of the subverted monarchy and the Revolution; and out of theseevents she makes an amalgamation of her own! All this might become verydangerous. Her enthusiasm is likely to make proselytes. I must keepwatch upon her. She does not like me; and for the interests of thosewhom she would endanger I must prohibit her coming to Paris. "

Young De Stael stated that his object in seeking the interview with theEmperor was to petition for his mother's return to Paris. Napoleonhaving listened without impatience to the reasons he urged in support ofhis request, said, "But supposing I were to permit your mother to returnto Pairs, six months would not elapse before I should be obliged to sendher to the Bicetre or to the Temple. This I should be sorry to do, because the affair would make a noise, and injure me in public opinion. Tell your mother that my determination is formed, that my decision isirrevocable. She shall never set foot in Paris as long as I live. "--"Sire, I cannot believe that you would arbitrarily imprison my mother ifshe gave you no reason for such severity. "--"She would give me a dozen!. . . I know her well. "--"Sire, permit me to say that I am certain mymother would live in Paris in a way that would afford no ground ofreproach; she would live retired, and would see only a very few friends. In spite of your Majesty's refusal I venture to entreat that you willgive her a trial, were it only for six weeks or a month. Permit her, Sire, to pass that time in Paris, and I conjure you to come to no finaldecision beforehand. "--"Do you think I am to be deceived by these fairpromises? . . . I tell you it cannot be. She would serve as arallying point for the Faubourg St. Germain. She see nobody, indeed!Could she make that sacrifice? She would visit and receive company. Shewould be guilty of a thousand follies. She would be saying things whichshe may consider as very good jokes, but which I should take seriously. My government is no joke: I wish this to be well known by everybody. "--"Sire, will your Majesty permit me to repeat that my mother has no wishwhatever to mingle in society? She would confine herself to the circleof a few friends, a list of whom she would give to your Majesty. You, Sire, who love France so well, may form some idea of the misery my mothersuffers in her banishment. I conjure your Majesty to yield to myentreaties, and let us be included in the number of your faithfulsubjects. "--"You!"--"Yes, Sire; or if your Majesty persist in yourrefusal, permit a son to inquire what can have raised your displeasureagainst his mother. Some say that it was my grandfather's last work; butI can assure your Majesty that my mother had nothing to do with that. "--"Yes, certainly, " added Napoleon, with more ill-humour than he hadhitherto manifested. "Yes, certainly, that work is very objectionable. Your grandfather was an ideologist, a fool, an old lunatic. At sixtyyears of age to think of forming plans to overthrow my constitution!States would be well governed, truly, under such theorists, who judge ofmen from books and the world from the map. "--"Sire, since mygrandfather's plans are, in your Majesty's eyes, nothing but vaintheories, I cannot conceive why they should so highly excite yourdispleasure. There is no political economist who has not traced outplans of constitutions. "--"Oh! as to political economists, they aremere-visionaries, who are dreaming of plans of finance while they areunfit to fulfil the duties of a schoolmaster in the most insignificantvillage in the Empire. Your grandfather's work is that of an obstinateold man who died abusing all governments. "--"Sire, may I presume tosuppose, from the way in which you speak of it, that your Majesty judgesfrom the report of malignant persons, and that you have not yourselfread it. "

"That is a mistake. I have read it myself from beginning to end. "--"Then your Majesty must have seen how my grandfather renders justice toyour genius. "--"Fine justice, truly! . . . He calls me theindispensable man, but, judging from his arguments, the best thing thatcould be done would be to cut my throat! Yes, I was indeed indispensableto repair the follies of your grandfather, and the mischief he did toFrance. It was he who overturned the monarchy and led Louis XVI. To thescaffold. "--"Sire, you seem to forget that my grandfather's property wasconfiscated because he defended the King. "--"Defended the King! A finedefence, truly! You might as well say that if I give a man poison andpresent him with an antidote when he is in the agonies of death I wish tosave him! Yet that is the way your grandfather defended Louis XVI. .. .. As to the confiscation you speak of, what does that prove? Nothing. Why, the property of Robespierre was confiscated! And let me tell youthat Robespierre himself, Marat, and Danton did much less mischief toFrance than M. Necker. It was he who brought about the Revolution. You, Monsieur de Stael, did not see this; but I did. I witnessed all thatpassed in those days of terror and public calamity. But as long as Ilive those days shall never return. Your speculators trace their Utopianschemes upon paper; fools read and believe them. All are babbling aboutgeneral happiness, and presently the people have not bread to eat; thencomes a revolution. Such is usually the fruit of all these finetheories! Your grandfather was the cause of the saturnalia whichdesolated France. He is responsible for all the blood shed in theRevolution!"

Duroc informed me that the Emperor uttered these last words in a tone offury which made all present tremble for young De Stael. Fortunately theyoung man did not lose his self-possession in the conflict, while theagitated expression of his countenance evidently showed what was passingin his mind. He was sufficiently master of himself to reply to theEmperor in a calm though rather faltering voice: "Sire, permit me to hopethat posterity will judge of my grandfather more favourably than yourMajesty does. During his administration he was ranked by the side ofSully and Colbert; and let me repeat again that I trust posterity willrender him justice. "--"Posterity will, probably, say little about him. "--"I venture to hope the contrary, Sire. "

Then, added Duroc, the Emperor turning to us said with a smile, "Afterall, gentlemen, it is not for me to say too much against the Revolutionsince I have gained a throne by it. " Then again turning to M. De Staelhe said, "The reign of anarchy is at au end. I must have subordination. Respect the sovereign authority, since it comes from God. You are young, and well educated, therefore; follow a better course, and avoid those badprinciples which endanger the welfare of society. "--"Sire, since yourMajesty does me the honour to think me well educated, you ought not tocondemn the principles of my grandfather and my mother, for it is inthose principles that I have been brought up. "--"Well, I advise you tokeep right in politics, for I will not pardon any offences of the Neckerkind. Every one should keep right in politics. "

This conversation, Duroc informed me, had continued the whole time ofbreakfast, and the Emperor rose just as he pronounced these last words:"Every one should keep right in politics. " At that moment young De Staelagain renewed his solicitations for his mother's recall from exile. Bonaparte then stepped up to him and pinched his ear with that air offamiliarity which was customary to him when he was in good humour orwished to appear so. 

"You are young, " said he; "if you had my age and experience you wouldjudge of things more correctly. I am far from being displeased with yourfrankness. I like to see a son plead his mother's cause. Your motherhas given you a difficult commission, and you have executed it cleverly. I am glad I have had this opportunity of conversing with you. I love totalk with young people when they are unassuming and not too fond ofarguing. But in spite of that I will not hold out false hopes to you. Murat has already spoken to me on the subject, and I have told him, as Inow tell you, that my will is irrevocable. If your mother were in prisonI should not hesitate to liberate her, but nothing shall induce me torecall her from exile. "--"But, Sire, is she not as unhappy in beingbanished from her country and her friends as if she were in prison?"--"Oh! these are your mother's romantic ideas. She is exceedingly unhappy, and much to be pitied, no doubt! . . . With the exception of Parisshe has all Europe for her prison. "--"But, Sire, her friends are inParis. "--"With her talents she may make friends anywhere. After all, I cannot understand why she should be so anxious to come to Paris. Whyshould she wish to place herself immediately within the reach of mytyranny? Can she not go to Rome, to Berlin, to Vienna, to Milan, or toLondon? Yes, let her go to London; that is the place for her. There shemay libel me as much as she pleases. In short, she has my full libertyto be anywhere but in Paris. You see, Monsieur de Stael, that is theplace of my residence, and there I will have only those who are attachedto me. I know from experience that if I were to allow your mother tocome to Paris she would spoil everybody about me. She would finish thespoiling of Garat. It was she who ruined the Tribunate. I know shewould promise wonders; but she cannot refrain from meddling withpolitics. "--"I can assure your Majesty that my mother does not nowconcern herself about politics. She devotes herself exclusively to thesociety of her friends and to literature. "--"Ah, there it is! . . . Literature! Do you think I am to be imposed upon by that word? Whilediscoursing on literature, morals, the fine arts, and such matters, it iseasy to dabble in politics. Let women mind their knitting. If yourmother were in Paris I should hear all sorts of reports about her. Things might, indeed, be falsely attributed to her; but, be that as itmay, I will have nothing of the kind going on in the capital in which Ireside. All things considered, advise your mother to go to London. Thatis the best place for her. As for your grandfather, I have not spokentoo severely of him. M. Necker knew nothing of the art of government. I have learned something of the matter during the last twentyyears. "--"All the world, Sire, renders justice to your Majesty's genius, and there is no one but acknowledges that the finances of France are nowmore prosperous than ever they were before your reign. But permit me toobserve that your Majesty must, doubtless, have seen some merit in thefinancial regulations of my grandfather, since you have adopted some ofthem in the admirable system you have established. "--"That provesnothing; for two or three good ideas do not constitute a good system. Bethat as it may, I say again, I will never allow your mother to return toParis. "--"But, Sire, if sacred interests should absolutely require herpresence there for a few days would not--"--"How! Sacred interests! Whatdo you mean?"--"Yes, Sire, if you do not allow her to return I shall beobliged to go there, unaided by her advice, in order to recover fromyour Majesty's Government the payment of a sacred debt. "--"Ah! bah!Sacred! Are not all the debts of the State sacred?"--"Doubtless, Sire;but ours is attended with circumstances which give it a peculiarcharacter. "--"A peculiar character! Nonsense! Does not every Statecreditor say the same of his debt? Besides, I know nothing of yourclaim. It does not concern me, and I will not meddle with it. If youhave the law on your side so much the better; but if you want favour Itell you I will not interfere. If I did, I should be rather against youthan otherwise. "--"Sire, my brother and myself had intended to settle inFrance, but how can we live in a country where our mother cannot visitus?"--"I do not care for that. I do not advise you to come here. Go toEngland. The English like wrangling politicians. Go there, for inFrance, I tell you candidly, that I should be rather against you thanfor you. "

"After this conversation, " added Duroc, "the Emperor got into thecarriage with me without stopping to look to the other petitions whichhad been presented to him. He preserved unbroken silence until he gotnearly opposite the cascade, on the left of the road, a few leagues fromChambery. He appeared to be absorbed in reflection. At length he said, 'I fear I have been somewhat too harsh with this young man. . . . But no matter, it will prevent others from troubling me. These peoplecalumniate everything I do. They do not understand me, Duroc; theirplace is not in France. How can Necker's family be for the Bourbons, whose first duty, if ever they returned to France, would be to hang themall. '"

This conversation, related to me by Duroc, interested me so much that Inoted it down on paper immediately after my interview. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

1808. 

 The Republic of Batavia--The crown of Holland offered to Louis-- Offer and refusal of the crown of Spain--Napoleon's attempt to get possession of Brabant--Napoleon before and after Erfart-- A remarkable letter to Louis--Louis summoned to Paris--His honesty and courage--His bold language--Louis' return to Holland, and his letter to Napoleon--Harsh letter from Napoleon to Louis--Affray at Amsterdam--Napoleon's displeasure and last letter to his brother-- Louis' abdication in favour of his son--Union of Holland to the French Empire--Protest of Louis against that measure--Letter from M. Otto to Louis. 

When Bonaparte was the chief of the French Republic he had no objectionto the existence of a Batavian Republic in the north of France, and heequally tolerated the Cisalpine Republic in the south. But after thecoronation all the Republics, which were grouped like satellites roundthe grand Republic, were converted into kingdoms subject to the Empire, if not avowedly, at least in fact. In this respect there was nodifference between the Batavian and Cisalpine Republics. The latterhaving been metamorphosed into the Kingdom of Italy, it was necessary tofind some pretext for transforming the former into the Kingdom ofHolland. The government of the Republic of Batavia had been for sometime past merely the shadow of a government, but still it preserved, evenin its submission to France, those internal forms of freedom whichconsole a nation for the loss of independence. The Emperor kept up suchan extensive agency in Holland that he easily got up a deputationsoliciting him to choose a king for the Batavian Republic. Thissubmissive deputation came to Paris in 1806 to solicit the Emperor, as afavour, to place Prince Louis on the throne of Holland. The address ofthe deputation, the answer of Napoleon, and the speech of Louis on beingraised to the sovereign dignity, have all been published. 

Louis became King of Holland much against his inclination, for he opposedthe proposition as much as he dared, alleging as an objection the stateof his health, to which certainly the climate of Holland was notfavourable; but Bonaparte sternly replied to his remonstrance, "It isbetter to die a king than live a prince. " He was then obliged to acceptthe crown. He went to Holland accompanied by Hortense, who, however, didmot stay long there. The new King wanted to make himself beloved by hissubjects, and as they were an entirely commercial people the best way towin their affections was not to adopt Napoleon's rigid laws againstcommercial intercourse with England. Hence the first coolness betweenthe two brothers, which ended in the abdication of Louis. 

I know not whether Napoleon recollected the motive assigned by Louis forat first refusing the crown of Holland, namely, the climate of thecountry, or whether he calculated upon greater submission in another ofhis brothers; but this is certain, that Joseph was not called from thethrone of Naples to the throne of Spain until after the refusal of Louis. I have in my possession a copy of a letter written to him by Napoleon onthe subject. It is without date of time or place, but its contents proveit to have been written in March or April 1808. It is as follows:--

 BROTHER:--The King of Spain, Charles IV. , has just abdicated. The Spanish people loudly appeal to me. Certain of obtaining no solid peace with England unless I cause a great movement on the Continent, I have determined to place a French King on the throne of Spain. The climate of Holland does not agree with you; besides, Holland cannot rise from her rains. In the whirlwind of events, whether we have peace or not, there is no possibility of her maintaining herself. In this state of things I have thought of the throne of Spain for you. Give me your opinions categorically on this measure. If I were to name you King of Spain would you accept the offer? May I count on you? Answer me these two questions. Say, "I have received your letter of such a day, I answer Yes, " and then I shall count on your doing what I wish; or say "No" if you decline my proposal. Let no one enter into your confidence, and mention to no one the object of this letter. The thing must be done before we confess having thought about it. 

 (signed) NAPOLEON. 

Before finally seizing Holland Napoleon formed the project of separatingBrabant and Zealand from it in exchange for other provinces, thepossession of which was doubtful, but Louis successfully resisted thisfirst act of usurpation. Bonaparte was, too intent on the great businessin Spain to risk any commotion in the north, where the declaration ofRussia against Sweden already sufficiently occupied him. He thereforedid not insist upon, and even affected indifference to, the proposedaugmentation of the territory of the Empire. This at least may becollected from another letter, dated St. Cloud, 17th August, written uponhearing from M. Alexandre de la Rochefoucauld, his Ambassador in Holland, and from his brother himself, the opposition of Louis to his project. 

The letter was as follows:--

 BROTHER--I have received your letter relating to that of the Sieur de la Rochefoucauld. He was only authorised to make the proposals indirectly. Since the exchange does not please you, let us think no more about it. It was useless to make a parade of principles, though I never said that you ought not to consult the nation. The well-informed part of the Dutch people had already acknowledged their indifference to the loss of Brabant, which is connected with France rather than with Holland, and interspersed with expensive fortresses; it might have been advantageously exchanged for the northern provinces. But, once for all, since you do not like this arrangement, let no more be said about it. It was useless even to mention it to me, for the Sieur de la Rochefoucauld was instructed merely to hint the matter. 

Though ill-humour here evidently peeps out beneath affectedcondescension, yet the tone of this letter is singularly moderate, --I mayeven say kind, in comparison with other letters which Napoleon addressedto Louis. This letter, it is true, was written previously to theinterview at Erfurt, when Napoleon, to avoid alarming Russia, made hisambition appear to slumber. But when he got his brother Josephrecognised, and when he had himself struck an important blow in thePeninsula, he began to change his tone to Louis. On the 20th of Decemberhe wrote a very remarkable letter, which exhibits the unreservedexpression of that tyranny which he wished to exercise over all hisfamily in order to make them the instruments of his despotism. Hereproached Louis for not following his system of policy, telling him thathe had forgotten he was a Frenchman, and that he wished to become aDutchman. Among other things he said:

 Your Majesty has done more: you took advantage of the moment when I was involved in the affairs of the Continent to renew the relations between Holland and England--to violate the laws of the blockade, which are the only means of effectually destroying the latter power. I expressed my dissatisfaction by forbidding you to come to France, and I have made you feel that even without the assistance of my armies, by merely closing the Rhine, the Weser, the Scheldt, and the Meuse against Holland, I should have placed her in a situation more critical than if I had declared war against her. Your Majesty implored my generosity, appealed to my feelings as brother, and promised to alter your conduct. I thought this warning would be sufficient. I raised my custom-house prohibitions, but your Majesty has returned to your old system. 

 Your Majesty received all the American ships that presented themselves in the ports of Holland after having been expelled from those of France. I have been obliged a second time to prohibit trade with Holland. In this state of things we may consider ourselves really at war. In my speech to the Legislative Body I manifested my displeasure; for I will not conceal from you that my intention is to unite Holland with France. This will be the most severe blow I can aim against England, and will deliver me from the perpetual insults which the plotters of your Cabinet are constantly directing against me. The mouths of the Rhine and of the Meuse ought, indeed, to belong to me. The principle that the 'Thalweg' (towing-path) of the Rhine is the boundary of France is a fundamental principle. Your Majesty writes to me on the 17th that you are sure of being able to prevent all trade between Holland and England. I am of opinion that your Majesty promises more than you can fulfil. I shall, however, remove my custom-house prohibitions whenever the existing treaties may be executed. The following are my conditions:--First, The interdiction of all trade and communication with England. Second, The supply of a fleet of fourteen sail-of the line, seven frigates and seven brigs or corvettes, armed and manned. Third, An army of 25, 000 men. Fourth, The suppression of the rank of marshals. Fifth, The abolition of all the privileges of nobility which are contrary to the constitution which I have given and guaranteed. Your Majesty may negotiate on these bases with the Due de Cadore, through the medium of your Minister; but be assured that on the entrance of the first packetboat into Holland I will restore my prohibitions, and that the first Dutch officer who may presume to insult my flag shall be seized, and hanged at the mainyard. Your Majesty will find in me a brother if you prove yourself a Frenchman; but if you forget the sentiments which attach you to our common country you cannot think it extraordinary that I should lose sight of those which nature created between us. In short, the union of Holland and France will be of all things, most useful to France, to Holland, and the whole Continent, because it will be most injurious to England. This union must be effected willingly or by force. Holland has given me sufficient reason to declare war against her. However, I shall not scruple to consent to an arrangement which will secure to me the limit of the Rhine, and by which Holland will pledge herself to fulfil the conditions stipulated above. 

 --[Much of the manner in which Napoleon treated occupied countries such as Holland is explained by the spirit of his answer when Beugnot complained to him of the harm done to the Grand Duchy of Berg by the monopoly of tobacco. "It is extraordinary that you should not have discovered the motive that makes me persist in the establishment of the monopoly of tobacco in the Grand Duchy. The question is not about your Grand Duchy but about France. I am very well aware that it is not to your benefit, and that you very possibly lose by it, but what does that signify if it be for the good of France? I tell you, then, that in every country where there is a monopoly of tobacco, but which is contiguous to one where the sale is free, a regular smuggling infiltration must be reckoned on, supplying the consumption for twenty or twenty-five miles into the country subject to the duty. That is what I intend to preserve France from. You must protect yourselves as well as you can from this infiltration. It is enough for me to drive it back more than twenty or twenty-five miles from my frontier. " (Beugnot, vol. Ii. P. 26). ]--

Here the correspondence between the two brothers was suspended for atime; but Louis still continued exposed to new vexations on the part ofNapoleon. About the end of 1809 the Emperor summoned all the sovereignswho might be called his vassals to Paris. Among the number was Louis, who, however, did not show himself very willing to quit his States. Hecalled a council of his Ministers, who were of opinion that for theinterest of Holland he ought to make this new sacrifice. He did so withresignation. Indeed, every day passed on the throne was a sacrifice madeby Louis. 

He lived very quietly in Paris, and was closely watched by the police, for it was supposed that as he had come against his will he would notprotract his stay so long as Napoleon wished. The system of espionageunder which he found himself placed, added to the other circumstances ofhis situation, inspired him with a degree of energy of which he was notbelieved to be capable; and amidst the general silence of the servants ofthe Empire, and even of the Kings and Princes assembled in the capital, he ventured to say, "I have been deceived by promises which were neverintended to be kept. Holland is tired of being the sport of France. " TheEmperor, who was unused to such language as this, was highly incensed atit. Louis had now no alternative but to yield to the incessant exactionsof Napoleon or to see Holland united to France. He chose the latter, though not before he had exerted all his feeble power in behalf of thesubjects whom Napoleon had consigned to him; but he would not be theaccomplice of the man who had resolved to make those subjects the victimsof his hatred against England. Who, indeed, could be so blind as not tosee that the ruin of the Continent would be the triumph of Britishcommerce?

Louis was, however, permitted to return to his States to contemplate thestagnating effect of the Continental blockade on every branch of tradeand industry formerly so active in Holland. Distressed at witnessingevils to which he could apply no remedy, he endeavoured by some prudentremonstrances to avert the utter, ruin with which Holland was threatened. On the 23d of March 1810 he wrote the following letter to Napoleon:--

 If you wish to consolidate the present state of France, to obtain maritime peace, or to attack England with advantage, those objects are not to be obtained by measures like the blockading system, the destruction of a kingdom raised by yourself, or the enfeebling of your allies, and setting at defiance their most sacred rights and the first principles of the law of nations. You should, on the contrary, win their affections for France, and consolidate and reinforce your allies, making them like your brothers, in whom you may place confidence. The destruction of Holland, far from being the means of assailing England, will serve only to increase her strength, by all the industry and wealth which will fly to her for refuge. There are, in reality, only three ways of assailing England, namely, by detaching Ireland, getting possession of the East Indies, or by invasion. These two latter modes, which would be the most effectual, cannot be executed without naval force. But I am astonished that the first should have been so easily relinquished. That is a more secure mode of obtaining peace on good conditions than the system of injuring ourselves for the sake of committing a greater injury upon the enemy. 

 (Signed) LOUIS. 

Written remonstrances were no more to Napoleon's taste than verbal onesat a time when, as I was informed by my friends whom fortune chained tohis destiny, no one presumed to address a word to him except in answer tohis questions. Cambaceres, who alone had retained that privilege inpublic as his old colleague in the Consulate, lost it after Napoleon'smarriage with the daughter of Imperial Austria. His brother's letterhighly roused his displeasure. Two months after he received it, being ona journey in the north, he replied from Ostend by a letter which cannotbe read without a feeling of pain, since it serves to show how weak arethe most sacred ties of blood in comparison with the interests of aninsatiable policy. This letter was as follows:

 BROTHER--In the situation in which we are placed it is best to speak candidly. I know your secret sentiments, and all that you can say to the contrary can avail nothing. Holland is certainly in a melancholy situation. I believe you are anxious to extricate her from her difficulties: it is you; and you alone, who can do this. 

 When you conduct yourself in such a way as to induce the people of Holland to believe that you act under my influence, that all your measures and all your sentiments are conformable with mine, then you will be loved, you will be esteemed, and you will acquire the power requisite for re-establishing Holland: when to be my friend, and the friend of France, shall become a title of favour at your court, Holland will be in her natural situation. Since your return from Paris you have done nothing to effect this object. What will be the result of your conduct? Your subjects, bandied about between France and England, will throw themselves into the arms of France, and will demand to be united to her. You know my character, which is to pursue my object unimpeded by any consideration. What, therefore, do you expect me to do? I can dispense with Holland, but Holland cannot dispense with my protection. If, under the dominion of one of my brothers, but looking to me alone for her welfare, she does not find in her sovereign my image, all confidence in your government is at an end; your sceptre is broken. Love France, love my glory--that is the only way to serve Holland: if you had acted as you ought to have done that country, having becoming a part of my Empire, would have been the more dear to me since I had given her a sovereign whom I almost regarded as my son. In placing you on the throne of Holland I thought I had placed a French citizen there. You have followed a course diametrically opposite to what I expected. I have been forced to prohibit you from coming to France, and to take possession of a part of your territory. In proving yourself a bad Frenchman you are less to the Dutch than a Prince of Orange, to whose family they owe their rank as a nation, and a long succession of prosperity and glory. By your banishment from France the Dutch are convinced that they have lost what they would not have lost under a Schimmelpenninek or a Prince of Orange. Prove yourself a Frenchman, and the brother of the Emperor, and be assured that thereby you will serve the interests of Holland. But you seem to be incorrigible, for you would drive away the few Frenchmen who remain with you. You must be dealt with, not by affectionate advice, but by threats and compulsion. What mean the prayers and mysterious fasts you have ordered? Louis, you will not reign long. Your actions disclose better than your confidential letters the sentiments of your mind. Return to the right course. Be a Frenchman in heart, or your people will banish you, and you will leave Holland an object of ridicule. 

 --[It was, on the contrary, became Louis made himself a Dutchman that his people did not banish him, and that he carried away with him the regret of all that portion of his subjects who could appreciate his excellent qualities and possessed good sense enough to perceive that he was not to blame for the evils that weighed upon Holland. --Bourrienne. The conduct of Bonaparte to Murat was almost a counterpart to this. When Murat attempted to consult the interests of Naples he was called a traitor to France. --Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

 States must be governed by reason and policy, and not by the weakness produced by acrid and vitiated humours. 

 (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

A few days after this letter was despatched to Louis, Napoleon heard of apaltry affray which had taken place at Amsterdam, and to which Comte dela Rochefoucauld gave a temporary diplomatic importance, being aware thathe could not better please his master than by affording him an excuse forbeing angry. It appeared that the honour of the Count's coachman hadbeen put in jeopardy by the insult of a citizen of Amsterdam, and aquarrel had ensued, which, but for the interference of the guard of thepalace, might have terminated seriously since it assumed the character ofa party affair between the French and the Dutch. M. De la Rochefoucauldimmediately despatched to the Emperor, who was then at Lille, a fullreport of his coachman's quarrel, in which he expressed himself with asmuch earnestness as the illustrious author of the "Maxims" evinced whenhe waged war against kings. The consequence was that Napoleon instantlyfulminated the following letter against his brother Louis:

 BROTHER--At the very moment when you were making the fairest protestations I learn that the servants of my Ambassador have been ill-treated at Amsterdam. I insist that those who were guilty of this outrage be delivered up to me, in order that their punishment may serve as an example to others. The Sieur Serrurier has informed me how you conducted yourself at the diplomatic audiences. I have, consequently, determined that the Dutch Ambassador shall not remain in Paris; and Admiral Yerhuell has received orders to depart within twenty-four hours. I want no more phrases and protestations. It is time I should know whether you intend to ruin Holland by your follies. I do not choose that you should again send a Minister to Austria, or that you should dismiss the French who are in your service. I have recalled my Ambassador as I intend only to have a charge d'affaires in Holland. The Sieur Serrurier, who remains there in that capacity, will communicate my intentions. My Ambassador shall no longer be exposed to your insults. Write to me no more of those set phrases which you have been repeating for the last three years, and the falsehood of which is proved every day. 

 This is the last letter I will ever write to you as long as I live. 

 (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

Thus reduced to the cruel alternative of crushing Holland with his ownhands, or leaving that task to the Emperor, Louis did not hesitate to laydown his sceptre. Having formed this resolution, he addressed a messageto the Legislative Body of the Kingdom of Holland explaining the motivesof his abdication. The French troops entered Holland under the commandof the Duke of Reggio, and that marshal, who was more a king than theKing himself, threatened to occupy Amsterdam. Louis then descended fromhis throne, and four years after Napoleon was hurled from his. 

In his act of abdication Louis declared that he had been driven to thatstep by the unhappy state of his Kingdom, which he attributed to hisbrother's unfavourable feelings towards him. He added that he had madeevery effort and sacrifice to put an end to that painful state of things, and that, finally, he regarded himself as the cause of the continualmisunderstanding between the French Empire and Holland. It is curiousthat Louis thought he could abdicate the crown of Holland in favour ofhis son, as Napoleon only four years after wished to abdicate his crownin favour of the King of Rome. 

Louis bade farewell to the people of Holland in a proclamation, after thepublication of which he repaired to the waters at Toeplitz. There he wasliving in tranquil retirement when he learned that his brother had unitedHolland to the Empire. He then published a protest, of which I obtaineda copy, though its circulation was strictly prohibited by the police. Inthis protest Louis said:

 The constitution of the state guaranteed by the Emperor, my brother, gave me the right of abdicating in favour of my children. That abdication was made in the form and terms prescribed by the constitution. The Emperor had no right to declare war against Holland, and he has not done so. 

 There is no act, no dissent, no demand of the Dutch nation that can authorise the pretended union. 

 My abdication does not leave the throne vacant. I have abdicated only in favour of my children. 

 As that abdication left Holland for twelve years under a regency, that is to say, under the direct influence of the Emperor, according to the terms of the constitution, there was no need of that union for executing every measure he might have in view against trade and against England, since his will was supreme in Holland. 

 But I ascended the throne without any other conditions except those imposed upon me by my conscience, my duty, and the interest and welfare of my subjects. I therefore declare before God and the independent sovereigns to whom I address myself--

 First, That the treaty of the 16th of March 1810, which occasioned the separation of the province of Zealand and Brabant from Holland, was accepted by compulsion, and ratified conditionally by me in Paris, where I was detained against my will; and that, moreover, the treaty was never executed by the Emperor my brother. Instead of 6000 French troops which I was to maintain, according to the terms of the treaty, that number has been more than doubled; instead of occupying only the mouths of the rivers and the coasts, the French custom-horses have encroached into the interior of the country; instead of the interference of France being confined to the measures connected with the blockade of England, Dutch magazines have been seized and Dutch subjects arbitrarily imprisoned; finally, none of the verbal promises have been kept which were made in the Emperor's name by the Due de Cadore to grant indemnities for the countries ceded by the said treaty and to mitigate its execution, if the King would refer entirely to the Emperor, etc. I declare, in my name, in the name of the nation and my son, the treaty of the 16th of March 1810 to be null and void. 

 Second, I declare that my abdication was forced by the Emperor, my brother, that it was made only as the last extremity, and on this one condition--that I should maintain the rights of Holland and my children. My abdication could only be made in their favour. 

 Third, In my name, in the name of the King my son, who is as yet a minor, and in the name of the Dutch nation, I declare the pretended union of Holland to France, mentioned in the decree of the Emperor, my brother, dated the 9th of July last, to be null, void, illegal, unjust, and arbitrary in the eyes of God and man, and that the nation and the minor King will assert their just rights when circumstances permit them. (Signed)LOUIS. August 1, 1810. 

Thus there seemed to be an end of all intercourse between these twobrothers, who were so opposite in character and disposition. ButNapoleon, who was enraged that Louis should have presumed to protest, andthat in energetic terms, against the union of his Kingdom with theEmpire, ordered him to return to France, whither he was summoned in hischaracter of Constable and French Prince. Louis, however, did not thinkproper to obey this summons, and Napoleon, mindful of his promise ofnever writing to him again, ordered the following letter to be addressedto him by M. Otto, who had been Ambassador from France to Vienna sincethe then recent marriage of the Emperor with Maria Louisa--

 SIRE:--The Emperor directs me to write to your Majesty as follows:-- "It is the duty of every French Prince, and every member of the Imperial family, to reside in France, whence they cannot absent themselves without the permission of the Emperor. Before the union of Holland to the Empire the Emperor permitted the King to reside at Toeplitz, is Bohemia. His health appeared to require the use of the waters, but now the Emperor requires that Prince Louis shall return, at the latest by the 1st of December next, under pain of being considered as disobeying the constitution of the Empire and the head of his family, and being treated accordingly. "

 I fulfil, Sire, word for word the mission with which I have been entrusted, and I send the chief secretary of the embassy to be assured that this letter is rightly delivered. I beg your Majesty to accept the homage of my respect, etc. 

 (Signed)OTTO. 

 --[The eldest son of Louis, one of the fruits of his unhappy marriage with Hortense Beauharnais, the daughter of Josephine, the wife of his brother Napoleon, was little more than six years of age when his father abdicated the crown of Holland in his favour. In 1830-31 this imprudent young man joined the ill-combined mad insurrection in the States of the Pope. He was present in one or two petty skirmishes, and was, we believe, wounded; but it was a malaria fever caught in the unhealthy Campagna of Rome that carried him to the grave in the twenty-seventh year of his age. --Editor of 1836 edition. -- The first child of Louis and of Hortense had died in 1807. The second son, Napoleon Louis (1804-1831) in whose favour he abdicated had been created Grand Due de Berg et de Cleves by Napoleon in 1809. He married to 1826 Charlotte, the daughter of Joseph Bonaparte, and died in 1831, while engaged in a revolutionary movement in Italy. On his death his younger brother Charles Louis Napoleon, the future Napoleon III. , first came forward as an aspirant. ]--

What a letter was this to be addressed by a subject to a prince and asovereign. When I afterwards saw M. Otto in Paris, and conversed withhim on the subject, he assured me how much he had been distressed at thenecessity of writing such a letter to the brother of the Emperor. He hademployed the expressions dictated by Napoleon in that irritation which hecould never command when his will was opposed. 

 --[With regard to Louis and his conduct in Holland Napoleon thus spoke at St. Helena:

 "Louis is not devoid of intelligence, and has a good heart, but even with these qualifications a man may commit many errors, and do a great deal of mischief. Louis is naturally inclined to be capricious and fantastical, and the works of Jean Jacques Rousseau have contributed to increase this disposition. Seeking to obtain a reputation for sensibility and beneficence, incapable by himself of enlarged views, and, at most, competent to local details, Louis acted like a prefect rather than a King. 

 "No sooner had he arrived in Holland than, fancying that nothing could be finer than to have it said that he was thenceforth a true Dutchman, he attached himself entirely to the party favourable to the English, promoted smuggling, and than connived with our enemies. It became necessary from that moment watch over him, and even threaten to wage war against him. Louis then seeking a refuge against the weakness of his disposition in the most stubborn obstinacy, and mistaking a public scandal for an act of glory, fled from his throne, declaiming against me and against my insatiable ambition, my intolerable tyranny, etc. What then remained for me to do? Was I to abandon Holland to our enemies? Ought I to have given it another King? But is that case could I have expected more from him than from my own brother? Did not all the Kings that I created act nearly in the same manner? I therefore united Holland to the Empire, and this act produced a most unfavourable impression in Europe, and contributed not a little to lay the foundation of our misfortunes" (Memorial de Sainte Helene)]--

CHAPTER XVIII. 

1809. 

 Demands for contingents from some of the small States of Germany-- M. Metternich--Position of Russia with respect to France--Union of Austria and Russia--Return of the English to Spain--Soult King of Portugal, and Murat successor to the Emperor--First levy of the landwehr in Austria--Agents of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'-- Declaration of Prince Charles--Napoleon's march to Germany--His proclamation--Bernadotte's departure for the army--Napoleon's dislike of Bernadotte--Prince Charles' plan of campaign--The English at Cuxhaven--Fruitlessness of the plots of England--Napoleon wounded--Napoleon's prediction realised--Major Schill--Hamburg threatened and saved--Schill in Lubeck--His death, and destruction of his band--Schill imitated by the Duke of Brunswick-Oels-- Departure of the English from Cuxhaven. 

Bonaparte, the foundations of whose Empire were his sword and his. Victories, and who was anxiously looking forward to the time when thesovereigns of Continental Europe should be his juniors, applied forcontingents of troops from the States to which I was accredited. TheDuchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was to furnish a regiment of 1800 men, andthe other little States, such as Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz, wereto furnish regiments of less amount. All Europe was required to rise inarms to second the gigantic projects of the new sovereign. This demandfor contingents, and the positive way in which the Emperor insisted uponthem, gave rise to an immense correspondence, which, however, wasunattended by any result. The notes and orders remained in theportfolios, and the contingents stayed at home. 

M. Metternich, whose talent has since been so conspicuously displayed, had been for upwards of a year Ambassador from Austria to Paris. Eventhen he excelled in the art of guiding men's minds, and of turning to theadvantage of his policy his external graces and the favour he acquired inthe drawing-room. His father, a clever man, brought up in the olddiplomatic school of Thugut and Kaunitz, had early accustomed him to thetask of making other Governments believe, by means of agents, what mightlead them into error and tend to the advantage of his own Government. His manoeuvres tended to make Austria assume a discontented and haughtytone; and wishing, as she said, to secure her independence, she publiclydeclared her intention of protecting herself against any enterprisesimilar to those of which she had so often been the victim. Thislanguage, encouraged by the complete evacuation of Germany, and the warin Spain, the unfortunate issue of which was generally foreseen, wasused--in time of peace between the two empires, and when France was notthreatening war to Austria. 

 --[Metternich arrived in Paris as Ambassador on 4th August 1806, after Austria had been vanquished at Austerlitz. It does not seem probable, either from his views or his correspondence, that he advised the rash attempt of Austria to attack Napoleon by herself; compare Metternich tome 1. P. 69, on the mistake of Prussia in 1805 and 1806; see also tome ii. P. 221, "To provoke a war with France would be madness" (1st July 1808). On the other hand, the tone of his correspondence in 1808 seams calculated to make Austria believe that war was inevitable, and that her forces, "so inferior to those of France before the insurrection in Spain, will at least be equal to them immediately after that event" (tome ii. P. 808). What is curious is that Metternich's conduct towards Napoleon while Ambassador had led even such men as Duke Dalberg to believe that he was really so well disposed towards Napoleon as to serve his cause more than that of Austria. 

M. Metternich, who had instructions from his Court, gave no satisfactoryexplanation of those circumstances to Napoleon, who immediately raised aconscription, and brought soldiers from Spain into Germany. 

It was necessary, also, to come to an understanding with Russia, who, being engaged with her war in Finland and Turkey, appeared desirousneither to enter into alliance with Austria nor to afford her support. What, in fact, was the Emperor Alexander's situation with respect toFrance? He had signed a treaty of peace at Tilsit which he felt had beenforced upon him, and he knew that time alone would render it possible forhim to take part in a contest which it was evident would again be renewedeither with Prussia or Austria. 

Every person of common sense must have perceived that Austria, in takingup arms, reckoned, if not on the assistance, at least on the neutralityof Russia. Russia was then engaged with two enemies, the Swedes and theTurks, over whom she hoped to triumph. She therefore rejoiced to seeFrance again engage in a struggle with Austria, and there was no doubtthat she would take advantage of any chances favourable to the latterpower to join her in opposing the encroachments of France. I never couldconceive how, under those circumstances, Napoleon could be so blind as toexpect assistance from Russia in his quarrel with Austria. He must, indeed, have been greatly deceived as to the footing on which the twoCourts stood with reference to each other--their friendly footing andtheir mutual agreement to oppose the overgrowing ambition of their commonenemy. 

The English, who had been compelled to quit Spain, now returned there. They landed in Portugal, which might be almost regarded as their owncolony, and marched against Marshal Soult, who left Spain to meet them. Any other man than Soult would perhaps have been embarrassed by theobstacles which he had to surmount. A great deal has been said about hiswish to make himself King of Portugal. Bernadotte told me, when hepassed through Hamburg, that the matter had been the subject of muchconversation at headquarters after the battle of Wagram. Bernadotteplaced no faith in the report, and I am pretty sure that Napoleon alsodisbelieved it. However, this matter is still involved in the obscurityfrom which it will only be drawn when some person acquainted with theintrigue shall give a full explanation of it. 

Since I have, with reference to Soult, touched upon the subject of hissupposed ambition, I will mention here what I know of Murat's expectationof succeeding the Emperor. When Romanzow returned from his uselessmission of mediation to London the Emperor proceeded to Bayonne. Bernadotte, who had an agent in Paris whom he paid highly, told me oneday that he had received a despatch informing him that Murat entertainedthe idea of one day succeeding the Emperor. Sycophants, expecting toderive advantage from it, encouraged Murat in this chimerical hope. I know not whether Napoleon was acquainted with this circumstance, norwhat he said of it, but Bernadotte spoke of it to me as a certain fact. It would, however, have been very wrong to attach great importance to anexpression which, perhaps, escaped Murat in a moment of ardour, for hisnatural temperament sometimes betrayed him into acts of imprudence, theresult of which, with a man like Napoleon, was always to be dreaded. 

It was in the midst of the operations of the Spanish war, which Napoleondirected in person, that he learned Austria had for the first time raisedthe landwehr. I obtained some very curious documents respecting thearmaments of Austria from the Editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'. This paper, the circulation of which amounted to not less than 60, 000, paid considerable sums to persons in different parts of Europe who wereable and willing to furnish the current news. The Correspondent paid6000 francs a year to a clerk in the war department at Vienna, and it wasthis clerk who supplied the intelligence that Austria was preparing forwar, and that orders had been issued in all directions to collect and putin motion all the resources of that powerful monarchy. I communicatedthese particulars to the French Government, and suggested the necessityof increased vigilance and measures of defence. Preceding aggressions, especially that of 1805, were not to be forgotten. Similar informationprobably reached the French Government from many quarters. Be that as itmay, the Emperor consigned the military operations in Spain to hisgenerals, and departed for Paris, where he arrived at the end of January1809. He had been in Spain only since the beginning of November 1808, 'and his presence there had again rendered our banners victorious. Butthough the insurgent troops were beaten the inhabitants showed themselvesmore and more unfavourable to Joseph's cause; and it did not appear veryprobable that he could ever seat himself tranquilly on the throne ofMadrid. 

 --[The successes obtained by Napoleon during his stay of about three months in Spain were certainly very great, and mainly resulted from his own masterly genius and lightning-like rapidity. The Spanish armies, as yet unsupported by British troops, were defeated at Gomenal, Espinosa, Reynosa, Tudela, and at the pass of the Somo sierra Mountains, and at an early hour of the morning of the 4th December Madrid surrendered. On the 20th of December Bonaparte marched with far superior forces against the unfortunate Sir John Moore, who had been sent to advance into Spain both by the wrong route and at a wrong time. On the 29th, from the heights of Benevento, his eyes were delighted by seeing the English in full retreat. But a blow struck him from another quarter, and leaving Soult to follow up Moore he took the road to Paris. ]--

The Emperor Francis, notwithstanding his counsellors, hesitated abouttaking the first step; but at length, yielding to the solicitations ofEngland and the secret intrigues of Russia, and, above all, seduced bythe subsidies of Great Britain, Austria declared hostilities, not atfirst against France, but against her allies of the Confederation of theRhine. On the 9th of April Prince Charles, who was appointedcommander-in-chief of the Austrian troops, addressed a note to thecommander-in-chief of the French army in Bavaria, apprising him of thedeclaration of war. 

A courier carried the news of this declaration to Strasburg with theutmost expedition, from whence it was transmitted by telegraph to Paris. The Emperor, surprised but not disconcerted by this intelligence, received it at St. Cloud on the 11th of April, and two hours after he wason the road to Germany. The complexity of affairs in which he was theninvolved seemed to give a new impulse to his activity. When he reachedthe army neither his troops nor his Guard had been able to come up, andunder those circumstances he placed himself at the head of the Bavariantroops, and, as it were, adopted the soldiers of Maximilian. Six daysafter his departure from Paris the army of Prince Charles, which hadpassed the Inn, was threatened. The Emperor's headquarters were atDonauwerth, and from thence he addressed to his soldiers one of thoseenergetic and concise proclamations which made them perform so manyprodigies, and which was soon circulated in every language by the publicjournals. This complication of events could not but be fatal to Europeand France, whatever might be its result, but it presented an opportunityfavourable to the development of the Emperor's genius. Like hisfavourite poet Ossian, who loved best to touch his lyre midst thehowlings of the tempest, Napoleon required political tempests for thedisplay of his abilities. 

During the campaign of 1809, and particularly at its commencement, Napoleon's course was even more rapid than it had been in the campaignof 1805. Every courier who arrived at Hamburg brought us news, or ratherprodigies. As soon as the Emperor was informed of the attack made by theAustrians upon Bavaria orders were despatched to all the generals havingtroops under their command to proceed with all speed to the theatre ofthe war. The Prince of Ponte-Corvo was summoned to join the Grand Armywith the Saxon troops under his command and for the time he resigned thegovernment of the Hanse Towns. Colonel Damas succeeded him at Hamburgduring that period, but merely as commandant of the fortress; and henever gave rise to any murmur or complaint. Bernadotte was not satisfiedwith his situation, and indeed the Emperor, who was never much disposedto bring him forward, because he could not forgive him for his oppositionon the 18th Brumaire, always appointed him to posts in which but littleglory was to be acquired, and placed as few troops as possible under hiscommand. 

It required all the promptitude of the Emperor's march upon Vienna todefeat the plots which were brewing against his government, for in theevent of his arms being unsuccessful, the blow was ready to be struck. The English force in the north of Germany amounted to about 10, 000 men:The Archduke Charles had formed the project of concentrating in themiddle of Germany a large body of troops, consisting of the corps ofGeneral Am Eude, of General Radizwowitz, and of the English, with whomwere to be joined the people who were expected to revolt. The Englishwould have wished the Austrian troops to advance a little farther. TheEnglish agent made some representations on this subject to Stadion, theAustrian Minister; but the Archduke preferred making a diversion tocommitting the safety of the monarchy by departing from his presentinactivity and risking the passage of the Danube, in the face of an enemywho never suffered himself to be surprised, and who had calculated everypossible event: In concerting his plan the Archduke expected that theCzar would either detach a strong force to assist his allies, or that hewould abandon them to their own defence. In the first case the Archdukewould have had a great superiority, and in the second, all was preparedin Hesse and in Hanover to rise on the approach of the Austrian andEnglish armies. 

At the commencement of July the English advanced upon Cuxhaven with adozen small ships of war. They landed 400 or 600 sailors and about 50marines, and planted a standard on one of the outworks. The day afterthis landing at Cuxhaven the English, who were in Denmark evacuatedCopenhagen, after destroying a battery which they had erected there. All the schemes of England were fruitless on the Continent, for with theEmperor's new system of war, which consisted in making a push on thecapitals, he soon obtained negotiations for peace. He was master ofVienna before England had even organised the expedition to which I havejust alluded. He left Paris on the 11th of April, was at Donauwerth onthe 17th, and on the 23d he was master of Ratisbon. In the engagementwhich preceded his entrance into that town Napoleon received a slightwound in the heel. He nevertheless remained on the field of battle. Itwas also between Donauwerth and Ratisbon that Davoust, by a boldmanoeuvre, gained and merited the title of Prince of Eckmuhl. 

 --[The great battle of Eckmuhl, where 100, 000 Austrians were driven from all their positions, was fought on the 22d of April. -Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

At this period fortune was not only bent on favouring Napoleon's arms, but she seemed to take pleasure in realising even his boastingpredictions; for the French troops entered Vienna within a month after aproclamation issued by Napoleon at Ratisbon, in which he said he would bemaster of the Austrian capital in that time. 

But while he was thus marching from triumph to triumph the people ofHamburg and the neighbouring countries had a neighbour who did not leavethem altogether without inquietude. The famous Prussian partisan, MajorSchill, after pursuing his system of plunder in Westphalia, came andthrew himself into Mecklenburg, whence, I understood, it was hisintention to surprise Hamburg. At the head of 600 well-mounted hussarsand between 1500 and 2000 infantry badly armed, he took possession of thelittle fort of Domitz, in Mecklenburg, on the 15th of May, from whence hedespatched parties who levied contributions on both banks of the Elbe. Schill inspired terror wherever he went. On the 19th of May a detachmentof 30 men belonging to Schill's corps entered Wismar. It was commandedby Count Moleke, who had formerly been in the Prussian service, and whohad retired to his estate in Mecklenburg, where the Duke had kindly givenhim an appointment. Forgetting his duty to his benefactor, he sent tosummon the Duke to surrender Stralsund. 

Alarmed at the progress of the partisan Schill, the Duke of Mecklenburgand his Court quitted Ludwigsburg, their regular residence, and retiredto Doberan, on the seacoast. On quitting Mecklenburg Schill advanced toBergdorf, four leagues from Hamburg. The alarm then increased in thatcity. A few of the inhabitants talked of making a compromise with Schilland sending him money to get him away. But the firmness of the majorityimposed silence on this timid council. I consulted with the commandantof the town, and we determined to adopt measures of precaution. Thecustom-house chest, in which there was more than a million of gold, wassent to Holstein under a strong escort. At the same time I sent toSchill a clever spy, who gave him a most alarming account of the means ofdefence which Hamburg possessed. Schill accordingly gave up his designson that city, and leaving it on his left, entered Lubeck, which wasundefended. 

Meanwhile Lieutenant-General Gratien, who had left Berlin by order of thePrince de Neufchatel, with 2500 Dutch and 3000 Swedish troops, activelypursued Schill, and tranquillity was soon restored throughout all theneighbouring country, which had been greatly agitated by his boldenterprise. Schill, after wandering for some days on the shores of theBaltic, was overtaken by General Gratien at Stralsund, whence he wasabout to embark for Sweden. He made a desperate defence, and was killedafter a conflict of two hours. His band was destroyed. Three hundred ofhis hussars and 200 infantry, who had effected their escape, asked leaveto return to Prussia, and they were conducted to the Prussian generalcommanding a neighbouring town. A war of plunder like that carried on bySchill could not be honourably acknowledged by a power having, any claimto respect. Yet the English Government sent Schill a colonel'scommission, and the full uniform of his new rank, with the assurance thatall his troops should thenceforth be paid by England. 

Schill soon had an imitator of exalted rank. In August 1809 the Duke ofBrunswick-OEls sought the dangerous honour of succeeding that famouspartisan. At the head of at most 2000 men he for some days disturbed theleft bank of the Elbe, and on the 5th entered Bremen. On his approachthe French Vice-Consul retired to Osterhulz. One of the Duke's officerspresented himself at the hones of the Vice-Consul and demanded 200 Louis. The agent of the Vice-Consul, alarmed at the threat of the place beinggiven up to pillage, capitulated with the officer, and with considerabledifficulty got rid of him at the sacrifice of 80 Louis, for which areceipt was presented to him in the name of the Duke. The Duke, who nowwent by the name of "the new Schill, " did not remain long in Bremen. 

Wishing to repair with all possible speed to Holland he left Bremen onthe evening of the 6th, and proceeded to Dehnenhorst, where his advancedguard had already arrived. The Westphalian troops, commanded by Reubell, entered Bremen on the 7th, and not finding the Duke of Brunswick, immediately marched in pursuit of him. The Danish troops, who occupiedCuxhaven, received orders to proceed to Bremerlehe, to favour theoperations of the Westphalians and the Dutch. Meanwhile the Englishapproached Cuxhaven, where they landed 3000 or 4000 men. The persons incharge of the custom-house establishment, and the few sailors who were inCuxhaven, fell back upon Hamburg. The Duke of Brunswick, still pursuedcrossed Germany from the frontiers of Bohemia to Elsfleth, a little porton the left bank of the Weser, where he arrived on the 7th, being one dayin advance of his pursuers. He immediately took possession of all thetransports at Elsfleth, and embarked for Heligoland. 

The landing which the English effected at Cuxhaven while the Danes, whogarrisoned that port, were occupied in pursuing the Duke of Brunswick, was attended by no result. After the escape of the Duke the Danesreturned to their post which the English immediately evacuated. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

1809. 

 The castle of Diernstein--Richard Coeur de Lion and Marshal Lannes, --The Emperor at the gates of Vienna--The Archduchess Maria Louisa-- Facility of correspondence with England--Smuggling in Hamburg--Brown sugar and sand--Hearses filled with sugar and coffee--Embargo on the publication of news--Supervision of the 'Hamburg Correspondant'-- Festival of Saint Napoleon--Ecclesiastical adulation--The King of Westphalia's journey through his States--Attempt to raise a loan-- Jerome's present to me--The present returned--Bonaparte's unfounded suspicions. 

Rapp, who during the campaign of Vienna had resumed his duties as aide decamp, related to me one of those observations of Napoleon which, when hiswords are compared with the events that followed them, seem to indicate aforesight into his future destiny. When within some days' march ofVienna the Emperor procured a guide to explain to him every village andruin which he observed on the road. The guide pointed to an eminence onwhich were a few decayed vestiges of an old fortified castle. "Those, "said the guide, "are the ruins of the castle of Diernstein. " Napoleonsuddenly stopped, and stood for some time silently contemplating theruins, then turning to Lannes, who was with him, he raid, "See! yonderis the prison of Richard Coeur de Lion. He, like us, went to Syria andPalestine. But, my brave Lannes, the Coeur de Lion was not braver thanyou. He was more fortunate than I at St. Jean d'Acre. A Duke of Austriasold him to an Emperor of Germany, who imprisoned him in that castle. Those were the days of barbarism. How different from the civilisation ofmodern times! Europe has seen how I treated the Emperor of Austria, whomI might have made prisoner--and I would treat him so again. I claim nocredit for this. In the present age crowned heads must be respected. Aconqueror imprisoned!"

A few days after the Emperor was at the gates of Vienna, but on thisoccasion his access to the Austrian capital was not so easy as it hadbeen rendered in 1805 by the ingenuity and courage of Lannes and Murat. The Archduke Maximilian, who was shut up in the capital, wished to defendit, although the French army already occupied the principal suburbs. Invain were flags of truce sent one after the other to the Archduke. Theywere not only dismissed unheard, but were even ill-treated, and one ofthem was almost killed by the populace. The city was then bombarded, andwould speedily have been destroyed but that the Emperor, being informedthat one of the Archduchesses remained in Vienna on account ofill-health, ordered the firing to cease. By a singular caprice ofNapoleon's destiny this Archduchess was no other than Maria Louisa. Vienna at length opened her gates to Napoleon, who for some days took uphis residence at Schoenbrunn. 

The Emperor was engaged in so many projects at once that they could notall succeed. Thus, while he was triumphant in the Hereditary States hisContinental system was experiencing severe checks. The trade withEngland on the coast of Oldenburg was carped on as uninterruptedly as ifin time of peace. English letters and newspapers arrived on theContinent, and those of the Continent found their way into Great Britain, as if France and England had been united by ties of the firmestfriendship. In short, things were just in the same state as if thedecree for the blockade of the British Isles had not existed. When thecustom-house officers succeeded in seizing contraband goods they wereagain taken from them by main force. On the 2d of July a serious contesttook place at Brinskham between the custom-house officers and a party ofpeasantry, in which the latter remained masters of eighteen wagons ladenwith English goods: many were wounded on both sides. 

If, however, trade with England was carried on freely along a vast extentof coast, it was different in the city of Hamburg, where English goodswere introduced only by fraud; and I verily believe that the art ofsmuggling and the schemes of smugglers were never before carried to suchperfection. Above 6000 persons of the lower orders went backwards andforwards, about twenty times a day, from Altona to Hamburg, and theycarried on their contraband, trade by many ingenious stratagems, two ofwhich were so curious that they are worth mentioning here. 

On the left of the road leading from Hamburg to Altona there was a pieceof ground where pits were dug for the purpose of procuring sand used forbuilding and for laying down in the streets. At this time it wasproposed to repair the great street of Hamburg leading to the gate ofAltona. The smugglers overnight filled the sandpit with brown sugar, andthe little carts which usually conveyed the sand into Hamburg were filledwith the sugar, care being taken to cover it with a layer of sand aboutan inch thick. This trick was carried on for a length of time, but noprogress was made in repairing the street. I complained greatly of thedelay, even before I was aware of its cause, for the street led to acountry-house I had near Altona, whither I went daily. The officers ofthe customs at length perceived that the work did not proceed, and onefine morning the sugar-carts were stopped and seized. Another expedientwas then to be devised. 

Between Hamburg and Altona there was a little suburb situated on theright bank of the Elbe. This suburb was inhabited, by sailors, labourersof the port, and landowners. The inhabitants were interred in thecemetery of Hamburg. It was observed that funeral processions passedthis way more frequently than usual. The customhouse officers, amazed atthe sudden mortality of the worthy inhabitants of the little suburb, insisted on searching one of the vehicles, and on opening the hearse itwas found to be filled with sugar, coffee, vanilla, indigo, etc. It wasnecessary to abandon this expedient, but others were soon discovered. 

Bonaparte was sensitive, in an extraordinary degree, to all that was saidand thought of him, and Heaven knows how many despatches I received fromheadquarters during the campaign of Vienna directing me not only to watchthe vigilant execution of the custom-house laws, but to lay an embargo ona thing which alarmed him more than the introduction of Britishmerchandise, viz. The publication of news. In conformity with thesereiterated instructions I directed especial attention to the managementof the 'Correspondant'. The importance of this journal, with its 60, 000readers, may easily be perceived. I procured the insertion of everythingI thought desirable: all the bulletins, proclamations, acts of the FrenchGovernment, notes of the 'Moniteur', and the semi-official articles ofthe French journals: these were all given 'in extenso'. On the otherhand, I often suppressed adverse news, which, though well known, wouldhave received additional weight from its insertion in so widelycirculated a paper. If by chance there crept in some Austrian bulletin, extracted from the other German papers published in the States of theConfederation of the Rhine, there was always given with it a suitableantidote to destroy, or at least to mitigate, its ill effect. But thiswas not all. The King of Wurtemberg having reproached the'Correspondant', in a letter to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, withpublishing whatever Austria wished should be made known, and beingconducted in a spirit hostile to the good cause, I answered these unjustreproaches by making the Syndic censor prohibit the Hamburg papers frominserting any Austrian order of the day, any Archduke's bulletins, anyletter from Prague; in short, anything which should be copied from theother German journals unless those articles had been inserted in theFrench journals. 

My recollections of the year 1809 at Hamburg carry me back to thecelebration of Napoleon's fete, which was on the 15th of August, for hehad interpolated his patron saint in the Imperial calendar at the date ofhis birth. The coincidence of this festival with the Assumption gaverise to adulatory rodomontades of the most absurd description. Certainlythe Episcopal circulars under the Empire would form a curious collection. 

 --[It will perhaps scarcely be believed that the following words were actually delivered from the pulpit: "God in his mercy has chosen Napoleon to be his representative on earth. The Queen of Heaven has marked, by the most magnificent of presents, the anniversary of the day which witnessed his glorious entrance into her domains. Heavenly Virgin! as a special testimony of your love for the French, and your all-powerful influence with your son, you have connected the first of your solemnities with the birth of the great Napoleon. Heaven ordained that the hero should spring from your sepulchre. "--Bourrienne. ]--

Could anything be more revolting than the sycophancy of those Churchmenwho declared that "God chose Napoleon for his representative upon earth, and that God created Bonaparte, and then rested; that he was morefortunate than Augustus, more virtuous than Trajan; that he deservedaltars and temples to be raised to him!" etc. 

Some time after the Festival of St. Napoleon the King of Westphalia madea journey through his States. Of all Napoleon's brothers the King ofWestphalia was the one with whom I was least acquainted, and he, it ispretty well known, was the most worthless of the family. Hiscorrespondence with me is limited to two letters, one of which he wrotewhile he commanded the 'Epervier', and another seven years after, dated6th September 1809. In this latter he said:

 "I shall be in Hannover on the 10th. If you can make it convenient to come there and spend a day with me it will give me great pleasure. I shall then be able to smooth all obstacles to the loan I wish to contract in the Hanse Town. I flatter myself you will do all in your power to forward that object, which at the present crisis is very important to my States. More than ample security is offered, but the money will be of no use to me if I cannot have it at least for two years. "

Jerome wanted to contract at Hamburg a loan of 3, 000, 000 francs. However, the people did not seem to think like his Westphalian Majesty, that the contract presented more than ample security. No one was foundwilling to draw his purse-strings, and the loan was never raised. 

Though I would not, without the Emperor's authority, exert the influenceof my situation to further the success of Jerome's negotiation, yet I didmy best to assist him. I succeeded in prevailing on the Senate toadvance one loan of 100, 000 francs to pay a portion of the arrears due tohis troops, and a second of 200, 000 francs to provide clothing for hisarmy, etc. This scanty supply will cease to be wondered at when it isconsidered to what a state of desolation the whole of Germany was reducedat the time, as much in the allied States as in those of the enemies ofFrance. I learnt at the time that the King of Bavaria said to an officerof the Emperor's household in whom he had great confidence, "If thiscontinues we shall have to give up, and put the key under the door. "These were his very words. 

As for Jerome, he returned to Cassel quite disheartened at theunsuccessful issue of his loan. Some days after his return to hiscapital I received from him a snuffbox with his portrait set in diamonds, accompanied by a letter of thanks for the service I had rendered him. I never imagined that a token of remembrance from a crowned head couldpossibly be declined. Napoleon, however, thought otherwise. I had not, it is true, written to acquaint our Government with the King ofWestphalia's loan, but in a letter, which I addressed to the Minister forForeign Affairs on the 22d of September, I mentioned the present Jeromehad sent me. Why Napoleon should have been offended at this I know not, but I received orders to return Jerome's present immediately, and theseorders were accompanied with bitter reproaches for my having accepted itwithout the Emperor's authority. I sent back the diamonds, but kept theportrait. Knowing Bonaparte's distrustful disposition, I thought he musthave suspected that Jerome had employed threats, or at any rate, that hehad used some illegal influence to facilitate the success of his loan. At last, after much correspondence, Napoleon saw clearly that everythingwas perfectly regular; in a word, that the business had been transactedas between two private persons. As to the 300, 000 francs which theSenate had lent to Jerome, the fact is, that but little scruple was madeabout it, for this simple reason, that it was the means of removing fromHamburg the Westphalian division, whose presence occasioned a muchgreater expense than the loan. 

CHAPTER XX. 

1809. 

 Visit to the field of Wagram. --Marshal Macdonald--Union of the Papal States with the Empire--The battle of Talavera--Sir Arthur Wellesley--English expedition to Holland--Attempt to assassinate the Emperor at Schoenbrunn--Staps Interrogated by Napoleon--Pardon offered and rejected--Fanaticism and patriotism--Corvisart's examination of Staps--Second interrogatory--Tirade against the illuminati--Accusation of the Courts of Berlin and Weimar--Firmness and resignation of Staps--Particulars respecting his death-- Influence of the attempt of Staps on the conclusion of peace-- M. De Champagny. 

Napoleon went to inspect all the corps of his army and the field ofWagram, which a short time before had been the scene of one of thosegreat battles in which victory was the more glorious in proportion as ithad been valiantly contested. 

 --[The great battle of Wagram was fought on the 6th of July 1809. The Austrians, who committed a mistake in over-extending their line, lost 20, 000 men as prisoners, besides a large number in killed and wounded. There was no day, perhaps, on which Napoleon showed more military genius or more personal courage. He was in the hottest of the fight, and for a long time exposed to showers of grapeshot. -- Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

On that day [the type] of French honour, Macdonald, who, after achievinga succession of prodigies, led the army of Italy into the heart of theAustrian States, was made a marshal on the field of battle. Napoleonsaid to him, "With us it is for life and for death. " The general opinionwas that the elevation of Macdonald added less to the marshal's militaryreputation than it redounded to the honour of the Emperor. Five daysafter the bombardment of Vienna, namely, on the 17th of May, the Emperorhad published a decree, by virtue of which the Papal States were unitedto the French Empire, and Rome was declared an Imperial City. I will notstop to inquire whether this was good or bad in point of policy, but itwas a mean usurpation on the part of Napoleon, for the time was passedwhen a Julius II. Laid down the keys of St. Peter and took up the swordof St. Paul. It was, besides, an injustice, and, considering the Pope'scondescension to Napoleon, an act of ingratitude. The decree of uniondid not deprive the Pope of his residence, but he was only the FirstBishop of Christendom, with a revenue of 2, 000, 000. 

Napoleon while at Vienna heard of the affair of Talavera de la Reyna. Iwas informed, by a letter from headquarters, that he was much affected atthe news, and did not conceal his vexation. I verily believe that he wasbent on the conquest of Spain, precisely on account of the difficultieshe had to surmount. At Talavera commenced the celebrity of a man who, perhaps, would not have been without some glory even if pains had notbeen taken to build him up a great reputation. That battle commenced thecareer of Sir Arthur Wellesley, whose after-success, however, has beenattended by such important consequences. 

 --[The battle of Talavera took place on the 28th of July, twenty-two days after the fatal defeat of the Austrians at Wagram. ]--

Whilst we experienced this check in Spain the English were attempting anexpedition to Holland, where they had already made themselves masters ofWalcheren. It is true they were obliged to evacuate it shortly after;but as at that time the French and Austrian armies were in a state ofinaction, in consequence of the armistice concluded at Znaim, in Moravia, the news unfavourable to Napoleon had the effect of raising the hopes ofthe Austrian negotiators, who paused in the expectation that freshdefeats would afford them better chances. 

It was during these negotiations, the termination of which seemed everyday to be farther distant, that Napoleon was exposed to a more realdanger than the wound he had received at Ratisbon. Germany was sufferingunder a degree of distress difficult to be described. Illuminism wasmaking great progress, and had filled some youthful minds with anenthusiasm not less violent than the religious fanaticism to which HenryIV. Fell a victim. A young man formed the design of assassinatingNapoleon in order to rid Germany of one whom he considered her scourge. Rapp and Berthier were with the Emperor when the assassin was arrested, and in relating what I heard from them I feel assured that I am givingthe most faithful account of all the circumstances connected with theevent. 

"We were at Schoenbrunn, " said Rapp, "when the Emperor had just reviewedthe troops. I observed a young man at the extremity of one of thecolumns just as the troops were about to defile. He advanced towards theEmperor, who was then between Berthier and me. The Prince de Neufchatel, thinking he wanted to present a petition, went forward to tell him that Iwas the person to receive it as I was the aide de camp for the day. Theyoung man replied that he wished to speak with Napoleon himself, andBerthier again told him that he must apply to me. He withdrew a little, still repeating that he wanted to speak with Napoleon. He again advancedand came very near the Emperor; I desired him to fall back, telling himin German to wait till after the parade, when, if he had anything to say, it would be attended to. I surveyed him attentively, for I began tothink his conduct suspicious. I observed that he kept his right hand inthe breast pocket of his coat; out of which a piece of paper appeared. I know not how it was, but at that moment my eyes met his, and I wasstruck with his peculiar look and air of fixed determination. Seeing anofficer of gendarmerie on the spot, I desired him to seize the young man, but without treating him with any severity, and to convey him to thecastle until the parade was ended. 

"All this passed in less time than I have taken to tell it, and as everyone's attention was fixed on the parade the scene passed unnoticed. Iwas shortly afterwards told that a large carving-knife had been found onthe young man, whose name was Staps. I immediately went to find Duroc, and we proceeded together to the apartment to which Staps had been taken. We found him sitting on a bed, apparently in deep thought, but betrayingno symptoms of fear. He had beside him the portrait of a young female, his pocket-book, and purse containing only two pieces of gold. I askedhim his name, but he replied that he would tell it to no one butNapoleon. I then asked him what he intended to do with the knife whichhad been found upon him? But he answered again, 'I shall tell onlyNapoleon. '--'Did you mean to attempt his life?'--'Yes. '--'Why?'--'I cantell no one but Napoleon. '

"This appeared to me so strange that I thought right to inform theEmperor of it. When I told him what had passed he appeared a littleagitated, for you know how he was haunted with the idea of assassination. He desired that the young man should be taken into his cabinet; whitherhe was accordingly conducted by two gens d'armes. Notwithstanding hiscriminal intention there was something exceedingly prepossessing in hiscountenance. I wished that he would deny the attempt; but how was itpossible to save a man who was determined to sacrifice himself? TheEmperor asked Staps whether he could speak French, and he answered thathe could speak it very imperfectly, and as you know (continued Rapp) thatnext to you I am the best German scholar in Napoleon's Court, I wasappointed interpreter on this occasion. The Emperor put the followingquestions to Staps, which I translated, together with the answers:

"'Where do you come from?'--'From Narremburgh. '--'What is your father?'--'A Protestant minister. '--'How old are you?'--'Eighteen. '--'What didyou intend to do with your knife?'--'To kill you. '--'You are mad, youngman; you are one of the illuminati?'--'I am not mad; I know not what ismeant by the illuminati!'--'You are ill, then?'--'I am not; I am verywell. '--'Why did you wish to kill me?'--'Because you have ruined mycountry. '--'Have I done you any harm?'--'Yes, you have harmed me as wellas all Germans. '--'By whom were you sent? Who urged you to this crime?'--'No one; I was urged to it by the sincere conviction that by killingyou I should render the greatest service to my country. '--'Is this thefirst time you have seen me?'--'I saw you at Erfurt, at the time of yourinterview with the Emperor of Russia. '--'Did you intend to kill methen?'--'No; I thought you would not again wage war against Germany. Iwas one of your greatest admirers. '--'How long have you been in Vienna?'--'Ten days. '--'Why did you wait so long before you attempted theexecution of your project?'--'I came to Schoenbrunn a week ago with theintention of killing you, but when I arrived the parade was just over; Itherefore deferred the execution of my design till today. '--'I tell you, young man, you are either mad or in bad health. '

"The Emperor here ordered Corvisart to be sent for. Staps asked whoCorvisart was? I told him that he was a physician. He then said, 'I have no need of him. ' Nothing further was said until the arrival ofthe doctor, and during this interval Steps evinced the utmostindifference. When Corvisart arrived Napoleon directed him to feel theyoung man's pulse, which he immediately did; and Staps then very coollysaid, 'Am I not well, sir?' Corvisart told the Emperor that nothingailed him. 'I told you so, ' said Steps, pronouncing the words with anair of triumph. 

"I was really astonished at the coolness and apathy of Staps, and theEmperor seemed for a moment confounded by the young man'sbehaviour. --After a few moments' pause the Emperor resumed theinterrogatory as follows:

"'Your brain is disordered. You will be the ruin of your family. I willgrant you your life if you ask pardon for the crime you meditated, andfor which you ought to be sorry. '--'I want no pardon. I only regrethaving failed in my attempt. '--'Indeed! then a crime is nothing to you?'--'To kill you is no crime: it is a duty. '--'Whose portrait is that whichwas found on you?'--'It is the portrait of a young lady to whom I amattached. '--'She will doubtless be much distressed at your adventure?'--'She will only be sorry that I have not succeeded. She abhors you asmuch as I do. '--'But if I were to pardon you would you be grateful for mymercy?'--'I would nevertheless kill you if I could. '

"I never, " continued Rapp, "saw Napoleon look so confounded. The repliesof Staps and his immovable resolution perfectly astonished him. Heordered the prisoner to be removed; and when he was gone Napoleon said, 'This is the result of the secret societies which infest Germany. Thisis the effect of fine principles and the light of reason. They makeyoung men assassins. But what can be done against illuminism? A sectcannot be destroyed by cannon-balls. '

"This event, though pains were taken to keep it secret, became thesubject of conversation in the castle of Schoenbrunn. In the evening theEmperor sent for me and said, 'Rapp, the affair of this morning is veryextraordinary. I cannot believe that this young man of himself conceivedthe design of assassinating me. There is something under it. I shallnever be persuaded that the intriguers of Berlin and Weimar are strangersto the affair. '--'Sire, allow me to say that your suspicions appearunfounded. Staps has had no accomplice; his placid countenance, and evenhis fanaticism, are easiest proofs of that. '--'I tell you that he hasbeen instigated by women: furies thirsting for revenge. If I could onlyobtain proof of it I would have them seized in the midst of theirCourt. '--'Ah, Sire, it is impossible that either man or woman in theCourts of Berlin or Weimar could have conceived so atrocious a design. '--'I am not sure of that. Did not those women excite Schill against uswhile we were at peace with Prussia; but stay a little; we shall see. '--'Schill's enterprise; Sire, bears no resemblance to this attempt. 'You know how the Emperor likes every one to yield to his opinion when hehas adopted one which he does not choose to give up; so he said, ratherchanging his tone of good-humoured familiarity, 'All you say is in vain, Monsieur le General: I am not liked either at Berlin or Weimar. ' Thereis no doubt of that, Sire; but because you are not liked in these twoCourts, is it to be inferred that they would assassinate you?'--'I knowthe fury of those women; but patience. Write to General Lauer: directhim to interrogate Staps. Tell him to bring him to a confession. '

"I wrote conformably with the Emperor's orders, but no confession wasobtained from Staps. In his examination by General Lauer he repeatednearly what he had said in the presence of Napoleon. His resignation andfirmness never forsook him for a moment; and he persisted in saying thathe was the sole author of the attempt, and that no one else was aware ofit. Staps' enterprise made a deep impression on the Emperor. On the daywhen we left Schoenbrunn we happened to be alone, and he said to me, 'I cannot get this unfortunate Staps out of my mind. The more I think onthe subject the more I am perplexed. I never can believe that a youngman of his age, a German, one who has received a good education, a Protestant too, could have conceived and attempted such a crime. The Italians are said to be a nation of assassins, but no Italian everattempted my life. This affair is beyond my comprehension. Inquire howStaps died, and let me know. '

"I obtained from General Lauer the information which the Emperor desired. I learned that Staps, whose attempt on the Emperor's life was made on the23d of October; was executed at seven o'clock in the morning of the 27th, having refused to take any sustenance since the 24th. When any food wasbrought to him he rejected it, saying, 'I shall be strong enough to walkto the scaffold. ' When he was told that peace was concluded he evincedextreme sorrow, and was seized with trembling. On reaching the place ofexecution he exclaimed loudly, 'Liberty for ever! Germany for ever!Death to the tyrant!'"

Such are the notes which I committed to paper after conversing with Rapp, as we were walking together in the garden of the former hotel ofMontmorin, in which Rapp resided. I recollect his showing me the knifetaken from Staps, which the Emperor had given him; it was merely a commoncarving-knife, such as is used in kitchens. To these details may beadded a very remarkable circumstance, which I received from another butnot less authentic source. I have been assured that the attempt of theGerman Mutius Scaevola had a marked influence on the concessions whichthe Emperor made, because he feared that Staps, like him who attemptedthe life of Porsenna, might have imitators among the illuminati ofGermany. 

It is well known that after the battle of Wagram conferences were open atRaab. Although peace was almost absolutely necessary for both powers, and the two Emperors appeared to desire it equally, it was not, however, concluded. It is worthy of remark that the delay was occasioned byBonaparte. Negotiations were therefore suspended, and M. De Champagnyhad ceased for several days to see the Prince of Lichtenstein when theaffair of Staps took place. Immediately after Napoleon's examination ofthe young fanatic he sent for M. De Champagny: "How are the negotiationsgoing on?" he inquired. The Minister having informed him, the Emperoradded, "I wish them to be resumed immediately: I wish for peace; do nothesitate about a few millions more or less in the indemnity demanded fromAustria. Yield on that point. I wish to come to a conclusion: I referit all to you. " The Minister lost no time in writing to the Prince ofLichtenstein: on the same night the two negotiators met at Raab, and theclauses of the treaty which had been suspended were discussed, agreedupon, and signed that very night. Next morning M. De Champagny attendedthe Emperor's levee with the treaty of peace as it had been agreed on. Napoleon, after hastily examining it, expressed his approbation of everyparticular, and highly complimented his Minister on the speed with whichthe treaty had been brought to a conclusion. 

 --[This definitive treaty of peace, which is sometimes called the Treaty of Vienna, Raab, or Schoenbrunn, contained the following articles:

 1. Austria ceded in favour of the Confederation of the Rhine (these fell to Bavaria), Salzburg, Berchtolsgaden, and a part of Upper Austria. 

 2. To France directly Austria ceded her only seaport, Trieste, and all the countries of Carniola, Friuli, the circle of Vilach, with parts of Croatia end Dalmatia. (By these cessions Austria was excluded from the Adriatic Sea, and cut off from all communication with the navy of Great Britain. ) A small lordship, en enclave in the territories of the Grieve League, was also gives up. 

 3. To the constant ally of Napoleon, to the King of Saxony, in that character Austria ceded some Bohemian enclaves in Saxony end, in his capacity of Grand Duke of Warsaw, she added to his Polish dominions the ancient city of Cracow, and all Western Galicia. 

 4. Russia, who had entered with but a lukewarm zeal into the war as an ally of France, had a very moderate share of the spoils of Austria. A portion of Eastern Galicia, with a population of 400, 000 souls, was allotted to her, but in this allotment the trading town of Brody (almost the only thing worth having) was specially excepted. This last circumstance gave no small degree of disgust to the Emperor Alexander, whose admiration of Napoleon was not destined to have a long duration. --Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

CHAPTER XXI. 

1809. 

 The Princess Royal of Denmark--Destruction of the German Empire-- Napoleons visit to the Courts of Bavaria and Wurtemberg--His return to France--First mention of the divorce--Intelligence of Napoleon's marriage with Maria Louisa--Napoleon's quarrel with Louis--Journey of the Emperor and Empress into Holland--Refusal of the Hanse Towns to pay the French troops--Decree for burning English merchandise-- M. De Vergennes--Plan for turning an inevitable evil to the best account--Fall on the exchange of St Petersburg

About this time I had the pleasure of again seeing the son of thereigning Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, whose arrival in the Hanse Townswas speedily followed by that of his sister, Princess Frederica Charlotteof Mecklenburg, married to the Prince Royal of Denmark, ChristianFrederick. In November the Princess arrived at Altana from Copenhagen, the reports circulated respecting her having compelled her husband toseparate from her. The history of this Princess, who, though perhapsblamable, was nevertheless much pitied, was the general subject ofconversation in the north of Germany at the time I was at Hamburg. TheKing of Denmark, grieved at the publicity of the separation, wrote aletter on the subject to the Duke of Mecklenburg. In this letter, whichI had an opportunity of seeing, the King expressed his regret at nothaving been able to prevent the scandal; for, on his return from ajourney to Kiel, the affair had become so notorious that all attempts atreconciliation were vain. In the meantime it was settled that thePrincess was to remain at Altona until something should be decidedrespecting her future condition. 

It was Baron Plessen, the Duke of Mecklenburg's Minister of State, whofavoured me with a sight of the King of Denmark's letters. M. Plessentold me, likewise, at the time that the Duke had formed the irrevocabledetermination of not receiving his daughter. A few days after herarrival the Princess visited Madame de Bourrienne. She invited us to herparties, which were very brilliant, and several times did us the honourof being present at ours. But; unfortunately, the extravagance of herconduct, which was very unsuitable to her situation, soon became thesubject of general animadversion. 

I mentioned at the close of the last chapter how the promptitude of M. DeChampagny brought about the conclusion of the treaty known by the name ofthe Treaty of Schoenbrunn. Under this the ancient edifice of the GermanEmpire was overthrown, and Francis II. Of Germany became Francis I. , Emperor of Austria. He, however, could not say, like his namesake ofFrance, 'Tout est perdu fors l'honneur'; for honour was somewhatcommitted, even had nothing else been lost. But the sacrifices Austriawas compelled, to make were great. The territories ceded to France wereimmediately united into a new general government, under the collectivedenomination of the Illyrian Provinces. Napoleon thus became master ofboth sides of the Adriatic, by virtue of his twofold title of Emperor ofFrance and King of Italy. Austria, whose external commerce thus receiveda check, had no longer any direct communication with the sea. The lossof Fiume, Trieste, and the sea-coast appeared so vast a sacrifice that itwas impossible to look forward to the duration of a peace so dearlypurchased. 

The affair of Staps, perhaps, made Napoleon anxious to hurry away fromSchoenbrunn, for he set off before he had ratified the preliminaries ofthe peace, announcing that he would ratify them at Munich. He proceededin great haste to Nymphenburg, where he was expected on a visit to theCourt of Bavaria. He next visited the King of Wurtemberg, whom hepronounced to be the cleverest sovereign in Europe, and at the end ofOctober he arrived at Fontainebleau. From thence he proceeded onhorseback to Paris, and he rode so rapidly that only a single chasseur ofhis escort could keep up with him, and, attended by this one guard, heentered the court of the Tuileries. While Napoleon was at Fontainebleau, before his return to Paris, Josephine for the first time heard thedivorce mentioned; the idea had occurred to the Emperor's mind while hewas at Schoenbrunn. It was also while at Fontainebleau that Napoleonappointed M. De Montalivet to be Minister of the Interior. The letterswhich we received from Paris at this period brought intelligence of thebrilliant state of the capital during the winter of 1809, and especiallyof the splendour of the Imperial Court, where the Emperor's levees wereattended by the Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg, all eager toevince their gratitude to the hero who had raised them to the sovereignrank. 

I was the first person in Hamburg who received intelligence of Napoleon'sprojected marriage with the Archduchess Maria Louisa. The news wasbrought to me from Vienna by two estafettes. It is impossible todescribe the effect produced by the anticipation of this event throughoutthe north of Germany. 

 --["Napoleon often reflected on the best mode of making this communication to the Empress; still he was reluctant to speak to her. He was apprehensive of the consequences of her susceptibility of feeling; his heart was never proof against the shedding of tears. Ho thought, however, that a favourable opportunity offered for breaking the subject previously to his quitting Fontainebleau. He hinted at it in a few words which he had addressed to the Empress, but he did not explain himself until the arrival of the viceroy, whom he had ordered to join him. He was the first person who spoke openly to his mother and obtained her consent for that bitter sacrifice. He acted on the occasion like a kind son and a man grateful to his benefactor and devoted to his service, by sparing him the necessity of unpleasant explanations towards a partner whose removal was a sacrifice as painful to him as it was affecting: The Emperor, having arranged whatever related to the future condition of the Empress, upon whom he made a liberal settlement, urged the moment of the dissolution of the marriage, no doubt because he felt grieved at the condition of the Empress herself, who dined every day and passed her evenings in the presence of persons who were witnessing her descent from the throne. There existed between him and the Empress Josephine no other bond than a civil act, according to the custom which prevailed at the time of this marriage. Now the law had foreseen the dissolution of such marriage oontracts. A particular day having therefore been fixed upon, the Emperor brought together into his apartments those persons whose ministry was required in this case; amongst others, the Arch-Chancellor and M. Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely. The Emperor then declared in a loud voice his intention of annulling the marriage he had contracted with Josephine, who was present; the Empress also made the same declaration, which was interrupted by her repeated sobs. The Prince Arch-Chancellor having caused the article of the law to be read, he applied it to the cam before him, and declared the marriage to be dissolved. " (Memoirs of ad Due de Rovigo). ]--

From all parts the merchants received orders to buy Austrian stock, inwhich an extraordinary rise immediately took place. Napoleon's marriagewith Maria Louisa was hailed with enthusiastic and general joy. Theevent was regarded as the guarantee of a long peace, and it was hopedthere would be a lasting cessation of the disasters created by therivalry of France and Austria. The correspondence I received showed thatthese sentiments were general in the interior of France, and in differentcountries of Europe; and, in spite of the presentiments I had always hadof the return of the Bourbons to France, I now began to think that eventproblematic, or at least very remote. 

About the beginning of the year 1810 commenced the differences betweenNapoleon and his brother Louis, which, as I have already stated, ended ina complete rupture. Napoleon's object was to make himself master of thenavigation of the Scheldt which Louis wished should remain free, andhence ensued the union of Holland with the French Empire. Holland wasthe first province of the Grand Empire which Napoleon took the newEmpress to visit. This visit took place almost immediately after themarriage. Napoleon first proceeded to Compiegne, where he remained aweek. He next set out for St. Quentin, and inspected the canal. TheEmpress Maria Louisa then joined him, and they both proceeded to Belgium. At Antwerp the Emperor inspected all the works which he had ordered, andto the execution of which he attached great importance. He returned byway of Ostend, Lille, and Normandy to St. Cloud, where he arrived on the1st of June 1810. He there learned from my correspondence that the HanseTowns-refused to advance money for the pay of the French troops. The menwere absolutely destitute. I declared that it was urgent to put an endto this state of things. The Hanse towns had been reduced from opulenceto misery by taxation and exactions, and were no longer able to providethe funds. 

During this year Napoleon, in a fit of madness, issued a decree which Icannot characterise by any other epithet than infernal. I allude to thedecree for burning all the English merchandise in France, Holland, theGrand Duchy of Berg, the Hanse Towns; in short, in all places subject tothe disastrous dominion of Napoleon. In the interior of France no ideacould possibly be formed of the desolation caused by this measure incountries which existed by commerce; and what a spectacle was it to thedestitute inhabitants of those countries to witness the destruction ofproperty which, had it been distributed, would have assuaged theirmisery!

Among the emigrants whom I was ordered to watch was M. De Vergennes, whohad always remained at or near Hamburg Since April 1808. I informed theMinister that M. De Vergennes had presented himself to me at this time. I even remember that M. De Vergennes gave me a letter from M. De Remusat, the First Chamberlain of the Emperor. M. De Remusat strongly recommendedto me his connection, who was called by matters of importance to Hamburg. Residence in this town was, however, too expensive, and he decided tolive at Neumuhl, a little village on the Elbe, rather to the west ofAltona. There he lived quietly in retirement with an opera dancer namedMademoiselle Ledoux, with whom he had become acquainted in Paris, andwhom he had brought with him. He seemed much taken with her. His mannerof living did not denote large means. 

One duty with which I was entrusted, and to which great importance wasattached, was the application and execution of the disastrous Continentalsystem in the north. In my correspondence I did not conceal thedissatisfaction which this ruinous measure excited, and the Emperor'seyes were at length opened on the subject by the following circumstance. In spite of the sincerity with which the Danish Government professed toenforce the Continental system, Holstein contained a great quantity ofcolonial produce; and, notwithstanding the measures of severity, it wasnecessary that that merchandise should find a market somewhere. Thesmugglers often succeeded in introducing it into Germany, and the wholewould probably soon have passed the custom-house limits. All thingsconsidered, I thought it advisable to make the best of an evil that couldnot be avoided. I therefore proposed that the colonial produce then inHolstein, and which had been imported before the date of the King's edictfor its prohibition, should be allowed to enter Hamburg on the payment of30, and on some articles 40, per cent. This duty was to be collected atthe custom-house, and was to be confined entirely to articles consumed inGermany. The colonial produce in Altona, Glnckstadt, Husum, and othertowns of Holstein, lead been estimated, at about 30, 000, 000 francs, andthe duty would amount to 10, 000, 000 or 12, 000, 000. The adoption of theplan I proposed would naturally put a stop to smuggling; for it could notbe doubted that the merchants would give 30 or 33 per cent for the rightof carrying on a lawful trade rather than give 40 per cent. To thesmugglers, with the chance of seizure. 

The Emperor immediately adopted my idea, for I transmitted my suggestionsto the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 18th of September, and on the4th of October a decree was issued conformable to the plan I proposed. Within six weeks after the decree came into operation the custom-houseDirector received 1300 declarations from persons holding colonial producein Holstein. It now appeared that the duties would amount to 40, 000, 000francs, that is to say, 28, 000, 000 or 30, 000, 000 more than my estimate. 

Bernadotte had just been nominated Prince Royal of Sweden. Thisnomination, with all the circumstances connected with it, as well asBernadotte's residence in Hamburg, before he proceeded to Stockholm, willbe particularly noticed in the next chapter. I merely mention thecircumstance here to explain some events which took place in the north, and which were, more or less, directly connected with it. For example, in the month of September the course of exchange on St. Petersburgsuddenly fell. All the letters which arrived in Hamburg from the capitalof Russia and from Riga, attributed the fall to the election of thePrince of Ponte-Corvo as Prince Royal of Sweden. Of thirty letters whichI received there was not one but described the consternation which theevent had created in St. Petersburg. This consternation, however, mighthave been excited less by the choice of Sweden than by the fear that thatchoice was influenced by the French Government. 

CHAP XXII. 

1809-1810. 

 Bernadotte elected Prince Royal of Sweden--Count Wrede's overtures to Bernadotte--Bernadottes's three days' visit to Hamburg-- Particulars respecting the battle of Wagram--Secret Order of the day--Last intercourse of the Prince Royal of Sweden with Napoleon-- My advice to Bernadotte respecting the Continental system. 

I now come to one of the periods of my life to which I look back withmost satisfaction, the time when Bernadotte was with me in Hamburg. Iwill briefly relate the series of events which led the opposer of the18th Brumaire to the throne of Sweden. 

On the 13th of march 1809 Gustavus Adolphus was arrested, and his uncle, the Duke of Sudermania, provisionally took the reins of Government. Afew days afterwards Gustavus published his act of abdication, which inthe state of Sweden it was impossible for him to refuse. In Mayfollowing, the Swedish Diet having been convoked at Stockholm, the Dukeof Sudermania was elected King. Christian Augustus, the only son of thatmonarch, of course became Prince Royal on the accession of his father tothe throne. He, however, died suddenly at the end of May 1810, and CountFersen (the same who at the Court of Marie Antoinette was distinguishedby the appellation of 'le beau Fersen'), was massacred by the populace, who suspected, perhaps unjustly, that he had been accessory to thePrince's death. 

 --[Count Fereen, alleged to have been one of the favoured lovers of Marie Antoinette, and who was certainly deep in her confidence, had arranged most of the details of the attempted flight to Varennes in 1791, and he himself drove the Royal family their first stage to the gates of Paris. ]--

On the 21st of August following Bernadotte was elected Prince Royal ofSweden. 

After the death of the Prince Royal the Duke of Sudermania's son, CountWrede, a Swede, made the first overtures to Bernadotte, and announced tohim the intention entertained at Stockholm of offering him the throne ofSweden. Bernadotte was at that time in Paris, and immediately after hisfirst interview with Count Wrede he waited on the Emperor at St. Cloud;Napoleon coolly replied that he could be of no service to him; thatevents must take their course; that he might accept or refuse the offeras he chose; that he (Bonaparte) would place no obstacles in his way, butthat he could give him no advice. It was very evident that the choice ofSweden was not very agreeable to Bonaparte, and though he afterwardsdisavowed any opposition to it, he made overtures to Stockholm, proposingthat the crown of Sweden should be added to that of Denmark. 

Bernadotte then went to the waters of Plombieres, and on his return toParis he sent me a letter announcing his elevation to the rank of PrinceRoyal of Sweden. 

On the 11th of October he arrived in Hamburg, where he stayed only threedays. He passed nearly the whole of that time with me, and hecommunicated to me many curious facts connected with the secret historyof the times, and among other things some particulars respecting thebattle of Wagram. I was the first to mention to the new Prince Royal ofSweden the reports of the doubtful manner in which the troops under hiscommand behaved. I reminded him of Bonaparte's dissatisfaction at thesetroops; for there was no doubt of the Emperor being the author of thecomplaints contained in the bulletins, especially as he had withdrawn thetroops from Bernadotte's command. Bernadotte assured me that Napoleon'scensure was unjust; during the battle he had complained of the littlespirit manifested by the soldiers. "He refused to see me, " addedBernadotte, "and I was told, as a reason for his refusal, that he wasastonished and displeased to find that, notwithstanding his complaints, of which I must have heard, I had boasted of having gained the battle, and had publicly complimented the Saxons whom I commanded. "

Bernadotte then showed me the bulletin he drew up after the battle ofWagram. I remarked that I had never heard of a bulletin being made byany other than the General who was Commander-in-Chief during a battle, and asked how the affair ended. He then handed to me a copy of the Orderof the day, which Napoleon said he had sent only to the Marshalscommanding the different corps. 

Bernadotte's bulletin was printed along with Bonaparte's Order of theDay, a thing quite unparalleled. 

Though I was much interested in this account of Bonaparte's conduct afterthe battle of Wagram; yet I was more curious to hear the particulars ofBernadotte's last communication with the Emperor. The Prince informed methat on his return from Plombieres he attended the levee, when theEmperor asked him, before every one present, whether he had received anyrecent news from Sweden. 

He replied in the affirmative. "What is it?" inquired Napoleon. "Sire, I am informed that your Majesty's charge d'affaires at Stockholm opposesmy election. It is also reported to those who choose to believe it thatyour Majesty gives the preference to the King of Denmark. "--"At thesewords, " continued Bernadotte, "the Emperor affected surprise, which youknow he can do very artfully. He assured me it was impossible, and thenturned the conversation to another subject. 

"I know not what to think of his conduct in this affair. I am aware hedoes not like me;--but the interests of his policy may render himfavourable to Sweden. Considering the present greatness and power ofFrance, I conceived it to be my duty to make every personal sacrifice. But I swear to Heaven that I will never commit the honour of Sweden. He, however, expressed himself in the best possible terms in speaking ofCharles XIII. And me. He at first started no obstacle to my acceptanceof the succession to the throne of Sweden, and he ordered the officialannouncement of my election to be immediately inserted in the Moniteur'. Ten days elapsed without the Emperor's saying a word to me about mydeparture. As I was anxious to be off, and all my preparations weremade, I determined to go and ask him for the letters patent to relieve mefrom my oath of fidelity, which I had certainly kept faithfully in spiteof all his ill-treatment of me. He at first appeared somewhat surprisedat my request, and, after a little hesitation, he said, 'There is apreliminary condition to be fulfilled; a question has been raised by oneof the members of the Privy Council. '--'What condition, Sire?'--'You mustpledge yourself not to bear arms against me. '--'Does your Majesty supposethat I can bind myself by such an engagement? My election by the Diet ofSweden, which has met with your Majesty's assent, has made me a Swedishsubject, and that character is incompatible with the pledge proposed by amember of the Council. I am sure it could never have emanated from yourMajesty, and must proceed from the Arch-Chancellor or the Grand Judge, who certainly could not have been aware of the height to which theproposition would raise me. '--'What do you mean?'--'If, Sire, you preventme accepting a crown unless I pledge myself not to bear arms against you, do you not really place me on a level with you as a General?'

