MARGUERITE DE NAVARRE

MEMOIRS OF MARGUERITE DE VALOIS

MEMOIRS OF MARGUERITE DE VALOIS QUEEN OF NAVARRE

Written by Herself

Being Historic Memoirs of the Courts of France and Navarre

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Marguerite de Valois--Etching by Mercier

Bussi d' Amboise--Painting in the Versailles Gallery

Duc de Guise--Painting in the Versailles Gallery

Catherine de' Medici--Original Etching by Mercier

Henri VI. And La Fosseuse--Painting by A. P. E. Morton

A Scene at Henri's Court--Original Photogravure

PUBLISHER'S NOTE. 

The first volume of the Court Memoir Series will, it is confidentlyanticipated, prove to be of great interest. These Letters first appearedin French, in 1628, just thirteen years after the death of their wittyand beautiful authoress, who, whether as the wife for many years of thegreat Henri of France, or on account of her own charms andaccomplishments, has always been the subject of romantic interest. 

The letters contain many particulars of her life, together with manyanecdotes hitherto unknown or forgotten, told with a saucy vivacity whichis charming, and an air vividly recalling the sprightly, arch demeanour, and black, sparkling eyes of the fair Queen of Navarre. She died in1615, aged sixty-three. 

These letters contain the secret history of the Court of France duringthe seventeen eventful years 1565-82. 

The events of the seventeen years referred to are of surpassing interest, including, as they do, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, the formation ofthe League, the Peace of Sens, and an account of the religious struggleswhich agitated that period. They, besides, afford an instructive insightinto royal life at the close of the sixteenth century, the modes oftravelling then in vogue, the manners and customs of the time, and apicturesque account of the city of Liege and its sovereign bishop. 

As has been already stated, these Memoirs first appeared in French in1628. They were, thirty years later, printed in London in English, andwere again there translated and published in 1813. 

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 

The Memoirs, of which a new translation is now presented to the public, are the undoubted composition of the celebrated princess whose name theybear, the contemporary of our Queen Elizabeth; of equal abilities withher, but of far unequal fortunes. Both Elizabeth and Marguerite had beenbred in the school of adversity; both profited by it, but Elizabeth hadthe fullest opportunity of displaying her acquirements in it. QueenElizabeth met with trials and difficulties in the early part of her life, and closed a long and successful reign in the happy possession of thegood-will and love of her subjects. Queen Marguerite, during her wholelife, experienced little else besides mortification and disappointment;she was suspected and hated by both Protestants and Catholics, with thelatter of whom, though, she invariably joined in communion, yet was shenot in the least inclined to persecute or injure the former. Elizabethamused herself with a number of suitors, but never submitted to the yokeof matrimony. Marguerite, in compliance with the injunctions of theQueen her mother, and King Charles her brother, married Henri, King ofNavarre, afterwards Henri IV. Of France, for whom she had no inclination;and this union being followed by a mutual indifference and dislike, shereadily consented to dissolve it; soon after which event she saw aprincess, more fruitful but less prudent, share the throne of herancestors, of whom she was the only representative. Elizabeth waspolluted with the blood of her cousin, the Queen of Scots, widow ofMarguerite's eldest brother. Marguerite saved many Huguenots from themassacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and, according to Brantome, the lifeof the King, her husband, whose name was on the list of the proscribed. To close this parallel, Elizabeth began early to govern a kingdom, whichshe ruled through the course of her long life with severity, yetgloriously, and with success. Marguerite, after the death of the Queenher mother and her brothers, though sole heiress of the House of Valois, was, by the Salic law, excluded from all pretensions to the Crown ofFrance; and though for the greater part of her life shut up in a castle, surrounded by rocks and mountains, she has not escaped the shafts ofobloquy. 

The Translator has added some notes, which give an account of such placesas are mentioned in the Memoirs, taken from the itineraries of the time, but principally from the "Geographie Universelle" of Vosgien; in whichregard is had to the new division of France into departments, as well asto the ancient one of principalities, archbishoprics, bishoprics, generalities, chatellenies, balliages, duchies, seigniories, etc. 

In the composition of her Memoirs, Marguerite has evidently adopted theepistolary form, though the work came out of the French editor's handdivided into three (as they are styled) books; these three books, orletters, the Translator has taken the liberty of subdividing intotwenty-one, and, at the head of each of them, he has placed a short tableof the contents. This is the only liberty he has taken with the originalMemoirs, the translation itself being as near as the present improvedstate of our language could be brought to approach the unpolishedstrength and masculine vigour of the French of the age of Henri IV. 

This translation is styled a new one, because, after the Translator hadmade some progress in it, he found these Memoirs had already been madeEnglish, and printed, in London, in the year 1656, thirty years after thefirst edition of the French original. This translation has the followingtitle: "The grand Cabinet Counsels unlocked; or, the most faithfulTransaction of Court Affairs, and Growth and Continuance of the CivilWars in France, during the Reigns of Charles the last, Henry III. , andHenry IV. , commonly called the Great. Most excellently written, in theFrench Tongue, by Margaret de Valois, Sister to the two first Kings, andWife of the last. Faithfully translated by Robert Codrington, Master ofArts;" and again as "Memorials of Court Affairs, " etc. , London, 1658. 

The Memoirs of Queen Marguerite contained the secret history of the Courtof France during the space of seventeen years, from 1565 to 1582, andthey end seven years before Henri III. , her brother, fell by the hands ofClement, the monk; consequently, they take in no part of the reign ofHenri IV. (as Mr. Codrington has asserted in his title-page), thoughthey relate many particulars of the early part of his life. 

Marguerite's Memoirs include likewise the history nearly of the firsthalf of her own life, or until she had reached the twenty-ninth year ofher age; and as she died in 1616, at the age of sixty-three years, thereremain thirty-four years of her life, of which little is known. In 1598, when she was forty-five years old, her marriage with Henri was dissolvedby mutual consent, --she declaring that she had no other wish than to givehim content, and preserve the peace of the kingdom; making it herrequest, according to Brantome, that the King would favour her with hisprotection, which, as her letter expresses, she hoped to enjoy during therest of her life. Sully says she stipulated only for an establishmentand the payment of her debts, which were granted. After Henri, in 1610, had fallen a victim to the furious fanaticism of the monk Ravaillac, shelived to see the kingdom brought into the greatest confusion by the badgovernment of the Queen Regent, Marie de Medici, who suffered herself tobe directed by an Italian woman she had brought over with her, namedLeonora Galligai. This woman marrying a Florentine, called Concini, afterwards made a marshal of France, they jointly ruled the kingdom, andbecame so unpopular that the marshal was assassinated, and the wife, whohad been qualified with the title of Marquise d'Ancre, burnt for a witch. This happened about the time of Marguerite's decease. 

It has just before been mentioned how little has been handed down tothese times respecting Queen Marguerite's history. The latter part ofher life, there is reason to believe, was wholly passed at a considerabledistance from Court, in her retirement (so it is called, though itappears to have been rather her prison) at the castle of Usson. Thiscastle, rendered famous by her long residence in it, has been demolishedsince the year 1634. It was built on a mountain, near a little town ofthe same name, in that part of France called Auvergne, which nowconstitutes part of the present Departments of the Upper Loire andPuy-de-Dome, from a river and mountain so named. These Memoirs appear tohave been composed in this retreat. Marguerite amused herself likewise, in this solitude, in composing verses, and there are specimens stillremaining of her poetry. These compositions she often set to music, andsang them herself, accompanying her voice with the lute, on which sheplayed to perfection. Great part of her time was spent in the perusal ofthe Bible and books of piety, together with the works of the best authorsshe could procure. Brantome assures us that Marguerite spoke the Latintongue with purity and elegance; and it appears, from her Memoirs, thatshe had read Plutarch with attention. 

Marguerite has been said to have given in to the gallantries to which theCourt of France was, during her time, but too much addicted; but, thoughthe Translator is obliged to notice it, he is far from being inclined togive any credit to a romance entitled, "Le Divorce Satyrique; ou, lesAmours de la Reyne Marguerite de Valois, " which is written in the personof her husband, and bears on the title-page these initials: D. R. H. Q. M. ; that is to say, "du Roi Henri Quatre, Mari. " This work professes togive a relation of Marguerite's conduct during her residence at thecastle of Usson; but it contains so many gross absurdities andindecencies that it is undeserving of attention, and appears to have beenwritten by some bitter enemy, who has assumed the character of herhusband to traduce her memory. 

["Le Divorce Satyrique" is said to have been written by Louise Margueritede Lorraine, Princesse de Conti, who is likewise the reputed author of"The Amours of Henri IV. , " disguised under the name of Alcander. She wasthe daughter of the Due de Guise, assassinated at Blois in 1588, and wasborn the year her father died. She married Francois, Prince de Conti, and was considered one of the most ingenious and accomplished personsbelonging to the French Court in the age of Louis XIII. She was left awidow in 1614, and died in 1631. ]

M. Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brantome, better known by the nameof Brantome, wrote the Memoirs of his own times. He was brought up inthe Court of France, and lived in it during the reigns of Marguerite'sfather and brothers, dying at the advanced age of eighty or eighty-fouryears, but in what year is not certainly known. 