"When I declared positively that my election must make me consider myselfa Swedish subject he frowned, and seemed embarrassed. When I had donespeaking he said, in a low and faltering voice, 'Well, go. Our destinieswill soon be accomplished!' These words were uttered so indistinctlythat I was obliged to beg pardon for not having heard what he said, andhe repented, 'Go! our destinies will soon be accomplished!' In thesubsequent conversations which I had with the Emperor I tried allpossible means to remove the unfavourable sentiments he cherished towardsme. I revived my recollections of history. I spoke to him of the greatmen who had excited the admiration of the world, of the difficulties andobstacles which they had to surmount; and, above all, I dwelt upon thatsolid glory which is founded on the establishment and maintenance ofpublic tranquillity and happiness. The Emperor listened to meattentively, and frequently concurred in my opinion as to the principlesof the prosperity and stability of States. One day he took my hand andpressed it affectionately, as if to assure me of his friendship andprotection. Though I knew him to be an adept in the art ofdissimulation, yet his affected kindness appeared so natural that Ithought all his unfavourable feeling towards me was at an end. I spoketo persons by whom our two families were allied, requesting that theywould assure the Emperor of the reciprocity of my sentiments, and tellhim that I was ready to assist his great plans in any way not hostile tothe interests of Sweden. 

"Would you believe, my dear friend, that the persons to whom I made thesecandid protestations laughed at my credulity? They told me that afterthe conversation in which the Emperor had so cordially pressed my hand. I had scarcely taken leave of him when he was heard to say that I hadmade a great display of my learning to him, and that he had humoured melike a child. He wished to inspire me with full confidence so as to putme off my guard; and I know for a certainty that he had the design ofarresting me. 

"But, " pursued Bernadotte, "in spite of the feeling of animosity which Iknow the Emperor has cherished against me since the 18th Brumaire, I donot think, when once I shall be in Sweden, that he will wish to have anydifferences with the Swedish Government. I must tell you, also he hasgiven me 2, 000, 000 francs in exchange for my principality of Ponte-Corvo. Half the sum has been already paid, which will be very useful to me indefraying the expenses of my journey and installation. When I was aboutto step into my carriage to set off, an individual, whom you must excuseme naming, came to bid me farewell, and related to me a littleconversation which had just taken place at the Tuileries. Napoleon saidto the individual in question, 'Well, does not the Prince regret leavingFrance?'--'Certainly, Sire. '--'As to me, I should have been very glad ifhe had not accepted his election. But there is no help for it. . . . He does not like me. '--'Sire, I must take the liberty of saying that yourMajesty labours under a mistake. I know the differences which haveexisted between you and General Bernadotte for the last six years. Iknow how he opposed the overthrow of the Directory; but I also know thatthe Prince has long been sincerely attached to you. '--'Well, I dare sayyou are right. But we have not understood each other. It is now toolate. He has his interests and his policy, and I have mine. '"

"Such, " added the Prince, "were the Emperor's last observationsrespecting me two hours before my departure. The individual to whom Ihave just alluded, spoke truly, my dear Bourrienne. I am indeed sorry toleave France; and I never should have left it but for the injustice ofBonaparte. If ever I ascend the throne of Sweden I shall owe my crown tohis ill-treatment of me; for had he not persecuted me by his animosity mycondition would have sufficed for a soldier of fortune: but we mustfollow our fate. "

During the three days the Prince spent with me I had many otherconversations with him. He wished me to give him my advice as to thecourse he should pursue with regard to the Continental system. "I adviseyou, " said I, "to reject the system without hesitation. It may be veryfine in theory, but it is utterly impossible to carry it into practice, and it will, in the end, give the trade of the world to England. Itexcites the dissatisfaction of our allies, who, in spite of themselves, will again become our enemies. But no other country, except Russia, isin the situation of Sweden. You want a number of objects of the firstnecessity, which nature has withheld from you. You can only obtain themby perfect freedom of navigation; and you can only pay for them withthose peculiar productions in which Sweden abounds. It would be out ofall reason to close your ports against a nation who rules the seas. Itis your navy that would be blockaded, not hers. What can France doagainst you? She may invade you by land. But England and Russia willexert all their efforts to oppose her. By sea it is still moreimpossible that she should do anything. Then you have nothing to fearbut Russia and England, and it will be easy for you to keep up friendlyrelations with these two powers. Take my advice; sell your iron, timber, leather, and pitch; take in return salt, wines, brandy, and colonialproduce. This is the way to make yourself popular in Sweden. If, on thecontrary, you follow the Continental system, you will be obliged to adoptlaws against smuggling, which will draw upon you the detestation of thepeople. "

Such was the advice which I gave to Bernadotte when he was about tocommence his new and brilliant career. In spite of my situation as aFrench Minister I could not have reconciled it to my conscience to givehim any other counsel, for if diplomacy has duties so also hasfriendship. Bernadotte adopted my advice, and the King of Sweden had noreason to regret having done so. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

1810

 Bernadotte's departure from Hamburg--The Duke of Holstein- Augustenburg--Arrival of the Crown Prince in Sweden-- Misunderstandings between him and Napoleon--Letter from Bernadotte to the Emperor--Plot for kidnapping the Prince Royal of Sweden-- Invasion of Swedish Pomerania--Forced alliance of Sweden with England and Russia--Napoleon's overtures to Sweden--Bernadotte's letters of explanation to the Emperor--The Princess Royal of Sweden --My recall to Paris--Union of the Hanse Towns with France-- Dissatisfaction of Russia--Extraordinary demand made upon me by Bonaparte--Fidelity of my old friends--Duroc and Rapp--Visit to Malmaison, and conversation with Josephine. 

While Bernadotte was preparing to fill the high station to which he hadbeen called by the wishes of the people of Sweden, Napoleon was involvedin his misunderstanding with the Pope, --[It was about this time that, irritated at what he called the captive Pope's unreasonable obstinacy, Bonaparte conceived, and somewhat openly expressed, his notion of making France a Protestant country, and changing the religion of 30, 000, 000 of people by an Imperial decree. One or two of the good sayings of the witty, accomplished, and chivalrous Comte Louis de Narbonne have already been given in the course of these volumes. The following is another of them:

 "I tell you what I will do, Narbonne--I tell you how I will vent my spite on this old fool of a Pope, and the dotards who may succeed him said Napoleon one day at the Tuileries. "I will make a schism as great as that of Luther--I will make France a Protestant country!"

 "O Sire, " replied the Count, "I see difficulties in the way of this project. In the south, in the Vendee, in nearly all the west, the French are bigoted Catholics and even what little religion remains among us in our cities and great towns is of the Roman Church. "

 "Never mind, Narbonne--never mind!--I shall at least carry a large portion of the French people with me--I will make a division!" Sire, replied Narbonne, "I am afraid that there is not enough religion in all France to stand division!"-Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

and in the affairs of Portugal, which were far from proceeding accordingto his wishes. Bernadotte had scarcely quitted Hamburg for Sweden whenthe Duke of Holstein-Augustenburg arrived. The Duke was the brother ofthe last Prince Royal of Sweden, whom Bernadotte was called to succeed, and he came to escort his sister from Altona to Denmark. His journey hadbeen retarded for some days on account of the presence of the Prince ofPonte-Gorvo in Hamburg: the preference granted to Bernadotte hadmortified his ambition, and he was unwilling to come in contact with hisfortunate rival. The Duke was favoured, by the Emperor of Russia. 

As soon as he arrived in Sweden Bernadotte directed his aide de camp, General Lentil de St. Alphonse, to inform me of his safe passage. Shortly after I received a letter from Bernadotte himself, recommendingone of his aides de camp, M. Villatte, who was the bearer of it. Thisletter contained the same sentiments of friendship as those I used toreceive from General Bernadotte, and formed a contrast with thecorrespondence of King Jerome, who when he wrote to me assumed the regalcharacter, and prayed that God would have me in his holy keeping. However, the following is the Prince Royal's letter:

 MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--I have directed M. Villatte to see you on his way through Hamburg, and to bear my friendly remembrances to you. Lentil has addressed his letter to you, which I suppose you have already received. Adieu, care for me always, and believe in the inalterable attachment of yours, (Signed)CHARLES JOHN. 

 P. S. --I beg you will present my compliments to madame and all your family. Embrace my little cousin for me. 

The little cousin, so called by Bernadotte, was one of my daughters, thena child, whom Bernadotte used to be very fond of while he was at Hamburg. 

Departing from the order of date, I will anticipate the future, andrelate all I know respecting the real causes of the misunderstandingwhich arose between Bernadotte and Napoleon. Bonaparte viewed the choiceof the Swedes with great displeasure, because he was well aware thatBernadotte had too much integrity and honour to serve him in the north asa political puppet set in motion by means of springs which he might pullat Paris or at his headquarters. His dissatisfaction upon this pointoccasioned an interesting correspondence, part of which, consisting ofletters from Bernadotte to the Emperor, is in my possession. The Emperorhad allowed Bernadotte to retain in his service, for a year at least, theFrench officers who were his aides de camp--but that permission was soonrevoked, end the Prince Royal of Sweden wrote to Napoleon a letter ofremonstrance. 

Napoleon's dissatisfaction with the Prince Royal now changed to decidedresentment. He repented having acceded to his departure from France, andhe made no secret of his sentiments, for he said before his courtiers, "That he would like to send Bernadotte to Vincennes to finish his studyof the Swedish language. " Bernadotte was informed of this, but he couldnot believe that the Emperor had ever entertained such a design. However, a conspiracy was formed in Sweden against Bernadotte, whom aparty of foreign brigands were hired to kidnap in the neighbourhood ofRaga; but the plot was discovered, and the conspirators were compelled toembark without their prey. The Emperor having at the same time seizedupon Swedish Pomerania, the Prince Royal wrote him a second letter inthese terms:

 From the papers which have just arrived I learn that a division of the army, under the command of the Prince of Eckmuhl, invaded Swedish Pomerania on the night of the 26th of January; that the division continued to advance, entered the capital of the Duchy, and took possession of the island of Rugen. The King expects that your Majesty will explain the reasons which have induced you to act in a manner so contrary to the faith of existing treaties. My old connection with your Majesty warrants me in requesting you to declare your motives without delay, in order that I may give my advice to the King as to the conduct which Sweden ought hereafter to adopt. This gratuitous outrage against Sweden is felt deeply by the nation, and still more, Sire, by me, to whom is entrusted the honour of defending it. Though I have contributed to the triumphs of France, though I have always desired to see her respected and happy; yet I can never think of sacrificing the interests, honour, and independence of the country which has adopted me. Your Majesty, who has so ready a perception of what is just, must admit the propriety of my resolution. Though I am not jealous of the glory and power which surrounds you, I cannot submit to the dishonour of being regarded as a vassal. Your Majesty governs the greatest part of Europe, but your dominion does not extend to the nation which I have been called to govern; my ambition is limited to the defence of Sweden. The effect produced upon the people by the invasion of which I complain may lead to consequences which it is impossible to foresee; and although I am not a Coriolanus, and do not command the Volsci, I have a sufficiently good opinion of the Swedes to assure you that they dare undertake anything to avenge insults which they have not provoked, and to preserve rights to which they are as much attached as to their lives. 

I was in Paris when the Emperor received Bernadotte's letter on theoccupation of Swedish Pomerania. When Bonaparte read it I was informedthat he flew into a violent rage, and even exclaimed, "You shall submitto your degradation, or die sword in hand!" But his rage was impotent. The unexpected occupation of Swedish Pomerania obliged the King of Swedento come to a decided rupture with France, and to seek other allies, forSweden was not strong enough in herself to maintain neutrality in themidst of the general conflagration of Europe after the disastrouscampaign of Moscow. The Prince Royal, therefore, declared to Russia andEngland that in consequence of the unjust invasion of Pomerania Swedenwas at war with France, and he despatched Comte de Lowenhjelm, the King'saide de camp, with a letter explanatory of his views. Napoleon sent manynotes to Stockholm, where M. Alquier, his Ambassador, according to hisinstructions, had maintained a haughty and even insulting tone towardsSweden. Napoleon's overtures, after the manifestations of his anger, andafter the attempt to carry off the Prince Royal, which could beattributed only to him, were considered by the Prince Royal merely as asnare. But in the hope of reconciling the duties he owed to both his oldand his new country he addressed to the Emperor a moderate letter:

This letter throws great light on the conduct of the Emperor with respectto Bernadotte; for Napoleon was not the man whom any one whatever wouldhave ventured to remind of facts, the accuracy of which was in the leastdegree questionable. Such then were the relations between Napoleon andthe Prince Royal of Sweden. When I shall bring to light some curioussecrets, which have hitherto been veiled beneath the mysteries of theRestoration, it will be seen by what means Napoleon, before his fall, again sought to wreak his vengeance upon Bernadotte. 

Oh the 4th of December I had the honour to see the Princess Royal ofSweden, --[Madame Bernadotte, afterwards Queen of Sweden, was aMademoiselle Clary, and younger sister to the wife of JosephBonaparte]--who arrived that day at Hamburg. She merely passed throughthe city on her way to Stockholm to join her husband, but she remainedbut a short time in Sweden, --two months, I believe, at most, not beingable to reconcile herself to the ancient Scandinavia. As to the PrinceRoyal, he soon became inured to the climate, having been for many yearsemployed in the north. 

After this my stay at Hamburg was not of long duration. Bonaparte'spassion for territorial aggrandisement knew no bounds; and the turn ofthe Hanse Towns now arrived. By taking possession of these towns andterritories he merely accomplished a design formed long previously. I, however, was recalled with many compliments, and under the speciouspretext that the Emperor wished to hear my opinions respecting thecountry in which. I had been residing. At the beginning of December Ireceived a letter from M. De Champagny stating that the Emperor wished tosee me in order to consult with me upon different things relating toHamburg. In this note I was told "that the information I had obtainedrespecting Hamburg and the north of Germany might be useful to the publicinterest, which must be the most gratifying reward of my labours. " Thereception which awaited me will presently be seen. The conclusion of theletter spoke in very flattering terms of the manner in which I haddischarged my duties. I received it on the 8th of December, and next dayI set out for Paris. When I arrived at Mayence I was enabled to form acorrect idea of the fine compliments which had been paid me, and of theEmperor's anxiety to have my opinion respecting the Hanse Towns. InMayence I met the courier who was proceeding to announce the union of theHanse Towns with the French Empire. I confess that, notwithstanding theexperience I had acquired of Bonaparte's duplicity, or rather, of theinfinite multiplicity of his artifices, he completely took me by surpriseon that occasion. 

On my arrival in Paris I did not see the Emperor, but the first'Moniteur' I read contained the formula of a 'Senatus-consulte, ' whichunited the Hanse Towns, Lauenburg, etc. , to the French Empire by theright of the strongest. This new and important augmentation of territorycould not fail to give uneasiness to Russia. Alexander manifested hisdissatisfaction by prohibiting the importation of our agriculturalproduce and manufactures into Russia. Finally, as the Continental systemhad destroyed all trade by the ports of the Baltic, Russia showed herselfmore favourable to the English, and gradually reciprocal complaints ofbad faith led to that war whose unfortunate issue was styled by M. Talleyrand "the beginning of the end. "

I have now to make the reader acquainted with an extraordinary demandmade upon me by the Emperor through the medium of M. De Champagny. Inone of my first interviews with that Minister after my return to Paris hethus addressed me: "The Emperor has entrusted me with a commission to youwhich I am obliged to execute: 'When you see Bourrienne, ' said theEmperor, 'tell him I wish him to pay 6, 000, 000 into your chest to defraythe expense of building the new Office for Foreign Affairs. '" I was soastonished at this unfeeling and inconsiderate demand that I was utterlyunable to make airy reply. This then was my recompense for havingobtained money and supplies during my residence at Hamburg to the extentof nearly 100, 000, 000, by which his treasury and army had profited inmoments of difficulty! M. De Champagny added that the Emperor did notwish to receive me. He asked what answer he should bear to his Majesty. I still remained silent, and the Minister again urged me to give ananswer. "Well, then, " said I, "tell him he may go to the devil. " TheMinister naturally wished to obtain some variation from this laconicanswer, but I would give no other; and I afterwards learned from Durocthat M. De Champagny was compelled to communicate it to Napoleon. "Well, " asked the latter, "have you seen Bourrienne?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"Didyou tell him I wished him to pay 6, 000, 000 into your chest?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"And what did he say?"--"Sire, I dare not inform yourMajesty. "--"What did he say? I insist upon knowing. "--"Since you insiston my telling you, Sire, M. De Bourrienne said your Majesty might go tothe devil. "--"Ah! ah! did he really say so?" The Emperor then retiredto the recess of a window, where he remained alone for seven or eightminutes, biting his nails; in the fashion of Berthier, and doubtlessgiving free scope to his projects of vengeance. He then turned to theMinister and spoke to him of quite another subject: Bonaparte had sonursed himself in the idea of making me pay the 6, 000, 000 that every timehe passed the Office for Foreign Affairs he said to those who accompaniedhint; "Bourrienne must pay for that after all. "

 --[This demand of money from Bourrienne is explained in Erreurs (tome ii, p. 228) by the son of Davoust. Bourrienne had been suspected by Napoleon of making large sums at Hamburg by allowing breaches of the Continental system. In one letter to Davoust Napoleon speaks of an "immense fortune, " and in another, that Bourrienne is reported to have gained seven or eight millions at Hamburg in giving licences or making arbitrary seizures. ]--

Though I was not admitted to the honour of sharing the splendour of theImperial Court; yet I had the satisfaction of finding that; in spite ofmy disgrace, those of my old friends who were worth anything evinced thesame regard for me as heretofore. I often saw Duroc; who snatched somemoments from his more serious occupations to come and chat with merespecting all that had occurred since my secession from Bonaparte'scabinet. I shall not attempt to give a verbatim account of myconversations with Duroc, as I have only my memory to guide me; but Ibelieve I shall not depart from the truth in describing them as follows:

On his return from the last Austrian campaign Napoleon; as I have alreadystated, proceeded to Fontainebleau, where he was joined by Josephine. Then, for the first time, the communication which had always existedbetween the apartments of the husband and wife was closed. Josephine wasfully alive to the fatal prognostics which were to be deduced from thisconjugal separation. Duroc informed me that she sent for him, and onentering her chamber, he found her bathed in tears. "I am lost!" sheexclaimed in a tone of voice the remembrance of which seemed sensibly toaffect Duroc even while relating the circumstance to me: "I am utterlylost! all is over now! You, Duroc, I know, have always been my friend, and so has Rapp. It is not you who have persuaded him to part from me. This is the work of my enemies Savary and Junot! But they are more hisenemies than mine. And my poor Eugene I how will he be distressed whenhe learns I am repudiated by an ungrateful man! Yes Duroc, I may trulycall him ungrateful, My God! my God! what will become of us?" . . . Josephine sobbed bitterly while she thus addressed Duroc. 

Before I was acquainted with the singular demand which M. De Champagnywas instructed to make to me I requested Duroc to inquire of the Emperorhis reason for not wishing to see me. The Grand Marshal faithfullyexecuted my commission, but he received only the following answer:"Do you think I have nothing better to do than to give Bourrienne anaudience? that would indeed furnish gossip for Paris and Hamburg. Hehas always sided with the emigrants; he would be talking to me of pasttimes; he was for Josephine! My wife, Duroc, is near her confinement;I shall have a son, I am sure!. .. Bourrienne is not a man of the day;I have made giant strides since he left France; in short, I do not wantto see him. He is a grumbler by nature; and you know, my dear Duroc, Ido not like men of that sort. "

I had not been above a week in Paris when Duroc related this speech tome. Rapp was not in France at the time, to my great regret. Muchagainst his inclination he had been appointed to some duties connectedwith the Imperial marriage ceremonies, but shortly after, having givenoffence to Napoleon by some observation relating to the Faubourg St. Germain, he had received orders to repair to Dantzic, of which place hehad already been Governor. 

The Emperor's refusal to see me made my situation in Paris extremelydelicate; and I was at first in doubt whether I might seek an interviewwith Josephine. Duroc, however, having assured me that Napoleon wouldhave no objection to it, I wrote requesting permission to wait upon her. I received an answer the same day, and on the morrow I repaired toMalmaison. I was ushered into the tent drawing-room, where I foundJosephine and Hortense. When I entered Josephine stretched out her handto me, saying, "Ah! my friend!" These words she pronounced with deepemotion, and tears prevented her from continuing. She threw herself onthe ottoman on the left of the fireplace, and beckoned me to sit downbeside her. Hortense stood by the fireplace, endeavouring to conceal hertears. Josephine took my hand, which she pressed in both her own; and, after a struggle to overcome her feelings, she said, "My dearBourrienne, I have drained my cup of misery. He has cast me off!forsaken me! He conferred upon me the vain title of Empress only torender my fall the more marked. Ah! we judged him rightly! I knew thedestiny that awaited me; for what would he not sacrifice to hisambition!" As she finished these words one of Queen Hortense's ladiesentered with a message to her; Hortense stayed a few moments, apparentlyto recover from the emotion under which she was labouring, and thenwithdrew, so that I was left alone with Josephine. She seemed to wishfor the relief of disclosing her sorrows, which I was curious to hearfrom her own lips; women have such a striking way of telling theirdistresses. Josephine confirmed what Duroc had told me respecting thetwo apartments at Fontainebleau; then, coming to the period whenBonaparte had declared to her the necessity of a separation, she said, "My dear Bourrienne; during all the years you were with us you know I madeyou the confidant of my thoughts, and kept you acquainted with my sadforebodings. They are now cruelly fulfilled. I acted the part of a goodwife to the very last. I have suffered all, and I am resigned! . . . What fortitude did it require latterly to endure my situation, when, though no longer his wife, I was obliged to seem so in the eyes of theworld! With what eyes do courtiers look upon a repudiated wife! I wasin a state of vague uncertainty worse than death until the fatal day whenhe at length avowed to me what I had long before read in his looks! Onthe 30th of November 1809 we were dining together as usual, I had notuttered a word during that sad dinner, and he had broken silence only toask one of the servants what o'clock it was. As soon as Bonaparte hadtaken his coffee he dismissed all the attendants, and I remained alonewith him. I saw in the expression of his countenance what was passing inhis mind, and I knew that my hour was come. He stepped up to me--he wastrembling, and I shuddered; he took my hand, pressed it to his heart, andafter gazing at me for a few moments in silence he uttered these fatalwords: 'Josephine! my dear Josephine! You know how I have loved you!. . . To you, to you alone, I owe the only moments of happiness I havetasted in this world. But, Josephine, my destiny is not to be controlledby my will. My dearest affections must yield to the interests ofFrance. '--'Say no more, ' I exclaimed, 'I understand you; I expected this, but the blow is not the less mortal. ' I could not say another word, "continued Josephine; "I know not what happened after I seemed to lose myreason; I became insensible, and when I recovered I found myself in mychamber. Your friend Corvisart and my poor daughter were with me. Bonaparte came to see me in the evening; and oh! Bourrienne, how can Idescribe to you what I felt at the sight of him; even the interest heevinced for me seemed an additional cruelty. Alas! I had good reason tofear ever becoming an Empress!"

I knew not what consolation to offer: to Josephine; and knowing as I didthe natural lightness of her character, I should have been surprised tofind her grief so acute, after the lapse of a year, had I not been awarethat there are certain chords which, when struck, do not speedily ceaseto vibrate in the heart of a woman. I sincerely pitied Josephine, andamong all the things I said to assuage her sorrow, the consolation towhich she appeared most sensible was the reprobation which public opinionhad pronounced on Bonaparte's divorce, and on this subject I said nothingbut the truth, for Josephine was generally beloved. I reminded her of aprediction I had made under happier circumstances, viz. On the day thatshe came to visit us in our little house at Ruel. "My dear friend, " saidshe, "I have not forgotten it, and I have often thought of all you thensaid. For my part, I knew he was lost from the day he made himselfEmperor. Adieu! Bourrienne, come and see me soon again; come often, forwe have a great deal to talk about; you know how happy I always am to seeyou. " Such was, to the best of my recollection, what passed at my firstinterview with Josephine after my return from Hamburg. 

CHAPTER XXIV

1811

 Arrest of La Sahla--My visit to him--His confinement at Vincennes-- Subsequent history of La Sahla--His second journey to France-- Detonating powder--Plot hatched against me by the Prince of Eckmuhl --Friendly offices of the Due de Rovigo--Bugbears of the police-- Savary, Minister of Police. 

I had been in Paris about two months when a young man of the name of LaSahla was arrested on the suspicion of having come from Saxony to attemptthe life of the Emperor. La Sahla informed the Duo de Rovigo, thenMinister of the Police, that he wished to see me, assigning as a reasonfor this the reputation I had left behind me in Germany. The Emperor, Ipresume, had no objection to the interview, for I received an invitationto visit the prisoner. I accordingly repaired to the branch office ofthe Minister of the Police, in the Rue des St. Peres, where I wasintroduced to a young man between seventeen and eighteen years of age. 

My conversation with the young man, whose uncle was, I believe, Ministerto the King of Saxony, interested me greatly in his behalf; I determined, if possible, to save La Sahla, and I succeeded. I proceeded immediatelyto the Duo de Rovigo, and I convinced him that under the circumstances ofthe case it was important to make it be believed that the young man wasinsane. I observed that if he were brought before a court he wouldrepeat all that he had stated to me, and probably enter into disclosureswhich might instigate fresh attempts at assassination. Perhaps anavenger of La Sahla might rise up amongst the students of Leipzig, atwhich university he had spent his youth. These reasons, together withothers, had the success I hoped for. The Emperor afterwards acknowledgedthe prudent course which had been adopted respecting La Sahla; whenspeaking at St. Helena of the conspiracies against his life he said, "I carefully concealed all that I could. "

In conformity with my advice La Sahla was sent to Vincennes, where heremained until the end of March 1814, He was then removed to the castleof Saumur, from which he was liberated at the beginning of April. I hadheard nothing of him for three years, when one day, shortly after theRestoration, whilst sitting at breakfast with my family at my house inthe Rue Hauteville, I heard an extraordinary noise in the antechamber, and before I had time to ascertain its cause I found myself in the arms. Of a young man, who embraced me with extraordinary ardour. It was LaSahla. He was in a transport of gratitude and joy at his liberation, andat the accomplishment of the events which he had wished to accelerate byassassination. La Sahla returned to Saxony and I saw no more of him, butwhile I was in Hamburg in 1815, whither I was seat by Louis XVIII. , Ilearned that on the 5th of June a violent explosion was heard in theChamber of Representatives at Paris, which was at first supposed to be aclap of thunder, but was soon ascertained to have been occasioned by ayoung Samson having fallen with a packet of detonating powder in hispocket. 

On receiving this intelligence I imagined, I know not why, that thisyoung Saxon was La Sahla, and that he had probably intended to blow upNapoleon and even the Legislative Body; but I have since ascertained thatI was under a mistake as to his intentions. My knowledge of La Sahla'scandour induces me to believe the truth of his declarations to thepolice; and if there be any inaccuracies in the report of thesedeclarations I do not hesitate to attribute them to the police itself, of which Fouche was the head at the period in question. 

It is the latter part of the report which induced me to observe above, that if there were any inaccuracies in the statement they were morelikely to proceed from Fouche's police than the false representations ofyoung La Sahla. It is difficult to give credit without proof to suchaccusations. However, I decide nothing; but I consider it my duty toexpress doubts of the truth of these charges brought against the twoPrussian ministers, of whom the Prince of Wittgenstein, a man ofundoubted honour, has always spoken to me in the best of terms. 

There is nothing to prove that La Sahla returned to France the secondtime with the same intentions as before. This project, however, is amystery to me, and his detonating powder gives rise to many conjectures. 

I had scarcely left Hamburg when the Prince of Eckmuhl (Marshal Davoust)was appointed Governor-General of that place on the union of the HanseTowns with the Empire. From that period I was constantly occupied incontending against the persecutions and denunciations which he racked hisimagination to invent. I cannot help attributing to those persecutionsthe Emperor's coolness towards me on my arrival in Paris. But asDavoust's calumnies were devoid of proof, he resorted to a scheme bywhich a certain appearance of probability might supply the place oftruth. When I arrived in Paris, at the commencement of 1811, I wasinformed by an excellent friend I had left at Hamburg, M. Bouvier, anemigrant, and one of the hostages of Louis XVI. , that in a few days Iwould receive a letter which would commit me, and likewise M. DeTalleyrand and General Rapp. I had never had any connection on mattersof business, with either of these individuals, for whom I entertained themost sincere attachment. They, like myself, were not in the good gracesof Marshal Davoust, who could not pardon the one for his incontestablesuperiority of talent, and the other for his blunt honesty. On thereceipt of M. Bouvier's letter I carried it to the Due de Rovigo, whosesituation made him perfectly aware of the intrigues which had beencarried on against me since I had left Hamburg by one whose ambitionaspired to the Viceroyalty of Poland. On that, as on many other similaroccasions, the Duc de Rovigo advocated my cause with Napoleon. We agreedthat it would be best to await the arrival of the letter which M. Bouvierhad announced. Three weeks elapsed, and the letter did not appear. TheDuc de Rovigo, therefore, told me that I must have been misinformed. However, I was certain that M. Bouvier would not have sent me theinformation on slight grounds, and I therefore supposed that the projecthad only been delayed. I was not wrong in my conjecture, for at lengththe letter arrived. To what a depth of infamy men can descend! Theletter was from a man whom I had known at Hamburg, whom I had obliged, whom I had employed as a spy. His epistle was a miracle of impudence. After relating some extraordinary transactions which he said had takenplace between us, and which all bore the stamp of falsehood, he requestedme to send him by return of post the sum of 60, 000 francs on account ofwhat I had promised him for some business he executed in England by thedirection of M. De Talleyrand, General Rapp, and myself. Such miserablewretches are often caught in the snares they spread for others. This wasthe case in the present instance, for the fellow had committed, theblunder of fixing upon the year 1802 as the period of this pretendedbusiness in England, that is to say, two years before my appointment asMinister-Plenipotentiary to the Hanse Towns. This anachronism was notthe only one I discovered in the letter. 

I took a copy of the letter, and immediately carried the original to theDuc de Rovigo, as had been agreed between us. When I waited on theMinister he was just preparing to go to the Emperor. He took with himthe letter which I brought, and also the letter which announced itsarrival. As the Duc de Rovigo entered the audience-chamber Napoleonadvanced to meet him, and apostrophised him thus: "Well, I have learnedfine things of your Bourrienne, whom you are always defending. " The factwas, the Emperor had already received a copy of the letter, which hadbeen opened at the Hamburg post-office. The Due de Rovigo told theEmperor that he had long known what his Majesty had communicated to him. He then entered into a full explanation of the intrigue, of which it waswished to render me the victim, and proved to him the more easily thefalsehood of my accusers by reminding him that in 1802 I was not inHamburg, but was still in his service at home. 

It may be supposed that I was too much interested in knowing what hadpassed at the Tuileries not to return to the Duc de Rovigo the same day. I learned from him the particulars which I have already related. Headded that he had observed to the Emperor that there was no connectionbetween Rapp and M. Talleyrand which could warrant the suspicion of theirbeing concerned in the affair in question. "When Napoleon saw the matterin its true light, " said Savary, "when I proved to him the palpableexistence of the odious machination, he could not find terms to expresshis indignation. 'What baseness, what horrible villainy!' he exclaimed;and gave me orders to arrest and bring to Paris the infamous writer ofthe letter; and you may rely upon it his orders shall be promptlyobeyed. "

Savary, as he had said, instantly despatched orders for the arrest of thewriter, whom he directed to be sent to France. On his arrival he wasinterrogated respecting the letter. He declared that he had written itat the instigation and under the dictation of Marshal Davoust, for doingwhich he received a small sum of money as a reward. He also confessedthat when the letter was put into the post the Prince of Eckmuhl orderedthe Director of the Post to open it, take a copy, then seal it again, andsend it to its address--that is to say, to me--and the copy to theEmperor. The writer of the letter was banished to Marseilles, or to theIsland of Hyeres, but the individual who dictated it continued a Marshal, a Prince, and a Governor-General, and still looked forward to theViceroyalty of Poland! Such was the discriminating justice of theEmpire; and Davoust continued his endeavours to revenge himself by othercalumnies for my not having considered him a man of talent. I must dothe Duc de Rovigo the justice to say that, though his fidelity toNapoleon was as it always had been, boundless, yet whilst he executed theEmperor's orders he endeavoured to make him acquainted with the truth, aswas proved by his conduct in the case I have just mentioned. He was muchdistressed by the sort of terror which his appointment had excited in thepublic, and he acknowledged to me that he intended to restore confidenceby a more mild system than that of his predecessor. I had observedformerly that Savary did not coincide in the opinion I had alwaysentertained of Fouche, but when once the Due de Rovigo endeavoured topenetrate the labyrinth of police, counter-police, inspections andhierarchies of espionage, he found they were all bugbears which Fouchehad created to alarm the Emperor, as gardeners put up scarecrows amongthe fruit-trees to frighten away the sparrows. Thus, thanks to theartifices of Fouche, the eagle was frightened as easily as the sparrows, until the period when the Emperor, convinced that Fouche was maintaininga correspondence with England through the agency of Ouvrard, dismissedhim. 

I saw with pleasure that Savary, the Minister of Police, wished tosimplify the working of his administration, and to gradually diminishwhatever was annoying in it, but, whatever might be his intentions, hewas not always free to act. I acknowledge that when I read his Memoirs Isaw with great impatience that in many matters he had voluntarily assumedresponsibilities for acts which a word from him might have attributed totheir real author. However this may be, what much pleased me in Savarywas the wish he showed to learn the real truth in order to tell it toNapoleon. He received from the Emperor more than one severe rebuff. This came from the fact that since the immense aggrandisement of theEmpire the ostensible Ministers, instead of rising in credit, had seentheir functions diminish by degrees. Thus proposals for appointments tothe higher grades of the army came from the cabinet of Berthier, and notfrom that of the Minister-of-War. Everything which concerned any part ofthe government of the Interior or of the Exterior, except for theadministration of War and perhaps for that of Finance, had its centre inthe cabinet of M. Maret, certainly an honest man, but whose facility insaying "All is right, " so much helped to make all wrong. 

The home trade, manufactures, and particularly several of the Parisianfirms were in a state of distress the more hurtful as it contrasted sosingularly with the splendour of the Imperial Court since the marriage ofNapoleon with Maria Louisa. In this state of affairs a chorus ofcomplaints reached the ears of the Duc de Rovigo every day. I must saythat Savary was never kinder to me than since my disgrace; he nourishedmy hope of getting Napoleon to overcome the prejudices against me withwhich the spirit of vengeance had inspired him, and I know for certainthat Savary returned to the charge more than once to manage this. TheEmperor listened without anger, did not blame him for the closeness ofour intimacy, and even said to him some obliging but insignificant wordsabout me. This gave time for new machinations against me, and to fillhim with fresh doubts when he had almost overcome his former, ideas. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

 M. Czernischeff--Dissimulation of Napoleon--Napoleon and Alexander-- Josephine's foresight respecting the affairs of Spain--My visits to Malmaison--Grief of Josephine--Tears and the toilet--Vast extent of the Empire--List of persons condemned to death and banishment in Piedmont--Observation of Alfieri respecting the Spaniards--Success in Spain--Check of Massena in Portugal--Money lavished by the English--Bertrand sent to Illyria, and Marmont to Portugal-- Situation of the French army--Assembling of the Cortes--Europe sacrificed to the Continental system--Conversation with Murat in the Champs Elysees--New titles and old names--Napoleon's dislike of literary men--Odes, etc. , on the marriage of Napoleon--Chateaubriand and Lemereier--Death of Chenier--Chateaubriand elected his successor --His discourse read by Napoleon--Bonaparte compared to Nero-- Suppression of the 'Merceure'--M. De Chateaubriand ordered to leave Paris--MM. Lemercier and Esmenard presented to the Emperor--Birth of the King of Rome--France in 1811. 

Since my return to France I had heard much of the intrigues of M. Czernischeff, an aide de camp of the Emperor of Russia, who, under thepretest of being frequently sent to compliment Napoleon on the part ofthe Emperor Alexander, performed, in fact, the office of a spy. Theconduct of Napoleon with regard to M. Czernischeff at that period struckme as singular, especially after the intelligence which hefore mydeparture from Hamburg I had transmitted to him respecting thedissatisfaction of Russia and her hostile inclinations. It is thereforeclear to me that Bonaparte was well aware of the real object of M. Czernischeffs mission, and that if he appeared to give credit to theincreasing professions of his friendship it was only because he stillwished, as he formerly did; that Russia might so far commit herself as toafford him a fair pretext for the commencement, of hostilities in thenorth. 

M. Czernischeff first arrived in Paris shortly after the interview atErfurt, and after that period was almost constantly on the road betweenParis and St. Petersburg; it has been computed that in the space of lessthan four years he travelled more than 10, 000 leagues. For a long timehis frequent journeyings excited no surmises, but while I was in ParisSavary began to entertain suspicions, the correctness of which it was notdifficult to ascertain, so formidable was still the system of espionage, notwithstanding the precaution taken by Fouche to conceal from hissuccessor the names of his most efficient spies. It was known that M. Czernischeff was looking out for a professor of mathematics, --doubtlessto disguise the real motives for his stay in Paris by veiling them underthe desire of studying the sciences. The confidant of Alexander hadapplied to a professor connected with a public office; and from that timeall the steps of M. Czerniseheff were known to the police. It wasdiscovered that he was less anxious to question his instructor respectingthe equations of a degree, or the value of unknown quantities, than togain all the information he could about the different branches of theadministration, and particularly the department of war. It happened thatthe professor knew some individuals employed in the public offices, whofurnished him with intelligence, which he in turn communicated to M. Czernischeff, but not without making a report of it to the police;according to custom, instead of putting an end to this intrigue at onceit was suffered fully to develop itself. Napoleon was informed of whatwas going on, and in this instance gave a new proof of his being an adeptin the art of dissimulation, for, instead of testifying any displeasureagainst M. Czernischeff, he continued to receive him with the same marksof favour which he had shown to him during his former missions to Paris. Being, nevertheless, desirous to get rid of him, without evincing asuspicion that his clandestine proceedings had been discovered, heentrusted him with a friendly letter to his brother of Russia, butAlexander was in such haste to reply to the flattering missive of hisbrother of France that M. Czernischeff was hurried back to Paris, havingscarcely been suffered to enter the gates of St. Petersburg. I believe Iam correct in the idea that Napoleon was not really displeased at theintrigues of M. Czernischeff, from the supposition that they afforded anindication of the hostile intentions of Russia towards France; for, whatever he might say on this subject to his confidants, what reliancecan we place on the man who formed the camp of Boulogne without the mostdistant intention of attempting a descent upon England, and who haddeceived the whole world respecting that important affair without takingany one into his own confidence?

During the period of my stay in Paris the war with Spain and Portugaloccupied much of the public attention; and it proved in the end anenterprise upon which the intuition of Josephine had not deceived her. In general she intermeddled little with political affairs; in the firstplace, because her doing so would have given offence to Napoleon; andnext, because her natural frivolity led her to give a preference tolighter pursuits. But I may safely affirm that she was endowed with aninstinct so perfect as seldom to be deceived respecting the good or eviltendency of any measure which Napoleon engaged in; and I remember shetold me that when informed of the intention of the Emperor to bestow thethrone of Spain on Joseph, she was seized with a feeling of indescribablealarm. It would be difficult to define that instinctive feeling whichleads us to foresee the future; but it is a fact that Josephine wasendowed with this faculty in a more perfect decree than any other personI have ever known, and to her it was a fatal gift, for she suffered atthe same time under the weight of present and of future misfortunes. 

I often visited her at Malmaison, as Duroc assured me that the Emperorhad no objection to my doing so; yet he must have been fully aware thatwhen Josephine and I were in confidential conversation he would notalways be mentioned in terms of unqualified eulogy; and in truth, hisfirst friend and his first wife might well be excused for sometimescommingling their complaints. 

Though more than a twelvemonth had elapsed since the divorce grief stillpreyed on the heart of Josephine. "You cannot conceive, my friend, " sheoften said to me, "all the torments that I have suffered since that fatalday! I cannot imagine how I survived it. You cannot figure to yourselfthe pain I endure on seeing descriptions of his fetes everywhere. Andthe first time he came to visit me after his marriage, what a meeting wasthat! How many tears I shed! The days on which he comes are to me daysof misery, for he spares me not. How cruel to speak of his expectedheir. Bourrienne, you cannot conceive how heart-rending all this is tome! Better, far better to be exiled a thousand leagues from hence!However, " added Josephine, "a few friends still remain faithful in mychanged fortune, and that is now the only thing which affords me eventemporary consolation. " The truth is that she was extremely unhappy, andthe most acceptable consolation her friends could offer her was to weepwith her. Yet such was still Josephine's passion for dress, that after. Having wept for a quarter of an hour she would dry her tears to giveaudience to milliners and jewellers. The sight of a new hat would callforth all Josephine's feminine love of finery. One day I remember that, taking advantage of the momentary serenity occasioned by an ample displayof sparkling gewgaws, I congratulated her upon the happy influence theyexercised over her spirits, when she said, "My dear friend, I ought, indeed, to be indifferent to all this; but it is a habit. " Josephinemight have added that it was also an occupation, for it would be noexaggeration to say that if the time she wasted in tears and at hertoilet had been subtracted from her life its duration would have beenconsiderably shortened. 

The vast extent of the French Empire now presented a spectacle whichresembled rather the dominion of the Romans and the conquests ofCharlemagne than the usual form and political changes of modern Europe. In fact, for nearly two centuries, until the period of the Revolution, and particularly until the elevation of Napoleon, no remarkable changeshad taken place in the boundaries of European States, if we except thepartition of Poland, when two of the co-partitioners committed the errorof turning the tide of Russia towards the west! Under Napoleoneverything was overturned with astonishing rapidity: customs, manners, laws, were superseded

 --[The so-called "French" armies of the time, drawn from all parts of the Empire and from the dependent States, represented the extraordinary fusion attempted by Napoleon. Thus, at the battle of Ocana there were at least troops of the following States, viz. Warsaw, Holland, Baden, Nassau, Hesse-Darmstadt, Frankfort, besides the Spaniards in Joseph's service. A Spanish division went to Denmark, the regiment from Isembourg was sent to Naples, while the Neapolitans crossed to Spain. Even the little Valais had to furnish a battalion. Blacks from San Domingo served in Naples, while sixteen nations, like so many chained dogs, advanced into Russia. Such troops could not have the spirit of a homogeneous army. 

 Already, in 1808, Metternich had written from Paris to his Court, "It is no longer the nation that fights: the present war (Spain) is Napoleon's war; it is not even that of his army. " But Napoleon himself was aware of the danger of the Empire from its own extent. In the silence of his cabinet his secretary Meneval sometimes heard him murmur, "L'arc est trop longtemps tendu. "]--

by new customs, new manners, and new laws, imposed by force, and forminga heterogeneous whole, which could not fail to dissolve, as soon as theinfluence of the power which had created it should cease to operate. Such was the state of Italy that I have been informed by an individualworthy of credit that if the army of Prince Eugene, instead of beingvictorious, had been beaten on the Piava, a deeply-organised revolutionwould have broken out in Piedmont, and even in the Kingdom of Italy, where, nevertheless, the majority of the people fully appreciated theexcellent qualities of Eugene. I have been also credibly informed thatlists were in readiness designating those of the French who were to beput to death, as well as those by whom the severe orders of the ImperialGovernment had been mitigated, and who were only to be banished. Infact, revolt was as natural to the Italians as submission to the Germans, and as the fury of despair to the Spanish nation. On this subject I maycite an observation contained in one of the works of Alfieri, publishedfifteen years before the Spanish war. Taking a cursory view of thedifferent European nations he regarded--the Spaniards as the only peoplepossessed of "sufficient energy to struggle against foreign usurpation. "Had I still been near the person of Napoleon I would most assuredly haveresorted to an innocent artifice, which I had several times employed, andplaced the work of Alfieri on his table open at the page I wished him toread. Alfieri's opinion of the Spanish people was in the end fullyverified; and I confess I cannot think without shuddering of the torrentsof blood which inundated the Peninsula; and for what? To make JosephBonaparte a King!

The commencement of 1811 was sufficiently favourable to the French armsin Spain, but towards the beginning of March the aspect of affairschanged. The Duke of Belluno, notwithstanding the valour of his troops, was unsuccessful at Chiclana; and from that day the French army could notmake head against the combined forces of England and Portugal. EvenMassena, notwithstanding the title of Prince of Eslingen (or Essling), which he had won under the walls of Vienna, was no longer "the favouritechild of victory" as he had been at Zurich. 

Having mentioned Massena I may observe that he did not favour the changeof the French Government on the foundation of the Empire. Massena lovedtwo things, glory and money; but as to what is termed honours, he onlyvalued those which resulted from the command of an army; and hisrecollections all bound him to the Republic, because the Republicrecalled to his mind the most brilliant and glorious events of hismilitary career. He was, besides, among the number of the Marshals whowished to see a limit put to the ambition of Bonaparte; and he hadassuredly done enough, since the commencement of the wars of theRepublic, to be permitted to enjoy some repose, which his health at thatperiod required. What could he achieve against the English in Portugal?The combined forces of England and Portugal daily augmented, while oursdiminished. No efforts were spared by England to gain a superiority inthe great struggle in which she was engaged; as her money was lavishedprofusely, her troops paid well wherever they went, and were abundantlysupplied with ammunition and provisions: the French army was compelled, though far from possessing such ample means, to purchase at the same highrate, in order to keep the natives from joining the English party. Buteven this did not prevent numerous partial insurrections in differentplaces, which rendered all communication with France extremely difficult. Armed bands continually carried off our dispersed soldiers; and thepresence of the British troops, supported by the money they spent in thecountry, excited the inhabitants against us; for it is impossible tosuppose that, unsupported by the English, Portugal could have held out asingle moment against France. But battles, bad weather, and even want, had so reduced the French force that it was absolutely necessary ourtroops should repose when their enterprises could lead to no results. In this state of things Massena was recalled, because his health was somaterially injured as to render it impossible for him to exert sufficientactivity to restore the army to a respectable footing. 

Under these circumstances Bonaparte sent Bertrand into Illyria to takethe place of Marmont, who was ordered in his turn to relieve Massena andtake command of the French army in Portugal Marmont on assuming thecommand found the troops in a deplorable state. The difficulty ofprocuring provisions was extreme, and the means he was compelled toemploy for that purpose greatly heightened the evil, at the same timeinsubordination and want of discipline prevailed to such an alarmingdegree that it would be as difficult as painful to depict the situationof our army at this period, Marmont, by his steady conduct, fortunatelysucceeded in correcting the disorders which prevailed, and very soonfound himself at the head of a well-organised army, amounting to 30, 000infantry, with forty pieces of artillery, but he had only a very smallbody of cavalry, and those ill-mounted. 

Affairs in Spain at the commencement of 1811 exhibited an aspect not verydifferent from those of Portugal. At first we were uniformly successful, but our advantages were so dearly purchased that the ultimate issue ofthis struggle might easily have been foreseen, because when a peoplefight for their homes and their liberties the invading army mustgradually diminish, while at the same time the armed population, emboldened by success, increases in a still more marked progression. Insurrection was now regarded by the Spaniards as a holy and sacred duty, to which the recent meetings of the Cortes in the Isle of Leon had given, as it were, a legitimate character, since Spain found again, in theremembrance of her ancient privileges, at least the shadow of aGovernment--a centre around which the defenders of the soil of thePeninsula could rally. 

 --[Lord Wellington gave Massena a beating at Fuentes d'Onore on the 5th of May 1811. It was soon after this battle that Napoleon sent Marmont to succeed Massena. Advancing on the southern frontier of Portugal the skillful Soult contrived to take Badajoz from a wavering Spanish garrison. About this time, however, General Graham, with his British corps, sallied out of Cadiz, and beat the French on the heights of Barrosa, which lie in front of Cadiz, which city the French were then besieging. Encouraged by the successes of our regular armies, the Spanish Guerillas became more and more numerous and daring. By the end of 1811 Joseph Bonaparte found so many thorns in his usurped crown that he implored his brother to put it on some other head. Napoleon would not then listen to his prayer. In the course of 1811 a plan was laid for liberating Ferdinand from his prison in France and placing him at the head of affairs in Spain, but was detected by the emissaries of Bonaparte's police. Ferdinand's sister, the ex-Queen of Etruria, had also planned an escape to England. Her agents were betrayed, tried by a military commission, and shot--the Princess herself was condemned to close confinement in a Roman convent. --Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

The Continental system was the cause, if not of the eventual fall, atleast of the rapid fall of Napoleon. This cannot be doubted if weconsider for a moment the brilliant situation of the Empire in 1811, and the effect simultaneously produced throughout Europe by that system, which undermined the most powerful throne which ever existed. It was theContinental system that Napoleon upheld in Spain, for he had persuadedhimself that this system, rigorously enforced, would strike a death blowto the commerce of England; and Duroc besides informed me of acircumstance which is of great weight in this question. Napoleon one daysaid to him, "I am no longer anxious that Joseph should be King of Spain;and he himself is indifferent about it. I would give the crown to thefirst comer who would shut his ports against the English. "

Murat had come to Paris on the occasion of the Empress' accouchement, andI saw him several times during his stay, for we had always been on thebest terms; and I must do him the justice to say that he never assumedthe King but to his courtiers, and those who had known him only as amonarch. Eight or ten days after the birth of the King of Rome, as I wasone morning walking in the Champs Elysees, I met Murat. He was alone, and dressed in a long blue overcoat. We were exactly opposite thegardens of his sister-in-law, the Princess Borghese. "Well, Bourrienne, "said Murat, after we had exchanged the usual courtesies, "well, what areyou about now?" I informed him how I had been treated by Napoleon, who, that I might not be in Hamburg when the decree of union arrived there, had recalled me to Paris under a show of confidence. I think I still seethe handsome and expressive countenance of Joachim when, having addressedhim by the titles of Sire and Your Majesty, he said to me, "Pshaw!Bourrienne, are we not old comrades? The Emperor has treated youunjustly; and to whom has he not been unjust? His displeasure ispreferable to his favour, which costs so dear! He says that he made usKings; but did we not make him an Emperor? To you, my friend, whom Ihave known long and intimately, I can make my profession of faith. Mysword, my blood, my life belong to the Emperor. When he calls me to thefield to combat his enemies and the enemies of France I am no longer aKing, I resume the rank of a Marshal of the Empire; but let him requireno more. At Naples I will be King of Naples, and I will not sacrifice tohis false calculations the life, the well-being, and the interests of mysubjects. Let him not imagine that he can treat me as he has treatedLouis! For I am ready to defend, even against him, if it must be so, therights of the people over whom he has appointed me to rule. Am I then anadvance-guard King?" These last words appeared to me peculiarlyappropriate in the mouth of Murat, who had always served in theadvance-guard of our armies, and I thought expressed in a very happymanner the similarity of his situation as a king and a soldier. 

I walked with Murat about half an hour. In the course of ourconversation he informed me that his greatest cause of complaint againstthe Emperor was his having first put him forward and then abandoned him. "Before I arrived in Naples, " continued he, "it was intimated to me thatthere was a design of assassinating me. What did I do? I entered thatcity alone, in full daylight, in an open carriage, for I would ratherhave been assassinated at once than have lived in the constant fear ofbeing so. I afterwards made a descent on the Isle of Capri, whichsucceeded. I attempted one against Sicily, and am curtain it would havealso been successful had the Emperor fulfilled his promise of sending theToulon fleet to second my operations; but he issued contrary orders: heenacted Mazarin, and unshed me to play the part of the adventurous Dukeof Guise. But I see through his designs. Now that he has a son, on whomhe has bestowed the title of King of Rome, he merely wishes the crown ofNaples to be considered as a deposit in my hands. He regards Naples as afuture annexation to the Kingdom of Rome, to which I foresee it is hisdesign to unite the whole of Italy. But let him not urge me too far, forI will oppose him, and conquer, or perish in the attempt, sword in hand. "

I had the discretion not to inform Murat how correctly he had divined theplans of the Emperor and his projects as to Italy, but in regard to theContinental system, which, perhaps, the reader will be inclined to callmy great stalking-horse, I spoke of it as I had done to the Prince ofSweden, and I perceived that he was fully disposed to follow my advice, as experience has sufficiently proved. It was in fact the Continentalsystem which separated the interests of Murat from those of the Emperor, and which compelled the new King of Naples to form alliances amongst thePrinces at war with France. Different opinions have been entertained onthis Subject; mine is, that the Marshal of the Empire was wrong, but theKing of Naples right. 

The Princes and Dukes of the Empire must pardon me for so oftendesignating them by their Republican names. The Marshals set less valueon their titles of nobility than the Dukes and Counts selected from amongthe civilians. Of all the sons of the Republic Regnault de St. Jeand'Angely was the most gratified at being a Count, whilst, among thefathers of the Revolution no one could regard with greater disdain thanFouche his title of Duke of Otranto; he congratulated himself upon itspossession only once, and that was after the fall of the Empire. 

I have expressed my dislike of Fouche; and the reason of that feelingwas, that I could not endure his system of making the police a governmentwithin a government. He had left Paris before my return thither, but Ihad frequent occasion to speak of that famous personage to Savary, whom, for the reason above assigned, I do not always term Duc de Rovigo. Savary knew better than any one the fallacious measures of Fouche'sadministration, since he was his successor. Fouche, under pretence ofencouraging men of letters, though well aware that the Emperor washostile to them, intended only to bring them into contempt by making themwrite verses at command. It was easily seen that Napoleon nourished aprofound dislike of literary men, though we must not conclude that hewished the public to be aware of that dislike. Those, besides, whodevoted their pens to blazon his glory and his power were sure to bereceived by him with distinction. On the other hand, as Charlemagne andLouis XIV. Owed a portion of the splendour of their reigns to the lustrereflected on them by literature, he wished to appear to patroniseauthors, provided that they never discussed questions relating tophilosophy, the independence of mankind, and civil and political rights. With regard to men of science it was wholly different; those he held inreal estimation; but men of letters, properly so called, were consideredby him merely as a sprig in his Imperial crown. 

The marriage of the Emperor with an Archduchess of Austria had set allthe Court poets to work, and in this contest of praise and flattery itmust be confessed that the false gods were vanquished by the true God;for, in spite of their fulsome verses, not one of the disciples of Apollocould exceed the extravagance of the Bishops in their pastoral letters. At a time when so many were striving to force themselves into noticethere still existed a feeling of esteem in the public mind for men ofsuperior talent who remained independent amidst the general corruption;such was M. Lemercier, such was M. De Chateaubriand. I was in Paris inthe spring of 1811, at the period of Chenier's death, when the numerousfriends whom Chateaubriand possessed in the second class of the Institutelooked to him as the successor of Chenier. This was more than a mereliterary question, not only on account of the high literary reputationM. De Chateaubriand already possessed, but of the recollection of hisnoble conduct at the period of Duc d'Enghien's death, which was yet freshin the memory of every one; and, besides, no person could be ignorant ofthe immeasurable difference of opinion between Chenier and M. DeChateaubriand. 

M. De Chateaubriand obtained a great majority of votes, and was elected aMember of the Institute. This opened a wide field for conjecture inParis. Every one was anxious to see how the author of the Genie duChristianisme, the faithful defender of the Bourbons, would bend hiseloquence to pronounce the eulogium of a regicide. The time for theadmission of the new Member of the Institute arrived, but in hisdiscourse, copies of which were circulated in Paris, he had ventured toallude to the death of Louis XVI. , and to raise his voice against theregicides. This did not displease Napoleon; but M. De Chateaubriand alsomade a profession of faith in favour of liberty, which, he said, foundrefuge amongst men of letters when banished from the politic body. Thiswas great boldness for the time; for though Bonaparte was secretlygratified at seeing the judges of Louis XVI. Scourged by an heroic pen, yet those men held the highest situations under the Government. Cambaceres filled the second place in the Empire, although at a greatdistance from the first; Merlin de Douai was also in power; and it isknown how much liberty was stifled and hidden beneath the dazzlingillusion of what is termed glory. A commission was named to examine thediscourse of Chateaubriand. MM. Suard, de Segur, de Fontanes, and two orthree other members of the same class of the Institute whose names Icannot recollect, were of opinion that the discourse should be read; butit was opposed by the majority. 

When Napoleon was informed of what had passed he demanded a sight of theaddress, which was presented to him by M. Daru. After having perused ithe exclaimed; "Had this discourse been delivered I would have shut thegates of the Institute, and thrown M. De Chateaubriand into a dungeon forlife. " The storm long raged; at length means of conciliation were tried. The Emperor required M. De Chateaubriand to prepare another discourse, which the latter refused to do, in spite of every menace. Madame Gayapplied to Madame Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely, who interested herhusband in favour of the author of the Genie du Christianisme. M. DeMontalivet and Savary also acted on this occasion in the mostpraiseworthy manner, and succeeded in appeasing the first transports ofthe Emperor's rage. But the name of Chateaubriand constantly called tomind the circumstances which had occasioned him to give in hisresignation; and, besides, Napoleon had another complaint against him. He had published in the 'Merceure' an article on a work of M. Alexandrede Laborde. In that article, which was eagerly read in Paris, and whichcaused the suppression of the 'Merceure', occurred the famous phrasewhich has been since so often repeated: "In vain a Nero triumphs: Tacitusis already born in his Empire. " This quotation leads me to repeat anobservation, which, I believe, I have already made, viz. That it is amanifest misconception to compare Bonaparte to Nero. Napoleon's ambitionmight blind his vision to political crimes, but in private life no mancould evince less disposition to cruelty or bloodshed. A proof that hebore little resemblance to Nero is that his anger against the author ofthe article in question vented itself in mere words. "What!" exclaimedhe, "does Chateaubriand think I am a fool, and that I do not know what hemeans? If he goes on this way I will have him sabred on the steps of theTuileries. " This language is quite characteristic of Bonaparte, but itwas uttered in the first ebullition of his wrath. Napoleon merelythreatened, but Nero would have made good his threat; and in such a casethere is surely some difference between words and deeds. 

The discourse of M. De Chateaubriand revived Napoleon's former enmityagainst him; he received an order to quit Paris: M. Daru returned to himthe manuscript of his discourse, which had been read by Bonaparte, whocancelled some passages with a pencil. We can be sure that the phraseabout liberty was not one of those spared by the Imperial pencil. However that may be, written copies were circulated with text altered andabbreviated; and I have even been told that a printed edition appeared, but I have never seen any copies; and as I do not find the discourse inthe works of M. De Chateaubriand I have reason to believe that the authorhas not yet wished to publish it. 

Such were the principal circumstances attending the nomination ofChateaubriand to the Institute. I shall not relate some others whichoccurred on a previous occasion, viz. On the election of an old andworthy visitor at Malmaison, M. Lemercier, and which will serve to showone of those strange inconsistencies so frequent in the character ofNapoleon. 

After the foundation of the Empire M. Lemercier ceased to present himselfat the Tuileries, St. Cloud, or at Malmaison, though he was often seen inthe salons of Madame Bonaparte while she yet hoped not to become a Queen. Two places were vacant at once in the second class of the Institute, which still contained a party favourable to liberty. This party, findingit impossible to influence the nomination of both members, contenteditself with naming one, it being the mutual condition, in return forfavouring the Government candidate, that the Government party should notoppose the choice of the liberals. The liberal party selected M. Lemercier, but as they knew his former connection with Bonaparte had beenbroken off they wished first to ascertain that he would do nothing tocommit their choice. Chenier was empowered to inquire whether M. Lemercier would refuse to accompany them to the Tuileries when theyrepaired thither in a body, and whether, on his election, he would complywith the usual ceremony of being presented to the Emperor. M. Lemercierreplied that he would do nothing contrary to the customs and usages ofthe body to which he might belong: he was accordingly elected. TheGovernment candidate was M. Esmenard, who was also elected. The two newmembers were presented to the Emperor on the same day. On this occasionupwards of 400 persons were present in the salon, from one of whom Ireceived these details. When the Emperor saw M. Lemercier, for whom hehad long pretended great friendship, he said to him in a kind tone, "Well, Lemercier, you are now installed. " Lemercier respectfully bowedto the Emperor; but without uttering a word of reply. Napoleon wasmortified at this silence, but without saying anything more to Lemercierhe turned to Esmenard, the member who should have been most acceptable tohim, and vented upon him the whole weight of his indignation in a mannerequally unfeeling and unjust. "Well, Esmenard, " said he, "do you stillhold your place in the police?" These words were spoken in so loud atone as to be heard by all present; and it was doubtless this cruel andambiguous speech which furnished the enemies of Esmenard with arms toattack his reputation as a man of honour, and to give an appearance ofdisgrace to those functions which he exercised with so much zeal andability. 

When, at the commencement of 1811, I left Paris I had ceased to deludemyself respecting the brilliant career which seemed opening before meduring the Consulate. I clearly perceived that since Bonaparte, insteadof receiving me as I expected, had refused to see me at all, thecalumnies of my enemies were triumphant, and that I had nothing to hopefor from an absolute ruler, whose past injustice rendered him the moreunjust. He now possessed what he had so long and ardently wishedfor, --a son of his own, an inheritor of his name, his power, and histhrone. I must take this opportunity of stating that the malevolent andinfamous rumours spread abroad respecting the birth of the King of Romewere wholly without foundation. My friend Corvisart, who did not for asingle instant leave Maria Louisa during her long and painful labour, removed from my mind every doubt on the subject. It is as true that theyoung Prince, for whom the Emperor of Austria stood sponsor at the font, was the son of Napoleon and the Archduchess Maria Louisa as it is falsethat Bonaparte was the father of the first child of Hortense. The birthof the son of Napoleon was hailed with general enthusiasm. The Emperorwas at the height of his power from the period of the birth of his sonuntil the reverse he experienced after the battle of the Moskowa. TheEmpire, including the States possessed by the Imperial family, containednearly 57, 000, 000 of inhabitants; but the period was fast approachingwhen this power, unparalleled in modern times, was to collapse under itsown weight. 

 --[The little King of Rome, Napoleon Francis Bonaparte, was born on the 20th of March 1811. Editor of 1836 edition. ]--

CHAPTER XXVI. 

 My return to Hamburg--Government Committee established there-- Anecdote of the Comte de Chaban--Napoleon's misunderstanding with the Pope--Cardinal Fesch--Convention of a Council--Declaration required from the Bishops--Spain in 1811--Certainty of war with Russia--Lauriston supersedes Caulaincourt at St. Petersburg--The war in Spain neglected--Troops of all nations at the disposal of Bonaparte--Levy of the National Guard--Treaties with Prussia and Austria--Capitulation renewed with Switzerland--Intrigues with Czernischeff--Attacks of my enemies--Memorial to the Emperor--Ogier de la Saussaye and the mysterious box--Removal of the Pope to Fontainebleau--Anecdote of His Holiness and M. Denon--Departure of Napoleon and Maria Louisa for Dresden--Situation of affairs in Spain and Portugal--Rapp's account of the Emperor's journey to Dantzic-- Mutual wish for war on the part of Napoleon and Alexander--Sweden and Turkey--Napoleon's vain attempt to detach Sweden from her alliance with Russia. 

As I took the most lively interest in all that concerned the Hanse Towns, my first care on returning to Hamburg was to collect information from themost respectable sources concerning the influential members of the newGovernment. Davoust was at its head. On his arrival he had establishedin the Duchy of Mecklenburg, in Swedish Pomerania, and in Stralsund, thecapital of that province, military posts and custom-houses, and that in atime of profound peace with those countries, and without any previousdeclaration. The omnipotence of Napoleon, and the terror inspired by thename of Davoust, overcame all obstacles which might have opposed thoseiniquitous usurpations. The weak were forced to yield to the strong. 

At Hamburg a Government Committee was formed, consisting of the Prince ofEekmuhl as President, Comte de Chaban, Councillor of State, whosuperintended the departments of the Interior and Finance, and of M. Faure, Councillor of State, who was appointed to form and regulate theCourts of Law. I had sometimes met M. De Chaban at Malmaison. He wasdistantly related to Josephine, and had formerly been an officer in theFrench Guards. He was compelled to emigrate, having been subjected toevery species of persecution during the Revolution. 

M. De Chaban was among the first of the emigrants who returned to Franceafter the 18th Brumaire. He was at first made Sub-Prefect of Vendome, but on the union of Tuscany with France Napoleon created him a member ofthe Junta appointed to regulate the affairs of Tuscany. He next becamePrefect of Coblentz and Brussels, was made a Count by Bonaparte, and wasafterwards chosen a member of the Government Committee at Hamburg. M. DeChaban was a man of upright principles, and he discharged his variousfunctions in a way that commanded esteem and attachment. 

 --[I recollect an anecdote which but too well depicts those disastrous times. The Comte de Chaban, being obliged to cross France during the Reign of Terror, was compelled to assume a disguise. He accordingly provided himself with a smockfrock; a cart and horses, and a load of corn. In this manner he journeyed from place to place till he reached the frontiers. He stopped at Rochambeau, in the Vendomais, where he was recognised by the Marshal de Rochambeau, who to guard against exciting any suspicion among his servants, treated him as if he had really been a carman and said to him, "You may dine in the kitchen. "--Bourrienne. ]--

The Hanseatic Towns, united to the Grand Empire professedly for theirwelfare, soon felt the blessings of the new organisation of aregenerating Government. They were at once presented with; thestamp-duty, registration, the lottery, the droits reunis, the tax oncards, and the 'octroi'. This prodigality of presents caused, as we maybe sure, the most lively gratitude; a tax for military quarters and forwarlike supplies was imposed, but this did not relieve any one fromlaving not only officers and soldiers; but even all the chiefs of theadministration and their officials billeted on them: The refineries, breweries, and manufactures of all sorts were suppressed. The cashchests of the Admiralty, of the charity houses, of the manufactures, ofthe savings-banks, of the working classes, the funds of the prisons, therelief meant for the infirm, the chests of the refuges, orphanages; andof the hospitals, were all seized. 

More than 200, 000 men, Italian, Dutch, and French soldiers came in turnto stay there, but only to be clothed and shod; and then they left newlyclothed from head to foot. To leave nothing to be wished for, Davoust, from 1812, established military commissions in all the thirty-second. Military division, before he entered upon the Russian campaign. Tocomplete these oppressive measures he established at the same time theHigh Prevotal Court of the Customs. It was at this time that M. Eudes, the director of the ordinary customs, a strict but just man, said thatthe rule of the ordinary customs would be regretted, "for till now youhave only been on roses. . " The professed judgments of this court wereexecuted without appeal and without delay. From what I have just saidthe situation and the misery of the north of Germany, and the consequentdiscontent, can be judged. 

During my stay in Hamburg, which on this occasion was not very long, Napoleon's attention was particularly engaged by the campaign ofPortugal, and his discussions with the Pope. At this period thethunderbolts of Rome were not very alarming. Yet precautions were takento keep secret the excommunication which Pius VII. Had pronouncedagainst Napoleon. The event, however, got reported about, and a party infavour of the Pope speedily rose up among the clergy, and moreparticularly among the fanatics. Napoleon sent to Savona the Archbishopsof Nantes, Bourges, Treves, and Tours, to endeavour to bring about areconciliation with His Holiness. But all their endeavours wereunavailing, and after staying a month at Savona they returned to Pariswithout having done anything. But Napoleon was not discouraged by thisfirst disappointment, and he shortly afterwards sent a second deputation, which experienced the same fate as the first. Cardinal Fesch, Napoleon'suncle, took part with the Pope. For this fact I can vouch, though Icannot for an answer which he is said to have made to the Emperor. Ihave been informed that when Napoleon was one day speaking to his uncleabout the Pope's obstinacy the Cardinal made some observations to him onhis (Bonaparte's) conduct to the Holy Father, upon which Napoleon flewinto a passion, and said that the Pope and he were two old fools. "As for the Pope, " said he, "he is too obstinate to listen to anything. No, I am determined he shall never have Rome again. . . . He willnot remain at Savona, and where does he wish I should send him?"--"ToHeaven, perhaps, " replied the Cardinal. 

The truth is, the Emperor was violently irritated against Pius VII. Observing with uneasiness the differences and difficulties to which allthese dissensions gave rise, he was anxious to put a stop to them. Asthe Pope would not listen to any propositions that were made to him, Napoleon convoked a Council, which assembled in Paris, and at whichseveral Italian Bishops were present. The Pope insisted that thetemporal and spiritual interests should be discussed together; and, however disposed a certain number of prelates, particularly the Italians, might be to separate these two points of discussion, yet the influence ofthe Church and well-contrived intrigues gradually gave preponderance tothe wishes of the Pope. The Emperor, having discovered that a secretcorrespondence was carried on by several of the Bishops and Archbishopswho had seats in the Council, determined to get rid of some of them, andthe Bishops of Ghent, Troyes, Tournay, and Toulouse were arrested andsent to Vincennes. They were superseded by others. He wished todissolve the Council, which he saw was making no advance towards theobject he had in view, and, fearing that it might adopt some act atvariance with his supreme wish, every member of the Council wasindividually required to make a declaration that the proposed changeswere conformable to the laws of the Church. It was said at the time thatthey were unanimous in this individual declaration, though it is certainthat in the sittings of the Council opinions were divided. I know notwhat His Holiness thought of these written opinions compared with theverbal opinions that had been delivered, but certain it is though still acaptive at Savona, he refused to adhere to the concessions granted in thesecret declarations. 

The conflicts which took place in Spain during the year 1811 wereunattended by any decisive results. Some brilliant events, indeed, attested the courage of our troops and the skill of our generals. Suchwere the battle of Albufera and the taking of Tarragona, while Wellingtonwas obliged to raise the siege of Badajoz. These advantages, which wereattended only by glory, encouraged Napoleon in the hope of triumphing inthe Peninsula, and enabled him to enjoy the brilliant fetes which tookplace at Paris in celebration of the birth of the King of Rome. 

On his return from a tour in Holland at the end of October Napoleonclearly saw that a rupture with Russia was inevitable. In vain he sentLauriston as Ambassador to St. Petersburg to supersede Caulaincourt, whowould no longer remain there: all the diplomatic skill in the world couldeffect nothing with a powerful Government which had already formed itsdetermination. All the Cabinets in Europe were now unanimous in wishingfor the overthrow of Napoleon's power, and the people no less, ardentlywished for an order of things less fatal to their trade and industry. Inthe state to which Europe was reduced no one could counteract the wish ofRussia and her allies to go to war with France--Lauriston no more thanCaulaincourt. 

The war for which Napoleon was now obliged to prepare forced him toneglect Spain, and to leave his interests in that country in a state ofreal danger. Indeed, his occupation of Spain and his well-known wish tomaintain himself there were additional motives for inducing the powers ofEurope to enter upon a war which would necessarily divide Napoleon'sforces. All at once the troops which were in Italy and the north ofGermany moved towards the frontiers of the Russian Empire. From March1811 the Emperor had all the military forces of Europe at his disposal. It was curious to see this union of nations, distinguished by differenceof manners, --[It should be remarked that Napoleon was far from being anxious for the war with Russia. Metternich writing on 26th March 1811, says "Everything seems to indicate that the Emperor Napoleon is at present still far from desiring a war with Russia. But it is not less true that the Emperor Alexander has given himself over, 'nolens volens', to the war party, and that he will bring about war, because the time is approaching when he will no longer be able to resist the reaction of the party in the internal affairs of his Empire, or the temper of his army. The contest between Count Romanzov and the party opposed to that Minister seems on the point of precipitating a war between Russia and France. " This, from Metternich, is strong evidence. ]--

language, religion, and interests, all ready to fight for one man againsta power who had done nothing to offend them. Prussia herself, though shecould not pardon the injuries he had inflicted upon her, joined hisalliance, but with the intention of breaking it on the first opportunity. When the war with Russia was first spoken of Savary and I had frequentconversations on the subject. I communicated to him all the intelligenceI received from abroad respecting that vast enterprise. The Duc deRovigo shared all my forebodings; and if he and those who thought likehim had been listened to, the war would probably have been avoided. Through him I learnt who were the individuals who urged the invasion. The eager ambition with which they looked forward to Viceroyalties, Duchies, and endowments blinded them to the possibility of seeing theCossacks in Paris. 

The gigantic enterprise being determined on, vast preparations were madefor carrying it into effect. Before his departure Napoleon, who was totake with him all the disposable troops, caused a 'Senatus-consulte' tobe issued for levying the National Guards, who were divided into threecorps. He also arranged his diplomatic affairs by concluding, inFebruary 1812, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, withPrussia, by virtue of which the two contracting powers mutuallyguaranteed the integrity of their own possessions, and the Europeanpossessions of the Ottoman Porte, because that power was then at war withRussia. A similar treaty was concluded about the beginning of March withAustria, and about the end of the same month Napoleon renewed thecapitulation of France and Switzerland. At length, in the month ofApril, there came to light an evident proof of the success which hadattended M. Czernischeff's intrigues in Paris. It was ascertained that aclerk in the War Office, named Michel, had communicated to him thesituation of the French forces in Germany. Michel was condemned todeath, for the time was gone by when Bonaparte, confident in his geniusand good fortune, could communicate his plans to the spy of GeneralMelas. 

In March 1812, when I saw that the approaching war would necessarily takeNapoleon from France, weary of the persecutions and even threats by whichI was every day assailed, I addressed to the Emperor a memorialexplaining my conduct and showing the folly and wickedness of myaccusers. Among them was a certain Ogier de la Saussaye, who had sent areport to the Emperor, in which the principal charge was, that I hadcarried off a box containing important papers belonging to the FirstConsul. The accusation of Ogier de la Saussaye terminated thus: "I addto my report the interrogatories of MM. Westphalen, Osy, Chapeau Rouge, Aukscher, Thierry, and Gumprecht-Mores. The evidence of the latter bearsprincipally on a certain mysterious box, a secret upon which it isimpossible to throw any light, but the reality of which we are bound tobelieve. " These are his words. The affair of the mysterious box hasbeen already explained. I have already informed the reader that I put mypapers into a box, which I buried lest it should be stolen from me. But for that precaution I should not have been able to lay before thereader the autograph documents in my possession, and which I imagine formthe most essential part of these volumes. In my memorial to the EmperorI said, in allusion to the passage above quoted, "This, Sire, is the mostatrocious part of Ogier's report. 

"Gumprecht being questioned on this point replies that the accuser hasprobably, as well as himself, seen the circumstance mentioned in aninfamous pamphlet which appeared seven or eight years, ago. It was, Ithink, entitled 'Le Secret du Cabinet des Tuileries, ' and was very likelyat the time of its appearance denounced by the police. In that libel itis stated, among a thousand other calumnies equally false and absurd, 'that when I left the First Consul I carried away a box full of importantpapers, that I was in consequence sent to the Temple, where your brotherJoseph came to me and offered me my liberation, and a million of francs, if I would restore the papers, which I refused to do, ' etc. Ogier, instead of looking for this libel in Hamburg, where I read it, has theimpudence to give credit to the charge, the truth of which could havebeen ascertained immediately: and he adds, 'This secret we are bound tobelieve. ' Your Majesty knows whether I was ever in the Temple, andwhether Joseph ever made such an offer to me. " I entreated that theEmperor would do me the favour to bring me to trial; for certainly Ishould have regarded that as a favour rather than to remain as I was, exposed to vague accusations; yet all my solicitations were in vain. My letter to the Emperor remained unanswered; but though Bonaparte couldnot spare a few moments to reply to an old friend, I learned throughDuroc the contempt he cherished for my accusers. Duroc advised me not tobe uneasy, and that in all probability the Emperor's prejudices againstme would be speedily overcome; and I must say that if they were notovercome it was neither the fault of Duroc nor Savary, who knew how torightly estimate the miserable intrigues just alluded to. 

Napoleon was at length determined to extend the limits of his Empire, orrather to avenge the injuries which Russia had committed against hisContinental system. Yet, before he departed for Germany, the resoluterefusal of the Pope to submit to any arrangement urgently claimed hisconsideration. Savona did not appear to him a sufficiently secureresidence for such a prisoner. He feared that when all his strengthshould be removed towards the Niemen the English might carry off thePope, or that the Italians, excited by the clergy, whose dissatisfactionwas general in Italy, would stir up those religious dissensions which arealways fatal and difficult to quell. With the view, therefore, ofkeeping the Pope under his control he removed him to Fontainebleau, andeven at one time thought of bringing him to Paris. 

The Emperor appointed M. Denon to reside with the Pope at Fontainebleau;and to afford his illustrious prisoner the society of such a man wascertainly a delicate mark of attention on the part of Napoleon. Whenspeaking of his residence with Pius VII. M. Denon related to me thefollowing anecdote. "The Pope, " said he, "was much attached to me. Healways addressed me by the appellation 'my son, ' and he loved to conversewith me, especially on the subject of the Egyptian expedition. One dayhe asked me for my work on Egypt, which he said he wished to read; and asyou know it is not quite orthodox, and does not perfectly agree with thecreation of the world according to Genesis, I at first hesitated; but thePope insisted, and at length I complied with his wish. The Holy Fatherassured me that he had been much interested by the perusal of the book. I made some allusion to the delicate points; upon which he said, 'Nomatter, no matter, my son; all that is exceedingly curious, and I mustconfess entirely new to me. ' I then, " continued M. Denon, "told HisHoliness why I hesitated to lend him the work, which, I observed, he hadexcommunicated, together with its author. 'Excommunicated you, my son?'resumed the Pope in a tone of affectionate concern. 'I am very sorry forit, and assure you I was far from being aware of any such thing. '"

When M. Denon related to me this anecdote he told me how greatly he hadadmired the virtues and resignation of the Holy Father; but he added thatit would nevertheless have been easier to make him a martyr than toinduce him to yield on any point until he should be restored to thetemporal sovereignty of Rome, of which he considered himself thedepositary, and which he would not endure the reproach of havingwillingly sacrificed. After settling the place of the Pope's residenceNapoleon set off for Dresden, accompanied by Maria Louisa, who hadexpressed a wish to see her father. 

The Russian enterprise, the most gigantic, perhaps, that the genius ofman ever conceived since the conquest of India by Alexander, now absorbeduniversal attention, and defied the calculations of reason. TheManzanares was forgotten, and nothing was thought of but the Niemen, already so celebrated by the raft of Tilsit. Thither, as towards acommon centre, were moving men, horses, provisions, and baggage of everykind, from all parts of Europe. The hopes of our generals and the fearsof all prudent men were directed to Russia. The war in Spain, which wasbecoming more and more unfortunate, excited but a feeble interest; andour most distinguished officers looked upon it as a disgrace to be sentto the Peninsula. In short, it was easy to foresee that the period wasnot far distant when the French would be obliged to recross the Pyrenees. Though the truth was concealed from the Emperor on many subjects, yet hewas not deceived as to the situation of Spain in the spring of 1812. InFebruary the Duke of Ragusa had frankly informed him that the armies ofSpain and Portugal could not, without considerable reinforcements of menand money, hope for any important advantages since Ciudad-Rodrigo andBadajoz had fallen into the hands of the English. 

Before he commenced his great operations on the Niemen and the VolgaNapoleon made a journey to Dantzic, and Rapp, who was then Governor ofthat city, informed me of some curious particulars connected with theImperial visit. The fact is, that if Rapp's advice had been listened to, and had been supported by men higher in rank than himself, Bonapartewould not have braved the chances of the Russian war until those chancesturned against him. Speaking to me of the Russians Rapp said, "They willsoon be as wise as we are! Every time we go to war with them we teachthem how to beat us. " I was struck with the originality and truth ofthis observation, which at the time I heard it was new, though it hasbeen often repeated since. 

"On leaving Dresden, " said Rapp to me, "Napoleon came to Dantzic. Iexpected a dressing; for, to tell you the truth, I had treated verycavalierly both his custom-house and its officers, who were raising up asmany enemies to France as there were inhabitants in my Government. I hadalso warned him of all that has since happened in Russia, but I assureyou I did not think myself quite so good a prophet. In the beginning of1812 I thus wrote to him: 'If your Majesty should experience reverses youmay depend on it that both Russians and Germans will rise up in a mass toshake off the yoke. There will be a crusade, and all your allies willabandon you. Even the King of Bavaria, on whom you rely so confidently, will join the coalition. I except only the King of Saxony. He, perhaps, might remain faithful to you; but his subjects will force him to makecommon cause with your enemies. The King of Naples, " continued Rapp, "whohad the command of the cavalry, had been to Dantzic before the Emperor. He did not seem to take a more favourable view of the approachingcampaign than I did. Murat was dissatisfied that the Emperor would notconsent to his rejoining him in Dresden; and he said that he would ratherbe a captain of grenadiers than a King such as he was. "

Here I interrupted Rapp to tell him what had fallen from Murat when I methim in the Champs Elysees "Bah!" resumed Rapp, "Murat, brave as he was, was a craven in Napoleon's presence! On the Emperor's arrival in Dantzicthe first thing of which he spoke to me was the alliance he had just thenconcluded with Prussia and Austria. I could not refrain from telling himthat we did a great deal of mischief as allies; a fact of which I wasassured from the reports daily transmitted to me respecting the conductof our troops. Bonaparte tossed his bead, as you know he was in thehabit of doing when he was displeased. After a moment's silence, dropping the familiar thee and thou, he said, 'Monsieur le General, thisis a torrent which must be allowed to run itself out. It will not lastlong. I must first ascertain whether Alexander decidedly wishes forwar. ' Then, suddenly changing the subject of conversation, he said, 'Have you not lately observed something extraordinary in Murat? I thinkhe is quite altered. Is he ill?'--'Sire, ' replied I, 'Murat is not ill, but he is out of spirits. '--'Out of spirits! but why? Is he notsatisfied with being a King?'--'Sire, Murat says he is no King. '--'Thatis his own fault. Why does he make himself a Neapolitan? Why is he nota Frenchman? When he is in his Kingdom he commits all sorts of follies. He favours the trade of England; that I will not suffer. '

"When, " continued Rapp, "he spoke of the favour extended by Murat to thetrade between Naples and England I thought my turn would come next; but Iwas deceived. No more was said on the subject, and when I was about totake my leave the Emperor said to me, as when in his best of humours, 'Rapp, you will sup with me this evening. ' I accordingly supped thatevening with the Emperor, who had also invited the King of Naples andBerthier. Next day the Emperor visited the fortress, and afterwardsreturned to the Government Palace, where he received the civil andmilitary authorities. He again invited Murat, Berthier, and me tosupper. When we first sat down to table we were all very dull, for theEmperor was silent; and, as you well know, under such circumstances noteven Murat himself dared to be the first to speak to him. At lengthNapoleon, addressing me, inquired how far it was from Cadiz to Dantzic. 'Too far, Sire, ' replied I. 'I understand you, Monsieur le General, butin a few months the distance will be still greater. '--'So much the worse, Sire!' Here there was another pause. Neither Murat nor Berthier, onwhom the Emperor fixed a scrutinising glance, uttered a word, andNapoleon again broke silence, but without addressing any one of us inparticular: 'Gentlemen, ' said he in a solemn and rather low tone ofvoice, 'I see plainly that you are none of you inclined to fight again. The King of Naples does not wish to leave the fine climate of hisdominions, Berthier wishes to enjoy the diversion of the chase at hisestate of Gros Bois, and Rapp is impatient to be back to his hotel inParis. ' Would you believe it, " pursued Rapp, "that neither Murat norBerthier said a word in reply? and the ball again came to me. I toldhim frankly that what he said was perfectly true, and the King of Naplesand the Prince of Neufchatel complimented me on my spirit, and observedthat I was quite right in saying what I did. 'Well, ' said I, 'since itwas so very right, why did you not follow my example, and why leave me tosay all?' You cannot conceive, " added Rapp, "how confounded they bothwere, and especially Murat, though he was very differently situated fromBerthier. "

The negotiations which Bonaparte opened with Alexander, when he yetwished to seem averse to war, resembled those oratorical paraphraseswhich do not prevent us from coming to the conclusion we wish. The twoEmperors equally desired war; the one with the view of consolidating hispower, and the other in the hope of freeing himself from a yoke whichthreatened to reduce him to a state of vassalage, for it was little shortof this to require a power like Russia to close her ports against Englandfor the mere purpose of favouring the interests of France. At that timeonly two European powers were not tied to Napoleon's fate--Sweden andTurkey. Napoleon was anxious to gain the alliance of these two powers. With respect to Sweden his efforts were vain; and though, in fact, Turkeywas then at war with Russia, yet the Grand Seignior was not now, as atthe time of Sebastiani's embassy, subject to the influence of France. 

The peace, which was soon concluded at Bucharest, between Russia, andTurkey increased Napoleon's embarrassment. The left of the Russian army, secured by the neutrality of Turkey, was reinforced by Bagration's corpsfrom Moldavia: it subsequently occupied the right of the Beresina, anddestroyed the last hope of saving the wreck of the French army. It isdifficult to conceive how Turkey could have allowed the consideration ofinjuries she had received from France to induce her to terminate the warwith Russia when France was attacking that power with immense forces. The Turks never had a fairer opportunity for taking revenge on Russia, and, unfortunately for Napoleon, they suffered it to escape. 

Napoleon was not more successful when he sought the alliance of a Princewhose fortune he had made, and who was allied to his family, but withwhom he had never been on terms of good understanding. The EmperorAlexander had a considerable corps of troops in Finland destined toprotect that country against the Sweden, Napoleon having consented tothat occupation in order to gain the provisional consent of Alexander tothe invasion of Spain. What was the course pursued by Napoleon when, being at war with Russia, he wished to detach Sweden from her alliancewith Alexander? He intimated to Bernadotte that he had a sureopportunity of retaking Finland, a conquest which would gratify hissubjects and win their attachment to him. By this alliance Napoleonwished to force Alexander not to withdraw the troops who were in thenorth of his Empire, but rather to augment their numbers in order tocover Finland and St. Petersburg. It was thus that Napoleon endeavouredto draw the Prince Royal into his coalition. It was of littleconsequence to Napoleon whether Bernadotte succeeded or not. The EmperorAlexander would nevertheless have been obliged to increase his force inFinland; that was all that Napoleon wished. In the gigantic struggleupon which France and Russia were about to enter the most trivialalliance was not to be neglected. In January 1812 Davoust invadedSwedish Pomerania without any declaration of war, and without anyapparent motive. Was this inconceivable violation of territory likely todispose the Prince Royal of Sweden to the proposed alliance, even hadthat alliance not been adverse to the interests of his country? That wasimpossible; and Bernadotte took the part which was expected of him. Herejected the offers of Napoleon, and prepared for coming events. 

The Emperor Alexander wished to withdraw his force from Finland for thepurpose of more effectively opposing the immense army which threatenedhis States. Unwilling to expose Finland to an attack on the part ofSweden, he had an interview on the 28th of August 1812, at Abo, with thePrince-Royal, to come to an arrangement with him for uniting theirinterests. I know that the Emperor of Russia pledged himself, whatevermight happen, to protect Bernadotte against the fate of the newdynasties, to guarantee the possession of his throne, and promised thathe should have Norway as a compensation for Finland. He even went so faras to hint that hernadotte might supersede Napoleon. Bernadotte adoptedall the propositions of Alexander, and from that moment Sweden madecommon cause against Napoleon. The Prince Royal's conduct has been muchblamed, but the question resolved itself into one of mere politicalinterest. Could Bernadotte, a Swede by adoption, prefer the alliance ofan ambitious sovereign whose vengeance he had to fear, and who hadsanctioned the seizure of Finland to that of a powerful monarch, hisformidable neighbour, his protector in Sweden, and where hostility mighteffectually support the hereditary claims of young Gustavus? Sweden, injoining France, would thereby have declared herself the enemy of England. Where, then, would have been her navy, her trade and even her existence?

CHAPTER XXVII. 

1812. 

 Changeableness of Bonaparte's plans and opinions--Articles for the 'Moniteur' dictated by the First Consul--The Protocol of the Congress of Chatillon--Conversations with Davoust at Hamburg-- Promise of the Viceroyalty of Poland--Hope and disappointment of the Poles--Influence of illusion on Bonaparte--The French in Moscow-- Disasters of the retreat--Mallet's conspiracy--Intelligence of the affair communicated to Napoleon at Smolensko--Circumstances detailed by Rapp--Real motives of Napoleon's return to Paris--Murat, Ney, and Eugene--Power of the Italians to endure cold--Napoleon's exertions to repair his losses--Defection of General York--Convocation of a Privy Council--War resolved on--Wavering of the Pope--Useless negotiations with Vienna--Maria Louisa appointed Regent. 

It may now he asked whether Bonaparte, previous to entering upon the lastcampaign, had resolved on restoring Poland to independence. The fact isthat Bonaparte, as Emperor, never entertained any positive wish toreestablish the old Kingdom of Poland, though at a previous period he wasstrongly inclined to that re-establishment, of which he felt thenecessity. He may have said that he would re-establish the Kingdom ofPoland, but I beg leave to say that that is no reason for believing thathe entertained any such design. He had said, and even sworn, that hewould never aggrandise the territory of the Empire! The changeablenessof Bonaparte's ideas, plans, and projects renders it difficult to masterthem; but they may be best understood when it is considered that allNapoleon's plans and conceptions varied with his fortunes. Thus, it isnot unlikely that he might at one time have considered thereestablishment of Poland as essential to European policy, and afterwardshave regarded it as adverse to the development of his ambition. Who canventure to guess what passed in his mind when dazzled by his glory atDresden, and whether in one of his dreams he might not have regarded theEmpire of the Jagellons as another gem in the Imperial diadem? The truthis that Bonaparte, when General-in-Chief of the army of Egypt and FirstConsul, had deeply at heart the avenging the dismemberment of Poland, andI have often conversed with him on this most interesting subject, uponwhich we entirely concurred in opinion. But times and circumstances werechanged since we walked together on the terrace of Cairo and mutuallydeplored the death of young Sulkowski. Had Sulkowski lived Napoleon'sfavourable intentions with respect to Poland might perhaps have beenconfirmed. A fact which explains to me the coolness, I may almost saythe indifference, of Bonaparte to the resurrection of Poland is that thecommencement of the Consulate was the period at which that measureparticularly occupied his attention. How often did he converse on thesubject with me and other persons who may yet recollect his sentiments!It was the topic on which he most loved to converse, and on which hespoke with feeling and enthusiasm. In the 'Moniteur' of the period herealluded to I could point out more than one article without signature orofficial character which Napoleon dictated to me, and the insertion ofwhich in that journal, considering the energy of certain expressions, sufficiently proves that they could have emanated from none butBonaparte. It was usually in the evening that he dictated to me thesearticles. Then, when the affairs of the day were over, he would launchinto the future, and give free scope to his vast projects. Some of thesearticles were characterised by so little moderation that the First Consulwould very often destroy them in the morning, smiling at the violentebullitions of the preceding night. At other times I took the liberty ofnot sending them to the 'Moniteur' on the night on which they weredictated, and though he might earnestly wish their insertion I adducedreasons good or bad, to account for the delay. He would then read overthe article in question, and approve of my conduct; but he wouldsometimes add, "It is nevertheless true that with an independent Kingdomof Poland, and 150, 000 disposable troops in the east of France, I shouldalways be master of Russia, Prussia, and Austria. "--"General, " I wouldreply, "I am entirely of your opinion; but wherefore awaken thesuspicions of the interested parties. Leave all to time andcircumstances. "

The reader may have to learn, and not, perhaps, without some surprise, that in the protocol of the sittings of the Congress of ChatillonNapoleon put forward the spoliation of Poland by the three principalpowers allied against him as a claim to a more advantageous peace, and toterritorial indemnities for France. In policy he was right, but thereport of foreign cannon was already loud enough to drown the best ofarguments. 

After the ill-timed and useless union of the Hanse Towns to France Ireturned to Hamburg in the spring of 1811 to convey my family to France. I then had some conversation with Davoust. On one occasion I said to himthat if his hopes were realised, and my sad predictions respecting thewar with Russia overthrown, I hoped to see the restoration of the Kingdomof Poland. Davoust replied that that event was probable, since he hadNapoleon's promise of the Viceroyalty of that Kingdom, and as several ofhis comrades had been promised starosties. Davoust made no secret ofthis, and it was generally known throughout Hamburg and the north ofGermany. 

But notwithstanding what Davoust said respecting. Napoleon's intentionsI considered that these promises had been conditional rather thanpositive. 

On Napoleon's arrival in Poland the Diet of Warsaw, assured, as thereseemed reason to be, of the Emperor's sentiments, declared the Kingdomfree and independent. The different treaties of dismemberment werepronounced to be null; and certainly the Diet had a right so to act, forit calculated upon his support. But the address of the Diet to Napoleon, in which these principles were declared, was ill received. His answerwas full of doubt and indecision, the motive of which could not beblamed. To secure the alliance of Austria against Russia he had justguaranteed to his father-in-law the integrity of his dominions. Napoleontherefore declared that he could take no part in any movement orresolution which might disturb Austria in the possession of the Polishprovinces forming a part of her Empire. To act otherwise, he said, wouldbe to separate himself from his alliance with Austria, and to throw herinto the arms of Russia. But with regard to the Polish-Russianprovinces, Napoleon declared he would see what he could do, shouldProvidence favour the good cause. These vague and obscure expressionsdid not define what he intended to do for the Poles in the event ofsuccess crowning his vast enterprises. They excited the distrust of thePoles, and had no other result. On this subject, however, an observationoccurs which is of some force as an apology for Napoleon. Poland wassuccessively divided between three powers, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, with each of which Napoleon had been at war, but never with all three atonce. He had therefore never been able to take advantage of hisvictories to re-establish Poland without injuring the interests ofneutral powers or of his allies. Hence it may be concluded not only thathe never had the positive will which would have triumphed over allobstacles, but also that there never was a possibility of realising thosedreams and projects of revenge in which he had indulged on the banks ofthe Nile, as it were to console the departed spirit of Sulkowski. 

Bonaparte's character presents many unaccountable incongruities. Although the most positive man that perhaps ever existed, yet there neverwas one who more readily yielded to the charm of illusion. In manycircumstances the wish and the reality were to him one and the samething. He never indulged in greater illusions than at the beginning ofthe campaign of Moscow. Even before the approach of the disasters whichaccompanied the most fatal retreat recorded in history, all sensiblepersons concurred in the opinion that the Emperor ought to have passedthe winter of 1812-13 in Poland, and have resumed his vast enterprises inthe spring. But his natural impatience impelled him forward as it wereunconsciously, and he seemed to be under the influence of an invisibledemon stronger than even his own strong will. This demon was ambition. He who knew so well the value of time, never sufficiently understood itspower, and how much is sometimes gained by delay. Yet Caesar'sCommentaries, which were his favourite study, ought to have shown himthat Caesar did not conquer Gaul in one campaign. Another illusion bywhich Napoleon was misled during the campaign of Moscow, and perhaps pastexperience rendered it very excusable, was the belief that the EmperorAlexander would propose peace when he saw him at the head of his army onthe Russian territory. The prolonged stay of Bonaparte at Moscow canindeed be accounted for in no other way than by supposing that heexpected the Russian Cabinet would change its opinion and consent totreat for peace. However, whatever might have been the reason, after hislong and useless stay in Moscow Napoleon left that city with the designof taking up his winter quarters in Poland; but Fate now frowned uponNapoleon, and in that dreadful retreat the elements seemed leagued withthe Russians to destroy the most formidable army ever commanded by onechief. To find a catastrophe in history comparable to that of theBeresina we must go back to the destruction of the legions of Varus. 

Notwithstanding the general dismay which prevailed in Paris that capitalcontinued tranquil, when by a singular chance, on the very day on whichNapoleon evacuated the burning city of Moscow, Mallet attempted hisextraordinary enterprise. This General, who had always professedRepublican principles, and was a man of bold decided character, afterhaving been imprisoned for some time, obtained the permission ofGovernment to live in Paris in a hospital house situated near theBarriere de Trove. Of Mallet's, conspiracy it is not necessary to saymuch after the excellent account given of it in the Memoirs of the Due deRovigo. Mallet's plan was to make it be believed that Bonaparte had beenkilled at Moscow, and that a new Government was established under theauthority of the Senate. But what could Mallet do? Absolutely nothing:and had his Government continued three days he would have experienced amore favourable chance than that which he ought reasonably to haveexpected than asserted that the Emperor was dead, but an estafette fromRussia would reveal the truth, resuscitate Napoleon, and overwhelm withconfusion Mallet and his proclamation. His enterprise was that of amadman. The French were too weary of troubles to throw themselves intothe arms of, Mallet or his associate Lahorie, who had figured sodisgracefully on the trial of Moreau. , Yet, in spite of the evidentimpossibility of success, it must be confessed that considerableingenuity and address marked the commencement of the conspiracy. On the22d of October Mallet escaped from the hospital house and went to ColonelSoulier, who commanded the tenth cohort of the National Guard, whosebarracks were situated exactly behind the hospital house. Mallet wasloaded with a parcel of forged orders which he had himself prepared. Heintroduced himself to Soulier under the name of General La Motte, andsaid that he came from General Mallet. 

Colonel Soulier on hearing of the Emperor's death was affected to tears. He immediately ordered the adjutant to assemble the cohort and obey theorders of General La Motte, to whom he expressed his regret for beinghimself too ill to leave his bed. It was then two o'clock in themorning, and the forged documents respecting the Emperor's death slid thenew form of Government were read to the troops by lamplight. Mallet thenhastily set off with 1200 men to La Force, and liberated the Sieurs Gudaland Laholze, who were confined there. Mallet informed them of theEmperor's death and of the change of Government; gave them some orders, in obedience to which the Minister and Prefect of Police were arrested intheir hotel. 

I was then at Courbevoie, and I went to Paris on that very morning tobreakfast, as I frequently did, with the Minister of Police. My surprisemay be imagined when

 --[General Mallet gave out that the Emperor was killed under the walls of Moscow on the 8th of October; he could not take any other day without incurring the risk of being contradicted by the arrival of the regular courier. The Emperor being dead, he concluded that the Senate ought to be invested with the supreme authority, and he therefore resolved to address himself in the name of that body to the nation and the army. In a proclamation to the soldiers he deplored the death of the Emperor; in another, after announcing the abolition of the Imperial system and the Restoration of the Republic, he indicated the manner in which the Government was to be reconstructed, described the branches into which public authority was to be divided, and named the Directors. Attached to the different documents there appeared the signatures of several Senators whose names he recollected but with whom he had ceased to have any intercourse for a great number of years. These signatures were all written by Mallet, and he drew up a decree in the name of the Senate, and signed by the same Senators, appointing himself Governor of Paris, and commander of the troops of the first military division. He also drew up other decrees in the same form which purported to promote to higher ranks all the military officers he intended to make instruments in the execution of his enterprise. 

 He ordered one regiment to close all the barriers of Paris, and allow no person to pass through them. This was done: so that in all the neighbouring towns from which assistance, in case of need, might have been obtained, nothing was known of the transactions in Paris. He sent the other regiments to occupy the Bank, the Treasury, and different Ministerial offices. At the Treasury some resistance was made. The minister of that Department was on the spot, and he employed the guard of his household in maintaining his authority. But in the whole of the two regiments of the Qnard not a single, objection was started to the execution of Mallet's orders (Memoirs of the Duc de Rivogo, tome vi. P. 20. )]--

I learned from the porter that the Due de Rovigo had been arrested andcarried to the prison of La Force. I went into the house and wasinformed, to my great astonishment, that the ephemeral Minister was beingmeasured for his official suit, an act which so completely denoted thecharacter of the conspirator that it gave me an insight into thebusiness. 

Mallet repaired to General Hulin, who had the command of Paris. Heinformed him that he had been directed by the Minister of Police toarrest him and seal his papers. Hulin asked to see the order, and thenentered his cabinet, where Mallet followed him, and just as Hulin wasturning round to speak to him he fired a pistol in his face. Hulin fell:the ball entered his cheek, but the wound was not mortal. The mostsingular circumstance connected with the whole affair is, that thecaptain whom Mallet had directed to follow him, and who accompanied himto Hulin's, saw nothing extraordinary in all this, and did nothing tostop it. Mallet next proceeded, very composedly, to Adjutant-GeneralDoucet's. It happened that one of the inspectors of the police wasthere. He recognised General Mallet as being a man under hissupervision. He told him that he had no right to quit the hospital housewithout leave, and ordered him to be arrested. Mallet, seeing that allwas over, was in the act of drawing a pistol from his pocket, but beingobserved was seized and disarmed. Thus terminated this extraordinaryconspiracy, for which fourteen lives paid the forfeit; but, with theexception of Mallet, Guidal, and Lahorie, all the others concerned in itwere either machines or dupes. 

This affair produced but little effect in Paris, for the enterprise andits result were make known simultaneously. But it was thought drollenough that the Minister and Prefect of Police should be imprisoned bythe men who only the day before were their prisoners. Next day I went tosee Savary, who had not yet recovered from the stupefaction caused by hisextraordinary adventure. He was aware that his imprisonment; though itlasted only half an hour, was a subject of merriment to the Parisians. The Emperor, as I have already mentioned, left Moscow on the day whenMallet made his bold attempt, that is to say, the 19th of October. He was at Smolensko when he heard the news. Rapp, who had been woundedbefore the entrance into Moscow, but who was sufficiently recovered toreturn home, was with Napoleon when the latter received the despatchescontaining an account of what had happened in Paris. He informed me thatNapoleon was much agitated on perusing them, and that he launched intoabuse of the inefficiency of the police. Rapp added that he did notconfine himself to complaints against the agents of his authority. "Is, then, my power so insecure, " said he, "that it may be put in peril by asingle individual, and a prisoner? It would appear that my crown is notfixed very firmly on my head if in my own capital the bold stroke ofthree adventurers can shake it. Rapp, misfortune never comes alone; thisis the complement of what is passing here. I cannot be everywhere; but Imust go back to Paris; my presence there is indispensable to reanimatepublic opinion. I must have men and money. Great successes and greatvictories will repair all. I must set off. " Such were the motives whichinduced the Emperor to leave his army. It is not without indignationthat I have heard his precipitate departure attributed to personalcowardice. He was a stranger to such feelings, and was never more happythan on the field of battle. I can readily conceive that he was muchalarmed on hearing of Mallet's enterprise. The remarks which he made toRapp were those which he knew would be made by the public, and he wellknew that the affair was calculated to banish those illusions of powerand stability with which he endeavoured to surround his government. 

On leaving Moscow Napoleon consigned the wrecks of his army to the careof his most distinguished generals to Murat who had so ably commanded thecavalry, but who abandoned the army to return to Naples; and to Ney, thehero, rather than the Prince of the Moskowa, whose name will be immortalin the annals of glory, as his death will be eternal in the annals ofparty revenge. Amidst the general disorder Eugene, more than any otherchief, maintained a sort of discipline among the Italians; and it wasremarked that the troops of the south engaged in the fatal campaign ofMoscow had endured the rigour of the cold better than those troops whowere natives of less genial climates. 

Napoleon's return from Moscow was not like his returns from the campaignsof Vienna and Tilsit when he came back crowned with laurels, and bringingpeace as the reward of his triumphs. It was remarked that Napoleon'sfirst great disaster followed the first enterprise he undertook after hismarriage with Maria Louisa. This tended to confirm the popular beliefthat the presence of Josephine was favourable to his fortune; andsuperstitious as he sometimes was, I will not venture to affirm that hehimself did not adopt this ides. He now threw off even the semblance oflegality in the measures of his government: he assumed arbitrary power, under the impression that the critical circumstances in which he wasplaced would excuse everything. But, however inexplicable were the meansto which the Emperor resorted to procure resources, it is but just toacknowledge that they were the consequence of his system of government, and that he evinced inconceivable activity in repairing his losses so asto place himself in a situation to resist his enemies, and restore thetriumph of the French standard. 

But in spite of all Napoleon's endeavours the disasters of the campaignof Russia were daily more and more sensibly felt. The King of Prussiahad played a part which was an acknowledgment of his weakness in joiningFrance, instead of openly declaring himself for the cause of Russia, which was also his. Then took place the defection of General York, whocommanded the Prussian contingent to Napoleon's army. The King ofPrussia, though no doubt secretly satisfied with the conduct of GeneralYork, had him tried and condemned; but shortly after that sovereigncommanded in person the troops which had turned against ours. Thedefection of the Prussians produced a very ill effect, and it was easy toperceive that other defections would follow. Napoleon, foreseeing thefatal chances which this event was likely to draw upon him, assembled aprivy council, composed of the Ministers and some of the great officersof his household. MM. De Talleyrand and Cambaceres, and the President ofthe senate were present. Napoleon asked whether, in the complicateddifficulties of our situation, it would be more advisable to negotiatefor peace or to prepare for a new war. Cambaceres and Talleyrand gavetheir opinion in favour of peace, which however, Napoleon would not hearof after a defeat; but the Due de Feltre, --[Clarke]--knowing how totouch the susceptible chord in the mind of Bonaparte, said that he wouldconsider the Emperor dishonoured if he consented to the abandonment ofthe smallest village which had been united to the Empire by a'Senatus-consulte'. This opinion was adopted, and the war continued. 

On Napoleon's return to Paris the Pope, who was still at Fontainebleau, determined to accede to an arrangement, and to sign an act which theEmperor conceived would terminate the differences between them. Butbeing influenced by some of the cardinals who had previously incurred theEmperor's displeasure Pius VII. Disavowed the new Concordat which he hadbeen weak enough to grant, and the Emperor, who then had more importantaffairs on his hands, dismissed the Holy Father, and published the act towhich he had assented. Bonaparte had no leisure to pay attention to thenew difficulties started by Pius VII. ; his thoughts were wholly directedto the other side of the Rhine. He was unfortunate, and the powers withwhom he was most intimately allied separated from him, as he might haveexpected, and Austria was not the last to imitate the example set byPrussia. In these difficult circumstances the Emperor, who for some timepast had observed the talent and address of the Comte Louis de Narbonne, sent him to Vienna, to supersede M. Otto; but the pacific propositions ofM. De Narbonne were not listened to. Austria would not let slip the fairopportunity of taking revenge without endangering herself. 

Napoleon now saw clearly that since Austria had abandoned him and refusedher contingent he should soon have all Europe arrayed against him. Butthis did not intimidate him. 

Some of the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine still remainedfaithful to him; and his preparations being completed, he proposed toresume in person the command of the army which had been so miraculouslyreproduced. But before his departure Napoleon, alarmed at therecollection of Mallet's attempt, and anxious to guard against anysimilar occurrence during his absence, did not, as on former occasions, consign the reins of the National Government to a Council of Ministers, presided over by the Arch-Chancellor. Napoleon placed my successor withhim, M. Meneval, near the Empress Regent as Secretaire des Commandemens(Principal Secretary), and certainly he could not have made a betterchoice. He made the Empress Maria Louisa Regent, and appointed a Councilof Regency to assist her. 

 --[Meneval, who had held the post of Secretary to Napoleon from the time of Bourrienne's disgrace in 1802, had been nearly killed by the hardships of the Russian campaign, and now received an honourable and responsible but less onerous post. He remained with the Empress till 7th May 1815, when, finding that she would not return to her husband, he left her to rejoin his master. ]--

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

1813. 

 Riots in Hamburg and Lubeck--Attempted suicide of M. Konning-- Evacuation of Hamburg--Dissatisfaction at the conduct of General St. Cyr--The Cabinets of Vienna and the Tuileries--First appearance of the Cossacks--Colonel Tettenborn invited to occupy Hamburg--Cordial reception of the Russians--Depredations--Levies of troops-- Testimonials of gratitude to Tettenborn--Napoleon's new army--Death of General Morand--Remarks of Napoleon on Vandamme--Bonaparte and Gustavus Adolphus--Junction of the corps of Davoust and Vandamme-- Reoccupation of Hamburg by the French--General Hogendorff appointed Governor of Hamburg--Exactions and vexatious contributions levied upon Hamburg and Lubeck--Hostages. 

A considerable time before Napoleon left Paris to join the army, the bulkof which was in Saxony, partial insurrections occurred in many places. The interior of France proper was indeed still in a state oftranquillity, but it was not so in the provinces annexed by force to theextremities of the Empire, especially in the north, and in theunfortunate Hanse Towns, for which, since my residence at Hamburg, I havealways felt the greatest interest. The intelligence I received wasderived from such unquestionable sources that I can pledge myself for thetruth of what I have to state respecting the events which occurred inthose provinces at the commencement of 1813; and subsequently I obtaineda confirmation of all the facts communicated by my correspondence when Iwas sent to Hamburg by Louis XVIII. In 1815. 

M. Steuve, agent from the Court of Russia, who lived at Altona apparentlyas a private individual, profited by the irritation produced by themeasures adopted at Hamburg. His plans were so well arranged that he waspromptly informed of the route of the Grand Army from Moscow, and theapproach of the Allied troops. Aided by the knowledge and activity ofSieur Hanft of Hamburg, M. Steuve profited by the discontent of a peopleso tyrannically governed, and seized the opportunity for producing anexplosion. Between eight and nine o'clock on the morning of the 24th ofFebruary 1813 an occurrence in which the people were concerned was thesignal for a revolt. An individual returning to Hamburg by the Altonagate would not submit to be searched by a fiscal agent, who inconsequence maltreated him and wounded him severely. The populaceinstantly rose, drove away the revenue guard, and set fire to theguard-house. The people also, excited by secret agents, attacked otherFrench posts, where they committed the same excesses. Surprised at thisunexpected movement, the French authorities retired to the houses inwhich they resided. All the respectable inhabitants who wereunconnected with the tumult likewise returned to their homes, and noperson appeared out of doors. 

General Carry St. Cyr had the command of Hamburg after the Prince ofEckmuhl's departure for the Russian campaign. 

 --[General Carry St. Cyr is not to be conFused with the Marshal Gonvion de St. Cyr; he fell into disgrace for his conduct at Hamburg at this time, and was not again employed by Napoleon. Under the Restoration he became Governor of French Guiana. ]--

At the first news of the revolt he set about packing up his papers, andComte de Chaban, M. Konning, the Prefect of Hamburg, and M. Daubignosc, the Director of Police, followed his example. It was not till about fouro'clock in the afternoon that a detachment of Danish hussars arrived atHamburg, and the populace: was then speedily dispersed. All therespectable citizens and men of property assembled the next morning andadopted means for securing internal tranquillity, so that the Danishtroops were enabled to return to Altona. Search was then made for theringleaders of the disturbance. Many persons were arrested, and amilitary commission, ad hoc; was appointed to try them. The commission, however, condemned only one individual, who, being convicted of being oneof the most active voters, was sentenced to be shot, and the sentence wascarried into execution. 

On the 26th February a similar commotion took place at Lubeck. Attemptswere made to attack the French Authorities. The respectable citizensinstantly assembled, protected them against outrage, and escorted them insafety to Hamburg, where they arrived on the 27th. The precipitateflight of these persons from Lubeck spread some alarm in Hamburg. Thedanger was supposed to be greater than it was because the fugitives wereaccompanied by a formidable body of troops. 

But these were not the only attempts to throw off the yoke of Frenchdomination, which had become insupportable. All the left bank of theElbe was immediately in a state of insurrection, and all the officialpersons took refuge in Hamburg. During these partial insurrectionseverything was neglected. Indecision, weakness, and cupidity weremanifested everywhere. Instead of endeavours to soothe the minds of thepeople, which had been, long exasperated by intolerable tyranny, recoursewas had to rigorous measures. The prisons were crowded with a host ofpersons declared to be suspected upon the mere representations of theagents of the police. On the 3d of March a special military commissioncondemned six householders of Hamburg and its neighbourhood to be shot onthe glacis for no other offence than having been led, either by chance orcuriosity, to a part of the town which was the scene of one of the riots. These executions excited equal horror and indignation, and General CarraSt. Cyr was obliged to issue a proclamation for the dissolution of themilitary commission by whom the men had been sentenced. 

The intelligence of the march of the Russian and Prussian troops; whowere descending the Elbe, increased the prevailing agitation inWestphalia, Hanover, Mecklenburg, and Pomerania, and all the Frenchtroops cantoned between Berlin and Hamburg, including those who occupiedthe coast of the Baltic, fell back upon Hamburg. General Carra St. Cyrand Baron Konning, the Prefect of Hamburg, used to go every evening toAltona. The latter, worn out by anxiety and his unsettled state of life, lost his reason; and on his way to Hamburg, on the 5th of May, heattempted to cut his throat with a razor. His 'valet de chambre' savedhis life by rushing upon him before he had time to execute his design. It was given out that he had broken a blood-vessel, and he was conveyedto Altona, where his wound was cured, and he subsequently recovered fromhis derangement. M. Konning, who was a native of Holland, was a worthyman, but possessed no decision of character, and but little ability. 

At this juncture exaggerated reports were circulated respecting theapproach of a Russian corps. A retreat was immediately ordered, and itwas executed on the 12th of March. General Carra St. Cyr having no moneyfor the troops, helped himself to 100, 000 francs out of the municipaltreasury. He left Hamburg at the head of the troops and the enrolled menof the custom-house service. He was escorted by the Burgher Guard, whichprotected him from the insults of the populace; and the good people ofHamburg never had any visitors of whom they were more happy to be rid. 

This sudden retreat excited Napoleon's indignation. He accused GeneralSt. Cyr of pusillanimity, in an article inserted in the 'Moniteur', andafterwards copied by his order into all the journals. In fact, hadGeneral St. Cyr been better informed, or less easily alarmed, he mighthave kept Hamburg, and prevented its temporary occupation by the enemy, to dislodge whom it was necessary to besiege the city two monthsafterwards. St. Cyr had 3000 regular troops, and a considerable body ofmen in the custom-house service. General Morand could have furnished himwith 5000 men from Mecklenburg. He might, therefore, not only have keptpossession of Hamburg two months longer, but even to the end of the war, as General Lexnarrois retained possession of Magdeburg. Had not GeneralSt. Cyr so hastily evacuated the Elbe he would have been promptly aidedby the corps which General Vandamme soon brought from the Wesel, andafterwards by the very, corps with which Marshal Davoust recapturedHamburg. 

The events just described occurred before Napoleon quitted Paris. In themonth of August all negotiation was broken off with Austria, though thatpower, still adhering to her time-serving policy, continued to protestfidelity to the cause of the Emperor Napoleon until the moment when herpreparations were completed and her resolution formed. But if there wasduplicity at Vienna was there not folly, nay, blindness, in the Cabinetof the Tuileries? Could we reasonably rely upon Austria? She had seenthe Russian army pass the Vistula and advance as far as the Saale withoutoffering any remonstrance. At that moment a single movement of hertroops, a word of declaration, would have prevented everything. As, therefore, she would not avert the evil when she might have done so withcertainty and safety, there must have been singular folly and blindnessin the Cabinet who saw this conduct and did not understand it. 

I now proceed to mention the further misfortunes which occurred in thenorth of Germany, and particularly at Hamburg. At fifteen leagues eastof Hamburg, but within its territory, is a village named Bergdorf. It was in that village that the Cossacks were first seen. Twelve orfifteen hundred of them arrived there under the command of ColonelTettenborn. But for the retreat of the French troops, amounting to 3000, exclusive of men in the customhouse service, no attempt would have beenmade upon Hamburg; but the very name of the Cossacks inspired a degree ofterror which must be fresh in the recollection of every one. Alarmspread in Hamburg, which, being destitute of troops and artillery, andsurrounded with dilapidated fortifications, could offer no defence. TheSenator Bartch and Doctor Know took upon themselves to proceed toBergdorf to solicit Colonel Tettenborn to take possession of Hamburg, observing that they felt sure of his sentiments of moderation, and thatthey trusted they would grant protection to a city which had immensecommercial relations with Russia. Tettenborn did not place reliance onthese propositions because he could not suppose that there had been sucha precipitate evacuation; he thought they were merely a snare to entraphim, and refused to accede to them. But a Doctor Von Hess, a Swede, settled in Hamburg some years, and known to Tettenborn as a decidedpartisan of England and Russia, persuaded the Russian Commander to complywith the wishes of the citizens of Hamburg. However, Tettenbornconsented only on the following conditions:--That the old Governmentshould be instantly re-established; that a deputation of Senators intheir old costume should invite him to take possession of Hamburg, whichhe would enter only as a free and Imperial Hanse Town; that if thoseconditions were not complied with he would regard Hamburg as a Frenchtown, and consequently hostile. Notwithstanding the real satisfactionwith which the Senators of Hamburg received those propositions they wererestrained by the fear of a reverse of fortune. They, however, determined to accept them, thinking that whatever might happen they couldscreen themselves by alleging that necessity had driven them to the stepthey took. They therefore declared their compliance with the conditions, and that night and the following day were occupied in assembling theSenate, which had been so long dissolved, and in making the preparationswhich Tettenborn required. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th of March a picket ofCossacks, consisting of only forty men, took possession of a townrecently flourishing, and containing a population of 124, 000, but ruinedand reduced to 80, 000 inhabitants by the blessing of being united to theFrench Empire. On the following day, the 18th, Colonel Tettenbornentered Hamburg at the head of 1000 regular and 200 irregular Cossacks. I have described the military situation of Hamburg when it was evacuatedon the 12th of March, and Napoleon's displeasure may be easily conceived. Tettenborn was received with all the honours usually bestowed upon aconqueror. Enthusiasm was almost universal. For several nights thepeople devoted themselves to rejoicing. The Cossacks were gorged withprovisions and drink, and were not a little astonished at the handsomereception they experienced. 

It was not until the expiration of three or four days that the peoplebegan to perceive the small number of the allied troops. Their amountgradually diminished. On the day after the arrival of the Cossacks adetachment was sent to Lubeck, where they were received with the samehonours as at Hamburg. Other detachments were sent upon differentplaces, and after four days' occupation there remained in Hamburg only 70out of the 1200 Cossacks who had entered on the 18th March. 

The first thing their commander did was to take possession of thepost-office and the treasuries of the different public offices. All themovable effects of the French Government and its agents were seized andsold. The officers evinced a true Cossack disregard of the rights ofprivate property. Counts Huhn, Buasenitz, and Venechtern, who had joinedTettenborn's staff, rendered themselves conspicuous by plundering theproperty of M. Pyonnier, the Director of the Customs, and M. Gonae, thePostmaster, and not a bottle of wine was left in their cellars. Tettenborn laid hands upon a sum of money, consisting of upwards of 4000Louis in gold, belonging to M. Gonse, which had been lodged with M. Schwartz, a respectable banker in Hamburg, who filled the office ofPrussian Consul. M. Schwartz, with whom this money had been depositedfor the sake of security, had also the care of some valuable jewelsbelonging to Mesdames Carry St. Cyr and Daubignoac; Tettenborn carriedoff these as well as the money. M. Schwartz remonstrated in hischaracter of Prussian Consul, Prussia being the ally of Russia, but hewas considered merely as a banker, and could obtain no redress. Tettenborn, like most of the Cossack chiefs, was nothing but a man forblows and pillage, but the agent of Russia was M. Steuve, whose name Ihave already mentioned. 

Orders were speedily given for a levy of troops, both in infantry andcavalry, to be called Hanseatic volunteers. A man named Hanft, who hadformerly been a butcher, raised at his own expense a company of foot andone of lancers, of which he took the command. This undertaking, whichcost him 130, 000 francs, may afford some idea of the attachment of thepeople of Hamburg to the French Government! But money, as well as men, was wanting, and a heavy contribution was imposed to defray the expenseof enrolling a number of workmen out of employment and idlers, of variouskinds. Voluntary donations were solicited, and enthusiasm was so generalthat even servant-maids gave their rings. The sums thus collected werepaid into the chest of Tettenborn's staff, and became a prey to dishonestappropriation. With respect to this money a Sieur Oswald was accused ofnot having acted with the scrupulous delicacy which Madame de Staelattributes to his namesake in her romance of Corinne. 

Between 8000 and 10, 000 men were levied in the Hanse Towns and theirenvirons, the population of which had been so greatly reduced within twoyears. These undisciplined troops, who had been for the most part leviedfrom the lowest classes of society, committed so many outrages that theysoon obtained the surname of the Cossacks of the Elbe; and certainly theywell deserved it. 

Such was the hatred which the French Government had inspired in Hamburgthat the occupation of Tettenborn was looked upon as a deliverance. Onthe colonel's departure the Senate, anxious to give high a testimonial ofgratitude, presented him with the freedom of the city, accompanied by5000 gold fredericks (105, 000 francs), with which he was doubtless muchmore gratified than with the honour of the citizenship. 

The restored Senate of Hamburg did not long survive. The people of theHanse Towns learned, with no small alarm, that the Emperor was makingimmense preparations to fall upon Germany, where his lieutenants couldnot fail to take cruel revenge on those who had disavowed his authority. Before he quitted Paris on the 15th of April Napoleon had recalled underthe banners of the army 180, 000 men, exclusive of the guards of honour, and it was evident that with such a force he might venture on a greatgame, and probably win it. Yet the month of April passed away withoutthe occurrence of any event important to the Hanse Towns, the inhabitantsof which vacillated between hope and fear. Attacks daily took placebetween parties of Russian and French troops on the territory betweenLunenburg and Bremen. In one of these encounters General Morand wasmortally wounded, and was conveyed to Lunenburg. His brother having beentaken prisoner in the same engagement, Tettenborn, into whose hands hehad fallen, gave him leave on parole to visit the General; but he arrivedin Lunenburg only in time to see him die. 

The French having advanced as far as Haarburg took up their position onthe plateau of Schwartzenberg, which commands that little town and theconsiderable islands situated in that part of the river between Haarburgand Hamburg. Being masters of this elevated point they began to threatenHamburg and to attack Haarburg. These attacks were directed by Vandamme, of all our generals the most redoubtable in conquered countries. He wasa native of Cassel, in Flanders, and had acquired a high reputation forseverity. At the very time when he was attacking Hamburg Napoleon saidof him at Dresden, "If I were to lose Vandamme I know not what I wouldgive to have him back again; but if I had two such generals I should beobliged to shoot one of them. " It must be confessed that one was quiteenough. 

As soon as he arrived Vandamme sent to inform Tettenborn that if he didnot immediately liberate the brother and brother-in-law of Morand, bothof whom were his prisoners, he would burn Hamburg. Tettenborn repliedthat if he resorted to that extremity he would hang them both on the topof St. Michael's Tower, where he might have a view of them. Thisenergetic answer obliged Vandamme to restrain his fury, or at least todirect it to other objects. 

Meanwhile the French forces daily augmented at Haarburg. Vandamme, profiting by the negligence of the new Hanseatic troops, who had thedefence of the great islands of the Elbe, attacked them one night in themonth of May. This happened to be the very night after the battle ofLutzsn, where both sides claimed the victory; and Te Deum was sung in thetwo hostile camps. The advance of the French turned the balance ofopinion in favour of Napoleon, who was in fact really the conqueror on afield of battle celebrated nearly two centuries before by the victory anddeath of Gustavus Adolphus. The Cossacks of the Elbe could not sustainthe shock of the French; Vandamme repulsed the troops who defendedWilhelmsburg, the largest of the two islands, and easily took possessionof the smaller one, Fidden, of which the point nearest the right bank ofthe Elbe is not half a gunshot distant from Hamburg. The 9th of May wasa fatal day to the people of Hamburg; for it was then that Davoust, having formed his junction with Vandamme, appeared at the head of a corpsof 40, 000 men destined to reinforce Napoleon's Grand Army. Hamburg couldnot hold out against the considerable French force now assembled in itsneighbourhood. Tettenborn had, it is true, received a reinforcement of800 Prussians and 2000, Swedes, but still what resistance could he offerto Davoust's 40, 000 men? Tettenborn did not deceive himself as to theweakness of the allies on this point, or the inutility of attempting todefend the city. He yielded to the entreaties of the inhabitants, whorepresented to him that further resistance must be attended by certainruin. He accordingly evacuated Hamburg on the 29th of May, taking withhim his Hanseatic legions, which had not held out an hour in the islandsof the Elbe, and accompanied by the Swedish Doctor Von Hess, whoseimprudent advice was the chief cause of all the disasters to which theunfortunate city lied been exposed. 

Davoust was at Haarburg, where he received the deputies from Hamburg withan appearance of moderation; and by the conditions stipulated at thisconference on the 30th of May a strong detachment of Danish troopsoccupied Hamburg in the name of the Emperor. The French made theirentrance the same evening, and occupied the posts as quietly as if theyhad been merely changing guard. The inhabitants made not a shadow ofresistance. Not a drop of blood was issued; not a threat nor an insultwas interchanged. This is the truth; but the truth did not suitNapoleon. It was necessary to getup a pretext for revenge, andaccordingly recourse was had to a bulletin, which proclaimed to Franceand Europe that Hamburg had been taken by main force, with a loss of somehundred men. But for this imaginary resistance, officially announced, how would it have been possible to justify the spoliations and exactionswhich ensued?

The Dutch General, Hogendorff, became Governor of Hamburg in lieu ofCarra St. Cyr, who had been confined at Osnabruck since his precipitateretreat. General Hogendorff had been created one of the Emperor's aidesde camp, but he was neither a Rapp, a Lauriston, nor a Duroc. Theinhabitants were required to pay all the arrears of taxes due to thedifferent public offices during the seventy days that the French had beenabsent; and likewise all the allowances that would have been paid to thetroops of the garrison had they remained in Hamburg. Payment was alsodemanded of the arrears for the quartering of troops who were fiftyleagues off. However, some of the heads of the government departments, who saw and understood the new situation of the French at Hamburg, didnot enforce these unjust and vexatious measures. The duties onregistrations were reduced. M. Pyonnier, Director of the Customs, awareof the peculiar difficulty of his situation in a country where thecustoms were held in abhorrence, observed great caution and moderation incollecting the duties: Personal examination, which is so revolting andindecorous, especially with respect to females, was suppressed. Butthese modifications did not proceed from the highest quarter; they weredue to the good sense of the subordinate agents, who plainly saw that ifthe Empire was to fall it would not be owing to little infractions in thelaws of proscription against coffee and rhubarb. 

If the custom-house regulations became less vexatious to the inhabitantsof Hamburg it was not the same with the business of the post-office. The old manoeuvres of that department were resumed more actively thanever. Letters were opened without the least reserve, and all the oldpost-office clerks who were initiated in these scandalous proceedingswere recalled. With the exception of the registrations and the customsthe inquisitorial system, which had so long oppressed the Hanse Towns, was renewed; and yet the delegates of the French Government were thefirst to cry out, "The people of Hamburg are traitors to Napoleon: for, in spite of all the blessings he has conferred upon them they do not saywith the Latin poet, 'Deus nobis haec otia fecit. "

But all that passed was trifling in comparison with what was to come. On the 18th of June was published an Imperial decree, dated the 8th ofthe same month, by virtue of which were to be reaped the fruits of theofficial falsehood contained in the bulletin above mentioned. To expiatethe crime of rebellion Hamburg was required to pay an extraordinarycontribution of 48, 000, 000 francs, and Lubeck a contribution of6, 000, 000. The enormous sum levied on Hamburg was to be paid in theshort space of a month, by six equal instalments, either in money, orbills on respectable houses in Paris. In addition to this the newPrefect of Hamburg made a requisition of grain and provisions of everykind, wines, sailcloth, masts, pitch, hemp, iron, copper, steel, inshort, everything that could be useful for the supply of the army andnavy. 

But while these exactions were made on property in Hamburg, at Dresdenthe liberties of individuals and even lives were attacked. On the 15thof June Napoleon, doubtless blinded by the false reports that were laidbefore him, gave orders for making out a list of the inhabitants ofHamburg who were absent from the city. He allowed them only a fortnightto return home, an interval too short to enable some of them to come fromthe places where they had taken refuge. They consequently remainedabsent beyond the given time. Victims were indispensable but assuredlyit was not Bonaparte who conceived the idea of hostages to answer for themen whom prudence kept absent. Of this charge I can clear his memory. The hostages, were, however, taken, and were declared to be alsoresponsible for the payment of the contribution of 48, 000, 000. InHamburg they were selected from among the most respectable and wealthymen in the city, some of them far advanced in age. They were conveyed tothe old castle of Haarburg on the left bank of the Elbe, and these men, who had been accustomed to all the comforts of life, were deprived evenof necessaries, and had only straw to lie on. The hostages from Lubeckwere taken to, Hamburg: they were placed between decks on board an oldship in the port: this was a worthy imitation of the prison hulks ofEngland. On the 24th of July there was issued a decree which waspublished in the Hamburg Correspondent of the 27th. This decreeconsisted merely of a proscription list, on which were inscribed thenames of some of the wealthiest men in the Hanse Towns, Hanover, andWestphalia. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

1813. 

 Napoleon's second visit to Dresden--Battle of Bantzen--The Congress at Prague--Napoleon ill advised--Battle of Vittoria--General Moreau Rupture of the conferences at Prague--Defection of Jomini--Battles of Dresden and Leipsic--Account of the death of Duroc--An interrupted conversation resumed a year after--Particulars respecting Poniatowski--His extraordinary courage and death-- His monument at Leipsic and tomb in the cathedral of Warsaw. 

On the 2d of May Napoleon won the battle of Lutzen. A week after he wasat Dresden, not as on his departure for the Russian campaign, like theSovereign of the West surrounded by his mighty vassals: he was now in thecapital of the only one of the monarchs of his creation who remainedfaithful to the French cause, and whose good faith eventually cost himhalf his dominions. The Emperor stayed only ten days in Dresden, andthen went in pursuit of the Russian army, which he came up with on the19th, at Bautzen. This battle, which was followed on the two succeedingdays by the battles of Wurtchen and Oclikirchen, may be said to havelasted three days--a sufficient proof that it was obstinately disputed. It ended in favour of Napoleon, but he and France paid dearly for it:while General Kirschner and Duroc were talking together the former waskilled by a cannon-ball, which mortally wounded the latter in theabdomen. 

The moment had now arrived for Austria to prove whether or not she. Intended entirely to desert the cause of Napoleon. 

 --[There is a running attack in Erreurs (tome, ii. Pp, 289-325) on all this part of the Memoirs, but the best account of the negotiations between France, Austria, and the Allies will be found in Metternich, Vol. I. Pp. 171-215. Metternich, with good reason, prides himself on the skill with which he gained from Napoleon the exact time, twenty days, necessary for the concentration of the Austrian armies. Whether the negotiations were consistent with good faith on the part of Austria is another matter; but, one thing seems clear--the Austrian marriage ruined Napoleon. He found it impossible to believe that the monarch who had given him his daughter would strike the decisive blow against him. Without this belief there can be no doubt that he would have attacked Austria before she could have collected her forces, and Metternich seems to have dreaded the result. "It was necessary, therefore to prevent Napoleon from carrying out his usual system of leaving an army of observation before the Allied armies, and himself turning to Bohemia to deal a great blow at us, the effect of which it would be impossible to foresee in the present depressed state of the great majority of our men" (Metternich, Vol. I, p. 177). With our knowledge of how Napoleon held his own against the three armies at Dresden we may safely assume that he would have crushed Austria if she had not joined him or disarmed. The conduct of Austria was natural and politic, but it was only successful because Napoleon believed in the good faith of the Emperor Francis, his father-in-law. It is to be noted that Austria only succeeded in getting Alexander to negotiate on the implied condition that the negotiations were not to end in a peace with France. See Metternich, Vol. I. P. 181, where, in answer to the Czar's question as to what would become of their cause if Napoleon accepted the Austrian mediation, he says that if Napoleon declines Austria will join the Allies. If Napoleon accepts, "the negotiations will most certainly show Napoleon to be neither wise nor just, and then the result will be the same. In any case we shall have gained the necessary time to bring our armies into such positions that we need not again fear a separate attack on any one of them, and from which we may ourselves take the offensive. "]--

All her amicable demonstrations were limited to an offer of herintervention in opening negotiations with Russia. Accordingly, on the4th of June, an armistice was concluded at Pleiswitz, which was to lasttill the 8th of July, and was finally prolonged to the 10th of August. 

The first overtures after the conclusion of the armistice of Pleiswitzdetermined the assembling of a Congress at Prague. It was reported atthe time that the Allies demanded the restoration of all they had lostsince 1805; that is to say, since the campaign of Ulm. In this demandHolland and the Hanse Towns, which had become French provinces, werecomprehended. But we should still have retained the Rhine, Belgium, Piedmont, Nice, and Savoy. The battle of Vittoria, --The news of this decisive battle increased the difficulty of the French plenipotentiaries at Prague, and raised the demands of the Allies. It also shook the confidence of those who remained faithful to us. --Bourrienne. ]--

which placed the whole of Spain at the disposal of the English, theretreat of Suchet upon the Ebro, the fear of seeing the army of Spinannihilated, were enough to alter the opinions of those counsellors whostill recommended war. Notwithstanding Napoleon's opposition and hisinnate disposition to acquire glory by his victories, probably he wouldnot have been inaccessible to the reiterated representations of sensiblemen who loved their country, France, therefore, has to reproach hisadvisers. At this juncture General Moreau arrived; it has been said thathe came at the solicitation of Bernadotte. This is neither true norprobable. In the first place, there never was any intimacy betweenBernadotte and Moreau; and, in the next, how can it be imagined thatBernadotte wished to see Moreau Emperor! But this question is at onceput at rest by the fact, that in the interview at Abo the Emperor ofRussia hinted to Bernadotte the possibility of his succeeding Napoleon. It was generally reported at the time, and I have since learnt that itwas true, that the French Princes of the House of Bourbon had madeovertures to Moreau through the medium of General Willot, who had beenproscribed on the 18th Fructidor; and I have since learned from anauthentic source that General Moreau, who was then at Baltimore, refusedto support the Bourbon cause. Moreau yielded only to his desire of beingrevenged on Napoleon; and he found death where he could not find glory. 

At the end of July the proceedings of the Congress at Prague were no. Further advanced than at the time of its assembling. Far from cheeringthe French with the prospect of a peace, the Emperor made a journey toMayence; the Empress went there to see him, and returned to Parisimmediately after the Emperor's departure. Napoleon went back toDresden, and the armistice not being renewed, it died a natural death onthe 17th of August, the day appointed for its expiration. A fatal eventimmediately followed the rupture of the conferences. On the 17th ofAugust Austria, wishing to gain by war as she had before gained byalliances, declared that she would unite her forces with those of theAllies. On the very opening of this disastrous campaign General Jominiwent over to the enemy. Jomini belonged to the staff of the unfortunateMarshal Ney, who was beginning to execute with his wonted ability, theorders he had received. There was much surprise at his eagerness toprofit by a struggle, begun under such melancholy auspices, to seek afresh fortune, which promised better than what he had tried under ourflag. Public opinion has pronounced judgment on Jomini. 

 --[It was on the 11th of August, not the 17th, that Metternich announced to Caulaincourt, Napoleon's plenipotentiary at Prague, that Austria had joined the Allies and declared war with France; At midnight on 10th August Metternich had despatched the passports for the Comte Louis de Narbonne, Napoleon's Ambassador, and the war manifesto of the Emperor Francis; then he had the beacons lighted which had been prepared from Prague to the Silesian frontier, as a sign of the breech of the negotiations, and the right (i. E. Power) of the Allied armies to cross the Silesian frontier (Metternich, vol. I, p. 199). ]--

The first actions were the battle of Dresden, which took place seven daysafter the rupture of the armistice, and the battle in which Vandamme wasdefeated, and which rendered the victory of Dresden unavailing. I havealready mentioned that Moreau was killed at Dresden. Bavaria was nosooner rid of the French troops than she raised the mask and rangedherself among our enemies. 

In October the loss of the battle of Leipsic decided the fate of France. The Saxon army, which had long remained faithful to us, went over to theenemy during the battle. Prince Poniatowski perished at the battle ofLeipsic in an attempt to pass the Aster. 

I will here mention a fact which occurred before Duroc's departure forthe campaign of 1812. I used often to visit him at the Pavilion Marsan, in the Tuileries, where he lodged. One forenoon, when I had been waitingfor him a few minutes, he came from the Emperor's apartments, where hehad been engaged in the usual business, He was in his court-dress. Assoon as he entered he pulled off his coat and hat and laid them aside. "I have just had a conversation with the Emperor about you, " said he. "Say nothing to anybody. Have patience, and you will be--" He had, nosooner uttered these words than a footman entered to inform him that theEmperor, wished to see him immediately. "Well, " said Duroc, "I must go. "No sooner was the servant gone than Duroc stamped violently on the floor, and exclaimed, "That ----- ----- never leaves me a moment's rest. If hefinds I have five minutes to myself in the course of the morning he issure to send for me. " He then put on his coat and returned to theEmperor, saying, "Another time you shall hear what I have to tell you. "

From that time I did not see Duroc until, the month of January 1813. He was constantly absent from Paris, and did not return until the end of1812. He was much affected at the result of the campaign, but hisconfidence in Napoleon's genius kept up his spirits. I turned theconversation from this subject and reminded him of his promise to tell mewhat had passed between the Emperor and himself relative tome. "Youshall hear, " said he. "The Emperor and I had been playing at billiards, and, between ourselves, he plays very badly. He is nothing at a gamewhich depends on skill. While negligently rolling his balls about hemuttered these words: 'Do you ever see Bourrienne now?'--'Yes, Sire, hesometimes dines with me on diplomatic reception-days, and he looks sodroll in his old-fashioned court-dress, of Lyons manufacture, that youwould laugh if you saw him. '--'What does he say respecting the newregulation for the court-dresses?'--'I confess he says it is veryridiculous; that it will have no other result than to enable the Lyonsmanufacturers to get rid of their old-fashioned goods; that forcedinnovations on the customs of a nation are never successful. '--'Oh, thatis always the way with Bourrienne; he is never pleased with anything. '--'Certainly, Sire, he is apt to grumble; but he says what he thinks. '--'Do you know, Duroc, he served me very well at Hamburg. He raised a gooddeal of money for me. He is a man who understands business. I will notleave him unemployed. Time must hang heavily on his hands. I will seewhat I can do for him. He has many enemies. '--'And who has not, Sire?'--'Many complaints against him were transmitted to me from Hamburg, but theletter which he wrote to me in his justification opened my eyes, and Ibegin to think that Savary had good motives for defending him. Endeavours are made to dissuade me from employing him, but I shallnevertheless do so at last. I remember that it was he who first informedme of the near approach of the war which we are now engaged in. I forgetall that has been said against him for the last two years, and as soon aspeace is concluded, and I am at leisure, I will think of him. '"

After relating to me this conversation Duroc said, "you must, of course, feel assured that I said all I think of you, and I will take anopportunity of reminding him of you. But we must we patient. Adieu, mydear friend; we must set off speedily, and Heaven knows when we shall beback again!" I wished him a successful campaign and a speedy return. Alas! I was doomed to see my excellent friend only once again. 

Next to the death of Duroc the loss most sincerely regretted during thecampaign of 1813 was that of Prince Poniatowski. Joseph Poniatowaki, anephew of Stanislas Augustus, King of Poland, was born at Warsaw on the7th of May 1763: At an early age he was remarkable for his patrioticspirit; but his uncle's influence gave him an apparent irresolution, which rendered him suspected by some of the parties in Poland. After hisuncle had acceded to the Confederation of Targowitz, Poniatowski left theservice accompanied by most of his principal officers. But when, in1794, the Poles endeavoured to repulse the Russians, he again repaired tothe Polish camp and entered the army as a volunteer. His noble conductobtained for him the esteem of his countrymen. Kosciusko gave him thecommand of a division, with which he rendered useful services during thetwo sieges of Warsaw. Immediately after the surrender of that capitalPoniatowski went to Vienna. He refused the offers of Catherine and Paulto bear arms in the service of Russia. 

Poniatowaki retired to his estate year Warsaw, where he lived like aprivate gentleman until the creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw revivedthe hopes of the Polish patriots. He then became War Minister. TheArchduke Ferdinand having come, in 1809, with Austrian troops to takepossession of the Duchy of Warsaw, Poniatowski, who commanded the Polishtroops, which were very inferior in numbers to the Austrian force, obliged the latter, rather by dint of skillful maneuvering than byfighting, to evacuate the Grand Duchy. He pursued them into Galicia asfar as Cracow. 

After this honourable campaign he continued to exercise his functions asMinister until 1812. The war against Russia again summoned him to thehead of the Polish army. After taking part in all the events of thatwar, which was attended by such various chances, Poniatowaki was presentat the battle of Leipsic. That battle, which commenced on the 14th ofOctober, the anniversary of the famous battles of Ulm and of Jena, lastedfour days, and decided the fate of Europe. Five hundred thousand menfought on a surface of three square leagues. 

Retreat having become indispensable, Napoleon took leave at Leipsic ofthe King of Saxony and his family, whom he had brought with him fromDresden. The Emperor then exclaimed in a loud voice, "Adieu; Saxons, " tothe people who filled the market-place, where the King of Saxony resided. With some difficulty, and after passing through many turnings andwindings, he gained the suburb of Runstadt and left Leipsic by the outergate of that suburb which leads to the bridge of the Elster, and toLindenau. The bridge was blown up shortly after he had passed it, andthat event utterly prevented the retreat of the part of the army whichwas on the left bank of the Easter, and which fell into the power of theenemy. Napoleon was at the time accused of having ordered thedestruction of the bridge immediately after he had himself passed it inorder to secure his own personal retreat, as he was threatened by theactive pursuit of the enemy. The English journals were unanimous on thispoint, and to counteract this opinion, which was very general, an articlewas inserted in the 'Moniteur'. 

Before passing the bridge of the Elster Napoleon had directedPoniatowski, in concert with Marshal Macdonald, to cover and protect theretreat, and to defend that part of the suburb of Leipsic which isnearest to the Borne road. For the execution of these orders he had only2000 Polish infantry. He was in this desperate situation when he saw theFrench columns in full retreat and the bridge so choked up with theirartillery and waggons that there was no possibility of passing it. Thendrawing his sword, and turning to the officers who were near him, hesaid, "Here we must fall with honour!" At the head of a small party ofcuirassiers and Polish officers he rushed on the columns of the Allies. In this action he received a ball in his left arm: he had already beenwounded on the 14th and 16th. He nevertheless advanced, but he found thesuburb filled with Allied troops. 

 --[The Allies were so numerous that they scarcely perceived the losses they sustained. Their masses pressed down upon us in every direction, and it was impossible that victory could fail to be with them. Their success, however, would have been less decisive had it not been for the defection of the Saxons. In the midst of the battle, these troops having moved towards the enemy, as if intending to make an attack, turned suddenly around, and opened a heavy fire of artillery and musketry on the columns by the aids of which they had a few moments before been fighting. I do not know to what page of history such a transaction is recorded. This event immediately produced a great difference in our affairs, which were before in a bad enough train. I ought here mention that hefore the battle the Emperor dismissed a Bavarian division which still remained with him. He spoke to the officers in terms which will not soon be effaced from their memory. He told them, that, "according to the laws of war, they were his prisoners, since their Government had taken part against him; but that he could not forget the services they had rendered him, and that they were therefore at liberty to return home. " These troops left the army, where they were much esteemed, and marched for Bavaria. ]--

He fought his way through them and received another wound. He then threwhimself into the Pleisse, which was the first river he came to. Aided byhis officers, he gained the opposite bank, leaving his horse in theriver. Though greatly exhausted he mounted another, and gained theElster, by passing through M. Reichenbach's garden, which was situatedon the side of that river. In spite of the steepness of the banks of theElster at that part, the Prince plunged with his horse into the river:both man and horse were drowned, and the same fate was shared by severalofficers who followed Poniatawski's example. Marshal Macdonald was, luckily, one of those who escaped. Five days after a fisherman drew thebody of the Prince, out of the water. On the 26th of October it wastemporarily interred at Leipsic, with all the honours due to theillustrious deceased. A modest stone marks the spot where the body ofthe Prince was dragged from the river. The Poles expressed a wish to. Erect a monument to the memory of their countryman in the garden of M. Reichenbach, but that gentleman declared he would do it at his ownexpense, which he did. The monument consists of a beautiful sarcophagus, surrounded by weeping willows. The body of the Prince, after bringembalmed, was sent in the following year to Warsaw, and in 1816 it wasdeposited in the cathedral, among the remains of the Kings and great menof Poland. The celebrated Thorwaldsen was commissioned to execute amonument for his tomb. Prince Poniatowski left no issue but a naturalson, born in 1790. The royal race, therefore existed only in acollateral branch of King Stanislas, namely, Prince Stanislas, born in1754. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

1813

 Amount of the Allied forces against Napoleon--Their advance towards the Rhine--Levy of 280, 000 men--Dreadful situation of the French at Mayence--Declaration of the Allies at Frankfort--Diplomatic correspondents--The Due de Bassano succeeded by the Duke of Vicenza --The conditions of the Allies vaguely accepted--Caulaincourt sent to the headquarters of the Allies--Manifesto of the Allied powers to the French people. --Gift of 30, 000, 000 from the Emperor's privy purse--Wish to recall M. De Talleyrand--Singular advice relative to Wellington--The French army recalled from Spain--The throne resigned Joseph--Absurd accusation against M. Laine--Adjournment of the Legislative Body--Napoleon's Speech to the Legislative Body--Remarks of Napoleon reported by Cambaceres. 

When the war resumed its course after the disaster of Leipsic I amcertain that the Allied sovereigns determined to treat with Napoleon onlyin his own capital, as he, four years before, had refused to treat withthe Emperor of Austria except at Vienna. The latter sovereign nowcompletely raised the mask, and declared to the Emperor that he wouldmake common cause with Russia and Prussia against him. In hisdeclaration he made rise of the singular pretext, that the more enemiesthere were against Napoleon there would be the greater chance of speedilyobliging him to accede to conditions which would at length restore thetranquillity of which Europe stood so much in need. This declaration onthe part of Austria was an affair of no little importance, for she hadnow raised an army of 260, 000 men. An equal force was enrolled beneaththe Russian banners, which were advancing towards the Rhine. Prussia had200, 000 men; the Confederation of the Rhine 150, 000: in short, includingthe Swedes and the Dutch, the English troops in Spain and in theNetherlands, the Danes, who had abandoned us, the Spaniards andPortuguese, whose courage and hopes were revived by our reverses, Napoleon had arrayed against him upwards of a million of armed men. Among them, too, were the Neapolitans, with Murat at their head!

The month of November 1813 was fatal to the fortune of Napoleon. In allparts the French armies were repulsed and driven back upon the Rhine, while-in every direction, the Allied forces advanced towards that river. For a considerable time I had confidently anticipated the fall of theEmpire; not because the foreign sovereigns had vowed its destruction, butbecause I saw the impossibility of Napoleon defending himself against allEurope, and because I knew that, however desperate might be his fortune, nothing would induce him to consent to conditions which he considereddisgraceful. At this time every day was marked by a new defection. Eventhe Bavarians, the natural Allies of France, they whom the Emperor hadled to victory at the commencement of the second campaign of Vienna, theywhom he had, as it were, adopted on the field of battle, were now againstus, and were the bitterest of our enemies. 

Even before the battle of Leipsic, the consequences of which were soruinous to Napoleon, he had felt the necessity of applying to France fora supply of troops; as if France had been inexhaustible. He directed theEmpress Regent to make this demand; and accordingly Maria Louisaproceeded to the Senate, for the first time, in great state: but theglories of the Empire were now on the decline. The Empress obtained alevy of 280, 000 troops, but they were no sooner enrolled than they weresacrificed. The defection of the Bavarians considerably augmented thedifficulties which assailed the wreck of the army that had escaped fromLeipsic. The Bavarians had got before us to Hanau, a town four leaguesdistant from Frankfort; there they established themselves, with the viewof cutting off our retreat; but French valour was roused, the little townwas speedily carried, and the Bavarians were repulsed with considerableloss. The French army arrived at Mayence; if, indeed, one may give thename of army to a few masses of men destitute, dispirited, and exhaustedby fatigue and privation. On the arrival of the troops at Mayence nopreparation had been made for receiving them: there were no provisions, or supplies of any kind; and, as the climax of misfortune, infectiousepidemics broke out amongst the men. All the accounts I receivedconcurred in assuring me that their situation was dreadful:

However; without counting the wreck which escaped from the disasters ofLeipsic, and the ravages of disease; without including the 280, 000 menwhich had been raised by a 'Senatus-consulte, on the application of MariaLouisa, the Emperor still possessed 120, 000 good troops; but they were inthe rear, scattered along the Elbe, shut up in fortresses such asDantzic, Hamburg, Torgau, and Spandau. Such was the horror of oursituation that if, on the one hand, we could not resolve to abandon them, it was at the same time impossible to aid them. In France a universalcry was raised for peace, at whatever price it could be purchased. Inthis state of things it may be said that the year 1813 was more fatal toNapoleon than the year 1812. The disasters of Moscow were repaired byhis activity and the sacrifices of France; but the disasters of Leipsicwere irreparable. 

I shall shortly speak of some negotiations in which, if I had chosen, Imight have taken a part. After the battle of Leipsic, in which Francelost, for the second time, a formidable army, all the powers alliedagainst Napoleon declared at Frankfort, on the 9th of November, that theywould never break the bonds which united them; that henceforth it was notmerely a Continental peace, but a general peace, that would be demanded;and that any negotiation not having a general peace for its object wouldbe rejected. The Allied powers declared that France was to be confinedwithin her natural limits, the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. Thiswas all that was to remain of the vast Empire founded by Napoleon; butstill it must be allowed it was a great deal, after the many disastersFrance had experienced, and when she was menaced with invasion bynumerous and victorious armies. But Napoleon could not accede to suchproposals, for he was always ready to yield to illusion when the truthwas not satisfactory to him. 

According to the proposals of the Allies at Frankfort, Germany; Italy, and Spain were to be entirely withdrawn from the dominion of France. England recognised the freedom of trade and navigation, and thereappeared no reason to doubt the sincerity of her professed willingness tomake great sacrifices to promote the object proposed by the Allies. Butto these offers a fatal condition was added, namely, that the Congressshould meet in a town, to be declared neutral, on the right bank of theRhine, where the plenipotentiaries of all the belligerent powers were toassemble; but the course of the war was not to be impeded by thesenegotiations. 

 --[This, system of negotiating and advancing was a realization of Metternich's idea copying Napoleon's own former procedure. "Let us hold always the sword in one head, and the olive branch in the other; always ready to negotiate, but only negotiating whilst advancing. Here is Napoleon's system: may he find enemies who will carry on war . . . As he would carry it on himself. " (Metternich vol. Ii. P. 346). ]--

The Due de Bassano (Maret), who was still Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied, by order of Napoleon, to the overtures wade by the Allies for ageneral Congress; and stated that the Emperor acceded to them, and wishedMannheim to be chosen as the neutral town. M. Metternich replied in anote, dated Frankfort, the 25th of November, stating that the Allies feltno difficulty in acceding to Napoleon's choice of Mannheim for themeeting of the Congress; but as M. De Bassano's letter contained nomention of the general and summary bases I have just mentioned, and whichhad been communicated to M. De St. Aignan at Frankfort, M. Metternichstated that the Allies wished the Emperor Napoleon to declare hisdetermination respecting those bases, in order that insurmountabledifficulties might not arrest the negotiations at their very outset. TheDuke of Vicenza (Caulaincourt), who had just succeeded the Due deBassano, received this letter. Trusting to the declaration of Frankforthe thought he would be justified in treating on those bases; heconfidently relied on the consent of Napoleon. But the Allies had nowdetermined not to grant the limits accorded by that declaration. Caulaincourt was therefore obliged to apply for fresh powers, which heinggranted, he replied, on the 2d of December, that Napoleon accepted thefundamental and summary bases which had been communicated by M. De St. Aignan. To this letter M. Metternich answered that the Emperors ofRussia and Austria were gratified to find that the Emperor of Francerecognised the bases judged necessary by the Allies; that the twosovereigns would communicate without delay the official document to theirAllies, and that they were convinced that immediately on receiving theirreply the negotiations might be opened without any interruption of thewar. 

We shall now see the reason why these first negotiations came to noresult. In the month of October the Allies overthrew the colossaledifice denominated the French Empire. When led by victory to the banksof the Rhine they declared their wish to abstain from conquest, explainedtheir intentions, and manifested an unalterable resolution to abide bythem. This determination of the Allies induced the French Government toevince pacific intentions. Napoleon wished, by an apparent desire forpeace, to justify, if I may so express myself, in the eyes of hissubjects, the necessity of new sacrifices; which, according to hisproclamations, he demanded only to enable him to obtain peace on ashonourable conditions as possible. But the truth is, he was resolved noteven to listen to the offers made at Frankfort. He always representedthe limits of the Rhine as merely a compensation for the dismemberment ofPoland and the immense aggrandisement of the English possessions in Asia. But he wanted to gain time, and, if possible, to keep the Allied armieson the right bank of the Rhine. 

The immense levies made in France, one after the other, had converted theconscription into a sort of pressgang. Men employed in agriculture andmanufactures were dragged from their labours; and the people began toexpress their dissatisfaction at the measures of Government more loudlythan they had hitherto ventured to do; yet all were willing to makeanother effort, if they could have persuaded themselves that the Emperorwould henceforth confine his thoughts to France alone. Napoleon sentCaulaincourt to the headquarters of the Allies; but that was only for thesake of gaining time, and inducing a belief that he was favourablydisposed to peace. 

The Allies having learned the immense levies of troops which Napoleon wasmaking, and being well acquainted with the state of feeling in France, published the famous manifesto, addressed to the French people, which wasprofusely circulated, and may be referred to as a warning to subjects whotrust to the promises of Governments. 

The good faith with which the promises in the manifesto were kept may bejudged of from the Treaty of Paris. In the meantime the manifesto didnot a little contribute to alienate from Napoleon those who were yetfaithful to his cause; for, by believing in the declarations of theAllies, they saw in him the sole obstacle to that peace which France soardently desired. On this point, too, the Allies were not wrong, and Iconfess that I did not see without great surprise that the Duc de Rovigo, in that part of his Memoirs where he mentions this manifesto, reproachesthose who framed it for representing the Emperor as a madman, who repliedto overtures of peace only by conscription levies: After all, I do notintend to maintain that the declaration was entirely sincere; withrespect to the future it certainly was not. Switzerland was alreadytampered with, and attempts were made to induce her to permit the Alliedtroops to enter France by the bridge of Bale. Things were going on nobetter in the south of France, where the Anglo-Spanish army threatenedour frontiers by the Pyrenees, and already occupied Pampeluna; and at thesame time the internal affairs of the country were no less critical thanits external position. It was in vain to levy troops; everythingessential to an army was wanting. To meet the most pressing demands theEmperor drew out 30, 000, 000 from the immense treasure which he hadaccumulated in the cellars and galleries of the Pavillion Marsan, at theTuileries. These 30, 000, 000 were speedily swallowed up. Nevertheless itwas an act of generosity on the part of Napoleon, and I never couldunderstand on what ground the Legislative Body complained of the outlay, because, as the funds did not proceed from the Budget, there needed nofinancial law to authorise their application. Besides, why did theserigid legislators, who, while fortune smiled on Bonaparte, dared notutter a word on the subject, demand, previously to the gratuitous giftjust mentioned, that the 350, 000, 000 in the Emperor's privy puree shouldbe transferred to the Imperial treasury and carried to the publicaccounts? Why did they wink at the accumulation in the Tuileries of thecontributions and exactions levied in, conquered countries? The answeris plain: because there would have been danger in opposing it. 

Amidst the difficulties which assailed the Emperor he cast his eyes onM. De Talleyrand. But it being required, as a condition of his receivingthe portfolio of Foreign Affairs, that he should resign his office ofVice-Grand-Elector, M. De Talleyrand preferred a permanent post to aportfolio, which the caprice of a moment might withdraw. I have beeninformed that, in a conversation with the Emperor, M. De Talleyrand gavehim the extraordinary advice of working upon the ambition of the Englishfamily of Wellesley, and to excite in the mind of Wellington, the lustreof whose reputation was now dawning, ambitious projects which would haveembarrassed the coalition. Napoleon, however, did not adopt thisproposition, the issue of which he thought too uncertain, and above all, too remote, in the urgent circumstances in which it stood. Caulaincourtwas then made Minister for Foreign Affairs, in lieu of M. Maret, who wasappointed Secretary of State, an office much better suited to him. 

Meanwhile the Emperor was wholly intent on the means of repelling theattack which was preparing against him. The critical circumstances inwhich he was placed seemed to restore the energy which time had in somemeasure robbed him of. He turned his eyes towards Spain, and resolved tobring the army from that country to oppose the Allies, whose movementsindicated their intention of entering France by Switzerland. An eventoccurred connected with this subject calculated to have a decidedinfluence on the affairs of the moment, namely, the renunciation byJoseph, King of Spain, of all right to the crown, to be followed by thereturn; as had been agreed on; of Ferdinand to his dominions. Josephmade this sacrifice at the instigation of his brother. The treaty wassigned, but an inconceivable delay occurred in its execution, while thetorrent, which was advancing upon France, rushed forward so rapidly thatthe treaty could not be carried into execution. Ferdinand, it is true, re-ascended his throne, but from other causes. 

The Emperor was deeply interested in the march of the Allies. It wasimportant to destroy the bridge of Bale, because the Rhine once crossedmasses of the enemy would be thrown into France. At this time I hadclose relations with a foreign diplomat whom I am forbidden by discretionto name. He told me that the enemy was advancing towards the frontier, and that the bridge of Bale would not be destroyed, as it had been soagreed at Berne, where the Allies had gained the day. This astonishedme, because I knew, on the other hand, from a person who ought, to havebeen equally well informed, --that it was hoped the bridge would be blownup. Being much interested in knowing the truth, I sent on my ownaccount, an agent to Bale who on his return told me that the bridge wouldremain. 

On the 19th of December the Legislative Body was convoked. It was on aWednesday. M. Laine was Vice-President under M. Regnier. A committeewas appointed to examine and report on the communications of the Emperor. The report and conclusions of the committee were not satisfactory; it wasalleged that they betrayed a revolutionary tendency, of which M. Lainewas absurdly accused of having been one of the promoters; but all whoknew him must have been convinced of the falsehood of the charge. TheEmperor ordered the report to be seized, and then adjourned theLegislative Body. Those who attentively observed the events of the timewill recollect the stupor which prevailed in Paris on the intelligence ofthis seizure and of the adjournment of the Legislative Body. A thousandconjectures were started as to what new occurrences had taken placeabroad, but nothing satisfactory was learned. 

I considered this a great mistake. Who can doubt that if the LegislativeBody had taken the frank and noble step of declaring that France acceptedthe conditions of Frankfort they would not have been listened to by theAllies? But the words, "You are dishonoured if you cede a single villageacquired by a 'Senatus-consulte', " always, resounded in Napoleon's ears:they flattered his secret thoughts, and every pacific proposal wasrejected. 

The members of the adjourned Legislative Body went as usual to take leaveof the Emperor, who received them on a Sunday, and after delivering tothem the speech, which is very well known, dismissed the rebels withgreat ill-humour, refusing to hear any explanation. "I have suppressedyour address, " he began abruptly: "it was incendiary. I called you roundme to do good--you have done ill. Eleven-twelfths of you arewell-intentioned, the others, and above all M. Laine, are factiousintriguers, devoted to England, to all my enemies, and correspondingthrough the channel of the advocate Deseze with the Bourbons. Return toyour Departments, and feel that my eye will follow you; you haveendeavoured to humble me, you may kill me, but you shall not dishonourme. You make remonstrances; is this a time, when the stranger invadesour provinces, and 200, 000 Cossacks are ready to overflow our country?There may have been petty abuses; I never connived at them. You, M. Raynouard, you said that. Prince Massena robbed a man at Marseilles ofhis house. You lie! The General took possession of a vacant house, andmy Minister shall indemnify the proprietor. Is it thus that you dareaffront a Marshal of France who has bled for his country, and grown grayin victory? Why did you not make your complaints in private to me? Iwould have done you justice. We should wash our dirty linen at home, and not drag it out before the world. You, call yourselvesRepresentatives of the Nation. It is not true; you are only Deputies ofthe Departments; a small portion of the State, inferior to the Senate, inferior even to the Council of State. The Representatives of thePeople! I am alone the Representative of the People. Twice have24, 000, 000 of French called me to the throne: which of you durstundertake such a burden? It had already overwhelmed (ecrase), yourAssemblies, and your Conventions, your Vergniauds and your Guadets, yourJacobins and your Girondins. They are all dead! What, who are you?nothing--all authority is in the Throne; and what is the Throne? thiswooden frame covered with velvet?--no, I am the Throne! You have addedwrong to reproaches. You have talked of concessions--concessions thateven my enemies dared not ask! I suppose if they asked Champaigne youwould have had me give them La Brie besides; but in four months I willconquer peace, or I shall be dead! You advise! how dare you debate ofsuch high matters (de si graves interets)! You have put me in the frontof the battle as the cause of war--it is infamous (c'est une atrocite). In all your committees you have excluded the friends of Government--extraordinary commission--committee of finance--committee of theaddress, all, all my enemies. M. Laine, I repeat it, is a traitor; heis a wicked man, the others are mere intriguers. I do justice to theeleven-twelfths; but the factions I know, and will pursue. Is it, I askagain, is it while the enemy is in France that you should have donethis? But nature has gifted me with a determined courage--nothing canovercome me. It cost my pride much too--I made that sacrifice; I--but Iam above your miserable declamations--I was in need of consolation, andyou would mortify me--but, no, my victories shall crush your clamours!In three months we shall have peace, and you shall repent your folly. Iam one of those who triumph or die. 

"Go back to your Departments if any one of you dare to print your addressI shall publish it in the Moniteur with notes of my own. Go; Francestands in more need of me than I do of France. I bear theeleven-twelfths of you in my heart--I shall nominate the Deputies to thetwo series which are vacant, and I shall reduce the Legislative Body tothe discharge of its proper duties. The inhabitants of Alsace andFranche Comte have more spirit than you; they ask me for arms, I sendthem, and one of my aides de camp will lead them against the enemy. "

In after conversations he said of the Legislative Body that "its membersnever came to Paris but to obtain some favours. They importuned theMinisters from morning till night, and complained if they were notimmediately satisfied. When invited to dinner they burn with envy at thesplendour they see before them. " I heard this from Cambaceres, who waspresent when the Emperor made these remarks. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

1813. 

 The flag of the army of Italy and the eagles of 1813--Entrance of the Allies into Switzerland--Summons to the Minister of Police-- My refusal to accept a mission to Switzerland--Interviews with M. De Talleyrand and the Due de Picence--Offer of a Dukedom and the Grand Cordon of the Legion of Honour--Definitive refusal--The Duc de Vicence's message to me in 1815--Commencement of the siege of Hamburg--A bridge two leagues long--Executions at Lubeck--Scarcity of provisions in Hamburg--Banishment of the inhabitants--Men bastinadoed and women whipped--Hospitality of the inhabitants of Altona. 

I am now arrived at the most critical period in Napoleon's career. Whatreflections must he have made, if he had had leisure to reflect, incomparing the recollections of his rising glory with the sad picture ofhis falling fortune? What a contrast presents itself when we compare thefamous flag of the army of Italy, which the youthful conqueror, Bonaparte, carried to the Directory, with those drooping eagles who hadnow to defend the aerie whence they had so often taken flight to spreadtheir triumphant wings over Europe! Here we see the difference betweenliberty and absolute power! Napoleon, the son of liberty, to whom heowed everything, had disowned his mother, and was now about to fall. Those glorious triumphs were now over when the people of Italy consoledthemselves for defeat and submitted to the magical power of that libertywhich preceded the Republican armies. Now, on the contrary, it was tofree themselves from a despotic yoke that the nations of Europe had intheir turn taken up arms and were preparing to invade France. 

With the violation of the Swiss territory by the Allied armies, after theconsent of the Cantons, is connected a fact of great importance in mylife, and which, if I had chosen, might have made a great difference inmy destiny. On Tuesday, the 28th of December, I dined with my oldfriend, M. Pierlot, and on leaving home I was in the habit of sayingwhere I might be found in case I should be wanted. At nine o'clock atnight an express arrived from the Minister of Police desiring me to comeimmediately to his office. I confess, considering the circumstances ofthe times, and knowing the Emperor's prejudices against me, such arequest coming at such an hour made me feel some uneasiness, and Iexpected nothing less then a journey to Vincennes. The Due de Rovigo, by becoming responsible for me, had as yet warded off the blow, and thesupervision to which the Emperor had subjected me--thanks to the goodoffices of Davoust--consisted in going three times a week to show myselfto Savory. 

I accordingly, having first borrowed a night-cap, repaired to the hotelof the Minister of Police. I was ushered into a well-lighted room, andwhen I entered I found Savary waiting for me. He was in full costume, from which I concluded he had just come from the Emperor. Advancingtowards me with an air which showed he had no bad news to communicate, hethus addressed me:

"Bourrienne, I have just come from the Emperor, who asked me where youwere? I told him you were in Paris, and that I saw you often. 'Well, 'continued the Emperor, 'bid him come to me, I want to employ him. It isthree years since he has had anything to do. I wish to send him asMinister to Switzerland, but he must set off directly. He must go to theAllies. He understands German well. The King of Prussia expressed byletter satisfaction at his conduct towards the Prussians whom the warforced to retire to Hamburg. He knows Prince Witgenstein, who is thefriend of the King of Prussia, and probably is at Lorrach. He will seeall the Germans who are there. I confidently rely on him, and believehis journey will have a good result. Caulaincourt will give him hisinstructions. "

Notwithstanding my extreme surprise at this communication I repliedwithout hesitation that I could not accept the mission; that it wasoffered too late. "It perhaps is hoped;" said I, "that the bridge ofBale will be destroyed, and that Switzerland will preserve herneutrality. But I do not believe any such thing; nay, more, I knowpositively to the contrary. I can only repeat the offer comes much toolate. "--"I am very sorry for this resolution, " observed Savory, "butCaulaincourt will perhaps persuade you. The Emperor wishes you to go theDuo de Vicence to-morrow at one o'clock; he will acquaint you with allthe particulars, and give you your instructions. "--"He may acquaint mewith whatever he chooses, but I will not go to Lohraah. "--"You know theEmperor better than I do, he wishes you to go, and he will not pardonyour refusal. "--"He may do as he pleases, but no consideration shallinduce me to go to Switzerland. "--"You are wrong: but you will reflect onthe matter between this and tomorrow morning. Night will bring goodcounsel, At any rate, do not fail to go to-morrow at one o'clock toCaulaincourt, he expects you, and directions will be given to admit youimmediately. "

Next morning the first thing I did was to call on M. De Talleyrand. I told him what had taken place, and as he was intimately acquainted withCaulaincourt, I begged him to speak to that Minister in favour of myresolution. M. De Talleyrand approved of my determination not to go toSwitzerland, and at one o'clock precisely I proceeded to M. DeCaulaincourt's. He told me all he had been instructed to say. From themanner in which he made the communication I concluded that he himselfconsidered the proposed mission a disagreeable one, and unlikely to beattended by any useful result. I observed that he must have heard fromSavory that I had already expressed my determination to decline themission which the Emperor had been pleased to offer me. The Duc deVicence then, in a very friendly way, detailed the reasons which ought toinduce me to accept the offer, and did not disguise from me that bypersisting in my determination I ran the risk of raising Napoleon'sdoubts as to my opinions and future intentions. I replied that, havinglived for three years as a private individual, unconnected with publicaffairs, I should have no influence at the headquarters of the Allies, and that whatever little ability I might be supposed to possess, thatwould not counterbalance the difficulties of my situation, and theopinion that I was out of favour. I added that I should appear at theheadquarters without any decoration, without even that of the Cordon ofthe Legion of Honour to which the Emperor attached so much importance, and the want of which would almost have the appearance of disgrace; and Isaid that these trifles, however slightly valued by reasonable men, werenot, as he well knew, without their influence on the men with whom Ishould have to treat. "If that be all, " replied. Caulaincourt, "theobstacle will speedily be removed. I am authorised by the Emperor totell you that he will create you a Duke, and give you the Grand Cordon ofthe Legion of Honour. "

After these words I thought I was dreaming, and I was almost inclined tobelieve that Caulaincourt was jesting with me. However, the offer wasserious, and I will not deny that it was tempting; yet I neverthelesspersisted in the refusal I had given. At length, after some furtherconversation, and renewed, but useless, entreaties on the part of M. DeCaulaincourt, he arose, which was a signal that our interview wasterminated. I acknowledge I remained for a moment in doubt how to act, for I felt we had come to no understanding. M. De' Caulaincourt advancedslowly towards the door of his cabinet: If I went away without knowinghis opinion I had done nothing; addressing him, therefore, by hissurname, "Caulaincourt;" said I, "you have frequently assured me that youwould never forget the services I rendered to you and your family at atime when I possessed some influence. I know you, and therefore speak toyou without disguise. I do not now address myself to the Emperor'sMinister, but to Caulaincourt. You are a man of honour, and I can openmy heart to you frankly. Consider the embarrassing situation of France, which you know better than I do. I do not ask you for your secrets, butI myself know enough. I will tell you candidly that I am convinced theenemy will pass the Rhine in a few days. The Emperor has been deceived:I should not have time to reach my destination, and I should be laughedat. My correspondents in Germany have made me acquainted with everyparticular. Now, Caulaincourt, tell me honestly, if you were in myplace, and I in yours, and I should make this proposition to you, whatdetermination would you adopt?"

I observed from the expression of Caulaincourt's countenance that myquestion had made an impression on him, and affectionately pressing myhand he said, "I would do as you do: Enough. I will arrange the businesswith the Emperor. " This reply seemed to remove a weight from my mind, and I left Caulaincourt with feelings of gratitude. I felt fully assuredthat he would settle the business satisfactorily, and in this conjectureI was not deceived, for I heard no more of the matter. 

I must here go forward a year to relate another occurrence in which theDue de Vicence and I were concerned. When, in March 1815, the Kingappointed me Prefect of Police, M. De Caulaincourt sent to me aconfidential person to inquire whether he ran any risk in remaining inParis, or whether he had better remove. He had been told that his namewas inscribed in a list of individuals whom I had received orders toarrest. Delighted at this proof of confidence, I returned the followinganswer by the Due de Vicence's messenger: "Tell M. De Caulaincourt that Ido not know where he lives. He need be under no apprehension: I willanswer for him. "

During the campaign of 1813 the Allies, after driving the French out ofSaxony and obliging them to retreat towards the Rhine, besieged Hamburg, where Davoust was shut up with a garrison of 30, 000 men, resolutelydetermined to make it a second Saragossa. From the month of Septemberevery day augmented the number of the Allied troops, who were alreadymaking rapid progress on the left bank of the Elbe. Davoust endeavouredto fortify Hamburg an so extended a scale that, in the opinion of themost experienced military men, it would have required a garrison of60, 000 men to defend it in a regular and protracted siege. At thecommencement of the siege Davoust lost Vandamme, who was killed in asortie at the head of a numerous corps which was inconsideratelysacrificed. 

It is but justice to admit that Davoust displayed great activity in thedefence, and began by laying in large supplies. 

 --[Vandamme fought under Grouchy in 1815, and died several years afterwards. This killing him at Hamburg is one of the curious mistakes seized on by the Bonapartists to deny the authenticity of these Memoirs. ]--

General Bertrand was directed to construct a bridge to form acommunication between Hamburg and Haarburg by joining the islands of theElbe to the Continent along a total distance of about two leagues. Thisbridge was to be built of wood, and Davoust seized upon all thetimber-yards to supply materials for its construction. In the space ofeighty-three days the bridge was finished. It was a very magnificentstructure, its length being 2529 toises, exclusive of the lines ofjunction, formed on the two islands. 

The inhabitants were dreadfully oppressed, but all the cruel measures andprecautions of the French were ineffectual, for the Allies advanced ingreat force and occupied Westphalia, which movement obliged the Governorof Hamburg to recall to the town the different detachments scatteredround Hamburg. 

At Lubeck the departure of the French troops was marked by blood. Beforethey evacuated the town, an old man, and a butcher named Prahl, werecondemned to be shot. The butcher's crime consisted in having said, inspeaking of the French, "Der teufel hohle sie" (the devil take them). The old man fortunately escaped his threatened fate, but, notwithstandingthe entreaties and tears of the inhabitants, the sentence upon Prahl wascarried into execution. 

The garrison of Hamburg was composed of French, Italian, and Dutchtroops. Their number at first amounted to 30, 000, but sickness madegreat-havoc among them. From sixty to eighty perished daily in thehospitals. When the garrison evacuated Hamburg in May 1814 it wasreduced to about 15, 000 men. In the month of December provisions beganto diminish, and there was no possibility of renewing the supply. Thepoor were first of all made to leave the town, and afterwards all personswho were not usefully employed. It is no exaggeration to estimate at50, 000 the number of persons who were thus exiled. The colonelcommanding the gendarmerie at Hamburg notified to the exiled inhabitantsthat those who did not leave the town within the prescribed time wouldreceive fifty blows with a cane and afterwards be driven out. But ifpenance may be commuted with priests so it may with gendarmes. Delinquents contrived to purchase their escape from the bastinado by asum of money, and French gallantry substituted with respect to femalesthe birch for the cane. I saw an order directing all female servants tobe examined as to their health unless they could produce certificatesfrom their masters. On the 25th of December the Government grantedtwenty-four hours longer to persons who were ordered to quit the town;and two days after this indulgence an ordinance was published declaringthat those who should return to the town after once leaving it were to beconsidered as rebels and accomplices of the enemy, and as such condemnedto death by a prevotal court. But this was not enough. At the end ofDecember people, without distinction of sex or age, were dragged fromtheir beds and conveyed out of the town on a cold night, when thethermometer was between sixteen or eighteen degrees; and it was affirmedthat several old men perished in this removal. Those who survived wereleft on the outside of the Altona gates. At Altona they all found refugeand assistance. On Christmas-day 7000 of these unfortunate persons werereceived in the house of M. Rainville, formerly aide de camp toDumouriez, and who left France together with that general. His house, which was at Holstein, was usually the scene of brilliant entertainments, but it was converted into the abode of misery, mourning, and death. Allpossible attention was bestowed on the unfortunate outlaws; but fewprofited by it, and what is worse, the inhabitants of Altona suffered fortheir generosity. Many of the unfortunate persons were affected with theepidemic disease which was raging in Hamburg, and which in consequencebroke out at Altona. 

All means of raising money in Hamburg being exhausted, a seizure was madeof the funds of the Bank of that city, which yet contained from seven toeight millions of marks. Were those who ordered this measure not awarethat to seize on the funds of some of the citizens of Hamburg was aninjury to all foreigners who had funds in the Bank? Such is a briefstatement of the vexations and cruelties which long oppressed thisunfortunate city. Napoleon accused Hamburg of Anglomania, and by ruiningher he thought to ruin England. Hamburg, feeble and bereft of hersources, could only complain, like Jerusalem when besieged by Titus:"Plorans, plorcatrit in nocte. "

CHAPTER XXXII. 

1813-1814. 

 Prince Eugene and the affairs of Italy--The army of Italy on the frontiers of Austria--Eugene's regret at the defection of the Bavarians--Murat's dissimulation and perfidy--His treaty with Austria--Hostilities followed by a declaration of war--Murat abandoned by the French generals--Proclamation from Paris--Murat's success--Gigantic scheme of Napoleon--Napoleon advised to join the Jacobins--His refusal--Armament of the National Guard--The Emperor's farewell to the officers--The Congress of Chatillon--Refusal of an armistice--Napoleon's character displayed in his negotiations-- Opening of the Congress--Discussions--Rupture of the Conferences. 

I wars now proceed to notice the affairs of Italy and the principalevents of the Viceroyalty of Eugene. In order to throw together all thatI have to say about the Viceroy I must anticipate the order of time. 

After the campaign of 1812, when Eugene revisited Italy, he was promptlyinformed of the more than doubtful dispositions of Austria towardsFrance. He then made preparations for raising an army capable ofdefending the country which the Emperor had committed to his safeguard. Napoleon was fully aware how much advantage he would derive from thepresence on the northern frontiers of Italy of an army sufficientlystrong to harass Austria, in case she should draw aside the transparentveil which still covered her policy. Eugene did all that depended on himto meet the Emperor's wishes; but in spite of his efforts the army ofItaly was, after all; only an imaginary army to those who could comparethe number of men actually enrolled with the numbers stated in the lists. When, in July 1813, the Viceroy was informed of the turn taken by thenegotiations at the shadow of a Congress assembled at Prague, he had nolonger any doubt of the renewal of hostilities; and foreseeing an attackon Italy he resolved as speedily as possible to approach the frontiers ofAustria. He had succeeded in assembling an army composed of French andItalians, and amounting to 45, 000 infantry and 5000 cavalry. On therenewal of hostilities the Viceroy's headquarters were at Udine. Down tothe month of April 1814 he succeeded in maintaining a formidableattitude, and in defending the entrance of his kingdom by dint of thatmilitary talent which was to be expected in a man bred in the greatschool of Napoleon, and whom the army looked up to as one of its mostskillful generals. 

During the great and unfortunate events of 1813 all eyes had been fixedon Germany and the Rhine; but the defection of Murat for a time divertedattention to Italy. That event did not so very much surprise me, for Ihad not forgotten my conversation with the King of Naples in the ChampsElysees, with which I have made the reader acquainted. At first Murat'sdefection was thought incredible by every one, and it highly excitedBonaparte's indignation. Another defection which occurred about the sameperiod deeply distressed Eugene, for although raised to the rank of aprince, and almost a sovereign, he was still a man, and an excellent man. He was united to the Princess Amelia of Bavaria, who was as amiable andas much beloved as he, and he had the deep mortification to count thesubjects of his father-in-law among the enemies whom he would probablyhave to combat. Fearing lest he should be harassed by the Bavarians onthe side of the Tyrol, Eugene commenced his retrograde movement in theautumn of 1813. He at first fell back on the Tagliamento, andsuccessively on the Adige. On reaching that river the army of Italy wasconsiderably diminished, in spite of all Eugene's care of his troops. About the end of November Eugene learned that a Neapolitan corps wasadvancing upon Upper Italy, part taking the direction of Rome, and partthat of Ancona. The object of the King of Naples was to take advantageof the situation of Europe, and he was duped by the promises held out tohim as the reward of his treason. Murat seemed to have adopted theartful policy of Austria; for not only had he determined to join thecoalition, but he was even maintaining communications with England andAustria, while at the same time he was making protestations of fidelityto his engagements with Napoleon. 

When first informed of Murat's treason by the Viceroy the Emperor refusedto believe it. "No, " he exclaimed to those about him, "it cannot be!Murat, to whom I have given my sister! Murat, to whom I have given athrone! Eugene must be misinformed. It is impossible that Murat hasdeclared himself against me!" It was, however, not only possible buttrue. Gradually throwing aside the dissimulation beneath which he hadconcealed his designs, Murat seemed inclined to renew the policy of Italyduring the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the art of deceivingwas deemed by the Italian Governments the most sublime effort of genius. Without any declaration of war, Murat ordered the Neapolitan General whooccupied Rome to assume the supreme command in the Roman States, and totake possession of the country. General Miollis, who commanded theFrench troops in Rome, could only throw himself, with his handful of men, into the Castle of St. Angelo, the famous mole of Adrian, in which waslong preserved the treasury of Sixtus V. The French General soon foundhimself blockaded by the Neapolitan troops, who also blockaded CivitaVecchia and Ancona. 

The treaty concluded between Murat and Austria was definitively signed onthe 11th of January 1814. As soon as he was informed of it the Viceroy, certain that he should soon have to engage with the Neapolitans, wasobliged to renounce the preservation of the line of the Adige, theNeapolitan army being in the rear of his right wing. He accordinglyordered a retrograde movement to the other side of the Mincio, where hisarmy was cantoned. In this position Prince Eugene, on the 8th ofFebruary, had to engage with the Austrians, who had come up with him, andthe victory of the Mincio arrested, for some time, the invasion of theAustrian army and its junction with the Neapolitan troops. 

It was not until eight days after that Murat officially declared waragainst the Emperor; and immediately several general and superiorofficers, and many French troops, who were in his service, abandoned him, and repaired to the headquarters of the Viceroy. Murat made endeavoursto detain them; they replied, that as he had declared war against France, no Frenchman who loved his country could remain in his service. "Do youthink, " returned he, "that my heart is lees French than yours? On thecontrary, I am much to be pitied. I hear of nothing but the disasters ofthe Grand Army. I have been obliged to enter into a treaty with theAustrians, and an arrangement with the English, commanded by LordBentinck, in order to save my Kingdom from a threatened landing of theEnglish and the Sicilians, which would infallibly have excited aninsurrection. "

There could not be a more ingenuous confession of the antipathy whichJoachim knew the Neapolitans to entertain towards his person andgovernment. His address to the French was ineffectual. It was easy toforesee what would ensue. The Viceroy soon received an officialcommunication from Napoleon's War Minister, accompanied by an Imperialdecree, recalling all the French who were in the service of Joachim, anddeclaring that all who were taken with arms in their hands should betried by a courtmartial as traitors to their country. Murat commenced bygaining advantages which could not be disputed. His troops almostimmediately took possession of Leghorn and the citadel of Ancona, and theFrench were obliged to evacuate Tuscany. 

The defection of Murat overthrew one of Bonaparte's gigantic conceptions. He had planned that Murat and Eugene with their combined forces shouldmarch on the rear of the Allies, while he, disputing the soil of Francewith the invaders, should multiply obstacles to their advance; the Kingof Naples and the Viceroy of Italy were to march upon Vienna and makeAustria tremble in the heart of her capital before the timid million ofher Allies, who measured their steps as they approached Paris, shoulddesecrate by their presence the capital of France. When informed of thevast project, which, however, was but the dream of a moment, Iimmediately recognised that eagle glance, that power of discovering greatresources in great calamities, so peculiar to Bonaparte. 

Napoleon was yet Emperor of France; but he who had imposed on all Europetreaties of peace no less disastrous than the wars which had precededthem, could not now obtain an armistice; and Caulaincourt, who was sentto treat for one at the camp of the Allies, spent twenty days atLuneville before he could even obtain permission to pass the advancedposts of the invading army. In vain did Caulaincourt entreat Napoleon tosacrifice, or at least resign temporarily, a portion of that gloryacquired in so many battles, and which nothing could efface in history. Napoleon replied, "I will sign whatever you wish. To obtain peace I willexact no condition; but I will not dictate my own humiliation. " Thisconcession, of course, amounted to a determination not to sign or togrant anything. 

In the first fortnight of January 1814 one-third of France was invaded, and it was proposed to form a new Congress, to be held atChatillon-sur-Seine. The situation of Napoleon grew daily worse andworse. He was advised to seek extraordinary resources in the interiorof the Empire, and was reminded of the fourteen armies which rose, as ifby enchantment, to defend France at the commencement of the Revolution. Finally, a reconciliation with the Jacobins, a party who had power tocall up masses to aid him, was recommended. For a moment he wasinclined to adopt this advice. He rode on horseback through thesurburbs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, courted the populace, affectionately replied to their acclamations, and he thought he saw thepossibility of turning to account the attachment which the peopleevinced for him. On his return to the Palace some prudent personsventured to represent to him that, instead of courting this absurd sortof popularity it would be more advisable to rely on the nobility and thehigher classes of society. "Gentlemen, " replied he, "you may say whatyou please, but in the situation in which I stand my only nobility isthe rabble of the faubourgs, and I know of no rabble but the nobilitywhom I have created. " This was a strange compliment to all ranks, forit was only saying that they were all rabble together. 

At this time the Jacobins were disposed to exert every effort to servehim; but they required to have their own way, and to be allowed freely toexcite and foster revolutionary sentiments. The press, which groanedunder the most odious and intolerable censorship, was to be whollyresigned to them. I do not state these facts from hearsay. I happenedby chance to be present at two conferences in which were set forwardprojects infected with the odour of the clubs, and these projects weresupported with the more assurance because their success was regarded ascertain. Though I had not seen Napoleon since my departure for Hamburg, yet I was sufficiently assured of his feeling towards the Jacobins to beconvinced that he would have nothing to do with them. I was not wrong. On hearing of the price they set on their services he said, "This is toomuch; I shall have a chance of deliverance in battle, but I shall havenone with these furious blockheads. There can be nothing in commonbetween the demagogic principles of '93 and the monarchy, between clubsof madmen and a regular Ministry, between a Committee of Public Safetyand an Emperor, between revolutionary tribunals and established laws. If fall I must, I will not bequeath France to the Revolution from which Ihave delivered her. "

These were golden words, and Napoleon thought of a more noble and trulynational mode of parrying the danger which threatened him. He orderedthe enrolment of the National Guard of Paris, which was placed under thecommand of Marshal Moncey. A better choice could not have been made, butthe staff of the National Guard was a focus of hidden intrigues, in whichthe defence of Paris was less thought about than the means of takingadvantage of Napoleon's overthrow. I was made a captain in this Guard, and, like the rest of the officers, I was summoned to the Tuileries, onthe 23d of January, when the Emperor took leave of the National Guardpreviously to his departure from Paris to join the army. 