[The author of the "Tablettes de France, " and "Anecdotes des Rois deFrance, " thinks that Marguerite alludes to Brantome's "Anecdotes" in thebeginning of her first letter, where she says: "I should commend yourwork much more were I myself not so much praised in it. " (According tothe original: "Je louerois davantage votre oeuvre, si elle ne me louoittant. ") If so, these letters were addressed to Brantome, and not to theBaron de la Chataigneraie, as mentioned in the Preface to the Frenchedition. In Letter I. Mention is made of Madame de Dampierre, whomMarguerite styles the aunt of the person the letter is addressed to. Shewas dame d'honneur, or lady of the bedchamber, to the Queen of HenriIII. , and Brantome, speaking of her, calls her his aunt. Indeed, it isnot a matter of any consequence to whom these Memoirs were addressed; itis, however, remarkable that Louis XIV. Used the same words to Boileau, after hearing him read his celebrated epistle upon the famous Passage ofthe Rhine; and yet Louis was no reader, and is not supposed to haveadopted them from these Memoirs. The thought is, in reality, fine, butmight easily suggest itself to any other. "Cela est beau, " said themonarch, "et je vous louerois davantage, si vous m'aviez moins loue. "(The poetry is excellent, and I should praise you more had you praised meless. )]

He has given anecdotes of the life of Marguerite, written during herbefore-mentioned retreat, when she was, as he says ("fille uniquemaintenant restee, de la noble maison de France"), the only survivor ofher illustrious house. Brantome praises her excellent beauty in a longstring of laboured hyperboles. Ronsard, the Court poet, has done thesame in a poem of considerable length, wherein he has exhausted all hiswit and fancy. From what they have said, we may collect that Margueritewas graceful in her person and figure, and remarkably happy in herchoice of dress and ornaments to set herself off to the most advantage;that her height was above the middle size, her shape easy, with that dueproportion of plumpness which gives an appearance of majesty andcomeliness. Her eyes were full, black, and sparkling; she had bright, chestnut-coloured hair, and a complexion fresh and blooming. Her skinwas delicately white, and her neck admirably well formed; and this sogenerally admired beauty, the fashion of dress, in her time, admitted ofbeing fully displayed. 

Such was Queen Marguerite as she is portrayed, with the greatestluxuriance of colouring, by these authors. To her personal charms wereadded readiness of wit, ease and gracefulness of speech, and greataffability and courtesy of manners. This description of Queen Margueritecannot be dismissed without observing, if only for the sake of keepingthe fashion of the present times with her sex in countenance, that, though she had hair, as has been already described, becoming her, andsufficiently ornamental in itself, yet she occasionally called in the aidof wigs. Brantome's words are: "l'artifice de perruques bien gentimentfaconnees. "

[Ladies in the days of Ovid wore periwigs. That poet says to Corinna:

"Nunc tibi captivos mittet Germania crines;Culta triumphatae munere gentis eris. "

(Wigs shall from captive Germany be sent;'Tis with such spoils your head you ornament. )

These, we may conclude, were flaxen, that being the prevailing colouredhair of the Germans at this day. The Translator has met with a furtheraccount of Marguerite's head-dress, which describes her as wearing avelvet bonnet ornamented with pearls and diamonds, and surmounted with aplume of feathers. ]

I shall conclude this Preface with a letter from Marguerite to Brantome;the first, he says, he received from her during her adversity ('sonadversite' are his words), --being, as he expresses it, so ambitious('presomptueux') as to have sent to inquire concerning her health, as shewas the daughter and sister of the Kings, his masters. ("D'avoir envoyescavoir de ses nouvelles, mais quoy elle estoit fille et soeur de mesroys. ")

The letter here follows: "From the attention and regard you have shown me(which to me appears less strange than it is agreeable), I find you stillpreserve that attachment you have ever had to my family, in arecollection of these poor remains which have escaped its wreck. Such asI am, you will find me always ready to do you service, since I am sohappy as to discover that my fortune has not been able to blot out myname from the memory of my oldest friends, of which number you are one. Ihave heard that, like me, you have chosen a life of retirement, which Iesteem those happy who can enjoy, as God, out of His great mercy, hasenabled me to do for these last five years; having placed me, duringthese times of trouble, in an ark of safety, out of the reach, God bethanked, of storms. If, in my present situation, I am able to serve myfriends, and you more especially, I shall be found entirely disposed toit, and with the greatest good-will. "

There is such an air of dignified majesty in the foregoing letter, and, at the same time, such a spirit of genuine piety and resignation, that itcannot but give an exalted idea of Marguerite's character, who appearssuperior to ill-fortune and great even in her distress. If, as I doubtnot, the reader thinks the same, I shall not need to make an apology forconcluding this Preface with it. 

The following Latin verses, or call them, if you please, epigram, are ofthe composition of Barclay, or Barclaius, author of "Argenis, " etc. 

ON MARGUERITE DE VALOIS, QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 

 Dear native land! and you, proud castles! say (Where grandsire, [1] father, [2] and three brothers[3] lay, Who each, in turn, the crown imperial wore), Me will you own, your daughter whom you bore? Me, once your greatest boast and chiefest pride, By Bourbon and Lorraine, [4] when sought a bride; Now widowed wife, [5] a queen without a throne, Midst rocks and mountains [6] wander I alone. Nor yet hath Fortune vented all her spite, But sets one up, [7] who now enjoys my right, Points to the boy, [8] who henceforth claims the throne And crown, a son of mine should call his own. But ah, alas! for me 'tis now too late [9] To strive 'gainst Fortune and contend with Fate; Of those I slighted, can I beg relief [10] No; let me die the victim of my grief. And can I then be justly said to live? Dead in estate, do I then yet survive? Last of the name, I carry to the grave All the remains the House of Valois have. 

1. Francois I. 2. Henri II. 3. Francois II. , Charles IX. , and Henri III. 4. Henri, King of Navarre, and Henri, Duc de Guise. 5. Alluding to her divorce from Henri IV. . 6. The castle of Usson7. Marie de' Medici, whom Henri married after his divorce from Marguerite. 8. Louis XIII. , the son of Henri and his queen, Marie de' Medici. 9. Alluding to the differences betwixt Marguerite and Henri, herhusband. 10. This is said with allusion to the supposition that she was rather inclined to favour the suit of the Due de Guise and reject Henri for a husband. 

CONTENTS

LETTER I. 

Introduction. --Anecdotes of Marguerite's Infancy. --Endeavours Used toConvert Her to the New Religion. --She Is Confirmed in Catholicism. --TheCourt on a Progress. --A Grand Festivity Suddenly Interrupted. --TheConfusion in Consequence. 

LETTER II. 

Message from the Duc d'Anjou, Afterwards Henri III. , to King Charles HisBrother and the Queen-mother. --Her Fondness for Her Children. --TheirInterview. --Anjou's Eloquent Harangue. --The Queen-mother's Character. Discourse of the Duc d'Anjou with Marguerite. --She Discovers Her OwnImportance. --Engages to Serve Her Brother Anjou. --Is in High Favour withthe Queenmother. 

LETTER III. 

Le Guast. --His Character. --Anjou Affects to Be Jealous of theGuises. --Dissuades the Queen-mother from Reposing Confidence inMarguerite. --She Loses the Favour of the Queen-mother and FallsSick. --Anjou's Hypocrisy. --He Introduces De Guise into Marguerite's SickChamber. --Marguerite Demanded in Marriage by the King of Portugal. --MadeUneasy on That Account. --Contrives to Relieve Herself. --The Match withPortugal Broken off. 

LETTER IV. 

Death of the Queen of Navarre--Marguerite's Marriage with Her Son, theKing of Navarre, Afterwards Henri IV. Of France. --The Preparations forThat Solemnisation Described. --The Circumstances Which Led to theMassacre of the Huguenots on St. Bartholomew's Day. 

LETTER V. 

The Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. 

LETTER VI. 

Henri, Duc d'Anjou, Elected King of Poland, Leaves France. --HuguenotPlots to Withdraw the Duc d'Alencon and the King of Navarre fromCourt. --Discovered and Defeated by Marguerite's Vigilance. --She Draws Upan Eloquent Defence, Which Her Husband Delivers before a Committee fromthe Court of Parliament. --Alencon and Her Husband, under a Close Arrest, Regain Their Liberty by the Death of Charles IX. 

LETTER VII. 

Accession of Henri III. --A Journey to Lyons. --Marguerite's Faith inSupernatural Intelligence. 

LETTER VIII. 

What Happened at Lyons. 

LETTER IX. 

Fresh Intrigues. --Marriage of Henri III. --Bussi Arrives at Court andNarrowly Escapes Assassination. 

LETTER X. 

Bussi Is Sent from Court. --Marguerite's Husband Attacked with a Fit ofEpilepsy. --Her Great Care of Him. --Torigni Dismissed from Marguerite'sService. --The King of Navarre and the Duc d'Alencon Secretly Leave theCourt. 

LETTER XI. 

Queen Marguerite under Arrest. --Attempt on Torigni's Life. --Her FortunateDeliverance. 

LETTER XII. 

The Peace of Sens betwixt Henri III. And the Huguenots. 

LETTER XIII. 

The League. --War Declared against the Huguenots. --Queen Marguerite Setsout for Spa. 

LETTER XIV. 

Description of Queen Marguerite's Equipage. --Her Journey to LiegeDescribed. --She Enters with Success upon Her Mission. --Striking Instanceof Maternal Duty and Affection in a Great Lady. --Disasters near the Closeof the Journey. 

LETTER XV. 

The City of Liege Described. --Affecting Story of Mademoiselle deTournon. --Fatal Effects of Suppressed Anguish of Mind. 

LETTER XVI. 

Queen Marguerite, on Her Return from Liege, Is in Danger of Being Made aPrisoner. --She Arrives, after Some Narrow Escapes, at La Fere. 

LETTER XVII. 

Good Effects of Queen Marguerite's Negotiations in Flanders. --She ObtainsLeave to Go to the King of Navarre Her Husband, but Her Journey IsDelayed. --Court Intrigues and Plots. --The Duc d'Alencon Again Put underArrest. 

LETTER XVIII. 

The Brothers Reconciled. --Alencon Restored to His Liberty. 

LETTER XIX. 

The Duc d'Alencon Makes His Escape from Court. --Queen Marguerite'sFidelity Put to a Severe Trial. 

LETTER XX. 

Queen Marguerite Permitted to Go to the King Her Husband. --Is Accompaniedby the Queenmother. --Marguerite Insulted by Her Husband's Secretary. --SheHarbours Jealousy. --Her Attention to the King Her Husband during anIndisposition. --Their Reconciliation. --The War Breaks OutAfresh. --Affront Received from Marechal de Biron. 

LETTER XXI. 

Situation of Affairs in Flanders. --Peace Brought About by Duc d'Alencon'sNegotiation. --Marechal de Biron Apologises for Firing on Nerac. --HenriDesperately in Love with Fosseuse. --Queen Marguerite Discovers Fosseuseto Be Pregnant, Which She Denies. --Fosseuse in Labour. Marguerite'sGenerous Behaviour to Her. --Marguerite's Return to Paris. 

HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF VALOIS. [Author unknown]

MARGUERITE DE VALOIS. 

BOOK 1. 

LETTER I. 

Introduction. --Anecdotes of Marguerite's Infancy. --Endeavours Used toConvert Her to the New Religion. --She Is Confirmed in Catholicism. --TheCourt on a Progress. --A Grand Festivity Suddenly Interrupted. --TheConfusion in Consequence. 

I should commend your work much more were I myself less praised in it;but I am unwilling to do so, lest my praises should seem rather theeffect of self-love than to be founded on reason and justice. I amfearful that, like Themistocles, I should appear to admire theireloquence the most who are most forward to praise me. It is the usualfrailty of our sex to be fond of flattery. I blame this in other women, and should wish not to be chargeable with it myself. Yet I confess thatI take a pride in being painted by the hand of so able a master, howeverflattering the likeness may be. If I ever were possessed of the gracesyou have assigned to me, trouble and vexation render them no longervisible, and have even effaced them from my own recollection. So that Iview myself in your Memoirs, and say, with old Madame de Rendan, who, nothaving consulted her glass since her husband's death, on seeing her ownface in the mirror of another lady, exclaimed, "Who is this?" Whatevermy friends tell me when they see me now, I am inclined to think proceedsfrom the partiality of their affection. I am sure that you yourself, when you consider more impartially what you have said, will be induced tobelieve, according to these lines of Du Bellay:

"C'est chercher Rome en Rome, Et rien de Rome en Rome ne trouver. "

('Tis to seek Rome, in Rome to go, And Rome herself at Rome not know. )

But as we read with pleasure the history of the Siege of Troy, themagnificence of Athens, and other splendid cities, which once flourished, but are now so entirely destroyed that scarcely the spot whereon theystood can be traced, so you please yourself with describing theseexcellences of beauty which are no more, and which will be discoverableonly in your writings. 

If you had taken upon you to contrast Nature and Fortune, you could nothave chosen a happier theme upon which to descant, for both have made atrial of their strength on the subject of your Memoirs. What Nature did, you had the evidence of your own eyes to vouch for, but what was done byFortune, you know only from hearsay; and hearsay, I need not tell you, isliable to be influenced by ignorance or malice, and, therefore, is not tobe depended on. You will for that reason, I make no doubt, be pleased toreceive these Memoirs from the hand which is most interested in the truthof them. 

I have been induced to undertake writing my Memoirs the more from five orsix observations which I have had occasion to make upon your work, as youappear to have been misinformed respecting certain particulars. Forexample, in that part where mention is made of Pau, and of my journey inFrance; likewise where you speak of the late Marechal de Biron, of Agen, and of the sally of the Marquis de Camillac from that place. 

These Memoirs might merit the honourable name of history from the truthscontained in them, as I shall prefer truth to embellishment. In fact, toembellish my story I have neither leisure nor ability; I shall, therefore, do no more than give a simple narration of events. They arethe labours of my evenings, and will come to you an unformed mass, toreceive its shape from your hands, or as a chaos on which you havealready thrown light. Mine is a history most assuredly worthy to comefrom a man of honour, one who is a true Frenchman, born of illustriousparents, brought up in the Court of the Kings my father and brothers, allied in blood and friendship to the most virtuous and accomplishedwomen of our times, of which society I have had the good fortune to bethe bond of union. 

I shall begin these Memoirs in the reign of Charles IX. , and set out withthe first remarkable event of my life which fell within my remembrance. Herein I follow the example of geographical writers, who, havingdescribed the places within their knowledge, tell you that all beyondthem are sandy deserts, countries without inhabitants, or seas nevernavigated. Thus I might say that all prior to the commencement of theseMemoirs was the barrenness of my infancy, when we can only be said tovegetate like plants, or live, like brutes, according to instinct, andnot as human creatures, guided by reason. To those who had the directionof my earliest years I leave the task of relating the transactions of myinfancy, if they find them as worthy of being recorded as the infantineexploits of Themistocles and Alexander, --the one exposing himself to betrampled on by the horses of a charioteer, who would not stop them whenrequested to do so, and the other refusing to run a race unless kingswere to enter the contest against him. Amongst such memorable thingsmight be related the answer I made the King my father, a short timebefore the fatal accident which deprived France of peace, and our familyof its chief glory. I was then about four or five years of age, when theKing, placing me on his knee, entered familiarly into chat with me. Therewere, in the same room, playing and diverting themselves, the Prince deJoinville, since the great and unfortunate Duc de Guise, and the Marquisde Beaupreau, son of the Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon, who died in hisfourteenth year, and by whose death his country lost a youth of mostpromising talents. Amongst other discourse, the King asked which of thetwo Princes that were before me I liked best. I replied, "The Marquis. "The King said, "Why so? He is not the handsomest. " The Prince deJoinville was fair, with light-coloured hair, and the Marquis deBeaupreau brown, with dark hair. I answered, "Because he is the bestbehaved; whilst the Prince is always making mischief, and will be masterover everybody. "

This was a presage of what we have seen happen since, when the wholeCourt was infected with heresy, about the time of the Conference ofPoissy. It was with great difficulty that I resisted and preservedmyself from a change of religion at that time. Many ladies and lordsbelonging to Court strove to convert me to Huguenotism. The Duc d'Anjou, since King Henri III. Of France, then in his infancy, had been prevailedon to change his religion, and he often snatched my "Hours" out of myhand, and flung them into the fire, giving me Psalm Books and books ofHuguenot prayers, insisting on my using them. I took the firstopportunity to give them up to my governess, Madame de Curton, whom God, out of his mercy to me, caused to continue steadfast in the Catholicreligion. She frequently took me to that pious, good man, the Cardinalde Tournon, who gave me good advice, and strengthened me in aperseverance in my religion, furnishing me with books and chaplets ofbeads in the room of those my brother Anjou took from me and burnt. 

Many of my brother's most intimate friends had resolved on my ruin, andrated me severely upon my refusal to change, saying it proceeded from achildish obstinacy; that if I had the least understanding, and wouldlisten, like other discreet persons, to the sermons that were preached, Ishould abjure my uncharitable bigotry; but I was, said they, as foolishas my governess. My brother Anjou added threats, and said the Queen mymother would give orders that I should be whipped. But this he said ofhis own head, for the Queen my mother did not, at that time, know of theerrors he had embraced. As soon as it came to her knowledge, she tookhim to task, and severely reprimanded his governors, insisting upon theircorrecting him, and instructing him in the holy and ancient religion ofhis forefathers, from which she herself never swerved. When he usedthose menaces, as I have before related, I was a child seven or eightyears old, and at that tender age would reply to him, "Well, get mewhipped if you can; I will suffer whipping, and even death, rather thanbe damned. "

I could furnish you with many other replies of the like kind, which gaveproof of the early ripeness of my judgment and my courage; but I shallnot trouble myself with such researches, choosing rather to begin theseMemoirs at the time when I resided constantly with the Queen my mother. 

Immediately after the Conference of Poissy, the civil wars commenced, andmy brother Alencon and myself, on account of our youth, were sent toAmboise, whither all the ladies of the country repaired to us. 

With them came your aunt, Madame de Dampierre, who entered into a firmfriendship with me, which was never interrupted until her death broke itoff. There was likewise your cousin, the Duchesse de Rais, who had thegood fortune to hear there of the death of her brute of a husband, killedat the battle of Dreux. The husband I mean was the first she had, namedM. D'Annebaut, who was unworthy to have for a wife so accomplished andcharming a woman as your cousin. She and I were not then so intimatefriends as we have become since, and shall ever remain. The reason wasthat, though older than I, she was yet young, and young girls seldom takemuch notice of children, whereas your aunt was of an age when womenadmire their innocence and engaging simplicity. 

I remained at Amboise until the Queen my mother was ready to set out onher grand progress, at which time she sent for me to come to her Court, which I did not quit afterwards. 