Napoleon entered with the Empress. He advanced with a dignified step, leading by the hand his son, who was not yet three years old. It waslong since I had seen him. He had grown very corpulent, and I remarkedon his pale countenance an expression of melancholy and irritability. 

The habitual movement of the muscles of his neck was more decided andmore frequent than formerly. I shall not attempt to describe what weremy feelings during this ceremony, when I again saw, after a longseparation, the friend of my youth, who had become master of Europe, and was now on the point of sinking beneath the efforts of his enemies. There was something melancholy in this solemn and impressive ceremony. I have rarely witnessed such profound silence in so numerous an assembly. At length Napoleon, in a voice as firm and sonorous as when he used toharangue his troops in Italy or in Egypt, but without that air ofconfidence which then beamed on his countenance, delivered to theassembled officers an address which was published in all the journals ofthe time. At the commencement of this address he said, "I set out thisnight to take the command of the army. On quitting the capital Iconfidently leave behind me my wife and my son, in whom so many hopes arecentred. " I listened attentively to Napoleon's address, and, though hedelivered it firmly, he either felt or feigned emotion. Whether or notthe emotion was sincere on his part, it was shared by many present; andfor my own part I confess that my feelings were deeply moved when heuttered the words, "I leave you my wife and my son. " At that moment myeyes were fixed on the young Prince, and the interest with which heinspired me was equally unconnected with the splendour which surroundedand the misfortunes which threatened him. I beheld in the interestingchild not the King of Rome but the son of my old friend. All day longafterwards I could not help feeling depressed while comparing thefarewell scene of the morning with the day on which we took possession ofthe Tuileries. How many centuries seemed the fourteen years whichseparated the two events. 

It may be worth while to remind those who are curious in comparing datesthat Napoleon, the successor of Louis XVI. , and who had become the nephewof that monarch by his marriage with the niece of Marie Antoinette, tookleave of the National Guard of Paris on the anniversary of the fatal 21stof January, after twenty-five years of successive terror, fear, hope, glory, and misfortune. 

Meanwhile, a Congress was opened at Chatillon-sur-Seine, at which wereassembled the Duke of Vicenza on the part of France, Lords Aderdeen andCathcart and Sir Charles Stewart as the representatives of England, CountRazumowsky on the part of Russia, Count Stadion for Austria, and CountHumboldt for Prussia. Before the opening of the Congress, the Duke ofVicenza, in conformity with the Emperor's orders, demanded an armistice, which is almost invariably granted during negotiations for peace; but itwas now too late: the Allies had long since determined not to listen toany such demand. They therefore answered the Duke of Vicenza'sapplication by requiring that the propositions for peace should beimmediately signed. But these were not the propositions of Frankfort. The Allies established as their bases the limits of the old Frenchmonarchy. They conceived themselves authorised in so doing by theirsuccess and by their situation. 

To estimate rightly Napoleon's conduct during the negotiations for peacewhich took place in the conferences at Chatillon it is necessary to bearin mind the organisation he had received from nature and the ideas withwhich that organisation had imbued him at an early period of life. Ifthe last negotiations of his expiring reign be examined with dueattention and impartiality it will appear evident that the causes of hisfall arose out of his character. I cannot range myself among thoseadulators who have accused the persons about him with having dissuadedhim from peace. Did he not say at St. Helena, in speaking of thenegotiations at Chatillon, "A thunderbolt alone could have saved us: totreat, to conclude, was to yield foolishly to the enemy. " These wordsforcibly portray Napoleon's character. It must also be borne in mind howmuch he was captivated by the immortality of the great names whichhistory has bequeathed to our admiration, and which are perpetuated fromgeneration to generation. Napoleon was resolved that his name shouldre-echo in ages to come, from the palace to the cottage. To live withoutfame appeared to him an anticipated death. If, however, in this thirstfor glory, not for notoriety, he conceived the wish to surpass Alexanderand Caesar, he never desired the renown of Erostratus, and I will sayagain what I have said before, that if he committed actions to becondemned, it was because he considered them as steps which helped him toplace himself on the summit of immortality on which he wished to placehis name. Witness what he wrote to his brother Jerome, "Better never, tohave lived than to live without glory;" witness also what he wrote laterto his brother Louis, "It is better to die as a King than to live as aPrince. " How often in the days of my intimacy with Bonaparte has he notsaid to me, "Who knows the names of those kings who have passed from thethrones on which chance or birth seated them? They lived and diedunnoticed. The learned, perhaps, may find them mentioned in oldarchives, and a medal or a coin dug from the earth may reveal toantiquarians the existence of a sovereign of whom they had never beforeheard. But, on the contrary, when we hear the names of Cyrus, Alexander, Caesar, Mahomet, Charlemagne, Henry IV. , and Louis XIV. , we areimmediately among our intimate acquaintance. " I must add, that whenNapoleon thus spoke to me in the gardens of Malmaison he only repeatedwhat had often fallen from him in his youth, for his character and hisideas never varied; the change was in the objects to which they wereapplied. 

From his boyhood Napoleon was fond of reading the history of the greatmen of antiquity; and what he chiefly sought to discover was the means bywhich those men had become great. He remarked that military glorysecures more extended fame than the arts of peace and the noble effortswhich contribute to the happiness of mankind. History informs us thatgreat military talent and victory often give the power, which, in itstern, procures the means of gratifying ambition. Napoleon was alwayspersuaded that that power was essential to him, in order to bend men tohis will, and to stifle all discussions on his conduct. It was hisestablished principle never to sign a disadvantageous peace. To him atarnished crown was no longer a crown. He said one day to M. DeCaulaincourt, who was pressing him to consent to sacrifices, "Courage maydefend a crown, but infamy never. " In all the last acts of Napoleon'scareer I can retrace the impress of his character, as I had oftenrecognised in the great actions of the Emperor the execution of a thoughtconceived by the General-in-Chief of the Army of Italy. 

On the opening of the Congress the Duke of Vicenza, convinced that hecould no longer count on the natural limits of France promised atFrankfort by the Allies, demanded new powers. Those limits weredoubtless the result of reasonable concessions, and they had been grantedeven after the battle of Leipsic; but it was now necessary thatNapoleon's Minister should show himself ready to make further concessionsif he wished to be allowed to negotiate. The Congress was opened on the5th of February, and on the 7th the Plenipotentiaries of the Alliedpowers declared themselves categorically. They inserted in the protocolthat after the successes which had favoured their armies they insisted onFrance being restored to her old limits, such as they were during themonarchy before the Revolution; and that she should renounce all directinfluence beyond her future limits. 

This proposition appeared so extraordinary to M. De Caulaincourt that herequested the sitting might be suspended, since the conditions departedtoo far from his instructions to enable him to give an immediate answer. The Plenipotentiaries of the Allied powers acceded to his request, andthe continuation of the sitting was postponed till eight in the evening. When it was resumed the Duke of Vicenza renewed his promise to make thegreatest sacrifices for the attainment of peace. He added that theamount of the sacrifices necessarily depended on the amount of thecompensations, and that he could not determine on any concession orcompensation without being made acquainted with the whole. He wished tohave a general plan of the views of the Allies, and he requested thattheir Plenipotentiaries would explain themselves decidedly respecting thenumber and description of the sacrifices and compensations to bedemanded. It must be acknowledged that the Duke of Vicenza perfectlyfulfilled the views of the Emperor in thus protracting and gaining timeby subtle subterfuges, for all that he suggested had already been done. 

On the day after this sitting some advantages gained by the Allies, whotook Chatillon-sur-Marne and Troves, induced Napoleon to directCaulaincourt to declare to the Congress that if an armistice wereimmediately agreed on he was ready to consent to France being restored toher old limits. By securing this armistice Napoleon hoped that happychances might arise, and that intrigues might be set on foot; but theAllies would not listen to any such proposition. 

At the sitting of the 10th of March the Duke of Vicenza inserted in theprotocol that the last courier he had received had been arrested anddetained a considerable time by several Russian general officers, who hadobliged him to deliver up his despatches, which had not been returned tohim till thirty-six hours after at Chaumont. Caulaincourt justlycomplained of this infraction of the law of nations and establishedusage, which, he said, was the sole cause of the delay in bringing thenegotiations to a conclusion. After this complaint he communicated tothe Congress the ostensible instructions of Napoleon, in which heauthorised his Minister to accede to the demands of the Allies. But inmaking this communication M. De Caulaincourt took care not to explain theprivate and secret instructions he had also received. The Alliesrejected the armistice because it would have checked their victoriousadvance; but they consented to sign the definitive peace, which of allthings was what the Emperor did not wish. 

Napoleon at length determined to make sacrifices, and the Duke of Vicenzasubmitted new propositions to the Congress. The Allies replied, in thesame sitting, that these propositions contained no distinct and explicitdeclaration on the project presented by them on the 17th of February;that, having on the 28th of the same month, demanded a decisive answerwithin the term of ton days, they were about to break up the negotiationsCaulaincourt then declared verbally:

1st. That the Emperor Napoleon was ready to renounce all pretension orinfluence whatever in countries beyond the boundaries of France. 

2d. To recognise the independence of Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, and Holland, and that as to England, France would make such concessionsas might be deemed necessary in consideration of a reasonable equivalent. 

Upon this the sitting was immediately broken up without a reply. It mustbe remarked that this singular declaration was verbal, and consequentlynot binding, and that the limits of France were mentioned without beingspecified. It cannot be doubted that Napoleon meant the limits concededat Frankfort, to which he was well convinced the Allies would notconsent, for circumstances were now changed. Besides, what could bemeant by the reasonable equivalent from England? Is it astonishing thatthis obscurity and vagueness should have banished all confidence on thepart of the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied powers? Three days after thesitting of the 10th of March they declared they could not even enter intoa discussion of the verbal protocol of the French Minister. Theyrequested that M. De Caulaincourt would declare whether he would acceptor reject the project of a treaty presented by the Allied Sovereigns, oroffer a counter-project. 

The Duke of Vicenza, who was still prohibited, by secret instructionsfrom coming to any conclusion on the proposed basis, inserted in theprotocol of the sitting of the 13th of March a very ambiguous note. ThePlenipotentiaries of the Allies; in their reply, insisted upon receivinganother declaration from the French Plenipotentiary, which should containan acceptance or refusal of their project of a treaty presented in theconference of the 7th of February, or a counter-project. After muchdiscussion Caulaincourt agreed to draw up a counter-project, which hepresented on the 15th, under the following title: "Project of adefinitive Treaty between France and the Allies. " In this extraordinaryproject, presented after so much delay, M. De Caulaincourt, to the greatastonishment of the Allies, departed in no respect from the declarationsof the 10th of March. He replied again to the ultimatum of the Allies, or what he wished to regard as such, by defending a multitude of pettyinterests, which were of no importance in so great a contest; but ingeneral the conditions seemed rather those of a conqueror dictating tohis enemies than of a man overwhelmed by misfortune: As may readily beimagined, they were, for the most part, received with derision by theAllies. 

Everything tends to prove that the French Plenipotentiary had received nopositive instructions from the 5th of February, and that, after all thedelay which Napoleon constantly created, Caulaincourt never had it in hispower to answer, categorically, the propositions of the Allies. Napoleonnever intended to make peace at Chatillon on the terms proposed. Healways hoped that some fortunate event would enable him to obtain morefavourable conditions. 

On the 18th of March, that is to say, three days after the presentationof this project of a treaty, the Plenipotentiaries of the Allies recordedin the protocol their reasons for rejecting the extraordinary project ofthe French Minister. For my part, I was convinced, for the reasons Ihave mentioned, that the Emperor would never agree to sign the conditionsproposed in the ultimatum of the Allies, dated the 13th of March, and Iremember having expressed that opinion to M. De Talleyrand. I saw him onthe 14th, and found him engaged in perusing some intelligence he had justreceived from the Duke of Vicenza, announcing, as beyond all doubt, theearly signature of peace. Caulaincourt had received orders to come to aconclusion. Napoleon, he said, had given him a carte blanche to save thecapital, and avoid a battle, by which the last resources of the nationwould be endangered. This seemed pretty positive, to be sure; but eventhis assurance did not, for a moment, alter my opinion. The better toconvince me, M. De Talleyrand gave me Caulaincourt's letter to read. After reading it I confidently said, "He will never sign the conditions. "M. De Talleyrand could not help thinking me very obstinate in my opinion, for he judged of what the Emperor would do by his situation, while Ijudged by his character. I told M. De Talleyrand that Caulaincourt mighthave received written orders to sign; for the sake of showing them to thePlenipotentiaries of the Allies, but that I had no doubt he had beeninstructed to postpone coming to a conclusion, and to wait for finalorders. I added, that I saw no reason to change my opinion, and that Icontinued to regard the breaking up of the Congress as nearer thanappearances seemed to indicate. Accordingly, three days afterwards, theAllies grew tired of the delay and the conferences were broken up. ThusNapoleon sacrificed everything rather than his glory. He fell from agreat height, but he never, by his signature, consented to anydismemberment of France. 

The Plenipotentiaries of the Allies, convinced that these reneweddifficulties and demands had no other object but to gain time, statedthat the Allied powers, faithful to their principles, and in conformitywith their previous declarations, regarded the negotiations at Chatillonas terminated by the French Government. This rupture of the conferencestook place on the 19th of March, six days after the presentation of theultimatum of the Allied powers. The issue of these long discussions wasthus left to be decided by the chances of war, which were not veryfavourable to the man who boldly contended against armed Europe. Thesuccesses of the Allies during the conferences at Chatillon had opened totheir view the road to Paris, while Napoleon shrunk from the necessityof signing his own disgrace. In these circumstances was to be found thesole cause of his ruin, and he might have said, "Tout est perdu, fors lagloire. " His glory is immortal. 

 --[The conviviality and harmony that reigned between the Ministers made the society and Intercourse at Chatillon most agreeable. The diplomatists dined alternately with each other; M. De Caulaincourt liberally passing for all the Ministers, through the French advanced posts, convoys of all the good cheer in epicurean wises, etc. , that Paris could afford; nor was female society wanting to complete the charm and banish ennui from the Chatillon Congress, which I am sure will be long recollected with sensations of pleasure by all the Plenipotentiaries there engaged (Memoirs of Lord Burghersh). ]--

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

1814

 Curious conversation between General Reynier and the Emperor Alexander--Napoleon repulses the Prussians--The Russians at Fontainebleau--Battle of Brienne--Sketch of the campaign of France-- Supper after the battle of Champ Aubert--Intelligence of the arrival of the Duc d'Angouleme and the Comte d'Artois in France--The battle of the ravens and the eagle--Battle of Craonne--Departure of the Pope and the Spanish Princes--Capture of a convoy--Macdonald at the Emperor's headquarters--The inverted cipher. 

I was always persuaded, and everything I have since seen has confirmed myopinion, that the Allies entering France had no design of restoring theHouse of Bourbon, or of imposing any Government whatever on the Frenchpeople. They came to destroy and not to found. That which they wishedto destroy from the commencement of their success was Napoleon'ssupremacy, in order to prevent the future invasions with which theybelieved Europe would still be constantly threatened. If, indeed, I hadentertained any doubt on this subject it would have been banished by theaccount I heard of General Reynier's conversation with the EmperorAlexander. That General, who was made prisoner at Leipsic, wasexchanged, and returned to France. In the beginning of February 1814 hepassed through Troves, where the Emperor Alexander then was. Reynierexpressed a desire to be allowed to pay his respects to the Emperor, andto thank him for having restored him to liberty. He was received withthat affability of manner which was sometimes affected by the Russianmonarch. 

On his arrival at Paris General Reynier called at the Duc de Rovigo's, where I had dined that day, and where he still was when I arrived. Herelated in my hearing the conversation to which I have alluded, andstated that it had all the appearance of sincerity on the Emperor's part. Having asked Alexander whether he had any instructions for Napoleon, asthe latter, on learning that he had seen his Majesty would not fail toask him many questions, he replied that he had nothing particular tocommunicate to him. Alexander added that he was Napoleon's friend, butthat he had, personally, much reason--to complain of his conduct; thatthe Allies would have nothing more to do with him; that they had nointention of forcing any Sovereign upon France; but that they would nolonger acknowledge Napoleon as Emperor of the French. "For my part, "said Alexander, "I can no longer place any confidence in him. He hasdeceived me too often. " In reply to this Reynier made some remarksdictated by his attachment and fidelity to Bonaparte. He observed thatNapoleon was acknowledged as Sovereign of France by every treaty. "But, "added Reynier, "if you should persist in forcing him to resign thesupreme power, whom will you put in his place?"--"Did you not choose him;why then can you not choose some one else to govern you? I repeat thatwe do not intend to force any one upon you but we will have no more to dowith Napoleon. "

Several Generals were then named; and after Reynier had explained thegreat difficulties which would oppose any such choice, Alexanderinterrupted him saying, "But, General, there is Bernadotte. ' Has he notbeen voluntarily chosen Prince Royal of Sweden; may he not also be raisedto the same rank in France? He is your countryman; surely then you maychoose him, since the Swedes took him, though a foreigner. " GeneralReynier, who was a man of firm character, started some objections, whichI thought at the time well founded; and Alexander put an end to theconversation by saving, rather in a tone of dissatisfaction, "Well, General, the fate of arms will decide. "

The campaign of France forced Napoleon to adopt a kind of operationsquite new to him. He had been accustomed to attack; but he was nowobliged to stand on his defence, so that, instead of having to execute apreviously conceived plan, as when, in the Cabinet of the Tuileries, hetraced out to me the field of Marengo, he had now to determine hismovements according to those of his numerous enemies. When the Emperorarrived at Chalons-sur-Marne the Prussian army was advancing by the roadof Lorraine. He drove it back beyond St. Dizier. Meanwhile the GrandAustro-Russian army passed the Seine and the Yonne at Montereau, and evensent forward a corps which advanced as far as Fontainebleau. Napoleonthen made a movement to the right in order to drive back the troops whichthreatened to march on Paris, and by a curious chance he came up with thetroops in the very place where he passed the boyish years in which hecherished what then seemed wild and fabulous dreams of his future fate. What thoughts and recollections must have crowded on his mind when hefound himself an Emperor and a King, at the head of a yet powerful army, in the chateau of the Comte de Brienne, to whom he had so often paid hishomage! It was at Brienne that he had said to me, thirty-four yearsbefore, "I will do these Frenchman all the harm I can. " Since then hehad certainly changed his mind; but it might be said that fate persistedin forcing the man to realise the design of the boy in spite of himself. No sooner had Napoleon revisited Brienne as a conqueror than he wasrepulsed and hurried to his fall, which hecame every moment morecertain. '

I shall not enter into any details of the campaign of France, because thedescription of battles forms no part of my plan. Still, I think itindispensable briefly to describe Napoleon's miraculous activity from thetime of his leaving Paris to the entrance of the Allies into the capital. Few successful campaigns have enabled our Generals and the French army toreap so much glory as they gained during this great reverse of fortune. For it is possible to triumph without honour, and to fall with glory. The chances of the war were not doubtful, but certainly the numeroushosts of the Allies could never have anticipated so long and brilliant aresistance. The theatre of the military operations soon approached sonear to Paris that the general eagerness for news from the army wasspeedily satisfied, and when any advantage was gained by the Emperor hispartisans saw the enemy already repulsed from the French territory. I was not for a moment deceived by these illusions, as I well knew thedetermination and the resources of the Allied sovereigns. Besides, events were so rapid and various in this war of extermination that theguns of the Invalides announcing a victory were sometimes immediatelyfollowed by the distant rolling of artillery, denoting the enemy's nearapproach to the capital. 

The Emperor left Paris on the 25th of January, at which time the Emperorsof Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia were assembled at Langres. Napoleon rejoined his Guard at Vitry-le-Francais. On the second dayafter his departure he drove before him the Prussian army, which he hadforced to evacuate St. Dizier. Two days after this the battle of Briennewas fought, and on the 1st of February between 70, 000 and 80, 000 Frenchand Allied troops stood face to face. On this occasion the commanders onboth sides were exposed to personal danger, for Napoleon had a horsekilled under him, and a Cossack fell dead by the side of Marshal Blucher. 

A few days after this battle Napoleon entered Troves, where he stayed buta short time, and then advanced to Champaubert. At the latter place wasfought the battle which hears its name. The Russians were defeated, General Alsufieff was made prisoner, and 2000 men and 30 guns fell intothe hands of the French. After this battle the Emperor was under such adelusion as to his situation that while supping with Berthier, Marmont, and his prisoner, General Alsufieff, the Emperor said, "Another suchvictory as this, gentlemen, and I shall be on the Vistula. "

Finding that no one replied, and reading in the countenances of hisMarshals that they did not share his hopes, "I see how it is, " he added, "every one is growing tired of war; there is no more enthusiasm. Thesacred fire is extinct. " Then rising from the table, and stepping up toGeneral Drouot, with the marked intention of paying him a complimentwhich should at the same time convey a censure on the Marshals, "General, " said he, patting him on the shoulder, "we only want a hundredmen like you, and we should succeed. " Drouot replied, with greatpresence of mind and modesty, "Rather say a hundred thousand, Sire. "This anecdote was related to me by the two principal persons who werepresent on the occasion. 

Napoleon soon began to have other subjects of disquietude besides thefate of battles. He was aware that since the beginning of February theDuc d'Angouleme had arrived at St. Jean de Luz, whence he had addressed sproclamation to the French armies in the name of his uncle, Louis XVIII. ;and he speedily heard of the Comte d'Artois' arrival at Yesoul, on the21st of February, which place he did not leave until the 16th of Marchfollowing. 

Meanwhile hostilities were maintained with increased vigor over a vastline of operations. How much useless glory did not our soldiers gain inthese conflicts! In spite of prodigies of valour the enemy's massesadvanced, and gradually concentrated, so that this war might be comparedto the battles of the ravens and the eagle in the Alps. The eagle slayshundreds of his assailants--every blow of his beak is the death of anenemy, but still the vultures return to the charge, and press upon theeagle until they destroy him. 

As the month of February drew to its close the Allies were in retreat onseveral points, but their retreat was not a rout. After experiencingreverses they fell back without disorder, and retired behind the Aube, where they rallied and obtained numerous reinforcements, which dailyarrived, and which soon enabled them to resume the offensive. 

Still Napoleon continued astonishing Europe, leagued as it was againsthim. At Craonne, on the 7th of March, he destroyed Blucher's corps in asevere action, but the victory was attended by great loss to theconqueror. Marshal Victor was seriously wounded, as well as GeneralsGrouchy and La Ferriere. 

While Napoleon was resisting the numerous enemies assembled to destroyhim it might be said that he was also his own enemy, either from falsecalculation or from negligence with respect to his illustrious prisoners, who, on his departure from Paris, had not yet been sent to their States. The Pope was then at Fontainebleau, and the Princes of Spain at Valencay. The Pope, however, was the first to be allowed to depart. SurelyBonaparte could never have thought of the service which the Pope mighthave rendered him at Rome, into which Murat's troops would never havedared to march had his Holiness been present there. With regard to theSpanish Princes Napoleon must have been greatly blinded by confidence inhis fortune to have so long believed it possible to retain in Francethose useless trophies of defeated pretensions. It was, besides, so easyto get rid of the exiles of Valencay by sending them back to the placefrom whence they had been brought! It was so natural to recall with allspeed the troops from the south when our armies in Germany began to berepulsed on the Rhine and even driven into France! With the aid of theseveteran troops Napoleon and his genius might have again turned the scaleof fortune. But Napoleon reckoned on the nation, and he was wrong, forthe nation was tired of him. His cause had ceased to be the cause ofFrance. 

The latter days of March were filled up by a series of calamities toNapoleon. On the 23d the rear-guard of the French army sufferedconsiderable loss. To hear of attacks on his rear-guard must indeed havebeen mortifying to Napoleon, whose advanced guards had been so longaccustomed to open the path of victory! Prince Schwartzenberg soonpassed the Aube and marched upon Vitry and Chalons. Napoleon, countingon the possibility of defending Paris, threw himself, with the velocityof the eagle, on Schwartzenberg's rear by passing by Doulevant and Bar-sur-Aube. He pushed forward his advanced guards to Chaumont, and theresaw the Austrian army make a movement which he took to be a retreat; butit was no such thing. The movement was directed on Paris, while Blucher, who had re-occupied Chalons-sur-Maine, marched to meet PrinceSchwartzenberg, and Napoleon, thinking to cut off their retreat, washimself cut off from the possibility of returning to Paris. Everythingthen depended on the defence of Paris, or, to speak more correctly, itseemed possible, by sacrificing the capital, to prolong for a few daysthe existence of the phantom of the Empire which was rapidly vanishing. On the 26th was fought the battle of Fere Champenoise, where, valouryielding to numbers, Marshals Marmont and Mortier were obliged to retireupon Sezanne after sustaining considerable loss. 

It was on the 26th of March, and I beg the reader to bear this date inmind, that Napoleon suffered a loss which, in the circumstances in whichhe stood, was irreparable. At the battle of Fere Champenoise the Alliescaptured a convoy consisting of nearly all the remaining ammunition andstores of the army, a vast quantity of arms, caissons, and equipage ofall kinds. The whole became the prey of the Allies, who published abulletin announcing this important capture. A copy of this order of theday fell into the hands of Marshal Macdonald, who thought that such newsought immediately to be communicated to the Emperor. He thereforerepaired himself to the headquarters of Napoleon, who was then preparingto recover Vitre-le-Francais, which was occupied by the Prussians. TheMarshal, with the view of dissuading the Emperor from what he considereda vain attempt, presented him with the bulletin. 

This was on the morning of the 27th: Napoleon would not believe the news. "No!" said he to the Marshal, "you are deceived, this cannot be true. "Then perusing the bulletin with more attention. "Here, " said he, "lookyourself. This is the 27th, and the bulletin is dated the 29th. You seethe thing is impossible. The bulletin is forged!" The Marshal, who hadpaid more attention to the news than to its date, was astounded. Buthaving afterwards shown the bulletin to Drouot, that General said, "Alas!Marshal, the news is but too true. The error of the date is merely amisprint, the 9 is a 6 inverted!" On what trifles sometimes depend themost important events. An inverted cipher sufficed to flatterBonaparte's illusion, or at least the illusions which he wished tomaintain among his most distinguished lieutenants, and to delay themoment when they should discover that the loss they deplored was toocertain. On that very day the Empress left Paris. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

1814. 

 The men of the Revolution and the men of the Empire--The Council of Regency--Departure of the Empress from Paris--Marmont and Mortier-- Joseph's flight--Meeting at Marmont's hotel--Capitulation of Paris-- Marmont's interview with the Emperor at Fontainebleau--Colonels Fabvier and Denys--The Royalist cavalcade--Meeting at the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine--M. De Chateaubriand and his pamphlet-- Deputation to the Emperor Alexander--Entrance of the Allied sovereigns into Paris--Alexander lodged in M. Talleyrand's hotel-- Meetings held there--The Emperor Alexander's declaration-- My appointment as Postmaster-General--Composition of the Provisional Government--Mistake respecting the conduct of the Emperor of Austria--Caulaincourt's mission from Napoleon--His interview with the Emperor Alexander--Alexander's address to the deputation of the Senate--M. De Caulaincourt ordered to quit the capital. 

The grandees of the Empire and the first subjects of Napoleon weredivided into two classes totally distinct from each other. Among thesepatronised men were many who had been the first patrons of Bonaparte andhad favoured his accession to Consular power. This class was composed ofhis old friends and former companions-in-arms. The others, who may becalled the children of the Empire, did not carry back their thoughts to aperiod which they had not seen. They had never known anything butNapoleon and the Empire, beyond which the sphere of their ideas did notextend, while among Napoleon's old brothers-in-arms it was stillremembered that there was once a country, a France, before they hadhelped to give it a master. To this class of men France was not confinedto the narrow circle of the Imperial headquarters, but extended to theRhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees, and the two oceans. 

On the other hand, numbers of ardent and adventurous young men, full ofenthusiasm for Bonaparte, had passed from the school to the camp. Theywere entirely opposed to Napoleon's downfall, because with his powerwould vanish those dreams of glory and fortune which had captivated theirimaginations. These young men, who belonged to the class which I havedenominated children of the Empire, were prepared to risk and commiteverything to prolong the political life of their Emperor. 

The distinction I have drawn between what may be called the men of Franceand the men of the Empire was not confined to the army, but was equallymarked among the high civil functionaries of the State. The oldRepublicans could not possibly regard Napoleon with the same eyes asthose whose elevation dated only from Napoleon; and the members ofassemblies anterior to the 18th Brumaire could not entertain the sameideas as those whose notions of national franchises and public rightswere derived from their seats as auditors in the Council of State. Iknow not whether this distinction between the men of two differentperiods has been before pointed out, but it serves to explain the conductof many persons of elevated rank during the events of 1814. With regardto myself, convinced as I was of the certainty of Napoleon's fall, Iconceived that the first duty of every citizen was claimed by hiscountry; and although I may incur censure, I candidly avow thatNapoleon's treatment of me during the last four years of his power wasnot without some influence on my prompt submission to the Governmentwhich succeeded his. I, however, declare that this consideration was notthe sole nor the most powerful motive of my conduct. Only those who werein Paris at the period of the capitulation can form an idea of theviolence of party feeling which prevailed there both for and againstNapoleon, but without the name of the Bourbons ever being pronounced. They were almost unknown to the new generation, forgotten by many of theold, and feared by the conventionalists; at that time they possessed onlythe frail support of the coteries of the Faubourg St. Germain, and someremains of the emigration. But as it is certain that the emigrants couldoffer only vain demonstrations and wishes in support of the old family ofour Kings, they did little to assist the restoration of the Bourbons. Another thing equally certain is, that they alone, by their follies andabsurd pretensions, brought about the return of Bonaparte and the secondexile of Louis XVIII. In the following year. 

On the 28th of March was convoked an extraordinary Council of Regency, at which Maria Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether theEmpress should remain in Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph Bonapartestrongly urged her departure, because a letter from the Emperor haddirected that in case of Paris being threatened the Empress-Regent andall the Council of Regency should retire to Blois. The Arch-Chancellorand the majority of the Council were of the same opinion, but one of themost influential members of the Council observed to Joseph that theletter referred to had been written under circumstances very differentfrom those then existing, and that it was important the Empress shouldremain in Paris, where she would, of course, obtain from the Emperor herfather and the Allied sovereigns, more advantageous conditions than ifshe were fifty leagues from Paris. The adoption of this opinion wouldonly have retarded for a few days a change which had become inevitable;nevertheless it might have given rise to great difficulties. It must beadmitted that for the interests of Napoleon it was the wisest counselthat could be suggested. However, it was overruled by Joseph's advice. 

M. De Talleyrand, as a member of the Council of Regency, also receivedthe order to quit Paris on the 30th of March. At this period I was athis house every day. When I went to him that day I was told he hadstarted. However I went up, and remained some time in his hotel withseveral of his friends who had met there. We soon saw him return, andfor my part I heard with satisfaction that they had not allowed him topass the barriers. It was said then, and it has been repeated since, that M. De Talleyrand was not a stranger to the gentle violence usedtowards him. The same day of this visit to M. De Talleyrand I also wentto see the Duc de Rovigo (Savary), with the friendly object of gettinghim to remain, and to profit by his position to prevent disturbances. He refused without hesitating, as he only thought of the Emperor. I found him by his fireside, where there was a large file, in which hewas burning all the papers which might have compromised every one who hadserved his ministry (Police). I congratulated him sincerely on thisloyal occupation: fire alone could purify the mass of filth anddenunciations which encumbered the police archives. 

On the departure of the Empress many persons expected a popular movementin favour of a change of Government, but the capital remained tranquil. Many of the inhabitants, indeed, thought of defence, not for the sake ofpreserving Napoleon's government, but merely from that ardour of feelingwhich helongs to our national character. Strong indignation was excitedby the thought of seeing foreigners masters of Paris--a circumstance ofwhich there had been no example since the reign of Charles VII. Meanwhile the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March MarshalsMarmont and Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to Paris. Duringthe night the barriers were consigned to the care of the National Guard, and not a foreigner, not even one of their agents, was allowed to enterthe capital. 

At daybreak on the 30th of March the whole population of Paris wasawakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of St. Denis was sooncovered with Allied troops, who were debouching upon it from all points. The heroic valour of our troops was unavailing against such a numericalsuperiority. But the Allies paid dearly for their entrance into theFrench capital. The National Guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey, and the pupils of the Polytechnic School transformed into artillery men, behaved in a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont onthat day alone would suffice to immortalise him. The corps he commandedwas reduced to between 7000 and 8000 infantry and 800 cavalry, with whom, for the space of twelve hours he maintained his ground against an army of55, 000 men, of whom it is said 14, 000 were killed, wounded, and taken. Marshal Marmont put himself so forward in the heat of the battle that adozen of men were killed by the bayonet at his side, and his hat wasperforated by a ball. But what was to be done against overwhelmingnumbers!

In this state of things the Duke of Ragusa made known his situation toJoseph Bonaparte, who authorised him to negotiate. 

Joseph's answer is so important in reference to the events whichsucceeded that I will transcribe it here. 

 If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are authorised to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor of Russia, who are before them. 

 They will fall back on the Loire. (Signed) JOSEPH

 Montmartre, 30th March 1814, 12 oclock

It was not until a considerable time after the receipt of this formalauthority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistanceagainst the Allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed uponuntil four in the afternoon. It was not waited for by Joseph; at aquarter past twelve--that is to say, immediately after he had addressedto Marmont the authority just alluded to Joseph repaired to the Bois deBoulogne to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed toRambouillet. The precipitate flight of Joseph astonished only those whodid not know him. I know for a fact that several officers attached tohis staff were much dissatisfied at his alacrity on this occasion. 

In these circumstances what was to be done but to save Paris, which therewas no possibility of defending two hours longer. Methinks I still seeMarmont when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from thefield of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was waitingfor him, together with about twenty other persons, among whom were MM. Perregaua and Lafitte. When he entered he was scarcely recognisable: hehad a beard of eight days' growth; the greatcoat which covered hisuniform was in tatters, and he was blackened with powder from head tofoot. We considered what was best to be done, and all insisted on thenecessity of signing a capitulation. The Marshal must recollect that theexclamation of every one about him was, "France must be saved. "MM. Perregaus and Lafitte delivered their opinions in a very decided way, and it will readily be conceived how great was the influence of two menwho were at the head of the financial world. They alleged that thegeneral wish of the Parisians, which nobody had a better opportunity ofknowing than themselves, was decidedly averse to a protracted conflict, and that France was tired of the yoke of Bonaparte. This lastdeclaration gave a wider range to the business under consideration. The question was no longer confined to the capitulation of Paris, but achange in the government was thought of, and the name of the Bourbons waspronounced for the first time. I do not recollect which of us it waswho, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to bring about a restoration withoutretrograding to the past. But I think I am perfectly correct in statingthat M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall have nothing to fear if wehave a good constitution which will guarantee the rights of all. " Themajority of the meeting concurred in this wise opinion, which was notwithout its influence on Marshal Marmont. 

During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of theEmperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informedof the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speedfrom the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the eveninghe was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy toMarshal Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy toperceive that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was verydifferent from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. Theofficer expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and heannounced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival ofNapoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of theenemy. The officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the peoplerising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave thestreets to stone the Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissentfrom this absurd idea of defence, and I observed that it was madness tosuppose that Paris could resist the numerous troops who were ready toenter on the following day; that the suspension of arms had beenconsented to by the Allies only to afford time for drawing up a moreregular capitulation, and that the armistice could not be broken withouttrampling on all the laws of honour. I added that the thoughts of thepeople were directed towards a better future; that the French were tiredof a despotic Government and of the distress to which continual war hadreduced trade and industry; "for, " said I, "when a nation is sunk to sucha state of misery its hopes can only be directed towards the future; itis natural they should be so directed, even without reflection. " Most ofthe individuals present concurred in my opinion, and the decision of themeeting was unanimous. Marshal Marmont has since said to me, "I havebeen blamed, my dear Bourrienne: but you were with me on the 30th ofMarch. You were a witness to the wishes expressed by a portion of theprincipal inhabitants of Paris. I acted as I was urged to do onlybecause I considered the meeting to be composed of men entirelydisinterested, and who had nothing to expect from the return of theBourbons. "

Such is a correct statement of the facts which some persons haveperverted with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. With respect tothose versions which differ from mine I have only one comment to offer, which is, that I saw and heard what I describe. 

The day after the capitulation of Paris--Marmont went in the evening tosee the Emperor at Fontainebleau. He supped with him. Napoleon praisedhis defence of Paris. . After supper the Marshal rejoined his corps atEssonne, and six hours after the Emperor arrived there to visit thelines. On leaving Paris Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Dent's todirect the execution of the capitulation. These officers joined theEmperor and the Marshal as they were proceeding up the banks of the riverat Essonne. They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of theAllies had produced in Paris. At this intelligence the Emperor wasdeeply mortified, and he returned immediately to Fontainebleau, leavingthe Marshal at Essonne. 

At daybreak on the 31st of March Paris presented a novel and curiousspectacle. No sooner had the French troops evacuated the capital thanthe principal streets resounded with cries of "Down with Bonaparte!"--"No conscription!"--"No consolidated duties (droits reunis)!" With thesecries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" but this latter crywas not repeated so frequently as the others: in general I remarked thatthe people gaped and listened with a sort of indifference. As I hadtaken a very active part in all that had happened during some precedingdays I was particularly curious to study what might be called thephysiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had offereditself for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of theman whom they had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire. Thereason was, that liberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for in 1814. I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups of people whohad assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their handkerchiefsand distributing the fragments as the emblems of the revived lily. Thatsame morning I met on the Boulevards, and some hours afterwards on thePlace Louis XV. , a party of gentlemen who paraded the streets of thecapital proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons and shouting, "Vivele Roi!" and "Vive Louis XVIII!" At their head I recognisedMM. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Froissard, the Duc deLuxembourg, the Duc de Crussol, Seymour, etc. The cavalcade distributedwhite cockades in passing along, and was speedily joined by a numerouscrowd, who repaired to the Place Vendome. The scene that was acted thereis well known, and the enthusiasm of popular joy could scarcely excusethe fury that was directed against the effigy of the man whosemisfortunes, whether merited or not, should have protected him from suchoutrages. These excesses served, perhaps more than is generallysupposed, to favour the plans of the leaders of the Royalist party, towhom M. Nesselrode had declared that hefore he would pledge himself tofurther their views he must have proofs that they were seconded by thepopulation of Paris. 

I was afterwards informed by an eye-witness of what took place on theevening of the 31st of March in one of the principal meetings of theRoyalists, which was held in the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine, whoacted as president on the occasion. Amidst a chaos of abortivepropositions and contradictory motions M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauldproposed that a deputation should be immediately sent to the EmperorAlexander to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion wasimmediately approved, and the mover was chosen to head the deputation. On leaving the hotel the deputation met M. De Chateaubriand, who had thatvery day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration, bypublishing his admirable manifesto, entitled "Bonaparte and theBourbons. " He was invited to join the deputation; but nothing couldovercome his diffidence and induce him to speak. On arriving at thehotel in the Rue St. Florentin the deputation was introduced to CountNesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly explainedits object; he spoke of the wishes of the meeting and of the manifestdesire of Paris and of France. He represented the restoration of theBourbons as the only means of securing the peace of Europe; and observed, in conclusion, that as the exertions of the day must have been veryfatiguing to the Emperor, the deputation would not solicit the favour ofbeing introduced to him, but would confidently rely on the good faith ofhis Imperial Majesty. "I have just left the Emperor, " replied M. Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return to themeeting and announce to the French people that in compliance with theirwishes his Imperial Majesty will use all his influence to restore thecrown to the legitimate monarch: his Majesty Louis XVIII. Shall reascendthe throne of France. " With this gratifying intelligence the deputationreturned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou. 

There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entranceof the Allies into Paris. It may be praised or blamed, but the factcannot be denied. I closely watched all that was passing, and I observedthe expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, afterhis alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of Bonaparteincreased in proportion as it was gratified: I clearly foresaw Napoleon'sfall. Whoever watched the course of events during the last four years ofthe Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the date of Napoleon'smarriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French Government became dailymore and more tyrannical and oppressive. The intolerable height whichthis evil had attained is evident from the circumstance that at the endof 1813 the Legislative Body, throwing aside the mute character which ithad hitherto maintained, presumed to give a lecture to him who had neverbefore received a lecture from any one. On the 31st of March it wasrecollected what had been the conduct of Bonaparte on the occasionalluded to, and those of the deputies who remained in Paris related howthe gendarmes had opposed their entrance into the hall of the Assembly. All this contributed wonderfully to irritate the public mind againstNapoleon. He had become master of France by the sword, and the swordbeing sheathed, his power was at an end, for no popular institutionidentified with the nation the new dynasty which he hoped to found. The nation admired but did not love Napoleon, for it is impossible tolove what is feared, and he had done nothing to claim the affections ofFrance. 

I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at M deTalleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up hisresidence. Of all the persons present at these meetings M. De Talleyrandwas most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government, withrestrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state ofthings it was only possible to choose one of three courses: first, tomake peace with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities againsthim; second, to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons. 

On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereignsinto Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of theLuxembourg I repaired straight to M. De Talleyrand's hotel, which Ireached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one. When his Imperial Majesty entered M. De Talleyrand's drawing-room most ofthe persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe deMontesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration ofthe Bourbons. The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision. Drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street, he made some observations which enabled me to guess what would be hisdetermination. "M. De Bourrienne, " said he, "you have been the friend ofNapoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is nopossibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith. " Theselast words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which weremade came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in makinghimself Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons. 

A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have abovementioned, and which were proposed by the Emperor Alexander himself. Ithought, if I may so express myself, that his Majesty was playing a part, when, pretending to doubt the possibility of recalling the Bourbons, which he wished above all things, he asked M. De Talleyrand what means heproposed to employ for the attainment of that object? Besides theFrench, there were present at this meeting the Emperor Alexander, theKing of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode, M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and Prince Liechtenstein. During the discussion Alexander walked aboutwith some appearance of agitation. "Gentlemen, " said, he, addressing usin an elevated tone of voice, "you know that it was not I who commencedthe war; you know that Napoleon came to attack me in my dominions. Butwe are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest or the desire of revenge. You have seen the precautions I have taken to preserve your capital, thewonder of the arts, from the horrors of pillage, to which the chances ofwar would have consigned it. Neither my Allies nor myself are engaged ina war of reprisals; and I should be inconsolable if any violence werecommitted on your magnificent city. We are not waging war againstFrance, but against Napoleon, and the enemies of French liberty. William, and you, Prince" (here the Emperor turned towards the King ofPrussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who represented the Emperor ofAustria), "you can both bear testimony that the sentiments I express areyours. " Both bowed assent to this observation of Alexander, which hisMajesty several times repeated in different words. He insisted thatFrance should be perfectly free; and declared that as soon as the wishesof the country were understood, he and his Allies would support them, without seeking to favour any particular government. 

The Abbe de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that we wereall Royalists, and that the sentiments of France concurred with ours. The Emperor Alexander, adverting to the different governments which mightbe suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of Bonaparte on thethrone, the establishment of a Regency, the choice of Bernadotte, and therecall of the Bourbons. M. De Talleyrand next spoke, and I well rememberhis saying to the Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two things ispossible. We must either have Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Bonaparte, ifyou can support him; but you cannot, for you are not alone. .. . We willnot have another soldier in his stead. If we want a soldier, we willkeep the one we have; he is the first in the world. After him any otherwho may be proposed would not have ten men to support him. I say again, Sire, either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Anything else is an intrigue. "These remarkable words of the Prince de Benevento produced on the mind ofAlexander all the effect we could hope for. Thus the question wassimplified, being reduced now to only two alternatives; and as it wasevident that Alexander would have nothing to do with either Napoleon orhis family, it was reduced to the single proposition of the restorationof the Bourbons. 

On being pressed by us all, with the exception of M. De Talleyrand, whostill wished to leave the question undecided between Bonaparte and LouisXVIII. , Alexander at length declared that he would no longer treat withNapoleon. When it was represented to him that that declaration referredonly to Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added, "Nor with any member of his family. " Thus as early as the 31st of Marchthe restoration of the Bourbons might be considered as decided. 

I cannot omit mentioning the hurry with which Laborie, whom M. DeTalleyrand appointed Secretary to the Provisional Government, rushed outof the apartment as soon as he got possession of the Emperor Alexander'sdeclaration. He got it printed with such expedition that in the space ofan hour it was posted on all the walls in Paris; and it certainlyproduced an extraordinary effect. As yet nothing warranted a doubt thatAlexander would not abide by his word. The treaty of Paris could not beanticipated; and there was reason to believe that France, with a newGovernment, would obtain more advantageous conditions than if the Allieshad, treated with Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished. 

On the evening of the 31st of March I returned to M. De Talleyrand's. I again saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M. DeBourrienne you must take the superintendence of the Post-officedepartment. " I could not decline this precise invitation on the part ofthe Czar; and besides, Lavalette having departed on the preceding day, the business would have been for a time suspended; a circumstance whichwould have been extremely prejudicial to the restoration which we wishedto favour. 

I went at once to the hotel in the Rue J. J. Rousseau, where, indeed, Ifound that not only was there no order to send out the post next day, butthat it had been even countermanded. I went that night to theadministrators, who yielded to my requests and, seconded by them, nextmorning I got all the clerks to be at their post. I reorganised theservice, and the post went out on the 1st of April as usual. Such are myremembrances of the 31st of March. 

A Provisional Government was established, of which M. De Talleyrand wasappointed President. The other members were General Beurnonville, ComteFrancois de Jaucourt, the Due Dalberg, who had married one of MariaLouisa's ladies of honour, and the Abby de Montesquieu. The place ofChancellor of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thusthere were two abbes among the members of the Provisional Government, andby a singular chance they happened to be the same who had officiated atthe mass which was performed in the Champ de Mars on the day of the firstfederation. 

Those who were dissatisfied with the events of the 31st of March now sawno hope but in the possibility that the Emperor of Austria would separatefrom his Allies, or at least not make common cause with them in favour ofthe re-establishment of the Bourbons. But that monarch had been broughtup in the old policy of his family, and was imbued with the traditionalprinciples of his Cabinet. I know for a fact that the sentiments andintentions of the Emperor of Austria perfectly coincided with those ofhis Allies. Anxious to ascertain the truth on this subject, I ventured, when in conversation with the Emperor Alexander, to hint at the reportsI had heard relative to the cause of the Emperor of Austria's absence. I do not recollect the precise words of his Majesty's answer, but itenabled me to infer with certainty that Francis II. Was in no way averseto the overthrow of his son-in-law, and that his absence from the sceneof the discussions was only occasioned by a feeling of delicacy naturalenough in his situation. 

Caulaincourt, who was sent by Napoleon to the headquarters of the EmperorAlexander, arrived there on the night of the 30th of March. He, however, did not obtain an interview with the Czar until after his Majesty hadreceived the Municipal Council of Paris, at the head of which was M. DeChabrol. At first Alexander appeared somewhat surprised to see theMunicipal Council, which he did not receive exactly in the way that wasexpected; but this coldness was merely momentary, and he afterwardsaddressed the Council in a very gracious way, though he dropped no hintof his ulterior intentions. 

Alexander, who entertained a personal regard for Caulaincourt, receivedhim kindly in his own character, but not as the envoy of Napoleon. "You have come too late, " said the Czar. "It is all over. I can saynothing to you at present. Go to Paris, and I will see you there. "These words perfectly enlightened Caulaincourt as to the result of hismission. His next interview with the Emperor Alexander at M. DeTalleyrand's did not take place until after the declaration noticed in mylast chapter. The conversation they had together remained a secret, forneither Alexander nor the Duke of Vicenza mentioned it; but there wasreason to infer, from some words which fell from the Emperor Alexander, that he had received Caulaincourt rather as a private individual than asthe ambassador of Napoleon, whose power, indeed, he could not recogniseafter his declaration. The Provisional Government was not entirelypleased with Caulaincourt's presence in Paris, and a representation wasmade to the Russian Emperor on the subject. Alexander concurred in theopinion of the Provisional Government, which was expressed through themedium of the Abbe de Pradt. M. De Caulaincourt, therefore, at the wishof the Czar, returned to the Emperor, then at Fontainebleau. 

CHAPTER, XXXV. 

1814. 

 Situation of Bonaparte during the events of the 30th and 31st of March--His arrival at Fontainebleau--Plan of attacking Paris-- Arrival of troops at Fontainebleau--The Emperor's address to the Guard--Forfeiture pronounced by the Senate--Letters to Marmont-- Correspondence between Marmont and Schwartzenberg--Macdonald informed of the occupation of Paris--Conversation between the Emperor and Macdonald at Fontainebleau--Beurnonville's letter-- Abdication on condition of a Regency--Napoleon's wish to retract his act of abdication--Macdonald Ney, and Caulaincourt sent to Paris-- Marmont released from his promise by Prince Schwartzenberg. 

On the morning of the 30th of March, while the battle before the walls ofParis was at its height, Bonaparte was still at Troyes. He quitted thattown at ten o'clock, accompanied only by Bertrand, Caulaincourt, twoaides de camp, and two orderly officers. He was not more than two hoursin traveling the first ten leagues, and he and his slender escortperformed the journey without changing horses, and without evenalighting. They arrived at Sens at one o'clock in the afternoon. Everything was in such confusion that it was impossible to prepare asuitable mode of conveyance for the Emperor. He was therefore obliged tocontent himself with a wretched cariole, and in this equipage, about fourin the morning, he reached Froidmanteau, about four leagues from Paris. It was there that the Emperor received from General Belliard, who arrivedat the head of a column of artillery, the first intelligence of thebattle of Paris. He heard the news with an air of composure, which wasprobably affected to avoid discouraging those about him. He walked forabout a quarter of an hour on the high road, and it was after thatpromenade that he sent Caulaincourt to Paris. Napoleon afterwards wentto the house of the postmaster, where he ordered his maps to be broughtto him, and, according to custom, marked the different positions of theenemy's troops with pine, the heads of which were touched with wax ofdifferent colours. After this description of work, which Napoleon didevery day, or sometimes several times a day, he repaired toFontainebleau, where he arrived at six in the morning. He did not orderthe great apartments of the castle to be opened, but went up to hisfavourite little apartment, where he shut himself up, and remained aloneduring the whole of the 31st of March. 

In the evening the Emperor sent for the Duke of Ragusa, who had justarrived at Essonne with his troops. The Duke reached Fontainebleaubetween three and four o'clock on the morning of the 1st of April. Napoleon then received a detailed account of the events of the 30th fromMarmont, on whose gallant conduct before Paris he bestowed much praise. 

All was gloom and melancholy at Fontainebleau, yet the Emperor stillretained his authority, and I have been informed that he deliberated forsome time as to whether he should retire behind the Loire, or immediatelyhazard a bold stroke upon Paris, which would have been much more to histaste than to resign himself to the chances which an uncertaintemporising might bring about. This latter thought pleased him; and hewas seriously considering his plan of attack when the news of the 31st, and the unsuccessful issue of Caulaincourt's mission, gave him tounderstand that his situation was more desperate than he had hithertoimagined. 

Meanwhile the heads of his columns, which the Emperor had left at Troves, arrived on the 1st of April at Fontainebleau, the troops having marchedfifty leagues in less than three days, one of the most rapid marches everperformed. On the 2d of April Napoleon communicated the events of Paristo the Generals who were about him, recommending them to conceal the newslest it should dispirit the troops, upon whom he yet relied. That day, during an inspection of the troops, which took place in the court of thePalace, Bonaparte assembled the officers of his Guard, and harangued themas follows:

 Soldiers! the enemy has stolen three marches upon us, and has made himself master of Paris. We must drive him thence. Frenchmen, unworthy of the name, emigrants whom we have pardoned, have mounted the white cockade, and joined the enemy. The wretches shall receive the reward due to this new crime. Let us swear to conquer or die, and to enforce respect to the tri-coloured cockade, which has for twenty years accompanied us on the path of glory and honour. 

He also endeavoured to induce the Generals to second his mad designs uponParis, by making them believe that he had made sincere efforts toconclude peace. He assured them that he had expressed to the EmperorAlexander his willingness to purchase it by sacrifices; that he hadconsented to resign even the conquests made during the Revolution, and toconfine himself within the old limits of France. "Alexander, " addedNapoleon, "refused; and, not content with that refusal, he has leaguedhimself with a party of emigrants, whom, perhaps, I was wrong inpardoning for having borne arms against France. Through their perfidiousinsinuations Alexander has permitted the white cockade to be mounted onthe capital. We will maintain ours, and in a few days we will march uponParis. I rely on you. "

When the boundless attachment of the Guards to the Emperor is consideredit cannot appear surprising that these last words, uttered in animpressive tone, should have produced a feeling of enthusiasm, almostelectrical, in all to whom they were addressed. The old companions ofthe glory of their chief exclaimed with one voice, "Paris! Paris!" But, fortunately, during the night, the Generals having deliberated with eachother saw the frightful abyss into which they were about to precipitateFrance. They therefore resolved to intimate in discreet terms to theEmperor that they would not expose Paris to destruction, so that on the3d of April, prudent ideas succeeded the inconsiderate enthusiasm of thepreceding day. 

The wreck of the army assembled at Fontainebleau, which was the remnantof 1, 000, 000 of troops levied during fifteen months, consisted only ofthe corps of the Duke of Reggio (Oudinot), Ney, Macdonald, and GeneralGerard, which 'altogether did not amount to 25, 000 men, and which, joinedto the remaining 7000 of the Guard, did not leave the Emperor adisposable force of more than 32, 000 men. Nothing but madness or despaircould have suggested the thought of subduing, with such scanty resources, the foreign masses which occupied and surrounded Paris. 

On the 2d of April the Senate published a 'Senatus-consulte', declaringthat Napoleon had forfeited the throne, and abolishing the right ofsuccession, which had been established in favour of his family. Furnished with this set, and without awaiting the concurrence of theLegislative Body, which was given next day, the Provisional Governmentpublished an address to the French armies. In this address the troopswere informed that they were no longer the soldiers of Napoleon, and thatthe Senate released them from their oaths. These documents were widelycirculated at the time, and inserted in all the public journals. 

The address of the Senate was sent round to the Marshals, and was ofcourse first delivered to those who were nearest the capital; of thislatter number was Marmont, whose allegiance to the Emperor, as we havealready seen, yielded only to the sacred interests of his country. Montessuis was directed by the Provisional Government to convey theaddress to Marmont, and to use such arguments as were calculated tostrengthen those sentiments which had triumphed over his dearest personalaffections. I gave Montessuis a letter to Marmont, in which I said:

 "MY DEAR FRIEND--An old acquaintance of mine will convey to you the remembrances of our friendship. He will, I trust, influence your resolution: a single word will suffice to induce you to sacrifice all for the happiness of your country. To secure that object you, who are so good a Frenchman and so loyal a knight, will not fear either dangers or obstacles. Your friends expect you, long for you, and I trust will soon embrace you. "

Montessuis also took one from General Dessolles, whom the ProvisionalGovernment had appointed Governor of the National Guard in the room ofMarshal Moncey, who had left Paris on the occupation of the Allies. General Dessolles and I did not communicate to each other ourcorrespondence, but when I afterwards saw the letter of Deasolles I couldnot help remarking the coincidence of our appeal to Marmont's patriotism. Prince Schwartzenberg also wrote to Marmont to induce him to espouse aclause which had now become the cause of France. To the Prince's letterMarmont replied, that he was disposed to concur in the union of the armyand the people, which would avert all chance of civil war, and stop theeffusion of French blood; and that he was ready with his troops to quitthe army of the Emperor Napoleon on the condition that his troops mightretire with the honours of war, and that the safety and liberty of theEmperor were guaranteed by the Allies. 

After Prince Schwartzenberg acceded to these conditions Marmont wasplaced in circumstances which obliged him to request that he might bereleased from his promise. 

I happened to learn the manner in which Marshal Macdonald was informed ofthe taking of Paris. He had been two days without any intelligence fromthe Emperor, when he received an order in the handwriting of Berthier, couched in the following terms: "The Emperor desires that you haltwherever you may receive this order. " After Berthier's signature thefollowing words were added as a postscript: "You, of course, know thatthe enemy is in possession of Paris. " When the Emperor thus announced, with apparent negligence, an event which totally changed the face ofaffairs, I am convinced his object was to make the Marshal believe thathe looked upon, that event as less important than it really was. However, this object was not attained, for I recollect having heardMacdonald say that herthier's singular postscript, and the tone ofindifference in which it was expressed, filled him with mingled surpriseand alarm. Marshal Macdonald then commanded the rear-guard of the armywhich occupied the environs of Montereau. Six hours after the receipt ofthe order here referred to Macdonald received a second order directinghim to put his troops in motion, and he learned the Emperor's intentionof marching on Paris with all his remaining force. 

On receiving the Emperor's second order Macdonald left his corps atMontereau and repaired in haste to Fontainebleau. When he arrived therethe Emperor had already intimated to the Generals commanding divisions inthe corps assembled at Fontainebleau his design of marching on Paris. Alarmed at this determination the Generals, most of whom had left in thecapital their wives, children, and friends, requested that Macdonaldwould go with them to wait upon Napoleon and endeavour to dissuade himfrom his intention. "Gentlemen, " said the Marshal, "in the Emperor'spresent situation such a proceeding may displease him. It must bemanaged cautiously. Leave it to me, gentlemen, I will go to thechateau. "

Marshal Macdonald accordingly went to the Palace of Fontainebleau, wherethe following conversation ensued between him and the Emperor, and I begthe reader to bear in mind that it was related to me by the Marshalhimself. As soon as he entered the apartment in which Napoleon was thelatter stepped up to him and said, "Well, how are things going on?"--"Very badly, Sire. "--"How? . . . Badly! . . . What then are thefeelings of your army?"--"My army, Sire, is entirely discouraged . . . Appalled by the fate of Paris. "--"Will not your troops join me in anadvance on Paris?"--"Sire, do not think of such a thing. If I were togive such an order to my troops I should run the risk of beingdisobeyed. "--"But what is to be done? I cannot remain as I am; I haveyet resources and partisans. It is said that the Allies will no longertreat with me. Well! no matter. I will march on Paris. I will berevenged on the inconstancy of the Parisians and the baseness of theSenate. Woe to the members of the Government they have patched up forthe return of their Bourbons; that is what they are looking forward to. But to-morrow I shall place myself at the head of my Guards, andto-morrow we shall be in the Tuileries. "

The Marshal listened in silence, and when at length Napoleon becamesomewhat calm he observed, "Sire, it appears, then, that you are notaware of what has taken place in Paris--of the establishment of aProvisional Government, and--"--"I know it all: and what then?"--"Sire, "added the Marshal, presenting a paper to Napoleon, "here is somethingwhich will tell you more than I can. " Macdonald then presented to him aletter from General Beurnonville, announcing the forfeiture of theEmperor pronounced by the Senate, and the determination of the Alliedpowers not to treat with Napoleon, or any member of his family. "Marshal, " said the Emperor, before he opened the letter, "may this beread aloud?"--"Certainly, Sire. " The letter was then handed to Barre, who read it. An individual who was present on the occasion described tome the impression which the reading of the letter produced on Napoleon. His countenance exhibited that violent contraction of the features whichI have often remarked when his mind was disturbed. However, he did notlose his self-command, which indeed never forsook him when policy orvanity required that he should retain it; and when the reading ofBeurnonville's letter was ended he affected to persist in his intentionof marching on Paris. "Sire, " exclaimed Macdonald, "that plan must berenounced. Not a sword would be unsheathed to second you in such anenterprise. " After this conversation between the Emperor and Macdonaldthe question of the abdication began to be seriously thought of. Caulaincourt had already hinted to Napoleon that in case of hisabdicating personally there was a possibility of inducing the Allies toagree to a Council of Regency. Napoleon then determined to sign the actof abdication, which he himself drew up in the following terms:--

 The Allied powers having declared that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he is ready to descend from the throne, to leave France, and even to lay down his life for the welfare of the country, which is inseparable from the rights of his son, those of the Regency of the Empress, and the maintenance of the laws of the Empire. Given at our Palace of Fontainebleau, 2d April 1814. (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

After having written this act the Emperor presented it to the Marshals, saying, "Here, gentlemen! are you satisfied?"

This abdication of Napoleon was certainly very useless, but in case ofanything occurring to render it a matter of importance the act might haveproved entirely illusory. Its meaning might appear unequivocal to thegenerality of people, but not to me, who was so well initiated in thecunning to which Napoleon could resort when it suited his purpose. It isnecessary to observe that Napoleon does not say that "he descends fromthe throne, " but that "he is ready to descend from the throne. " This wasa subterfuge, by the aid of which he intended to open new negotiationsrespecting the form and conditions of the Regency of his son, in case ofthe Allied sovereigns acceding to that proposition. This would haveafforded the means of gaining time. 

He had not yet resigned all hope, and therefore he joyfully received apiece of intelligence communicated to him by General Allix. The Generalinformed the Emperor that he had met an Austrian officer who was sent byFrancis II. To Prince Schwartzenberg, and who positively assured him thatall which had taken place in Paris was contrary to the wish of theEmperor of Austria. That this may have been the opinion of the officeris possible, and even probable. But it is certain from the issue of amission of the Duc de Cadore (Champagny), of which I shall presentlyspeak, that the officer expressed merely his own personal opinion. However, as soon as General Allix had communicated this good news, as hetermed it, to Napoleon, the latter exclaimed to the persons who wereabout him, "I told you so, gentlemen. Francis II. Cannot carry hisenmity so far as to dethrone his daughter. Vicenza, go and desire theMarshals to return my act of abdication. I will send a courier to theEmperor of Austria. "

Thus Bonaparte in his shipwreck looked round for a saving plank, andtried to nurse himself in illusions. The Duke of Vicenza went toMarshals Ney and Macdonald, whom he found just stepping into a carriageto proceed to Paris. Both positively refused to return the act toCaulaincourt, saying, "We are sure of the concurrence of the Emperor ofAustria, and we take everything upon ourselves. " The result proved thatthey were better informed than General Allix. 

During the conversation with Marshal Macdonald which has just beendescribed the Emperor was seated. When he came to the resolution ofsigning the abdication he arose and walked once or twice up and down hiscabinet. After he had written and signed the act he said, "Gentlemen, the interests of my son, the interests of the army, and above all, theinterests of France, must be defended. I therefore appoint as mycommissioners to the Allied powers the Duke of Vicenza, the Prince of theMoskowa, and the Duke of Ragusa. . . . Are you satisfied?" added he, after a pause. "I think these interests are consigned to good hands. "All present answered, as with one voice. "Yes, Sire. " But no sooner wasthis answer pronounced than the Emperor threw himself upon a small yellowsofa, which stood near the window, and striking his thigh with his handwith a sort of convulsive motion, he exclaimed, "No, gentlemen: I willhave no Regency! With my Guards and Marmont's corps I shall be in Paristo-morrow. " Ney and Macdonald vainly endeavoured to undeceive himrespecting this impracticable design. He rose with marked ill-humour, and rubbing his head, as he was in the habit of doing when agitated, hesaid in a loud and authoritative tone, "Retire. "

The Marshals withdrew, and Napoleon was left alone with Caulaincourt. Hetold the latter that what had most displeased him in the proceedingswhich had just taken place was the reading of Beurnonville's letter. "Sire, " observed the Duke of Vicenza, "it was by your order that theletter was read. "--"That is true. . . . But why was it not addresseddirectly to me by Macdonald?"--"Sire, the letter was at first addressedto Marshal Macdonald, but the aide de camp who was the bearer of it hadorders to communicate its contents to Marmont on passing through Essonne, because Beurnonville did not precisely know where Macdonald would befound. " After this brief explanation the Emperor appeared satisfied, andhe said to Caulaincourt, "Vicenza, call back Macdonald. "

The Duke of Vicenza hastened after the Marshal, whom he found at the endof the gallery of the Palace, and he brought him back to the Emperor. When Macdonald returned to the cabinet the Emperor's warmth had entirelysubsided, and he said to him with great composure, "Well, Duke ofTarantum, do you think that the Regency is the only possible thing?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"Then I wish you to go with Ney to the Emperor Alexander, instead of Marmont; it is better that he should remain with his corps, towhich his presence is indispensable. You will therefore go with Ney. Irely on you. I hope you have entirely forgotten all that has separatedus for so long a time. "--"Yes, Sire, I have not thought of it since1809. "--"I am glad of it, Marshal, and I must acknowledge to you that Iwas in the wrong. " While speaking to the Marshal the Emperor manifestedunusual emotion. He approached him and pressed his hand in the mostaffectionate way. 

The Emperor's three Commissioners--that is to say, Marshals Macdonald andNey and the Duke of Vicenza had informed Marmont that they would dinewith him as they passed through Essonne, and would acquaint him with allthat had happened at Fontainebleau. On their arrival at Essonne thethree Imperial Commissioners explained to the Due of Ragusa the object oftheir mission, and persuaded him to accompany them to the EmperorAlexander. This obliged the Marshal to inform them how he was situated. The negotiations which Marmont had opened and almost concluded withPrince Schwartzenberg were rendered void by the mission which he hadjoined, and which it was necessary he should himself explain to theCommander of the Austrian army. The three Marshals and the Duke ofVicenza repaired to Petit Bourg, the headquarters of PrinceSchwartzenberg, and there the Prince released Marmont from the promise hehad given. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

1814. 

 Unexpected receipts in the Post-office Department--Arrival of Napoleon's Commissioners at M. De Talleyrand's--Conference of the Marshals with Alexander--Alarming news from Essonne--Marmont's courage--The white cockade and the tri-coloured cockade-- A successful stratagem--Three Governments in France--The Duc de Cadore sent by Maria Louisa to the Emperor of Austria--Maria Louisa's proclamation to the French people--Interview between the Emperor of Austria and the Duc de Cadore--The Emperor's protestation of friendship for Napoleon--M. Metternich and M. Stadion--Maria Louisa's departure for Orleans--Blucher's visit to me--Audience of the King of Prussia--His Majesty's reception of Berthier, Clarke, and myself--Bernadotte in Paris--Cross of the Polar Star presented to me by Bernadotte. 

After my nomination as Director-General of the Post office the businessof that department proceeded as regularly as before. Having learned thata great many intercepted letters had been thrown aside I sent, on the 4thof April, an advertisement to the 'Moniteur', stating that the letters toand from England or other foreign countries which had been lying at thePost-office for more than three years would be forwarded to theirrespective addresses. This produced to the Post-office a receipt ofnearly 300, 000 francs, a fact which may afford an idea of the enormousnumber of intercepted letters. 

On the night after the publication of the advertisement I was awakened byan express from the Provisional Government, by which I was requested toproceed with all possible haste to M. De Talleyrand's hotel. I rose, andI set off immediately, and I got there some minutes before the arrival ofthe Emperor's Commissioners. I went up to the salon on the first floor, which was one of the suite of apartments occupied by the EmperorAlexander. The Marshals retired to confer with the monarch, and it wouldbe difficult to describe the anxiety--or, I may rather say, consternation--which, during their absence, prevailed among some of themembers of the Provisional Government and other persons assembled in thesalon where I was. 

While the Marshals were with Alexander, I learned that they hadpreviously conversed with M. De Talleyrand, who observed to them, "If yousucceed in your designs you will compromise all who have met in thishotel since the 1st of April, and the number is not small. For my part, take no account of me, I am willing to be compromised. " I had passed theevening of this day with M. De Talleyrand, who then observed to theEmperor Alexander in my presence, "Will you support Bonaparte? No, youneither can nor will. I have already had the honour to tell your Majestythat we can have no choice but between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII. ;anything else would be an intrigue, and no intrigue can have power tosupport him who may be its object. Bernadotte, Eugene, the Regency, allthose propositions result from intrigues. In present circumstancesnothing but a new principle is sufficiently strong to establish the neworder of things which must be adopted. Louis XVIII. Is a principle. "

None of the members of the Provisional Government were present at thisconference, for no one was willing to appear to influence in any way thedetermination of the chief of the coalition upon the subject of thisimportant mission. General Dessolles alone, in quality of commander ofthe National Guard of Paris, was requested to be present. At length theMarshals entered the salon where we were, and their appearance created asensation which it is impossible to describe; but the expression ofdissatisfaction which we thought we remarked in their countenancesrestored the hopes of those who for some hours had been a prey toapprehensions. Macdonald, with his head elevated, and evidently underthe influence of strong irritation, approached Beurnonville, and thusaddressed him, in answer to a question which the latter had put to him. "Speak not to me, sir; I have nothing to say to you. You have made meforget a friendship of thirty years!" Then turning to Dupont, "As foryou, sir, " he continued in the same tone, "your conduct towards theEmperor is not generous. I confess that he has treated you withseverity, perhaps he may even have been unjust to you with respect to theaffair of Baylen, but how long has it been the practice to avenge apersonal wrong at the expense of one's country?"

These remarks were made with such warmth, and in so elevated a tone ofvoice, that Caulaincourt thought it necessary to interfere, and said, "Do not forget, gentlemen, that this is the residence of the Emperor ofRussia. " At this moment M. De Talleyrand returned from the interviewwith the Emperor which he had had after the departure of the Marshals, and approaching the group formed round Macdonald, "Gentlemen, " said he, "if you wish to dispute and discuss, step down to my apartments. "--"That would be useless, " replied Macdonald; "my comrades and I do notacknowledge the Provisional Government. " The three Marshals, Ney, Macdonald, and Marmont, then immediately retired with Caulaincourt, andwent to Ney's hotel, there to await the answer which the EmperorAlexander had promised to give them after consulting the King of Prussia. 

Such was this night-scene; which possessed more dramatic effect than manywhich are performed on the stage. In it all was real: on its denouementdepended the political state of France, and the existence of all thosewho had already declared themselves in favour of the Bourbons. It is aremarkable fact, and one which affords a striking lesson to men who aretempted to sacrifice themselves for any political cause, that most ofthose who then demanded the restoration of the Bourbons at the peril oftheir lives have successively fallen into disgrace. 

When the Marshals and Caulaincourt had retired we were all anxious toknow what had passed between them and the Emperor of Russia. I learnedfrom Dessolles, who, as I have stated, was present at the conference inhis rank of commander of the National Guard of Paris, that the Marshalswere unanimous in urging Alexander to accede to a Regency. Macdonaldespecially supported that proposition with much warmth; and among theobservations he made I recollect Dessolles mentioned the following:--"I am not authorised to treat in any way for the fate reserved for theEmperor. We have full powers to treat for the Regency, the army, andFrance; but the Emperor has positively forbidden us to specify anythingpersonally regarding himself. " Alexander merely replied, "That does notastonish me. " The Marshals then, resuming the conversation, dwelt muchon the respect which was due to the military glory of France. Theystrongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the family of a manwho had so often led them to victory; and lastly, they reminded theEmperor Alexander of his own declaration, in which he proclaimed, in hisown name as well as on the part of his Allies, that it was not theirintention to impose on France any government whatever. 

Dessolles, who had all along declared himself in favour of the Bourbons, in his turn entered into the discussion with as much warmth as thepartisans of the Regency. He represented to Alexander how many personswould be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinionsbehind the shield of his promises. He repeated what Alexander hadalready been told, that the Regency would, in fact, be nothing butBonaparte in disguise. However, Dessolles acknowledged that such was theeffect of Marshal Macdonald's powerful and persuasive eloquence thatAlexander seemed to waver; and, unwilling to give the Marshals a positiverefusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be enabled toexecute the design he had irrevocably formed without seeming to take onhimself alone the responsibility of a change of government. Dessollesaccordingly informed us that Alexander at last gave the following answerto the Marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone; in an affair of suchimportance I must consult the King of Prussia, for I have promised to donothing without consulting him. In a few hours you shall know mydecision. " It was this decision which the Marshals went to wait for atNey's. 

Most of the members of the Provisional Government attributed the evasivereply of the Emperor Alexander to the influence of the speech ofDessolles. For my part, while I do justice to the manner in which hedeclared himself on this important occasion, I do not ascribe to hiseloquence the power of fixing Alexander's resolution, for I well know byexperience how easy it is to make princes appear to adopt the advice ofany one when the counsel given is precisely that which they wish tofollow. From the sentiments of Alexander at this time I had not theslightest doubt as to the course he would finally pursue, and Iconsidered what he said about consulting the King of Prussia to be merelya polite excuse, by which he avoided the disagreeable task of giving theMarshals a direct refusal. 

I therefore returned home quite satisfied as to the result of the EmperorAlexander's visit to the King of Prussia. I knew, from the persons aboutthe Czar, that he cherished a hatred, which was but too well justified, towards Bonaparte. Frederick William is of too firm a character to haveyielded to any of the considerations which might on this subject havebeen pressed on him as they had been on the Emperor of Russia. But, besides that the King of Prussia had legitimate reasons for dislikingNapoleon, policy would at that time have required that he should appearto be his enemy, for to do so was to render himself popular with hissubjects. But the King of Prussia did not need to act under the dictatesof policy; he followed his own opinion in rejecting the propositions ofthe Marshals, which he did without hesitation, and with much energy. 

While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertainwhether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreignarmies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for hecould not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de campto desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such wasNapoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his aidede camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same errand. This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the general whocommanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at Essonne. Theyfeared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention concluded thatmorning with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent for Marmont withthe view of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon knew nothing of thematter, for Marmont, on departing for Paris with Macdonald and Ney, hadleft orders that it should be said that he had gone to inspect his lines. Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle, who had given their assentto the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg, deliberated in the absenceof Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that he was released from hispromise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon, they determined to marchupon Versailles. On arriving there the troops not finding the Marshal attheir head thought themselves betrayed, and a spirit of insurrectionbroke out among them. One of Marmont's aides de camp, whom he had leftat Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent the departure of hisgeneral's corps, but, finding all his efforts unavailing, he hastened toParis to inform the Marshal of what had happened. 'When Marmont receivedthis news he was breakfasting at Ney's with Macdonald and Caulaincourt:they were waiting for the answer which the Emperor Alexander had promisedto send them. The march of his corps on Versailles threw Marmont intodespair. He said to the Marshals, "I must be off to join my corps andquell this mutiny;" and without losing a moment he ordered his carriageand directed the coachman to drive with the utmost speed. He sentforward one of his aides de camp to inform the troops of his approach. 

Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops wereassembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing tomeet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in openinsurrection. "I will go into the midst of them, " said Marmont. "In amoment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:" Hesent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of battle. Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he advancedalone, and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason here? Isit possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I not beenwounded twenty times among you? . . . Have I not shared your fatiguesand privations? And am I not ready to do so again?" Here Marmont wasinterrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le Marechal!"

The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by themission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny ofMarmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state oftormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit mightspread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again beendangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would beimpossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received byus at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurredat Versailles. 

On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it wasproposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to thisproposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troopsunderstand the necessity of serving France before all things. They have, consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But whatI cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which haveled them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not countupon me for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to theinterests of France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on thesubject. " Such were Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur inhis opinion, and the discussion terminated. For my own part, I find bymy notes that I declared myself strongly in favour of Marmont'sproposition. 

The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, anarticle was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:

 The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us to victory. 

Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy maydiffer in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of everyone present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knewnot what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article, but I remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. Hecomplained on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised towrite, and in fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get thearticle inserted. However, it did not appear, and in a few days weobtained a solution of the enigma, as we might perhaps have done beforeif we had tried. The Emperor Alexander also promised to write to theComte d'Artois, and to inform him that the opinion of France was infavour of the preservation of the three colours, but I do not knowwhether the letter was written, or, if it was, what answer it received. 

Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, writtenwithout the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter hadmounted the white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not dootherwise than follow Marmont's example, and he announced to theProvisional Government that in consequence of the resolution of the Dukeof Ragusa he had just ordered his corps to wear the white cockade. Marmont could now be boldly faced, and when he complained to theProvisional Government of the non-insertion of the article in theMoniteur the reply was, "It cannot now appear. You see Marshal Jourdanhas mounted the white cockade: you would not give the army two sets ofcolours!"

Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till sometime after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white flagonly on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so. Thus welost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI. , which Louis XVIII. , when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois showedhimself on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the capital in theuniform of the National Guard. The fraud played off by some members ofthe Provisional Government was attended by fatal consequences; many evilsmight have been spared to France had Marmont's advice been adopted. 

At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to bethree Governments in France, viz. The Provisional Government in Paris, Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency of"Maria Louisa. " Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be called, for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted by theEmpress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans, then toTours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which prevailedrespecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document which Ihave in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies inexistence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. DeMontalivet, the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress. In it a blank is left for the seat of the Government, to which theprefects are desired to send their communications. In the copy I possessthe blank is filled up with the word "Blois" in manuscript. 

As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that hadtaken place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him aletter addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to myfather, who must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interestsof France, those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son. "Certainly Maria Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and thosegreat interests would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si defendipossent. '

After the departure of the Due de Cadore Maria Louisa published thefollowing proclamation, addressed to the French people:

 BY THE EMPRESS REGENT. 

 A Proclamation

 The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen, and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and whose highest pride consists in being a Frenchwoman, and in being united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen. My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard. 

 (By order) MONTALIVET. (Signed) MARIA LOUISA BLOIS, 3d April 1814. 

It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted theresolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents noblanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation, though a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, producedno effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, onthe evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication, withthe fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted. M. DeMontalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by anothercircular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it. 

M. De Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received fromthe Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria, carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops. He arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, whereFrances II. Was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadorewas announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Dukeremained some hours with Francis II. , without being able to obtain fromhim anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refugebehind the promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatevermeasures they might adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor'sheadquarters that evening, and, in the hope that his Majesty might yetreflect on the critical situation of his daughter, he asked permission totake leave next morning. He accordingly presented himself to theEmperor's levee, when he renewed his efforts in support of the claims ofMaria Louisa. "I have a great affection for my daughter, and also for myson-in law, " said the Emperor. "I bear them both in my heart, and wouldshed my blood for them"--"Ah, Sire!" exclaimed M. De Champagny, "such asacrifice is not necessary. "--"Yes, Duke, I say again I would shed myblood, I would resign my life for them, but I have given my Allies apromise not to treat without them, and to approve all that they may do. Besides, " added the Emperor, "my Minister, M. De Metternich, has gone totheir headquarters, and I will ratify whatever he may sign. "

When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, inwhich zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regardedas a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. De Metternich andthe presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria. Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the course ofevents, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the twoAustrian Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am notgoing too far when I affirm that, policy apart, M. De Metternich was muchattached to Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a fact ofwhich I can guarantee the authenticity:

When M. De Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa'smarriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has receivedthe approbation of 80, 000, 000 men is indeed a just subject ofcongratulation. " Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Ministerof the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears ofNapoleon, from whom, however, M. De Metternich in his personal relationsdid not conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. DeMetternich at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you, " said theEmperor, "you will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you candeclare yourself against me. That can never be. "--"Sire, we are not nowquite allies, and some time hence we may become enemies. " This hint wasthe last which Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must havebeen blind indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, heentertained a profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew andcould not forget that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Viennahad been due to the all-powerful influence of Napoleon. 

Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution ofFrancis II. , it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to theurgent solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled thedelicate mission consigned to him. M. De Champagny rejoined the Empressat Orleans, whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found MariaLouisa almost deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire havingsuccessively returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to theProvisional Government. 

I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions asPostmaster-General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I wassurprised to see a Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. Iimmediately recognised him as General Blucher. He had commanded thePrussian army in the battle which took place at the gates of Paris. "Sir, " said he, "I consider it one of my first duties on entering Paristo thank you for the attention I received from you in Hamburg. I amsorry that I was not sooner aware of your being in Pains. I assure youthat had I been sooner informed of this circumstance the capitulationshould have been made without a blow being struck. How much blood mightthen have been spared!"--"General, " said I, "on what do you ground thisassurance?"--"If I had known that you were in Paris I would have givenyou a letter to the King of Prussia. That monarch, who knows theresources and intentions of the Allies, would, I am sure, haveauthorised you to decide a suspension of arms before the neighbourhoodof Paris became the theatre of the war. "--"But, " resumed I, "in spite ofthe good intentions of the Allies, it would have been very difficult toprevent resistance. French pride, irritated as it was by reverses, would have opposed insurmountable obstacles to such a measure. "--"But, good heavens! you would have seen that resistance could be of no availagainst such immense masses. "--"You are right, General; but Frenchhonour would have been defended to the last. "--"I am fully aware ofthat; but surely you have earned glory enough!"--"Yet our Frenchsusceptibility would have made us look upon that glory as tarnished ifParis had been occupied without defence . .. But under presentcircumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied with my conductin Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will observe the samemoderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days are past when itcould be said, Woe to the conquered. "--"You are right; yet, " added he, smiling, "you know we are called the northern barbarians. "--"Then, General, " returned I, "you have a fair opportunity of showing that thatdesignation is a libel. "

Some days after Blucher's visit I had the honour of being admitted to aprivate audience of the King of Prussia. Clarke and Berthier were alsoreceived in this audience, which took place at the hotel of PrinceEugene, where the King of Prussia resided in Paris. We waited for someminutes in the salon, and when Frederick William entered from his cabinetI remarked on his countenance an air of embarrassment and austerity whichconvinced me that he had been studying his part, as great personages arein the habit of doing on similar occasions. The King on entering thesalon first noticed Berthier, whom he addressed with much kindness, bestowing praises on the French troops, and complimenting the Marshal onhis conduct during the war in Germany. Berthier returned thanks forthese well-merited praises, for though he was not remarkable for strengthof understanding or energy of mind, yet he was not a bad man, and I haveknown many proofs of his good conduct in conquered countries. 

After saluting Berthier the King of Prussia turned towards Clarke, andhis countenance immediately assumed an expression of dissatisfaction. He had evidently not forgotten Clarke's conduct in Berlin. He remindedhim that he had rendered the Continental system more odious than it wasin itself, and that he had shown no moderation in the execution of hisorders. "In short, " said his Majesty, "if I have any advice to give you, it is that you never again return to Prussia. " The King pronounced thesewords in so loud and decided a tone that Clarke was perfectly confounded. He uttered some unintelligible observations, which, however, FrederickWilliam did not notice, for suddenly turning towards me he said, with anair of affability, "Ah! M. De Bourrienne, I am glad to see you, and Itake this opportunity of repeating what I wrote to you from Gonigsberg. You always extended protection to the Germans, and did all you could toalleviate their condition. I learned with great satisfaction what youdid for the Prussians whom the fate of war drove into Hamburg; and I feelpleasure in telling you, in the presence of these two gentlemen, that ifall the French agents had acted as you did we should not, probably, behere. " I expressed, by a profound bow, how much I was gratified by thiscomplimentary address, and the king, after saluting us, retired. 

About the middle of April Bernadotte arrived in Paris. His situation hadbecome equivocal, since circumstances had banished the hopes he mighthave conceived in his interview with the Emperor Alexander at Abo. Besides, he had been represented in some official pamphlets as a traitorto France, and among certain worshippers of our injured glory thereprevailed a feeling of irritation, and which was unjustly directedtowards Bernadotte. 

I even remember that Napoleon, before he had fallen from his power, had asort of national protest made by the police against the Prince Royal ofSweden. This Prince had reserved an hotel in the Rue d'Anjou, and thewords, "Down with the traitor! down with the perjurer, " were shoutedthere; but this had no result, as it was only considered an outragecaused by a spirit of petty vengeance. 

While Bernadotte was in Paris I saw him every day. He but faintlydisguised from me the hope he had entertained of ruling France; and inthe numerous conversations to which our respective occupations led Iascertained, though Bernadotte did not formally tell me so, that he oncehad strong expectations of succeeding Napoleon. 

Pressed at last into his final intrenchments he broke through all reserveand confirmed all I knew of the interview of Abo. 

I asked Bernadotte what he thought of the projects which were attributedto Moreau; whether it was true that he had in him a competitor, andwhether Moreau had aspired to the dangerous honour of governing France:"Those reports, " replied the Prince Royal of Sweden, "are devoid offoundation: at least I can assure you that in the conversations I havehad with the Emperor Alexander, that sovereign never said anything whichcould warrant such a supposition. I know that the Emperor of Russiawished to avail himself of the military talents of Moreau in the greatstruggle that had commenced, and to enable the exiled general to returnto his country, in the hope that, should the war prove fortunate, hewould enjoy the honours and privileges due to his past services. "

Bernadotte expressed to me astonishment at the recall of the Bourbons, and assured me that he had not expected the French people would soreadily have consented to the Restoration. I confess I was surprisedthat hernadotte, with the intelligence I knew him to possess, shouldimagine that the will of subjects has any influence in changes ofgovernment!

During his stay in Paris Bernadotte evinced for me the same sentiments offriendship which he had shown me at Hamburg. One day I received from hima letter, dated Paris, with which he transmitted to me one of the crossesof the Polar Star, which the King of Sweden had left at his disposal. Bernadotte was not very well satisfied with his residence in Paris, inspite of the friendship which the Emperor Alexander constantly manifestedtowards him. After a few days he set out for Sweden, having first takenleave of the Comte d'Artois. I did not see him after his farewell visitto the Count, so that I know not what was the nature of the conversationwhich passed between the two Princes. 

VOLUME IV. -- 1814-1815

CHAPTER I. 

1814. 

 Unalterable determination of the Allies with respect to Napoleon-- Fontainebleau included in the limits to be occupied by the Allies-- Alexander's departure from Paris--Napoleon informed of the necessity of his unconditional abdication--Macdonald and Ney again sent to Paris--Alleged attempt of Napoleon to poison himself--Farewell interview between Macdonald and Napoleon--The sabre of Murad Bey-- Signature of the act of unconditional abdication--Tranquillity of Paris during the change of Government--Ukase of the Emperor of Russia relative to the Post-office--Religious ceremony on the Place Louis XV. --Arrival of the Comte d'Artois--His entrance into Paris-- Arrival of the Emperor of Austria--Singular assemblage of sovereigns in France--Visit of the Emperor of Austria to Maria Louisa--Her interview with the Emperor Alexander--Her departure for Vienna. 

When Marmont left Paris on the receipt of the intelligence from Essonne, Marshals Macdonald and Ney and the Duke of Vicenza waited upon theEmperor Alexander to learn his resolution before he could have beeninformed of the movement of Marmont's troops. I myself went during themorning to the hotel of M. De Talleyrand, and it was there I learnt howwhat we had hoped for had become fact: the matter was completely decided. The Emperor Alexander had walked out at six in the morning to theresidence of the King of Prussia in the Rue de Bourbon. The twosovereigns afterwards proceeded together to M. De Talleyrand's, wherethey were when Napoleon's Commissioners arrived. The Commissioners beingintroduced to the two sovereigns, the Emperor Alexander, in answer totheir proposition, replied that the Regency was impossible, assubmissions to the Provisional Government were pouring in from all parts, and that if the army had formed contrary wishes those should have beensooner made known. "Sire, " observed Macdonald, "that--was--impossible, as none of the Marshals were in Paris, and besides, who could foresee theturn which affairs have taken? Could we imagine that an unfounded alarmwould have removed from Essonne the corps of the Duke of Ragusa, who hasthis moment left us to bring his troops back to order?" These wordsproduced no change in the determination of the sovereigns, who would hearof nothing but the unconditional abdication of Napoleon. Before theMarshals took leave of the Emperor Alexander they solicited an armisticeof forty-eight hours, which time they said was indispensable to negotiatethe act of abdication with Napoleon. This request was granted withouthesitation, and the Emperor Alexander, showing Macdonald a map of theenvirons of Paris, courteously presented him with a pencil, saying, "Here, Marshal, mark yourself the limits to be observed by the twoarmies. "--"No, Sire, " replied Macdonald, "we are the conquered party, andit is for you to mark the line of demarcation. " Alexander determinedthat the right bank of the Seine should be occupied by the Allied troops, and the left bank by the French; but it was observed that thisarrangement would be attended with inconvenience, as it would cut Parisin two, and it was agreed that the line should turn Paris. I have beeninformed that on a map sent to the Austrian staff to acquaint PrinceSchwartzenberg with the limits definitively agreed on, Fontainebleau, theEmperor's headquarters, was by some artful means included within theline. The Austrians acted so implicitly on this direction that MarshalMacdonald was obliged to complain on the subject to Alexander, who removed all obstacles. 

When, in discussing the question of the abdication conformably with theinstructions he had received, Macdonald observed to the Emperor Alexanderthat Napoleon wished for nothing for himself, "Assure him, " repliedAlexander, "that a provision shall be made for him worthy of the rank hehas occupied. Tell him that if he wishes to reside in my States he shallbe well received, though he brought desolation there. I shall alwaysremember the friendship which united us. He shall have the island ofElba, or something else. " After taking leave of the Emperor Alexander, onthe 5th of April, Napoleon's Commissioners returned to Fontainebleau torender an account of their mission. I saw Alexander that same day, andit appeared to me that his mind was relieved of a great weight by thequestion of the Regency being brought to an end. I was informed that heintended to quit Paris in a few days, and that he had given full powersto M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, whom he appointed his Commissioner to theProvisional Government. 

On the same day, the 5th of April, Napoleon inspected his troops in thePalace yard of Fontainebleau. He observed some coolness among hisofficers, and even among the private soldiers, who had evinced suchenthusiasm when he inspected them on the 2d of April. He was so muchaffected by this change of conduct that he remained but a short time onthe parade, and afterwards retired to his apartments. 

About one o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April Ney, Macdonald, andCaulaincourt arrived at Fontainebleau to acquaint the Emperor with theissue of their mission, and the sentiments expressed by Alexander whenthey took leave of him. Marshal Ney was the first to announce toNapoleon that the Allies required his complete and unconditionalabdication, unaccompanied by any stipulation, except that of his personalsafety, which should be guaranteed. Marshal Macdonald and the Duke ofVicenza then spoke to the same effect, but in more gentle terms thanthose employed by Ney, who was but little versed in the courtesies ofspeech. When Marshal Macdonald had finished speaking Napoleon said withsome emotion, "Marshal, I am sensible of all that you have done for me, and of the warmth with which you have pleaded the cause of my son. Theywish for my complete and unconditional abdication. . . . Very well. I again empower you to act on my behalf. You shall go and defend myinterests and those of my family. " Then, after a moment's pause, headded, still addressing Macdonald, "Marshal, where shall I go?"Macdonald then informed the Emperor what Alexander had mentioned in thehypothesis of his wishing to reside in Russia. "Sire, " added he, "theEmperor of Russia told me that he destined for you the island of Elba, orsomething else. "--"Or something else!" repeated Napoleon hastily, "andwhat is that something else?"--"Sire, I know not. "--"Ah! it is doubtlessthe island of Corsica, and he refrained from mentioning it to avoidembarrassment! Marshal, I leave all to you. "

The Marshals returned to Paris as soon as Napoleon furnished them withnew powers; Caulaincourt remained at Fontainebleau. On arriving in ParisMarshal Ney sent in his adhesion to the Provisional Government, so thatwhen Macdonald returned to Fontainebleau to convey to Napoleon thedefinitive treaty of the Allies, Ney did not accompany him, and theEmperor expressed surprise and dissatisfaction at his absence. Ney, asall his friends concur in admitting, expended his whole energy in battle, and often wanted resolution when out of the field, consequently I was notsurprised to find that he joined us before some other of his comrades. As to Macdonald, he was one of those generous spirits who may be mostconfidently relied on by those who have wronged them. Napoleonexperienced the truth of this. Macdonald returned alone toFontainebleau, and when he entered the Emperor's chamber he found himseated in a small armchair before the fireplace. He was dressed in amorning-gown of white dimity, and he wore his slippers withoutstockings. His elbows rested on his knees and his head was supported byhis hands. He was motionless, and seemed absorbed in profoundreflection. Only two persons were in the apartment, the Duke of Bassano;who was at a little distance from the Emperor, and Caulaincourt, who wasnear the fireplace. So profound was Napoleon's reverie that he did nothear Macdonald enter, and the Duke of Vicenza was obliged to inform himof the Marshal's presence. "Sire, " said Caulaincourt, "the Duke ofTarantum has brought for your signature the treaty which is to beratified to-morrow. " The Emperor then, as if roused from a lethargicslumber, turned to Macdonald, and merely said, "Ah, Marshal! so you arehere!" Napoleon's countenance was so altered that the Marshal, struckwith the change, said, as if it were involuntarily, "Is your Majestyindisposed?"--"Yes, " answered Napoleon, "I have passed a very bad night. "

The Emperor continued seated for a moment, then rising, he took thetreaty, read it without making any observation, signed it, and returnedit to the Marshal, saying; "I am not now rich enough to reward these lastservices. "--"Sire, interest never guided my conduct. "--"I know that, andI now see how I have been deceived respecting you. I also see thedesigns of those who prejudiced me against you. "--"Sire, I have alreadytold you, since 1809 I am devoted to you in life and death. "--"I know it. But since I cannot reward you as I would wish, let a token ofremembrance, inconsiderable though it be, assure you that I shall everbear in mind the services you have rendered me. " Then turning toCaulaincourt Napoleon said, "Vicenza, ask for the sabre which was givenme by Murad Bey in Egypt, and which I wore at the battle of MountThabor. " Constant having brought the sabre, the Emperor took it from thehands of Caulaincourt and presented it to the Marshal "Here, my faithfulfriend, " said he, "is a reward which I believe will gratify you. "Macdonald on receiving the sabre said, "If ever I have a son, Sire, thiswill be his most precious inheritance. I will never part with it as longas I live. "--"Give me your hand, " said the Emperor, "and embrace me. "At these words Napoleon and Macdonald affectionately rushed into eachother's arms, and parted with tears in their eyes. Such was the lastinterview between Macdonald and Napoleon. I had the above particularsfrom the Marshal himself in 1814. , a few days after he returned to Pariswith the treaty ratified by Napoleon. 