Of this progress I will not undertake to give you a description, beingstill so young that, though the whole is within my recollection, yet theparticular passages of it appear to me but as a dream, and are now lost. I leave this task to others, of riper years, as you were yourself. Youcan well remember the magnificence that was displayed everywhere, particularly at the baptism of my nephew, the Duc de Lorraine, atBar-le-Duc; at the meeting of M. And Madame de Savoy, in the city ofLyons; the interview at Bayonne betwixt my sister, the Queen of Spain, the Queen my mother, and King Charles my brother. In your account ofthis interview you would not forget to make mention of the nobleentertainment given by the Queen my mother, on an island, with the granddances, and the form of the salon, which seemed appropriated by naturefor such a purpose, it being a large meadow in the middle of the island, in the shape of an oval, surrounded on every aide by tall spreadingtrees. In this meadow the Queen my mother had disposed a circle ofniches, each of them large enough to contain a table of twelve covers. At one end a platform was raised, ascended by four steps formed of turf. Here their Majesties were seated at a table under a lofty canopy. Thetables were all served by troops of shepherdesses dressed in cloth ofgold and satin, after the fashion of the different provinces of France. These shepherdesses, during the passage of the superb boats from Bayonneto the island, were placed in separate bands, in a meadow on each side ofthe causeway, raised with turf; and whilst their Majesties and thecompany were passing through the great salon, they danced. On theirpassage by water, the barges were followed by other boats, having onboard vocal and instrumental musicians, habited like Nereids, singing andplaying the whole time. After landing, the shepherdesses I havementioned before received the company in separate troops, with songs anddances, after the fashion and accompanied by the music of the provincesthey represented, --the Poitevins playing on bagpipes; the Provencales onthe viol and cymbal; the Burgundians and Champagners on the hautboy, bassviol, and tambourine; in like manner the Bretons and otherprovincialists. After the collation was served and the feast at an end, a large troop of musicians, habited like satyrs, was seen to come out ofthe opening of a rock, well lighted up, whilst nymphs were descendingfrom the top in rich habits, who, as they came down, formed into a granddance, when, lo! fortune no longer favouring this brilliant festival, asudden storm of rain came on, and all were glad to get off in the boatsand make for town as fast as they could. The confusion in consequence ofthis precipitate retreat afforded as much matter to laugh at the next dayas the splendour of the entertainment had excited admiration. In short, the festivity of this day was not, forgotten, on one account or theother, amidst the variety of the like nature which succeeded it in thecourse of this progress. 

LETTER II. 

Message from the Duc d'Anjou, Afterwards Henri III. , to King Charles HisBrother and the Queen-mother. --Her Fondness for Her Children. --TheirInterview. --Anjou's Eloquent Harangue. --The Queen-mother's Character. Discourse of the Duc d'Anjou with Marguerite. --She Discovers Her OwnImportance. --Engages to Serve Her Brother Anjou. --Is in High Favour withthe Queenmother. 

At the time my magnanimous brother Charles reigned over France, and somefew years after our return from the grand progress mentioned in my lastletter, the Huguenots having renewed the war, a gentleman, despatchedfrom my brother Anjou (afterwards Henri III. Of France), came to Paris toinform the King and the Queen my mother that the Huguenot army wasreduced to such an extremity that he hoped in a few days to force them togive him battle. He added his earnest wish for the honour of seeing themat Tours before that happened, so that, in case Fortune, envying him theglory he had already achieved at so early an age, should, on the so muchlooked-for day, after the good service he had done his religion and hisKing, crown the victory with his death, he might not have cause to regretleaving this world without the satisfaction of receiving theirapprobation of his conduct from their own mouths, a satisfaction whichwould be more valuable, in his opinion, than the trophies he had gainedby his two former victories. 

I leave to your own imagination to suggest to you the impression whichsuch a message from a dearly beloved son made on the mind of a mother whodoted on all her children, and was always ready to sacrifice her ownrepose, nay, even her life, for their happiness. 

She resolved immediately to set off and take the King with her. She had, besides myself, her usual small company of female attendants, togetherwith Mesdames de Rais and de Sauves. She flew on the wings of maternalaffection, and reached Tours in three days and a half. A journey fromParis, made with such precipitation, was not unattended with accidentsand some inconveniences, of a nature to occasion much mirth and laughter. The poor Cardinal de Bourbon, who never quitted her, and whose temper ofmind, strength of body, and habits of life were ill suited to encounterprivations and hardships, suffered greatly from this rapid journey. 

We found my brother Anjou at Plessis-les-Tours, with the principalofficers of his army, who were the flower of the princes and nobles ofFrance. In their presence he delivered a harangue to the King, giving adetail of his conduct in the execution of his charge, beginning from thetime he left the Court. His discourse was framed with so much eloquence, and spoken so gracefully, that it was admired by all present. Itappeared matter of astonishment that a youth of sixteen should reasonwith all the gravity and powers of an orator of ripe years. Thecomeliness of his person, which at all times pleads powerfully in favourof a speaker, was in him set off by the laurels obtained in twovictories. In short, it was difficult to say which most contributed tomake him the admiration of all his hearers. 

It is equally as impossible for me to describe in words the feelings ofmy mother on this occasion, who loved him above all her children, as itwas for the painter to represent on canvas the grief of Iphigenia'sfather. Such an overflow of joy would have been discoverable in thelooks and actions of any other woman, but she had her passions so muchunder the control of prudence and discretion that there was nothing to beperceived in her countenance, or gathered from her words, of what shefelt inwardly in her mind. She was, indeed, a perfect mistress ofherself, and regulated her discourse and her actions by the rules ofwisdom and sound policy, showing that a person of discretion does uponall occasions only what is proper to be done. She did not amuse herselfon this occasion with listening to the praises which issued from everymouth, and sanction them with her own approbation; but, selecting thechief points in the speech relative to the future conduct of the war, shelaid them before the Princes and great lords, to be deliberated upon, inorder to settle a plan of operations. 

To arrange such a plan a delay of some days was requisite. During thisinterval, the Queen my mother walking in the park with some of thePrinces, my brother Anjou begged me to take a turn or two with him in aretired walk. He then addressed me in the following words: "Dear sister, the nearness of blood, as well as our having been brought up together, naturally, as they ought, attach us to each other. You must already havediscovered the partiality I have had for you above my brothers, and Ithink that I have perceived the same in you for me. We have beenhitherto led to this by nature, without deriving any other advantage fromit than the sole pleasure of conversing together. So far might be wellenough for our childhood, but now we are no longer children. You knowthe high situation in which, by the favour of God and our good mother theQueen, I am here placed. You may be assured that, as you are the personin the world whom I love and esteem the most, you will always be apartaker of my advancement. I know you are not wanting in wit anddiscretion, and I am sensible you have it in your power to do me servicewith the Queen our mother, and preserve me in my present employments. Itis a great point obtained for me, always to stand well in her favour. Iam fearful that my absence may be prejudicial to that purpose, and I mustnecessarily be at a distance from Court. Whilst I am away, the King mybrother is with her, and has it in his power to insinuate himself intoher good graces. This I fear, in the end, may be of disservice to me. The King my brother is growing older every day. He does not want forcourage, and, though he now diverts himself with hunting, he may growambitious, and choose rather to chase men than beasts; in such a case Imust resign to him my commission as his lieutenant. This would prove thegreatest mortification that could happen to me, and I would even preferdeath to it. Under such an apprehension I have considered of the meansof prevention, and see none so feasible as having a confidential personabout the Queen my mother, who shall always be ready to espouse andsupport my cause. I know no one so proper for that purpose as yourself, who will be, I doubt not, as attentive to my interest as I should bemyself. You have wit, discretion, and fidelity, which are all that arewanting, provided you will be so kind as to undertake such a good office. In that case I shall have only to beg of you not to neglect attending hermorning and evening, to be the first with her and the last to leave her. This will induce her to repose a confidence and open her mind to you. 

"To make her the more ready to do this, I shall take every opportunity, to commend your good sense and understanding, and to tell her that Ishall take it kind in her to leave off treating you as a child, which, Ishall say, will contribute to her own comfort and satisfaction. I amwell convinced that she will listen to my advice. Do you speak to herwith the same confidence as you do to me, and be assured that she willapprove of it. It will conduce to your own happiness to obtain herfavour. You may do yourself service whilst you are labouring for myinterest; and you may rest satisfied that, after God, I shall think I oweall the good fortune which may befall me to yourself. "

This was entirely a new kind of language to me. I had hitherto thoughtof nothing but amusements, of dancing, hunting, and the like diversions;nay, I had never yet discovered any inclination of setting myself off toadvantage by dress, and exciting an admiration of my person and figure. Ihad no ambition of any kind, and had been so strictly brought up underthe Queen my mother that I scarcely durst speak before her; and if shechanced to turn her eyes towards me I trembled, for fear that I had donesomething to displease her. At the conclusion of my brother's harangue, I was half inclined to reply to him in the words of Moses, when he wasspoken to from the burning bush: "Who am I, that I should go untoPharaoh? Send, I pray thee, by the hand of him whom thou wilt send. "

However, his words inspired me with resolution and powers I did not thinkmyself possessed of before. I had naturally a degree of courage, and, assoon as I recovered from my astonishment, I found I was quite an alteredperson. His address pleased me, and wrought in me a confidence inmyself; and I found I was become of more consequence than I had everconceived I had been. Accordingly, I replied to him thus: "Brother, ifGod grant me the power of speaking to the Queen our mother as I have thewill to do, nothing can be wanting for your service, and you may expectto derive all the good you hope from it, and from my solicitude andattention for your interest. With respect to my undertaking such amatter for you, you will soon perceive that I shall sacrifice all thepleasures in this world to my watchfulness for your service. You mayperfectly rely on me, as there is no one that honours or regards you morethan I do. Be well assured that I shall act for you with the Queen mymother as zealously as you would for yourself. "

These sentiments were more strongly impressed upon my mind than the wordsI made use of were capable of conveying an idea of. This will appearmore fully in my following letters. 

As soon as we were returned from walking, the Queen my mother retiredwith me into her closet, and addressed the following words to me: "Yourbrother has been relating the conversation you have had together; heconsiders you no longer as a child, neither shall I. It will be a greatcomfort to me to converse with you as I would with your brother. For thefuture you will freely speak your mind, and have no apprehensions oftaking too great a liberty, for it is what I wish. " These words gave mea pleasure then which I am now unable to express. I felt a satisfactionand a joy which nothing before had ever caused me to feel. I nowconsidered the pastimes of my childhood as vain amusements. I shunnedthe society of my former companions of the same age. I disliked dancingand hunting, which I thought beneath my attention. I strictly compliedwith her agreeable injunction, and never missed being with her at herrising in the morning and going to rest at night. She did me the honour, sometimes, to hold me in conversation for two and three hours at a time. God was so gracious with me that I gave her great satisfaction; and shethought she could not sufficiently praise me to those ladies who wereabout her. I spoke of my brother's affairs to her, and he was constantlyapprised by me of her sentiments and opinion; so that he had every reasonto suppose I was firmly attached to his interest. 

LETTER III. 

Le Guast. --His Character. --Anjou Affects to Be Jealous of theGuises. --Dissuades the Queen-mother from Reposing Confidence inMarguerite. --She Loses the Favour of the Queen-mother and FallsSick. --Anjou's Hypocrisy. --He Introduces De Guise into Marguerite's SickChamber. --Marguerite Demanded in Marriage by the King of Portugal. --MadeUneasy on That Account. --Contrives to Relieve Herself. --The Match withPortugal Broken off. 

I continued to pass my time with the Queen my mother, greatly to mysatisfaction, until after the battle of Moncontour. By the same despatchthat brought the news of this victory to the Court, my brother, who wasever desirous to be near the Queen my mother, wrote her word that he wasabout to lay siege to St. Jean d'Angely, and that it would be necessarythat the King should be present whilst it was going on. 

She, more anxious to see him than he could be to have her near him, hastened to set out on the journey, taking me with her, and her customarytrain of attendants. I likewise experienced great joy upon the occasion, having no suspicion that any mischief awaited me. I was still young andwithout experience, and I thought the happiness I enjoyed was always tocontinue; but the malice of Fortune prepared for me at this interview areverse that I little expected, after the fidelity with which I haddischarged the trust my brother had reposed in me. 

Soon after our last meeting, it seems, my brother Anjou had taken LeGuast to be near his person, who had ingratiated himself so far into hisfavour and confidence that he saw only with his eyes, and spoke but as hedictated. This evil-disposed man, whose whole life was one continuedscene of wickedness, had perverted his mind and filled it with maxims ofthe most atrocious nature. He advised him to have no regard but for hisown interest; neither to love nor put trust in any one; and not topromote the views or advantage of either brother or sister. These andother maxims of the like nature, drawn from the school of Machiavelli, hewas continually suggesting to him. He had so frequently inculcated themthat they were strongly impressed on his mind, insomuch that, upon ourarrival, when, after the first compliments, my mother began to open in mypraise and express the attachment I had discovered for him, this was hisreply, which he delivered with the utmost coldness:

"He was well pleased, " he said, "to have succeeded in the request he hadmade to me; but that prudence directed us not to continue to make use ofthe same expedients, for what was profitable at one time might not be soat another. " She asked him why he made that observation. This questionafforded the opportunity he wished for, of relating a story he hadfabricated, purposely to ruin me with her. 

He began with observing to her that I was grown very handsome, and thatM. De Guise wished to marry me; that his uncles, too, were very desirousof such a match; and, if I should entertain a like passion for him, therewould be danger of my discovering to him all she said to me; that shewell knew the ambition of that house, and how ready they were, on alloccasions, to circumvent ours. It would, therefore, be proper that sheshould not, for the future, communicate any matter of State to me, but, by degrees, withdraw her confidence. 

I discovered the evil effects proceeding from this pernicious advice onthe very same evening. I remarked an unwillingness on her part to speakto me before my brother; and, as soon as she entered into discourse withhim, she commanded me to go to bed. This command she repeated two orthree times. I quitted her closet, and left them together inconversation; but, as soon as he was gone, I returned and entreated herto let me know if I had been so unhappy as to have done anything, throughignorance, which had given her offence. She was at first inclined todissemble with me; but at length she said to me thus: "Daughter, yourbrother is prudent and cautious; you ought not to be displeased with himfor what he does, and you must believe what I shall tell you is right andproper. " She then related the conversation she had with my brother, as Ihave just written it; and she then ordered me never to speak to her in mybrother's presence. 

These words were like so many daggers plunged into my breast. In mydisgrace, I experienced as much grief as I had before joy on beingreceived into her favour and confidence. I did not omit to sayeverything to convince her of my entire ignorance of what my brother hadtold her. I said it was a matter I had never heard mentioned before; andthat, had I known it, I should certainly have made her immediatelyacquainted with it. All I said was to no purpose; my brother's words hadmade the first impression; they were constantly present in her mind, andoutweighed probability and truth. When I discovered this, I told herthat I felt less uneasiness at being deprived of my happiness than I didjoy when I had acquired it; for my brother had taken it from me, as hehad given it. He had given it without reason; he had taken it awaywithout cause. He had praised me for discretion and prudence when I didnot merit it, and he suspected my fidelity on grounds wholly imaginaryand fictitious. I concluded with assuring her that I should never forgetmy brother's behaviour on this occasion. 

Hereupon she flew into a passion and commanded me not to make the leastshow of resentment at his behaviour. From that hour she graduallywithdrew her favour from me. Her son became the god of her idolatry, atthe shrine of whose will she sacrificed everything. 

The grief which I inwardly felt was very great and overpowered all myfaculties, until it wrought so far on my constitution as to contribute tomy receiving the infection which then prevailed in the army. A few daysafter I fell sick of a raging fever, attended with purple spots, a maladywhich carried off numbers, and, amongst the rest, the two principalphysicians belonging to the King and Queen, Chappelain and Castelan. Indeed, few got over the disorder after being attacked with it. 

In this extremity the Queen my mother, who partly guessed the cause of myillness, omitted nothing that might serve to remove it; and, without fearof consequences, visited me frequently. Her goodness contributed much tomy recovery; but my brother's hypocrisy was sufficient to destroy all thebenefit I received from her attention, after having been guilty of sotreacherous a proceeding. After he had proved so ungrateful to me, hecame and sat at the foot of my bed from morning to night, and appeared asanxiously attentive as if we had been the most perfect friends. My mouthwas shut up by the command I had received from the Queen our mother, sothat I only answered his dissembled concern with sighs, like Burrus inthe presence of Nero, when he was dying by the poison administered by thehands of that tyrant. The sighs, however, which I vented in my brother'spresence, might convince him that I attributed my sickness rather to hisill offices than to the prevailing contagion. 

God had mercy on me, and supported me through this dangerous illness. After I had kept my bed a fortnight, the army changed its quarters, and Iwas conveyed away with it in a litter. At the end of each day's march, Ifound King Charles at the door of my quarters, ready, with the rest ofthe good gentlemen belonging to the Court, to carry my litter up to mybedside. In this manner I came to Angers from St. Jean d'Angely, sick inbody, but more sick in mind. Here, to my misfortune, M. De Guise and hisuncles had arrived before me. This was a circumstance which gave my goodbrother great pleasure, as it afforded a colourable appearance to hisstory. I soon discovered the advantage my brother would make of it toincrease my already too great mortification; for he came daily to see me, and as constantly brought M. De Guise into my chamber with him. Hepretended the sincerest regard for De Guise, and, to make him believe it, would take frequent opportunities of embracing him, crying out at thesame time, "would to God you were my brother!" This he often put inpractice before me, which M. De Guise seemed not to comprehend; but I, who knew his malicious designs, lost all patience, yet did not dare toreproach him with his hypocrisy. 

As soon as I was recovered, a treaty was set on foot for a marriagebetwixt the King of Portugal and me, an ambassador having been sent forthat purpose. The Queen my mother commanded me to prepare to give theambassador an audience; which I did accordingly. My brother had made herbelieve that I was averse to this marriage; accordingly, she took me totask upon it, and questioned me on the subject, expecting she should findsome cause to be angry with me. I told her my will had always beenguided by her own, and that whatever she thought right for me to do, Ishould do it. She answered me, angrily, according as she had beenwrought upon, that I did not speak the sentiments of my heart, for shewell knew that the Cardinal de Lorraine had persuaded me into a promiseof having his nephew. I begged her to forward this match with the Kingof Portugal, and I would convince her of my obedience to her commands. Every day some new matter was reported to incense her against me. Allthese were machinations worked up by the mind of Le Guast. In short, Iwas constantly receiving some fresh mortification, so that I hardlypassed a day in quiet. On one side, the King of Spain was using hisutmost endeavours to break off the match with Portugal, and M. De Guise, continuing at Court, furnished grounds for persecuting me on the other. Still, not a single person of the Guises ever mentioned a word to me onthe subject; and it was well known that, for more than a twelvemonth, M. De Guise had been paying his addresses to the Princesse de Porcian; butthe slow progress made in bringing this match to a conclusion was said tobe owing to his designs upon me. 

As soon as I made this discovery I resolved to write to my sister, Madamede Lorraine, who had a great influence in the House of Porcian, beggingher to use her endeavours to withdraw M. De Guise from Court, and makehim conclude his match with the Princess, laying open to her the plotwhich had been concerted to ruin the Guises and me. She readily sawthrough it, came immediately to Court, and concluded the match, whichdelivered me from the aspersions cast on my character, and convinced theQueen my mother that what I had told her was the real truth. This at thesame time stopped the mouths of my enemies and gave me some repose. 

At length the King of Spain, unwilling that the King of Portugal shouldmarry out of his family, broke off the treaty which had been entered uponfor my marriage with him. 

LETTER IV. 

Death of the Queen of Navarre--Marguerite's Marriage with Her Son, theKing of Navarre, Afterwards Henri IV. Of France. --The Preparations forThat Solemnisation Described. --The Circumstances Which Led to theMassacre of the Huguenots on St. Bartholomew's Day. 

Some short time after this a marriage was projected betwixt the Prince ofNavarre, now our renowned King Henri IV. , and me. 