After the clauses of the treaty had been guaranteed Napoleon signed, onthe 11th of April, at Fontainebleau, his act of abdication, which was inthe following terms:--

 "The Allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces for himself and his heirs the thrones of France and Italy, and that there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not ready to make for the interests of France. "

It was not until after Bonaparte had written and signed the aboveact that Marshal Macdonald sent to the Provisional Government hisrecognition, expressed in the following dignified and simple manner:--

 "Being released from my allegiance by the abdication of the Emperor Napoleon, I declare that I conform to the acts of the Senate and the Provisional Government. "

It is worthy of remark that Napoleon's act of abdication was published inthe 'Moniteur' on the 12th of April, the very day on which the Comted'Artois made his entry into Paris with the title of Lieutenant-Generalof the Kingdom conferred on him by Louis XVIII. The 12th of April wasalso the day on which the Imperial army fought its last battle beforeToulouse, when the French troops, commanded by Soult, made Wellingtonpurchase so dearly his entrance into the south of France. --[The battle ofToulouse was fought on the 10th not 12th April D. W. ]

Political revolutions are generally stormy, yet, during the great changeof 1814 Paris was perfectly tranquil, thanks to the excellent disciplinemaintained by the commanders of the Allied armies, and thanks also to theservices of the National Guard of Paris, who every night patrolled thestreets. My duties as Director-General of the Post-office had of courseobliged me to resign my captain's epaulette. 

When I first obtained my appointment I had been somewhat alarmed to hearthat all the roads were covered with foreign troops, especially Cossacks, who even in time of peace are very ready to capture any horses that mayfall in their way. On my application to the Emperor Alexander hisMajesty immediately issued a ukase, severely prohibiting the seizure ofhorses or anything belonging to the Post-office department. The ukasewas printed by order of the Czar, and filed up at all the poet-offices, and it will be seen that after the 20th of March, when I was placed in anembarrassing situation, one of the postmasters on the Lille roadexpressed to me his gratitude for my conduct while I was in the service. 

On the 10th of April a ceremony took place in Paris which has been muchspoken of; and which must have had a very imposing effect on those whoallow themselves to be dazzled by mere spectacle. Early in the morningsome regiments of the Allied troops occupied the north side of theBoulevard, from the site of the old Bastille to the Place Louis XV. , inthe middle of which an altar of square form was erected. Thither theAllied sovereigns came to witness the celebration of mass according tothe rites of the Greek Church. I went to a window of the hotel of theMinister of the Marine to see the ceremony. After I had waited fromeight in the morning till near twelve the pageant commenced by thearrival of half a dozen Greek priests, with long beards, and as richlydressed as the high priests who figure in the processions of the opera. About three-quarters of an hour after this first scene the infantry, followed by the cavalry, entered the place, which, in a few moments wasentirely covered with military. The Allied sovereigns at lengthappeared, attended by brilliant staffs. They alighted from their horsesand advanced to the altar. What appeared to me most remarkable was theprofound silence of the vast multitude during the performance of themass. The whole spectacle had the effect of a finely-painted panorama. For my own part, I must confess I was heartily tired of the ceremony, andwas very glad when it was over. I could not admire the foreign uniforms, which were very inferior to ours. Many of them appeared fanciful, andeven grotesque, and nothing can be more unsoldier-like than to see a manlaced in stays till his figure resembles a wasp. The ceremony which tookplace two days after, though less pompous, was much more French. In theretinue which, on the 12th of April, momentarily increased round theComte d'Artos, there were at least recollections for the old, and hopesfor every one. 

When, on the departure of the Commissioners whom Napoleon had sent toAlexander to treat for the Regency, it was finally determined that theAllied sovereigns would listen to no proposition from Napoleon and hisfamily, the Provisional Government thought it time to request thatMonsieur would, by his presence, give a new impulse to the partisans ofthe Bourbons. The Abby de Montesquiou wrote to the Prince a letter, which was carried to him by Viscount Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, oneof the individuals who, in these difficult circumstances, most zealouslyserved the cause of the Bourbons. On the afternoon of the 11th Monsieurarrived at a country-house belonging to Madame Charles de Dames, where hepassed the night. The news of his arrival spread through Paris with therapidity of lightning, and every one wished to solemnise his entranceinto the capital. The National Guard formed a double line from thebarrier of Bondy to Notre Dame, whither the Prince was first to proceed, in observance of an old custom, which, however, had become very rare inFrance during the last twenty years. 

M. De Talleyrand, accompanied by the members of the ProvisionalGovernment, several Marshals and general officers, and the municipalbody, headed by the prefect of the Seine, went in procession beyond thebarrier to receive Monsieur. M. De Talleyrand, in the name of theProvisional Government, addressed the Prince, who in reply made thatobservation which has been so often repeated, "Nothing is changed inFrance: there is only one Frenchman more. "

 --[These words were never really uttered by the Comte d'Artois, and we can in this case follow the manufacture of the phrase. The reply actually made to Talleyrand was, "Sir, and gentlemen, I thank you; I am too happy. Let us get on; I am too happy. " When the day's work was done, "Let us see, " said Talleyrand; "what did Monsieur say? I did not hear much: he seemed much moved, and desirous of hastening on, but if what he did say will not suit you (Beugnot), make an answer for him . . . And I can answer that Monsieur will accept it, and that so thoroughly that by the end of a couple of days he will believe he made it, and he will have made it: you will count for nothing. " After repeated attempts, rejected by Talleyraud, Beugnot at last produced, "No more divisions. Peace and France! At last I see her once more, and nothing in her is changed, except that here is one more Frenchman. " At last the great critic (Talleyrand) said, "This time I yield; that is realty Monsieur's speech, and I will answer for you that he is the man who made it. " Monsieur did not disdain to refer to it in his replies, end the prophecy of M. De Talleyrand was completely realised (Beugnot, vol. Ii, p. 119)]--

This remark promised much. The Comte Artois next proceeded on horsebackto the barrier St. Martin. I mingled in the crowd to see the processionand to observe the sentiments of the spectators. Near me stood an oldknight of St. Louis, who had resumed the insignia of the order, and whowept for joy at again seeing one of the Bourbons. The procession soonarrived, preceded by a band playing the air, "Vive Henri Quatre!" I hadnever before seen Monsieur, and his appearance had a most pleasing effectupon me. His open countenance bore the expression of that confidencewhich his presence inspired in all who saw him. His staff was verybrilliant, considering it was got together without preparation. ThePrince wore the uniform of the National Guard, with the insignia of theOrder of the Holy Ghost. 

I must candidly state that where I saw Monsieur pass, enthusiasm waschiefly confined to his own retinue, and to persons who appeared tobelong to a superior class of society. The lower order of people seemedto be animated by curiosity and astonishment rather than any otherfeeling. I must add that it was not without painful surprise I saw asquadron of Cossacks close the procession; and my surprise was thegreater when I learned from General Sacken that the Emperor Alexander hadwished that on that day the one Frenchman more should be surroundedonly by Frenchmen, and that to prove that the presence of the Bourbonswas the signal of reconciliation his Majesty had ordered 20, 000 of theAllied troops to quit Paris. I know not to what the presence of theCossacks is to be attributed, but it was an awkward circumstance at thetime, and one which malevolence did not fail to seize upon. 

Two days only intervened between Monsieur's entrance into Paris and thearrival of the Emperor of Austria. That monarch was not popular amongthe Parisians. The line of conduct he had adopted was almost generallycondemned, for, even among those who lead most ardently wished for thedethronement of his daughter, through their aversion to the Bonapartefamily, there were many who blamed the Emperor of Austria's behaviour toMaria Louisa: they would have wished that, for the honour of Francis II. , he had unsuccessfully opposed the downfall of the dynasty, whose alliancehe considered as a safeguard in 1809. This was the opinion which themass of the people instinctively formed, for they judged of the Emperorof Austria in his character of a father and not in his character of amonarch; and as the rights of misfortune are always sacred in France, more interest was felt for Maria Louisa when she was known to be forsakenthan when she was in the height of her splendour. Francis II. Had notseen his daughter since the day when she left Vienna to unite her destinywith that of the master of half of Europe, and I have already stated howhe received the mission with which Maria Louisa entrusted the Duc deCadore. 

I was then too intent on what was passing in Paris and at Fontainebleauto observe with equal interest all the circumstances connected with thefate of Maria Louisa, but I will present to the reader all theinformation I was able to collect respecting that Princess during theperiod immediately preceding her departure from France. She constantlyassured the persons about her that she could rely on her father. Thefollowing words, which were faithfully reported to me, were addressed byher to an officer who was at Blois during the mission of M. De Champagny. "Even though it should be the intention of the Allied sovereigns todethrone the Emperor Napoleon, my father will not suffer it. When heplaced me on the throne of France he repeated to me twenty times hisdetermination to uphold me on it; and my father is an honest man. " I alsoknow that the Empress, both at Blois and at Orleans, expressed her regretat not having followed the advice of the members of the Regency, whowished her to stay in Paris. 

On leaving Orleans Maria Louisa proceeded to Rambouillet; and it was notone of the least extraordinary circumstances of that eventful period tosee the sovereigns of Europe, the dethroned sovereigns of France, andthose who had come to resume the sceptre, all crowded together within acircle of fifteen leagues round the capital. There was a Bourbon at theTuileries, Bonaparte at Fontainebleau, his wife and son at Rambouillet, the repudiated Empress at Malmaison three leagues distant, and theEmperors of Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia in Paris. 

When all her hopes had vanished Maria Louisa left Rambouillet to returnto Austria with her son. She did not obtain permission to see Napoleonbefore her departure, though she had frequently expressed a wish to thateffect. Napoleon himself was aware of the embarrassment which might haveattended such a farewell, or otherwise he would no doubt have made aparting interview with Maria Louisa one of the clauses of the treaty ofParis and Fontainebleau, and of his definitive act of abdication. I wasinformed at the time that the reason which prevented Maria Louisa's wishfrom being acceded to was the fear that, by one of those sudden impulsescommon to women, she might have determined to unite herself to Napoleon'sfallen fortune, and accompany him to Elba; and the Emperor of Austriawished to have his daughter back again. 

Things had arrived at this point, and there was no possibility ofretracting from any of the decisions which had been formed when theEmperor of Austria went to see his daughter at Rambouillet. I recollectit was thought extraordinary at the time that the Emperor Alexandershould accompany him on this visit; and, indeed, the sight of thesovereign, who was regarded as the head and arbiter of the coalition, could not be agreeable to the dethroned Empress. 

 --[Meneval (tome ii. P. 112), then with Maria Louisa as Secretary, who gives some details of her interview with the Emperor Francis on the 16th of April, says nothing about the Czar having been there; a fact he would have been sure to have remarked upon. It was only on the 19th of April that Alexander visited her, the King of Prussia coming in his turn on the 22d; but Bourrienne is right in saying that Maria Louisa complained bitterly of having to receive Alexander, and considered that she was forced by her father to do so. The poor little King of Rome, then only three years old, had also to be seen by the monarchs. He was not taken with his grandfather, remarking that he was not handsome. Maria Louisa seems, according to Meneval, to have been at this time really anxious to join Napoleon (Meneval, tome ii. P. 94). She left Rambouillet on the 28d of April stopped one day at Grossbois, receiving there her father and Berthier, and taking farewell of several persons who came from Paris for that purpose. On the 25th of April she started for Vienna, and later for Parma, which state she received under the treaty of 1814 and 1815. She yielded to the influence brought to bear on her, became estranged from Napoleon, and eventually married her chamberlain, the Comte de Neipperg, an Austrian general. ]--

The two Emperors set off from Paris shortly after each other. TheEmperor of Austria arrived first at Rambouillet, where he was receivedwith respect and affection by his daughter. Maria Louisa was happy tosee him, but the many tears she shed were not all tears of joy. Afterthe first effusion of filial affection she complained of the situation towhich she was reduced. Her father sympathised with her, but could offerher no consolation, since her misfortunes were irreparable. Alexanderwas expected to arrive immediately, and the Emperor of Austria thereforeinformed his daughter that the Russian monarch wished to see her. Atfirst Maria Louisa decidedly refused to receive him, and she persistedfor some time in this resolution. She said to her father, "Would he toomake me a prisoner before your eyes? If he enters here by force I willretire to my chamber. There, I presume, he will not dare to follow mewhile you are here. " But there was no time to be lost; Francis II. Heard the equipage of the Emperor of Russia rolling through the courtyardof Rambouillet, and his entreaties to his daughter became more and moreurgent. At length she yielded, and the Emperor of Austria went himselfto meet his ally and conduct him to the salon where Maria Louisaremained, in deference to her father. She did not, however, carry herdeference so far as to give a favourable reception to him whom sheregarded as the author of all her misfortunes. She listened withconsiderable coldness to the offers and protestations of Alexander, andmerely replied that all she wished for was the liberty of returning toher family. A few days after this painful interview Maria Louisa and herson set off for Vienna. 

 --[A few days after this visit Alexander paid his respects to Bonaparte's other wife, Josephine. In this great breaking up of empires and kingdoms the unfortunate Josephine, who had been suffering agonies on account of the husband who had abandoned her, was not forgotten. One of the first things the Emperor of Russia did on arriving at Paris was to despatch a guard for the protection of her beautiful little palace at Malmaison. The Allied sovereigns treated her with delicacy and consideration. 

 "As soon as the Emperor Alexander knew that the Empress Josephine had arrived at Malmaison he hastened to pay her a visit. It is not possible to be more amiable than he was to her. When in the course of conversation he spoke of the occupation of Paris by the Allies, and of the position of the Emperor Napoleon, it was always in perfectly measured language: he never forgot for a single instant that he was speaking before one who had been the wife of his vanquished enemy. On her side the ex-Empress did not conceal the tender sentiments, the lively affection she still entertained for Napoleon. . . . Alexander had certainly something elevated and magnanimous in his character, which would not permit him to say a single word capable of insulting misfortune; the Empress had only one prayer to make to him, and that was for her children. "]--

This visit was soon followed by those of the other Allied Princes. 

 "The King of Prussia and the Princes, his sons, came rather frequently to pay their court to Josephine; they even dined with her several times at Malmaison; but the Emperor Alexander come much more frequently. The Queen Hortense was always with her mother when she received the sovereigns, and assisted her in doing the honours of the house. The illustrious strangers exceedingly admired Malmaison, which seemed to them a charming residence. They were particularly struck with the fine gardens and conservatories. "

 From this moment, however, Josephine's health rapidly declined, and she did not live to see Napoleon's return from Elba. She often said to her attendant, "I do not know what is the matter with me, but at times I have fits of melancholy enough to kill me. " But on the very brink of the grave she retained all her amiability, all her love of dress, and the graces and resources of a drawing-room society. The immediate cause of her death was a bad cold she caught in taking a drive in the park of Malmaison on a damp cold day. She expired on the noon of Sunday, the 26th of May, in the fifty-third year of her age. Her body was embalmed, and on the sixth day after her death deposited in a vault in the church of Ruel, close to Malmaison. The funeral ceremonies were magnificent, but a better tribute to the memory of Josephine was to be found is the tears with which her children, her servants, the neighbouring poor, and all that knew her followed her to the grave. In 1826 a beautiful monument was erected over her remains by Eugene Beauharnais and his sisters with this simple inscription:

 TO JOSEPHINE. 

 EUGENE. HORTENSE. 

CHAPTER II. 

1814. 

 Italy and Eugene--Siege of Dantzic-Capitulation concluded but not ratified-Rapp made prisoner and sent to Kiow--Davoust's refusal to believe the intelligence from Paris--Projected assassination of one of the French Princes--Departure of Davoust and General Hogendorff from Hamburg--The affair of Manbreuil--Arrival of the Commissioners of the Allied powers at Fontainebleau--Preference shown by Napoleon to Colonel Campbell--Bonaparte's address to General Kohler--His farewell to his troops--First day of Napoleon's journey--The Imperial Guard succeeded by the Cossacks--Interview with Augerean-- The first white cockades--Napoleon hanged in effigy at Orgon--His escape in the disguise of a courier--Scene in the inn of La Calade-- Arrival at Aix--The Princess Pauline--Napoleon embarks for Elba--His life at Elba. 

I must now direct the attention of the reader to Italy, which was thecradle of Napoleon's glory, and towards which he transported himself inimagination from the Palace of Fontainebleau. Eugene had succeeded inkeeping up his means of defence until April, but on the 7th of thatmonth, being positively informed of the overwhelming reverses of France, he found himself constrained to accede to the propositions of the Marshalde Bellegarde to treat for the evacuation of Italy; and on the 10th aconvention was concluded, in which it was stipulated that the Frenchtroops, under the command of Eugene, should return within the limits ofold France. The clauses of this convention were executed on the 19th ofApril. 

 --[Lord William Bentinck and Sir Edward Pellew had taken Genoa on the 18th Of April. Murat was in the field with the Austrians against the French. ]--

Eugene, thinking that the Senate of Milan was favourably disposed towardshim, solicited that body to use its influence in obtaining the consent ofthe Allied powers to his continuance at the head of the Government ofItaly; but this proposition was rejected by the Senate. A feeling ofirritation pervaded the public mind in Italy, and the army had notproceeded three marches beyond Mantua when an insurrection broke out inMilan. The Finance Minister, Pizna, was assassinated, and his residencedemolished, and nothing would have saved the Viceroy from a similar fatehad he been in his capital. Amidst this popular excitement, and theeagerness of the Italians to be released from the dominion of the French, the friends of Eugene thought him fortunate in being able to join hisfather-in-law at Munich almost incognito. 

 --[Some time after Eugene visited France and had a long audience of Louis XVIII. He announced himself to that monarch by his father's title of Marquis de Beauharnais. The King immediately saluted him by the title of Monsieur le Marechal, and proposed that he should reside in France with that rank. But this invitation Eugene declined, because as a French Prince under the fallen Government he had commanded the Marshals, and he therefore could not submit to be the last in rank among those illustrious military chiefs. Bourrienne. ]--

Thus, at the expiration of nine years, fell the iron crown which Napoleonhad placed on his head saying, "Dieu me l'a donne; gare a qui la touche. "

I will now take a glance at the affairs of Germany. Rapp was not inFrance at the period of the fall of the Empire. He had, withextraordinary courage and skill, defended himself against a year's siegeat Dantzic. At length, being reduced to the last extremity, andconstrained to surrender, he opened the gates of the city, whichpresented nothing but heaps of ruins. Rapp had stipulated that thegarrison of Dantzic should return to France, and the Duke of Wurtemberg, who commanded the siege, had consented to that condition; but the Emperorof Russia having refused to ratify it, Rapp, having no means of defence, was made prisoner with his troops; and conducted to Kiow, whence heafterwards returned to Paris, where I saw him. 

Hamburg still held out, but at the beginning of April intelligence wasreceived there of the extraordinary events which had delivered Europefrom her oppressor. Davoust refused to believe this news, which at onceannihilated all his hopes of power and greatness. This blindness waspersisted in for some time at Hamburg. Several hawkers, who were markedout by the police as having been the circulators of Paris news, wereshot. An agent of the Government publicly announced his design ofassassinating one of the French Princes, in whose service he was said tohave been as a page. He said he would go to his Royal Highness andsolicit to be appointed one of his aides de camp, and that, if theapplication were refused, as it probably would be, the refusal would onlyconfirm him in his purpose. 

At length, when the state of things was beyond the possibility of doubt, Davoust assembled the troops, acquainted them with the dethronement ofthe Emperor, hoisted a flag of truce, and sent his adhesion to theProvisional Government. All then thought of their personal safety, without losing sight of their honestly-acquired wealth. Diamonds andother objects of value and small bulk were hastily collected and packedup. The Governor of Hamburg, Count Hogendorff, who, in spite of somesignal instances of opposition, had too often co-operated in severe andvexatious measures, was the first to quit the city. He was, indeed, hurried off by Davoust; because he had mounted the Orange cockade andwished to take his Dutch troops away with him. After consigning thecommand to General Gerard, Davoust quitted Hamburg, and arrived at Parison the 18th of June. 

I have left Napoleon at Fontainebleau. The period of his departure forElba was near at hand: it was fixed for the 17th of April. 

On that day Maubreuil, a man who has become unfortunately celebrated, presented himself at the Post-office, and asked to speak with me. Heshowed me some written orders, signed by General Saeken, the Commander ofthe Russian troops in Palls, and by Baron Brackenhausen, chief of thestaff. These orders set forth that Maubreuil was entrusted with animportant mission, for the execution of which he was authorised to demandthe assistance of the Russian troops; and the commanders of those menwere enjoined to place at his disposal as many troops as he might applyfor. Maubreuil was also the bearer of similar orders from GeneralDupont, the War Minister, and from M. Angles, the ProvisionalCommissary-General of the Police, who directed all the othercommissaries to obey the orders they might receive from Maubreuil. Onseeing these documents, of the authenticity of which there was no doubt, I immediately ordered the different postmasters to provide Maubreuilpromptly with any number of horses he might require. 

Some days after I was informed that the object of Maubreuil's mission wasto assassinate Napoleon. It may readily be imagined what was myastonishment on hearing this, after I had seen the signature of theCommander of the Russian forces, and knowing as I did the intentions ofthe Emperor Alexander. The fact is, I did not, and never can, believethat such was the intention of Mabreuil. This man has been accused ofhaving carried off the jewels of the Queen of Westphalia. 

Napoleon having consented to proceed to the island of Elba, conformablywith the treaty he had ratified on the 13th, requested to be accompaniedto the place of embarkation by a Commissioner from each of the Alliedpowers. Count Schouwaloff was appointed by Russia, Colonel Neil Campbellby England, General Kohler by Austria, and Count Waldbourg-Truchess byPrussia. On the 16th the four Commissioners came for the first time toFontainebleau, where the Emperor, who was still attended by GeneralsDrouot and Bertrand, gave to each a private audience on the followingday. 

Though Napoleon received with coldness the Commissioners whom he hadhimself solicited, yet that coldness was far from being manifested in anequal degree to all. He who experienced the best reception was ColonelCampbell, apparently because his person exhibited traces of wounds. Napoleon asked him in what battles he had received them, and on whatoccasions he had been invested with the orders he wore. He nextquestioned him as to the place of his birth, and Colonel Campbell havinganswered that he was a Scotchman, Napoleon congratulated him on being thecountryman of Ossian, his favourite author, with whose poetry, however, he was only acquainted through the medium of wretched translations. On this first audience Napoleon said to the Colonel, "I have cordiallyhated the English. I have made war against you by every possible means, but I esteem your nation. I am convinced that there is more generosityin your Government than in any other. I should like to be conveyed fromToulon to Elba by an English frigate. "

The Austrian and Russian Commissioners were received coolly, but withoutany marked indications of displeasure. It was not so with the PrussianCommissioner, to whom he said duly, "Are there any Prussians in myescort?"--"No, Sire. "--"Then why do you take the trouble to accompanyme?"--"Sire, it is not a trouble, but an honour. "--"These are mere words;you have nothing to do here. "--"Sire, I could not possibly decline thehonourable mission with which the King my master has entrusted me. " Atthese words Napoleon turned his back on Count Truchess. 

The Commissioners expected that Napoleon would be ready to set outwithout delay; but they were deceived. He asked for a sight of theitinerary of his route, and wished to make some alterations in it. The Commissioners were reluctant to oppose his wish, for they had beeninstructed to treat him with all the respect and etiquette due to asovereign. They therefore suspended the departure, and, as they couldnot take upon themselves to acquiesce in the changes wished for by theEmperor, they applied for fresh orders. On the night of the 18th ofApril they received these orders, authorising them to travel by any roadthe Emperor might prefer. The departure was then definitively fixed forthe 20th. 

Accordingly, at ten on the morning of the 20th, the carriages were inreadiness, and the Imperial Guard was drawn up in the grand court of thePalace of Fontainebleau, called the Cour du Cheval Blanc. All thepopulation of the town and the neighbouring villages thronged round thePalace. Napoleon sent for General Kohler, the Austrian Commissioner, andsaid to him, "I have reflected on what I ought to do, and I am determinednot to depart. The Allies are not faithful to their engagements with me. I can, therefore, revoke my abdication, which was only conditional. Morethan a thousand addresses were delivered to me last night: I am conjuredto resume the reins of government I renounced my rights to the crown onlyto avert the horrors of a civil war, having never had any other abject inview than the glory and happiness of France. But, seeing as I now do, the dissatisfaction inspired by the measures of the new Government, I canexplain to my Guard the reasons which induced me to revoke my abdication. It is true that the number of troops on which I can count will scarcelyexceed 30, 000 men, but it will be easy for me to increase their numbersto 130, 000. Know, then, that I can also, without injuring my honour, sayto my Guard, that having nothing but the repose and happiness of thecountry at heart, I renounce all my rights, and exhort my troops tofollow my example, and yield to the wish of the nation. "

I heard these words reported by General Kohler himself, after his returnfrom his mission. He did not disguise the embarrassment which thisunexpected address had occasioned; and I recollect having remarked at thetime that had Bonaparte, at the commencement of the campaign of Paris, renounced his rights and returned to the rank of citizen, the immensemasses of the Allies must have yielded to the efforts of France. GeneralKohler also stated that Napoleon complained of Maria Louisa not beingallowed to accompany him; but at length, yielding to the reasons urged bythose about him, he added, "Well, I prefer remaining faithful to mypromise; but if I have any new ground of complaint, I will free myselffrom all my engagements. "

At eleven o'clock Comte de Bussy, one of the Emperor's aides de camp, wassent by the Grand Marshal (General Bertrand) to announce that all wasready for departure. "Am I;" said Napoleon, "to regulate my actions bythe Grand Marshal's watch? I will go when I please. Perhaps I may notgo at all. Leave me!"

All the forms of courtly etiquette which Napoleon loved so much wereobserved; and when at length he was pleased to leave his cabinet to enterthe salon, where the Commissioners were waiting; the doors were thrownopen as usual, and "The Emperor" was announced; but no sooner was theword uttered than he turned back again. However, he soon reappeared, rapidly crossed the gallery, and descended the staircase, and at twelveo'clock precisely he stood at the head of his Guard, as if at a review inthe court of the Tuileries in the brilliant days of the Consulate and theEmpire. 

Then took place a really moving scene--Napoleon's farewell to hissoldiers. Of this I may abstain from entering into any details, sincethey are known everywhere, and by everybody, but I may subjoin theEmperor's last address to his old companions-in-arms, because it belongsto history. This address was pronounced in a voice as firm and sonorousas that in which Bonaparte used to harangue his troops in the days of histriumphs. It was as follows:

 "Soldiers of my Old Guard, I bid you farewell. For twenty years I have constantly accompanied you on the road to honour and glory. In these latter times, as in the days of our prosperity, you have invariably been models of courage and fidelity. With men such as you our cause could not be lost, but the war would have been interminable; it would have been civil war, and that would have entailed deeper misfortunes on France. I have sacrificed all my interests to those of the country. I go; but you, my friends, will continue to serve France. Her happiness was my only thought. . It will still be the object of my wishes. Do not regret my fate: if I have consented to survive, it is to serve your glory. I intend to write the history of the great achievements we have performed together. Adieu, my friends. Would I could press you all to my, heart!"

During the first day cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" resounded along theroad, and Napoleon, resorting to his usual dissimulation, censured thedisloyalty of the people to their legitimate sovereign, which he did withill disguised irony. The Guard accompanied him as far as Briars. Atthat place Napoleon invited Colonel Campbell to breakfast with him. Heconversed on the last war in Spain, and spoke in complimentary terms ofthe English nation and the military talents of Wellington. Yet by thattime he must have heard of the battle of Toulouse. 

On the night of the 21st Napoleon slept at Nevers, where he was receivedby the acclamations of the people, who here, as in several other towns, mingled their cries in favour of their late sovereign with imprecationsagainst the Commissioners of the Allies. He left Nevers at six on themorning of the 22d. Napoleon was now no longer escorted by the Guards, who were succeeded by a corps of Cossacks: the cries of "Vivel'Empereur!" accordingly ceased, and he had the mortification to hear inits stead, "Vivent les Allies!" However, I have been informed that atLyons, through which the Emperor passed on the 23d at eleven at night, the cry of "Vive l'Empereur!" was still echoed among the groups whoassembled before the post-office during the change of horses. 

Augereau, who was still a Republican, though he accepted the title ofDuke of Castiglione from Napoleon, had always been among thediscontented. On the downfall of the Emperor he was one of thatconsiderable number of persons who turned Royalists not out of love forthe Bourbons but out of hatred to Bonaparte. He held a command in thesouth when he heard of the forfeiture of Napoleon pronounced by theSenate, and he was one of the first to send his recognition to theProvisional Government. Augereau, who, like all uneducated men, went toextremes in everything, had published under his name a proclamationextravagantly violent and even insulting to the Emperor. WhetherNapoleon was aware of this proclamation I cannot pretend to say, but heaffected ignorance of the matter if he was informed of it, for on the24th, having met Augereau at a little distance from Valence, he stoppedhis carriage and immediately alighted. Augereau did the same, and theycordially embraced in the presence of the Commissioners. It was remarkedthat in saluting Napoleon took off his hat and Augereau kept on his. "Where are you going?", said the Emperor; "to Court?"--"No, I am going toLyons. "--"You have behaved very badly to me. " Augereau, finding that theEmperor addressed him in the second person singular, adopted the samefamiliarity; so they conversed as they were accustomed to do when theywere both generals in Italy. "Of what do you complain?" said he. "Has not your insatiable ambition brought us to this? Have you notsacrificed everything to that ambition, even the happiness of France?I care no more for the Bourbons than for you. All I care for is thecountry. " Upon this Napoleon turned sharply away from the Marshal, lifted his hat to him, and then stepped into his carriage. TheCommissioners, and all the persons in Napoleon's suite, were indignant atseeing Augereau stand in the road still covered, with his hands behindhis back, and instead of bowing, merely making a contemptuous salutationto Napoleon with his hand. It was at the Tuileries that these haughtyRepublicans should have shown their airs. To have done so on the road toElba was a mean insult which recoiled upon themselves. 

 --[The following letter, taken from Captain Bingham's recently published selections from the Correspondence of the first Napoleon, indicates in emphatic language the Emperor's recent dissatisfaction with Marshal Augereau when in command at Lyons daring the "death straggle" of 1814:

 To Marshal Augereau. 

 NOGENT, 21st February, 1814, . .. . What! six hours after having received the first troops coming from Spain you were not in the field! Six hours repose was sufficient. I won the action of Naugis with a brigade of dragoons coming from Spain which, since it had left Bayonne, had not unbridled its horses. The six battalions of the division of Nimes want clothes, equipment, and drilling, say you? What poor reasons you give me there, Augereau! I have destroyed 80, 000 enemies with conscripts having nothing but knapsacks! The National Guards, say you, are pitiable; I have 4000 here in round hats, without knapsacks, in wooden shoes, but with good muskets, and I get a great deal out of them. There is no money, you continue; and where do you hope to draw money from! You want waggons; take them wherever you can. You have no magazines; this is too ridiculous. I order you twelve hours after the reception of this letter to take the field. If you are still Augereau of Castiglione, keep the command, but if your sixty years weigh upon you hand over the command to your senior general. The country is in danger; and can be saved by boldness and alacrity alone. .. . (Signed) NAPOLEON]--

At Valence Napoleon, for the first time, saw French soldiers with thewhite cockade in their caps. They belonged to Augereau's corps. AtOrange the air resounded with tines of "Vive le Roi!" Here the gaiety, real or feigned, which Napoleon had hitherto evinced, began to forsakehim. 

Had the Emperor arrived at Avignon three hours later than he did there isno doubt that he would have been massacred. --[The Royalist mob of Avignonmassacred Marshal Brune in 1816. ]--He did not change horses at Avignon, through which he passed at five in the morning, but at St. Andiol, wherehe arrived at six. The Emperor, who was fatigued with sitting in thecarnage, alighted with Colonel Campbell and General Bertrand, and walkedwith them up the first hill. His valet de chambre, who was also walkinga little distance in advance, met one of the mail couriers, who said ishim, "Those are the Emperor's carriages coming this way?"--"No, they arethe equipages of the Allies. "--"I say they are the Emperor's carriages. I am an old soldier. I served in the campaign of Egypt, and I will savethe life of my General. "--"I tell you again they are not the Emperor'scarriages. "--"Do not attempt to deceive me; I have just passed throughOrgan, where the Emperor has been hanged in effigy. The wretches erecteda scaffold and hanged a figure dressed in a French uniform covered withblood. Perhaps I may get myself into a scrape by this confidence, but nomatter. Do you profit by it. " The courier then set off at full gallop. The valet de chambre took General Drouot apart, and told him what he hadheard. Drouot communicated the circumstance to General Bertrand, whohimself related it to the Emperor in the presence of the Commissioners. The latter, justly indignant, held a sort of council on the highway, andit was determined that the Emperor should go forward without his retinue. The valet de chambre was asked whether he had any clothes in thecarriage. He produced a long blue cloak and a round hat. It wasproposed to put a white cockade in the hat, but to this Napoleon wouldnot consent. He went forward in the style of a courier, with Amaudru, one of the two outriders who had escorted his carriage, and dashedthrough Orgon. When the Allied Commissioners arrived there the assembledpopulation were uttering exclamations of "Down with the Corsican! Downwith the brigand!" The mayor of Orgon (the same man whom I had seenalmost on his knees to General Bonaparte on his return from Egypt)addressed himself to Pelard, the Emperor's valet de chambre, and said, "Do you follow that rascal?"--"No, " replied Pelard, "I am attached to theCommisairiers of the Allied powers. "--Ah! that is well! I should liketo hang the villain with my own hands. 

"Ah! if you knew, sir, how the scoundrel has deceived us! It was I whoreceived him on his return from Egypt. We wished to take his horses outand draw his carriage. I should like to avenge myself now for thehonours I rendered him at that time. "

The crowd augmented, and continued to vociferate with a degree of furywhich may be imagined by those who have heard the inhabitants of thesouth manifest, by cries, their joy or their hatred. Some more violentthan the rest wished to force Napoleon's coachman to cry "Vive le Roi!"He courageously refused, though threatened with a stroke of a sabre, when, fortunately; the carriage being ready to start, he whipped thehorses and set off at full gallop. The Commissioners would not breakfastat Orgon; they paid for what had been prepared, and took somerefreshments away with them. The carriages did not overtake the Emperoruntil they came to La Calade, where he had arrived a quarter of an hourbefore with Amaudru. 

They found him standing by the fire in the kitchen of the inn talkingwith the landlady. She had asked him whether the tyrant was soon to passthat way? "Ah! sir, " said she, "it is all nonsense to say we have gotrid of him. I always, have said, and always will say, that we shallnever be sure of being done with him until he be laid at the bottom of awell, covered over with stones. I wish we had him safe in the well inour yard. You see, sir, the Directory sent him to Egypt to get rid ofhim; but he came back again! And he will come back again, you maybe sureof that, sir; unless--" Here the good woman, having finished skimming herpot, looked up and perceived that all the party were standing uncoveredexcept the individual to whom, she had been speaking. She wasconfounded, and the embarrassment she experienced at having spoken so illof the Emperor to the Emperor himself banished all her anger, and shelavished every mark of attention, and respect on Napoleon and hisretinue. A messenger was immediately sent to Aix to purchase ribbons formaking white cockades. All the carriages were brought into the courtyardof the inn, and the gate was closed; the landlady informed Napoleon thatit would not be prudent for him to venture on passing through Aix, wherea population of more than 20, 000 were waiting to stone him. 

Meanwhile dinner was served, and Napoleon sat down to table. Headmirably disguised the agitation which he could not fail to experience, and I have been assured, by some of the individuals who were present onthat remarkable occasion, that he never made himself more agreeable. Hisconversation, which was enriched by the resources of his memory and hisimagination, charmed every one, and he remarked, with an air ofindifference which was perhaps affected, "I believe the new FrenchGovernment has a design on my life. "

The Commissioners, informed of what was going on at Aix, proposed sendingto the Mayor an order for closing the gates and adopting measures forsecuring the public tranquillity. About fifty individuals had assembledround the inn, and one among them offered to carry a letter to the Mayorof Aix The Commissioners accepted his services, and in their letterinformed the Mayor that if the gates of the town were not closed withinan hour they would advance with two regiments of uhlans and six pieces ofartillery, and would fire upon all who might oppose them. This threathad the desired effect; and the Mayor returned for answer that the gatesshould be closed, and that he would take upon himself the responsibilityof everything which might happen. 

The danger which threatened the Emperor at Aix was thus averted; butthere was another to be braved. During the seven or eight hours hepassed at La Calade a considerable number of people had gathered roundthe inn, and manifested every disposition to proceed to some excess. Most of them had in their hands five-franc pieces, in order to recognisethe Emperor by his likeness on the coin. Napoleon, who had passed twonights without sleep, was in a little room adjoining the kitchen, wherehe had fallen into a slumber, reclining an the shoulder of his valet dechambre. In a moment of dejection he had said, "I now renounce thepolitical world forever. I shall henceforth feel no interest aboutanything that may happen. At Porto-Ferrajo I may be happy--more happythan I have ever been! No!--if the crown of Europe were now offered tome I would not accept it. I will devote myself to science. I was rightnever to esteem mankind! But France and the French people--whatingratitude! I am disgusted with ambition, and I wish to rule nolonger!"

When the moment for departure arrived it was proposed that he should puton the greatcoat and fur cap of General Kohler, and that he should gointo the carriage of the Austrian Commissioner. The Emperor, thusdisguised, left the inn of La Calade, passing between two lines ofspectators. On turning the walls of Aix Napoleon had again themortification to hear the cries of "Down with the tyrant! Down withNicolas!" and these vociferations resounded at the distance of a quarterof a league from the town. 

Bonaparte, dispirited by these manifestations of hatred, said, in a toneof mingled grief and contempt, "These Provencals are the same furiousbrawlers that they used to be. They committed frightful massacres at thecommencement of the Revolution. Eighteen years ago I came to this partof the country with some thousand men to deliver two Royalists who wereto be hanged. Their crime was having worn the white cockade. I savedthem; but it was not without difficulty that I rescued them from thehands of their assailants; and now, you see, they resume the sameexcesses against those who refuse to wear the white cockade. ". At abouta league from Aix the Emperor and his retinue found horses and an escortof gendarmerie to conduct them to the chateau of Luc. 

The Princess Pauline was at the country residence of M. Charles, memberof the Legislative Body, near the castle of Luc. On hearing of themisfortunes of her brother she determined to accompany him to the isle ofElba, and she proceeded to Frejus to embark with him. At Frejus theEmperor rejoined Colonel Campbell, who had quitted the convoy on theroad, and had brought into the port the English frigate the 'Undaunted'which was appointed to convey the Emperor to the place of hisdestination. In spite of the wish he had expressed to Colonel Campbellhe manifested considerable reluctance to go on board. However, on the28th of April he sailed for the island of Elba in the English frigate, inwhich it could not then be said that Caesar and his fortune wereembarked. 

 [It was on the 3d of May 1814 that Bonaparte arrived within sight of Porto-Ferrajo, the capital of his miniature empire; but he did not land till the nest morning. At first he paid a short visit incognito, being accompanied by a sergeant's party of marines from the Undaunted. He then returned on board to breakfast, and at about two o'clock made his public entrance, the 'Undaunted' firing a royal salute. ]

In every particular of his conduct he paid great attention to themaintenance of his Imperial dignity. On landing he received the keys ofhis city of Porto-Ferrajo, and the devoirs of the Governor, prefect, andother dignitaries, and he proceeded immediately under a canopy of Stateto the parish church, which served as a cathedral. There he heard TeDeum, and it is stated that his countenance was dark and melancholy, andthat he even shed tears. 

One of Bonaparte's first cares was to select a flag for the ElbeseEmpire, and after some hesitation he fixed on "Argent, on a bend gules, or three bees, " as the armorial ensign of his new dominion. It isstrange that neither he nor any of those whom he consulted should havebeen aware that Elba had an ancient and peculiar ensign, and it is stillmore remarkable that this ensign should be one singularly adapted toBonaparte's situation; being no more than "a wheel, --the emblem, " saysM. Bernaud, "of the vicissitudes of human life, which the Elbese hadborrowed from the Egyptian mysteries. " This is as curious a coincidenceas any we ever recollect to have met; as the medals of Elba with theemblem of the wheel are well known, we cannot but suppose that Bonapartewas aware of the circumstance; yet he is represented as having in vainmade several anxious inquiries after the ancient arms of the island. 

During the first months of his residence there his life was, in general, one of characteristic activity and almost garrulous frankness. He gavedinners, went to balls, rode all day about his island, plannedfortifications, aqueducts, lazarettos, harbours, and palaces; and thevery second day after he landed fitted out an expedition of a dozensoldiers to take possession of a little uninhabited island calledPianosa, which lies a few leagues from Elba; on this occasion he saidgood-humouredly, "Toute l'Europe dira que j'ai deja fait une conqute"(All Europe will say I have already made a conquest). The cause of theisland of Pianosa being left uninhabited was the marauding of theCorsairs from the coast of Barbary, against whom Bonaparte consideredhimself fully protected by the 4th Article of the Treaty ofFontainebleau. 

The greatest wealth of Elba consists in its iron mines, for which theisland was celebrated in the days of Virgil. Soon after his arrivalNapoleon visited the mines in company with Colonel Campbell, and beinginformed that they produced annually about 500, 000 francs he exclaimedjoyfully, "These, then, are my own!" One of his followers, however, reminded him that he had long since disposed of that revenue, havinggiven it to his order of the Legion of Honour, to furnish pensions, etc. "Where was my head when I made that grant?" said he, "but I have mademany foolish decrees of that sort!"

Sir Walter Scott, in telling a curious fact, makes a very curiousmistake. "To dignify his capital, " he says, "having discovered that theancient name of Porto-Ferrajo was Comopoli (the city of Como), hecommanded it to be called Cosmopoli, or the city of all nations. " Nowthe old name of Porto-Ferrajo was in reality not Comopoli, but Cosmopoli, and it obtained that name from the Florentine Cosmo de' Medici, to whoseducal house Elba belonged, as an integral part of Tuscany. The nameequally signified the city of Cosmo, or the city of all nations, and thevanity of the Medici had probably been flattered by the double meaning ofthe appellation. But Bonaparte certainly revived the old name, and didnot add a letter to it to dignify his little capital. 

The household of Napoleon, though reduced to thirty-five persons, stillrepresented an Imperial Court. The forms and etiquette of the Tuileriesand St, Cloud were retained on a diminished scale, but the furniture andinternal accommodations of the palace are represented as having beenmeaner by far than those of an English gentleman of ordinary rank. TheBodyguard of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Elba consisted of about700 infantry and 80 cavalry, and to this handful of troops Napoleonseemed to pay almost as much attention as he had formerly given to hisGrande Armee. The men were constantly exercised, particularly inthrowing shot and shells, and he soon began to look out for good recruits. 

He early announced that he would hold a Court and receive ladies twice aweek; the first was on the 7th of May, and a great concourse assembled. Bonaparte at first paid great attention to the women, particularly thosewho possessed personal attractions, and asked them, in his rapid way, whether they were married? how many children they had, and who theirhusbands were? To the last question he received one universal answer; ithappened that every lady was married to a merchant, but when it came tobe further explained that they were merchant butchers and merchantbakers, his Imperial Majesty permitted some expression of hisdissatisfaction to escape him and hastily retired. On the 4th of Junethere was a ball on board the British frigate, in honour of the King'sbirthday; the whole beauty and fashion of Elba were assembled, anddancing with great glee, when, about midnight, Bonaparte came in hisbarge, unexpectedly, and masked, to join the festivity. He was veryaffable, and visited every part of the ship, and all the amusements whichhad been prepared for the different classes of persons. On his birthday, the 15th of August, he ordered the mayor to give a ball, and for thispurpose a temporary building, capable of holding 300 persons, was to beerected, and the whole entertainment, building and all, were to be at theexpense of the inhabitants themselves. These were bad auspices, andaccordingly the ball completely failed. Madame Mtire, Madame Bertrand, and the two ladies of honour, attended, but not above thirty of the fairislanders, and as the author of the IEineraire remarks, "Le bal fultriste quoique Bonaparte n'y parut pas. "

Having in an excursion reached the summit of one of the highest hills onthe island, where the sea was visible all round him, he shook his headwith affected solemnity, and exclaimed in a bantering tone, "Eh! il fautavouer que mon ile est bien petite. "

On this mountain one of the party saw a little church in an almostinaccessible situation, and observed that it was a most inconvenient sitefor a church, for surely no congregation could attend it. "It is on thataccount the more convenient to the parson, " replied Bonaparte, "who maypreach what stuff he pleases without fear of contradiction. "

As they descended the hill and met some peasants with their goats whoasked for charity, Bonaparte told a story which the present circumstancesbrought to his recollection, that when he was crossing the Great St. Bernard, previously to the battle of Marengo, he had met a goatherd, andentered into conversation with him. The goatherd, not knowing to whom hewas speaking, lamented his own hard lot, and envied the riches of somepersons who actually had cows and cornfields. Bonaparte inquired if somefairy were to offer to gratify all his wishes what he would ask? Thepoor peasant expressed, in his own opinion, some very extravagantdesires, such as a dozen of cows and a good farmhouse. Bonaparteafterwards recollected the incident, and astonished the goatherd by thefulfilment of all his wishes. 

But all his thoughts and conversations were not as light and pleasant asthese. Sometimes he would involve himself in an account of the lastcampaign, of his own views and hopes, of the defection of his marshals, of the capture of Paris, and finally of his abdication; on these he wouldtalk by the hour with great earnestness and almost fury, exhibiting invery rapid succession traits of eloquence, of military genius, ofindignation; of vanity, and of selfishness. With regard to the audienceto whom he addressed these tirades he was not very particular. 

The chief violence of his rage seemed to be directed against MarshalMarmont whom, as well as Augereau, he sometimes called by names too grossfor repetition, and charged roundly with treachery. Marmont, when hecould no longer defend Paris by arms, saved it by an honourablecapitulation; he preserved his army for the service of his country andwhen everything else was lost stipulated for the safety of Bonaparte. This last stipulation, however, Bonaparte affected to treat with contemptand indignation. --[Editor of 1836 edition. ]

CHAPTER III. 

1814. 

 Changes produced by time--Correspondence between the Provisional Government and Hartwell--Louis XVIII's reception in London-- His arrival at Calais--Berthier's address to the King at Compiegne-- My presentation to his Majesty at St. Ouen-Louis--XVIII's entry into Paris--Unexpected dismissal from my post--M. De Talleyrand's departure for the Congress of Vienna--Signs of a commotion-- Impossibility of seeing M. De Blacas--The Abby Fleuriel--Unanswered letters--My letter to M. De Talleyrand at Vienna. 

No power is so great as that resulting from the changes produced by time. Wise policy consists in directing that power, but to do so it isrequisite to know the wants of the age. For this reason Louis XVIII. Appeared, in the eyes of all sensible persons, a monarch expressly formedfor the circumstances in which we stood after the fall of Napoleon. 

In the winter of 1813-14 some Royalist proclamations had been circulatedin Paris, and as they contained the germs of those hopes which theCharter, had it been executed, was calculated to realise, the policeopposed their circulation, and I recollect that, in order to multiply thenumber of copies, my family and I daily devoted some hours totranscribing them. After the definitive declaration of Alexander a veryactive correspondence ensued between the Provisional Government andHartwell, and Louis XVIII. Was even preparing to embark for Bordeaux whenhe learned the events of the 31st of March. That news induced the Kingto alter his determination, and he soon quitted his retirement to proceedto London. Louis XVIII. And the Prince Regent of England exchanged theorders of the Holy Ghost and the Garter, and I believe I may affirm thatthis was the first occasion on which any but a Catholic Prince wasinvested with the order of the Holy Ghost. 

Louis XVIII. Embarked at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landedat Calais on the 24th of April. I need not enter into any description ofthe enthusiasm which his presence excited; that is generally knownthrough the reports of the journals of the time. It is very certain thatall rational persons saw with satisfaction the Princes of the House ofBourbon reascend the throne of their ancestors, enlightened by experienceand misfortune, which, as some ancient philosopher observes, are the bestcounsellors of kings. 

I had received a letter addressed to me from London by the Duc de Duras, pointing out the route which Louis XVIII. Was to pursue from Calais toParis: In this he said, "After the zeal, monsieur, you have shown for theservice of the King, I do not doubt your activity to prevent hissuffering in any way at a moment so happy and interesting for everyFrenchman. " The King's wishes on this subject were scrupulouslyfulfilled, and I recollect with pleasure the zeal with which mydirections were executed by all the persons in the service of thePostoffice. His Majesty stopped for a short time at Amiens, and thenproceeded to Compiegne, where the Ministers and Marshals had previouslyarrived to present to him their homage and the assurance of theirfidelity. Berthier addressed the King in the name of the Marshals, andsaid, among other things, "that France, groaning for five and twentyyears under the weight of the misfortunes that oppressed her, hadanxiously looked forward to the happy day which she now saw dawning. "Berthier might justly have said for "ten years"; but at all events, evenhad he spoken the truth, it was ill placed in the mouth of a man whom theEmperor had constantly loaded with favours: The Emperor Alexander alsowent to Compiegne to meet Louis XVIII. , and the two monarchs dinedtogether. 

I did not go to Compiegne because the business which I had constantly toexecute did not permit me to leave Paris for so long an interval as thatjourney would have required, but I was at St. Ouen when Louis XVIII. Arrived on the 2d of May. There I had to congratulate myself on beingremembered by a man to whom I was fortunate enough to render some serviceat Hamburg. As the King entered the salon through which he had to passto go to the dining-room M. Hue recognising me said to his Majesty, "There is M. De Bourrienne. " The King then stepping up to me said, "Ah!M. De Bourrienne, I am very glad to see you. I am aware of the servicesyou have rendered me in Hamburg and Paris, and I shall feel much pleasurein testifying my gratitude. "

At St. Ouen Louis XVIII. Promulgated the declaration which preceded theCharter, and which repeated the sentiments expressed by the King twentyyears before, in the Declaration of Colmar. It was also at St, Ouen thatproject of a Constitution was presented to him by the Senate in whichthat body, to justify 'in extremis' its title of conservative, stipulatedfor the preservation of its revenues and endowments. 

On the 3d of May Louis XVIII. Made his solemn entrance into Paris, theDuchess d'Angouleme being in the carriage with the King. His Majestyproceeded first to Notre Dame. On arriving at the Pont Neuf he saw themodel of the statue of Henri IV. Replaced, on the pedestal of whichappeared the following words: 'Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus', which were suggested by M. De Lally-Tollendal, and were greatlypreferable to the long and prolix inscription composed for the bronzestatue. 

The King's entrance into Paris did not excite so much enthusiasm as theentrance of Monsieur. In the places through which I passed on the 3d ofMay astonishment seemed to be the prevailing feeling among the people. The abatement of public enthusiasm was more perceptible a short timeafter, when Louis XVIII. Restored "the red corps" which Louis XVI. Hadsuppressed long before the Revolution. 

It was not a little extraordinary to see the direction of the Governmentconsigned to a man who neither had nor could have any knowledge ofFrance. From the commencement M. De Blacas affected ministerialomnipotence. When I went on the 11th of May to the Tuileries to present, as usual, my portfolio to the King, in virtue of my privilege oftransacting business with the sovereign, M. De Blacas wished to take theportfolio from me, which appeared to me the more surprising as, duringthe seven days I had the honour of coming in contact with Louis XVIII. , his Majesty had been pleased to bestow many compliments upon me. I atfirst refused to give up the portfolio, but M. De Blacas told me the Kinghad ordered him to receive it; I then, of course, yielded the point. 

However, it, was not long before I had experience of a courtier'srevenge, for two days after this circumstance, that is to say, on the13th of May, on entering my cabinet at the usual hour, I mechanicallytook up the 'Moniteur', which I found lying on my desk. On glancinghastily over it what was my astonishment to find that the Comte Ferrandhad been appointed Director of the Post-office in my stead. Such was thestrange mode in which M. De Blacas made me feel the promised gratitude ofthe sovereign. Certainly, after my proofs of loyalty, which a yearafterwards procured for me the honour of being outlawed in quite aspecial way, I had reason to complain, and I might have said 'Sic vos nonvobis' as justly as Virgil when he alluded to the unmerited favourslavished by Augustus on the Maevii and Bavii of his time. 

The measures of Government soon excited complaints in every quarter. The usages of the old system were gradually restored, and ridicule beingmingled with more serious considerations, Paris was speedily inundatedwith caricatures and pamphlets. However, tranquillity prevailed untilthe month of September, when M. De Talleyrand departed for the Congressof Vienna. Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. Every one feelinghimself free from restraint, wished to play the statesman, and Heavenknows how many follies were committed in the absence of the schoolmaster. 

Under a feeble Government there is but one step from discontent toinsurrection, under an imbecile Government like that of France in 1814, after the departure of M. De Talleyrand, conspiracy has free Scope. During the summer of 1814 were initiated the events which reached theirclimax on the 20th of March 1815. I almost fancy I am dreaming when Ilook back on the miraculous incapacity of the persons who were then atthe head of our Government. The emigrants, who, as it has been trulysaid, had neither learned nor forgotten anything, came back with all theabsurd pretensions of Coblentz. Their silly vanity reminded one of acharacter in one of Voltaire's novels who is continually saying, "Unhomme comme moi!" These people were so engrossed with their pretendedmerit that they were blind to everything else. They not only disregardedthe wishes and the wants of France; which in overthrowing the Empirehoped to regain liberty, but they disregarded every warning they hadreceived. 

I recollect one circumstance which was well calculated to excitesuspicion. Prince Eugene proposed going to the waters of Plombieres tojoin his sister Hortense. The horses, the carriages, and one of thePrince's aides de camp had already arrived at Plombieres, and hisresidence was prepared; but he did not go. Eugene had, no doubt, received intimation of his sister's intrigues with some of theindividuals of the late Court of Napoleon who were then at the waters, and as he had determined to reside quietly at the Court of hisfather-in-law; without meddling with public affairs, he remained atMunich. This fact, however, passed off unnoticed. 

At the end of 1814 unequivocal indications of a great catastrophe wereobservable. About that time a man, whom I much esteem, and with whom Ihave always been on terms of friendship, said to me, "You see how thingsare going on: they are committing fault upon fault. You must beconvinced that such a state of things cannot last long. Betweenourselves, I am of opinion that all will be over in the month of March;that month will repair the disgrace of last March. We shall then, oncefor all, be delivered from fanaticism and the emigrants. You see theintolerable spirit of hypocrisy that prevails, and you know that theinfluence of the priests is, of all things, the most hateful to thenation. We have gone back a long way within the last eight months. Ifear you will repent of having taken too active a part in affairs at thecommencement of the present year. You see we have gone a very differentway from what you expected. However, as I have often told you before, you had good reason to complain; and after all, you acted to the best ofyour judgment. "

I did not attach much importance to this prediction of a change in themonth of March. I deplored, as every one did, the inconceivable errorsof "Ferrand and Company, " and I hoped that the Government would graduallyreturn to those principles which were calculated to conciliate thefeelings of the people. A few days after another of my friends called onme. He had exercised important functions, and his name had appeared on aproscription list. He had claims upon the Government, which was by nomeans favourably disposed towards him. I asked him how things were goingon, and he replied, "Very well; no opposition is made to my demands. Ihave no reason to complain. " This reminded me of the man in the 'LettresPersanes', who admired the excellent order of the finances under Colbertbecause his pension was promptly paid. I congratulated my friend on thejustice which the Government rendered him, as well as on the justicewhich he rendered to the Government, and I remarked that if the samecourse were adopted towards every one all parties would speedily beconciliated. "I do not think so, " said my friend. "If the Governmentpersist in its present course it cannot possibly stand, and we shall havethe Emperor back again. "--"That, " said I, "would be a very greatmisfortune; and even if such were the wish of France, it would be opposedby Europe. You who are so devotedly attached to France cannot beindifferent to the danger that would threaten her if the presence ofBonaparte should bring the foreigners back again. Can you endure tothink of the dismemberment of our country?"--"That they would never dareto attempt. But you and I can never agree on the question of the Emperorand your Bourbons. We take a totally different view of the matter. Youhad cause to complain of Bonaparte, but I had only reason to be satisfiedwith him. But tell me, what would you do if he were to return?"--"Bonaparte return!"--"Yes. "--"Upon my word, the best thing I could dowould be to set off as speedily as I could, and that is certainly what Ishould do. I am thoroughly convinced that he would never pardon me forthe part I have taken in the Restoration, and I candidly confess that Ishould not hesitate a moment to save my life by leaving France. "--"Well, you are wrong, for I am convinced that if you would range yourself amongthe number of his friends you might have whatever you wished--titles, honours, riches. Of this I could give you assurance. "--"All this, I musttell you, does not tempt me. I love France as dearly, as you do, and Iam convinced that she can never be happy under Bonaparte. If he shouldreturn I will go and live abroad. "

This is only part of a conversation which lasted a considerable time, and, as is often the case after a long discussion, my friend retained hisopinion, and I mine. However, this second warning, this hypothesis ofthe return of Bonaparte, made me reflect, and I soon received anotherhint which gave additional weight to the preceding ones. An individualwith whom I was well acquainted, and whom I knew from his principles andconnections to be entirely devoted to the royal cause, communicated to mesome extraordinary circumstances which he said alarmed him. Among otherthings he said, "The day before yesterday I met Charles de Labedoyere, who, you know, is my intimate friend. I remarked that he had an air ofagitation and abstraction. I invited him to come and dine with me, buthe declined, alleging as an excuse that we should not be alone. He thenasked me to go and dine with him yesterday, as he wanted to talk with me. I accepted his invitation, and we conversed a long time on politicalaffair's and the situation of France. You know my sentiments are quitethe reverse of his, so we disputed and wrangled, though we are still verygood friends. But what alarms me is, that at parting Charles pressed myhand, saying, 'Adieu; to-morrow I set off for Grenoble. In a month youwill hear something of Charles de Labedoyere. '"

These three successive communications appeared to me very extraordinary. The two first were made to me by persons interested in the event, and thethird by one who dreaded it. They all presented a striking coincidencewith the intrigues at Plombieres a few months before. In the month ofJanuary I determined to mention the business to M. De Blacas, who thenengrossed all credit and all power, and through whose medium aloneanything could reach the sovereign. I need scarcely add that myintention was merely to mention to him the facts without naming theindividuals from whom I obtained them. After all, however, M. De Blacasdid not receive me, and I only had the honour of speaking to hissecretary, who, if the fact deserve to be recorded, was an abbe namedFleuriel. This personage, who was an extraordinary specimen ofimpertinence and self-conceit, would have been an admirable study for acomic poet. He had all the dignity belonging to the great secretary of agreat Minister, and, with an air of indifference, he told me that theCount was not there; but M. De Blacas was there, and I knew it. 

Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my duty towrite that very day to M. De Blacas to request an interview; I receivedno answer. Two days after I wrote a second letter, in which I informedM. De Blacas that I had something of the greatest importance tocommunicate to him; this letter remained unnoticed like the first. Unable to account for this strange treatment I again repaired to thePavilion de Flore, and requested the Abbe Fleuriel to explain to me if hecould the cause of his master's silence. "Sir, " said he, "I receivedyour two letters, and laid them before the Count; I cannot tell why hehas not sent you an answer; but Monsieur le Comte is so much engaged. . . . Monsieur le Comte is so overwhelmed with business that"--"Monsieurle Comte may, perhaps, repent of it. Good morning, sir!"

I thus had personal experience of the truth of what I had often heardrespecting M. De Blacas. That favourite, who succeeded Comte d'Avaray, enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and concentrated the sovereignpower in his own cabinet. The only means of transmitting anycommunication to Louis XVIII. Was to get it addressed to M. De Blacas byone of his most intimate friends. 

Convinced as I was of the danger that threatened France, and unable tobreak through the blockade which M. De Blacas had formed round the personof the King, I determined to write to M. De Talleyrand at Vienna, ' andacquaint him with the communications that had been made to me. M. DeTalleyrand corresponded directly with the King, and I doubt not that myinformation at length reached the ears of his Majesty. But when LouisXVIII. Was informed of what was to happen it was too late to avert thedanger. 

CHAPTER IV. 

1814-1815. 

 Escape from Elba--His landing near Cannes--March on Paris. 

About the middle of summer Napoleon was visited by his mother and hissister the Princess Pauline. Both these ladies had very considerabletalents for political intrigue, and then natural faculties in this wayhad not lain dormant or been injured by want of practice. In Paulinethis finesse was partially concealed by a languor and indecision ofmanner and an occasional assumption of 'niaiserie'; or almost infantinesimplicity; but this only threw people the more off their guard, and madeher finesse the more sure in its operation. Pauline was handsome too, uncommonly graceful, and had all that power of fascination which has beenattributed to the Bonaparte family. She could gain hearts with ease, andthose whom her charms enslaved were generally ready to devote themselvesabsolutely to her brother. She went and came between Naples and Elba, and kept her brother-in-law, Murat, in mind of the fact that the lion wasnot yet dead nor so much as sleeping, but merely retiring the better tospring forward on his quarry. 

Having taken this resolution and chosen his time, Napoleon kept thesecret of his expedition until the last moment; and means were found toprivately make the requisite preparations. A portion of the soldiers wasembarked in a brig called the 'Inconstant' and the remainder in six smallcraft. It was not till they were all on board that the troops firstconceived a suspicion of the Emperor's purpose: 1000 or 1200 men hadsailed to regain possession of an Empire containing a population of30, 000, 000! He commenced his voyage on Sunday the 26th of February 1815, and the next morning at ten o'clock was not out of sight of the island, to the great annoyance of the few friends he had left behind. At thistime Colonel Sir Neil Campbell was absent on a tour to Leghorn, but beinginformed by the French Consul and by Spanocchi, the Tuscan Governor ofthe town, that Napoleon was about to sail for the Continent, he hastenedback, and gave chase to the little squadron in the Partridge sloop ofwar, which was cruising in the neighbourhood, but, being delayed bycommunicating with a French frigate, reached Antibes too late. 

There were between 400 and 500 men on board the brig (the 'Inconstant')in which Bonaparte embarked. On the passage they met with a French shipof war, with which they spoke. The Guards were ordered to pull off theircaps and lie down on the deck or go below while the captain exchangedsome words with the commander of the frigate, whom he afterwards proposedto pursue and capture. Bonaparte rejected the idea as absurd, and askedwhy he should introduce this new episode into his plan. 

As they stood over to the coast of France the Emperor was in the highestspirits. The die was cast, and he seemed to be quite himself again. Hesat upon the deck and amused the officers collected round him with anarrative of his campaigns, particularly those of Italy and Egypt. Whenhe had finished he observed the deck to be encumbered with several largechests belonging to him. He asked the maitre d'hotel what theycontained. Upon being told they were filled with wine he ordered them tobe immediately broken open, saying, "We will divide the booty. " TheEmperor superintended the distribution himself, and presented bottle bybottle to his comrades, till tired of this occupation he called out toBertrand, "Grand Marshal, assist me, if you please. Let us help thesegentlemen. They will help us some day. " It was with this species ofbonhomie that he captivated when he chose all around him. The followingday he was employed in various arrangements, and among others indictating to Colonel Raoul the proclamations to be issued on his landingIn one of these, after observing, "we must forget that we have given lawto the neighbouring nations, " Napoleon stopped. "What have I said?"Colonel Raoul read the passage. "Stop!" said Napoleon. "Omit the word'neighbouring;' say simply 'to nations. '" It was thus his pride revealeditself; and his ambition seemed to rekindle at the very recollections ofhis former greatness. 

Napoleon landed without any accident on the 1st of March at Cannes, asmall seaport in the Gulf of St. Juan, not far from Frejus, where he haddisembarked on his return from Egypt sixteen years before, and where hehad embarked the preceding year for Elba. A small party of the Guardswho presented themselves before the neighbouring garrison of Antibes weremade prisoners by General Corsin, the Governor of the place. Some onehinted that it was not right to proceed till they had released theircomrades, but the Emperor observed that this was poorly to estimate themagnitude of the undertaking; before them were 30, 000, 000 men uniting tobe set free! He, however, sent the Commissariat Officer to try what hecould do, calling out after him, "Take care you do not get yourself madeprisoner too!"

At nightfall the troops bivouacked on the beach. Just before apostillion, in a splendid livery, had been brought to Napoleon. Itturned out that this man had formerly been a domestic of the EmpressJosephine, and was now in the service of the Prince of Monaco, whohimself had been equerry to the Empress. The postillion, afterexpressing his great astonishment at finding the Emperor there, stated, in answer to the questions that were put to him, that he had just comefrom Paris; that all along the road, as far as Avignon, he had heardnothing but regret for the Emperor's absence; that his name wasconstantly echoed from mouth to mouth; and that, when once fairly throughProvence, he would find the whole population ready to rally round him. The man added that his laced livery had frequently rendered him theobject of odium and insult on the road. This was the testimony of one ofthe common class of society: it was very gratifying to the Emperor, as itentirely corresponded with his expectations. The Prince of Monacohimself, on being presented to the Emperor, was less explicit. Napoleonrefrained from questioning him on political matters. The conversationtherefore assumed a more lively character, and turned altogether on theladies of the former Imperial Court, concerning whom the Emperor was veryparticular in his inquiries. 

As soon as the moon had risen, which was about one or two in the morningof the 2d, the bivouacs were broken up, and Napoleon gave orders forproceeding to Grasse. There he expected to find a road which he hadplanned during the Empire, but in this he was disappointed, the Bourbonshaving given up all such expensive works through want of money. Bonaparte was therefore obliged to pass through narrow defiles filledwith snow, and left behind him in the hands of the municipality hiscarriage and two pieces of cannon, which had been brought ashore. Thiswas termed a capture in the bulletins of the day. The municipality ofGrasse was strongly in favour of the Royalist cause, but the suddenappearance of the Emperor afforded but little time for hesitation, andthey came to tender their submission to him. Having passed through thetown be halted on a little height some way beyond it, where hebreakfasted. He was soon surrounded by the whole population of theplace; and he heard the same sentiments and the same prayers as before hequitted France. A multitude of petitions had already been drawn up, andwere presented to him, just as though he had come from Paris and wasmaking a tour through the departments. One complained that his pensionhad not been paid, another that his cross of the Legion of Honour hadbeen taken from him. Some of the more discontented secretly informedNapoleon that the authorities of the town were very hostile to him, butthat the mass of the people were devoted to him, and only waited till hisback was turned to rid themselves of the miscreants. He replied, "Be nottoo hasty. Let them have the mortification of seeing our triumph withouthaving anything to reproach us with. " The Emperor advanced with all therapidity in his power. "Victory, " he said, "depended on my speed. To meFrance was in Grenoble. That place was a hundred miles distant, but Iand my companions reached it in five days; and with what weather and whatroads! I entered the city just as the Comte d'Artois, warned by thetelegraph, was quitting the Tuileries. "

Napoleon himself was so perfectly convinced of the state of affairs thathe knew his success in no way depended on the force he might bring withhim. A 'piquet' of 'gens d'armes', he said, was all that was necessary. Everything turned out as he foresaw. At first he owned he was notwithout some degree of uncertainty and apprehension. As he advanced, however, the whole population declared themselves enthusiastically in hisfavour: but he saw no soldiers. It was not till he arrived between Mureand Vizille, within five or six leagues from Grenoble, and on the fifthday after his landing, that he met a battalion. The commanding officerrefused to hold even a parley. The Emperor, without hesitation, advancedalone, and 100 grenadiers marched at some distance behind him, with theirarms reversed. The sight of Napoleon, his well-known costume, and hisgray military greatcoat, had a magical effect on the soldiers, and theystood motionless. Napoleon went straight up to them and baring hisbreast said, "Let him that has the heart kill his Emperor!" The soldiersthrew down their arms, their eyes moistened with tears, and cries of"Vive l'Empereur!" resounded on every side. Napoleon ordered thebattalion to wheel round to the right, and all marched on together. 

At a short distance from Grenoble Colonel Labedoyere, who had been sentat the head of the 7th regiment to oppose his passage, came to join theEmperor. The impulse thus given in a manner decided the question. Labedoyere's superior officer in vain interfered to restrain hisenthusiasm and that of his men. The tri-coloured cockades, which hadbeen concealed in the hollow of a drum, were eagerly distributed byLabedoyere among them, and they threw away the white cockade as a badgeof their nation's dishonour. The peasantry of Dauphiny, the cradle ofthe Revolution, lined the roadside: they were transported and mad withjoy. The first battalion, which has just been alluded to, had shown somesigns of hesitation, but thousands of the country people crowded roundit, and by their shouts of "Vive l'Empereur!" endeavoured to urge thetroops to decision, while others who followed in Napoleon's rearencouraged his little troop to advance by assuring them that they wouldmeet with success. Napoleon said he could have taken 2, 000, 000 of thesepeasants with him to Paris, but that then he would have been called "theKing of the Jaequerie. "

Napoleon issued two proclamations on the road. He at first regrettedthat he had not had them printed before he left Elba; but this could nothave been done without some risk of betraying his secret designs. Hedictated them on board the vessel, where every man who could write wasemployed in copying them. These copies soon became very scarce; many ofthem were illegible; and it was of till he arrived at Gap, on the 5th ofMarch, that he found means to have them printed. They were from thattime circulated and read everywhere with the utmost avidity. 

The address to the army was considered as being still more masterly andeloquent, and it was certainly well suited to the taste of Frenchsoldiers, who, as Bourrienne remarks, are wonderfully pleased withgrandiloquence, metaphor, and hyperbole, though they do not alwaysunderstand what they mean. Even a French author of some distinctionpraises this address as something sublime. "The proclamation to thearmy, " says he, "is full of energy: it could not fail to make allmilitary imaginations vibrate. That prophetic phrase, 'The eagle, withthe national colours, will fly from church steeple to church steeple, till it settles on the towers of Notre Dame, ' was happy in the extreme. "

These words certainly produced an immense effect on the French soldiery, who everywhere shouted, "Vive l'Empereur!" "Vive le petit Caporal!""We will die for our old comrade!" with the most genuine enthusiasm. 

It was some distance in advance of Grenoble that Labedoyere joined, buthe could not make quite sure of the garrison of that city, which wascommanded by General Marchand, a man resolved to be faithful to hislatest master. The shades of night had fallen when Bonaparte arrived infront of the fortress of Grenoble, where he stood for some minutes in apainful state of suspense and indecision. 

It was on the 7th of March, at nightfall, that Bonaparte thus stoodbefore the walls of Grenoble. He found the gates closed, and thecommanding officer refused to open them. The garrison assembled on theramparts shouted "Vive l'Empereur!" and shook hands with Napoleon'sfollowers through the wickets, but they could not be prevailed on to domore. It was necessary to force the gates, and this was done under themouths of ten pieces of artillery, loaded with grapeshot. In none of hisbattles did Napoleon ever imagine himself to be in so much danger as atthe entrance into Grenoble. The soldiers seemed to turn upon him withfurious gestures: for a moment it might be supposed that they were goingto tear him to pieces. But these were the suppressed transports of loveand joy. The Emperor and his horse were both borne along by themultitude, and he had scarcely time to breathe in the inn where healighted when an increased tumult was heard without; the inhabitants ofGrenoble came to offer him the broken gates of the city, since they couldnot present him with the keys. 

From Grenoble to Paris Napoleon found no further opposition. During thefour days of his stay at Lyons, where he had arrived on the 10th, therewere continually upwards of 20, 000 people assembled before his windows;whose acclamations were unceasing. It would never have been supposedthat the Emperor had even for a moment been absent from the country. He issued orders, signed decrees, reviewed the troops, as if nothing hadhappened. The military corps, the public bodies, and all classes ofcitizens, eagerly came forward to tender their homage and their services. The Comte d'Artois, who had hastened to Lyons, as the Duc and Duchessed'Augouleme had done to Bourdeaux, like them in vain attempted to make astand. The Mounted National Guard (who were known Royalists) desertedhim at this crisis, and in his flight only one of them chose to followhim. Bonaparte refused their services when offered to him, and with achivalrous feeling worthy of being recorded sent the decoration of theLegion of Honour to the single volunteer who had thus shown his fidelityby following the Duke. 

As soon as the Emperor quitted Lyons he wrote to Ney, who with his armywas at Lons-le-Saulnier, to come and join him. Ney had set off from theCourt with a promise to bring Napoleon, "like a wild beast in a cage, toParis. " Scott excuses Ney's heart at the expense of his head, andfancies that the Marshal was rather carried away by circumstances, byvanity, and by fickleness, than actuated by premeditated treachery, andit is quite possible that these protestations were sincerely uttered whenNey left Paris, but, infected by the ardour of his troops, he was unableto resist a contagion so much in harmony with all his antecedents, and toattack not only his leader in many a time of peril, but also thesovereign who had forwarded his career through every grade of the army. 

The facts of the case were these:--

On the 11th of March Ney, being at Besancon, learned that Napoleon was atLyons. To those who doubted whether his troops would fight against theirold comrades he said, "They shall fight! I will take a musket from agrenadier and begin the action myself! I will run my sword to the hiltin the body of the first man who hesitates to fire. " At the same time hewrote to the Minister of War at Paris that he hoped to see a fortunateclose to this mad enterprise. 

He then advanced to Lons-le-Saulnier, where, on the night between the13th and 14th of March, not quite three days after his vehementprotestations of fidelity, he received, without hesitation, a letter fromBonaparte, inviting him, by his old appellation of the "Bravest of theBrave, " to join his standard. With this invitation Ney complied, andpublished an order of the day that declared the cause of the Bourbons, which he had sworn to defend, lost for ever. 

It is pleaded in extenuation of Ney's defection that both his officersand men were beyond his control, and determined to join their old Master;but in that case he might have given up his command, and retired in thesame honourable way that Marshals Macdonald and Marmont and several othergenerals did. But even among his own officers Ney had an example sethim, for many of them, after remonstrating in vain, threw up theircommands. One of them broke his sword in two and threw the pieces atNey's feet, saying, "It is easier for a man of honour to break iron thanto break his word. "

Napoleon, when at St. Helena, gave a very different reading to theseincidents. On this subject he was heard to say, "If I except Labedoyere, who flew to me with enthusiasm and affection, and another individual, who, of his own accord, rendered me important services, nearly all theother generals whom I met on my route evinced hesitation and uncertainty;they yielded only to the impulse about them, if indeed they did notmanifest a hostile feeling towards me. This was the case with Ney, withMassena, St. Cyr, Soult, as well as with Macdonald and the Duke ofBelluno, so that if the Bourbons had reason to complain of the completedesertion of the soldiers and the people, they had no right to reproachthe chiefs of the army with conspiring against them, who had shownthemselves mere children in politics, and would be looked upon as neitheremigrants nor patriots. "

Between Lyons and Fontainebleau Napoleon often travelled several milesahead of his army with no other escort than a few Polish lancers. Hisadvanced guard now generally consisted of the troops (miscalled Royal)who happened to be before him on the road whither they had been sent tooppose him, and to whom couriers were sent forward to give notice of theEmperor's approach, in order that they might be quite ready to join himwith the due military ceremonies. White flags and cockades everywheredisappeared; the tri-colour resumed its pride of place. It was spring, and true to its season the violet had reappeared! The joy of thesoldiers and the lower orders was almost frantic, but even among theindustrious poor there were not wanting many who regretted thisprecipitate return to the old order of things--to conscription, war, andbloodshed, while in the superior classes of society there was a prettygeneral consternation. The vain, volatile soldiery, however, thought ofnothing but their Emperor, saw nothing before them but the restoration ofall their laurels, the humiliation of England, and the utter defeat ofthe Russians, Prussians, and Austrians. 

On the night between the 19th and 20th of March Napoleon reachedFontainebleau, and again paused, as had formerly been his custom, withshort, quick steps through the antiquated but splendid galleries of thatold palace. What must have been his feelings on revisiting the chamberin which, the year before, it is said he had attempted suicide!

Louis XVIII. , left the Palace of the Tuileries at nearly the same hourthat Bonaparte entered that of Fontainebleau. 

The most forlorn hope of the Bourbons was now in a considerable armyposted between Fontainebleau and Paris. Meanwhile the two armiesapproached each other at Melun; that of the King was commanded by MarshalMacdonald. On the 20th his troops were drawn up in three lines toreceive the invaders, who were said to be advancing from Fontainebleau. There was a long pause of suspense, of a nature which seldom fails torender men more accessible to strong and sudden emotions. The glades ofthe forest, and the acclivity which leads to it, were in full view of theRoyal army, but presented the appearance of a deep solitude. All wassilence, except when the regimental bands of music, at the command of theofficers, who remained generally faithful, played the airs of "Vive HenriQuatre, " "O Richard, " "La Belle Gabrielle, " and other tunes connectedwith the cause and family of the Bourbons. The sounds excited nocorresponding sentiments among the soldiers. 

At length, about noon, a galloping of horse was heard. An open carriageappeared, surrounded by a few hussars, and drawn by four horses. It cameon at full speed, and Napoleon, jumping from the vehicle, was in themidst of the ranks which had been formed to oppose him. His escort threwthemselves from their horses, mingled with their ancient comrades, andthe effect of their exhortations was instantaneous on men whose mindswere already half made up to the purpose which they now accomplished. There was a general shout of "Vive Napoleon!" The last army of theBourbons passed from their side, and no further obstruction existedbetwixt Napoleon and the capital, which he was once more--but for a briefspace--to inhabit as a sovereign. 

Louis, accompanied only by a few household troops, had scarcely turnedhis back on the capital of his ancestors when Lavalette hastened from aplace of concealment and seized on the Post-office in the name ofNapoleon. By this measure all the King's proclamations' wereintercepted, and the restoration of the Emperor was announced to all thedepartments. General Excelmans, who had just renewed his oath to Louis, pulled down with his own hands the white flag that was floating over theTuileries, and hoisted the three-coloured banner. 

It was late in the evening of the 20th that Bonaparte entered Paris in anopen carriage, which was driven straight to the gilded gates of theTuileries. He received the acclamations of the military and of the lowerclasses of the suburbs, but most of the respectable citizens looked on insilent wonderment. It was quite evident then that he was recalled by aparty--a party, in truth, numerous and powerful, but not by the unanimousvoice of the nation. The enthusiasm of his immediate adherents, however, made up for the silence and lukewarmness of others. They filled andcrammed the square of the Carrousel, and the courts and avenues of theTuileries; they pressed so closely upon him that he was obliged to cryout, "My friends, you stifle me!" and his aides de camp were compelled tocarry him in their arms up the grand staircase, and thence into the royalapartments. It was observed, however, that amongst these ardent friendswere many men who had been the first to desert him in 1814, and thatthese individuals were the most enthusiastic in their demonstrations, theloudest in their shouts!

And thus was Napoleon again at the Tuileries, where, even more than atFontainebleau, his mind was flooded by the deep and painful recollectionsof the past! A few nights after his return thither he sent for M. Horan, one of the physicians who had attended Josephine during her last illness. "So, Monsieur Horan, " said he, "you did not leave the Empress during hermalady?"--"No, Sire. "

"What was the cause of that malady?"--"Uneasiness of mind . . . Grief. "--"You believe that?" (and Napoleon laid a strong emphasis on theword believe, looking steadfastly in the doctor's face). He then asked, "Was she long ill? Did she suffer much?"--"She was ill a week, Sire;her Majesty suffered little bodily pain. "--"Did she see that she wasdying? Did she show courage?"--"A sign her Majesty made when she couldno longer express herself leaves me no doubt that she felt her endapproaching; she seamed to contemplate it without fear. "--"Well!--well!"and then Napoleon much affected drew close to M. Horan, and added, "Yousay that she was in grief; from what did that arise?"--"From passingevents, Sire; from your Majesty's position last year. "--"Ah! she used tospeak of me then?"--"Very often. " Here Napoleon drew his hand acrosshis eyes, which seemed filled with tears. He then went on. "Goodwoman!--Excellent Josephine! She loved me truly--she--did she not? . . . Ah! She was a Frenchwoman!"--"Yes, Sire, she loved you, and shewould have proved it had it not been for dread of displeasing you: shehad conceived an idea. "--"How? . . . What would she have done?" "She oneday said that as Empress of the French she would drive through Pariswith eight horses to her coach, and all her household in gala livery, togo and rejoin you at Fontainebleau, and never quit you mare. "--"Shewould have done it--she was capable of doing it!"

Napoleon again betrayed deep emotion, on recovering from which he askedthe physician the most minute questions about the nature of Josephine'sdisease, the friends and attendants who were around her at the hour ofher death, and the conduct of her two children, Eugene and Hortense. 

CHAPTER V. 

1815. 

 Message from the Tuileries--My interview with the King-- My appointment to the office of Prefect of the Police--Council at the Tuileries--Order for arrests--Fouches escape--Davoust unmolested--Conversation with M. De Blacas--The intercepted letter, and time lost--Evident understanding between Murat and Napoleon-- Plans laid at Elba--My departure from Paris--The post-master of Fins--My arrival at Lille--Louis XVIII. Detained an hour at the gates--His majesty obliged to leave France--My departure for Hamburg--The Duc de Berri at Brussels. 

Those who opposed the execution of the treaty concluded with Napoleon atthe time of his abdication were guilty of a great error, for theyafforded him a fair pretext for leaving the island of Elba. The detailsof that extraordinary enterprise are known to every one, and I shall notrepeat what has been told over and over again. For my own part, as soonas I saw with what rapidity Bonaparte was marching upon Lyons, and theenthusiasm with which he was received by the troops and the people, Iprepared to retire to Belgium, there to await the denouement of this newdrama. 

Every preparation for my departure was completed on the evening of the13th of March, and I was ready to depart, to avoid the persecutions ofwhich I expected I should be the object, when I received a message fromthe Tuileries stating that the King desired to see me. I of course lostno time in proceeding to the Palace, and went straight to M. Hue toinquire of him why I had been sent for. He occupied the apartments inwhich I passed the three most laborious and anxious years of my life. M. Hue, perceiving that I felt a certain degree of uneasiness at beingsummoned to the Tuileries at that hour of the night, hastened to informme that the King wished to appoint me Prefect of the Police. Heconducted me to the King's chamber, where his Majesty thus addressed mekindly, but in an impressive manner, "M. De Bourrienne, can we rely uponyou? I expect much from your zeal and fidelity. "--"Your Majesty, "replied I, "shall have no reason to complain of my betraying yourconfidence. "--"Well, I re-establish the Prefecture of the Police, and Iappoint you Prefect. Do your best, M. De Bourrienne, in the discharge ofyour duties; I count upon you. "

By a singular coincidence, on the very day (the 13th of March) when Ireceived this appointment Napoleon, who was at Lyons, signed the decreewhich excluded from the amnesty he had granted thirteen individuals, among whose names mine was inscribed. This decree confirmed me in thepresentiments I had conceived as soon as I heard of the landing ofBonaparte. On returning home from the Tuileries after receiving myappointment a multitude of ideas crowded on my mind. At the first momentI had been prompted only by the wish to serve the cause of the King, butI was alarmed when I came to examine the extent of the responsibility Ihad taken upon myself. However, I determined to meet with courage thedifficulties that presented themselves, and I must say that I had everyreason to be satisfied with the manner in which I was seconded by M. Foudras, the Inspector-General of the Police. 

Even now I am filled with astonishment when I think of the Council thatwas held at the Tuileries on the evening of the 13th of March in M. DeBlacas' apartments. The ignorance of the members of that Councilrespecting our situation, and their confidence in the useless measuresthey had adopted against Napoleon, exceed all conception. 

Will it be believed that those great statesmen, who had the control ofthe telegraph, the post-office, the police and its agents, money-inshort, everything which constitutes power--asked me to give theminformation respecting the advance of Bonaparte? What could I say tothem? I could only repeat the reports which were circulated on theExchange, and those which I had collected here and there during the lasttwenty-four hours. I did not conceal that the danger was imminent, andthat all their precautions would be of no avail. The question then aroseas to what course should be adapted by the King. It was impossible thatthe monarch could remain at the Capital, and yet, where was he to go?One proposed that he should go to Bordeaux, another to La Vendee, and athird to Normandy, and a fourth member of the Council was of opinion thatthe King should be conducted to Melun. I conceived that if a battleshould take place anywhere it would probably be in the neighbourhood ofthat town, but the councillor who made this last suggestion assured usthat the presence of the King in an open carriage and eight horses wouldproduce a wonderful effect on the minds of the troops. This project wasmerely ridiculous; the others appeared to be dangerous and impracticable. I declared to the Council that, considering the situation of things, itwas necessary to renounce all idea of resistance by force of arms; thatno soldier would fire a musket, and that it was madness to attempt totake any other view of things. "Defection, " said I, "is inevitable. The soldiers are drinking in their barracks the money which you have beengiving them for some days past to purchase their fidelity. They sayLouis XVIII. , is a very decent sort of man, but 'Vive le petit Caporal!'"

Immediately on the landing of Napoleon the King sent an extraordinarycourier to Marmont, who was at Chatillon whither he had gone to take alast leave of his dying mother. I saw him one day after he had had aninterview with the King; I think it was on the 6th or 7th of March. After some conversation on the landing of Napoleon, and the means ofpreventing him from reaching Paris, Marmont said to me, "This is what Idwelt most strongly upon in the interview I have just had with the King. 'Sire, ' said I, 'I doubt not Bonaparte's intention of coming to Paris, and the best way to prevent him doing so would be for your Majesty toremain here. It is necessary to secure the Palace of the Tuileriesagainst a surprise, and to prepare it for resisting a siege, in which itwould be indispensable to use cannon. You must shut yourself up in yourpalace, with the individuals of your household and the principal publicfunctionaries, while the Due d'Angoulome should go to Bordeaux, the Ducde Berri to La Vendee, and Monsieur to, the Franche-Comte; but they mustset off in open day, and announce that they are going to collectdefenders for your Majesty. --[Monsieur, the brother of the King, theComte d'Artois later Charles X. ]

". . . This is what I said to the King this morning, and I added that Iwould answer for everything if my advice were followed. I am now goingto direct my aide de camp, Colonel Fabvier, to draw up the plan ofdefence. " I did not concur in Marmont's opinion. It is certainlyprobable that had Louis XVIII. Remained in his palace the numerousdefections which took place before the 20th of March would have beenchecked and some persons would not have found so ready an excuse forbreaking their oaths of allegiance. There can be little doubt, too, butBonaparte would have reflected well before he attempted the siege of theTuileries. 

 --[Marmont (tome vii. P. 87) gives the full details of his scheme for provisioning and garrisoning the Tuileries which the King was to hold while his family spread themselves throughout the provinces. The idea had nothing strange in it, for the same advice was given by General Mathieu Dumas (Souvenirs, tome iii. P. 564), a man not likely to suggest any rash schemes. Jaucourt, writing to Talleyrand, obviously believed in the wisdom of the King's remaining, as did the Czar; see Talleyrand's Correspondence, vol. Ii. Pp. 94, 122, 129. Napoleon would certainly have been placed in a strange difficulty, but a king capable of adopting such a resolution would never have been required to consider it. ]--

Marmont supported his opinion by observing that the admiration andastonishment excited by the extraordinary enterprise of Napoleon and hisrapid march to Paris would be counterbalanced by the interest inspired bya venerable monarch defying his bold rival and courageously defending histhrone. While I rendered full justice to the good intentions of the Dukeof Ragusa, yet I did not think that his advice could be adopted. Iopposed it as I opposed all the propositions that were made in theCouncil relative to the different places to which the King should retire. I myself suggested Lille as being the nearest, and as presenting thegreatest degree of safety, especially in the first instance. 

It was after midnight when I left the Council of the Tuileries. Thediscussion had terminated, and without coming to any precise resolutionit was agreed that the different opinions which had been expressed shouldbe submitted to Louis XVIII. In order that his Majesty might adopt thatwhich should appear to him the best. The King adopted my opinion, but itwas not acted upon until five days after. 

My appointment to the Prefecture of the Police was, as will be seen, alate thought of measure, almost as late indeed as Napoleon's propositionto send me as his Minister Plenipotentiary to Switzerland. In nowaccepting office I was well convinced of the inutility of any effort thatmight be made to arrest the progress of the fast approaching and menacingevents. Being introduced into the King's cabinet his Majesty asked mewhat I thought of the situation of affairs. "I think, Sire, thatBonaparte will be here in five or six days. "--"What, sir?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"But proper measures are taken, the necessary orders given, andthe Marshals are faithful to me. "--"Sire, I suspect no man's fidelity;but I can assure your Majesty that, as Bonaparte has landed, he will behere within a week. I know him, and your Majesty cannot know him as wellas I do; but I can venture too assure your Majesty with the sameconfidence that he will not be here six months hence. He will be hurriedinto acts of folly which will ruin him. "--"De Bourrienne, I hope thebest from events, but if misfortune again compel me to leave France, andyour second prediction be fulfilled, you may rely on me. " During thisshort conversation the King appeared perfectly tranquil and resigned. 

The next day I again visited the Tuileries, whither I had at thoseperilous times frequent occasion to repair. On that day I received alist of twenty-five persons whom I was ordered to arrest. I took theliberty to observe that such a proceeding was not only useless but likelyto produce a very injurious effect at that critical moment. The reasonsI urged had not all the effect I expected. However, some relaxation asto twenty-three of the twenty-five was conceded, but it was insisted thatFouche and Davoust should be arrested without delay. The King repeatedlysaid, "I wish you to arrest Fouche. "--"Sire, I beseech your Majesty toconsider the inutility of such a measure. "--"I am resolved upon Fouchesarrest. But I am sure you will miss him, for Andre could not catch him. "

My nocturnal installation as Prefect of the Police took place some timeafter midnight. I had great repugnance to the arrest of Fouche, but theorder having been given, there was no alternative but to obey it. Icommunicated the order to M. Foudras, who very coolly observed, "Since weare to arrest him you need not be afraid, we shall have him fasttomorrow. "

The next day my agents repaired to the Duke of Otranto's hotel, in theRue d'Artois. On showing their warrant Fouche said, "What does thismean? Your warrant is of no force; it is mere waste-paper. It purportsto come from the Prefect of the Police, but there is no such Prefect. "In my opinion Fouche was right, for my appointment, which took placeduring the night, had not been legally announced. Be that as it may, on his refusal to surrender, one of my agents applied to the staff of theNational Guard, requesting the support, in case of need, of an armedforce. General Dessolles repaired to the Tuileries to take the King'sorders on the subject. Meanwhile Fouche, who never lost hisself-possession, after talking to the police officers who remained withhim, pretended to step aside for some indispensable purpose, but thedoor which he opened led into a dark passage through which he slipped, leaving my unfortunate agents groping about in the obscurity. As forhimself, he speedily gained the Rue Taitbout, where he stepped into acoach, and drove off. This is the whole history of the notable arrestof Fouche. 

As for Davoust, I felt my hands tied with respect to him. I do not meanto affect generosity, for I acknowledge the enmity I bore him; but I didnot wish it to be supposed that I was acting towards him from a spirit ofpersonal vengeance. I therefore merely ordered him to be watched. Theother twenty-three were to me in this matter as if they had neverexisted; and some of them, perhaps, will only learn in reading my Memoirswhat dangerous characters they were thought to be. 