The Queen my mother, as she sat at table, discoursed for a long time uponthe subject with M. De Meru, the House of Montmorency having firstproposed the match. After the Queen had risen from table, he told me shehad commanded him to mention it to me. I replied that it was quiteunnecessary, as I had no will but her own; however, I should wish shewould be pleased to remember that I was a Catholic, and that I shoulddislike to marry any one of a contrary persuasion. 

Soon after this the Queen sent for me to attend her in her closet. Shethere informed me that the Montmorencys had proposed this match to her, and that she was desirous to learn my sentiments upon it. 

I answered that my choice was governed by her pleasure, and that I onlybegged her not to forget that I was a good Catholic. 

This treaty was in negotiation for some time after this conversation, andwas not finally settled until the arrival of the Queen of Navarre, hismother, at Court, where she died soon after. 

Whilst the Queen of Navarre lay on her death-bed, a circumstance happenedof so whimsical a nature that, though not of consequence to merit a placein the history, it may very well deserve to be related by me to you. Madame de Nevers, whose oddities you well know, attended the Cardinal deBourbon, Madame de Guise, the Princesse de Conde, her sisters, and myselfto the late Queen of Navarre's apartments, whither we all went to paythose last duties which her rank and our nearness of blood demanded ofus. We found the Queen in bed with her curtains undrawn, the chamber notdisposed with the pomp and ceremonies of our religion, but after thesimple manner of the Huguenots; that is to say, there were no priests, nocross, nor any holy water. We kept ourselves at some distance from thebed, but Madame de Nevers, whom you know the Queen hated more than anywoman besides, and which she had shown both in speech and byactions, --Madame de Nevers, I say, approached the bedside, and, to thegreat astonishment of all present, who well knew the enmity subsistingbetwixt them, took the Queen's hand, with many low curtseys, and kissedit; after which, making another curtsey to the very ground, she retiredand rejoined us. 

A few months after the Queen's death, the Prince of Navarre, or rather, as he was then styled, the King, came to Paris in deep mourning, attendedby eight hundred gentlemen, all in mourning habits. He was received withevery honour by King Charles and the whole Court, and, in a few daysafter his arrival, our marriage was solemnised with all possiblemagnificence; the King of Navarre and his retinue putting off theirmourning and dressing themselves in the most costly manner. The wholeCourt, too, was richly attired; all which you can better conceive than Iam able to express. For my own part, I was set out in a most royalmanner; I wore a crown on my head with the 'coet', or regal close gown ofermine, and I blazed in diamonds. My blue-coloured robe had a train toit of four ells in length, which was supported by three princesses. Aplatform had been raised, some height from the ground, which led from theBishop's palace to the Church of Notre-Dame. It was hung with cloth ofgold; and below it stood the people in throngs to view the procession, stifling with heat. We were received at the church door by the Cardinalde Bourbon, who officiated for that day, and pronounced the nuptialbenediction. After this we proceeded on the same platform to the tribunewhich separates the nave from the choir, where was a double staircase, one leading into the choir, the other through the nave to the churchdoor. The King of Navarre passed by the latter and went out of church. 

But fortune, which is ever changing, did not fail soon to disturb thefelicity of this union. This was occasioned by the wound received by theAdmiral, which had wrought the Huguenots up to a degree of desperation. The Queen my mother was reproached on that account in such terms by theelder Pardaillan and some other principal Huguenots, that she began toapprehend some evil design. M. De Guise and my brother the King ofPoland, since Henri III. Of France, gave it as their advice to bebeforehand with the Huguenots. King Charles was of a contrary opinion. He had a great esteem for M. De La Rochefoucauld, Teligny, La Noue, andsome other leading men of the same religion; and, as I have since heardhim say, it was with the greatest difficulty he could be prevailed uponto give his consent, and not before he had been made to understand thathis own life aid the safety of his kingdom depended upon it. 

The King having learned that Maurevel had made an attempt upon theAdmiral's life, by firing a pistol at him through a window, --in whichattempt he failed, having wounded the Admiral only in the shoulder, --andsupposing that Maurevel had done this at the instance of M. De Guise, torevenge the death of his father, whom the Admiral had caused to be killedin the same manner by Poltrot, he was so much incensed against M. DeGuise that he declared with an oath that he would make an example of him;and, indeed, the King would have put M. De Guise under an arrest, if hehad not kept out of his sight the whole day. The Queen my mother usedevery argument to convince King Charles that what had been done was forthe good of the State; and this because, as I observed before, the Kinghad so great a regard for the Admiral, La Noue, and Teligny, on accountof their bravery, being himself a prince of a gallant and noble spirit, and esteeming others in whom he found a similar disposition. Moreover, these designing men had insinuated themselves into the King's favour byproposing an expedition to Flanders, with a view of extending hisdominions and aggrandising his power, knew would secure to themselves aninfluence over his royal and generous mind. 

Upon this occasion, the Queen my mother represented to the King that theattempt of M. De Guise upon the Admiral's life was excusable in a sonwho, being denied justice, had no other means of avenging his father'sdeath. Moreover, the Admiral, she said, had deprived her byassassination, during his minority and her regency, of a faithful servantin the person of Charri, commander of the King's body-guard, whichrendered him deserving of the like treatment. 

Notwithstanding that the Queen my mother spoke thus to the King, discovering by her expressions and in her looks all the grief which sheinwardly felt on the recollection of the loss of persons who had beenuseful to her; yet, so much was King Charles inclined to save those who, as he thought, would one day be serviceable to him, that he stillpersisted in his determination to punish M. De Guise, for whom he orderedstrict search to be made. 

At length Pardaillan, disclosing by his menaces, during the supper of theQueen my mother, the evil intentions of the Huguenots, she plainlyperceived that things were brought to so near a crisis, that, unlesssteps were taken that very night to prevent it, the King and herself werein danger of being assassinated. She, therefore, came to the resolutionof declaring to King Charles his real situation. For this purpose shethought of the Marechal de Rais as the most proper person to break thematter to the King, the Marshal being greatly in his favour andconfidence. 

Accordingly, the Marshal went to the King in his closet, between thehours of nine and ten, and told him he was come as a faithful servant todischarge his duty, and lay before him the danger in which he stood, ifhe persisted in his resolution of punishing M. De Guise, as he ought nowto be informed that the attempt made upon the Admiral's life was not seton foot by him alone, but that his (the King's) brother the King ofPoland, and the Queen his mother, had their shares in it; that he must besensible how much the Queen lamented Charri's assassination, for whichshe had great reason, having very few servants about her upon whom shecould rely, and as it happened during the King's minority, --at the time, moreover, when France was divided between the Catholics and theHuguenots, M. De Guise being at the head of the former, and the Prince deConde of the latter, both alike striving to deprive him of his crown;that through Providence, both his crown and kingdom had been preserved bythe prudence and good conduct of the Queen Regent, who in this extremityfound herself powerfully aided by the said Charri, for which reason shehad vowed to avenge his death; that, as to the Admiral, he must be everconsidered as dangerous to the State, and whatever show he might make ofaffection for his Majesty's person, and zeal for his service in Flanders, they must be considered as mere pretences, which he used to cover hisreal design of reducing the kingdom to a state of confusion. 

The Marshal concluded with observing that the original intention had beento make away with the Admiral only, as the most obnoxious man in thekingdom; but Maurevel having been so unfortunate as to fail in hisattempt, and the Huguenots becoming desperate enough to resolve to takeup arms, with design to attack, not only M. De Guise, but the Queen hismother, and his brother the King of Poland, supposing them, as well ashis Majesty, to have commanded Maurevel to make his attempt, he sawnothing but cause of alarm for his Majesty's safety, --as well on the partof the Catholics, if he persisted in his resolution to punish M. DeGuise, as of the Huguenots, for the reasons which he had just laid beforehim. 

LETTER V. 

The Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. 

King Charles, a prince of great prudence, always paying a particulardeference to his mother, and being much attached to the Catholicreligion, now convinced of the intentions of the Huguenots, adopted asudden resolution of following his mother's counsel, and putting himselfunder the safeguard of the Catholics. It was not, however, withoutextreme regret that he found he had it not in his power to save Teligny, La Noue, and M. De La Rochefoucauld. 

He went to the apartments of the Queen his mother, and sending for M. DeGuise and all the Princes and Catholic officers, the "Massacre of St. Bartholomew" was that night resolved upon. 

Immediately every hand was at work; chains were drawn across the streets, the alarm-bells were sounded, and every man repaired to his post, according to the orders he had received, whether it was to attack theAdmiral's quarters, or those of the other Huguenots. M. De Guisehastened to the Admiral's, and Besme, a gentleman in the service of theformer, a German by birth, forced into his chamber, and having slain himwith a dagger, threw his body out of a window to his master. 

I was perfectly ignorant of what was going forward. I observed every oneto be in motion: the Huguenots, driven to despair by the attack upon theAdmiral's life, and the Guises, fearing they should not have justice donethem, whispering all they met in the ear. 

The Huguenots were suspicious of me because I was a Catholic, and theCatholics because I was married to the King of Navarre, who was aHuguenot. This being the case, no one spoke a syllable of the matter tome. 

At night, when I went into the bedchamber of the Queen my mother, Iplaced myself on a coffer, next my sister Lorraine, who, I could not butremark, appeared greatly cast down. The Queen my mother was inconversation with some one, but, as soon as she espied me, she bade me goto bed. As I was taking leave, my sister seized me by the hand andstopped me, at the same time shedding a flood of tears: "For the love ofGod, " cried she, "do not stir out of this chamber!" I was greatlyalarmed at this exclamation; perceiving which, the Queen my mother calledmy sister to her, and chid her very severely. My sister replied it wassending me away to be sacrificed; for, if any discovery should be made, Ishould be the first victim of their revenge. The Queen my mother madeanswer that, if it pleased God, I should receive no hurt, but it wasnecessary I should go, to prevent the suspicion that might arise from mystaying. 