On the 15th of March, after the conversation which, as I have alreadyrelated, I had with Louis XVIII, I went to M. De Blacas and repeated tohim what I had stated to the King on the certainty of Bonaparte's speedyarrival in Paris. I told him that I found it necessary to devote theshort time still in our power to prevent a reaction against theRoyalists, and to preserve public tranquillity until the departure of theRoyal family, and that I would protect the departure of all persons whohad reasons for withdrawing themselves from the scene of the great andperhaps disastrous events that might ensue. "You may readily believe, Count, " added I, "that considering the great interests with which I amentrusted, I am not inclined to lose valuable time in arresting thepersons of whose names I have received a list. The execution of such ameasure would be useless; it would lead to nothing, or rather it wouldserve to irritate public feeling. My conviction of this fact hasbanished from me all idea of keeping under restraint for four or fivedays persons whose influence, whether real or supposed, is nil, sinceBonaparte is at Auxerre. Mere supervision appears to me sufficient, andto that I propose confining myself. "--"The King, " replied M. De Blacas, "relies on you. He knows that though only forty-eight hours have elapsedsince you entered upon your functions, you have already rendered greaterservices than you are perhaps aware of. " I then asked M. De Blacaswhether he had not received any intimation of Bonaparte's intendeddeparture from the island of Elba by letters or by secret agents. "Theonly positive information we received, " answered the Minister, "was anintercepted letter, dated Elba, 6th February. It was addressed toM. -----, near Grenoble. I will show it you. " M. De Blacas opened adrawer of his writing-table and took out the letter, which he gave to me. The writer thanked his correspondent for the information he hadtransmitted to "the inhabitant of Elba. " He was informed that everythingwas ready for departure, and that the first favourable opportunity wouldbe seized, but that it would be desirable first to receive answers tosome questions contained in the letter. These questions related to theregiments which had been sent into the south, and the places of theircantonment. It was inquired whether the choice of the commanders wasconformable to what had been agreed on in Paris, and whether Labedoyerewas at his post. The letter was rather long and it impressed me by theway in which the plan of a landing on the coast of Provence wasdiscussed. Precise answers were requested on all these points. Onreturning the letter to M. De Blacas I remarked that the contents of theletter called for the adoption of some decided measures, and I asked himwhat had been done. He answered, "I immediately sent a copy of theletter to M. D'Andre, that he might give orders for arresting theindividual to whom it was addressed. "

Having had the opportunity of closely observing the machinery of avigilant and active Government, I was, I must confess, not a littleamazed at the insufficiency of the measures adopted to defeat thiswell-planned conspiracy. When M. De Blacas informed me of all that hadbeen done, I could not repress an exclamation of surprise. "Well, " saidhe, "and what would you have done?"--"In the first place I would nothave lost twenty-four hours, which were an age in such a crisis. " Ithen explained the plan I would have adopted. A quarter of an hourafter the receipt of the letter I would have sent trustworthy men toGrenoble, and above all things I would have taken care not to let thematter fall into the hands of the police. Having obtained allinformation from the correspondent at Grenoble, I would have made himwrite a letter to his correspondent at Elba to quiet the eagerness ofNapoleon, telling him that the movement of troops he spoke of had notbeen made, that it would take eight days to carry it out, and that itwas necessary to the success of the enterprise to delay the embarkationfor some days. While Bonaparte was thus delayed I would have sent tothe coast of Provence a sufficient body of men devoted to the Royalcause, sending off in another direction the regiments whose chiefs weregained over by Napoleon, as the correspondence should reveal theirnames. "You are perhaps right, sir, " said M. De Blacas, "but what couldI do? I am new here. I had not the control of the police, and Itrusted to M. D'Andre. "--"Well, " said I, "Bonaparte will be here on the20th of March. " With these words I parted from M. De Blacas. Iremarked a great change in him. He had already lost a vast deal of thathauteur of favouritism which made him so much disliked. 

When I entered upon my duties in the Prefecture of Police the evil wasalready past remedy. The incorrigible emigres required another lesson, and the temporary resurrection of the Empire was inevitable. But, ifBonaparte was recalled, it was not owing to any attachment to himpersonally; it was not from any fidelity to the recollections of theEmpire. It was resolved at any price to get rid of those imbecilecouncillors, who thought they might treat France like a country conqueredby the emigrants. The people determined to free themselves from aGovernment which seemed resolved to trample on all that was dear toFrance. In this state of things some looked upon Bonaparte as aliberator, but the greater number regarded him as an instrument. In thislast character he was viewed by the old Republicans, and by a newgeneration, who thought they caught a glimpse of liberty in promises, andWho were blind enough to believe that the idol of France would berestored by Napoleon. 

In February 1815, while everything was preparing at Elba for theapproaching departure of Napoleon, Murat applied to the Court of Viennafor leave to march through the Austrian Provinces of Upper Italy an armydirected on France. It was on the 26th of the same month that Bonaparteescaped from Elba. These two facts were necessarily connected together, for, in spite of Murat's extravagant ideas, he never could haveentertained the expectation of obliging the King of France, by the mereforce of arms, to acknowledge his continued possession of the throne ofNaples. Since the return of Louis XVIII. The Cabinet of the Tuilerieshad never regarded Murat in any other light than as a usurper, and I knowfrom good authority that the French Plenipotentiaries at the Congress ofVienna were especially instructed to insist that the restoration of thethrone of Naples in favour of the Bourbons of the Two Sicilies should bea consequence of the restoration of the throne of France. I also knowthat the proposition was firmly opposed on the part of Austria, who hadalways viewed with jealousy the occupation of three thrones of Europe bythe single House of Bourbon. 

According to information, for the authenticity of which I can vouch, thefollowing were the plans which Napoleon conceived at Elba. Almostimmediately after his arrival in France he was to order the Marshals onwhom he could best rely to defend to the utmost the entrances to theFrench territory and the approaches to Paris, by pivoting on the tripleline of fortresses which gird the north and east of France. Davoust was'in petto' singled out for the defence of Paris. He, was to arm theinhabitants of the suburbs, and to have, besides, 20, 000 men of theNational Guard at his disposal. Napoleon, not being aware of thesituation of the Allies, never supposed that they could concentrate theirforces and march against him so speedily as they did. He hoped to takethem by surprise, and defeat their projects, by making Murat march uponMilan, and by stirring up insurrections in Italy. The Po being oncecrossed, and Murat approaching the capital of Lombardy, Napoleon with thecorps of Suchet, Brune, Grouchy, and Massena, augmented by troops sent, by forced marches, to Lyons, was to cross the Alps and revolutionisePiedmont. There, having recruited his army and joined the Neapolitans inMilan, he was to proclaim the independence of Italy, unite the wholecountry under a single chief, and then march at the head of 100, 000 menon Vienna, by the Julian Alps, across which victory had conducted him in1797. This was not all: numerous emissaries scattered through Poland andHungary were to foment discord and raise the cry of liberty andindependence, to alarm Russia and Austria. It must be confessed it wouldhave been an extraordinary spectacle to see Napoleon giving liberty toEurope in revenge for not having succeeded in enslaving her. 

By means of these bold manoeuvres and vast combinations Napoleoncalculated that he would have the advantage of the initiative in militaryoperations. Perhaps his genius was never more fully developed than inthis vast conception. According to this plan he was to extend hisoperations over a line of 500 leagues, from Ostend to Vienna, by the Alpsand Italy, to provide himself with immense resources of every kind, toprevent the Emperor of Austria from marching his troops against France, and probably force him to terminate a war from which the hereditaryprovinces would have exclusively suffered. Such was the bright prospectwhich presented itself to Napoleon when he stepped on board the vesselwhich was to convey him from Elba to France. But the mad precipitationof Murat put Europe on the alert, and the brilliant illusion vanishedlike a dream. 

After being assured that all was tranquil, and that the Royal family wassecure against every danger, I myself set out at four o'clock on themorning of the 20th of March, taking the road to Lille. --Nothingextraordinary occurred until I arrived at the post-office of Fins, infront of which were drawn up a great number of carriages, which hadarrived before mine, and the owners of which, like myself, wereimpatiently waiting for horses. I soon observed that some one called thepostmaster aside in a way which did not appear entirely devoid ofmystery, and I acknowledge I felt some degree of alarm. I was in theroom in which the travellers were waiting, and my attention was attractedby a large bill fixed against the wall. It was printed in French andRussian, and it proved to be the order of the day which I had beenfortunate enough to obtain from the Emperor Alexander to exemptposthorses, etc. , from the requisitions of the Allied troops. 

I was standing looking at the bill when the postmaster came into the roomand advanced towards me. "Sir, " said he, "that is an order of the daywhich saved me from ruin. "--"Then surely you would not harm the man bywhom it is signed?"--"I know you, sir, I recognised you immediately. I saw you in Paris when you were Director of the Post-office, and yougranted a just claim which I had upon you. I have now come to tell youthat they are harnessing two horses to your calash, and you may set offat full speed. " The worthy man had assigned to my use the only twohorses at his disposal; his son performed the office of postilion, and Iset off to the no small dissatisfaction of some of the travellers who hadarrived before me, and who, perhaps, had as good reasons as I to avoidthe presence of Napoleon. 

We arrived at Lille at eleven o'clock on the night of the 21st. Here Iencountered another vexation, though not of an alarming kind. The gatesof the town were closed, and I was obliged to content myself with amiserable night's lodging in the suburb. 

I entered Lille on the 22d, and Louis XVIII. Arrived on the 23d. HisMajesty also found the gates closed, and more than an hour elapsed beforean order could be obtained for opening them, for the Duke of Orleans, whocommanded the town, was inspecting the troops when his Majesty arrived. The King was perfectly well received at Lille. There indeed appearedsome symptoms of defection, but it must be acknowledged that the officersof the old army had been so singularly sacrificed to the promotion of thereturned emigrants that it was very natural the former should hail thereturn of the man who had so often led them to victory. I put up at theHotel de Grand, certainly without forming any prognostic respecting thefuture residence of the King. When I saw his Majesty's retinue I wentdown and stood at the door of the hotel, where as soon as Louis XVIII. Perceived me he distinguished me from among all the persons who wereawaiting his arrival, and holding out his hand for me to kiss he said, "Follow me, M. De Bourrienne. "

On entering the apartments prepared for him the King expressed to me hisapproval of my conduct since the Restoration, and especially during theshort interval in which I had discharged the functions of Prefect of thePolice. He did me the honour to invite me to breakfast with him. Theconversation naturally turned on the events of the day, of which everyone present spoke according to his hopes or fears. Observing that LouisXVIII. Concurred in Berthier's discouraging view of affairs, I venturedto repeat what I had already said at the Tuileries, that, judging fromthe disposition of the sovereigns of Europe and the information which Ihad received, it appeared very probable that his Majesty would be againseated on his throne in three months. Berthier bit his nails as he didwhen he wanted to leave the army of Egypt and return to Paris to theobject of his adoration. Berthier was not hopeful; he was always one ofthose men who have the least confidence and the most depression. I couldperceive that the King regarded my observation as one of thosecompliments which he was accustomed to receive, and that he had no greatconfidence in the fulfilment of my prediction. However, wishing to seemto believe it, he said, what he had more than hinted before, "M. DeBourrienne, as long as I am King you shall be my Prefect of the Police. "

It was the decided intention of Louis XVIII. To remain in France as longas he could, but the Napoleonic fever, which spread like an epidemicamong the troops, had infected the garrison of Lille. Marshal Mortier, who commanded at Lille, and the Duke of Orleans, expressed to me theirwell-founded fears, and repeatedly recommended me to urge the King toquit Lille speedily, in order to avoid any fatal occurrence. During thetwo days I passed with his Majesty I entreated him to yield to theimperious circumstances in which he was placed. At length the King, withdeep regret, consented to go, and I left Lille the day before that fixedfor his Majesty's departure. 

In September 1814 the King had appointed me charge d'affaires from Franceto Hamburg, but not having received orders to repair to my post I havenot hitherto mentioned this nomination. However, when Louis XVIII. Wason the point of leaving France he thought that my presence in Hamburgmight be useful for the purpose of making him acquainted with all thatmight interest him in the north of Germany. But it was not there thatdanger was to be apprehended. There were two points to be watched--theheadquarters of Napoleon and the King's Council at Ghent. I, however, lost no time in repairing to a city where I was sure of finding a greatmany friends. On passing through Brussels I alighted at the Hotel deBellevue, where the Duc de Berri arrived shortly after me. His RoyalHighness then invited me to breakfast with him, and conversed with mevery confidentially. I afterwards continued my journey. 

CHAPTER VI. 

1815. 

 Message to Madame de Bourrienne on the 20th of March--Napoleon's nocturnal entrance into Paris--General Becton sent to my family by Caulaincourt--Recollection of old persecutions--General Driesen-- Solution of an enigma--Seals placed on my effects--Useless searches --Persecution of women--Madame de Stael and Madame de Recamier-- Paris during the Hundred Days--The federates and patriotic songs-- Declaration of the Plenipotentiaries at Vienna. 

At Lille, and again at Hamburg, I received letters from my family, whichI had looked for with great impatience. They contained particulars ofwhat had occurred relative to me since Bonaparte's return to Paris. Two hours after my departure Madame de Bourrienne also left Paris, accompanied by her children, and proceeded to an asylum which had beenoffered her seven leagues from the capital. She left at my house inParis her sister, two of her brothers, and her friend the Comtesse deNeuilly, who had resided with us since her return from the emigration. 

On the very morning of my wife's departure (namely, the 20th of March) aperson, with whom I had always been on terms of friendship, and who wasentirely devoted to Bonaparte, sent to request that Madame de Bourriennewould call on him, as he wished to speak to her on most important andurgent business. My sister-in-law informed the messenger that my wifehad left Paris, but, begging a friend to accompany her, she went herselfto the individual, whose name will be probably guessed, though I do notmention it. The person who came with the message to my house put manyquestions to Madame de Bourrienne's sister respecting my absence, andadvised her, above all things, to conjure me not to follow the King, observing that the cause of Louis XVIII. Was utterly lost, and that Ishould do well to retire quietly to Burgundy, as there was no doubt of myobtaining the Emperor's pardon. 

Nothing could be more gloomy than Bonaparte's entrance into Paris. Hearrived at night in the midst of a thick fog. The streets were almostdeserted, and a vague feeling of terror prevailed almost generally in thecapital. 

At nine o'clock on the same evening, the very hour of Bonaparte's arrivalat the Tuileries, a lady, a friend, of my family, and whose son served inthe Young Guard, called and requested to see Madame de Bourrienne. Sherefused to enter the house lest she should be seen, and my sister-in-lawwent down to the garden to speak to her without a light. This lady'sbrother had been on the preceding night to Fontainebleau to seeBonaparte, and he had directed his sister to desire me to remain inParis, and to retain my post in the Prefecture of the Police, as I wassure of a full and complete pardon. 

On the morning of the 21st General Becton, who has since been the victimof his mad enterprises, called at my house and requested to speak with meand Madame de Bourrienne. He was received by my wife's sister andbrothers, and stated that he came from M. De Caulaincourt to renew theassurances of safety which had already been given to me. I was, Iconfess, very sensible of these proofs of friendship when they came to myknowledge, but I did not for a single moment repent the course I adopted. I could not forget the intrigues of which I had been the object since1811, nor the continual threats of arrest which, during that year, hadnot left me a moment's quiet; and since I now revert to that time, I maytake the opportunity of explaining how in 1814 I was made acquainted withthe real causes of the persecution to which I had been a prey. A person, whose name prudence forbids me mentioning, communicated to me thefollowing letter, the original copy of which is in my possession:

 MONSIEUR LE DUC DE BASSANO--I send you some very important documents respecting the Sieur Bourrienne, and beg you will make me a confidential report on this affair. Keep these documents for yourself alone. This business demands the utmost secrecy. Everything induces me to believe that Bourrienne has carried a series of intrigues with London. Bring me the report on Thursday. I pray God, etc. (Signed) NAPOLEON PARIS, 25th December 1811. 

I could now clearly perceive what to me had hitherto been enveloped inobscurity; but I was not, as yet, made acquainted with the documentsmentioned in Napoleon's epistle. Still, however, the cause of hisanimosity was an enigma which I was unable to guess, but I obtained itssolution some time afterwards. 

General Driesen, who was the Governor of Mittau while Louis XVIII. Resided in that town, came to Paris in 1814. I had been well acquaintedwith him in 1810 at Hamburg, where he lived for a considerable time. While at Mittau he conceived a chivalrous and enthusiastic friendship forthe King of France. We were at first distrustful of each other, butafterwards the most intimate confidence arose between us. GeneralDriesen looked forward with certainty to the return of the Bourbons toFrance, and in the course of our frequent conversations on his favouritetheme he gradually threw off all reserve, and at length disclosed to methat he was maintaining a correspondence with the King. 

He told me that he had sent to Hartwell several drafts of proclamations, with none of which, he said, the King was satisfied. On allowing me thecopy of the last of these drafts I frankly told him that I was quite ofthe King's opinion as to its unfitness. I observed that if the Kingshould one day return to France and act as the general advised he wouldnot keep possession of his throne six months. Driesen then requested meto dictate a draft of a proclamation conformably with my ideas. This Iconsented to do on one condition, viz. That he would never mention myname in connection with the business, either in writing or conversation. General Driesen promised this, and then I dictated to him a draft which Iwould now candidly lay before the reader if I had a copy of it. I mayadd that in the different proclamations of Louis XVIII. I remarkedseveral passages precisely corresponding with the draft I had dictated atHamburg. 

During the four years which intervened between my return to Paris and thedownfall of the Empire it several times occurred to me that GeneralDriesen had betrayed my secret, and on his very first visit to me afterthe Restoration, our conversation happening to turn on Hamburg, I askedhim whether he had not disclosed what I wished him to conceal? "Well, "said he, "there is no harm in telling the truth now. After you had leftHamburg the King wrote to me inquiring the name of the author of the lastdraft I had sent him, which was very different from all that had precededit. I did not answer this question, but the King having repeated it in asecond letter, and having demanded an answer, I was compelled to break mypromise to you, and I put into the post-office of Gothenberg in Sweden aletter for the King, in which I mentioned your name. "

The mystery was now revealed to me. I clearly saw what had excited inNapoleon's mind the suspicion that I was carrying on intrigues withEngland. I have no doubt as to the way in which the affair came to hisknowledge. The King must have disclosed my name to one of those personswhose situations placed them above the suspicion of any betrayal ofconfidence, and thus the circumstance must have reached the ear ofBonaparte. This is not a mere hypothesis, for I well know how promptlyand faithfully Napoleon was informed of all that was said and done atHartwell. 

Having shown General Drieaen Napoleon's accusatory letter, he begged thatI would entrust him with it for a day or two, saying he would show it tothe King at a private audience. His object was to serve me, and toexcite Louis XVIII. 's interest in my behalf, by briefly relating to himthe whole affair. The general came to me on leaving the Tuileries, andassured me that the King after perusing the letter, had the greatkindness to observe that I might think myself very happy in not havingbeen shot. I know not whether Napoleon was afterwards informed of thedetails of this affair, which certainly had no connection with anyintrigues with England, and which, after all, would have been a merepeccadillo in comparison, with the conduct I thought it my duty to adoptat the time of the Restoration. 

Meanwhile Madame de Bourrienne informed me by an express that seals wereto be placed on the effects of all the persons included in the decree ofLyons, and consequently upon mine. As soon as my wife receivedinformation of this she quitted her retreat and repaired to Paris to facethe storm. On the 29th of March, at nine in the evening, the policeagents presented themselves at my house. Madame de Bourrienneremonstrated against the measure and the inconvenient hour that waschosen for its execution; but all was in vain, and there was noalternative but to submit. 

But the matter did not end with the first formalities performed byFouche's alguazils. During the month of May seven persons were appointedto examine, my papers, and among the inquisitorial septemvirate were twomen well known and filling high situations. One of these executed hiscommission, but the other, sensible of the odium attached to it, wrote tosay he was unwell, and never came. The number of my inquisitors, 'indomo', was thus reduced to six. They behaved with great rudeness, andexecuted their mission with a rigour and severity exceedingly painful tomy family. They carried their search so far as to rummage the pockets ofmy old clothes, and even to unrip the linings. All this was done in thehope of finding something that would commit me in the eyes of the newmaster of France. But I was not to be caught in that way, and beforeleaving home I had taken such precautions as to set my mind perfectly atease. 

However, those who had declared themselves strongly against Napoleon werenot the only persons who had reason to be alarmed at his return. Womeneven, by a system of inquisition unworthy of the Emperor, butunfortunately quite in unison with his hatred of all liberty, werecondemned to exile, and had cause to apprehend further severity. It isfor the exclusive admirers of the Chief of the Empire to approve ofeverything which proceeded from him, even his rigour against adefenceless sex; it is for them to laugh at the misery of a woman, and awriter of genius, condemned without any form of trial to the most severepunishment short of death. For my part, I saw neither justice norpleasantry in the exile of Madame de Chevreuse for having had the courage(and courage was not common then even among men) to say that she was notmade to be the gaoler of the Queen of Spain. On Napoleon's return from. The isle of Elba, Madame de Stael was in a state of weakness, whichrendered her unable to bear any sudden and violent emotion. Thisdebilitated state of health had been produced by her flight from Coppetto Russia immediately after the birth of the son who was the fruit of hermarriage with M. Rocca. In spite of the danger of a journey in suchcircumstances she saw greater danger in staying where she was, and sheset out on her new exile. That exile was not of long duration, butMadame de Stael never recovered from the effect of the alarm and fatigueit occasioned her. 

The name of the authoress of Corinne, naturally calls to mind that of thefriend who was most faithful to her in misfortune, and who was notherself screened from the severity of Napoleon by the just and universaladmiration of which she was the object. In 1815 Madame Recamier did notleave Paris, to which she had returned in 1814, though her exile was notrevoked. I know positively that Hortense assured her of the pleasure shewould feel in receiving her, and that Madame Recamier, as an excuse fordeclining the perilous honour, observed that she had determined neveragain to appear in the world as long as her friends should be persecuted. The memorial de Sainte Helene, referring to the origin of the ill-will ofthe Chief of the Empire towards the society of Madame de Stael and MadameRecamier, etc. , seems to reproach Madame Recamier, "accustomed, " says theMemorial, "to ask for everything and to obtain everything, " for havingclaimed nothing less than the complete reinstatement of her father. Whatever may have been the pretensions of Madame Recamier, Bonaparte, nota little addicted to the custom he complains of in her, could not have, with a good grace, made a crime of her ingratitude if he on his side hadnot claimed a very different sentiment from gratitude. I was with theFirst Consul at the time M. Bernard, the father of Madame Reamier, wasaccused, and I have not forgotten on what conditions the re-establishmentwould have been granted. 

The frequent interviews between Madame Recamier and Madame de Stael werenot calculated to bring Napoleon to sentiments and measures ofmoderation. He became more and more irritated at this friendship betweentwo women formed for each other's society; and, on the occasion of one ofMadame Recamier's journeys to Coppet he informed her, through the mediumof Fouche, that she was perfectly at liberty to go to Switzerland, butnot to return to Paris. "Ah, Monseigneur! a great man may be pardonedfor the weakness of loving women, but not for fearing them. " This wasthe only reply of Madame Recamier to Fouche when she set out for Coppet. I may here observe that the personal prejudices of the Emperor would nothave been of a persevering and violent character if some of the peoplewho surrounded him had not sought to foment them. I myself fell a victimto this. Napoleon's affection for me would perhaps have got the upperhand if his relenting towards me had not been incessantly combated by myenemies around him. 

I had no opportunity of observing the aspect of Paris during thatmemorable period recorded in history by the name of the Hundred Days, but the letters which I received at the time, together with all that, I afterwards heard, concurred in assuring me that the capital neverpresented so melancholy a picture as: during those three months. No onefelt any confidence in Napoleon's second reign, and it was said, withoutany sort of reserve, that Fouche, while serving the cause of usurpation, would secretly betray it. The future was viewed with alarm, and thepresent with dissatisfaction. The sight of the federates who paraded thefaubourgs and the boulevards, vociferating, "The Republic for ever!" and"Death to the Royalists!" their sanguinary songs, the revolutionary airsplayed in our theatres, all tended to produce a fearful torpor in thepublic mind, and the issue of the impending events was anxiously awaited. 

One of the circumstances which, at the commencement of the Hundred Days, most contributed to open the eyes of those who were yet dazzled by thepast glory of Napoleon, was the assurance with which he declared that theEmpress and his son would be restored to him, though nothing warrantedthat announcement. It was evident that he could not count on any ally;and in spite of the prodigious activity with which a new army was raisedthose persons must have been blind indeed who could imagine thepossibility of his triumphing over Europe, again armed to oppose him. I deplored the inevitable disasters which Bonaparte's bold enterprisewould entail, but I had such certain information respecting theintentions of the Allied powers, and the spirit which animated thePlenipotentiaries at Vienna, that I could not for a moment doubt theissue of the conflict: Thus I was not at all surprised when I received atHamburg the minutes of the conferences at Vienna in May 1815. 

When the first intelligence of Bonaparte's landing was received at Viennait must be confessed that very little had been done at the Congress, formeasures calculated to reconstruct a solid and durable order of thingscould only be framed and adopted deliberately, and upon maturereflection. Louis XVIII. Had instructed his Plenipotentiaries to defendand support the principles of justice and the law of nations, so as tosecure the rights of all parties and avert the chances of a new war. The Congress was occupied with these important objects when intelligencewas received of Napoleon's departure from Elba and his landing at theGulf of Juan. The Plenipotentiaries then signed the protocol of theconferences to which I have above alluded. 

[ANNEX TO THE PRECEDING CHAPTER. ]

The following despatch of Napoleon's to Marshal Davoust (given in CaptainBingham's Translation, vol. Iii. P. 121), though not strictly bearingupon the subject of the Duke of Bassano's inquiry (p. 256), may perhapsfind a place here, as indicative of the private feeling of the Emperortowards Bourrienne. As the reader will remember, it has already beenalluded to earlier in the work:

To MARSHAL DAVOUST. COMPIEGNE, 3d September 1811. 

I have received your letter concerning the cheating of Bourrienne atHamburg. It will be important to throw light upon what he has done. Have the Jew, Gumprecht Mares, arrested, seize his papers, and place himin solitary confinement. Have some of the other principal agents ofBourrienne arrested, so as to discover his doings at Hamburg, and theembezzlements he has committed there. (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

CHAPTER VII. 

 --[By the Editor of the 1836 edition]--

1815. 

 Napoleon at Paris--Political manoeuvres--The meeting of the Champ-de-Mai--Napoleon, the Liberals, and the moderate Constitutionalists--His love of arbitrary power as strong as ever-- Paris during the Cent Jours--Preparations for his last campaign-- The Emperor leaves Paris to join the army--State of Brussels-- Proclamation of Napoleon to the Belgians--Effective strength of the French and Allied armies--The Emperor's proclamation to the French army. 

Napoleon was scarcely reseated on his throne when he found he could notresume that absolute power he had possessed before his abdication atFontainebleau. He was obliged to submit to the curb of a representativegovernment, but we may well believe that he only yielded, with a mentalreservation that as soon as victory should return to his standards andhis army be reorganised he would send the representatives of the peopleback to their departments, and make himself as absolute as he had everbeen. His temporary submission was indeed obligatory. 

The Republicans and Constitutionalists who had assisted, or not opposedhis return, with Carnot, Fouche, Benjamin Constant, and his own brotherLucien (a lover of constitutional liberty) at their head, would supporthim only on condition of his reigning as a constitutional sovereign; hetherefore proclaimed a constitution under the title of "Acte additionnelaux Constitutions de l'Empire, " which greatly resembled the chartergranted by Louis XVIII. The year before. An hereditary Chamber of Peerswas to be appointed by the Emperor, a Chamber of Representatives chosenby the Electoral Colleges, to be renewed every five years, by which alltaxes were to be voted, ministers were to be responsible, judgesirremovable, the right of petition was acknowledged, and property wasdeclared inviolable. Lastly, the French nation was made to declare thatthey would never recall the Bourbons. 

Even before reaching Paris, and while resting on his journey from Elba atLyons, the second city in France, and the ancient capital of the Franks, Napoleon arranged his ministry, and issued sundry decrees, which show howlittle his mind was prepared for proceeding according to the majority ofvotes in representative assemblies. 

Cambaceres was named Minister of Justice, Fouche Minister of Police (aboon to the Revolutionists), Davoust appointed Minister of War. Decreesupon decrees were issued with a rapidity which showed how laboriouslyBonaparte had employed those studious hours at Elba which he was supposedto have dedicated to the composition of his Memoirs. They were couchedin the name of "Napoleon, by the grace of God, Emperor of France, " andwere dated on the 13th of March, although not promulgated until the 21stof that month. The first of these decrees abrogated all changes in thecourts of justice and tribunals which had taken place during the absenceof Napoleon. The second banished anew all emigrants who had returned toFrance before 1814 without proper authority, and displaced all officersbelonging to the class of emigrants introduced into the army by the King. The third suppressed the Order of St. Louis, the white flag, cockade, andother Royal emblems, and restored the tri-coloured banner and theImperial symbols of Bonaparte's authority. The same decree abolished theSwiss Guard and the Household troops of the King. The fourth sequesteredthe effects of the Bourbons. A similar Ordinance sequestered therestored property of emigrant families. 

The fifth decree of Lyons suppressed the ancient nobility and feudaltitles, and formally confirmed proprietors of national domains in theirpossessions. (This decree was very acceptable to the majority ofFrenchmen). The sixth declared sentence of exile against all emigrantsnot erased by Napoleon from the list previously to the accession of theBourbons, to which was added confiscation of their property. The seventhrestored the Legion of Honour in every respect as it had existed underthe Emperor; uniting to its funds the confiscated revenues of the Bourbonorder of St. Louis. The eighth and last decree was the most important ofall. Under pretence that emigrants who had borne arms against France hadbeen introduced into the Chamber of Peers, and that the Chamber ofDeputies had already sat for the legal time, it dissolved both Chambers, and convoked the Electoral Colleges of the Empire, in order that theymight hold, in the ensuing month of May, an extraordinary assembly--theChamp-de-Mai. 

This National Convocation, for which Napoleon claimed a precedent in thehistory of the ancient Franks, was to have two objects: first, to makesuch alterations and reforms in the Constitution of the Empire ascircumstances should render advisable; secondly, to assist at thecoronation of the Empress Maria Louisa. Her presence, and that of herson, was spoken of as something that admitted of no doubt, thoughBonaparte knew there was little hope of their return from Vienna. Thesevarious enactments were well calculated to serve Napoleon's cause. Theyflattered the army, and at the same time stimulated their resentmentagainst the emigrants, by insinuating that they had been sacrificed byLouis to the interest of his followers. They held out to the Republicansa prospect of confiscation, proscription, and, revolution of government, while, the Imperialists were gratified with a view of ample funds forpensions, offices, and honorary decorations. To proprietors of thenational domains security was promised, to the Parisians the grandspectacle of the Champ-de-Mai, and to. France peace and tranquillity, since the arrival of the Empress and her son, confidently asserted to beat hand, was taken as a pledge of the friendship of Austria. 

Napoleon at the same time endeavoured to make himself popular with thecommon people--the mob of the Faubourg St. Antoine and other obscurequarters of Paris. On the first evening of his return, as he walkedround the glittering circle met to welcome him in the State apartmentsof the Tuileries, he kept repeating, "Gentlemen, it is to the poor anddisinterested mass of the people that I owe everything; it is they whohave brought me back to the capital. It is the poor subaltern officersand common soldiers that have done all this. I owe everything to thecommon people and the ranks of the army. Remember that! I oweeverything to the army and the people!" Some time after he tookoccasional rides through the Faubourg St. Antoine, but the demonstrationsof the mob gave him little pleasure, and, it was easy to detect a sneerin his addresses to them. He had some slight intercourse with the men ofthe Revolution--the fierce, bloodthirsty Jacobins--but even now he couldnot conceal his abhorrence of them, and, be it said to his honour, he hadas little to do with them as possible. 

When Napoleon, departed for the summer campaign he took care beforehandto leave large sums of money for the 'federes'; in the hands of thedevoted Real; under whose management the mob was placed. These sums wereto be distributed at appropriate seasons, to make the people cry in thestreets of Paris, "Napoleon or death. " He also left in the hands ofDavoust a written authority for the publication of his bulletins, manyclauses of which were written long before the battles were fought thatthey were to describe. He gave to the same Marshal a plan of hiscampaign, which he had arranged for the defensive. This was not confidedto him without an injunction of the strictest secrecy, but it is saidthat Davoust communicated the plan to Fouche. Considering Davoust'scharacter this is very unlikely, but if so, it is far from improbablethat Fouche communicated the plan to the Allies with whom, and moreparticularly with Prince Metternich, he is well known to have beencorresponding at the time. 

Shortly after the Emperor's arrival in Paris Benjamin Constant, amoderate and candid man, was deputed by the constitutional party toascertain Napoleon's sentiments and intentions. Constant was a lover ofconstitutional liberty, and an old opponent of Napoleon, whose headlongcareer of despotism, cut out by the sword, he had vainly endeavoured tocheck by the eloquence of his pen. 

The interview took place at the Tuileries. The Emperor, as was his wont, began the conversation, and kept it nearly all to himself during the restof the audience. He did not affect to disguise either his past actionsor present dispositions. 

"The nation, " he said, "has had a respite of twelve years from every kindof political agitation, and for one year has enjoyed a respite from war. This double repose has created a craving after activity. It requires, orfancies it requires, a Tribune and popular assemblies. It did not alwaysrequire them. The people threw themselves at my feet when I took thereins of government You ought to recollect this, who made a trial ofopposition. Where was your support--your strength? Nowhere. I assumedless authority than I was invited to assume. Now all is changed. Afeeble government, opposed to the national interests, has given to theseinterests the habit of standing on the defensive and evading authority. The taste for constitutions, for debates, for harangues, appears to haverevived. Nevertheless it is but the minority that wishes all this, beassured. The people, or if you like the phrase better; the multitude, wish only for me. You would say so if you had only seen this multitudepressing eagerly on my steps, rushing down from the tops of themountains, calling on me, seeking me out, saluting me. On my way fromCannes hither I have not conquered--I have administered. I am not only(as has been pretended) the Emperor of the soldiers; I am that of thepeasants of the plebeians of France. Accordingly, in spite of all thathas happened, you see the people come back to me. There is sympathybetween us. It is not as with the privileged classes. The noblesse havebeen in my service; they thronged in crowds into my antechambers. Thereis no place that they have not accepted or solicited. I have had theMontmorencys, the Noailles, the Rohans, the Beauveaus, the Montemarts, in my train. But there never was any cordiality between us. The steedmade his curvets--he was well broken in, but I felt him quiver under me. With the people it is another thing. The popular fibre responds to mine. I have risen from the ranks of the people: my voice seta mechanicallyupon them. Look at those conscripts, the sons of peasants: I neverflattered them; I treated them roughly. They did not crowd round me theless; they did not on that account cease to cry, 'Vive l'Empereur!'It is that between them and me there is one and the same nature. Theylook to me as their support, their safeguard against the nobles. I havebut to make a sign, or even to look another way, and the nobles would bemassacred in every province. So well have they managed matters in thelast ten months! but I do not desire to be the King of a mob. If thereare the means to govern by a constitution well and good. I wished forthe empire of the world, and to ensure it complete liberty of action wasnecessary to me. To govern France merely it is possible that aconstitution may be better. I wished for the empire of the world, as whowould not have done in my place? The world invited me to rule over it. Sovereigns and subjects alike emulously bowed the neck under my sceptre. I have seldom met with opposition in France, but still I have encounteredmore of it from some obscure and unarmed Frenchmen than from all theseKings so resolute, just now, no longer to have a man of the people fortheir equal! See then what appears to you possible; let me know yourideas. Public discussion, free elections, responsible ministers, theliberty of the press, I have no objection to all that, the liberty of thepress especially; to stifle it is absurd. I am convinced on this point. I am the man of the people: if the people really wish for liberty letthem have it. I have acknowledged their sovereignty. It is just that Ishould lend an ear to their will, nay, even to their caprices I havenever been disposed to oppress them for my pleasure. I conceived greatdesigns; but fate 'has been against me; I am no longer a conqueror, norcan I be one. I know what is possible and what is not. --I have nofurther object than to raise up France and bestow on her a governmentsuitable to her. I have no hatred to liberty, I have set it aside whenit obstructed my path, but I understand what it means; I was brought upin its school: besides, the work of fifteen years is overturned, and itis not possible to recommence it. It would take twenty years, and thelives of 2, 000, 000 of men to be sacrificed to it. As for the rest, Idesire peace, but I can only obtain it by means of victory. I would notinspire you with false expectations. I permit it to be said thatnegotiations are going on; there are none. I foresee a hard struggle, a long war. To support it I must be seconded by the nation, but inreturn I believe they will expect liberty. They shall have it: thecircumstances are new. All I desire is to be informed of the truth. I am getting old. A man is no longer at forty-five what he was atthirty. The repose enjoyed by a constitutional king may suit me: it willstill more certainly be the best thing, for my son. "

From this remarkable address. Benjamin Constant concluded that nochange had taken place in Bonaparte's views or feelings in matters ofgovernment, but, being convinced that circumstances had changed, he hadmade up his mind to conform to them. He says, and we cannot doubt it, "that he listened to Napoleon with the deepest interest, that there was abreadth and grandeur of manner as he spoke, and a calm serenity seated ona brow covered with immortal laurels. "

Whilst believing the utter incompatibility of Napoleon and constitutionalgovernment we cannot in fairness omit mentioning that the causes whichrepelled him from the altar and sanctuary of freedom were strong: thereal lovers of a rational and feasible liberty--the constitutionalmonarchy men were few--the mad ultra-Liberals, the Jacobins, the refuseof one revolution and the provokers of another, were numerous, active, loud, and in pursuing different ends these two parties, the respectableand the disreputable, the good and the bad, got mixed and confused withone another. 

On the 14th of May, when the 'federes' were marshalled in processionalorder and treated with what was called a solemn festival, as they movedalong the boulevards to the Court of the Tuileries, they coupled the nameof Napoleon with Jacobin curses and revolutionary songs. The airs andthe words that had made Paris tremble to her very centre during the Reignof Terror--the "Marseillaise, " the "Carmagnole, " the "Jour du depart, "the execrable ditty, the burden of which is, "And with the entrails ofthe last of the priests let us strangle the last of the kings, " were allroared out in fearful chorus by a drunken, filthy, and furious mob. Manya day had elapsed since they had dared to sing these blasphemous andantisocial songs in public. Napoleon himself as soon as he had powerenough suppressed them, and he was as proud of this feat and his triumphover the dregs of the Jacobins as he was of any of his victories; and inthis he was right, in this he proved himself the friend of humanity. Asthe tumultuous mass approached the triumphal arch and the grand entranceto the Palace he could not conceal his abhorrence. His Guards were drawnup under arms, and numerous pieces of artillery, already loaded wereturned out on the Place du Carrousel. He hastily dismissed thesedangerous partisans with some praise, some money, and some drink. Oncoming into close contact with such a mob he did not feel his fibrerespond to that of the populace! Like Frankenstein, he loathed and wasafraid of the mighty monster he had put together. 

But it was not merely the mob that checked the liberalism or constitutionof Napoleon, a delicate and doubtful plant in itself, that required themost cautious treatment to make it really take root and grow up in such asoil: Some of his councillors, who called themselves "philosophicalstatesmen, " advised him to lay aside the style of Emperor, and assumethat of High President or Lord General of the Republic! Annoyed withsuch puerilities while the enemy was every day drawing nearer thefrontiers he withdrew from the Tuileries to the comparatively small andretired palace of the Elysee, where he escaped these talking-dreamers, and felt himself again a sovereign: Shut up with Benjamin Constant and afew other reasonable politicians, he drew up the sketch of a newconstitution, which was neither much better nor much worse than the royalcharter of Louis XVIII. We give an epitome of its main features. 

The Emperor was to have executive power, and to exercise legislativepower in concurrence with the two Chambers. The Chamber of Peers was tobe hereditary, and nominated by the Emperor, and its number wasunlimited. The Second Chamber was to be elected by the people, and toconsist of 629 members; none to be under the age of twenty-five. ThePresident was to be appointed by the members, but approved of by theEmperor. Members were to be paid at the rate settled by the ConstituentAssembly, which was to be renewed every five years. The Emperor mightprorogue, adjourn, or dissolve the House of Representatives, whosesittings were to be public. The Electoral Colleges were maintained. Land tax and direct taxes were to be voted only for a year, indirecttaxes might be imposed for several years. No levy of men for the armynor any exchange of territory was to be made but by a law. Taxes were tobe proposed by the Chamber of Representatives. Ministers to beresponsible. Judges to be irremovable. Juries to be established. Rightof petition, freedom of worship, inviolability of property, wererecognised. Liberty of the press was given under legal responsibility, and press offences were to be judged with a jury. No place or part ofthe territory could be placed in a state of siege except in case offoreign invasion or civil troubles. Finally, the French people declaredthat in the delegation it thus made of its powers it was not to be takenas giving the right to propose the re-establishment of the Bourbons, orof any Prince of that family on the throne, even in case of theextinction of the imperial dynasty. Any such proposal was formallyinterdicted to the Chambers or to the citizens, as well as any of thefollowing measures, viz. The re-establishment of the former, feudalnobility, of the feudal and seignorial rights, of tithes, of anyprivileged and dominant religion, as well as of the power of making anyattack on the irrevocability of the sale of the national goods. 

Shortly after the return of Napoleon from Elba, believing it to beimpossible to make the Emperor of Austria consent to his wife's rejoininghim (and Maria Louisa had no inclination to a renewal of conjugalintercourse), Napoleon had not been many days in Paris when he concocteda plan for carrying off from Vienna both his wife and his son: In thisproject force was no less necessary than stratagem. A number of Frenchof both sexes much devoted to the Emperor, who, had given them rank andfortune, had accompanied Maria Louisa in 1814 from Paris to Blois andthence to Vienna. A correspondence was opened with these persons, whoembarked heart and soul in the plot; they forged passports, procuredrelays, of horses; and altogether arranged matters so well that but a fora single individual--one who revealed the whole project a few dayspreviously to that fixed upon for carrying it into effect--there islittle room to doubt that the plan would have succeeded, and that thedaughter of Austria and the titular King of home would have given such, prestige as their presence could give at the Tuileries and heChamps-de-Mai. No sooner had the Emperor of Austria discovered thisplot, which, had it been successful, would have placed him in a veryawkward predicament, than he dismissed all the French people about hisdaughter, compelled her to lay aside the armorial bearings and liveriesof Napoleon, and even to relinquish the title of Empress of the French:No force, no art, no police could conceal these things from the peopleof Paris; who, moreover, and at nearly the same time; were made veryuneasy by the failure of Murat's attempt in Italy, which greatlyincreased the power and political influence of Austria. Murat beingdisposed of, the Emperor Francis was enabled to concentrate all hisforces in Italy, and to hold them in readiness for the re-invasion ofFrance. 

"Napoleon, " says Lavallette, "had undoubtedly expected that the Empressand his son would be restored to him; he had published his wishes as acertainty, and to prevent it was, in fact, the worst injury the Emperorof Austria could have done, him. His hope was, however, soon destroyed. 

"One evening I was summoned to the palace. I found the Emperor in adimly-lighted closet, warming himself in a corner of the fireplace, andappearing to suffer already from the complaint which never afterwardsleft him. 'Here is a letter, ' he said, 'which the courier from Viennasays is meant for you--read it. ' On first casting my eyes on the letterI thought I knew the handwriting, but as it was long I read it slowly, and came at last to the principal object. The writer said that we oughtnot to reckon upon the Empress, as she did not even attempt to concealher dislike of the Emperor, and was disposed to approve all the measuresthat could be taken against him; that her return was not to be thoughtof, as she herself would raise the greatest obstacles in the way of it;in case it should be proposed; finally, that it was not possible for himto dissemble his indignation that the Empress, wholly enamoured of ----, did not even take pains to hide her ridiculous partiality for him. Thehandwriting of the letter was disguised, yet not so much but that I wasable to discover whose it was. I found; however, in the manner in whichthe secret was expressed a warmth of zeal and a picturesque style thatdid not belong to the author of the letter. While reading it, I all of asudden suspected it was a counterfeit, and intended to mislead theEmperor. I communicated his idea to him, and the danger I perceived inthis fraud. As I grew more and more animated I found plausible reasonsenough to throw the Emperor himself into some uncertainty. 'How is itpossible, ' I said, 'that ----- should have been imprudent enough to writesuch things to me, who am not his friend, and who have had so littleconnection with him? How can one suppose that the Empress should forgetherself, in such circumstances, so far as to manifest aversion to you, and, still more, to cast herself away upon a man who undoubtedly stillpossesses some power to please, but who is no longer young, whose face isdisfigured, and whose person, altogether, has nothing agreeable in it?''But, ' answered the Emperor, ----- is attached to me; and though he isnot your friend, the postscript sufficiently explains the motive of theconfidence he places in you. ' The following words were, in fact, writtenat the bottom of the letter: 'I do not think you ought to mention thetruth to the Emperor, but make whatever use of it you think proper. 'I persisted, however, in maintaining that the letter was a counterfeit;and the Emperor then said to me, 'Go to Caulaincourt. He possesses agreat many others in the same handwriting. Let the comparison decidebetween your opinion and mine. '

"I went to Caulaincourt, who said eagerly to me, 'I am sure the letter isfrom -----, and I have not the least doubt of the truth of theparticulars it contains. The best thing the Emperor can do is to becomforted; there is no help to be expected from that side. '

"So sad a discovery was very painful to the Emperor, for he was sincerelyattached to the Empress, and still hoped again to see his son, whom heloved most tenderly. '

"Fouche had been far from wishing the return of the Emperor. He was longtired of obeying, and had, besides, undertaken another plan, whichNapoleon's arrival had broken off. The Emperor, however, put him againat the head of the police, because Savary was worn out in thatemployment, and a skillful man was wanted there. Fouche accepted theoffice, but without giving up his plan of deposing the Emperor, to put inhis place either his son or a Republic under a President. He had neverceased to correspond with Prince Metternich, and, if he is to bebelieved, he tried to persuade the Emperor to abdicate in favour of hisson. That was also my opinion; but; coming from such a quarter, theadvice was not without danger for the person to whom it was given. Besides, that advice having been rejected, it: was the duty of theMinister either to think no more of his plan or to resign his office. Fouche, however, remained in the Cabinet; and continued hiscorrespondence. The Emperor, who placed but little confidence in him;kept a careful eye upon him. One evening the Emperor: had a great dealof company at the Elysee, he told me not to go home, because he wished tospeak to me. When everybody was gone the Emperor stopped with Fouche inthe apartment next to the one I was in. The door remained half open. They walked up and down together talking very calmly. I was thereforegreatly astonished when, after a quarter of, an hour, I heard the Emperorsay to him' gravely, 'You are a traitor! Why do you remain Minister ofthe Police if you wish to betray me? It rests with me to have youhanged, and everybody would rejoice at your death!' I did not hearFouche's reply, but the conversation lasted above half an hour longer, the parties all the time walking up and down. When Fouche went away hebade me cheerfully, good-night, and said that the Emperor had gone backto his apartments. 

"The next day the Emperor spoke to me of the previous night'sconversation. 'I suspected, ' he said, 'that the wretch was incorrespondence with Vienna. I have had a banker's clerk arrested on hisreturn from that city. He has acknowledged that he brought a letter forFouche from Metternich, and that the answer was to be sent at a fixedtime to Bale, where a man was to wait for the bearer on the bridge: Isent for Fouche a few days ago, and kept him three hours long in mygarden, hoping that in the course of a friendly conversation he wouldmention that letter to me, but he said nothing. At last, yesterdayevening, I myself opened the subject. ' (Here the Emperor repeated to methe words I had heard the night before, 'You are a traitor, ' etc. ) Heacknowledged, in fact, continued the Emperor, 'that he had received sucha letter, but that it was not signed and that he had looked upon it as amystification. He showed it me. Now that letter was evidently ananswer, in which the writer again declared that he would listen tonothing more concerning the Emperor, but that, his person excepted, itwould be easy to agree to all the rest. I expected that the Emperorwould conclude his narrative by expressing his anger against Fouche, butour conversation turned on some other subject, and he talked no more ofhim. 

"Two days afterwards I went to Fouche to solicit the return to Paris ofan officer of musqueteers who had been banished far from his family. Ifound him at breakfast, and sat down next to him. Facing him sat astranger. 'Do you see this man?' he said to me; pointing with his spoonto the stranger; 'he is an aristocrat, a Bourbonist, a Chouan; it is theAbbe -----, one of the editors of the Journal des Debats--a sworn enemyto Napoleon, a fanatic partisan of the Bourbons; he is one of our men. I looked, at him. At every fresh epithet of the Minister the Abbe bowedhis head down to his plate with a smile of cheerfulness andself-complacency, and with a sort of leer. I never saw a more ignoblecountenance. Fouche explained to me, on leaving the breakfast table, in what manner all these valets of literature were men of his, and whileI acknowledged to myself that the system might be necessary, I scarcelyknew who were really more despicable--the wretches who thus soldthemselves to the highest bidder, or the minister who boasted of havingbought them, as if their acquisition were a glorious conquest. Judgingthat the Emperor had spoken to me of the scene I have described above, Fouche said to me, 'The Emperor's temper is soured by the resistance hefinds, and he thinks it is my fault. He does not know that I have nopower but by public opinion. To morrow I might hang before my doortwenty persons obnoxious to public opinion, though I should not be ableto imprison for four-and-twenty hours any individual favoured by it. As I am never in a hurry to speak I remained silent, but reflecting onwhat the Emperor had said concerning Fouche I found the comparison oftheir two speeches remarkable. The master could have his minister hangedwith public applause, and the minister could hang--whom? Perhaps themaster himself, and with the same approbation. What a singularsituation!--and I believe they were both in the right; so far publicopinion, equitable in regard to Fouche, had swerved concerning theEmperor. "

The wrath of Napoleon was confined to the Lower House, the Peers, fromthe nature of their composition, being complacent and passive enough. The vast majority of them were in fact mere shadows gathered round thesolid persons of Joseph, Lucien, Louis, and Jerome Bonaparte, and Sieyes, Carnot, and the military men of the Revolution. As a political bodyNapoleon despised them himself, and yet he wanted the nation to respectthem. But respect was impossible, and the volatile Parisians made thePeers a constant object of their witticisms. The punsters of Paris madethe following somewhat ingenious play upon words. Lallemand, Labedogure, Drouot, and Ney they called Las Quatre Pairs fides (perfides), which inpronunciation may equally mean the four faithful peers or the fourperfidious men. The infamous Vandamme and another were calledPair-siffles, the biased peers, or the biased pair, or (persiffles) menmade objects of derision. It was thus the lower orders behaved whilethe existence of France was at stake. 

By this time the thunder-cloud of war had gathered and was ready toburst. Short as the time at his disposal was Napoleon prepared to meetit with his accustomed energy. Firearms formed one of the most importantobjects of attention. There were sufficient sabres, but muskets werewanting. The Imperial factories could, in ordinary times, furnishmonthly 20, 000 stands of new arms; by the extraordinary activity andinducements offered this number was doubled. Workmen were also employedin repairing the old muskets. There was displayed at this momentousperiod the same activity in the capital as in 1793, and better directed, though without the same ultimate success. The clothing of the army wasanother difficulty, and this was got over by advancing large sums ofmoney to the cloth manufacturers beforehand. The contractors delivered20, 000 cavalry horses before the 1st of June, 10, 000 trained horses hadbeen furnished by the dismounted gendarmerie. Twelve thousand artilleryhorses were also delivered by the 1st of June, in addition to 6000 whichthe army already had. 

The facility with which the Ministers of Finance and of the Treasuryprovided for all these expenses astonished everybody, as it was necessaryto pay for everything in ready money. The system of public works was atthe same time resumed throughout France. "It is easy to see, " said theworkmen, "that 'the great contractor' is returned; all was dead, noweverything revives. "

"We have just learnt, " says a writer who was at Brussels at this time, "that Napoleon had left the capital of France on the 12th; on the 15ththe frequent arrival of couriers excited extreme anxiety, and towardsevening General Muffing presented himself at the hotel of the Duke ofWellington with despatches from Blucher. We were all aware that theenemy was in movement, and the ignorant could not solve the enigma of theDuke going tranquilly to the ball at the Duke of Richmond's--his coolnesswas above their comprehension. Had he remained at his own hotel a panicwould have probably ensued amongst the inhabitants, which would haveembarrassed the intended movement of the British division of the army. 

"I returned home late, and we were still talking over our uneasiness whenwe heard the trumpets sound. Before the sun had risen in full splendourI heard martial music approaching, and soon beheld from my windows the5th reserve of the British army passing; the Highland brigade were thefirst in advance, led by their noble thanes, the bagpipes playing theirseveral pibrochs; they were succeeded by the 28th, their bugles' notefalling more blithely upon the ear. Each regiment passed in successionwith its band playing. "

The gallant Duke of Brunswick was at a ball at the assembly-rooms in theRue Ducale on the night of the 15th of June when the French guns, whichhe was one of the first to hear, were clearly distinguished at Brussels. "Upon receiving the information that a powerful French force wasadvancing in the direction of Charleroi. 'Then it is high time for me tobe off, ' he exclaimed, and immediately quitted, the ball-room. "

"At four the whole disposable force under the Duke off Wellington wascollected together, but in such haste that many of the officers had notime to change their silk stockings and dancing-shoes; and some, quiteovercome by drowsiness, were seen lying asleep about the ramparts, stillholding, however, with a firm hand, the reins of their horses, which weregrazing by their sides. 

"About five o'clock the word march' was heard in all directions, andinstantly the whole mass appeared to move simultaneously. I conversedwith several of the officers previous to their departure, and not oneappeared to have the slightest idea of an approaching engagement. 

"The Duke of Wellington and his staff did not quit Brussels till pasteleven o'clock, and it was not till some time after they were gone thatit was generally known the whole French army, including a strong corps ofcavalry, was within a few miles of Quatre Bras. "

CHAPTER VIII. 

 --[Like the preceding, this chapter first appeared in the 1836 edition, and is not from the pen of M. De Bourrienne. ]--

1815. 

THE BATTLES OF LIGNY AND QUATRE BRAS. 

The moment for striking a decisive blow had now come, and accordingly, early on the morning of the 15th, the whole of the French army was inmotion. The 2d corps proceeded to Marchiennes to attack the Prussianoutposts at Thuin and Lobes, in order to secure the communication acrossthe Sambre between those places. The 3d corps, covered by GeneralPajol's cavalry, advanced upon Charleroi, followed by the Imperial Guardand the 6th corps, with the necessary detachments of pontoniers. Theremainder of the cavalry, under Grouchy, also advanced upon Charleroi, onthe flanks of the 3d and 6th corps. The 4th corps was ordered to marchupon the bridge of Chatelet. 

On the approach of the French advanced guards an incessant skirmish wasmaintained during the whole morning with the Prussians, who, after losingmany men, were compelled to yield to superior numbers. General Zieten, finding it impossible, from the extent of frontier he had to cover, tocheek the advance of the French, fell back towards Fleurus by the road toCharleroi, resolutely contesting the advance of the enemy wherever it waspossible. In the repeated attacks sustained by him he sufferedconsiderable loss. It was nearly mid-day before a passage throughCharleroi was secured by the French army, and General Zieten continuedhis retreat upon Fleurus, where he took up his position for the night. Upon Zieten's abandoning, in the course of his retreat, the chausseewhich leads to Brussels through Quatre Bras, Marshal Ney, who had onlyjust been put in command on the left of the French army, was ordered toadvance by this road upon Gosselies, and found at Frasnes part of theDuke of Wellington's army, composed of Nassau troops under the command ofPrince Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who, after some skirmishing, maintainedhis position. "Notwithstanding all the exertions of the French at amoment when time was of such importance, they had only been able toadvance about fifteen English miles during the day, with nearly fifteenhours of daylight. "

It was the intention of Napoleon during his operations on this day toeffect a separation between the English and Prussian armies, in which hehad nearly succeeded. Napoleon's plan for this purpose, and theexecution of it by his army, were alike admirable, but it is hardlyprobable that the Allied generals were taken by surprise, as it was theonly likely course which Napoleon could have taken. His line ofoperation was on the direct road to Brussels, and there were no fortifiedworks to impede his progress, while from the nature of the country hisnumerous and excellent cavalry could be employed with great effect. 

In the French accounts Marshal Ney was much blamed for not occupyingQuatre Bras with the whole of his force on the evening of the 16th. "Neymight probably have driven back the Nassau troops at Quatre Bras, andoccupied that important position, but hearing a heavy cannonade on hisright flank, where General Zieten had taken up his position, he thoughtit necessary to halt and detach a division in the direction of Fleurus. He was severely censured by Napoleon for not having literally followedhis orders and pushed on to Quatre Bras. " This accusation forms acurious contrast with that made against Grouchy, upon whom Napoleon threwthe blame of the defeat at Waterloo, because he strictly fulfilled hisorders, by pressing the Prussians at Wavre, unheeding the cannonade onhis left, which might have led him to conjecture that the more importantcontest between the Emperor and Wellington was at that moment raging. 

It was at six o'clock in the evening of the 16th that the Drake ofWellington received the first information of the advance of the Frencharmy; but it was not, however, until ten o'clock that positive newsreached him that the French army had moved upon the line of the Sambre. This information induced him to push forward reinforcements on QuatreBras, at which place he himself arrived at an early hour on the 16th, andimmediately proceeded to Bry, to devise measures with Marshal Blucher inorder to combine their efforts. From the movement of considerable massesof the French in front of the Prussians it was evident that their firstgrand attack would be directed against them. That this was Napoleon'sobject on the 16th maybe seen by his orders to Ney and Grouchy to turnthe right of the Prussians, and drive the British from their position atQuatre Bras, and then to march down the chaussee upon Bry in ordereffectually to separate the two armies. Ney was accordingly detached forthis purpose with 43, 000 men. In the event of the success of Marshal Neyhe would have been enabled to detach a portion of his forces for thepurpose of making a flank attack upon the Prussians in the rear of St. Amend, whilst Napoleon in person was directing his main efforts againstthat village the strongest in the Prussian position. Ney's reserve wasat Frasnes, disposable either for the purpose of supporting the attack onQuatre Bras or that at St. Amand; and in case of Ney's complete successto turn the Prussian right flank by marching on Bry. 

CHAPTER IX. 

1815

THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. 

One of the most important struggles of modern times was now about tocommence--a struggle which for many years was to decide the fate ofEurope. Napoleon and Wellington at length stood opposite one another. They had never met; the military reputation of each was of the highestkind, --[For full details of the Waterloo campaign see Siborne's History of the War in France and Belgium in 1815, giving the English contemporary account; Chesney's Waterloo Lectures, the best English modern account, which has been accepted by the Prussians as pretty nearly representing their view; and Waterloo by Lieutenant-Colonel Prince Edouard de la Tour d'Auvergne (Paris, Plon, 1870), which may be taken as the French modern account. 

 In judging this campaign the reader must guard himself from looking on it as fought by two different armies-the English and the Prussian-whose achievements are to be weighed against one another. Wellington and Blucher were acting in a complete unison rare even when two different corps of the same nation are concerned, but practically unexampled in the case of two armies of different nations. Thus the two forces became one army, divided into two wings, one, the left (or Prussian wing) having been defeated by the main body of the French at Ligny on the 16th of June, the right (or English wing) retreated to hold the position at Waterloo, where the left (or Prussian wing) was to join it, and the united force was to crash the enemy. Thus there is no question as to whether the Prussian army saved the English by their arrival, or whether the English saved the Prussians by their resistance at Waterloo. Each army executed well and gallantly its part in a concerted operation. The English would never have fought at Waterloo if they had not relied on the arrival of the Prussians. Had the Prussians not come up on the afternoon of the 18th of June the English would have been exposed to the same great peril of having alone to deal with the mass of the French army, as the Prussians would have had to face if they had found the English in full retreat. To investigate the relative performances of the two armies is lunch the same as to decide the respective merits of the two Prussian armies at Sadowa, where one held the Austrians until the other arrived. Also in reading the many interesting personal accounts of the campaign it most be remembered that opinions about the chance of success in a defensive struggle are apt to warp with the observer's position, as indeed General Grant has remarked in answer to criticisms on his army's state at the end of the first day of the battle of Shiloh or 'Pittsburg Landing. The man placed in the front rank or fighting line sees attack after attack beaten off. He sees only part of his own losses, am most of the wounded disappear, and he also knows something of the enemy's loss by seeing the dead in front of him. Warmed by the contest, he thus believes in success. The man placed in rear or advancing with reinforcements, having nothing of the excitement of the struggle, sees only the long and increasing column of wounded, stragglers, and perhaps of fliers. He sees his companion fall without being able to answer the fire. He sees nothing of the corresponding loss of the enemy, and he is apt to take a most desponding view of the situation. Thus Englishmen reading the accounts of men who fought at Waterloo are too ready to disbelieve representations of what was taking place in the rear of the army, and to think Thackeray's life-like picture in Vanity Fair of the state of Brussels must be overdrawn. Indeed, in this very battle of Waterloo, Zieten began to retreat when his help was most required, because one of his aides de camp told him that the right wing of the English was in full retreat. "This inexperienced young man, " says Muffling, p. 248, "had mistaken the great number of wounded going, or being taken, to the rear to be dressed, for fugitives, and accordingly made a false report. " Further, reserves do not say much of their part or, sometimes, no part of the fight, and few people know that at least two English regiments actually present on the field of Waterloo hardly fired a shot till the last advance. 

 The Duke described the army as the worst he ever commanded, and said that if he had had his Peninsular men, the fight would have been over much sooner. But the Duke, sticking to ideas now obsolete, had no picked corps. Each man, trusting in and trusted by his comrades, fought under his own officers and under his own regimental colours. Whatever they did not know, the men knew how to die, and at the end of the day a heap of dead told where each regiment and battery had stood. ]--

the career of both had been marked by signal victory; Napoleon hadcarried his triumphant legions across the stupendous Alps, over the northof Italy, throughout Prussia, Austria, Russia, and even to the foot ofthe Pyramids, while Wellington, who had been early distinguished inIndia, had won immortal renown in the Peninsula, where he had defeated, one after another, the favourite generals of Napoleon. He was now tomake trial of his prowess against their Master. 

Among the most critical events of modern times the battle of Waterloostands conspicuous. This sanguinary encounter at last stopped thetorrent of the ruthless and predatory ambition of the French, by which somany countries had been desolated. With the peace which immediatelysucceeded it confidence was restored to Europe. 

CHAPTER X. 

1815

 Interview with Lavallette--Proceedings in the French Chambers-- Second abdication of Napoleon--He retires to Rochefort, negotiates with Captain Maitland, and finally embarks in the 'Bellerophon'. 

One of the first public men to see Napoleon after his return fromWaterloo was Lavallette. "I flew, " says he, "to the Elysee to see theEmperor: he summoned me into his closet, and as soon as he saw me, hecame to meet me with a frightful epileptic 'laugh. 'Oh, my God!' hesaid, raising his eyes to heaven, and walking two or three times up anddown the room. This appearance of despair was however very short. Hesoon recovered his coolness, and asked me what was going forward in theChamber of Representatives. I could not attempt to hide that partyspirit was there carried to a high pitch, and that the majority seemeddetermined to require his abdication, and to pronounce it themselves ifhe did not concede willingly. 'How is that?' he said. 'If propermeasures are not taken the enemy will be before the gates of Paris ineight days. Alas!' he added, 'have I accustomed them to such greatvictories that they knew not how to bear one day's misfortune? What willbecome of poor France? I have done all I could for her!' He then heaveda deep sigh. Somebody asked to speak to him, and I left him, with adirection to come back at a later hour. 

"I passed the day in seeking information among all my friends andacquaintances. I found in all of them either the greatest dejection oran extravagant joy, which they disguised by feigned alarm and pity formyself, which I repulsed with great indignation. Nothing favourable wasto be expected from the Chamber of Representatives. They all said theywished for liberty, but, between two enemies who appeared ready todestroy it, they preferred the foreigners, the friends of the Bourbons, to Napoleon, who might still have prolonged the struggle, but that healone would not find means to save them and erect the edifice of liberty. The Chamber of Peers presented a much sadder spectacle. Except theintrepid Thibaudeau, who till, the last moment expressed himself withadmirable energy against the Bourbons, almost all the others thought ofnothing else but getting out of the dilemma with the least loss theycould. Some took no pains to hide their wish of bending again under theBourbon yoke. "

On the evening of Napoleon's return to Paris he sent for BenjaminConstant to come to him at the Elysee about seven o'clock. The Chambershad decreed their permanence, and proposals for abdication had reachedthe Emperor. He was serious but calm. In reply to some words on thedisaster of Waterloo he said, "The question no longer concerns me, butFrance. They wish me to abdicate. Have they calculated upon theinevitable consequences of this abdication? It is round me, round myname, that the army rallies: to separate me from it is to disband it. If I abdicate to-day, in two days' time you will no longer have an army. These poor fellows do not understand all your subtleties. Is it believedthat axioms in metaphysics, declarations of right, harangues from thetribune, will put a stop to the disbanding of an army? To reject me whenI landed at Cannes I can conceive possible; to abandon me now is what Ido not understand. It is not when the enemy is at twenty-five leagues'distance that any Government can be overturned with impunity. Does anyone imagine that the Foreign Powers will be won over by fine words? Ifthey had dethroned me fifteen days ago there would have been some spiritin it; but as it is, I make part of what strangers attack, I make part, then, of what France is bound to defend. In giving me up she gives upherself, she avows her weakness, she acknowledges herself conquered, shecourts the insolence of the conqueror. It is not the love of libertywhich deposes me, but Waterloo; it is fear, and a fear of which yourenemies will take advantage. And then what title has the Chamber todemand my abdication? It goes out of its lawful sphere in doing so; ithas no authority. It is my right, it is my duty to dissolve it. "

"He then hastily ran over the possible consequences of such a step. Separated from the Chambers, he could only be considered as a militarychief: but the army would be for him; that would always join him who canlead it against foreign banners, and to this might be added all that partof the population which is equally powerful and easily, led in such astate of things. As if chance intended to strengthen Napoleon in thistrain of thought, while he was speaking the avenue of Marigny resoundedwith the cries of 'Vive l'Empereur!' A crowd of men, chiefly of the poorand labouring class, pressed forward into the avenue, full of wildenthusiasm, and trying to scale the walls to make an offer to Napoleon torally round and defend him. Bonaparte for some time looked attentivelyat this group. 'You see it is so, ' said he; 'those are not the men whomI have loaded with honours and riches. What do these people owe me? Ifound them--I left them--poor. The instinct of necessity enlightensthem; the voice of the country speaks by their months; and if I choose, if I permit it, in an hour the refractory Chambers will have ceased toexist. But the life of a man is not worth purchasing at such a price: Idid not return from the Isle of Elba that Paris should be inundated withblood: He did not like the idea of flight. ' 'Why should I not stayhere?' he repeated. 'What do you suppose they would do to a man disarmedlike me? I will go to Malmaison: I can live there in retirement withsome friends, who most certainly will come to see me only for my ownsake. '

"He then described with complacency and even with a sort of gaiety thisnew kind of life. Afterwards, discarding an idea which sounded like mereirony, he went on. 'If they do not like me to remain in France, where amI to go? To England? My abode there would be ridiculous or disquieting. I should be tranquil; no one would believe it. Every fog would besuspected of concealing my landing on the coast. At the first sign of agreen coat getting out of a boat one party would fly from France, theother would put France out of the pale of the law. I should compromiseeverybody, and by dint of the repeated "Behold he comes!" I should feelthe temptation to set out. America would be more suitable; I could livethere with dignity. But once more, what is there to fear? Whatsovereign can, without injuring himself, persecute me? To one I haverestored half his dominions; how often has the other pressed my hand, calling me a great man! And as to the third, can he find pleasure orhonour in humiliation of his son-in-law? Would they wish to proclaim inthe face of the world that all they did was through fear? As to therest, I shall see: I do not wish to employ open force. I came in thehope of combining our last resources: they abandoned me; they do so withthe same facility with which they received me back. Well, then, let themefface, if possible, this double stain of weakness and levity! Let themcover it over with some sacrifice, with some glory! Let them do for thecountry what they will not do for me. I doubt it. To-day, those whodeliver up Bonaparte say that it is to save France: to-morrow, bydelivering up France, they will prove that it was to save their ownheads. '"

The humiliating scenes which rapidly succeeded one another; and whichended in Napoleon's unconditional surrender, may be briefly told. Assoon as possible after his arrival at Paris he assembled his counsellors, when he declared himself in favour of still resisting. The question, however, was, whether the Chambers would support him; and Lafayette beingtreacherously informed, it is said by Fouche, that it was intended todissolve the Chambers, used his influence to get the chambers to adoptthe propositions he laid before them. By these the independence of thenation was asserted to be in danger; the sittings of the Chamber weredeclared permanent, and all attempts to dissolve it were pronouncedtreasonable. The propositions were adopted, and being communicated tothe Chamber of Peers, that body also declared itself permanent. Whatevermight have been the intentions of Bonaparte, it was now manifest thatthere were no longer any hopes of his being able to make his will the lawof the nation; after some vacillation, therefore, on 22d June hepublished the following declaration:

 TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE

 FRENCHMEN!--In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers against me. Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and really have directed them only against my power. My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son under the title of:

 NAPOLEON II. , EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH. 

 The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form without delay the Regency by a law. Unite all for the public safety, that you may continue an independent nation. (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

This declaration was conveyed to both the Chambers, which voteddeputations to the late Emperor, accepting this abdication, but in theirdebates the nomination of his son to the succession was artfully eluded. The Chamber of Representatives voted the nomination of a Commission offive persons, three to be chosen from that Chamber, and two from theChamber of Peers, for the purpose of provisionally exercising thefunctions of Government, and also that the Ministers should continuetheir respective functions under the authority of this Commission. Thepersons chosen by the Chamber of Representatives were Carnot, Fouche, andGrenier, those nominated by the Peers were the Duke of Vicenza(Caulaincourt) and Baron Quinette. The Commission nominated five personsto the Allied army for the purpose of proposing peace. These proceedingswere, however, rendered of little importance by the resolution of thevictors to advance to Paris. 

Napoleon's behaviour just before and immediately after the crisis is welldescribed by Lavallette. "The next day, " he observes, "I returned to theEmperor. He had received the most positive accounts of the state offeeling in the Chamber of Representatives. The reports had, however, been given to him with some little reserve, for he did not seem to meconvinced that the resolution was really formed to pronounce hisabdication, I was better informed on the matter, and I came to himwithout having the least doubt in my mind that the only thing he could dowas to descend once more from the throne. I communicated to him all theparticulars I had just received, and I did not hesitate to advise him tofollow the only course worthy of him. He listened to me with a sombreair, and though he was in some measure master of himself, the agitationof his mind and the sense of his position betrayed themselves in his faceand in all his motions. 'I know, ' said I, 'that your Majesty may stillkeep the sword drawn, but with whom, and against whom? Defeat haschilled the courage of every one; the army is still in the greatestconfusion. Nothing is to be expected from Paris, and the coup d'etat ofthe 18th Brumaire cannot be renewed. '--'That thought, ' he replied, stopping, 'is far from my mind. I will hear nothing more about myself. But poor France!' At that moment Savary and Caulaincourt entered, andhaving drawn a faithful picture of the exasperation of the Deputies, theypersuaded him to assent to abdication. Some words he uttered proved tous that he would have considered death preferable to that step; but stillhe took it. 

"The great act of abdication being performed, he remained calm during thewhole day, giving his advice on the position the army should take, and onthe manner in which the negotiations with the enemy ought to beconducted. He insisted especially on the necessity of proclaiming hisson Emperor, not so much for the advantage of the child as with a view toconcentrate all the power of sentiments and affections. Unfortunately, nobody would listen to him. Some men of sense and courage rallied foundthat proposition in the two Chambers, but fear swayed the majority; andamong those who remained free from it many thought that a publicdeclaration of liberty, and the resolution to defend it at any price, would make the enemy and the Bourbons turn back. Strange delusion ofweakness and want of experience! It must, however, be respected, for ithad its source in love of their country; but, while we excuse it, can itbe justified? The population of the metropolis had resumed its usualappearance, which was that of complete indifference, with a resolution tocry 'Long live the King!' provided the King arrived well escorted; forone must not judge of the whole capital by about one-thirtieth part ofthe inhabitants, who called for arms, and declared themselves warmlyagainst the return of the exiled family. 

"On the 23d I returned to the Elysee. The Emperor had been for two hoursin his bath. He himself turned the discourse on the retreat he ought tochoose, and spoke of the United States. I rejected the idea withoutreflection, and with a degree of vehemence that surprised him. 'Why notAmerica?' he asked. I answered, 'Because Moreau retired there. ' Theobservation was harsh, and I should never have forgiven myself for havingexpressed it; if I had not retracted my advice a few days afterwards. Heheard it without any apparent ill-humour, but I have no doubt that itmust have made an unfavourable impression on his mind. I strongly urgedon his choosing England for his asylum. 

"The Emperor went to Malmaison. He was accompanied thither by theDuchesse de St. Leu, Bertrand and his family, and the Duc de Bassano. The day that he arrived there he proposed to me to accompany him abroad. Drouot, ' he said, 'remains in France. I see the Minister of War wisheshim not to be lost to his country. I dare not complain, but it is agreat loss for me; I never met with a better head, or a more uprightheart. That man was formed to be a prime minister anywhere. ' I declinedto accompany him at the time, saying, 'My wife is enceinte; I cannot makeup my mind to leave her. Allow me some time, and I will join youwherever you may be. I have remained faithful to your Majesty in bettertimes, and you may reckon upon me now. Nevertheless, if my wife did notrequire all my attention, I should do better to go with you, for I havesad forebodings respecting my fate. "

"The Emperor made no answer; but I saw by the expression of hiscountenance that he had no better augury of my fate than I had. However, the enemy was approaching, and for the last three days he had solicitedthe Provisional Government to place a frigate at his disposal, with whichhe might proceed to America. It had been promised him; he was evenpressed to set off; but he wanted to be the bearer of the order to thecaptain to convey him to the United States, and that order did notarrive. We all felt that the delay of a single hour might put hisfreedom in jeopardy. 

"After we had talked the subject over among ourselves, I went to him andstrongly pointed out to him how dangerous it might be to prolong hisstay. He observed that he could not go without the order. 'Depart, nevertheless, ' I replied; your presence on board the ship will still havea great influence over Frenchmen; cut the cables, promise money to thecrew, and if the captain resist have him put on shore, and hoist yoursails. I have no doubt but Fouche has sold you to the Allies. '--'I believe it also; but go and make the last effort with the Minister ofMarine. ' I went off immediately to M. Decres. He was in bed, andlistened to me with an indifference that made my blood boil. He said tome, 'I am only a Minister. Go to Fouche; speak to the Government. Asfor me, I can do nothing. Good-night. ' And so saying he covered himselfup again in his blankets. I left him; but I could not succeed inspeaking either to Fouche or to any of the others. It was two o'clock inthe morning when I returned to Malmaison; the Emperor was in bed. I wasadmitted to his chamber, where I gave him an account of the result of mymission, and renewed my entreaties. He listened to me, but made noanswer. He got up, however, and spent a part of the night in walking upand down the room. 

"The following day was the last of that sad drama. The Emperor had goneto bed again, and slept a few hours. I entered his cabinet at abouttwelve o'clock. 'If I had known you were here, ' he said, 'I would havehad you called in. ' He then gave me, on a subject that interested himpersonally, some instructions which it is needless for me to repeat. Soon after I left him, full of anxiety respecting his fate, my heartoppressed with grief, but still far from suspecting the extent to whichboth the rigour of fortune and the cruelty of his enemies would becarried. "

All the morning of the 29th of June the great road from St. Germain rungwith the cries of "Vive l'Empereur!" proceeding from the troops whopassed under the walls of Malmaison. About mid-day General Becker, sentby the Provisional Government, arrived. He had been appointed to attendNapoleon. Fouche knew that General Becker had grievances against theEmperor, and thought to find in him willing agent. He was greatlydeceived, for the General paid to the Emperor a degree of respect highlyto his honour. Time now became pressing. The Emperor, at the moment ofdeparture, sent a message by General Becker himself to the ProvisionalGovernment, offering to march as a private citizen at the head of thetroops. He promised to repulse Blucher, and afterwards to continue hisroute. Upon the refusal of the Provisional Government he quittedMalmaison on the 29th. Napoleon and part of his suite took the road toRochefort. He slept at Rambouillet on the 29th of June, on the 30th atTours, on the 1st of July he arrived at Niort, and on the 3d reachedRochefort, on the western coast of France, with the intention of escapingto America; but the whole western seaboard was so vigilantly watched byBritish men-of-war that, after various plans and devices, he was obligedto abandon the attempt in despair. He was lodged at the house of theprefect, at the balcony of which he occasionally showed himself toacknowledge the acclamations of the people. 

During his stay here a French naval officer, commanding a Danish merchantvessel, generously offered to some of Napoleon's adherents to further hisescape. He proposed to take Napoleon alone, and undertook to conceal hisperson so effectually as to defy the most rigid scrutiny, and offered tosail immediately to the United States of America. He required no othercompensation than a small sum to indemnify the owners of his ship for theloss this enterprise might occasion them. This was agreed to by Bertrandupon certain stipulations. 

On the evening of the 8th of July Napoleon reached Fouras, receivingeverywhere testimonies of attachment. He proceeded on board the Saale, one of the two frigates appointed by the Provisional Government to conveyhim to the United States, and slept on board that night. Very early onthe following morning he visited the fortifications of that place, andreturned to the frigate for dinner. On the evening of the 9th of July hedespatched Count Las Cases and the Duke of Rovigo to the commander of theEnglish squadron, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the passportspromised by the Provisional Government to enable him to proceed toAmerica had been received. A negative answer was returned; it was at thesame time signified that the Emperor would be attacked by the Englishsquadron if he attempted to sail under a flag of truce, and it wasintimated that every neutral vessel would be examined, and probably sentinto an English port. Las Cases affirms that Napoleon was recommended toproceed to England by Captain Maitland, who assured him that he wouldexperience no ill-treatment there. The English ship 'Bellerophon' thenanchored in the Basque roads, within sight of the French vessels of war. The coast being, as we have stated, entirely blockaded by the Englishsquadron, the Emperor was undecided as to the course he should pursue. Neutral vessels and 'chasse-marees', manned by young naval officers, wereproposed, and many other plans were devised. 

Napoleon disembarked on the 12th at the Isle of Aix with acclamationsringing on every side. He had quitted the frigates because they refusedto sail, owing either to the weakness of character of the commandant, orin consequence of his receiving fresh orders from the ProvisionalGovernment. Many persons thought that the enterprise might be undertakenwith some probability of success; the wind, however, remained constantlyin the wrong quarter. 

Las Cases returned to the Bellerophon at four o'clock in the morning ofthe 14th, to inquire whether any reply had been received to thecommunication made by Napoleon. Captain Maitland stated that he expectedto receive it every moment, and added that, if the Emperor would thenembark for England, he was authorized to convey him thither. He added, moreover, that in his own opinion, and many other officers presentconcurred with him, he had no doubt Napoleon would be treated in Englandwith all-possible attention and respect; that in England neither the Kingnor Ministers exercised the same arbitrary power as on the Continent;that the English indeed possessed generosity of sentiment and aliberality of opinions superior even to those of the King. Las Casesreplied that he would make Napoleon acquainted with Captain Maitland'soffer, and added, that he thought the Emperor would not hesitate toproceed to England, so as to be able to continue his voyage to the UnitedStates. He described France, south of the Loire, to be in commotion, thehopes of the people resting on Napoleon as long as he was present; thepropositions everywhere made to him, and at every moment; his decidedresolution not to become the pretest of a civil war; the generosity hehad exhibited in abdicating, in order to render the conclusion of a peacemore practicable; and his settled determination to banish himself, inorder to render that peace more prompt and more lasting. 

The messengers returned to their Master, who, after some doubt andhesitation, despatched General Gourgaud with the following well-knownletter to the Prince Regent:--

 ROCHEFORT, 13th July 1815. 

 ROYAL HIGHNESS--A victim to the factions which divide my country, and to the hostility of the greatest Powers of Europe, I have terminated my political career, and come, like Themistocles, to share the hospitality of the British people. I place myself under the protection of their laws, and I claim that from your Royal Highness as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most generous of my enemies. (Signed) NAPOLEON. 

About four P. M. Las Cases and Savory returned to the 'Bellerophon', wherethey had a long conversation with Captain Maitland, in the presence ofCaptains Sartorius and Gambler, who both declare that Maitland repeatedlywarned Napoleon's adherents not to entertain the remotest idea that hewas enabled to offer any pledge whatever to their Master beyond thesimple assurance that he would convey him in safety to the English coast, there to await the determination of the British Government. 

Napoleon had begun to prepare for his embarkation before daylight on the15th. It was time that he did so, for a messenger charged with orders toarrest him had already arrived at Rochefort from the new Government. The execution of this order was delayed by General Becker for a few hoursin order to allow Napoleon sufficient time to escape. At daybreak, hequitted the 'Epervier', and was enthusiastically cheered by the ship'scompany so long as the boat was within hearing. Soon after six he wasreceived on board the 'Bellerophon' with respectful silence, but withoutthose honours generally paid to persons of high rank. Bonaparte wasdressed in the uniform of the 'chasseurs a cheval' of the Imperial Guard, and wore the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour. 

On entering the vessel he took off his hat, and addressing CaptainMaitland, said, "I am come to throw myself on the protection of the lawsof England. " Napoleon's manner was well calculated to make a favourableimpression on those with whom he conversed. He requested to beintroduced to the officers of the ship, and put various questions toeach. He then went round the ship, although he was informed that the menwere cleaning and scouring, and remarked upon anything which struck himas differing from what he had seen on French vessels. The cleanappearance of the men surprised him. "He then observed, " says CaptainMaitland, to whose interesting narrative we refer, "'I can see nosufficient reason why your ships should beat the French ones with so muchease. The finest men-of-war in your service are French; a French ship isheavier in every respect than one of yours; she carries more guns, andthose guns are of a larger calibre, and she has a great many more men. '"His inquiries, which were minute, proved that he had directed muchattention to the French navy. 

On the first morning Napoleon took breakfast in the English fashion, butobserving that his distinguished prisoner did not eat much, CaptainMaitland gave direction that for the future a hot breakfast should beserved up after the French manner. 'The Superb', the Admiral's ship, which had been seen in the morning, was now approaching. Immediately onher anchoring Captain Maitland went on board to give an account of allthat had happened, and received the Admiral's approbation of what he haddone. In the afternoon Admiral Sir Henry Hotham was introduced toNapoleon, and invited by him to dinner. This was arranged, in order tomake it more agreeable to him, by Bonaparte's maitre d'hotel. On dinnerbeing announced Napoleon led the way, and seated himself in the centre atone side of the table, desiring Sir Henry Hotham to take the seat on hisright, and Madame Bertrand that on his left hand. On this day CaptainMaitland took his seat at the end of the table, but on the following day, by Napoleon's request, he placed himself on his right hand, whilstGeneral Bertrand took the top. Two of the ship's officers dined with theEmperor daily, by express invitation. The conversation of Napoleon wasanimated. He made many inquiries as to the family and connections ofCaptain Maitland, and in alluding to Lord Lauderdale, who was sent asambassador to Paris during the administration of Mr. Fox, paid thatnobleman some compliments and said of the then Premier, "Had Mr. Foxlived it never would have come to this; but his death put an end to allhopes of peace. "

On one occasion he ordered his camp-bed to be displayed for theinspection of the English officers. In two small leather packages werecomprised the couch of the once mighty ruler of the Continent. The steelbedstead which, when folded up, was only two feet long, and eighteeninches wide, occupied one case, while the other contained the mattressand curtains. The whole was so contrived as to be ready for use in threeminutes. 

Napoleon spoke in terms of high praise of the marines on duty in theBellerophon, and on going through their ranks exclaimed to Bertrand, "How much might be done with a hundred thousand such soldiers as these!"In putting them through their exercise he drew a contrast between thecharge of the bayonet as made by the English and the French, and observedthat the English method of fixing the bayonet was faulty, as it mighteasily be twisted off when in close action. In visiting Admiral Hotham'sflag-ship, the 'Superb', he manifested the same active curiosity as informer instances, and made the same minute inquiries into everything bywhich he was surrounded. During breakfast one of Napoleon's suite, Colonel Planat, was much affected, and even wept, on witnessing thehumiliation of his Master. 

On the return of Bonaparte from the Superb to the 'Bellerophon' thelatter ship was got under weigh and made sail for England. When passingwithin a cable's length of the 'Superb' Napoleon inquired of CaptainMaitland if he thought that distance was sufficient for action. Thereply of the English officer was characteristic; he told the Emperor thathalf the distance, or even less, would suit much better. Speaking of SirSidney Smith, Bonaparte repeated the anecdote connected with his quarrelat St. Jean d'Acre with that officer, which has already been related inone of the notes earlier in these volumes. Patting Captain Maitland onthe shoulder, he observed, that had it not been for the English navy hewould have been Emperor of the East, but that wherever he went he wassure to find English ships in the way. 

The 'Bellerophon', with Bonaparte on board, sighted the coast of Englandon Sunday, the 23d of July 1815, and at daybreak on the 24th the vesselapproached Dartmouth. No sooner had the ship anchored than an order fromLoral Keith was delivered to Captain Maitland, from which the followingis an extract:

 Extract of an Order from Admiral Viscount Keith, G. C. B. , addressed to Captain Maitland, of H. M. S. "Bellerophon, " dated Ville de Paris, Hamoaze, 23d July 1815. 

 Captain Sartorius, of His Majesty's ship 'Slaney', delivered to me last night, at eleven o'clock, your despatch of the 14th instant, acquainting me that Bonaparte had proposed to embark on board the ship you command, and that you had acceded thereto, with the intention of proceeding to Torbay, there to wait for further orders. I lost no time in forwarding your letter by Captain Sartorius to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in order that their Lordships might, through him, be acquainted with every circumstance that had occurred on an occasion of so much importance; and you may expect orders from their Lordships for your further guidance. You are to remain in Torbay until you receive such orders; and in the meantime, in addition to the directions already in your possession, you are most positively ordered to prevent every person whatever from coming on board the ship you command, except the officers and men who compose her crew; nor is any person whatever, whether in His Majesty's service or not, who does not belong, to the ship, to be suffered to come on board, either for the purpose of visiting the officers, or on any pretence whatever, without express permission either from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty or from me. As I understand from Captain Sartorius that General Gourgaud refused to deliver the letter with which he was charged for the Prince Regent to any person except His Royal Highness, you are to take him out of the 'Slaney' into the ship you command, until you receive directions from the Admiralty on the subject, and order that ship back to Plymouth Sound, when Captain Sartorius returns from London. 

It was stated about this time, in some of the English newspapers, thatSt. Helena would be the place of exile of the ex-Emperor, the bare reportof which evidently caused great pain to Napoleon and his suite. GeneralGourgaud was obliged to return to the 'Bellerophon', not having beensuffered to go on shore to deliver the letter from Bonaparte to thePrince Regent with which he had been entrusted. The ship which bore themodern Alexander soon became a natural object of attraction to the wholeneighbourhood, and was constantly surrounded by crowds of boats. Napoleon frequently showed himself to the people from shore with a viewof gratifying their curiosity. On the 25th of July the number ofguard-boats which surrounded the vessel was greatly increased; and thealarm of the captives became greater as the report was strengthened asto the intention of conveying Bonaparte to St. Helena. 

In conversation with Captain Maitland, Napoleon, who seemed to be awarethat the English fishermen united the occupation of smugglers to theirusual trade; stated that many of them had been bribed by him, and hadassisted in the escape of French prisoners of war. They had evenproposed to deliver Louis XVIII. Into his power, but as they would . Notanswer for the safety of his life, Napoleon refused the offer. Upon thearrival of despatches from London the 'Bellerophon' got under weigh forPlymouth Sound on the 26th of July. This movement tended still furtherto disconcert the ex-Emperor and his followers. In passing thebreakwater Bonaparte could not withhold his admiration of that work, which he considered highly honourable to the public spirit of the nation, and, alluding to his own improvements at Cherbourg, expressed hisapprehensions that they would now be suffered to fall into decay. 

Captain Maitland was directed by Lord Keith to observe the utmostvigilance to prevent the escape of his prisoners, and with this view noboat was permitted to approach the Bellerophon; the 'Liffey' and'Eurotas' were ordered to take up an anchorage on each side of the ship, and further precautions were adopted at night. 

On the 27th of July Captain Maitland proceeded to Lord Keith, taking withhim Bonaparte's original letter to the Prince Regent, which, as GeneralGourgaud had not been permitted to deliver it personally, Napoleon nowdesired to be transmitted through the hands of the Admiral. As LordKeith had now received instructions from his Government as to the mannerin which Napoleon was to be treated, he lost no time in paying hisrespects to the fallen chief. 

On the 31st of July the anxiously-expected order of the EnglishGovernment arrived. In this document, wherein the ex-Emperor was styled"General Bonaparte, " it was notified that he was to be exiled to St. Helena, the place of all others most dreaded by him and his devotedadherents. It was, moreover, specified that he might be allowed to takewith him three officers, and his surgeon, and twelve servants. To hisown selection was conceded the choice of these followers, with theexclusion, however, of Savary and Lallemand, who were on no account to bepermitted any further to share his fortunes. This prohibition gaveconsiderable alarm to those individuals, who became excessively anxiousas to their future disposal, and declared that to deliver them up to thevengeance of the Bourbons would be a violation of faith and honour. 

Napoleon himself complained bitterly on the subject of his destination, and said, "The idea, of it is horrible to me. To be placed for life onan island within the tropics, at an immense distance from any land, cutoff from all communication with the world, and everything that I holddear in it!--c'est pis que la cage de fer de Tamerlan. I would preferbeing delivered up to the Bourbons. Among other insults, " saidhe, --"but that is a mere bagatelle, a very secondary consideration--theystyle me General! They can have no right to call me General; they mayas well call me 'Archbishop, ' for I was Head of the Church as well as ofthe Army. If they do not acknowledge me as Emperor they ought as FirstCounsul; they have sent ambassadors to me as such; and your King, in hisletters, styled me 'Brother. ' Had they confined me in the Tower ofLondon, or one of the fortresses in England (though not what I had hopedfrom the generosity of the English people), I should not have so muchcause of complaint; but to banish me to an island within the tropics!They might as well have signed my death-warrant at once, for it isimpossible a man of my habit of body can live long in such a climate. "

Having so expressed himself, he wrote a second letter to the PrinceRegent, which was forwarded through Lord Keith. It was the opinion ofGenerals Montholon and Gourgaud that Bonaparte would sooner kill himselfthan go to St. Helena. This idea arose from his having been heardemphatically to exclaim, "I will not go to St. Helena!" The generals, indeed, declared that were he to give his own consent to be so exiledthey would themselves prevent him. In consequence of this threat CaptainMaitland was instructed by Lord Keith to tell those gentlemen that as theEnglish law awarded death to murderers, the crime they meditated wouldinevitably conduct them to the gallows. 

Early on the morning of the 4th of August the 'Bellerophon' was orderedto be ready at a moment's notice for sea. The reason of this was tracedto a circumstance which is conspicuous among the many remarkableincidents by which Bonaparte's arrival near the English coast wascharacterised. A rumour reached Lord Keith that a 'habeas corpus' hadbeen procured with a view of delivering Napoleon from the custody he wasthen in. This, however, turned out to be a subpoena for Bonaparte as awitness at a trial in the Court of King's Bench; and, indeed, a personattempted to get on board the Bellerophon to serve the document; but hewas foiled in his intention; though, had he succeeded, the subpoenawould, in the situation wherein the ex-Emperor then stood, have beenwithout avail. 

On the 5th Captain Maitland, having been summoned to the flag-ship ofLord Keith, acquainted General Bertrand that he would convey to theAdmiral anything which Bonaparte (who had expressed an urgent wish to seehis lordship) might desire to say to him. Bertrand requested the captainto delay his departure until a document, then in preparation, should becompleted: the "PROTEST OF HIS MAJESTY THE LATE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH, ETC. "

Captain Maitland denied that any snare was laid for Bonaparte, either byhimself or by the English Government, and stated that the precautions forpreventing the escape of Napoleon from Rochefort were so well orderedthat it was impossible to evade them; and that the fugitive was compelledto surrender himself to the English ship. 

On the 7th of August Bonaparte, with the suite he had selected, wastransferred from the 'Bellerophon' to the 'Northumberland'. Lord Keith'sbarge was prepared for his conveyance to the latter vessel, and hislordship was present on the occasion. A captain's guard was turned out, and as Napoleon left the 'Bellerophon' the marines presented arms, andthe drum was beaten as usual in saluting a general officer. When hearrived on board the Northumberland the squadron got under weigh, andNapoleon sailed for the place of his final exile and grave. '

 --[For the continuation of Napoleon's voyage see Chapter XIII. ]--

CHAPTER XI. 

1815. 

 My departure from Hamburg-The King at St. Denis--Fouche appointed Minister of the Police--Delay of the King's entrance into Paris-- Effect of that delay--Fouche's nomination due to the Duke of Wellington--Impossibility of resuming my post--Fouche's language with respect to the Bourbons--His famous postscript--Character of Fouche--Discussion respecting the two cockades--Manifestations of public joy repressed by Fouche--Composition of the new Ministry-- Kind attention of Blucher--The English at St. Cloud--Blucher in Napoleon's cabinet--My prisoner become my protector--Blucher and the innkeeper's dog--My daughter's marriage contract--Rigid etiquette-- My appointment to the Presidentship of the Electoral College of the Yonne--My interview with Fouche--My audience of the King--His Majesty made acquainted with my conversation with Fouche--The Duke of Otranto's disgrace--Carnot deceived by Bonaparte--My election as deputy--My colleague, M. Raudot--My return to Paris--Regret caused by the sacrifice of Ney--Noble conduct of Macdonald--A drive with Rapp in the Bois de Boulogne--Rapp's interview with Bonaparte in 1815--The Due de Berri and Rapp--My nomination to the office of Minister of State--My name inscribed by the hand of Louis XVIII. -- Conclusion. 

The fulfilment of my prediction was now at hand, for the result of theBattle of Waterloo enabled Louis XVIII. To return to his dominions. Assoon as I heard of the King's departure from Ghent I quitted Hamburg, andtravelled with all possible haste in the hope of reaching Paris in timeto witness his Majesty's entrance. I arrived at St. Denis on the 7th ofJuly, and, notwithstanding the intrigues that were set on foot, I foundan immense number of persons assembled to meet the King. Indeed, theplace was so crowded that it was with the greatest difficulty I couldprocure even a little garret for my lodging. 

Having resumed my uniform of a captain of the National Guard, I proceededimmediately to the King's palace. The salon was filled with ladies andgentlemen who had come to congratulate the King on his return. At St. Denis I found my family, who, not being aware that I had left Hamburg, were much surprised to see me. 

They informed me that the Parisians were all impatient for the return ofthe King--a fact of which I could judge by the opposition manifested tothe free expression of public feeling. Paris having been declared in astate of blockade, the gates were closed, and no one was permitted toleave the capital, particularly by the Barriere de la Chapelle. It istrue that special permission might be obtained, and with tolerable ease, by those who wished to leave the city; but the forms to be observed forobtaining the permission deterred the mass of the people from proceedingto St. Denis, which, indeed, was the sole object of the regulation. Asit had been resolved to force Fouche and the tri-coloured cockade uponthe King, it was deemed necessary to keep away from his Majesty all whomight persuade him to resist the proposed measures. Madame de Bourriennetold me that on her arrival at St. Denis she called upon M. Hue and M. Lefebvre, the King's physician, who both acquainted her with those fatalresolutions. Those gentlemen, however, assured her that the King wouldresolutely hold out against the tri-coloured cockade, but the nominationof the ill-omened man appeared inevitable. 

Fouche Minister of the Police! If, like Don Juan, I had seen a statuemove, I could not have been more confounded than when I heard this news. I could not credit it until it was repeated to me by different persons. How; indeed, could I think that at the moment of a reaction the Kingshould have entrusted the most important ministerial department to a manto whose arrest he had a hundred days before attached so muchconsequence? to a man, moreover, whom Bonaparte had appointed, at Lyons, to fill the same office! This was inconceivable! Thus, in less thantwenty-four hours, the same man had been entrusted to execute measuresthe most opposite, and to serve interests the most contradictory. He wasone day the minister of usurpation, and the next the minister oflegitimacy! How can I express what I felt when Fouche took the oath offidelity to Louis XVIII. When I saw the King clasp in his hands the handsof Fouche! I was standing near M. De Chateaubriand, whose feelings musthave been similar to mine, to judge from a passage in his admirable work, 'La Monarchie selon la Charte'. "About nine in the evening, " he says, "Iwas in one of the royal antechambers. All at once the door opened, and Isaw the President of the Council enter leaning on the arm of the newminister. Oh, Louis-le-Desire! Oh, my unfortunate master! you haveproved that there is no sacrifice which your people may not expect fromyour paternal heart!"

Fouche was resolved to have his restoration as well as M. De Talleyrand, who had had his the year before; he therefore contrived to retard theKing's entry into Paris for four days. The prudent members of theChamber of Peers, who had taken no part in the King's Government in 1814, were the first to declare that it was for the interest of France tohasten his Majesty's entrance into Paris, in order to prevent foreignersfrom exercising a sort of right of conquest in a city which was a prey tocivil dissension and party influence. Blucher informed me that the wayin which Fouche contrived to delay the King's return greatly contributedto the pretensions of the foreigners who, he confessed, were very wellpleased to see the population of Paris divided in opinion, and to hearthe alarming cries raised by the confederates of the Faubourgs when theKing was already at St. Denis. 

I know for a fact that Louis XVIII. Wished to have nothing to do withFouche, and indignantly refused to appoint him when he was firstproposed. But he had so nobly served Bonaparte during the Hundred Daysthat it was necessary he should be rewarded. Fouche, besides, had gainedthe support of a powerful party among the emigrants of the Faubourg St. Germain, and he possessed the art of rendering himself indispensable. I have heard many honest men say very seriously that to him was due thetranquillity of Paris. Moreover, Wellington was the person by whoseinfluence in particular Fouche was made one of the counsellors of theKing. After all the benefits which foreigners had conferred upon usFouche was indeed an acceptable present to France and to the King. 

I was not ignorant of the Duke of Wellington's influence upon the affairsof the second Restoration, but for a long time I refused to believe thathis influence should have outweighed all the serious considerationsopposed to such a perfect anomaly as appointing Fouche the Minister of aBourbon. But I was deceived. France and the King owed to him Fouche'sintroduction into the Council, and I had to thank him for theimpossibility of resuming a situation which I had relinquished for thepurpose of following the King into Belgium. Could I be Prefect of Policeunder a Minister whom a short time before I had received orders toarrest, but who eluded my agents? That was impossible. The King couldnot offer me the place of Prefect under Fouche, and if he had I could nothave accepted it. I was therefore right in not relying on the assuranceswhich had been given me; but I confess that if I had been told to guessthe cause why they could not be realised I never should have thought thatcause would have been the appointment of Fouche as a Minister of the Kingof France. At first, therefore, I was of course quite forgotten, as isthe custom of courts when a faithful subject refrains from taking part inthe intrigues of the moment. 

I have already frequently stated my opinion of the pretended talent ofFouche; but admitting his talent to have been as great as was supposed, that would have been an additional reason for not entrusting the generalpolice of the kingdom to him. His principles and conduct were alreadysufficiently known. No one could be ignorant of the language he heldrespecting the Bourbons, and in which he indulged as freely after hebecame the Minister of Louis XVIII. As when he was the Minister ofBonaparte. It was universally known that in his conversation theBourbons were the perpetual butt for his sarcasms, that he nevermentioned them but in terms of disparagement, and that he representedthem as unworthy of governing France. Everybody must have been awarethat Fouche, in his heart, favoured a Republic, where the part ofPresident might have been assigned to him. Could any one have forgottenthe famous postscript he subjoined to a letter he wrote from Lyons to hisworthy friend Robespierre: "To celebrate the fete of the Republicsuitably, I have ordered 250 persons to be shot?" And to this man, themost furious enemy of the restoration of the monarchy, was consigned thetask of consolidating it for the second time! But it would requireanother Claudian to describe this new Rufinus!

Fouche never regarded a benefit in any other light than as the means ofinjuring his benefactor. The King, deceived, like many other persons, bythe reputation which Fouche's partisans had conjured up for him, wascertainly not aware that Fouche had always discharged the functions ofMinister in his own interest, and never for the interest of theGovernment which had the weakness to entrust him with a power alwaysdangerous in his hands. Fouche had opinions, but he belonged to noparty, and his political success is explained by the readiness with whichhe always served the party he knew must triumph, and which he himselfoverthrew in its turn. He maintained himself in favour from the days ofblood and terror until the happy time of the second Restoration only byabandoning and sacrificing those who were attached to him; and it mightbe said that his ruling passion was the desire of continual change. Noman was ever characterised by greater levity or inconstancy of mind. Inall things he looked only to himself, and to this egotism he sacrificedboth subjects and Governments. Such were the secret causes of the swayexercised by Fouche during the Convention, the Directory, the Empire, theUsurpation, and after the second return of the Bourbons. He helped tofound and to destroy every one of those successive Governments. Fouche'scharacter is perfectly unique. I know no other man who, loaded withhonours, and almost escaping disgrace, has passed through so manyeventful periods, and taken part in so many convulsions and revolutions. 

On the 7th of July the King was told that Fouche alone could smooth theway for his entrance into Paris, that he alone could unlock the gates ofthe capital, and that he alone had power to control public opinion. Thereception given to the King on the following day afforded an opportunityof judging of the truth of these assertions. The King's presence was thesignal for a feeling of concord, which was manifested in a very decidedway. I saw upon the boulevards, and often in company with each other, persons, some of whom had resumed the white cockade, while others stillretained the national colours, and harmony was not in the least disturbedby these different badges. 

Having returned to private life solely on account of Fouche's presence inthe Ministry, I yielded to that consolation which is always left to thediscontented. I watched the extravagance and inconsistency that werepassing around me, and the new follies which were every day committed;and it must be confessed that a rich and varied picture presented itselfto my observation. The King did not bring back M. De Blacas. HisMajesty had yielded to prudent advice, and on arriving at Mons sent theunlucky Minister as his ambassador to Naples. Vengeance was talked of, and there were some persons inconsiderate enough to wish that advantageshould be taken of the presence of the foreigners in order to make whatthey termed "an end of the Revolution, " as if there were any other meansof effecting that object than frankly adopting whatever good theRevolution had produced. The foreigners observed with satisfaction thedisposition of these shallow persons, which they thought might be turnedto their own advantage. The truth is, that on the second Restoration ourpretended allies proved themselves our enemies. 

But for them, but for their bad conduct, their insatiable exactions, butfor the humiliation that was felt at seeing foreign cannon planted in thestreets of Paris, and beneath the very windows of the Palace, the dayswhich followed the 8th of July might have been considered by the RoyalFamily as the season of a festival. Every day people thronged to thegarden of the Tuileries, and expressed their joy by singing and dancingunder the King's windows. 

This ebullition of feeling might perhaps be thought absurd, but it atleast bore evidence of the pleasure caused by the return of the Bourbons. 

This manifestation of joy by numbers of persons of both sexes, most ofthem belonging to the better classes of society, displeased Fouche, andhe determined to put a stop to it. Wretches were hired to mingle withthe crowd and sprinkle corrosive liquids on the dresses of the femalessome of them were even instructed to commit acts of indecency, so thatall respectable persons were driven from the gardens through the fear ofbeing injured or insulted: As it was wished to create disturbance underthe very eyes of the King, and to make him doubt the reality of thesentiments so openly expressed in his favour, the agents of the Policemingled the cry of "Vive l'Empereur!" with that of "Vive le Roi!" and ithappened oftener than once that the most respectable persons werearrested and charged by Fouche's infamous agents with having utteredseditious cries. A friend of mine, whose Royalist opinions were wellknown, and whose father had been massacred during the Revolution, told methat while walking with two ladies he heard some individuals near himcrying out "Vive l'Empereur!" This created a great disturbance. Thesentinel advanced to the spot, and those very individuals themselves hadthe audacity to charge my friend with being guilty of uttering theoffensive cry. In vain the bystanders asserted the falsehood of theaccusation; he was seized and dragged to the guard-house, and after beingdetained for some hours he was liberated on the application of hisfriends. By dint of such wretched manoeuvres Fouche triumphed. Hecontrived to make it be believed that he was the only person capable ofpreventing the disorders of which he himself was the sole author: He gotthe Police of the Tuileries under his control. The singing and dancingceased, and the Palace was the abode of dulness. 

While the King was at St. Denis he restored to General Dessoles thecommand of the National Guard. The General ordered the barriers to beimmediately thrown open. On the day of his arrival in Paris the Kingdetermined, as a principle, that the throne should be surrounded by aPrivy Council, the members of which were to be the princes and personswhom his Majesty might appoint at a future period. The King then namedhis new Ministry, which was thus composed:

Prince Talleyrand, peer of France, President of the Council of Ministers, and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 

Baron Louis, Minister of Finance. 

The Duke of Otranto, Minister of the Police. 

Baron Pasquier, Minister of Justice, and Keeper of the Seals. 

Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, War Minister. 

Comte de Jaucourt, peer of France, Minister of the Marine. 

The Duc de Richelieu, peer of France, Minister of the King's Household. 

The portfolio of the Minister of the Interior, which was not immediatelydisposed of, was provisionally entrusted to the Minister of Justice. Butwhat was most gratifying to the public in the composition of this newministry was that M. De Blacas, who had made himself so odious toeverybody, was superseded by M. De Richelieu, whose name revived thememory of a great Minister, and who, by his excellent conduct throughoutthe whole course of his career, deserves to be distinguished as a modelof honour and wisdom. 

General satisfaction was expressed on the appointment of MarshalMacdonald to the post of Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honour in lieuof M. De Pradt. M. De Chabrol resumed the Prefecture of the Seine, which, during the Hundred Days, had been occupied by M. De Bondi, M. DeMole was made Director-General of bridges and causeways. I wassuperseded in the Prefecture of Police by M. Decazes, and M. Beugnotfollowed M. Ferrand as Director-General of the Post-office. 

I think it was on the 10th of July that I went to St. Cloud to pay avisit of thanks to Blucher. I had been informed that as soon as helearned I had a house at St. Cloud he sent a guard to protect it. Thisspontaneous mark of attention was well deserving of gratefulacknowledgment, especially at a time when there was so much reason tocomplain of the plunder practised by the Prussians. My visit to Blucherpresented to observation a striking instance of the instability of humangreatness. I found Blucher residing like a sovereign in the Palace ofSt. Cloud, where I had lived so long in the intimacy of Napoleon, at aperiod when he dictated laws to the Kings of Europe before he was amonarch himself. 

 --[The English occupied St. Cloud after the Prussians. My large house, in which the children of the Comte d'Artois were inoculated, was respected by them, but they occupied a small home forming part of the estate. The English officer who commanded the troops stationed a guard at the large house. One morning we were informed that the door had been broken open and a valuable looking-glass stolen. We complained to the commanding officer, and on the affair being inquired into it was discovered that the sentinel himself had committed the theft. The man was tried by a court-martial, and condemned to death, a circumstance which, as may naturally be supposed, was very distressing to us. Madame de Bourrienne applied to the commanding officer for the man's pardon, but could only obtain his reprieve. The regiment departed some weeks after, and we could never learn what was the fate of the criminal. --Bourrienne. ]--

In that cabinet in which Napoleon and I had passed so many busy hours, and where so many great plans had their birth, I was received by the manwho had been my prisoner at Hamburg. The Prussian General immediatelyreminded me of the circumstance. "Who could have foreseen, " said he, "that after being your prisoner I should become the protector of yourproperty? You treated me well at Hamburg, and I have now an opportunityof repaying your kindness. Heaven knows what will be the result of allthis! One thing, however, is certain, and that is, that the Allies willnow make such conditions as will banish all possibility of danger for along time to come. The Emperor Alexander does not wish to make theFrench people expiate too dearly the misfortunes they have caused us. He attributes them to Napoleon, but Napoleon cannot pay the expenses ofthe war, and they must be paid by some one. It was all very well foronce, but we cannot pay the expense of coming back a second time. However, " added he, "you will lose none of your territory; that is apoint on which I can give you positive assurance. The Emperor Alexanderhas several times repeated in my presence to the King my master, 'I honour the French nation, and I am determined that it shall preserveits old limits. '"

The above are the very words which Blucher addressed to me. Profiting bythe friendly sentiments he expressed towards me I took the opportunity ofmentioning the complaints that were everywhere made of the bad disciplineof the troops under his command. "What can I do?" said he. "I cannotbe present everywhere; but I assure you that in future and at yourrecommendation I will severely punish any misconduct that may come to myknowledge. "

Such was the result of my visit to Blucher; but, in spite of hispromises, his troops continued to commit the most revolting excesses. Thus the Prussian troops have left in the neighbourhood of Parisrecollections no less odious than those produced by the conduct ofDavoust's corps in Prussia. --Of this an instance now occurs to mymemory, which I will relate here. In the spring of 1816, as I was goingto Chevreuse, I stopped at the Petit Bicetre to water my horse. I seatedmyself for a few minutes near the door of the inn, and a large dogbelonging to the innkeeper began to bark and growl at me. His master, arespectable-looking old man, exclaimed, "Be quiet, Blucher!"--"How cameyou to give your dog that name?" said I. --"Ah, sir! it is the name of avillain who did a great deal of mischief here last year. There is myhouse; they have left scarcely anything but the four walls. They saidthey came for our good; but let them come back again . . . We willwatch them, and spear them like wild boars in the wood. " The poor man'shouse certainly exhibited traces of the most atrocious violence, and heshed tears as he related to me his disasters. 

Before the King departed for Ghent he had consented to sign the contractof marriage between one of my daughters and M. Massieu de Clerval, thoughthe latter was at that time only a lieutenant in the navy. The dayappointed for the signature of the contract happened to be Sunday, the19th of March, and it may well be imagined that in the criticalcircumstances in which we then stood, a matter of so little importancecould scarcely be thought about. In July I renewed my request to hisMajesty; which gave rise to serious discussions in the Council ofCeremonies. Lest any deviation from the laws of rigid etiquette shouldcommit the fate of the monarchy, it was determined that the marriagecontract of a lieutenant in the navy could be signed only at the pettylevee. However, his Majesty, recollecting the promise he had given me, decided that the signature should be given at the grand levee. Thoughall this may appear exceedingly ludicrous, yet I must confess that thetriumph over etiquette was very gratifying to me. 

A short time after the King appointed me a Councillor of State; a titlewhich I had held under Bonaparte ever since his installation at theTuileries, though I had never fulfilled the functions of the office. In the month of August; the King having resolved to convoke a new Chamberof Deputies, I was appointed President of the Electoral College of thedepartment of the Yonne. As soon as I was informed of my nomination Iwaited on M. De Talleyrand for my instructions, but he told me that, inconformity with the King's intentions, I was to receive my orders fromthe Minister of Police. I observed to M. De Talleyrand that I mustdecline seeing Fouche, on account of the situation in which we stood withreference to each other. "Go to him, go to him, " said M. De Talleyrand, "and be assured Fouche will say to you nothing on the subject. "

I felt great repugnance to see Fouche, and consequently I went to himquite against my inclination. I naturally expected a very coldreception. What had passed between us rendered our interview exceedinglydelicate. I called on Fouche at nine in the morning, and found himalone, and walking in his garden. He received me as a man might beexpected to receive an intimate friend whom he had not seen for a longtime. On reflection I was not very much surprised at this, for I waswell aware that Fouche could make his hatred yield to calculation. Hesaid not a word about his arrest, and it may well be supposed that I didnot seek to turn the conversation on that subject. I asked him whetherhe had any information to give me respecting the elections of the Yonne. "None at all, " said he; "get yourself nominated if you can, only use yourendeavours to exclude General Desfouinaux. Anything else is a matter ofindifference to me. "--"What is your objection to Desfournaux?"--"TheMinistry will not have him. "

I was about to depart when Fouche; called me back saying, "Why are you insuch haste? Cannot you stay a few minutes longer?" He then began tospeak of the first return of the Bourbons, and asked me how I could soeasily bring myself to act in their favour. He then entered into detailsrespecting the Royal Family which I conceive it to be my duty to passover in silence: It may be added, however, that the conversation lasted along time, and to say the least of it, was by no means in favour of"divine right. "

I conceived it to be my duty to make the King acquainted with thisconversation, and as there was now no Comte de Blacas to keep truth andgood advice from his Majesty's ear, I was; on my first solicitation, immediately admitted to, the Royal cabinet. I cautiously suppressed themost startling details, for, had I literally reported what Fouche said, Louis XVIII. Could not possibly have given credit to it. The Kingthanked me for my communication, and I could perceive he was convincedthat by longer retaining Fouche in office he would become the victim ofthe Minister who had been so scandalously forced upon him on the 7th ofJuly. The disgrace of the Duke of Otranto speedily followed, and I hadthe satisfaction of having contributed to repair one of the evils withwhich the Duke of Wellington visited France. 

Fouche was so evidently a traitor to the cause he feigned to serve, andBonaparte was so convinced of this, --that during the Hundred Days, whenthe Ministers of the King at Ghent were enumerated in the presence ofNapoleon, some one said, "But where is the Minister of the Police?"

"E-h! Parbleu, " said Bonaparte, "that is Fouche?" It was not the samewith Carnot, in spite of the indelible stain of his vote: if he hadserved the King, his Majesty could have depended on him, but nothingcould shake the firmness of his principles in favour of liberty. Ilearned, from a person who had the opportunity of being well informed, that he would not accept the post of Minister of the Interior which wasoffered to him at the commencement of the Hundred Days until he had aconversation with Bonaparte, to ascertain whether he had changed hisprinciples. Carnot placed faith in the fair promises of Napoleon, whodeceived him, as he had deceived others. 

Soon after my audience with the King I set off to discharge my duties inthe department of the Yonne, and I obtained the honour of being electedto represent my countrymen in the Chamber of Deputies. My colleague wasM. Raudot, a man who, in very trying circumstances, had given proofs ofcourage by boldly manifesting his attachment to the King's Government. The following are the facts which I learned in connection with thisepisode, and which I circulated as speedily as possible among theelectors of whom I had the honour to be President. Bonaparte, on his wayfrom Lyons to Paris, after his landing at the gulf of Juan, stopped atAvalon, and immediately sent for the mayor, M. Raudot. He instantlyobeyed the summons. On coming into Napoleon's presence he said, "What doyou want, General?" This appellation displeased Napoleon, whonevertheless put several questions to M. Raudot, who was willing tooblige him as a traveller, but not to serve him as an Emperor. Napoleonhaving given him some orders, this worthy servant of the King replied, "General, I can receive no orders from you, for I acknowledge nosovereign but the King, to whom I have sworn allegiance. " Napoleon thendirected M. Raudot, in a tone of severity, to withdraw, and I need notadd that it was not long before he was dismissed from the mayoralty ofAvalon. 

The elections of the Yonne being over, I returned to Paris, where I tookpart in public affairs only as an amateur, while waiting for the openingof the session. I was deeply grieved to see the Government resort tomeasures of severity to punish faults which it would have been betterpolicy to attribute only to the unfortunate circumstances of the times. No consideration can ever make me cease to regret the memory of Ney, whowas the victim of the influence of foreigners. Their object, as Blucherintimated to me at St. Cloud, was to disable France from engaging in warfor a long time to come, and they hoped to effect that object by stirringup between the Royal Government and the army of the Loire that spirit ofdiscord which the sacrifice of Ney could not fail to produce. I have nopositive proofs of the fact, but in my opinion Ney's life was a pledge ofgratitude which Fouche thought he must offer to the foreign influencewhich had made him Minister. 

About this time I learned a fact which will create no surprise, as itaffords another proof of the chivalrous disinterestedness of Macdonald'scharacter. When in 1815 several Marshals claimed from the Allied powerstheir endowments in foreign countries, Madame Moreau, to whom the Kinghad given the honorary title of 'Madame la Marechale', and who was thefriend of the Duke of Tarentum, wrote, without Macdonald's knowledge, toM. De Blacas; our ambassador at Naples, begging him to endeavour topreserve for the Marshal the endowment which had been given him in theKingdom of Naples. As soon as Macdonald was informed of thiscircumstance he waited upon Madame Moreau, thanked her for her kindintentions, but at the same time informed her that he should disavow allknowledge of her letter, as the request it contained was entirely averseto his principles. The Marshal did, in fact, write the following letterto M. De Blacas:--"I hasten to inform you, sir, that it was not with myconsent that Madame Moreau wrote to you, and I beg you will take no stepthat might expose me to a refusal. The King of Naples owes me norecompense for having beaten his army, revolutionised his kingdom, andforced him to retire to Sicily. " Such conduct was well worthy of the manwho was the last to forsake Napoleon in, 1814, and the first to rejoinhim, and that without the desire of accepting any appointment in 1815. M. De Blacas, who was himself much surprised at Macdonald's letter, communicated it to the King of Naples, whose answer deserves to berecorded. It was as follows:--"If I had not imposed a law upon myself toacknowledge none of the French endowments, the conduct of MarshalMacdonald would have induced me to make an exception in his favour. " Itis gratifying to see princes such scrupulous observers of the laws theymake for themselves!

About the end of August 1815, as I was walking on the Boulevard desCapucines, I had the pleasure of meeting Rapp, whom I had not seen for along time. He had just come out of the house of Lagrenee, the artist, who was painting his portrait. I was on foot, and Rapp's carriage waswaiting, so we both stepped into it, and set off to take a drive in theBois de Boulogne. We had a great deal to say to each other, for we hadnot met since the great events of the two Restorations. The reason ofthis was, that in 1814 I passed a part of the year at Sens, and since theoccurrences of March 1815 Rapp himself had been absent from Paris. Ifound him perfectly resigned to his change of condition, though indulgingin a few oaths against the foreigners. Rapp was not one of those, generals who betrayed the King on the 20th of March. He told me that heremained at the head of the division which he commanded at Ecouen, underthe orders of the Due de Berry, and that he did not resign it to the WarMinister until after the King's departure. "How did Napoleon receiveyou?" I inquired. "I waited till he sent for me. You know what sort offellow I am: I know nothing about politics; not I. I had sworn fidelityto the King. I know my duty, and I would have fought against theEmperor. "--"Indeed!"--"Yes, certainly I would, and I told him somyself. "--"How! did you venture so far?"--"To be sure. I told him thatmy resolution was definite. 'Pshaw! . . . Replied he angrily. 'I knew well that you were opposed to me. If we had come to an action Ishould have sought you out on the field of battle. I would have shownyou the Medusa's head. Would you have dared to fire on me?'--'Withoutdoubt, ' I replied. 'Ah! parbleu this is too much, ' he said. 'But yourtroops would not have obeyed you. They had preserved all their affectionfor me. '--'What could I do?' resumed I. 'You abdicated, you left France, you recommended us to serve the King--and then you return! Besides; Itell you frankly, I do not augur well of what will happen. We shall havewar again. France has had enough of that. ' Upon this, " continued Rapp, "he assured me that he had other thoughts; that he had no further desirefor war; that he wished to govern in peace, and devote himself solely tothe happiness of his people. When I hinted opposition on the part of theForeign Powers, he said that he had made alliances. He then spoke to meof the King, and I said I had been much pleased with him; indeed, theKing gave me a very gratifying reception on my return from Kiow, and Isee no reason why I should complain, when I am so well used. During theconversation the Emperor much extolled the conduct of the Duke ofOrleans. He then gave me some description of his passage from the Isleof Elba and his journey to Paris. He complained of being accused ofambition; and observing that I looked astonished and doubtful--'What?' hecontinued, 'am I ambitious then?' And patting his belly with both hishands, 'Can a man, ' he asked, 'so fat as I am be ambitious?' I could notfor my soul help saying, 'Ah! Sire, your Majesty is surely joking. 'He pretended, however, to be serious, and after a few moments, noticingmy decorations, he began to banter me about the Cross of St. Louis andthe Cross of the Lily, which I still wore. "

I asked Rapp whether all was true that had been said about the enthusiasmwhich was manifested along the whole of Napoleon's route from the Gulf ofJuan to Paris. "Ma foe!" he replied, "I was not there any more than you, but all those who accompanied him have assured me of the truth of thedetails which have been published; but I recollect having heard Bertrandsay that on one occasion he was fearful for the safety of the Emperor, incase any assassin should have presented himself. At Fossard, where theEmperor stopped to breakfast on his way to Paris, his escort was sofatigued as to be unable to follow, so that he was for some time almostalone on the road, until a squadron which was in garrison at Melun methim and escorted him to Fontainebleau. As to anything else, from all Ihave heard, the Emperor was exposed to no danger. "

We then began to talk of our situation, and the singular chances of ourfortune. Rapp told me how, within a few days only, he had ceased to beone of the discontented; for the condition of the generals who hadcommanded army corps in the campaign of Waterloo was very different in1815 from what it had been in 1814. "I had determined, " he said, "tolive a quiet life, to meddle with nothing, and not even to wear myuniform. I had, therefore, since the King's return never presentedmyself at Court; when, a week ago, while riding on horseback two or threehundred paces from this spot, I saw a group of horsemen on the otherside of the avenue, one of whom galloped towards me. I immediatelyrecognised the Duc de Berry, 'How, Monseigneur, is it you?' I exclaimed. 'It is, my dear General; and since you will not come to us, I must cometo you. Will you breakfast with me tomorrow morning?'--'Ma foi!"continued Rapp, "what could I do? The tone of kindness in which he gavethis invitation quite charmed me. I went, and I was treated so well thatI shall go again. But I will ask for nothing: I only want thesePrussians and English rascals out of the way!" I complimented Rapp onhis conduct, and told him that it was impossible that so loyal and honesta man as he should not, at some time or other, attract the King's notice. I had the happiness to see this prediction accomplished. Since that timeI regularly saw Rapp whenever we both happened to be in Paris, which waspretty often. 

I have already mentioned that in the month of August the King named meCouncillor of State. On the 19th of the following month I was appointedMinister of State and member of the Privy Council. I may close thesevolumes by relating a circumstance very flattering to me, and connectedwith the last-mentioned nomination. The King had directed M. DeTalleyrand to present to him, in his official character of President ofthe Council of Ministers, a list of the persons who might be deemedsuitable as members of the Privy Council. The King having read the list, said to his Minister, "But, M. De Talleyrand, I do not see here the namesof two of our best friends, Bourrienne and Alexis de Noailles. "--"Sire, I thought their nomination would seem more flattering in coming directlyfrom your Majesty. " The King then added my name to the list, andafterwards that of the Comte Alexis de Noailles, so that both our namesare written in Louis XVIII. 's own hand in the original Ordinance. 

I have now brought to a conclusion my narrative of the extraordinaryevents in which I have taken part, either as a spectator or an actor, during the course of a strangely diversified life, of which nothing nowremains but recollections. 

 --[I discharged the functions of Councillor of State until 1818, at which time an Ordinance appeared declaring those functions Incompatible with the title of Minister of State--Bourrienne. ]--

CHAPTER XII. 

THE CENT JOURS. 

The extraordinary rapidity of events during the Cent fours, or HundredDays of Napoleon's reign in 1815, and the startling changes in the partspreviously filled by the chief personages, make it difficult to considerit as an historical period; it more resembles a series of suddentheatrical transformations, only broken by the great pause while thenation waited for news from the army. 

The first Restoration of the Bourbons had been so unexpected, and was sorapidly carried out, that the Bonapartists, or indeed all France, hadhardly realized the situation before Napoleon was again in the Tuileries;and during the Cent Jours both Bonapartists and Royalists were alikerubbing their eyes, asking whether they were awake, and wondering whichwas the reality and which the dream, the Empire or the Restoration. 

It is both difficult and interesting to attempt to follow the history ofthe chief characters of the period; and the reader must pardon someabrupt transitions from person to person, and from group to group, whilethe details of some subsequent movements of the Bonaparte family must bethrown in to give a proper idea of the strange revolution in theirfortunes. We may divide the characters with which we have to deal intofive groups, --the Bonaparte family, the Marshals, the Statesmen of theEmpire, the Bourbons, and the Allied Monarchs. One figure and one namewill be missing, but if we omit all account of poor, bleeding, mutilatedFrance, it is but leaving her in the oblivion in which she was left atthe time by every one except by Napoleon. 

The disaster of 1814 had rather dispersed than crushed the Bonapartefamily, and they rallied immediately on the return from Elba. The finalfall of the Empire was total ruin to them. The provisions of the Treatyof Fontainebleau, which had been meant to ensure a maintenance to them, had not been carried out while Napoleon was still a latent power, andafter 1815 the Bourbons were only too happy to find a reason for notpaying a debt they had determined never to liquidate it was well for anyof the Bourbons in their days of distress to receive the bounty of theusurper, but there was a peculiar pleasure in refusing to pay the pricepromised for his immediate abdication. 

The flight of the Bonapartes in 1815 was rapid. Metternich writes toMaria Louisa in July 1815: "Madame Mere and Cardinal Fesch left yesterdayfor Tuscany. We do not know exactly where. Joseph is. Lucien is inEngland under a false name, Jerome in Switzerland, Louis at Rome. QueenHortense has set out for Switzerland, whither General de Flahault and hismother will follow her. Murat seems to be still at Toulon; this, however, is not certain. " Was ever such an account of a dynasty given?These had all been among the great ones of Europe: in a moment they werefugitives, several of them having for the rest of their lives a bitterstruggle with poverty. Fortunately for them the Pope, the King ofHolland, and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany, were not under heavy obligationsto Napoleon, and could thus afford to give to his family the protectiondenied them by those monarchs who believed themselves bound to redeemtheir former servility. 

When Napoleon landed Maria Louisa was in Austria, and she was eager toassist in taking every precaution to prevent her son, the young King ofRome, being spirited off to join his father, whose fortunes she had swornto share: She herself was fast falling under the influence of theone-eyed Austrian General, Neipperg, just then left a widower, who wassoon to be admitted to share her bed. By 1823 she seemed to haveentirely forgotten the different members of the Bonaparte family, speaking of her life in France as "a bad dream. " She obtained theGrand-Duchy of Parma, where she reigned till 1847, marrying a thirdtime, it is said, the Count Bombellea, and dying, just too soon to behunted from her Duchy by the Revolution of 1848. 

There is something very touching in most that we know of the poor youngKing of Rome, from his childish but strangely prescient resistance to hisremoval from Paris to Blois on the approach of the Allies in 1814, to themessage of remembrance sent in after years to the column of the PlaceVendome, "his only friend in Paris. "

At four years of age Meneval describes him as gentle, but quick inanswering, strong, and with excellent health. "Light curly hair inringlets set off a fresh face, while fine blue eyes lit up his regularfeatures: He was precociously intelligent, and knew more than mostchildren older than himself. " When Meneval--the former secretary of hisfather, giving up his post in Austria with Maria Louisa, as he was aboutto rejoin Napoleon--took farewell of the Prince in May 1815, the poorlittle motherless child drew me towards the window, and, giving me atouching look, said in a low tone, "Monsieur Meva, tell him (Napoleon)that I always love him dearly. " We say "motherless, " because MariaLouisa seems to have yielded up her child at the dictates of policy to beclosely guarded as easily as she gave up her husband. "If, " wrote Madamede Montesquiou, his governess, "the child had a mother, I would leave himin her hands, and be happy, but she is nothing like a mother, she is moreindifferent to his fate than the most utter stranger in her service. "His grandfather, the Emperor Francis, to do him justice, seems to havebeen really kind to the lad, and while, in 1814, 1816, and in 1830, taking care to deprive him of all chance of, his glorious inheritance, still seems to have cared for him personally, and to have been alwayskind to him. There is no truth in the story that the Austrians neglectedhis education and connived at the ruin of his faculties. Both his tutor, the Count Maurice Dietrichstein, and Marshal Marmont, who conversed withhim in 1831, agree in speaking highly of him as full of promise:Marmont's evidence being especially valuable as showing that theAustrians did not object to the Duke of Reichstadt (as he had beencreated by his grandfather in 1818), learning all he could of hisfather's life from one of the Marshals. In 1831 Marment describes him:"I recognised his father's look in him, and in that he most resembledNapoleon. His eyes, not so large as those of Napoleon, and sunk deeperin their sockets, had the same expression, the same fire, the sameenergy. His forehead was like that of his father, and so was the lowerpart of his face and his chin. Then his complexion was that of Napoleonin his youth, with the same pallor and the same colour of the skin, butall the rest of his face recalled his mother and the House of Austria. He was taller than Napoleon by about three inches. "

As long as the Duke lived his name was naturally the rallying-point ofthe Bonapartes, and was mentioned in some of the many conspiraciesagainst the Bourbons. In 1830 Joseph Bonaparte tried to get the sanctionof the Austrians to his nephew being put forward as a claimant to thethrone of France, vacant by the flight of Charles X. , but they held theircaptive firmly. A very interesting passage is given in the 'Memoirs ofCharles Greville', who says that Prince Esterhazy told him a great dealabout the Duke of Reichstadt, who, if he had lived, would have probablyplayed a great part in the world. He died of a premature decay, broughton, apparently, by over-exertion and over-excitement; his talents werevery conspicuous, he was 'petri d'ambition', worshipped the memory of hisfather, and for that reason never liked his mother; his thoughts wereincessantly turned towards France, and when he heard of the Days of July(overthrow of Charles X. ) he said, "Why was I not there to take mychance? He evinced great affection and gratitude to his grandfather, who, while he scrupulously observed all his obligations towards LouisPhilippe, could not help feeling a secret pride in the aspiring genius ofNapoleon's son. He was well educated, and day and night pored over thehistory of his father's glorious career. He delighted in militaryexercises, and not only shone at the head of his regiment, but hadalready acquired the hereditary art of ingratiating himself with thesoldiers. " Esterhazy went on to describe how the Duke abandonedeverything at a ball when he met there Marshals Marmont and Maison. "He had no eyes or ears but for them; from nine in the evening to five thenext morning he devoted himself to these Marshals. " There was the trueNapoleonic ring in his answer to advice given by Marmont when the Dukesaid that he would not allow himself to be put forward by the Sovereignsof Europe. "The son of Napoleon should be too great to serve as aninstrument; and in events of that nature I wish not to be an advancedguard, but a reserve, --that is, to come as a succour, recalling greatmemories. "

His death in 1832, on the 22d of July, the anniversary of the battle ofSalamanca, solved many questions. Metternich visited the Duke on hisdeathbed: "It was a heartrending sight. I never remember to have seen amore mournful picture of decay. " When Francis was told of the death ofhis grandson he answered, "I look upon the Duke's death as a blessing forhim. Whether it be detrimental or otherwise to the public good I do notknow. As for myself, I shall ever lament the loss of my grandson. "

Josephine was in her grave at Rueil when Napoleon returned. She had diedon the 29th of May 1814, at Malmaison, while the Allies were exhibitingthemselves in Paris. It seems hard that she should not have lived toenjoy a triumph, however brief, over her Austrian rival. "She, atleast, " said Napoleon truly, "would never have abandoned me. "

Josephine's daughter, Hortense, separated from her husband, LouisBonaparte, and created Duchess of St Leu by Louis XVIII. , was in Paris, much suspected by the Bourbons, but really engaged in a lawsuit with herhusband about the custody of her sons. She had to go into hiding whenthe news of the landing arrived, but her empty house, left unwatched, became very useful for receiving the Bonapartists, who wished for a placeof concealment, amongst them, as we shall see, being, of all people, Fouche! Hortense was met by Napoleon with some reproaches for acceptinga title from the Bourbons, but she did the honours of the Elysee for him, and it is creditable to both of them that, braving the vile slandersabout their intercourse, she was with him to the end; and that one of thelast persons to embrace him at Malmaison before he started for the coastwas his adopted daughter, the child of his discarded wife. Hortense'spresence in Paris was thought to be too dangerous by the PrussianGovernor; and she was peremptorily ordered to leave. An appeal to theEmperor Francis received a favourable answer, but Francis always gave waywhere any act against his son-in-law was in question, and she had tostart at the shortest notice on a wandering life to Aix, Baden, andConstance, till the generosity of the small but brave canton of Thurgauenabled her to get a resting-place at the Chateau of Arenenberg. 

In 1831 she lost her second son, the eldest then surviving, who died fromfever in a revolutionary attempt ill which he and his younger brother, the future Napoleon. III. , were engaged. She was able to visit Franceincognita, and even to see Louis Philippe and his Queen; but her presencein the country was soon thought dangerous, and she was urged to leave. In 1836 Hortense's last child, Louis Napoleon, made his attempt at an'emeule' at Strasburg, and was shipped off to America by the Government. She went to France to plead for him, and then, worn out by grief andanxiety, returned to Arenenberg, which her son, the future Emperor, onlysucceeded in reaching in time to see her die in October 1837. She waslaid with Josephine at Rueil. 

Hortense's brother, Prince Eugene, the Viceroy of Italy, was at Viennawhen Napoleon returned, and fell under the suspicion of the Allies ofhaving informed the Emperor of the intention of removing him from Elba. He was detained in Bavaria by his father-in-law the King, to whose Courthe retired, and who in 1817 created him Duke of Leuchtenberg and Princeof Eichstadt. With the protection of Bavaria he actually succeeded inwringing from the Bourbons some 700, 000 francs of the property of hismother. A first attack of apoplexy struck him in 1823, and he died froma second in February 1824 at Munich. His descendants have intermarriedinto the Royal Families of Portugal, Sweden, Brazil, Russia, 'andWartemberg; his grandson now (1884) holds the title of Leuchtenberg. 

Except Louis, an invalid, all the brothers of the Emperor were around himin the Cent Jours, the supreme effort of their family. Joseph had leftSpain after Vittoria, and had remained in an uncomfortable andunrecognised state near Paris until in 1814 he was again employed, andwhen, rightly or not, he urged the retreat of the Regency from Paris toBlois. He then took refuge at his chateau of Prangins in the canton Vaudin Switzerland, closely watched by the Bourbonists, who dreaded dangerfrom every side except the real point, and who preferred trying to huntthe Bonapartists from place to place, instead of making their lifebearable by carrying out the engagements with them. 

In 1816, escaping from the arrest with which he was threatened, afterhaving written to urge Murat to action with fatal effect, Joseph joinedNapoleon in Paris, and appeared at the Champ de Mai, sitting also in theChamber of Peers, but, as before, putting forward ridiculous pretensionsas to his inherent right to the peerage, and claiming a special seat. Infact, he never could realise how entirely he owed any position to thebrother he wished to treat as an equal. 

He remained in Paris during the brief campaign, and after Waterloo wasconcealed in the house of the Swedish Ambassador, where hissister-in-law, the Crown Princess of Sweden, the wife of Bernadotte, wasliving. Muffling, the Prussian Governor of Paris, wished to arrest him, but as the Governor could not violate the domicile of an Ambassador, hehad to apply to the Czar, who arranged for the escape of the ex-Kingbefore the Governor could seize him Joseph went to the coast, prettymuch following the route of Napoleon. He was arrested once at Saintes, but was allowed to proceed, and he met his brother on the 4th of July, at Rochefort. 

It is significant as to the possibility of the escape of Napoleon thatJoseph succeeded in getting on the brig Commerce as "M. Bouchard, " and, though the ship was thrice searched by the English, he got to New York onthe 28th of August, where he was mistaken for Carnot. He was wellreceived, and, taking the title of Comte de Survilliers, he first livedat Lansdowne, Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, where he afterwards alwayspassed part of the year while he was in America. He also bought theproperty of Point Breeze, at Bordentown, on the Delaware, where he builta house with a fine view of the river. This first house was burnt down, but he erected another, where he lived in some state and in greatcomfort, displaying his jewels and pictures to his admiring neighbours, and showing kindness to impecunious nephews. 

The news of the Revolution of July in 1830, which drove Charles X. Fromthe throne, excited Joseph's hopes for the family of which he consideredhimself the Regent, and he applied to Metternich to get the AustrianGovernment to allow or assist in the placing his nephew, the Duke ofReichstadt, on the throne of France. Austria would not even answer. 

In July 1832 Joseph crossed to England, where he met Lucien, just arrivedfrom Italy, bringing the news of the death of his nephew. Disappointed, he stayed in England for some time, but returned to America in 1836. Inhe finally left America, and again came to England, where he had aparalytic stroke, and in 1843 he went to Florence, where he met his wifeafter a long separation. 

Joseph lived long enough to see the two attempts of another nephew, LouisNapoleon, at Strasburg in 1836, and at Boulogne in 1840, which seem tohave been undertaken without his knowledge, and to have much surprisedhim. He died in Florence in 1844; his body was buried first in SantaCroce, Florence, but was removed to the Invalides in 1864. His wife theex-Queen, had retired in 1815 to Frankfort and to Brussels, where she waswell received by the King, William, and where she stayed till 1823, whenshe went to Florence, dying there in 1845. Her monument is in theCappella Riccardi, Santa Croce, Florence. 

Lucien had retired to Rome in 1804, on the creation of the Empire, andhad continued embroiled with his brother, partly from his so-calledRepublican principles, but chiefly from his adhering to his marriage, his second one, with Madame Jouberthon, --a union which Napoleon steadilyrefused to acknowledge, offering Lucien anything, a kingdom or the handof a queen (if we take Lucien's account), if he would only consent to theannulment of the contract. 

In August 1810, affecting uneasiness as Napoleon stretched his power overRome, Lucien embarked for America, but he was captured by the English andtaken, first to Malta and then to England, where he passed the years till1814 in a sort of honourable captivity, first at Ludlow and then atThorngrove, not far from that town. 

In 1814 Lucien was released, when he went to Rome, where he was welcomedby the kindly old Pope, who remembered the benefits conferred by Napoleonon the Church, while he forgot the injuries personal to himself; and thestiff-necked Republican, the one-time "Brutus" Bonaparte, accepted thetitle of Duke of Musignano and Prince of Canino. 

In 1815 Lucien joined his brother, whom he wished to abdicate at theChamp de Mai in favour of the King of Rome, placing his sword only at thedisposal of France. This step was seriously debated, but, though itmight have placed the Allies in a more difficult position, it wouldcertainly have been disregarded by them, at least unless some greatvictory had given the dynasty firmer footing. After Waterloo he was infavour of a dissolution of the Chambers, but Napoleon had become hopelessand almost apathetic, while Lucien himself, from his former connectionwith the 18th and 19th Brumaire, was looked on with great distrust by theChambers, as indeed he was by his brother. Advantage was taken of hisRoman title to taunt him with not being a Frenchman; and all his effortsfailed. At the end he fled, and failing to cross to England or to get toRochefort, he reached Turin on the 12th of July only to find himselfarrested. He remained there till the 15th of September, when he wasallowed to go to Rome. There he was interned and carefully watched;indeed in 1817 the Pope had to intervene to prevent his removal to thenorth of Germany, so anxious were the Allies as to the safety of thepuppet they had put on the throne of France. 

The death of Napoleon in 1821 released Lucien and the Bonaparte familyfrom the constant surveillance exercised over them till then. In 1830 hebought a property, the Croce del Biacco, near Bologna. The flight of theelder branch of the Bourbons from France in 1830 raised his hopes, and, as already said, he went to England in 1832 to meet Joseph and to plansome step for raising Napoleon II. To the throne. The news of the deathof his nephew dashed all the hopes of the family, and after staying inEngland for some time he returned to Italy, dying at Viterbo in 1840, andbeing buried at Canino, where also his second wife lies. Lucien had ataste for literature, and was the author of several works, which a kindlyposterity will allow to die. 

Louis Bonaparte had fled from his Kingdom of Holland in 1810, after ashort reign of four years, disgusted with being expected to study theinterests of the brother to whom he owed his throne, and with beingrequired to treat his wife Hortense with ordinary consideration. He hadtaken refuge in Austria, putting that Court in great anxiety how to payhim the amount of attention to be expected by the brother of the Emperor, and at the same time the proper coldness Napoleon might wish shown to aroyal deserter. Thanks to the suggestions of Metternich, they seem tohave been successful in this task. Taking the title of Comte de, St. Len from an estate in France; Louis went first to Toplitz, then to Gratz, and in 1813 he took refuge in Switzerland. In 1814 he went to Rome; andthen to Florence, where the Grand-Duke Ferdinand received any of thefamily who came there with great kindness. 

Louis was the least interesting of the family, and it is difficult toexcuse his absence from France in 1815. After all, the present of akingdom is not such an unpardonable offence as to separate brothers forever, and Napoleon seems to have felt deeply the way in which he wastreated by a brother to whom he had acted as a father; still ill-healthand the natural selfishness of invalids may account for much. While hisson Louis Napoleon was flying about making his attempts on France, Louisremained in the Roman Palace of the French Academy, sunk in anxiety abouthis religious state. He disclaimed his son's proceedings, but this mayhave been due to the Pope, who sheltered him. Anyhow, it is strange tomark the difference between the father and his two sons who came of age, and who took to revolution so kindly. 

In 1846 Louis was ill at Leghorn when his son escaped from Ham, where hehad been imprisoned after his Boulogne attempt. Passports were refusedto the son to go from Italy to his father, and Louis died alone on the25th of July 1846. He was buried at Santa Croce, Florence, but the bodywas afterwards removed to the village church of St. Leu Taverny, rebuiltby his son Napoleon III. 

Jerome, the youngest of the whole family, the "middy, " as Napoleon likedto call him, had been placed in the navy, in which profession he passedas having distinguished himself, after leaving his admiral in rather apeculiar manner, by attacking an English convoy, and eventually escapingthe English by running into the port of Concarneau, believed to beinaccessible. At that time it was an event for a French man-of-war toreach home. 

Jerome had incurred the anger of Napoleon by marrying a beautiful younglady of Baltimore, a Mica Paterson, but, more obedient than Lucien, hesubmitted to have this marriage annulled by his all-powerful brother, andin reward he received the brand-new Kingdom of Westphalia, and the handof a daughter of the King of Wartemberg, "the cleverest King in Europe, "according to Napoleon. Jerome is said to have ruled rather more as aHeliogabalus than a Solomon, but the new Kingdom had the advantage ofstarting with good administrators, and with the example of "the Code. "

In 1812 Jerome was given the command of the right wing of the Grand Armyin its advance against Russia, but he did not fulfil the expectations ofhis brother, and Davoust took the command instead. Every king feelshimself a born general: whatever else they cannot do, war is an art whichcomes with the crown, and Jerome, unwilling to serve under a mereMarshal, withdrew in disgust. In 1813 he had the good feeling and thegood sense to refuse the treacherous offer of the Allies to allow him toretain his kingdom if he joined them against his brother, a snare hissister Caroline fell into at Naples. 

On the downfall of Napoleon, Jerome, as the Count of Gratz, went toSwitzerland, and then to Gratz and Trieste. 

His wife, the ex-Queen Catherine, fell into the hands of Maubreuil, theofficer sent on a mysterious mission, believed to be intended for themurder of Napoleon, but which only resulted in the robbery of the Queen'sjewels and of some 80, 000 francs. The jewels were for the most partrecovered, being fished up from the bed of the Seine, but not the cash. 

In 1815 Jerome joined his brother, and appeared at the Champ de Mai. Atrue Bonaparte, his vanity was much hurt, however, by having--he, a realking--to sit on the back seat of the carriage, while his elder brotherLucien; a mere Roman-prince, occupied a seat of honour by the side ofNapoleon. In the Waterloo campaign he was given the 6th division, forming part of Reille's corps, General Guilleminot being sent with himto prevent any of the awkwardnesses of 1812. His division was engagedwith the Prussians on the 15th of June, and at Quatre Bras he wasseverely wounded. At Waterloo his division formed the extreme left ofthe French infantry, opposite Hougomont, and was engaged in the strugglefor that post. Whatever his failings may have been, he is acknowledgedto have fought gallantly. After the battle he was given the command ofthe army by his brother, and was told to cover the retreat to Laon, whichhe reached on the 21st of June, with 18, 000 infantry, 3000 cavalry andtwo batteries which he had rallied. This, be it observed, is a largerforce than Ney told the Chambers even Grouchy (none of whose men areincluded) could have, and Jerome's strength had swollen to 25, 000infantry and 6000 cavalry when he handed over the army to Soult at Laon. Napoleon had intended to leave Jerome with the command of the army, buthe eventually took him to Paris. 

When Napoleon left the country Jerome was assured by the ambassador ofWurtemberg that he would find a refuge in the dominions of hisfather-in-law; but when he arrived there he was informed that if he didnot wish to be, according to the original intentions of the Allies, handed over to the Prussians, and separated from his wife, he must signan engagement to remain in Wurtemberg under strict surveillance. He wasthen imprisoned at Guppingen, and afterwards at Ellwangen, where he wasnot even allowed to write or receive letters except through the captainof the chateau. 

Part of Jerome's troubles came from the conduct of his wife Catherine, who had the idea that, as she had been given in marriage by her father toJerome, as she had lived for seven years as his wife, and as she hadborne a child to him, she was really his wife, and bound to remain withhim in his misfortunes! The royal family of Wurtemberg, however, following the illustrious example of that of Austria, looked on her pastlife as a mere state of concubinage, useful to the family, and to berespected while her husband could retain his kingdom, but which shouldend the moment there was nothing more to be gained from Napoleon or hisbrother. It was all proper and decorous to retain the title of King ofWurtemberg, which the former Duke and then Elector had owed to the exileof St. Helena, but King Frederick, and still less his son William, whosucceeded him in 1816, could not comprehend Catherine's clinging to herhusband when he had lost his kingdom. "I was a Queen; I am still a wifeand mother, " wrote the Princess to her disgusted father. Anothercomplaint against this extraordinary Princess was that she actually sawLas Cases on his return from St. Helena, and thus obtained news of theexile. 

After constant ill treatment Jerome and his wife, as the Count andCountess of Montfort, a rank the King of Wurtemberg afterwards raised toPrince, were allowed to proceed to Hainburg near Vienna, then toFlorence, and, later to Trieste, where Jerome was when his sister Elisadied. In 1823 they were permitted to go to Rome, and in 1835 they wentto Lausanne, where his true-hearted wife died the same year. Jerome wentto Florence, and lived to see the revival of the Empire, and to once mareenjoy the rank of a French Prince. He died in 1860 at the chateau ofVillegenis in France, and was buried in the Invalides. 

The mother of the Emperor, Letitia, in 1814, had retained her title ofImperatrice Mere, and had retired to Rome. She then went to Elba inJune, and stayed there with her daughter Pauline until Napoleon hadsailed for France. On 2d March 1814 she went from Elba to San Vicenzonear Leghorn, and then to Rome. Her son sent a frigate for her, the'Melpomene', which was captured by the English 'Rivoli'; another vessel, the 'Dryade', brought her to France, and she joined Napoleon in Paris. We must have a regard for this simple old lady, who was always carefuland saving, only half believing in the stability of the Empire; and, like a true mother, always most attentive to the most unfortunate of herchildren. Her life had been full of startling changes; and it must havebeen strange for the woman who had been hunted out of Corsica, flyingfrom her house just in time to save her life from the adherents of Paoli, to find herself in grandeur in Paris. She saw her son just before heleft, as she thought, for America, and then retired to the Rinuccini--nowthe Bonaparte-Palace at Rome, where she died in 1836. She had beenanxious to join Napoleon at St. Helena, and had refused, as long asNapoleon was alive, to forgive her daughter Caroline, the wife of Murat, for her abandonment of her brother. She was buried at Albano. 

Letitia's youngest daughter, the beautiful but frail Pauline, Duchess ofGuastalla, married first to General Leclerc, and then to Prince CamilleBorglle, was at Nice when her brother abdicated in 1814. She retiredwith her mother to Rome, and in October 1814 went to Elba, staying theretill Napoleon left, except when she was sent to Naples with a message offorgiveness for Murat There was a characteristic scene between her andColonel Campbell when the English Commissioner arrived to find Napoleongone. Pauline professed ignorance till the last of her brother'sintentions, and pressed the Colonel's hand to her heart that he mightfeel how agitated she was. "She did not appear to be so, " says thebattered old Colonel, who seems to have been proof against her charms. She then went to Rome, and later to Pisa. Her health was failing, and, unable to join her brother in France, she sent him her only means ofassistance, her jewels, which were captured at Waterloo. Her offer to goto St. Helena, repeated several times, was never accepted by Napoleon. She died in 1825 at Florence, from consumption, reconciled to herhusband, from whom she had been separated since 1807. She was buried atSta Maria Maggiore, Rome. 

Elisa, the eldest sister of Napoleon, the former Grand Duchess ofTuscany, which Duchy she had ruled well, being a woman of considerabletalent, was the first of all to die. In 1814 she had been forced to flyfrom her Government, and, accompanied by her husband, she had attemptedto reach France. Finding herself cut off by the Austrians; she tookshelter with Augereau's army, and then returned to Italy. She took thetitle of Comtesse de Campignana, and retired to Trieste, near which town, at the Chateau of Sant Andrea, under a wearisome surveillance, sheexpired in 1820, watched by her husband, Felix Baeciocchi, and her sisterCaroline. Her monument is in the Bacciocchi Chapel in San Petronio, Bologna. 

Caroline, the wife of Murat, was the only one of the family untrue toNapoleon. Very ambitious, and forgetting how completely she owed herKingdom of Naples to her brother, she had urged Murat in 1814 to separatefrom Napoleon, and, still worse, to attack Eugene, who held the north ofItaly against the Austrians. She relied on the formal treaty withAustria that Murat should retain his Kingdom of Naples, and she may alsohave trusted to the good offices of her former admirer Metternich. Whenthe Congress of Vienna met, the French Minister, Talleyrand, at oncebegan to press for the removal of Murat. A trifling treaty was notconsidered an obstacle to the Heaven-sent deliverers of Europe, andMurat, believing his fate sealed, hearing of Napoleon's landing, andurged on by a misleading letter from Joseph Bonaparte, at once marched toattack the Austrians. He was easily routed by the Austrians underNeipperg, the future husband of Maria Louisa. Murat fled to France, andCaroline first took refuge in an English man-of-war, the 'Tremendous', being, promised a free passage to England. She was, however, handed overto the Austrians; who kept her in confinement at Hainburg near Vienna. In October 1815 Murat landed in Calabria in a last wild attempt torecover his throne. He was arrested and immediately shot. After hismurder Caroline, taking the title of Countess of Lipona (an anagram ofNapoli), was permitted to retire to Trieste with Elisa, Jerome, and hiswife. Caroline was almost without means of existence, the NeapolitanBourbons refusing even to give up the property she had brought there. She married a General Macdonald. When Hortense was buried at RueilCaroline obtained permission to attend the sad ceremony. In 1838 shewent to France to try to obtain a pension, and succeeded in getting oneof 100, 000 francs. She died from cancer in the stomach in 1839, and wasburied in the Campo Santo, Bologna. 

Cardinal Fesch, the half-uncle of Napoleon, the Archbishop of Lyons, whohad fallen into disgrace with Napoleon for taking the side of the Popeand refusing to accept the see of Paris, to which he was nominated byNapoleon, had retired to Rome in 1814, where he remained till the returnof Napoleon, when he went to Paris, and accepted a peerage. AfterWaterloo he again sought the protection of the Pope, and he remained atRome till his death in 1839, a few days before Caroline Bonaparte's. Hewas buried in S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Rome. He had for years been a greatcollector of pictures, of which he left a large number (1200) to the townof Ajaccio. The Cardinal, buying at the right time when few men hadeither enough leisure or money to think of pictures, got together a mostvaluable collection. This was sold in 1843-44 at Rome. Its contents nowform some of the greatest treasures in the galleries of Dudley House andof the Marquis of Hertford, now Sir Richard Wallace's. In a largecollection there are generally some daubs, but it is an amusing instanceof party spirit to find the value of his pictures run down by men who areunwilling to allow any one connected with Napoleon to have even taste inart. He always refused the demands of the Restoration that he shouldresign his see of Lyons, though under Louis Philippe he offered to do so, and leave his pictures to France, if the Bonaparte family were allowed toenter France: this was refused. 

It can hardly be denied that the fate of the Bonapartes was a hard one. Napoleon had been undisputed sovereign of France for fourteen years, Louis had been King of Holland for four years, Jerome was King ofWestphalia for six years, Caroline was Queen of Naples for seven years. If Napoleon had forfeited all his rights by leaving Elba after theconditions of his abdication had been broken by the Allies, still therewas no reason why the terms stipulated for the other members of thefamily should not have been carried out, or at least an ordinary incomeinsured to them. With all Napoleon's faults he was always ready toshower wealth on the victims of his policy:--The sovereigns of theContinent had courted and intermarried with the Bonapartes in the tame ofthat family's grandeur: there was neither generosity nor wisdom intreating them as so many criminals the moment fortune had declaredagainst them. The conduct of the Allies was not influenced simply by theprinciple of legitimacy, for the King of Saxony only kept his throne bythe monarchs falling out over the spoil. If sovereigns were to berespected as of divine appointment, it was not well to make theirexistence only depend on the fate of war. 

Nothing in the history of the Cent Jours is more strange than the smallpart played in it by the Marshals, the very men who are so identified inour minds with the Emperor, that we might have expected to find thatbrilliant band playing a most prominent part in his last great struggle, no longer for mere victory, but for very existence. In recording how theGuard came up the fatal hill at Waterloo for their last combat, it wouldseem but natural to have to give a long roll of the old historic names asleading or at least accompanying them; and the reader is apt to ask, where were the men whose very titles recalled such gloriousbattle-fields, such achievements, and such rewards showered down by theman who, almost alone at the end of the day, rode forward to invite thatdeath from which it was such cruel kindness to save him?

Only three Marshals were in Belgium in 1815, and even of them one did butcount his promotion from that very year, so it is but natural for Frenchwriters to dream of what might have been the course of the battle ifMurat's plume had waved with the cavalry, if Mortier had been with theGuard, and if Davoust or one of his tried brethren had taken the place ofGrouchy. There is, however, little real ground for surprise at thisabsence of the Marshals. Death, time, and hardships had all done theirwork amongst that grand array of commanders. Some were old men, veteransof the Revolutionary wars, when first created Marshals in 1804; others, such as Massena, were now but the wreck of themselves; and even before1812 Napoleon had been struck with the failing energy of some of hisoriginal companions: indeed, it might have been better for him if he hadin 1813, as he half resolved, cast away his dislike to new faces, andfought his last desperate campaigns with younger men who still hadfortunes to win, leaving "Berthier to hunt at Grosbois, " and the otherMarshals to enjoy their well-deserved rest in their splendid hotels atParis. 

Davoust, Duke of Auerstadt, Prince of Eckmuhl, whose name should beproperly spelt Davout, was one of the principal personages at the end ofthe Cent Jours. Strict and severe, having his corps always in goodorder, and displaying more character than most of the military men underNapoleon, one is apt to believe that the conqueror at Auerstadt bade fairto be the most prominent of all the Marshals. In 1814 he had returnedfrom defending Hamburg to find himself under a cloud of accusations, andthe Bourbons ungenerously and unwisely left him undefended for acts whichthey must have known were part of his duty as governor of a besiegedplace. At the time he was attacked as if his first duty was not to holdthe place for France, but to organise a system of outdoor relief for theneighbouring population, and to surrender as soon as he had exhausted themoney in the Government chest and the provisions in the Governmentstores. Sore and discontented, practically proscribed, still Davoustwould not join in the too hasty enterprise of the brothers Lallemand, whowished him to lead the military rising on the approach of Napoleon; buthe was with the Emperor on the day after his arrival in Paris. 

Davoust might have expected high command in the army, but, to hisannoyance, Napoleon fixed on him as War Minister. For several years theWar Minister had been little more than a clerk, and neither had nor wasexpected to have much influence with the army. Napoleon now wanted a manof tried devotion, and of stern enough character to overawe the capitaland the restless spirits in the army. Much against his will Davoust wastherefore forced to content himself with the organisation of the forcesbeing hastily raised, but he chafed in his position; and it ischaracteristic of him that Napoleon was eventually forced to send him themost formal orders before the surly Minister would carry out theEmperor's unlucky intention of giving a command to Bourmont, whom Davouststrongly and rightly suspected of treachery. When Napoleon left thecapital Davoust became its governor, and held his post unmoved by theintrigues of the Republicans and the Royalists. When Napoleon returnedfrom the great disaster Davoust gave his voice for the only wisepolicy, --resistance and the prorogation of the factious Chambers. On theabdication of Napoleon the Provisional Government necessarily gaveDavoust the command of the army which was concentrated round Paris. 

If Davoust had restricted himself less closely to his duty as a soldier, if he had taken more on himself, with the 100, 000 men he soon had underhim, he might have saved France from much of her subsequent humiliation, or at least he might have preserved the lives of Ney and of the brave menwhom the Bourbons afterwards butchered. Outwitted by Fouche, andunwilling to face the hostility of the Chambers, Davoust at lastconsented to the capitulation of Paris, though he first gave the Prussiancavalry a sharp lesson. While many of his comrades were engaged in thegreat struggle for favour or safety, the stern Marshal gave up hisMinistry, and, doing the last service in his power to France, stopped allfurther useless bloodshed by withdrawing the army, no easy task in theirthen humour, behind the Loire, where he kept what the Royalists calledthe "Brigands of the Loire" in subjection till relieved by Macdonald. He was the only one of the younger Marshals who had not been tried inSpain, and so far he was fortunate; but, though he was not popular withthe army, his character and services seem to point him out as the mostfit of all the Marshals for an independent command. Had Napoleon beensuccessful in 1812, Davoust was to have received the Viceroyalty ofPoland; and he would probably have left a higher name in history than theother men placed by Napoleon to rule over his outlying kingdoms. In anycase it was fortunate for France and for the Allies that a man of hischaracter ruled the army after Napoleon abdicated; there would otherwisehave been wild work round Paris, as it was only with the greatestdifficulty and by the force of his authority and example that Davoustsucceeded in getting the army to withdraw from the capital, and togradually adopt the white cockade. When superseded by Macdonald he haddone a work no other man could have accomplished. He protested againstthe proscription, but it was too late; his power had departed. In 1819he was forgiven for his services to France, and was made a peer, but hedied in 1823, only fifty-three years old. 

Among the Marshals who gave an active support to Napoleon Ney takes theleading part in most eyes; if it were only for his fate, which is toowell known for much to be said here concerning it. In 1815 Ney wascommanding in Franche-Comte, and was called up to Paris and ordered to goto Besancon to march so as to take Napoleon in flank. He started off, not improbably using the rough brags afterwards attributed to him as mostgrievous sins, such as that "he would bring back Napoleon in an ironcage. " It had been intended to have sent the Due de Berry, the secondson of the Comte d'Artois, with Ney; and it was most unfortunate for theMarshal that this was not done. There can be no possible doubt that Neyspoke and acted in good faith when he left Paris. One point alone seemsdecisive of this. Ney found under him in command, as General ofDivision, Bourmont, an officer of well-known Royalist opinions, who hadat one time served with the Vendean insurgents, and who afterwardsdeserted Napoleon just before Waterloo, although he had entreated to beemployed in the campaign. Not only did Ney leave Bourmont in command, but, requiring another Divisional General, instead of selecting aBonapartist, he urged Lecourbe to leave his retirement and join him. Now, though Lecourbe was a distinguished General, specially famed formountain warfare--witness his services in 1799 among the Alps aboveLucerne--he had been long left unemployed by Napoleon on account of hisstrong Republican opinions and his sympathy with Moreau. These twoGenerals, Bourmont and Lecourbe, the two arms of Ney as commander, through whom alone he could communicate with the troops, he not only keptwith him, but consulted to the last, before he declared for Napoleon. This would have been too dangerous a thing for a tricky politician tohave attempted as a blind, but Ney was well known to be only too frankand impulsive. Had the Due de Berry gone with him, had Ney carried withhim such a gage of the intention of the Bourbons to defend their throne, it is probable that he would have behaved like Macdonald; and it iscertain that he would have had no better success. The Bonapartiststhemselves dreaded what they called the wrong-headedness of Ney. It was, however, thought better to keep the Due de Berry in safety. 

Ney found himself put forward singly, as it were, to oppose the man whomall France was joining; he found, as did every officer sent on a similarmission, that the soldiers were simply waiting to meet Napoleon; andwhile the Princes sought security, while the soldiers plotted againsttheir leaders, came the calls of the Emperor in the old trumpet tone. The eagle was to fly--nay, it was flying from tower to tower, and victorywas advancing with a rush. Was Ney to be the one man to shoot down hisold leader? could he, as he asked, stop the sea with his hands? On histrial his subordinate, Bourmont, who had by that time shown his devotionto the Bourbons by sacrificing his military honour, and deserting to theAllies, was asked whether Ney could have got the soldiers to act againstthe Emperor. He could only suggest that if Ney had taken a musket andhimself charged, the men would have followed his example. "Still, " saidBourmont, "I would not dare to affirm that he (the Marshal) would havewon. " And who was Ney to charge? We know how Napoleon approached theforces sent to oppose him: he showed himself alone in the front of hisown troops. Was Ney to deliberately kill his old commander? was anygeneral ever expected to undergo such a test? and can it be believedthat the soldiers who carried off the reluctant Oudinot and chased theflying Macdonald, had such a reverence for the "Rougeot, " as they calledhim, that they would have stood by while he committed this murder? Thewhole idea is absurd: as Ney himself said at his trial, they would have"pulverized" him. Undoubtedly the honourable course for Ney would havebeen to have left his corps when he lost control over them; but to urge, as was done afterwards, that he had acted on a preconceived scheme, andthat his example had such weight, was only malicious falsehood. TheEmperor himself knew well how little he owed to the free will of hisMarshal, and he soon had to send him from Paris, as Ney, sore at heart, and discontented with himself and with both sides, uttered his mind withhis usual freedom. Ney was first ordered to inspect the frontier fromDunkirk to Bale, and was then allowed to go to his home. He kept soaloof from Napoleon that when he appeared on the Champ de Mai the Emperoraffected surprise, saying that he thought Ney had emigrated. At the lastmoment Marshal Mortier fell ill. Ney had already been sent for. Hehurried up, buying Mortier's horses (presumably the ill-fated animals whodied under him at Waterloo), and reached the army just in time to begiven the command of the left wing. 

It has been well remarked that the very qualities which made Neyinvaluable for defence or for the service of a rear-guard weighed againsthim in such a combat as Quatre Bras. Splendid as a corps leader, he hadnot the commander's eye to embrace the field and surmise the strength ofthe enemy at a glance. At Bautzen in 1818 his staff had been unable toprevent him from leaving the route which would have brought him on thevery rear of the enemy, because seeing the foe, and unable to resist thedesire of returning their fire, he turned off to engage immediately. AtQuatre Bras, not seeing the force he was engaged with, believing he hadthe whole English army on his hands from the first, he let himself at thebeginning of the day be imposed upon by a mere screen of troops. 

We cannot here go into Ney's behaviour at Waterloo except to point outthat too little importance is generally given to the fact of the Englishcavalry having, in a happy moment, fallen on and destroyed the artillerywhich was being brought up to sweep the English squares at closequarters. At Waterloo, as in so many other combats, the account of Ney'sbehaviour more resembles that of a Homeric hero than of a modern general. To the ideal commander of to-day, watching the fight at a distance, calmly weighing its course, undisturbed except by distant random shots, it is strange to compare Ney staggering through the gate of Konigsbergall covered with blood; smoke and snow, musket in hand, announcinghimself as the rear-guard of France, or appearing, a second Achilles, onthe ramparts of Smolensko to encourage the yielding troops on the glacis, or amidst the flying troops at Waterloo, with uncovered head and brokensword, black with powder, on foot, his fifth horse killed under him, knowing that life, honour, and country were lost, still hoping againsthope and attempting one more last desperate rally. If he had died--ah!if he had died there--what a glorious tomb might have risen, glorious forFrance as well as for him, with the simple inscription, "The Bravest ofthe Brave. "

Early on the 19th June a small band of officers retreating from the fieldfound Ney asleep at Marchiennes, "the first repose he had had for fourdays, " and they did not disturb him for orders. "And indeed what ordercould Marshal Ney have given?" The disaster of the day, the overwhelminghorror of the flight of the beaten army, simply crushed Ney morally aswell as physically. Rising in the Chambers he denounced all attempt atfurther resistance. He did not know, he would not believe, that Grouchywas safe, and that the army was fast rallying. Fresh from the field, with all its traces on him, the authority of Ney was too great for theGovernment. Frightened friends, plotting Royalists, echoed the wildwords of Ney brave only against physical dangers. Instead of dying onthe battle-field, he had lived to ensure the return of the Bourbons, thefall of Bonaparte, his own death, and the ruin of France. 

Before his exception from the amnesty was known Ney left Paris on the 6thof July, and went into the country with but little attempt atconcealment, and with formal passports from Fouche. The capitulation ofParis seemed to cover him, and he was so little aware of the thirst ofthe Royalists for his blood that he let his presence be known by leavingabout a splendid sabre presented to him by the Emperor on his marriage, and recognised by mere report by an old soldier as belonging to Ney orMurat; and Ney himself let into the house the party sent to arrest him onthe 5th of August, and actually refused the offer of Excelmans, throughwhose troops he passed, to set him free. No one at the time, except thewretched refugees of Ghent, could have suspected, after the capitulation, that there was any special danger for Ney, and it is very difficult tosee on what principle the Bourbons chose their victims or intendedvictims. Drouot, for example, had never served Louis XVIII. , he hadnever worn the white cockade, he had left France with Napoleon for Elba, and had served the Emperor there. In 1815 he had fought under his ownsovereign. After Waterloo he had exerted all his great influence, thegreater from his position, to induce the Guard to retire behind theLoire, and to submit to the Bourbons. It was because Davoust so neededhim that Drouot remained with the army. Stilt Drouot was selected fordeath, but the evidence of his position was too strong to enable theCourt to condemn him. Cambronne, another selection, had also gone withNapoleon to Elba. Savory, another selection, had, as was eventuallyacknowledged, only joined Napoleon when he was in full possession of thereins of Government. Bertrend, who was condemned while at St. Helena, was in the same position as Drouot. In fact, if any one were to draw upa list of probable proscriptions and compare it with those of the 24th ofJuly 1815, there would probably be few names common to both exceptLabedoyere, Mouton Duvernet, etc. The truth is that the Bourbons, and, to do them justice, still more the rancorous band of mediocrities whosurrounded them, thirsted for blood. Even they could feel the fullignominy of the flight to Ghent. 

While they had been chanting the glories of the Restoration, the devotionof the people, the valour of the Princes, Napoleon had landed, theRestoration had vanished like a bad dream, and the Princes were the firstto lead the way to the frontier. To protest that there had been aconspiracy, and that the conspirators must suffer, was the only possiblecloak for the shame of the Royalists, who could not see that the onlyconspiracy was the universal one of the nation against the miserable menwho knew not how to govern a high-spirited people. 

Ney, arrested on the 5th of August, was first brought before a MilitaryCourt on the 9th of November composed of Marshal Jourdan (President), Marshals Massena, Augereau, and Mortier, Lieutenants-General Gazan, Claparede, and Vilatte (members). Moncey had refused to sit, and Massenaurged to the Court his own quarrels with Ney in Spain to get rid of thetask, but was forced to remain. Defended by both the Berryers, Neyunfortunately denied the jurisdiction of the court-martial over him as apeer. In all probability the Military Court would have acquitted him. Too glad at the moment to be free from the trial of their old comrade, not understanding the danger of the proceeding, the Court, by a majorityof five against two, declared themselves non-competent, and on the 21stof November Ney was sent before the Chamber of Peers, which condemned himon the 6th of December. 

To beg the life of his brave adversary would have been such an obviousact of generosity on the part of the Duke of Wellington that we maybepardoned for examining his reasons for not interfering. First, the Dukeseems to have laid weight on the fact that if Ney had believed thecapitulation had covered him he would not have hidden. Now, even beforeNey knew of his exception from the amnesty, to appear in Paris would havebeen a foolish piece of bravado. Further, the Royalist reaction was infull vigour, and when the Royalist mobs, with the connivance of theauthorities, were murdering Marshal Brune and attacking any prominentadherents of Napoleon, it was hardly the time for Ney to travel in fullpomp. It cannot be said that, apart from the capitulation, the Duke hadno responsibility. Generally a Government executing a prisoner, may, with some force, if rather brutally, urge that the fact of their beingable to try and execute him in itself shows their authority to do so. The Bourbons could not even use this argument. If the Allies hadevacuated France Louis le Desiree would have ordered his carriage andhave been at the frontier before they had reached it. If Frenchmenactually fired the shots which killed Ney, the Allies at least shared theresponsibility with the French Government. Lastly, it would seem thatthe Duke would have asked for the life of Ney if the King, clever at suchsmall artifices, had not purposely affected a temporary coldness to him. Few men would have been so deterred from asking for the life of a dog. The fact is, the Duke of Wellington was a great general, he was asingle-hearted and patriotic statesman, he had a thousand virtues, buthe was never generous. It cannot be said that he simply shared thefeelings of his army, for there was preparation among some of hisofficers to enable Ney to escape, and Ney had to be guarded by men ofgood position disguised in the uniform of privates. Ney had written tohis wife when he joined Napoleon, thinking of the little vexations theRoyalists loved to inflict on the men who had conquered the Continent. "You will no longer weep when you leave the Tuileries. " The unfortunatelady wept now as she vainly sought some mercy for her husband. Arrestedon the 5th of August, sentenced on the 6th of December, Ney was shot onthe 7th of December, and the very manner of his execution shows that, intaking his life there was much more of revenge than of justice. 

If Ney were to be shot, it is obvious that it should have been as a highact of justice. If neither the rank nor the services of the criminalwere to save him, his death could not be too formal, too solemn, toopublic. Even an ordinary military execution is always carried out withgrave and striking forms: there is a grand parade of the troops, that allmay see with their own eyes the last act of the law. After the executionthe troops defile past the body, that all may see the criminal actuallydead: There was nothing of all this in the execution of Ney. A fewchance passers, in the early morning of the 7th of December 1815, saw asmall body of troops waiting by the wall of the garden of the Luxemburg. A fiacre drove up, out of which got Marshal Ney in plain clothes, himselfsurprised by the everyday aspect of the place. Then, when the officer ofthe firing party (for such the spectators now knew it to be) saw whom itwas he was to fire on, he became, it is said, perfectly petrified; and apeer, one of the judges of Ney, the Duke de la Force, took his place. Ney fell at the first volley with six balls in his breast, three in thehead and neck, and one in the arm, and in a quarter of an hour the bodywas removed; "plain Michel Ney" as he had said to the secretaryenunciating his title in reading his sentence, "plain Michel Ney, soon tobe a little dust. "

The Communists caught red-handed in the streets of Paris in 1870 diedwith hardly less formality than was observed at the death-scene of thePrince of the Moskowa and Duke of Elchingen, and the truth then becameplain. The Bourbons could not, dared not, attempt to carry out thesentence of the law with the forms of the law. The Government did notventure to let the troops or the people face the Marshal. The forms ofthe law could not be carried out, the demands of revenge could be. Andif this be thought any exaggeration, the proof of the ill effects of thismurder, for its form makes it difficult to call it anything else, isready to our hands. It was impossible to get the public to believe thatNey had really been killed in this manner, and nearly to this day we havehad fresh stories recurring of the real Ney being discovered in America. The deed, however, had really been done. The Marshals now knew that whenthe Princes fled they themselves must remain to die for the Royal cause;and Louis had at last succeeded in preventing his return to his kingdomamongst the baggage waggons of the Allies from being considered as a meresubject for jeers. One detail of the execution of Ney, however, we aretold nothing of: we do not know if his widow, like Madame Labedoyere, hadto pay three francs a head to the soldiers of the firing party which shother husband. Whatever were the faults of the Bourbons, they at leastcarried out their executions economically. 

The statesmen of France, distinguished as they were, certainly did notrise to a level with the situation either in 1814 or in 1815. In 1814, it is true, they were almost stunned by the crash of the Empire, andlittle as they foresaw the restoration of the Bourbons, still less couldthey have anticipated the extraordinary follies which were to beperpetrated. In 1815 there was less excuse for their helplessness, and, overawed as they were by the mass of foes which was pouring on them tocomplete the disaster of Waterloo, still it is disappointing to find thatthere was no one to seize the helm of power, and, confronting the Allies, to stipulate proper terms for France, and for the brave men who hadfought for her. The Steady Davoust was there with his 100, 000 men to addweight to their language, and the total helplessness of the older line ofthe Bourbons had been too evidently displayed to make their return acertainty, so that there is no reason to doubt that a firm-heartedpatriot might have saved France from much of the degradation and lossinflicted on her when once the Allies had again got her at their mercy. At-the least the Bourbons might have been deprived of the revenge theysought for in taking some of the best blood of France. Better for Neyand his comrades to have fallen in a last struggle before Paris than tobe shot by Frenchmen emboldened by the presence of foreign troops. 

Talleyrand, the most prominent figure among the statesmen, was away. Hisabsence at Vienna during the first Restoration was undoubtedly the causeof many of the errors then committed. His ability as displayed underNapoleon has been much exaggerated, for, as the Duke of Wellington said, it was easy enough to be Foreign Minister to a Government in militarypossession of Europe, but at least he was above the petty trivialitiesand absurdities of the Bourbon' Court. On the receipt of the news of thelanding of Napoleon he really seems to have believed that the enterprisewould immediately end in disaster, and he pressed on the outlawing of theman who had overwhelmed him with riches, and who had, at the worst, lefthim when in disgrace in quiet possession of all his ill-gotten wealth. But, as the power of Napoleon became more and more displayed, as perhapsTalleyrand found that the Austrians were not quite so firm as they wishedto be considered, and as he foresaw the possible chances of the Orleansfamily, he became rather lukewarm in his attention to the King, to whomhe had recently been bewailing the hardships of his separation from hisloved monarch. He suddenly found that, after a Congress, the first dutyof a diplomatist was to look after his liver, and Carlsbad offered anagreeable retreat where he could wait till he might congratulate thewinner in the struggle. 

Louis deeply resented this conduct of his Foreign Minister, and whenTalleyrand at last joined him with all his doubts resolved, the King tookthe first opportunity of dismissing him, leaving the calm Talleyrand foronce stuttering with rage. Louis soon, however, found that he was notthe free agent he believed. The Allies did not want to have to againreplace their puppet on the throne, and they looked on Talleyrand andFouche as the two necessary men. Talleyrand was reinstated immediately, and remained for some time at the head of the Ministry. He was, however, not the man for Parliamentary Government, being too careless in business, and trying to gain his ends more by clever tricks than straightforwardmeasures. As for the state into which he let the Government fall, it washappily characterised by M. Beugnot. "Until now, " said he, "we haveonly known three sorts of governments--the Monarchical, the Aristocratic, and the Republican. Now we have invented a new one, which has never beenheard of before, --Paternal Anarchy. "

In September 1815 the elections to the Chamber were bringing in deputiesmore Royalist than the King, and Talleyrand sought to gain popularity bythrowing over Fouche. To his horror it appeared that, well contentedwith this step, the deputies next asked when the former Bishop was to bedismissed. Taking advantage of what Talleyrand conceived to be a happyway of eliciting a strong expression of royal support by threatening toresign, the King replaced him by the Duc de Richelieu. It was well tocut jokes at the Duke and say that he was the man in France who knew mostof the Crimea (the Duke had been long in the Russian service, with theapproval of Napoleon), but Talleyrand was overwhelmed. He received thesame office at Court which he had held under Napoleon, Grand Chamberlain, and afterwards remained a sardonic spectator of events, a not unimposingfigure attending at the Court ceremonials and at the heavy dinners of theKing, and probably lending a helping hand in 1830 to oust Charles X. From the throne. The Monarchy of July sent him as Ambassador to England, where he mixed in local politics, for example, plotting against LordPalmerston, whose brusque manners he disliked; and in 1838 he ended hisstrange life with some dignity, having, as one of his eulogists puts it, been faithful to every Government he had served as long as it waspossible to save them. 

With the darker side of Talleyrand's character we have nothing to dohere; it is sufficient for our purposes to say that the part the leadingstatesman of France took during the Cent Tours was simply nil. In 1814, he had let the reins slip through his hands; 1815 he could only followthe King, who even refused to adopt his advice as to the proper way inwhich to return to France, and though he once more became Chief Minister, Talleyrand, like Louis XVIII. , owed his restoration in 1815 solely to theAllies. 

The Comte d'Artois, the brother of the King, and later King himself asCharles X. , was sent to Lyons, to which place the Duc d'Orleans followedhim, and where the two Princes met Marshal Macdonald. The Marshal didall that man could do to keep the soldiers true to the Bourbons, but hehad to advise the Princes to return to Paris, and he himself had to flyfor his life when he attempted to stop Napoleon in person. The Ducd'Orleans was then sent to the north to hold Lille, where the Kingintended to take refuge, and the Comte d'Artois remained with the Court. 

The Court was very badly off for money, the King, and Clarke, Duke ofFeltre, the War Minister, were the only happy possessors of carriages. They passed their time, as the Abbe Louis once bitterly remarked, insaying foolish things till they had a chance of doing them. 

The Comte d'Artois, who, probably wisely, certainly cautiously, hadrefused to go with De Vitrolles to stir up the south until he had placedthe King in safety, had ended by going to Ghent too, while the Duc deBerry was at Alost, close by, with a tiny army composed of the remains ofthe Maison du Roi, of which the most was made in reports. The Ducd'Orleans, always an object of suspicion to the King, had left Francewith the Royal party, but had refused to stay in Belgium, as he allegedthat it was an enemy's country. He crossed to England where he remained, greatly adding to the anxiety of Louis by refusing to join him. 

The end of these Princes is well known. Louis died in 1824, leaving histhrone to his brother; but Charles only held it till 1830, when after therising called "the three glorious days of July, " he was civilly escortedfrom France, and took shelter in England. The Due Angouleme died withoutissue. The Duc de Berry was assassinated in 1820, but his widow gavebirth to a posthumous son the Duc de Bordeaux, or, to fervid Royalists, Henri V. , though better known to us as the Comte de Chambord, who died in1883 without issue, thus ending the then eldest line of Bourbons, andtransmitting his claims to the Orleans family. On the fall of Charles X. The Duc d'Orleans became King of the French, but he was unseated by theRevolution of 1848, and died a refugee in England. As the three Princesof the House of Conde, the Prince de Conde, his son, the Duc de Bourbon, and his: grandson, the Due d'Enghien, all died without further maleissue, that noble line is extinct. 

When the news of the escape of Napoleon from Elba reached Vienna on the7th of March 1815, the three heads of the Allies, the Emperors of Austriaand Russia, and the King of Prussia, were still there. Though it wassaid that the Congress danced but did not advance, still a great deal ofwork had really been done, and the news of Napoleon's landing created afresh bond of union between the Allies which stopped all further chancesof disunion, and enabled them to practically complete their work by the9th of June 1815, though the treaties required cobbling for some yearsafterwards. 

France, Austria, and England had snatched the greater part of Saxony fromthe jaws of Prussia, and Alexander had been forced to leave the King ofSaxony to reign over half of his former subjects, without, as he wished, sparing him the pain of such a degradation by taking all from him. Russia had to be contented with a large increase of her Polish dominions, getting most of the Grand-Duchy of Westphalia. Austria had, probablyunwisely, withdrawn from her former outlying provinces in Swabia and theNetherlands, which had before the Revolution made her necessarily theguardian of Europe against France, preferring to take her gains in Italy, gains which she has gradually lost in our days; while Prussia, byaccepting the Rhine provinces, completely stepped into the former post ofAustria. Indeed, from the way in which Prussia was, after 1815, as itwere, scattered across Germany, it was evident that her fate must be. Either to be crushed by France, or else, by annexing the states enclosedin her dominions, to become the predominating power in Germany. It wasimpossible for her to remain as she was left. 

The Allies tightly bound France. They had no desire to have again tomarch on Paris to restore Louis to the subjects who had such unfortunateobjections to being subjected to that desirable monarch. By the secondTreaty of Paris, on the 20th of November 1815, France was to be occupiedby an Allied force, in military positions on the frontier, not to exceed150, 000 men, to be taken from all the Allied armies, under a commanderwho was eventually the Duke of Wellington. Originally the occupation. Was not to exceed five years, but in February 1817 the army was reducedby 30, 000 men, one-fifth of each contingent; and by the Treaty ofAix-la-Chapelle of 9th October 1818, France was to-be evacuated by the30th of November 1818. 

The three monarchs were probably not sorry to get the Congress over onany terms. Alexander had had his fill of displaying himself in thesalons in his favourite part of an Agamemnon generous towards Troy, andhe had worn out his first popularity. He was stung by finding some ofhis favourite plans boldly opposed by Talleyrand and by Metternich, and, indeed, was anxious to meet the last in open combat. Francis hadrequired all the firmness of what he called his Bohemian head to resistthe threats, entreaties, and cajoleries employed to get him to acquiescein the dethronement of the King of Saxony, and the wiping out of theSaxon nationality by the very alliance which professed to fight only forthe rights of nations and of their lawful sovereigns. 

All three monarchs had again the satisfaction of entering Paris, butwithout enjoying the full glories of 1814. "Our friends, the enemies"were not so popular then in France, and the spoliation of the Louvre wasnot pleasant even to the Royalists. The foreign monarchs soon returnedto their own drained and impoverished States. 

The Emperor Francis had afterwards a quiet reign to his death in 1835, having only to assist his Minister in snuffing out the occasional flashesof a love of freedom in Germany. 

The King of Prussia returned in a triumph well won by his sturdysubjects, and, in the light of his new honours, the Countess Von Vosstells us he was really handsome. He was now at leisure to resume thediscussions on uniform, and the work of fastening and unfastening thenumerous buttons of his pantaloons, in which he had been so roughlyinterrupted by Jena. The first institution of the Zollverein, orcommercial union with several States, gradually extended, was a measurewhich did much for the unification of Germany. With his brothersovereigns he revisited Paris at the end of the military occupation in1818, remaining there longer than the others, "because, " said theParisians, "he had discovered an actor at a small theatre who achievedthe feat of making him laugh. " He died in 1840. His Queen--heartbroken, it was said--had died in 1810. 

Alexander was still brimming over with the best and most benevolentintentions towards every one. The world was to be free, happy, andreligious; but he had rather vague ideas as to how his plans were to becarried out. Thus it is characteristic that when his successor desiredto have a solemn coronation as King of Poland it was found that Alexanderhad not foreseen the difficulties which were met with in trying toarrange for the coronation of a Sovereign of the Greek Church as King ofa Roman Catholic State. The much-dreaded but very misty Holy Alliancewas one of the few fruits of Alexander's visions. His mind is describedas passing through a regular series of stages with each influence underwhich he acted. He ended his life, tired out, disillusioned, "deceivedin everything, weighed down with regret;" obliged to crush the very hopesof his people he had encouraged, dying in 1825 at Taganrog, leaving hisnew Polish Kingdom to be wiped out by-his successors. 

The minor sovereigns require little mention. They retained any titlesthey had received from Napoleon, while they exulted, at being free fromhis heavy hand and sharp superintendence. Each got a share, small orgreat, of the spoil except the poor King of Denmark, who, being assuredby Alexander on his departure that he carried away all hearts, answered, "Yes, but not any souls. "

The reintroduction of much that was bad in the old system (one countryeven going so far as to re-establish torture), the steady attack onliberty and on all liberal ideas, Wurtemberg being practically the onlyState which grumbled at the tightening of the reins so dear toMetternich, --all formed a fitting commentary on the proclamations bywhich the Sovereigns had hounded on their people against the man theyrepresented as the one obstacle to the freedom and peace of Europe. In gloom and disenchantment the nations sat down to lick their wounds:The contempt shown by the monarchs for everything but the right ofconquest, the manner in which they treated the lands won from Napoleon asa gigantic "pool" which was to be shared amongst them, so many souls toeach; their total failure to fulfil their promises to their subjects ofgranting liberty, --all these slowly bore their fruits in after years, andtheir effects are not even yet exhausted. The right of a sovereign tohold his lands was now, by the public law of Europe, to be decided by hisstrength, The rights of the people were treated as not existing. Truly, as our most gifted poetess has sung--

 "The Kings crept out--the peoples sat at home, And finding the long invocated peace (A pall embroidered with worn images Of rights divine) too scant to cover doom Such as they suffered, nursed the corn that grew Rankly to bitter bread, on Waterloo. "

CHAPTER XIII

 --[This chapter; by the editor of the 1836 edition, is based upon the 'Memorial', and O'Meara's and Antommarchi's works. ]--

1815-1821. 