I perceived there was something on foot which I was not to know, but whatit was I could not make out from anything they said. 

The Queen again bade me go to bed in a peremptory tone. My sister wishedme a good night, her tears flowing apace, but she did not dare to say aword more; and I left the bedchamber more dead than alive. 

As soon as I reached my own closet, I threw myself upon my knees andprayed to God to take me into his protection and save me; but from whomor what, I was ignorant. Hereupon the King my husband, who was alreadyin bed, sent for me. I went to him, and found the bed surrounded bythirty or forty Huguenots, who were entirely unknown to me; for I hadbeen then but a very short time married. Their whole discourse, duringthe night, was upon what had happened to the Admiral, and they all cameto a resolution of the next day demanding justice of the King against M. De Guise; and, if it was refused, to take it themselves. 

For my part, I was unable to sleep a wink the whole night, for thinkingof my sister's tears and distress, which had greatly alarmed me, althoughI had not the least knowledge of the real cause. As soon as day broke, the King my husband said he would rise and play at tennis until KingCharles was risen, when he would go to him immediately and demandjustice. He left the bedchamber, and all his gentlemen followed. 

As soon as I beheld it was broad day, I apprehended all the danger mysister had spoken of was over; and being inclined to sleep, I bade mynurse make the door fast, and I applied myself to take some repose. Inabout an hour I was awakened by a violent noise at the door, made withboth hands and feet, and a voice calling out, "Navarre! Navarre!" Mynurse, supposing the King my husband to be at the door, hastened to openit, when a gentleman, named M. De Teian, ran in, and threw himselfimmediately upon my bed. He had received a wound in his arm from asword, and another by a pike, and was then pursued by four archers, whofollowed him into the bedchamber. Perceiving these last, I jumped out ofbed, and the poor gentleman after me, holding me fast by the waist. Idid not then know him; neither was I sure that he came to do me no harm, or whether the archers were in pursuit of him or me. In this situation Iscreamed aloud, and he cried out likewise, for our fright was mutual. Atlength, by God's providence, M. De Nangay, captain of the guard, cameinto the bed-chamber, and, seeing me thus surrounded, though he could nothelp pitying me, he was scarcely able to refrain from laughter. However, he reprimanded the archers very severely for their indiscretion, anddrove them out of the chamber. At my request he granted the poorgentleman his life, and I had him put to bed in my closet, caused hiswounds to be dressed, and did not suffer him to quit my apartment untilhe was perfectly cured. I changed my shift, because it was stained withthe blood of this man, and, whilst I was doing so, De Nangay gave me anaccount of the transactions of the foregoing night, assuring me that theKing my husband was safe, and actually at that moment in the King'sbedchamber. He made me muffle myself up in a cloak, and conducted me tothe apartment of my sister, Madame de Lorraine, whither I arrived morethan half dead. As we passed through the antechamber, all the doors ofwhich were wide open, a gentleman of the name of Bourse, pursued byarchers, was run through the body with a pike, and fell dead at my feet. As if I had been killed by the same stroke, I fell, and was caught by M. De Nangay before I reached the ground. As soon as I recovered from thisfainting-fit, I went into my sister's bedchamber, and was immediatelyfollowed by M. De Mioflano, first gentleman to the King my husband, andArmagnac, his first valet de chambre, who both came to beg me to savetheir lives. I went and threw myself on my knees before the King and theQueen my mother, and obtained the lives of both of them. 

Five or six days afterwards, those who were engaged in this plot, considering that it was incomplete whilst the King my husband and thePrince de Conde remained alive, as their design was not only to disposeof the Huguenots, but of the Princes of the blood likewise; and knowingthat no attempt could be made on my husband whilst I continued to be hiswife, devised a scheme which they suggested to the Queen my mother fordivorcing me from him. Accordingly, one holiday, when I waited upon herto chapel, she charged me to declare to her, upon my oath, whether Ibelieved my husband to be like other men. "Because, " said she, "if he isnot, I can easily procure you a divorce from him. " I begged her tobelieve that I was not sufficiently competent to answer such a question, and could only reply, as the Roman lady did to her husband, when he chidher for not informing him of his stinking breath, that, never havingapproached any other man near enough to know a difference, she thoughtall men had been alike in that respect. "But, " said I, "Madame, sinceyou have put the question to me, I can only declare I am content toremain as I am;" and this I said because I suspected the design ofseparating me from my husband was in order to work some mischief againsthim. 

LETTER VI. 

Henri, Duc d'Anjou, Elected King of Poland, Leaves France. --HuguenotPlots to Withdraw the Duc d'Alencon and the King of Navarre fromCourt. --Discovered and Defeated by Marguerite's Vigilance. --She Draws Upan Eloquent Defence, Which Her Husband Delivers before a Committee fromthe Court of Parliament. --Alencon and Her Husband, under a Close Arrest, Regain Their Liberty by the Death of Charles IX. 

We accompanied the King of Poland as far as Beaumont. For some monthsbefore he quitted France, he had used every endeavour to efface from mymind the ill offices he had so ungratefully done me. He solicited toobtain the same place in my esteem which he held during our infancy; and, on taking leave of me, made me confirm it by oaths and promises. Hisdeparture from France, and King Charles's sickness, which happened justabout the same time, excited the spirit of the two factions into whichthe kingdom was divided, to form a variety of plots. The Huguenots, onthe death of the Admiral, had obtained from the King my husband, and mybrother Alencon, a written obligation to avenge it. Before St. Bartholomew's Day, they had gained my brother over to their party, by thehope of securing Flanders for him. They now persuaded my husband and himto leave the King and Queen on their return, and pass into Champagne, there to join some troops which were in waiting to receive them. 

M. De Miossans, a Catholic gentleman, having received an intimation ofthis design, considered it so prejudicial to the interests of the Kinghis master, that he communicated it to me with the intention offrustrating a plot of so much danger to themselves, and to the State. Iwent immediately to the King and the Queen my mother, and informed themthat. I had a matter of the utmost importance to lay before them; butthat I could not declare it unless they would be pleased to promise methat no harm should ensue from it to such as I should name to them, andthat they would put a stop to what was going forward without publishingtheir knowledge of it. Having obtained my request, I told them that mybrother Alencon and the King my husband had an intention, on the verynext day, of joining some Huguenot troops, which expected them, in orderto fulfil the engagement they had made upon the Admiral's death; and forthis their intention, I begged they might be excused, and that they mightbe prevented from going away without any discovery being made that theirdesigns had been found out. All this was granted me, and measures wereso prudently taken to stay them, that they had not the least suspicionthat their intended evasion was known. Soon after, we arrived at St. Germain, where we stayed some time, on account of the King'sindisposition. All this while my brother Alencon used every means hecould devise to ingratiate himself with me, until at last I promised himmy friendship, as I had before done to my brother the King of Poland. Ashe had been brought up at a distance from Court, we had hitherto knownvery little of each other, and kept ourselves at a distance. Now that hehad made the first advances, in so respectful and affectionate a manner, I resolved to receive him into a firm friendship, and to interest myselfin whatever concerned him, without prejudice, however, to the interestsof my good brother King Charles, whom I loved more than any one besides, and who continued to entertain a great regard for me, of which he gave meproofs as long as he lived. 

Meanwhile King Charles was daily growing worse, and the Huguenotsconstantly forming new plots. They were very desirous to get my brotherthe Duc d'Alencon and the King my husband away from Court. I gotintelligence, from time to time, of their designs; and, providentially, the Queen my mother defeated their intentions when a day had been fixedon for the arrival of the Huguenot troops at St. Germain. 

To avoid this visit, we set off the night before for Paris, two hoursafter midnight, putting King Charles in a litter, and the Queen my mothertaking my brother and the King my husband with her in her own carriage. 

They did not experience on this occasion such mild treatment as they hadhitherto done, for the King going to the Wood of Vincennes, they were notpermitted to set foot out of the palace. This misunderstanding was sofar from being mitigated by time, that the mistrust and discontent werecontinually increasing, owing to the insinuations and bad advice offeredto the King by those who wished the ruin and downfall of our house. Tosuch a height had these jealousies risen that the Marechaux deMontmorency and de Cosse were put under a close arrest, and La Mole andthe Comte de Donas executed. Matters were now arrived at such a pitchthat commissioners were appointed from the Court of Parliament to hearand determine upon the case of my brother and the King my husband. 

My husband, having no counsellor to assist him, desired me to draw up hisdefence in such a manner that he might not implicate any person, and, atthe same time, clear my brother and himself from any criminality ofconduct. With God's help I accomplished this task to his greatsatisfaction, and to the surprise of the commissioners, who did notexpect to find them so well prepared to justify themselves. 

As it was apprehended, after the death of La Mole and the Comte de Donas, that their lives were likewise in danger, I had resolved to save them atthe hazard of my own ruin with the King, whose favour I entirely enjoyedat that time. I was suffered to pass to and from them in my coach, withmy women, who were not even required by the guard to unmask, nor was mycoach ever searched. This being the case, I had intended to convey awayone of them disguised in a female habit. But the difficulty lay insettling betwixt themselves which should remain behind in prison, theybeing closely watched by their guards, and the escape of one bringing theother's life into hazard. Thus they could never agree upon the point, each of them wishing to be the person I should deliver from confinement. 

But Providence put a period to their imprisonment by a means which provedvery unfortunate for me. This was no other than the death of KingCharles, who was the only stay and support of my life, --a brother fromwhose hands I never received anything but good; who, during thepersecution I underwent at Angers, through my brother Anjou, assisted mewith all his advice and credit. In a word, when I lost King Charles, Ilost everything. 

LETTER VII. 

Accession of Henri III. --A Journey to Lyons. --Marguerite's Faith inSupernatural Intelligence. 