 Voyage to St. Helena--Personal traits of the Emperor--Arrival at James Town--Napoleon's temporary residence at The Briars--Removal to Longwood--The daily routine there-The Campaign of Italy--The arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe--Unpleasant relations between the Emperor and the new Governor--Visitors at St. Helena--Captain Basil Hall's interview with Napoleon--Anecdotes of the Emperor--Departure of Las Cases and O'Meara--Arrivals from Europe--Physical habits of the Emperor--Dr. Antommarchi--The Emperor's toilet--Creation of a new bishopric-- The Emperor's energy with the spade--His increasing illness-- Last days of Napoleon--His Death--Lying in state--Military funeral-- Marchand's account of the Emperor's last moments--Napoleon's last bequests--The Watch of Rivoli. 

The closing scenes in the life of the great Emperor only now remain to bebriefly touched upon. In a previous chapter we have narrated thesurrender of Napoleon, his voyage to England, and his transference fromthe Bellerophon to the Northumberland. The latter vessel was in greatconfusion from the short notice at which she had sailed, and for the twofirst days the crew was employed in restoring order. The space abaft themizenmast contained a dining-room about ten feet broad, and extending thewhole width of the ship, a saloon, and two cabins. The Emperor occupiedthe cabin on the left; in which his camp-bedstead had been put up; thaton the right was appropriated to the Admiral. It was peremptorilyenjoined that the saloon should be in common. The form of thedining-table resembled that of the dining-room. Napoleon sat with hisback to the saloon; on his left sat Madame Bertrand, and on his rightthe Admiral, who, with Madame de Montholon, filled up one side of thetable. Next that lady, but at the end of the table, was Captain Ross, who commanded the ship, and at the opposite end M. De Montholon; MadameBertrand, and the Admiral's secretary. The side of the table facing theEmperor was occupied by the Grand-Marshal, the Colonel of the fieldRegiment, Las Cases, and Gourgaud. The Admiral invited one or two ofthe officers to dinner every day, and the band of the 53d, newly-formed, played during dinner-time. 

On the 10th of August the Northumberland cleared the Channel, and lostsight of land. The course of the ship was shaped to cross the Bay ofBiscay and double Cape Finisterre. The wind was fair, though light, andthe heat excessive. Napoleon breakfasted in his own cabin at irregularhours. He sent for one of his attendants every morning to know thedistance run, the state of the wind, and other particulars connected withtheir progress. He read a great deal, dressed towards four o'clock, andthen came into the public saloon; here he played at chess with one of theparty; at five o'clock the Admiral announced that dinner was on thetable. It is well known that Napoleon was scarcely ever more thanfifteen minutes at dinner; here the two courses alone took up nearly anhour and a half. This was a serious annoyance to him, though hisfeatures and manner always evinced perfect equanimity. Neither the newsystem of cookery nor the quality of the dishes ever met with hiscensure. He was waited on by two valets, who stood behind his chair. At first the Admiral was in the habit of offering several dishes to theEmperor, but the acknowledgment of the latter was expressed so coldlythat the practice was given up. The Admiral thenceforth only pointed outto the servants what was preferable. Napoleon was generally silent, asif unacquainted with the language, though it was French. If he spoke, itwas to ask some technical or scientific question, or to address a fewwords to those whom the Admiral occasionally asked to dinner. 

The Emperor rose immediately after coffee had been handed round, and wenton deck, followed by the Grand-Marshal and Las Cases. This disconcertedAdmiral Cockburn, who expressed his surprise to his officers; but MadameBertrand, whose maternal language was English, replied with spirit, "Donot forget, sir, that your guest is a man who has governed a largeportion of the world, and that kings once contended for the honour ofbeing admitted to his table. "--"Very true, " rejoined the Admiral; andfrom that time he did his utmost to comply with Napoleon's habits. Heshortened the time of sitting at table, ordering coffee for Napoleon andthose who accompanied him even before the rest of the company hadfinished their dinner. The Emperor remained walking on deck till dark. On returning to the after-cabin he sat down to play vingt et un with someof his suite, and generally retired in about half an hour. On themorning of the 15th of August all his suite asked permission to beadmitted to his presence. He was not aware of the cause of this visit;it was his birthday, which seemed to have altogether escaped hisrecollection. 

On the following day they doubled Cape Finisterre, and up to the 21st, passing off the Straits of Gibraltar, continued their course along thecoast of Africa towards Madeira. Napoleon commonly remained in his cabinthe whole morning, and from the extreme heat he wore a very slight dress. He could not sleep well, and frequently rose in the night. Reading washis chief occupation. He often sent for Count Las Cases to translatewhatever related to St. Helena or the countries by which they weresailing. Napoleon used to start a subject of conversation; or revivethat of some preceding day, and when he had taken eight or nine turns thewhole length of the deck he would seat himself on the second gun from thegangway on the larboard side. The midshipmen soon observed this habitualpredilection, so that the cannon was thenceforth called the Emperor'sgun. It was here that Napoleon often conversed for hours together. 

On the 22d of August they came within sight of Madeira, and at nightarrived off the port. They stopped for a day or two to take inprovisions. Napoleon was indisposed. A sudden gale arose and the airwas filled with small particles of sand and the suffocating exhalationsfrom the deserts of Africa. On the evening of the 24th they got underweigh again, and progressed smoothly and rapidly. The Emperor added tohis amusements a game at piquet. He was but an indifferentchess-player, and there was no very good one on board. He asked, jestingly, "How it was that he frequently beat those who beat betterplayers than himself?" Vingt et un was given up, as they played toohigh at it; and Napoleon had a great aversion to gaming. One night anegro threw himself overboard to avoid a flogging, which occasioned agreat noise and bustle. A young midshipman meeting Las Cases descendinginto the cabin, and thinking he was going to inform Napoleon, caughthold of his coat and in a tone of great concern exclaimed, "Ah sir, donot alarm the Emperor! Tell him the noise is owing to an accident!" Ingeneral the midshipmen behaved with marked respect and attention toBonaparte, and often by signs or words directed the sailors to avoidincommoding him: He sometimes noticed this conduct, and remarked thatyouthful hearts were always prone to generous instincts. 

On the 1st of September they found themselves in the latitude of the Capede Verd Islands. Everything now promised a prosperous passage, but thetime hung heavily. Las Cases had undertaken to teach his son English, and the Emperor also expressed a wish to learn. He, however, soon grewtired and laid it aside, nor was it resumed until long afterwards. Hismanners and habits were always the same; he invariably appearedcontented, patient, and good-humoured. The Admiral gradually laid asidehis reserve, and took an interest in his great captive. He pointed outthe danger incurred by coming on deck after dinner, owing to the damp ofthe evening: the Emperor, would then sometimes take his arm and prolongthe conversation, talking sometimes on naval affairs, on the Frenchresources in the south, and on the improvements he had contemplated inthe ports and harbours of the Mediterranean, to all which the Admirallistened with deep attention. 

Meanwhile Napoleon observed that Las Cases was busily employed, andobtained a sight of his journal, with which he was not displeased. He, however, noticed that some of the military details and anecdotes gave buta meagre idea of the subject of war: This first led to the proposal ofhis writing his own Memoirs. At length the Emperor came to adetermination, and on Saturday, the 9th of September he called hissecretary into his cabin and dictated to him some particulars of thesiege of Toulon. On approaching the line they fell in with thetrade-winds, that blow here constantly from the east. On the 16th therewas a considerable fall of rain, to the great joy of the sailors, whowere in want of water. The rain began to fall heavily just as theEmperor had got upon deck to take his afternoon walk. But this did notdisappoint him of his usual exercise; he merely called for his famousgray greatcoat, which the crew regarded with much interest. 

On the 23d of September they passed the line. This was a day of greatmerriment and disorder among the crew: it was the ceremony which theEnglish sailors call the "christening. " No one is spared; and theofficers are generally more roughly handled than any one else. TheAdmiral, who had previously amused himself by giving an alarmingdescription of this ceremony, now very courteously exempted his guestsfrom the inconvenience and ridicule attending it. Napoleon wasscrupulously respected through the whole of this Saturnalian festivity. On being informed of the decorum which had been observed with regard tohim he ordered a hundred Napoleons to be presented to the grotesqueNeptune and his crew; which the Admiral opposed, perhaps from motives ofprudence as well as politeness. 

Owing to the haste with which they had left England the painting of theship had been only lately finished, and this circumstance confinedNapoleon, whose sense of smell was very acute, to his room for two days. They were now, in the beginning of October, driven into the Gulf ofGuinea, where they met a French vessel bound for the Isle of Bourbon. They spoke with the captain, who expressed his surprise and regret whenhe learnt that Napoleon was on board. The wind was unfavourable, and theship made little progress. The sailors grumbled at the Admiral, who hadgone out of the usual course. At length they approached the terminationof their voyage. On the 14th of October the Admiral had informed themthat he expected to come within sight of St. Helena that day. They hadscarcely risen from table when their ears were saluted with the cry of"land!" This was within a quarter of an hour of the time that had beenfixed on. The Emperor went on the forecastle to see the island; but itwas still hardly distinguishable. At daybreak next morning they had atolerably clear view of it. 

At length, about seventy days after his departure from England, and ahundred and ten after quitting Paris, Napoleon reached St. Helena. Inthe harbour were several vessels of the squadron which had separated fromthem, and which they thought they had left behind. Napoleon, contrary tocustom, dressed early and went upon deck: he went forward to the gangwayto view the island. He beheld a kind of village surrounded by numerousbarren hills towering to the clouds. Every platform, every aperture, thebrow of every hill was planted with cannon. The Emperor viewed theprospect through his glass. His countenance underwent no change. Hesoon left the deck; and sending for Las Cases, proceeded to his day'swork. The Admiral, who had gone ashore very early, returned about sixmuch fatigued. He had been walking over various parts of the island, andat length thought he had found a habitation that would suit his captives. The place stood in need of repairs, which might occupy two months. Hisorders were not to let the French quit the vessel till a house should beprepared to receive them. He, however, undertook, on his ownresponsibility, to set them on shore the next day. 

On the 16th, after dinner, Napoleon, accompanied by the Admiral and theGrand-Marshal, Bertrand, got into a boat to go ashore. As he passed, theofficers assembled on the quarter-deck, and the greater part of the crewon the gangways. The Emperor, before he stepped into the boat, sent forthe captain of the vessel, and took leave of him, desiring him at thesame time to convey his thanks to the officers and crew. These wordsappeared to produce the liveliest sensation in all by whom they wereunderstood, or to whom they were interpreted. The remainder of his suitelanded about eight. They found the Emperor in the apartments which hadbeen assigned to him, a few minutes after he went upstairs to hischamber. He was lodged in a sort of inn in James Town, which consistsonly, of one short street, or row of houses built in a narrow valleybetween two rocky hills. 

The next day the Emperor, the Grand-Marshal, and the Admiral, riding outto visit Longwood, which had been chosen for the Emperor's residence, ontheir return saw a small villa, with a pavilion attached to it, about twomiles from the town, the residence of Mr. Balcombe; a merchant of theisland. This spot pleased Napoleon, and the Admiral was of opinion thatit would be better for him to remain here than to return to the town, where the sentinels at his door, with the crowds collected round it, in a manner confined him to his chamber. The pavilion was a sort ofsummer-house on a pyramidal eminence, about thirty or forty paces from thehouse, where the family were accustomed to resort in fine weather: thiswas hired for the temporary abode of the Emperor, and he took possessionof it immediately. There was a carriage-road from the town, and thevalley was in this part less rugged in its aspect. Las Cases was soonsent for. As he ascended the winding path leading to the pavilion he sawNapoleon standing at the threshold of the door. His body was slightlybent, and his hands behind his back: he wore his usual plain and simpleuniform and the well-known hat. The Emperor was alone. He took a fancyto walk a little; but there was no level ground on any side of thepavilion, which was surrounded by huge pieces of rock. Taking the arm ofhis companion, however, he began to converse in a cheerful strain. WhenNapoleon was about to retire to rest the servants found that one of thewindows was open close to the bed: they barricaded it as well as theycould, so as to exclude the air, to the effects of which the Emperor wasvery susceptible. Las Cases ascended to an upper room. The valets dechambres lay stretched in their cloaks across the threshold of the door. Such was the first night Napoleon passed at the Briars. 

An English officer was lodged with them in the house as their guard, andtwo non-commissioned officers were stationed near the house to watchtheir movements. Napoleon the next day proceeded with his dictation, which occupied him for several hours, and then took a walk in the garden, where he was met by the two Misses Balcombe, lively girls about fourteenyears of age, who presented him with flowers, and overwhelmed him withwhimsical questions. Napoleon was amused by their familiarity, to whichhe had been little accustomed. "We have been to a masked ball, " said he, when the young ladies had taken their leave. 

The next day a chicken was brought for breakfast, which the Emperorundertook to carve himself, and was surprised at his succeeding so well, it being a long time since he had done so much. The coffee he consideredso bad that on tasting it he thought himself poisoned, and sent it away. 

The mornings were passed in business; in the evening Napoleon sometimesstrolled to the neighbouring villa, where the young ladies made him playat whist. The Campaign of Italy was nearly finished, and Las Casesproposed that the other followers of Napoleon who were lodged in the townshould come up every morning to assist in transcribing The Campaign ofEgypt, the History of the Consulate, etc. This suggestion pleased theex-Emperor, so that from that time one or two of his suite came regularlyevery day to write to his dictation, and stayed to dinner. A tent, sentby the Colonel of the 53d Regiment, was spread out so as to form aprolongation of the pavillion. Their cook took up his abode at theBriars. The table linen was taken from the trunks, the plate was setforth, and the first dinner after these new arrangements was a sort offete. 

One day at dinner Napoleon, casting his eye on one of the dishes of hisown campaign-service, on which the-arms of the King had been engraved, "How they have spoiled that!" he exclaimed; and he could not refrain fromobserving that the King was in great haste to take possession of theImperial plate, which certainly did not belong to him. Amongst thebaggage was also a cabinet in which were a number of medallions, givenhim by the Pope and other potentates, some letters of Louis XVIII. Whichhe had left behind him on his writing-table in the suddenness of hisflight from the Tuileries on the 20th of March, and a number of otherletters found in the portfolio of Dia Blacas intended to calumniateNapoleon. 

The Emperor never dressed until about four o'clock he then walked in thegarden, which was particularly agreeable to him on account of itssolitude--the English soldiers having been removed at Mr. Balcombe'srequest. A little arbour was covered with canvas; and a chair and tableplaced in it, and here Napoleon dictated a great part of his Memoirs. In the evening, when he did not go out, he generally contrived to prolongthe conversation till eleven or twelve o'clock. 

Thus time passed with little variety or interruption. The weather in thewinter became delightful. One day, his usual task being done; Napoleonstrolled out towards the town, until he came within sight of the road andshipping. On his return he met Mrs. Balcombe and a Mrs. Stuart, who wason her way back from Bombay to England. The Emperor conversed with her onthe manners and customs of India, and on the inconveniences of a longvoyage at sea, particularly to ladies. He alluded to Scotland, Mrs. Stuart's native country, expatiated on the genius of Ossian, andcongratulated his fair interlocutor on the preservation of her clearnorthern complexion. While the parties were thus engaged some heavilyburdened slaves passed near to them. Mrs. Balcombe motioned them to makea detour; but Napoleon interposed, exclaiming, "Respect the burden, madam!" As he said this the Scotch lady, who had been very eagerlyscanning the features of Napoleon, whispered to her friend, "Heavens!what a character, and what an expression of countenance! How differentto the idea I had formed of him!"

Napoleon shortly after repeated the same walk, and went into the house ofMajor Hudson. This visit occasioned considerable alarm to theconstituted authorities. 

The Governor gave a ball, to which the French were invited; and Las Casesabout the same time rode over to Longwood to see what advance had beenmade in the preparations for their reception. His report on his returnwas not very favourable. They had now been six weeks at the Briars, during which Napoleon had been nearly as much confined as if on board thevessel. His health began to be impaired by it. Las Cases gave it as hisopinion that the Emperor did not possess that constitution of iron whichwas usually ascribed to him; and that it was the strength of his mind, not of his body, that carried him through the labours of the field and ofthe cabinet. In speaking on this subject Napoleon himself observed that. Nature had endowed him with two peculiarities: one was the power ofsleeping at any hour or in any place; the other, his being incapable ofcommitting any excess either in eating or drinking: "If, " said he, "I gothe least beyond my mark my stomach instantly revolts. " He was subjectto nausea from very slight causes, and to colds from any change of air. 

The prisoners removed to Longwood on the 10th of December 1815. Napoleoninvited Mr. Balcombe to breakfast with him that morning, and conversedwith him in a very cheerful manner. About two Admiral Cockburn wasannounced; he entered with an air of embarrassment. In consequence ofthe restraints imposed upon him at the Briars, and the manner in whichthose of his suite residing in the town had been treated, Bonaparte haddiscontinued receiving the visits of the Admiral; yet on the presentoccasion he behaved towards him as though nothing had happened. Atlength they left the Briars and set out for Longwood. Napoleon rode thehorse, a small, sprightly, and tolerably handsome animal, which had beenbrought for him from the Cape. He wore his uniform of the Chasseurs ofthe Guard, and his graceful manner and handsome countenance wereparticularly remarked. The Admiral was very attentive to him. At theentrance of Longwood they found a guard under arms who rendered theprescribed honours to their illustrious captive. His horse, unaccustomedto parades, and frightened by the roll of the dram, refused to pass thegate till spurred on by Napoleon, while a significant look passed amongthe escort. The Admiral took great pains to point out the minutestdetails at Longwood. He had himself superintended all the arrangements, among which was a bath-room. Bonaparte was satisfied with everything, and the Admiral seemed highly pleased. He had anticipated petulance anddisdain, but Napoleon manifested perfect good-humour. 

The entrance to the house was through a room which had been just built toanswer the double purpose of an ante-chamber and a dining-room. Thisapartment led to the drawing-room; beyond this was a third room runningin a cross direction and very dark. This was intended to be thedepository of the Emperor's maps and books, but it was afterwardsconverted into the dining-room. The Emperor's chamber opened into thisapartment on the right hand side, and was divided into two equal parts, forming a cabinet and sleeping-room; a little external gallery served fora bathing-room: Opposite the Emperor's chamber, at the other extremity ofthe building, were the apartments of Madame Montholon, her husband, andher son, afterward used as the Emperors library. Detached from this partof the house was a little square room on the ground floor, contiguous tothe kitchen, which was assigned to Las Cases. The windows and beds had nocurtains. The furniture was mean and scanty. Bertrand and his familyresided at a distance of two miles, at a place called Rut's Gate. General Gourgaud slept under a tent, as well as Mr. O'Meara, and theofficer commanding the guard. The house was surrounded by a garden. Infront, and separated by a tolerably deep ravine, was encamped the 53dRegiment, different parties of which were stationed on the neighbouringheights. 

The domestic establishment of the Emperor consisted of eleven persons. To the Grand-Marshal was confided the general superintendence; to M. DeMontholon the domestic details; Las Cases was to take care of thefurniture and property, and General Gourgaud to have the management ofthe stables. These arrangements, however, produced discontent amongNapoleon's attendants. Las Cases admits that they were no longer themembers of one family, each using his best efforts to promote theadvantage of all. They were far from practising that which necessitydictated. He says also, "The Admiral has more than once, in the midst ofour disputes with him, hastily exclaimed that the Emperor was decidedlythe most good-natured, just, and reasonable of the whole set. "

On his first arrival he went to visit the barracks occupied by someChinese living on the island, and a place called Longwood Farm. Hecomplained to Las Cases that they had been idle of late; but by degreestheir hours and the employment of them became fixed and regular. TheCampaign of Italy being now finished, Napoleon corrected it, and dictatedon other subjects. This was their morning's work. They dined betweeneight and nine, Madame Montholon being seated on Napoleon's right; LasCases on his left, and Gourgaud, Montholon, and Las Cases' son sittingopposite. The smell of the paint not being yet gone off, they remainednot more than ten minutes at table, and the dessert was prepared in theadjoining apartment, where coffee was served up and conversationcommenced. Scenes were read from Moliere, Racine, and Voltaire; andregret was always expressed at their not having a copy of Corneille. They then played at 'reversis', which had been Bonaparte's favourite gamein his youth. The recollection was agreeable to him, and he thought hecould amuse himself at it for any length of time, but was soonundeceived. His aim was always to make the 'reversis', that is, to winevery trick. Character is displayed in the smallest incidents. 

Napoleon read a libel on himself, and contrasted the complimentswhich had passed between him and the Queen of Prussia with thebrutal-behaviour ascribed to him in the English newspapers. On theother hand, two common sailors had at different times, while he was atLongwood and at the Briars, in spite of orders and at all risks, madetheir way through the sentinels to gain a sight of Napoleon. On seeingthe interest they took in him he exclaimed, "This is fanaticism! Yes, imagination rules the world!"

The instructions of the English Ministers with regard to the treatment ofNapoleon at St. Helena had been prepared with the view completely tosecure his person. An English officer was to be constantly at his table. This order, however, was not carried into effect. An officer was also toaccompany Napoleon in all his rides; this order was dispensed with withincertain prescribed limits, because Napoleon had refused to ride at all onsuch conditions. Almost everyday brought with it some new cause ofuneasiness and complaint. Sentinels were posted beneath Napoleon'swindows and before his doors. This order was, however, doubtless givento prevent his being annoyed by impertinent curiosity. The French werecertainly precluded from all free communication with the inhabitants ofthe island; but this precaution was of unquestionable necessity for thesecurity of the Emperor's person. Las Cases complains that the passwordswere perpetually changed, so that they lived in constant perplexity andapprehension of being subjected to some unforeseen insult. "Napoleon, "he continues, "addressed a complaint to the Admiral, which obtained forhim no redress. In the midst of these complaints the Admiral wished tointroduce some ladies (who had arrived in the Doric) to Napoleon; but hedeclined, not approving this alternation of affronts and civilities. "He, however, consented, at the request of their Colonel, to receive theofficers of the 53d Regiment. After this officer took his leave. Napoleon prolonged his walk in the garden. He stopped awhile to look ata flower in one of the beds, and asked his companion if it was not alily. It was indeed a magnificent one. The thought that he had in hismind was obvious. He then spoke of the number of times he had beenwounded; and said it had been thought he had never met with theseaccidents from his having kept them secret as much as possible. '

It was near the end of December. One day, after a walk and a tumble inthe mud, Bonaparte returned and found a packet of English newspapers, which the Grand-Marshal translated to him. This occupied him till late, and he forgot his dinner in discussing their contents. After dinner hadbeen served Las Cases wished to continue the translation, but Napoleonwould not suffer him to proceed, from consideration for the weak state ofhis eyes. "We must wait till to-morrow, " said he. A few days afterwardsthe Admiral came in person to visit him, and the interview was anagreeable one. After some animated discussion it was arranged thatNapoleon should henceforth ride freely about the island; that the officershould follow him only at a distance; and that visitors should beadmitted to him, not with the permission of the Admiral as the Inspectorof Longwood, but with that of the Grand-Marshal, who was to do thehonours of the establishment. These concessions were, however, soonrecalled. On the 30th of this month Piontkowsky, a Pole; who had beenleft behind, but whose entreaties prevailed upon the English Government, joined Bonaparte. On New-Year's Day all their little party was collectedtogether, and Napoleon, entering into the feelings of the occasion, begged that they might breakfast and pass it together. Every dayfurnished some new trait of this kind. 

On the 14th of April 1816 Sir Hudson Lowe, the new Governor, arrived atSt. Helena. This epoch is important, as making the beginning of acontinued series of accusations, and counter-accusations, by which thelast five years of Napoleon's life were constantly occupied, to the greatannoyance of himself and all connected with him, and possibly to theshortening of his own existence. 

It would be tedious to detail the progress of this petty war, but, as asubject which has formed so great a portion of the life of Napoleon, itmust not be omitted. To avoid anything which may appear like a biasagainst Napoleon, the details, unless when otherwise mentioned, will bederived from Las Cases, his devoted admirer. 

On the first visit of the new Governor; which was the 16th of April, Napoleon refused to admit him, because he himself was ill, and alsobecause the Governor had not asked beforehand for an audience. On thesecond visit the Governor, was admitted to an audience, and Napoleonseems to have taken a prejudice at first sight, as he remarked to hissuite that the Governor was "hideous, and had a most ugly countenance, "though he allowed he ought not to judge too hastily. The spirit of theparty was shown by a remark made, that the first two days had been daysof battle. 

The Governor saw Napoleon again on the 30th April, and the interview wasstormy. Napoleon argued with the Governor on the conduct of the Alliestowards him, said they had no right to dispose of him, who was theirequal and sometimes their master. He then declaimed on the eternaldisgrace the English had inflicted on themselves by sending him to St. Helena; they wished to kill him by a lingering death: their conduct wasworse than that of the Calabrians in shooting Murat. He talked of thecowardliness of suicide, complained of the small extent and horridclimate of St. Helena, and said it would be an act of kindness to deprivehim of life at once. Sir H. Lowe said that a house of wood, fitted upwith every possible accommodation, was then on its way from England forhis use. Napoleon refused it at once, and exclaimed that it was not ahouse but an executioner and a coffin that he wanted; the house was amockery, death would be a favour. A few minutes after Napoleon took upsome reports of the campaigns of 1814, which lay on the table, and askedSir H. Lowe if he had written them. Las Cases, after saying that theGovernor replied in the affirmative, finishes his account of theinterview, but according to O'Meara, Napoleon said they were full offolly and falsehood. The Governor, with a much milder reply than mostmen would have given, retired, and Napoleon harangued upon the sinisterexpression of his countenance, abused him in the coarsest manner, andmade his servant throw a cup of coffee out of the window because it hadstood a moment on a table near the Governor. 

It was required that all persons who visited at Longwood or at Hut's Gateshould make a report to the Governor, or to Sir Thomas Reade, of theconversations they had held with the French. Several additionalsentinels were posted around Longwood House and grounds. 

During some extremely wet and foggy weather Napoleon did not go out forseveral days. Messengers and letters continually succeeded one anotherfrom Plantation House. The Governor appeared anxious to see Napoleon, and was evidently distrustful, although the residents at Longwood wereassured of his actual presence by the sound of his voice. He had somecommunications with Count Bertrand on the necessity that one of hisofficers should see Napoleon daily. He also went to Longwood frequentlyhimself, and finally, after some difficulty, succeeded in obtaining aninterview with Napoleon in his bedchamber, which lasted about a quarterof an hour. Some days before he sent for Mr. O'Meara, asked a variety ofquestions concerning the captive, walked round the house several timesand before the windows, measuring and laying down the plan of a newditch, which he said he would have dug in order to prevent the cattlefrom trespassing. 

On the morning of the 5th of May Napoleon sent for his surgeon O'Meara tocome to him. He was introduced into Napoleon's bed-chamber, adescription of which is thus given: "It was about fourteen feet bytwelve, and ten or eleven feet in height. The walls were lined withbrown nankeen, bordered and edged with common green bordering paper, anddestitute of skirting. Two small windows without pulleys, one of whichwas thrown up and fastened by a piece of notched wood, looked towards thecamp of the 53d Regiment. There were window-curtains of whitelong-cloth, a small fire-place, a shabby grate and fire-irons to match, with a paltry mantelpiece of wood, painted white, upon which stood a smallmarble bust of his son. Above the mantelpiece hung the portrait of MariaLouisa, and four or five of young Napoleon, one of which was embroideredby the hands of his mother. A little more to the right hung also theportrait of the Empress Josephine; and to the left was suspended thealarm chamber-watch of Frederick the Great, obtained by Napoleon atPotsdam; while on the right the Consular watch, engraved with the cipherB, hung, by a chain of the plaited hair of Maria Louisa, from a pin stuckin the nankeen lining. In the right-hand corner was placed the littleplain iron camp-bedstead, with green silk curtains, on which its masterhad reposed on the fields of Marengo and Austerlitz. Between the windowsthere was a chest of drawers, and a bookcase with green blinds stood onthe left of the door leading to the next apartment. Four or fivecane-bottomed chairs painted green were standing here and there about theroom. Before the back door there was a screen covered with nankeen, andbetween that and the fireplace an old-fashioned sofa covered with whitelong-cloth, on which Napoleon reclined, dressed in his whitemorning-gown, white loose trousers and stockings all in one, a chequeredred handkerchief upon his head, and his shirt-collar open without acravat. His sir was melancholy and troubled. Before him stood a littleround table, with some books, at the foot of which lay in confusion uponthe carpet a heap of those which he had already perused, and at theopposite side of the sofa was suspended Isabey's portrait of the EmpressMaria Louisa, holding her son in her arms. In front of the fireplacestood Las Cases with his arms folded over his breast and some papers inone of his hands. Of all the former magnificence of the once mightyEmperor of France nothing remained but a superb wash-hand-standcontaining a silver basin and water-jug of the same metal, in thelefthand corner. " The object of Napoleon in sending for O'Meara on thisoccasion was to question him whether in their future intercourse he wasto consider him in the light of a spy and a tool of the Governor or ashis physician? The doctor gave a decided and satisfactory answer on thispoint. 

"During the short interview that this Governor had with me in mybedchamber, one of the first things he proposed was to send you away, "said Napoleon to O'Meara, "and that I should take his own surgeon in yourplace. This he repeated, and so earnest was he to gain his object that, though I gave him a flat refusal, when he was going out he turned aboutand again proposed it. "

On the 11th a proclamation was issued by the Governor, "forbidding anypersons on the island from sending letters to or receiving them fromGeneral Bonaparte or his suite, on pain of being immediately arrested anddealt with accordingly. " Nothing escaped the vigilance of Sir HudsonLowe. "The Governor, " said Napoleon, "has just sent an invitation toBertrand for General Bonaparte to come to Plantation House to meet LadyMoira. I told Bertrand to return no answer to it. If he really wantedme to see her he would have put Plantation House within the limits, butto send such an invitation, knowing I must go in charge of a guard if Iwished to avail myself of it, was an insult. "

Soon after came the Declaration of the Allies and the Acts of Parliamentauthorising the detention of Napoleon Bonaparte as a prisoner of war anddisturber of the peace of Europe. Against the Bill, when brought intothe House of Lords, there were two protests, those of Lord Holland and ofthe Duke of Sussex. These official documents did not tend to soothe thetemper or raise the spirits of the French to endure their captivity. 

In addition to the misery of his own captivity, Napoleon had to contendwith the unmanageable humours of his own followers. As often happenswith men in such circumstances, they sometimes disagreed amongthemselves, and part of their petulance and ill-temper fell upon theirChief. He took these little incidents deeply to heart. On one occasionhe said in bitterness, "I know that I am fallen; but to feel this amongyou! I am aware that man is frequently unreasonable and susceptible ofoffence. Thus, when I am mistrustful of myself I ask, should I have beentreated so at the Tuileries? This is my test. "

A great deal of pains has been taken by Napoleon's adherents and othersto blacken the character of Sir Hudson Lowe, and to make it appear thathis sole object was to harass Napoleon and to make his life miserable. Now, although it may be questioned whether Sir Hudson Lowe was the properperson to be placed in the delicate situation of guard over the fallenEmperor, there is no doubt that quarrels and complaints began long beforethat officer reached the island; and the character of those complaintswill show that at best the prisoners were persons very difficult tosatisfy. Their detention at the Briars was one of the first causes ofcomplaint. It was stated that the Emperor was very ill there, that hewas confined "in a cage" with no attendance, that his suite was kept fromhim, and that he was deprived of exercise. A few pages farther in thejournal of Las Cases we find the Emperor in good health, and as soon asit was announced that Longwood was ready to receive him, then it wasurged that the gaolers wished to compel him to go against his will, thatthey desired to push their authority to the utmost, that the smell of thepaint at Longwood was very disagreeable, etc. Napoleon himself was quiteready to go, and seemed much vexed when Count Bertrand and GeneralGourgaud arrived from Longwood with the intelligence that the place wasas yet uninhabitable. His displeasure, however, was much more seriouslyexcited by the appearance of Count Montholon with the information thatall was ready at Longwood within a few minutes after receiving thecontrary accounts from Bertrand and Gourgaud. He probably perceived thathe was trifled with by his attendants, who endeavoured to make himbelieve that which suited their own convenience. We may also remark thatthe systematic opposition which was carried to such a great lengthagainst Sir Hudson Lowe had begun during the stay of Admiral Cockburn. His visits were refused; he was accused of caprice, arrogance, andimpertinence, and he was nicknamed "the Shark" by Napoleon himself; hisown calmness alone probably prevented more violent ebullitions. 

The wooden house arrived at last, and the Governor waited on Napoleon toconsult with him how and where it should be erected. Las Cases, whoheard the dispute in an adjoining room, says that it was long andclamorous. 

He gives the details in Napoleon's own words, and we have here theadvantage of comparing his statement with the account transmitted by SirHudson Lowe to the British Government, dated 17th May 1816. The twoaccounts vary but little. Napoleon admits that he was thrown quite outof temper, that he received the Governor with his stormy countenance, looked furiously at him, and made no reply to his information of thearrival of the house but by a significant look. He told him that hewanted nothing, nor would receive anything at his hands; that he supposedhe was to be put to death by poison or the sword; the poison would bedifficult to administer, but he had the means of doing it with the sword. The sanctuary of his abode should not be violated, and the troops shouldnot enter his house but by trampling on his corpse. He then alluded toan invitation sent to him by Sir Hudson Lows to meet Lady Loudon at hishouse, and said there could not be an act of more refined cruelty thaninviting him to his table by the title of "General, " to make him anobject of ridicule or amusement to his guests. What right had he to callhim "General" Bonaparte? He would not be deprived of his dignity by him, nor by any one in the world. He certainly should have condescended tovisit Lady Loudon had she been within his limits, as he did not standupon strict etiquette with a woman, but he should have deemed that he wasconferring an honour upon her. He would not consider himself a prisonerof war, but was placed in his present position by the most horriblebreach of trust. After a few more words he dismissed the Governorwithout once more alluding to the house which was the object of thevisit. The fate of this unfortunate house may be mentioned here. It waserected after a great many disputes, but was unfortunately surrounded bya sunk fence and ornamental railing. This was immediately connected inNapoleon's mind with the idea of a fortification; it was impossible toremove the impression that the ditch and palisade were intended to securehis person. As soon as the objection was made known, Sir Hudson Loweordered the ground to be levelled and the rails taken away. But beforethis was quite completed Napoleon's health was too much destroyed topermit his removal, and the house was never occupied. 

Napoleon seems to have felt that he had been too violent in his conduct. He admitted, when at table with his suite a few days after, that he hadbehaved very ill, and that in any other situation he should blush forwhat he had done. "I could have wished, for his sake, " he said, "to seehim evince a little anger, or pull the door violently after him when hewent away. " These few words let us into a good deal of Napoleon'scharacter: he liked to intimidate, but his vehement language was receivedwith a calmness and resolute forbearance to which he was quiteunaccustomed, and he consequently grew more angry as his anger was lessregarded. 

The specimens here given of the disputes with Sir Hudson Lowe mayprobably suffice: a great many more are furnished by Las Cases, O'Meara, and other partisans of Napoleon, and even they always make him theaggressor. Napoleon himself in his cooler moments seemed to admit this;after the most violent quarrel with the Governor, that of the 18th ofAugust 1816, which utterly put an end to anything like decent civilitybetween the parties; he allowed that he had used the Governor very ill, that he repeatedly and purposely offended him, and that Sir Hudson Lowehad not in a single instance shown a want of respect, except perhaps thathe retired too abruptly. 

Great complaints were made of the scanty way in which the table of theexiles was supplied; and it was again and again alleged by them that theyhad scarcely anything to eat. The wine, too, was said to be execrable, so bad that in fact it could not be drunk; and, of such stuff as it was, only one bottle a day was allowed to each person--an allowance which LasCases calls ridiculously small. Thus pressed, but partly for effect, Napoleon resolved to dispose of his plate in monthly proportions; and ashe knew that some East India captains had offered as much as a hundredguineas for a single plate, in order to preserve a memorial of him, hedetermined that what was sold should be broken up, the arms erased, andno trace left which could show that they had ever been his. The onlyportions left uninjured were the little eagles with which some of thedish-covers were mounted. These last fragments were objects ofveneration for the attendants of Napoleon they were looked upon asrelics, with a feeling at once melancholy and religious. When the momentcame for breaking up the plate Las Cases bears testimony to the painfulemotions and real grief produced among the servants. They could not, without the utmost reluctance, bring themselves to apply the hammer tothose objects of their veneration. 

The island of St. Helena was regularly visited by East India ships on thereturn voyage, which touched there to take in water, and to leavegunpowder for the use of the garrison. On such occasions there werealways persons anxious to pay a visit to the renowned captive. Theregulation of those visits was calculated to protect Napoleon from beingannoyed by the idle curiosity of strangers, to which he professed a greataversion. Such persons as wished to wait upon him were, in the firstplace, obliged to apply to the Governor, by whom their names wereforwarded to Count Bertrand. This gentleman, as Grand-Marshal of thehousehold, communicated the wishes of those persons to Napoleon, and incase of a favourable reply fixed the hour for an interview. 

Those visitors whom Napoleon admitted were chiefly persons of rank anddistinction, travellers from distant countries, or men who haddistinguished themselves in the scientific world, and who couldcommunicate interesting information in exchange for the gratificationthey received. Some of those persons who were admitted to interviewswith him have published narratives of their conversation, and all agreein extolling the extreme grace, propriety, and appearance of benevolencemanifested by Bonaparte while holding these levees. His questions werealways put with great tact, and on some subject with which the personinterrogated was well acquainted, so as to induce him to bring forth anynew or curious information of which he might be possessed. 

Captain Basil Hall, in August 1817, when in command of the Lyra, had aninterview with the Emperor, of whom he says: "Bonaparte struck me asdiffering considerably from the pictures and busts' I had seen of him. His face and figure looked much broader and more square--larger, indeed, in every way than any representation I had met with. His corpulency, atthis time universally reported to be excessive, was by no meansremarkable. His flesh looked, on the contrary, firm and muscular. Therewas not the least trace of colour in his cheeks; in fact his skin wasmore like marble than ordinary flesh. Not the smallest trace of awrinkle was discernible on his brow, nor an approach to a furrow on anypart of his countenance. His health and spirits, judging fromappearances, were excellent, though at this period it was generallybelieved in England that he was fast sinking under a complication ofdiseases, and that his spirits were entirely gone. His manner ofspeaking was rather slow than otherwise, and perfectly distinct; hewaited with great patience and kindness for my answers to his questions, and a reference to Count Bertrand was necessary only once during thewhole conversation. The brilliant and sometimes dazzling expression ofhis eye could not be overlooked. It was not, however, a permanentlustre, for it was only remarkable when he was excited by some point ofparticular interest. It is impossible to imagine an expression of moreentire mildness, I may almost call it of benignity and kindness, thanthat which played over his features during the whole interview. If, therefore he were at this time out of health and in low spirits, hispower of self-command must have been even more extraordinary than isgenerally supposed, for his whole deportment, his conversation, and theexpression of his countenance indicated a frame in perfect health and amind at ease. "

The manner assumed by Napoleon in the occasional interviews he had withsuch visitors was so very opposite to that which he constantly maintainedtowards the authorities in whose custody he was placed, that we canscarcely doubt he was acting a part in one of those situations. It wassuggested by Mr. Ellis that he either wished, by means of his continualcomplaints, to keep alive his interest in England, where he flatteredhimself there was a party favourable to him, or that his troubled mindfound an occupation in the annoyance which he caused to the Governor. Every attempt at conciliation on the part of Sir Hudson Lowe furnishedfresh causes for irritation. He sent fowling-pieces to Longwood, and thethanks returned were a reply from Napoleon that it was an insult to sendfowling-pieces where there was no game. An invitation to a ball wasresented vehemently, and descanted upon by the French party as a greatoffence. Sir Hudson Lowe at one time sent a variety of clothes and otherarticles received from England which he imagined might be useful atLongwood. Great offence was taken at this; they were treated, they said, like paupers; the articles, ought to have been left at the Governor'shouse, and a list sent respectfully to the household, stating that suchthings were at their command if they wanted them. 

An opinion has already been expressed that much of this annoyance was dueto the offended pride of Napoleon's attendants, who were at firstcertainly far more captious than himself. He admitted as much himself onone occasion in a conversation with O'Meara. He said, "Las Casescertainly was greatly irritated against Sir Hudson, and contributedmaterially towards forming the impressions existing in my mind. " Heattributed this to the sensitive mind of Las Cases, which he said waspeculiarly alive to the ill-treatment Napoleon and himself had beensubjected to. Sir Hudson Lowe also felt this, and remarked, like SirGeorge Cockburn, on more than one occasion, that he always found Napoleonhimself more reasonable than the persons about him. 

A fertile source of annoyance was the resolution of Napoleon not upon anyterms to acknowledge himself a prisoner, and his refusal to submit tosuch regulations as would render his captivity less burdensome. Morethan once the attendance of an officer was offered to be discontinued ifhe would allow himself to be seen once every day, and promise to take nomeans of escaping. "If he were to give me the whole of the island, " saidNapoleon, "on condition that I would pledge my word not to attempt anescape, I would not accept it; because it would be equivalent toacknowledging myself a prisoner, although at the same time I would notmake the attempt. I am here by force, and not by right. If I had beentaken at Waterloo perhaps I might have had no hesitation in accepting it, although even in that case it would be contrary to the law of nations, as now there is no war. If they were to offer me permission to reside inEngland on similar conditions I would refuse it. " The very idea ofexhibiting himself to an officer every day, though but for a moment, wasrepelled with indignation. He even kept loaded pistols to shoot anyperson who should attempt an intrusion on his privacy. It is stated in anote in O'Meara's journal that "the Emperor was so firmly impressed withthe idea that an attempt would be made forcibly to intrude on hisprivacy, that from a short time after the departure of Sir GeorgeCockburn he always kept four or five pairs of loaded pistols and someswords in his apartment, with which he was determined to despatch thefirst who entered against his will. " It seems this practice wascontinued to his death. 

Napoleon continued to pass the mornings in dictating his Memoirs and theevenings in reading or conversation. He grew fonder of Racine, but hisfavourite was Corneille. He repeated that, had he lived in his time, hewould have made him a prince. He had a distaste to Voltaire, and foundconsiderable fault with his dramas, perhaps justly, as conveying opinionsrather than sentiments. He criticised his Mahomet, and said he had madehim merely an impostor and a tyrant, without representing him as a greatman. This was owing to Voltaire's religious and political antipathies;for those who are free from common prejudices acquire others of their ownin their stead, to which they are equally bigoted, and which they bringforward on all occasions. When the evening passed off in conversationwithout having recourse to books he considered it a point gained. 

Some one having asked the Emperor which was the greatest battle that hehad fought, he replied it was difficult to answer that question withoutinquiring what was implied by the greatest battle. "Mine, " continued he, "cannot be judged of separately: they formed a portion of extensiveplans. They must therefore be estimated by their consequences. Thebattle of Marengo, which was so long undecided, procured for us thecommand of all Italy. Ulm annihilated a whole army; Jena laid the wholePrussian monarchy at our feet; Friedland opened the Russian empire to us;and Eckmuhl decided the fate of a war. The battle of the Moskwa was thatin which the greatest talent was displayed, and by which we obtained thefewest advantages. Waterloo, where everything failed, would, had victorycrowned our efforts, have saved France and given peace to Europe. "

Madame Montholon having inquired what troops he considered the best, "Those which are victorious, madam, " replied the Emperor. "But, " addedhe, "soldiers are capricious and inconstant, like you ladies. The besttroops were the Carthaginians under Hannibal, the Romans under theScipios, the Macedonians under Alexander, and the Prussians underFrederick. " He thought, however, that the French soldiers were of allothers those which could most easily be rendered the best, and preservedso. "With my complete guard of 40, 000 or 50, 000 men I would haveundertaken to march through Europe. It is perhaps possible to producetroops as good as those that composed my army of Italy and Austerlitz, but certainly none can ever surpass them. "

The anniversary of the battle of Waterloo produced a visible impressionon the Emperor. "Incomprehensible day!" said he, dejectedly;"concurrence of unheard-of fatalities! Grouchy, Ney, D'Erlon--was theretreachery or was it merely misfortune? Alas! poor France!" Here hecovered his eyes with his hands. "And yet, " said he, "all that humanskill could do was accomplished! All was not lost until the moment whenall had succeeded. " A short time afterwards, resuming the subject, heexclaimed, "In that extraordinary campaign, thrice, in less than a week, I saw the certain triumph of France slip through my fingers. Had it notbeen for a traitor I should have annihilated the enemy at the outset ofthe campaign. I should have destroyed him at Ligny if my left wing hadonly done its duty. I should have destroyed him again at Waterloo if myright had seconded me. Singular defeat, by which, notwithstanding themost fatal catastrophe, the glory of the conquered has not suffered. "

We shall here give Napoleon's own opinion of the battle of Waterloo. "The plan of the battle, " said he, "will not in the eyes of thehistorian reflect any credit on Lord Wellington as a general. In thefirst place, he ought not to have given battle with the armies divided. They ought to have been united and encamped before the 15th. In thenext, the choice of ground was bad; because if he had been beaten hecould not have retreated, as there was only one road leading through theforest in his rear. He also committed a fault which might have provedthe destruction of all his army, without its ever having commenced thecampaign, or being drawn out in battle; he allowed himself to besurprised. On the 15th I was at Charleroi, and had beaten the Prussianswithout his knowing anything about it. I had gained forty-eight hours ofmanoeuvres upon him, which was a great object; and if some of my generalshad shown that vigour and genius which they had displayed on otheroccasions, I should have taken his army in cantonments without everfighting a battle. But they were discouraged, and fancied that they sawan army of 100, 000 men everywhere opposed to them. I had not time enoughmyself to attend to the minutiae of the army. I counted upon surprisingand cutting Wellington up in detail. I knew of Bulow's arrival at eleveno'clock, but I did not regard it. I had still eighty chances out of ahundred in my favour. Notwithstanding the great superiority of forceagainst me I was convinced that I should obtain the victory, I had about70, 000 men, of whom 15, 000 were cavalry. I had also 260 pieces ofcannon; but my troops were so good that I esteemed them sufficient tobeat 120, 000. Of all those troops, however, I only reckoned the Englishas being able to cope with my own. The others I thought little of. I believe that of English there were from 35, 000 to 40, 000. These Iesteemed to be as brave and as good as my own troops; the English armywas well known latterly on the Continent, and besides, your nationpossesses courage and energy. As to the Prussians, Belgians, and others, half the number of my troops, were sufficient to beat them. I only left34, 000 men to take care of the Prussians. The chief causes of the lossof that battle were, first of all, Grouchy's great tardiness and neglectin executing his orders; next, the 'grenadiers a cheval' and the cavalryunder General Guyot, which I had in reserve, and which were never toleave me, engaged without orders and without my knowledge; so that afterthe last charge, when the troops were beaten and the English cavalryadvanced, I had not a single corps of cavalry in reserve to resist them, instead of one which I esteemed to be equal to double their own number. In consequence of this the English attacked, succeeded, and all was lost. There was no means of rallying. The youngest general would not havecommitted the fault of leaving an army entirely without reserve, which, however, occurred here, whether in consequence of treason or not I cannotsay. These were the two principal causes of the loss of the battle ofWaterloo. "

"If Lord Wellington had intrenched himself, " continued Napoleon, "I wouldnot have attacked him. As a general, his plan did not show talent. He certainly displayed great courage and obstinacy; but a little mustbe taken away even from that when you consider that he had no means ofretreat, and that had he made the attempt not a man of his army wouldhave escaped. First, to the firmness and bravery of his troops, for theEnglish fought with the greatest courage and obstinacy, he is principallyindebted for the victory, and not to his own conduct as a general; andnext, to the arrival of Blucher, to whom the victory is more to beattributed than to Wellington, and more credit is due as a general;because he, although beaten the day before, assembled his troops, andbrought them into action in the evening. I believe, however, " continuedNapoleon, "that Wellington is a man of great firmness. The glory of sucha victory is a great thing; but in the eye of the historian his militaryreputation will gain nothing by it. "

"I always had a high opinion of your seamen, " said Napoleon one day toO'Meara, in a conversation arising out of the expedition to Algiers. "When I was returning from Holland along with the Empress Maria Louisa westopped to rest at Givet. During the night a violent storm of wind andrain came on, which swelled the Meuse so much that the bridge of boatsover it was carried away. I was very anxious to depart, and ordered allthe boatmen in the place to be assembled that I might be enabled to crossthe river. They said that the waters were so high that it would beimpossible to pass before two or three days. I questioned some of them, and soon discovered that they were fresh-water seamen. I thenrecollected that there were English prisoners in the barracks, andordered that some of the oldest and best seamen among them should bebrought before me to the banks of the river. The waters were very high, and the current rapid and dangerous. I asked them if they could join anumber of boats together so that I might pass over. They answered thatit was possible, but hazardous. I desired them to set about itinstantly. In the course of a few hours they succeeded in effecting whatthe others had pronounced to be impossible, and I crossed before theevening was over. I ordered those who had worked at it to receive a sumof money each, a suit of clothes, and their liberty. Marchand was withme at the time. "

In December 1816 Las Cases was compelled to leave St. Helena. He hadwritten a letter to Lucien Bonaparte, and entrusted it to a mulattoservant to be forwarded to Europe. He was detected; and as he was thusendeavouring to carry on (contrary to the regulations of the island) aclandestine correspondence with Europe, Las Cases and his son were sentoff, first to the Cape and then to England, where they were only allowedto land to be sent to Dover and shipped off to Ostend. 

Not long after their arrival at St. Helena, Madame Bertrand gave birth toa son, and when Napoleon went to visit her she said, "I have the honourof presenting to your Majesty the first French subject who has enteredLongwood without the permission of Lord Bathurst. "

It has been generally supposed that Napoleon was a believer in thedoctrine of predestination. The following conversation with Las Casesclearly decides that point. "Pray, " said he, "am I not thought to begiven to a belief in predestination?"--"Yes, Sire; at least by manypeople. "--"Well, well! let them say what they please, one may sometimesbe tempted to set a part, and it may occasionally be useful. But whatare men? How much easier is it to occupy their attention and to striketheir imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideas! But can a manof sound sense listen for one moment to such a doctrine? Eitherpredestination admits the existence of free-will, or it rejects it. If it admits it, what kind of predetermined result can that be which asimple resolution, a step, a word, may alter or modify ad infinitum?If predestination, on the contrary, rejects the existence of free-will itis quite another question; in that case a child need only be thrown intoits cradle as soon as it is born, there is no necessity for bestowing theleast care upon it, for if it be irrevocably decreed that it is to live, it will grow though no food should be given to it. You see that such adoctrine cannot be maintained; predestination is but a word withoutmeaning. The Turks themselves, the professors of predestination, are notconvinced of the doctrine, for in that case medicine would not exist inTurkey, and a man residing in a third floor would not take the trouble ofgoing down stairs, but would immediately throw himself out of the window. You see to what a string of absurdities that will lead?"

The following traits are characteristic of the man. In the commonintercourse of life, and his familiar conversation, Napoleon mutilatedthe names most familiar to him, even French names; yet this would nothave occurred on any public occasion. He has been heard many timesduring his walks to repeat the celebrated speech of Augustus inCorneille's tragedy, and he has never missed saying, "Take a seat, Sylla, " instead of Cinna. He would frequently create names according tohis fancy, and when he had once adopted them they remained fixed in hismind, although they were pronounced properly a hundred times a day in hishearing; but he would have been struck if others had used them as he hadaltered them. It was the same thing with respect to orthography; ingeneral he did not attend to it, yet if the copies which were madecontained any faults of spelling he would have complained of it. One dayNapoleon said to Las Cases, "Your orthography is not correct, is it?"This question gave occasion to a sarcastic smile from a person who stoodnear, who thought it was meant to convey a reproach. The Emperor, whosaw this, continued, "At least I suppose it is not, for a man occupiedwith important public business, a minister, for instance, cannot and neednot attend to orthography. His ideas must flow faster than his hand cantrace them, he has only time to dwell upon essentials; he must put wordsin letters, and phrases in words, and let the scribes make it outafterwards. " Napoleon indeed left a great deal for the copyiststo do; he was their torment; his handwriting actually resembledhieroglyphics--he often could not decipher it himself. Las Cases' sonwas one day reading to him a chapter of The Campaign of Italy; on asudden he stopped short, unable to make out the writing. "The littleblockhead, " said Napoleon, "cannot read his own handwriting. "--"It isnot mine, Sire. "--"And whose, then?"--"Your Majesty's. "--"How so, youlittle rogue; do you mean to insult me?" The Emperor took themanuscript, tried a long while to read it, and at last threw it down, saying, "He is right; I cannot tell myself what is written. " He hasoften sent the copyists to Las Cases to read what he had himself beenunable to decipher. 

We are now approaching the last melancholy epoch of Napoleon's life, whenhe first felt the ravages of that malady which finally put a period tohis existence. Occasional manifestations of its presence had beenexhibited for some years, but his usual health always returned afterevery attack, and its fatal nature was not suspected, although Napoleonhimself had several times said that he should die of a scirrhus in thepylorus, the disease which killed his father, and which the physicians ofMontpelier declared would be hereditary in his family. About the middleof the year 1818 it was observed that his health grew gradually worse, and it was thought proper by O'Meara to report to the Governor the statein which he was. Even on these occasions Napoleon seized the opportunityfor renewing his claim to the title of Emperor. He insisted that thephysician should not send any bulletin whatever unless he named him in itby his Imperial designation. O'Meara explained that the instructions ofhis Government and the orders of Sir Hudson Lowe prohibited him fromusing the term; but it was in vain. After some difficulty it was agreedupon that the word "patient" should be used instead of the title ofGeneral, which caused so much offence, and this substitution got rid ofthe difficulty. 

O'Meara afterwards proposed to call in the assistance of Dr. Baxter, theprincipal medical officer of the island, but this offer Napoleon refusedat once, alleging that, although "it was true he looked like an honestman, he was too much attached to that hangman" (Lows), he also persistedin rejecting the aid of medicine, and determined to take no exerciseout-of-doors as long as he should be subjected to the challenge ofsentinels. To a representation that his determination might convert acurable to a fatal malady, he replied, "I shall at least have theconsolation that my death will be an eternal dishonour to the Englishnation who sent me to this climate to die under the hands of . . . "

An important incident in Napoleon's monotonous life was the removal ofO'Meara, who had attended him as his physician from the time of hisarrival on the island. The removal of this gentleman, was occasioned bythe suspicion of similar conduct to that which brought about thedismissal of Las Cases twenty months previously, namely, the carrying onsecret correspondence with persons out of the island. Napoleoncomplained bitterly of the loss of his medical attendant, though he hadmost assuredly very seldom attended to his advice, and repelled as aninsult the proffered assistance of Dr. Baxter, insinuating that theGovernor wished to have his life in his power. Some time after Dr. Stokes, a naval surgeon, was called in, but withdrawn and eventuallytried by court-martial for furnishing information to the French atLongwood. After this Napoleon expressed his determination to admit nomore visits from any English physician whatever, and Cardinal Fesch wasrequested by the British Ministry to select some physician of reputationin Italy who should be sent to St. Helena to attend on Napoleon. Thechoice fell on Dr. Antommarchi, a young surgeon, who was accordingly sentto St. Helena in company with two Catholic priests, the Abbes Buonavitaand Vignale, and two domestics, in compliance with the wish of Napoleonto that effect. The party reached the island on 10th September 1819. 

On his first visit the Emperor overwhelmed Antommarchi with questionsconcerning his mother and family, the Princess Julie (wife of Joseph), and Las Cases, whom Antommarchi had seen in passing through Frankfort, expatiated with satisfaction on the retreat which he had at one timemeditated in Corsica, entered into some discussions with the doctor onhis profession, and then directed his attention to the details of hisdisorder. While he examined the symptoms the Emperor continued hisremarks. They were sometimes serious, sometimes lively; kindness, indignation, gaiety, were expressed by turns in his words and in hiscountenance. "Well, doctor!" he exclaimed, "what is your opinion? Am Ito trouble much longer the digestion of Kings?"--"You will survive them, Sire. "--"Aye, I believe you; they will not be able to subject to the banof Europe the fame of our victories, it will traverse ages, it will. Proclaim the conquerors and the conquered, those who were generous andthose who were not so; posterity will judge, I do not dread itsdecision. "--"This after-life belongs to you of right. Your name willnever be repeated with admiration without recalling those ingloriouswarriors so basely leagued against a single man. But you are not nearyour end, you have yet a long career to run. "--"No, Doctor! I cannothold out long under this frightful climate. "--"Your excellentconstitution is proof against its pernicious effects. "--"It once did notyield to the strength of mind with which nature has endowed me, but thetransition from a life of action to a complete seclusion has ruined all. I have grown fat, my energy is gone, the bow is unstrung. " Antommarchidid not try to combat an opinion but too well-founded, but diverted theconversation to another subject. "I resign myself, " said Napoleon, "toyour direction. Let medicine give the order, I submit to its decisions. I entrust my health to your care. I owe you the detail of the habits Ihave acquired, of the affections to which I am subject. 

"The hours at which I obey the injunctions of nature are in generalextremely irregular. I sleep, I eat according to circumstances or thesituation in which I am placed; my sleep is ordinarily sound andtranquil. If pain or any accident interrupt it I jump out of bed, callfor a light, walk, set to work, and fix my attention on some subject;sometimes I remain in the dark, change my apartment, lie down in anotherbed, or stretch myself on the sofa. I rise at two, three, or four in themorning; I call for some one to keep me company, amuse myself withrecollections or business, and wait for the return of day. I go out assoon as dawn appears, take a stroll, and when the sun shows itself Ireenter and go to bed again, where I remain a longer or shorter time, according as the day promises to turn out. If it is bad, and I feelirritation and uneasiness, I have recourse to the method I have justmentioned. I change my posture, pass from my bed to the sofa, from thesofa to the bed, seek and find a degree of freshness. I do not describeto you my morning costume; it has nothing to do with the sufferings Iendure, and besides, I do not wish to deprive you of the pleasure of yoursurprise when you see it. These ingenious contrivances carry me on tonine or ten o'clock, sometimes later. I then order the breakfast to bebrought, which I take from time to time in my bath, but most frequentlyin the garden. Either Bertrand or Montholon keep me company, often bothof them. Physicians have the right of regulating the table; it is properthat I should give you an account of mine. Well, then, a basin of soup, two plates of meat, one of vegetables, a salad when I can take it, compose the whole service; half a bottle of claret; which I dilute with agood deal of water, serves me for drink; I drink a little of it puretowards the end of the repast. Sometimes, when I feel fatigued, Isubstitute champagne for claret, it is a certain means of giving a fillipto the stomach. "

The doctor having expressed his surprise at Napoleon's temperance, hereplied, "In my marches with the army of Italy I never failed to put intothe bow of my saddle a bottle of wine, some bread, and a cold fowl. Thisprovision sufficed for the wants of the day, --I may even say that I oftenshared it with others. I thus gained time. I eat fast, masticatelittle, my meals do not consume my hours. This is not what you willapprove the most, but in my present situation what signifies it? I amattacked with a liver complaint, a malady which is general in thishorrible climate. "

Antommarchi, having gained his confidence, now became companion as wellas physician to the Emperor, and sometimes read with him. He eagerlyturned over the newspapers when they arrived, and commented freely ontheir contents. "It is amusing, " he would say, "to see the sage measuresresorted to by the Allies to make people forget my tyranny!" On oneoccasion he felt more languid than ordinary, and lighting on the'Andromache' of Racine; he took up the book, began to read, but soon letit drop from his hands. He had come to the famous passage where themother describes her being allowed to see her son once a day. 

He was moved, covered his face with his hands, and, saying that he wastoo much affected, desired to be left alone. He grew calmer, fellasleep, and when he awoke, desired Antommarchi to be called again. Hewas getting ready to shave, and the doctor was curious to witness theoperation. He was in his shirt, his head uncovered, with two valets athis side, one holding the glass and a towel, the other the rest of theapparatus. The Emperor spread the soap over one side of his face, putdown the brush, wiped his hands and mouth, took a razor dipped in hotwater and shaved the right side with singular dexterity. "Is it done, Noverraz?"--"Yes, Sire. "--"Well, then, face about. Come, villain, quick, stand still. " The light fell on the left side, which, after applying thelather, he shaved in the same manner and with the same dexterity. Hedrew his hand over his chin. "Raise the glass. Am I quite right?"--"Quite so. "--"Not a hair has escaped me: what say you?"--"No, Sire, "replied the valet de chambre. "No! I think I perceive one. Lift up theglass, place it in a better light. How, rascal! Flattery? You deceiveme at St. Helena? On this rock? You, too, are an accomplice. " Withthis he gave them both a box on the ear, laughed, and joked in the mostpleasant manner possible. 

An almost incredible instance of the determination of the exiles to makeas many enemies as they possibly could was exhibited to Antommarchi onhis arrival at Longwood. He states that hefore he was permitted to enteron his functions as surgeon he was required to take an oath that he wouldnot communicate with the English, and that he would more especially avoidgiving them the least information respecting the progress of Napoleon'sdisorder. He was not allowed to see his illustrious patient until theoath was taken. After exacting such an oath from his physician theattendants of Bonaparte had little right to complain, as they did, thatthe real state of his disorder was purposely concealed from the world bythe English Government. It is more than probable that the constantattempts observed to throw mystery and secrecy around them must havetended to create the suspicion of escape, and to increase the consequentrigour of the regulations maintained by the Governor. 

Soon after the arrival of the priests Napoleon determined, we may supposepartly in jest, to elevate one of them to the dignity of bishop, and hechose for a diocese the Jumna. "The last box brought from Europe hadbeen broken open, " says Antommarchi; "it contained the vases and churchornaments. "--"Stop, " said Napoleon, "this is the property of St. Peter;have a care who touches it; send for the abbes--but talking of the abbes, do you know that the Cardinal [Fesch] is a poor creature? He sends memissionaries and propagandists, as if I were a penitent, and as if awhole string of their Eminences had not always attended at my chapel. I will do what he ought to have done; I possess the right of investiture, and I shall use it. " Abbe Buonavita was just entering the room, "I giveyou the episcopal mitre. "--"Sire!"--"I restore it to you; you shall wearit in spite of the heretics; they will not again take it from you. "--"But, Sire!"--"I cannot add to it so rich a benefice as that of Valencia, which Suchet had given you, but at any rate your see shall be secure fromthe chances of battles. I appoint you Bishop of--let me see--of theJumna. The vast countries through which that river flows were on thepoint of entering into alliance with me--all was in readiness, all weregoing to march. We were about to give the finishing blow to England. "The speech concluded with an order to Count Montholon to procure thenecessary dress for the abbe in order to strike with awe all theheretics. The upshot of the whole was, that the scarlet and violetcoloured clothes necessary to furnish the new bishop with the onlyvaluable portion of his temporalities, his dress, could not be procuredin the island, and the abbe remained an abbe in spite of the investiture, and the whole farce was forgotten. 

We occasionally see the Exile in better moods, when he listened to thevoice of reason, and thought less of the annoyances inseparable from thestate to which his ambition, or as he himself always averred, hisdestiny, had reduced him. He had for a long time debarred himself fromall exercise, having, as he expressed it, determined not to exposehimself to the insult of being accompanied on his ride by a Britishofficer; or the possibility of being challenged by a sentinel. One daywhen he complained of his inactive life his medical attendant recommendedthe exercise of digging the ground; the idea was instantly seized upon byNapoleon with his characteristic ardour. Noverraz, his chasseur, who hadbeen formerly accustomed to rural occupations, was honoured with thetitle of head gardener, and under his directions Napoleon proceeded towork with great vigour. He sent for Antommarchi to witness his newlyacquired dexterity in the use of the spade. "Well, Doctor, " said he tohim, "are you satisfied with your patient--is he obedient enough? Thisis better than your pills, Dottoraccio; you shall not physic me anymore. " At first he soon got fatigued, and complained much of theweakness of his body and delicacy of his hands; but "never mind, " saidhe, "I have always accustomed my body to bend to my will, and I shallbring it to do so now, and inure it to the exercise. " He soon grew fondof his new employment, and pressed all the inhabitants of Longwood intothe service. Even the ladies had great difficulty to avoid being set towork. He laughed at them, urged them, entreated them, and used all hisarts of persuasion, particularly with Madame Bertrand. He assured herthat the exercise of gardening was much better than all the doctor'sprescriptions--that it was in fact one of his prescriptions. But in thisinstance his eloquence failed in its effect, and he was obliged, thoughwith much reluctance, to desist from his attempts to make lady gardeners. 

But in recompense he had willing labourers on the part of the gentlemen. Antommarchi says, "The Emperor urged us, excited us, and everythingaround us soon assumed a different aspect. Here was an excavation, therea basin or a road. We made alleys, grottoes, cascades; the appearance ofthe ground had now some life and diversity. We planted willows, oaks, peach-trees, to give a little shade round the house. Having completedthe ornamental part of our labours we turned to the useful. We dividedthe ground, we manured it, and sowed it with abundance of beans, peas, and every vegetable that grows in the island. " In the course of theirlabours they found that a tank would be of great use to hold water, whichmight be brought by pipes from a spring at a distance of 3000 feet. 

For this laborious attempt it was absolutely necessary to procureadditional forces, and a party of Chinese, of whom there are many on theisland, was engaged to help them. These people were much amused atNapoleon's working-dress, which was a jacket and large trousers, with anenormous straw hat to shield him from the sun, and sandals. He pitiedthose poor fellows who suffered from the heat of the sun, and made eachof them a present of a large hat like his own. After much exertion thebasin was finished, the pipes laid, and the water began to flow into it. Napoleon stocked his pond with gold-fish, which he placed in it with hisown hands. He would remain by the pond for hours together, at a timewhen he was so weak that he could hardly support himself. He would amusehimself by following the motion of the fishes, throwing bread to them, studying their ways, taking an interest in their loves and theirquarrels, and endeavouring with anxiety to find out points of resemblancebetween their motives and those of mankind. He often sent for hisattendants to communicate his remarks to them, and directed theirobservations to any peculiarities he had observed. His favourites atlast sickened, they struggled, floated on the water, and died one afteranother. He was deeply affected by this, and remarked to Antommarchi, "You see very well that there is a fatality attached to me. Everything Ilove, everything that helongs to me, is immediately struck: heaven andmankind unite to persecute me. " From this time he visited them daily inspite of sickness or bad weather, nor did his anxiety diminish until itwas discovered that a coppery cement, with which the bottom of the basinwas plastered, had poisoned the water. The fish which were not yet deadwere then taken out and put into a tub. 

Napoleon appears to have taken peculiar interest in observing theinstincts of animals, and comparing their practices and propensities withthose of men. A rainy day, during which the digging of the tank couldnot be proceeded with, gave occasion for some observations on the actionsof a number of ants, which had made a way into his bedroom, climbed upona table on which some sugar usually stood, and taken possession of thesugar-basin. He would not allow the industrious little insects to bedisturbed in their plans; but he now and then moved the sugar, followedtheir manoeuvres, and admired the activity and industry they displayeduntil they found it again; this they had been sometimes even two or threedays in effecting, though they always succeeded at last. He thensurrounded the basin with water, but the ants still reached it; hefinally employed vinegar, and the insects were unable to get through thenew obstacle. 

But the slight activity of mind that now remained to him was soon to beexchanged for the languor and gloom of sickness, with but few intervalsbetween positive suffering and the most distressing lowness of spirits. Towards the end of the year 1820 he walked with difficulty, and requiredassistance even to reach a chair in his garden. He became nearlyincapable of the slightest action; his legs swelled; the pains in hisside and back were increased; he was troubled with nausea, profusesweats, loss of appetite, and was subject to frequent faintings. "HereI am, Doctor, " said he one day, "at my last cast. No more energy andstrength left: I bend under the load . . . I am going. I feel thatmy hour is come. "

Some days after, as he lay on his couch, he feelingly expressed toAntommarchi the vast change which had taken place within him. Herecalled for a few moments the vivid recollection of past times, andcompared his former energy with the weakness which he was then sinkingunder. 

The news of the death of his sister Elisa also affected him deeply. After a struggle with his feelings, which had nearly overpowered him, herose, supported himself on Antommarchi's arm; and regarding himsteadfastly, said, "Well, Doctor! you see Elisa has just shown me theway. Death, which seemed to have forgotten my family, has begun tostrike it; my turn cannot be far off. What think you?"--"Your Majesty isin no danger: you are still reserved for some glorious enterprise. "--"Ah, Doctor! I have neither strength nor activity nor energy; I am nolonger Napoleon. You strive in vain to give me hopes, to recall lifeready to expire. Your care can do nothing in spite of fate: it isimmovable: there is no appeal from its decisions. The next person of ourfamily who will follow Elisa to the tomb is that great Napoleon whohardly exists, who bends under the yoke, and who still, neverthelesskeeps Europe in alarm. Behold, my good friend, how I look on mysituation! As for me, all is over: I repeat it to you, my days will soonclose on this miserable rock. "--"We returned, " says Antommarchi, "intohis chamber. Napoleon lay down' in bed. 'Close my windows, ' he said;leave me to myself; I will send for you by-and-by. What a delightfulthing rest is! I would not exchange it for all the thrones in the world!What an alteration! How I am fallen! I, whose activity was boundless, whose mind never slumbered, am now plunged into a lethargic stupor, sothat it requires an effort even to raise my eyelids. I sometimesdictated to four or five secretaries, who wrote as fast as words could beuttered, but then I was NAPOLEON--now I am no longer anything. Mystrength--my faculties forsake me. I do not live--I merely exist. '"

From this period the existence of Napoleon was evidently drawing to aclose his days were counted. Whole hours, and even days, were eitherpassed in gloomy silence or spent in pain, accompanied by distressingcoughs, and all the melancholy signs of the approach of death. He made alast effort to ride a few miles round Longwood on the 22d of January1821, but it exhausted his strength, and from that time his only exercisewas in the calash. Even that slight motion soon became too fatiguing. 

He now kept his room, and no longer stirred out. His disorder and hisweakness increased upon him. He still was able to eat something, butvery little, and with a worse appetite than ever. "Ah! doctor, " heexclaimed, "how I suffer! Why did the cannon-balls spare me only to diein this deplorable manner? I that was so active, so alert, can nowscarcely raise my eyelids!"

His last airing was on the 17th of March. The disease increased, andAntommarchi, who was much alarmed, obtained with some difficultypermission to see an English physician. He held a consultation, on the26th of March, with Dr. Arnott of the 20th Regiment; but Napoleon stillrefused to take medicine, and often repeated his favourite saying:"Everything that must happen is written down our hour is marked, and itis not in our power to take from time a portion which nature refuses us. "He continued to grow worse, and at last consented to see Dr. Arnott, whose first visit was on the 1st of April He was introduced into thechamber of the patient, which was darkened, and into which Napoleon didnot suffer any light to be brought, examined his pulse and the othersymptoms, and was requested to repeat his visit the next day. Napoleonwas now within a month of his death, and although he occasionally spokewith the eloquence and vehemence he had so often exhibited, his mind wasevidently giving way. The reported appearance of a comet was taken as atoken of his death. He was excited, and exclaimed with emotion, "A comet! that was the precursor of the death of Caesar. "

On the 3d of April the symptoms of the disorder had become so alarmingthat Antommarchi informed Bertrand and Montholon he thought Napoleon'sdanger imminent, and that Napoleon ought to take steps to put his affairsin order. He was now attacked by fever and by violent thirst, whichoften interrupted his sleep in the night. On the 14th Napoleon foundhimself in better spirits, and talked with Dr. Arnott on the merits ofMarlborough, whose Campaigns he desired him to present to the 20thRegiment, learning that they did not, possess a copy in their library. 

On the 15th of April Napoleon's doors were closed to all but Montholonand Marchand, and it appeared that he had been making his Will. On the19th he was better, was free from pain, sat up, and ate a little. He wasin good spirits, and wished them to read to him. As General Montholonwith the others expressed his satisfaction at this improvement he smiledgently, and said, "You deceive yourselves, my friends: I am, it is true, somewhat better, but I feel no less that my end draws near. When I amdead you will have the agreeable consolation of returning to Europe. Onewill meet his relations, another his friends; and as for me, I shallbehold my brave companions-in-arms in the Elysian Fields. Yes, " he wenton, raising his voice, "Kleber, Desaix, Bessieres, Duroc, Ney, Murat, Massena, Berthier, all will come to greet me: they will talk to me ofwhat we have done together. I will recount to them the latest events ofmy life. On seeing me they will become once more intoxicated withenthusiasm and glory. We will discourse of our wars with the Scipios, Hannibal, Caesar, and Frederick--there will be a satisfaction in that:unless, " he added, laughing bitterly, "they should be alarmed below tosee so many warriors assembled together!"

He addressed Dr. Arnott, who came in while he was speaking, on thetreatment he had received from England said that she had violated everysacred right in making him prisoner, that he should have been much bettertreated in Russia, Austria, or even Prussia; that he was sent to thehorrible rock of St. Helena on purpose to die; that he had been purposelyplaced on the most uninhabitable spot of that inhospitable island, andkept six years a close prisoner, and that Sir Hudson Lowe was hisexecutioner. He concluded with these words: "You will end like the proudrepublic of Venice; and I, dying upon this dreary rock, away from those Ihold dear, and deprived of everything, bequeath the opprobrium and horrorof my death to the reigning family of England. "

On the 21st Napoleon gave directions to the priest who was in attendanceas to the manner in which he would be placed to lie in state after hisdeath; and finding his religious attendant had never officiated in such asolemnity he gave the most minute instructions for the mode of conductingit. He afterwards declared that he would die, as he was born a Catholic, and desired that mass should be said by his body, and the customaryceremonies should be performed every day until his burial. Theexpression of his face was earnest and convulsive; he saw Antommarchiwatching the contractions which he underwent, when his eye caught someindication that displeased him. "You are above these weaknesses; butwhat would you have? I am neither philosopher nor physician. I believein God; I am of the religion of my fathers; every one cannot be anatheist who pleases. " Then turning to the priest--"I was born in theCatholic religion. I wish to fulfil the duties which it imposes, and toreceive the succour which it administers. You will say mass every day inthe adjoining chapel, and you will expose the Holy Sacrament for fortyhours. After I am dead you will place your altar at my head in thefuneral chamber; you will continue to celebrate mass, and perform all thecustomary ceremonies; you will not cease till I am laid in the ground. "The Abbe (Vignale) withdrew; Napoleon reproved his fellow-countryman forhis supposed incredulity. "Can you carry it to this point? Can youdisbelieve in God? Everything proclaims His existence; and, besides, thegreatest minds have thought so. "--"But, Sire, I have never called it inquestion. I was attending to the progress of the fever: your Majestyfancied you saw in my features an expression which they had not. "--"You are a physician, Doctor, " he replied laughingly; "these folks, " headded, half to himself, "are conversant only with matter; they willbelieve in nothing beyond. "

In the afternoon of the 25th he was better; but being left alone, asudden fancy possessed him to eat. He called for fruits, wine, tried abiscuit, then swallowed some champagne, seized a bunch of grapes, andburst into a fit of laughter as soon as he saw Antommarchi return. Thephysician ordered away the dessert, and found fault with the maitred'hotel; but the mischief was done, the fever returned and becameviolent. The Emperor was now on his death-bed, but he testified concernfor every one. He asked Antommarchi if 500 guineas would satisfy theEnglish physician, and if he himself would like to serve Maria Louisa inquality of a physician? "She is my wife, the first Princess in Europe, and after me you should serve no one else. " Antommarchi expressed hisacknowledgments. The fever continued unabated, with violent thirst andcold in the feet. On the 27th he determined to remove from the smallchamber into the salon. They were preparing to carry him. "No, " hesaid, "not until I am dead; for the present it will be sufficient if yousupport me. "

Between the 27th and 28th the Emperor passed a very bad night; the feverincreased, coldness spread over his limbs, his strength was quite gone. He spoke a few words of encouragement to Antommarchi; then in a tone ofperfect calmness and composure he delivered to him the followinginstructions: "After my death, which cannot be far off, I wish you toopen my body: I wish also, nay, I require, that you will not suffer anyEnglish physician to touch me. If, however, you find it indispensable tohave some one to assist you, Dr. Arnott is the only one I am willing youshould employ. I am desirous, further, that you should take out myheart, that you put it in spirits of wine, and that you carry it to Parmato my dear Maria Louisa: you will tell her how tenderly I have loved her, that I have never ceased to love her; and you will report to her all thatyou have witnessed, all that relates to my situation and my death. Irecommend you, above all, carefully to examine my stomach, to make anexact detailed report of it, which you will convey to my son. Thevomitings which succeed each other without intermission lead me tosuppose that the stomach is the one of my organs which is the mostderanged, and I am inclined to believe that it is affected with thedisease which conducted my father to the grave, --I mean a cancer inthe lower stomach. What think you?" His physician hesitating, hecontinued--"I have not doubted this since I found the sickness becomefrequent and obstinate. It is nevertheless well worthy of remark that Ihave always had a stomach of iron, that I have felt no inconveniencefrom this organ till latterly, and that whereas my father was fond ofhigh-seasoned dishes and spirituous liquors, I have never been able tomake use of them. Be it as it may, I entreat, I charge you to neglectnothing in such an examination, in order that when you see my son youmay communicate the result of your observations to him, and point outthe most suitable remedies. When I am no more you will repair to Rome;you will find out my mother and my family. You will give them an accountof all you have observed relative to my situation, my disorder, and mydeath on this remote and miserable rock; you will tell them that thegreat Napoleon expired in the most deplorable state, wanting everything, abandoned to himself and his glory. " It was ten in the forenoon; afterthis the fever abated, and he fell into a sort of doze. 

The Emperor passed a very bad night, and could not sleep. He grewlight-headed and talked incoherently; still the fever had abated in itsviolence. Towards morning the hiccough began to torment him, the feverincreased, and he became quite delirious. He spoke of his complaint, andcalled upon Baxter (the Governor's physician) to appear, to come and seethe truth of his reports. Then all at once fancying O'Meara present, heimagined a dialogue between them, throwing a weight of odium on theEnglish policy. The fever having subsided, his hearing became distinct;he grew calm, and entered into some further conversation on what was tobe done after his death. He felt thirsty, and drank a large quantity ofcold water. "If fate should determine that I shall recover, I wouldraise a monument on the spot where this water gushes out: I would crownthe fountain in memory of the comfort which it has afforded me. If Idie, and they should not proscribe my remains as they have proscribed myperson, I should desire to be buried with my ancestors in the cathedralof Ajaccio, in Corsica. But if I am not allowed to repose where I wasborn, why, then, let them bury me at the spot where this fine andrefreshing water flows. " This request was afterwards complied with. 

He remained nearly in the same state for some days. On the 1st of May hewas delirious nearly all day, and suffered dreadful vomitings. He tooktwo small biscuits and a few drops of red wine. On the 2d he was ratherquieter, and the alarming symptoms diminished a little. At 2 P. M. , however, he had a paroxysm of fever, and became again delirious. Hetalked to himself of France, of his dear son, of some of his oldcompanions-in-arms. At times he was evidently in imagination on thefield of battle. "Stengel!" he cried; "Desaix! Massena! Ah! victoryis declaring itself! run--rush forward--press the charge!--they areours!"

"I was listening, " says Dr. Antommarchi, "and following the progress ofthat painful agony in the deepest distress, when Napoleon, suddenlycollecting his strength, jumped on the floor, and would absolutely godown into the garden to take a walk. I ran to receive him in my arms, but his legs bent under the weight of his body; he fell backwards, and Ihad the mortification of being unable to prevent his falling. We raisedhim up and entreated him to get into bed again; but he did not recogniseanybody, and began to storm and fall into a violent passion. He wasunconscious, and anxiously desired to walk in the garden. In the courseof the day, however, he became more collected, and again spoke of hisdisease, and the precise anatomical examination he wished to be made ofhis body after death. He had a fancy that this might be useful to hisson. " "The physicians of Montpelier, " he said to Antommarchi, "announcedthat the scirrhosis in the pylorus would be hereditary in my family;their report is, I believe, in the hands of my brother Louis; ask for itand compare it with your own observations on my case, in order that myson may be saved from this cruel disease. You will see him, Doctor, andyou will point out to him what is best to do, and will save him from thecruel sufferings I now experience. This is the last service I ask ofyou. " Later in the day he said, "Doctor, I am very ill--I feel that I amgoing to die. "

The last time Napoleon spoke, except to utter a few short unconnectedwords, was on the 3d of May. It was in the afternoon, and he hadrequested his attendants, in case of his losing consciousness, not toallow any English physician to approach him except Dr. Arnott. "I amgoing to die, " said he, "and you to return to Europe; I must give yousome advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have sharedmy exile, you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do anythingthat may injure it. I have sanctioned all proper principles, and infusedthem into my laws and acts; I have not omitted a single one. Unfortunately, however, the circumstances in which I was placed werearduous, and I was obliged to act with severity, and to postpone theexecution of my plans. Our reverses occurred; I could not unbend thebow; and France has been deprived of the liberal institutions I intendedto give her. She judges me with indulgence; she feels grateful for myintentions; she cherishes my name and my victories. Imitate her example, be faithful to the opinions we have defended, and to the glory we haveacquired: any other course can only lead to shame and confusion. "

From this moment it does not appear that Napoleon showed any signs ofunderstanding what was going forward around him. His weakness increasedevery moment, and a harassing hiccough continued until death took place. The day before that event a fearful tempest threatened to destroyeverything about Longwood. The plantations were torn up by the roots, and it was particularly remarked that a willow, under which Napoleonusually sat to enjoy the fresh air, had fallen. "It seemed, " saysAntommarchi, "as if none of the things the Emperor valued were to survivehim. " On the day of his death Madame Bertrand, who had not left hisbedside, sent for her children to take a last farewell of Napoleon. Thescene which ensued was affecting: the children ran to the bed, kissed thehands of Napoleon, and covered them with tears. One of the childrenfainted, and all had to be carried from the spot. "We all, " saysAntommarchi, "mixed our lamentations with theirs: we all felt the sameanguish, the same cruel foreboding of the approach of the fatal instant, which every minute accelerated. " The favourite valet, Noverraz, who hadbeen for some time very ill, when he heard of the state in which Napoleonwas, caused himself to be carried downstairs, and entered the apartmentin tears. He was with great difficulty prevailed upon to leave the room:he was in a delirious state, and he fancied his master was threatenedwith danger, and was calling upon him for assistance: he said he wouldnot leave him but would fight and die for him. But Napoleon was nowinsensible to the tears of his servants; he had scarcely spoken for twodays; early in the morning he articulated a few broken sentences, amongwhich the only words distinguishable were, "tete d'armee, " the last thatever left his lips, and which indicated the tenor of his fancies. Theday passed in convulsive movements and low moanings, with occasionally aloud shriek, and the dismal scene closed just before six in the evening. A slight froth covered his lips, and he was no more. 

After he had been dead about six hours Antommarchi had the body carefullywashed and laid out on another bed. The executors then proceeded toexamine two codicils which were directed to be opened immediately afterthe Emperor's decease. The one related to the gratuities which heintended out of his private purse for the different individuals of hishousehold, and to the alms which he wished to be distributed among thepoor of St. Helena; the other contained his last wish that "his ashesshould repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the Frenchpeople whom he had loved so well. " The executors notified this requestto the Governor, who stated that his orders were that the body was to, remain on the island. On the next day, after taking a plaster cast ofthe face of Napoleon, Antommarchi proceeded to open the body in thepresence of Sir Thomas Reade, some staff officers, and eight medical men. 

The Emperor had intended his hair (which was of a chestnut colour) forpresents to the different members of his family, and it was cut off andkept for this purpose. 

He had grown considerably thinner in person during the last few months. After his death his face and body were pale, but without alteration oranything of a cadaverous appearance. His physiognomy was fine, the eyesfast closed, and you would have said that the Emperor was not dead, butin a profound sleep. His mouth retained its expression of sweetness, though one side was contracted into a bitter smile. Several scars wereseen on his body. On opening it it was found that the liver was notaffected, but that there was that cancer of the stomach which he hadhimself suspected, and of which his father and two of his sisters died. This painful examination having been completed, Antommarchi took out theheart and placed it in a silver vase filled with spirits of wine; he thendirected the valet de chambre to dress the body as he had been accustomedin the Emperor's lifetime, with the grand cordon of the Legion of Honouracross the breast, in the green uniform of a colonel of the Chasseurs ofthe Guard, decorated with the orders of the Legion of Honour and of theIron Crown, long boots with little spurs, finally, his three corneredhat. Thus habited, Napoleon was removed in the afternoon of the 6th outof the hall, into which the crowd rushed immediately. The linen whichhad been employed in the dissection of the body, though stained withblood, was eagerly seized, torn in pieces, and distributed among thebystanders. 

Napoleon lay in state in his little bedroom which had been converted intoa funeral chamber. It was hung with black cloth brought from the town. This circumstance first apprised the inhabitants of his death. Thecorpse, which had not been embalmed, and which was of an extraordinarywhiteness, was placed on one of the campbeds, surrounded with littlewhite curtains, which served for a sarcophagus. The blue cloak whichNapoleon had worn at the battle of Marengo covered it. The feet and thehands were free; the sword on the left side, and a crucifix on thebreast. At some distance was the silver vase containing the heart andstomach, which were not allowed to be removed. At the back of the headwas an altar, where the priest in his stole and surplice recited thecustomary prayers. All the individuals of Napoleon's suite, officers anddomestics, dressed in mourning, remained standing on the left. Dr. Arnott had been charged to see that no attempt was made to convey awaythe body. 

For some-hours the crowd had besieged the doors; they were admitted, andbeheld the inanimate remains of Napoleon in respectful silence. Theofficers of the 20th and 66th Regiments were admitted first, then theothers. The following day (the 7th) the throng was greater. Antommarchiwas not allowed to take the heart of Napoleon to Europe with him; hedeposited that and the stomach in two vases, filled with alcohol andhermetically sealed, in the corners of the coffin in which the corpse waslaid. This was a shell of zinc lined with white satin, in which was amattress furnished with a pillow. There not being room for the hat toremain on his head, it was placed at his feet, with some eagles, piecesof French money coined during his reign, a plate engraved with his arms, etc. The coffin was closed, carefully soldered up, and then fixed inanother case of mahogany, which was enclosed in a third made of lead, which last was fastened in a fourth of mahogany, which was sealed up andfastened with screws. The coffin was exhibited in the same place as thebody had been, and was also covered with the cloak that Napoleon had wornat the battle of Marengo. The funeral was ordered for the morrow, 8thMay, and the troops were to attend in the morning by break of day. 

This took place accordingly: the Governor arrived first, the Rear-Admiralsoon after, and shortly all the authorities, civil and military, wereassembled at Longwood. The day was fine, the people crowded the roads, music resounded from the heights; never had spectacle so sad and solemnbeen witnessed in these remote regions. At half-past twelve thegrenadiers took hold of the coffin, lifted it with difficulty, andsucceeded in removing it into the great walk in the garden, where thehearse awaited them. It was placed in the carriage, covered with a pallof violet-coloured velvet, and with the cloak which the hero wore atMarengo. The Emperor's household were in mourning. The cavalcade wasarranged by order of the Governor in the following manner: The AbbeVignale in his sacerdotal robes, with young Henry Bertrand at his side, bearing an aspersorium; Doctors Arnott and Antommarchi, the personsentrusted with the superintendence of the hearse, drawn by four horses, led by grooms, and escorted by twelve grenadiers without arms, on eachside; these last were to carry the coffin on their shoulders as soon asthe ruggedness of the road prevented the hearse from advancing; youngNapoleon Bertrand, and Marchand, both on foot, and by the side of thehearse; Counts Bertrand and Montholon on horseback close behind thehearse; a part of the household of the Emperor; Countess Bertrand withher daughter Hortense, in a calash drawn by two horses led by hand by herdomestics, who walked by the side of the precipice; the Emperor's horseled by his piqueur Archambaud; the officers of marine on horseback and onfoot; the officers of the staff on horse-back; the members of the councilof the island in like manner; General Coffin and the Marquis Montchenu onhorseback; the Rear-Admiral and the Governor on horseback; theinhabitants of the island. 

The train set out in this order from Longwood, passed by the barracks, and was met by the garrison, about 2500 in number, drawn up on the leftof the road as far as Hut's Gate. Military bands placed at differentdistances added still more, by the mournful airs which they played, tothe striking solemnity of the occasion. When the train had passed thetroops followed and accompanied it to the burying-place. The dragoonsmarched first. Then came the 20th Regiment of infantry, the marines, the66th, the volunteers of St. Helena, and lastly, the company of RoyalArtillery, with fifteen pieces of cannon. Lady Lowe and her daughterwere at the roadside at Hut's Gate, in an open carriage drawn by twohorses. They were attended by some domestics in mourning, and followedthe procession at a distance. The fifteen pieces of artillery wereranged along the road, and the gunners were at their posts ready to fire. Having advanced about a quarter of a mile beyond Hut's Gate the hearsestopped, the troops halted and drew up in line of battle by the roadside. The grenadiers then raised the coffin on their shoulders and bore it thusto the place of interment, by the new route which had been made onpurpose on the declivity of the mountain. All the attendants alighted, the ladies descended from their carriages, and the procession followedthe corpse without observing any regular order. 

Counts Bertrand and Montholon, Marchand and young Napoleon Bertrand, carried the four corners of the pall. The coffin was laid down at theside of the tomb, which was hung with black. Near were seen the cordsand pulleys which were to lower it into the earth. The coffin was thenuncovered, the Abbe Vignale repeated the usual prayers, and the body waslet down into the grave with the feet to the east. The artillery thenfired three salutes in succession of fifteen discharges each. TheAdmiral's vessel had fired during the procession twenty-five minute gunsfrom time to time. A huge stone, which was to have been employed in thebuilding of the new house of the Emperor, was now used to close hisgrave, and was lowered till it rested on a strong stone wall so as not totouch the coffin. While the grave was closed the crowd seized upon thewillows, which the former presence of Napoleon had already renderedobjects of veneration. Every one was ambitious to possess a branch orsome leaves of these trees which were henceforth to shadow the tomb ofthis great man, and to preserve them as a precious relic of so memorablea scene. The Governor and Admiral endeavoured to prevent this outrage, but in vain. The Governor, however, surrounded the spot afterwards witha barricade, where he placed a guard to keep off all intruders. The tombof the Emperor was about a league from Longwood. It was of aquadrangular shape, wider at top than at bottom; the depth about twelvefeet. The coffin was placed on two strong pieces of wood, and wasdetached in its whole circumference. 

The companions of Napoleon returned to France, and the island graduallyresumed its former quiet state, while the willows weeping over the graveguarded the ashes of the man for whom Europe had been all too small. 

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

A sect cannot be destroyed by cannon-ballsAbility in making it be supposed that he really possessed talentAbsurdity of interfering with triflesAdmired him more for what he had the fortitude not to doAlways proposing what he knew could not be honourably acceded toAn old man's blessing never yet harmed any oneAnimated by an unlucky zealBuried for the purpose of being dug upCalumny such powerful charmsCause of war between the United States and EnglandConquest can only be regarded as the genius of destructionDemand everything, that you may obtain nothingDie young, and I shall have some consolatory reflectionEvery time we go to war with them we teach them how to beat usEvery one cannot be an atheist who pleasesGo to England. The English like wrangling politiciansGod in his mercy has chosen Napoleon to be his representative on earthGrew more angry as his anger was less regardedHad neither learned nor forgotten anythingI have made sovereigns, but have not wished to be one myselfI do not live--I merely existIdeologuesImmortality is the recollection one leavesKings feel they are born general: whatever else they cannot doKiss the feet of Popes provided their hands are tiedLet women mind their knittingMalice delights to blacken the characters of prominent menManufacturers of phrasesMore glorious to merit a sceptre than to possess oneMost celebrated people lose on a close viewNecessary to let men and things take their courseNothing is changed in France: there is only one Frenchman morePut some gold lace on the coats of my virtuous republicansReligion is useful to the GovernmentRights of misfortune are always sacredSomething so seductive in popular enthusiasmStrike their imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideasSubmit to events, that he might appear to command themTendency to sell the skin of the bear before killing himThat consolation which is always left to the discontentedThe boudoir was often stronger than the cabinetThe wish and the reality were to him one and the same thingThose who are free from common prejudices acquire othersTo leave behind him no traces of his existenceTreaties of peace no less disastrous than the warsTreaty, according to custom, was called perpetualTrifles honoured with too much attentionWere made friends of lest they should become enemiesWhen a man has so much money he cannot have got it honestlyWould enact the more in proportion as we yieldYield to illusion when the truth was not satisfactory