After this fatal event, which was as unfortunate for France as for me, wewent to Lyons to give the meeting to the King of Poland, now Henri III. Of France. The new King was as much governed by Le Guast as ever, andhad left this intriguing, mischievous man behind in France to keep hisparty together. Through this man's insinuations he had conceived themost confirmed jealousy of my brother Alencon. He suspected that I wasthe bond that connected the King my husband and my brother, and that, todissolve their union, it would be necessary to create a coolness betweenme and my husband, and to work up a quarrel of rivalship betwixt themboth by means of Madame de Sauves, whom they both visited. Thisabominable plot, which proved the source of so much disquietude andunhappiness, as well to my brother as myself, was as artfully conductedas it was wickedly designed. 

Many have held that God has great personages more immediately under hisprotection, and that minds of superior excellence have bestowed on them agood genius, or secret intelligencer, to apprise them of good, or warnthem against evil. Of this number I might reckon the Queen my mother, who has had frequent intimations of the kind; particularly the very nightbefore the tournament which proved so fatal to the King my father, shedreamed that she saw him wounded in the eye, as it really happened; uponwhich she awoke, and begged him not to run a course that day, but contenthimself with looking on. Fate prevented the nation from enjoying so muchhappiness as it would have done had he followed her advice. Whenever shelost a child, she beheld a bright flame shining before her, and wouldimmediately cry out, "God save my children!" well knowing it was theharbinger of the death of some one of them, which melancholy news wassure to be confirmed very shortly after. During her very dangerousillness at Metz, where she caught a pestilential fever, either from thecoal fires, or by visiting some of the nunneries which had been infected, and from which she was restored to health and to the kingdom through thegreat skill and experience of that modern Asculapius, M. De Castilian, her physician--I say, during that illness, her bed being surrounded by mybrother King Charles, my brother and sister Lorraine, several members ofthe Council, besides many ladies and princesses, not choosing to quither, though without hopes of her life, she was heard to cry out, as ifshe saw the battle of Jarnac: "There! see how they flee! My son, followthem to victory! Ah, my son falls! O my God, save him! See there! thePrince de Conde is dead!" All who were present looked upon these wordsas proceeding from her delirium, as she knew that my brother Anjou was onthe point of giving battle, and thought no more of it. On the nightfollowing, M. De Losses brought the news of the battle; and, it beingsupposed that she would be pleased to hear of it, she was awakened, atwhich she appeared to be angry, saying: "Did I not know it yesterday?" Itwas then that those about her recollected what I have now related, andconcluded that it was no delirium, but one of those revelations made byGod to great and illustrious persons. Ancient history furnishes manyexamples of the like kind amongst the pagans, as the apparition of Brutusand many others, which I shall not mention, it not being my intention toillustrate these Memoirs with such narratives, but only to relate thetruth, and that with as much expedition as I am able, that you may be thesooner in possession of my story. 

I am far from supposing that I am worthy of these divine admonitions;nevertheless, I should accuse myself of ingratitude towards my God forthe benefits I have received, which I esteem myself obliged toacknowledge whilst I live; and I further believe myself bound to beartestimony of his goodness and power, and the mercies he hath shown me, sothat I can declare no extraordinary accident ever befell me, whetherfortunate or otherwise, but I received some warning of it, either bydream or in some other way, so that I may say with the poet

"De mon bien, on mon mal, Mon esprit m'est oracle. "

(Whate'er of good or ill befell, My mind was oracle to tell. )

And of this I had a convincing proof on the arrival of the King ofPoland, when the Queen my mother went to meet him. Amidst the embracesand compliments of welcome in that warm season, crowded as we weretogether and stifling with heat, I found a universal shivering come overme, which was plainly perceived by those near me. It was with difficultyI could conceal what I felt when the King, having saluted the Queen mymother, came forward to salute me. This secret intimation of what was tohappen thereafter made a strong impression on my mind at the moment, andI thought of it shortly after, when I discovered that the King hadconceived a hatred of me through the malicious suggestions of Le Guast, who had made him believe, since the King's death, that I espoused mybrother Alencon's party during his absence, and cemented a friendshipbetwixt the King my husband and him. 

LETTER VIII. 

What Happened at Lyons. 

An opportunity was diligently sought by my enemies to effect their designof bringing about a misunderstanding betwixt my brother Alencon, the Kingmy husband, and me, by creating a jealousy of me in my husband, and in mybrother and husband, on account of their mutual love for Madame deSauves. 

One afternoon, the Queen my mother having retired to her closet to finishsome despatches which were likely to detain her there for some time, Madame de Nevers, your kinswoman, Madame de Rais, another of yourrelations, Bourdeille, and Surgeres asked me whether I would not wish tosee a little of the city. Whereupon Mademoiselle de Montigny, the nieceof Madame Usez, observing to us that the Abbey of St. Pierre was abeautiful convent, we all resolved to visit it. She then begged to gowith us, as she said she had an aunt in that convent, and as it was noteasy to gain admission into it, except in the company of persons ofdistinction. Accordingly, she went with us; and there being six of us, the carriage was crowded. Over and above those I have mentioned, therewas Madame de Curton, the lady of my bedchamber, who always attended me. Liancourt, first esquire to the King, and Camille placed themselves onthe steps of Torigni's carriage, supporting themselves as well as theywere able, making themselves merry on the occasion, and saying they wouldgo and see the handsome nuns, too. I look upon it as ordered by DivineProvidence that I should have Mademoiselle de Montigny with me, who wasnot well acquainted with any lady of the company, and that the twogentlemen just mentioned, who were in the confidence of King Henri, should likewise be of the party, as they were able to clear me of thecalumny intended to be fixed upon me. 

Whilst we were viewing the convent, my carriage waited for us in thesquare. In the square many gentlemen belonging to the Court had theirlodgings. My carriage was easily to be distinguished, as it was gilt andlined with yellow velvet trimmed with silver. We had not come out of theconvent when the King passed through the square on his way to see Quelus, who was then sick. He had with him the King my husband, D'O------, andthe fat fellow Ruff. 

The King, observing no one in my carriage, turned to my husband and said:"There is your wife's coach, and that is the house where Bide lodges. Bide is sick, and I will engage my word she is gone upon a visit to him. Go, " said he to Ruff, "and see whether she is not there. " In sayingthis, the King addressed himself to a proper tool for his maliciouspurpose, for this fellow Ruffs was entirely devoted to Le Guast. I neednot tell you he did not find me there; however, knowing the King'sintention, he, to favour it, said loud enough for the King my husband tohear him: "The birds have been there, but they are now flown. " Thisfurnished sufficient matter for conversation until they reached home. 

Upon this occasion, the King my husband displayed all the good sense andgenerosity of temper for which he is remarkable. He saw through thedesign, and he despised the maliciousness of it. The King my brother wasanxious to see the Queen my mother before me, to whom he imparted thepretended discovery, and she, whether to please a son on whom she doted, or whether she really gave credit to the story, had related it to someladies with much seeming anger. 

Soon afterwards I returned with the ladies who had accompanied me to St. Pierre's, entirely ignorant of what had happened. I found the King myhusband in our apartments, who began to laugh on seeing me, and said: "Goimmediately to the Queen your mother, but I promise you you will notreturn very well pleased. " I asked him the reason, and what hadhappened. He answered: "I shall tell you nothing; but be assured ofthis, that I do not give the least credit to the story, which I plainlyperceive to be fabricated in order to stir up a difference betwixt ustwo, and break off the friendly intercourse between your brother and me. "

Finding I could get no further information on the subject from him, Iwent to the apartment of the Queen my mother. I met M. De Guise in theantechamber, who was not displeased at the prospect of a dissension inour family, hoping that he might make some advantage of it. He addressedme in these words: "I waited here expecting to see you, in order toinform you that some ill office has been done you with the Queen. " Hethen told me the story he had learned of D'O------, who, being intimatewith your kinswoman, had informed M. De Guise of it, that he mightapprise us. 

I went into the Queen's bedchamber, but did not find my mother there. However, I saw Madame de Nemours, the rest of the princesses, and otherladies, who all exclaimed on seeing me: "Good God! the Queen your motheris in such a rage; we would advise you, for the present, to keep out ofher sight. "

"Yes, " said I, "so I would, had I been guilty of what the King hasreported; but I assure you all I am entirely innocent, and must thereforespeak with her and clear myself. "

I then went into her closet, which was separated from the bedchamber by aslight partition only, so that our whole conversation could be distinctlyheard. She no sooner set eyes upon me than she flew into a greatpassion, and said everything that the fury of her resentment suggested. Irelated to her the whole truth, and begged to refer her to the companywhich attended me, to the number of ten or twelve persons, desiring hernot to rely on the testimony of those more immediately about me, butexamine Mademoiselle Montigny, who did not belong to me, and Liancourtand Camille, who were the King's servants. 

She would not hear a word I had to offer, but continued to rate me in afurious manner; whether it was through fear, or affection for her son, orwhether she believed the story in earnest, I know not. When I observedto her that I understood the King had done me this ill office in heropinion, her anger was redoubled, and she endeavoured to make me believethat she had been informed of the circumstance by one of her own valetsde chambre, who had himself seen me at the place. Perceiving that I gaveno credit to this account of the matter, she became more and moreincensed against me. 

All that was said was perfectly heard by those in the next room. Atlength I left her closet, much chagrined; and returning to my ownapartments, I found the King my husband there, who said to me:

"Well, was it not as I told you?"

He, seeing me under great concern, desired me not to grieve about it, adding that "Liancourt and Camille would attend the King that night inhis bedchamber, and relate the affair as it really was; and to-morrow, "continued he, "the Queen your mother will receive you in a very differentmanner. "

"But, monsieur, " I replied, "I have received too gross an affront inpublic to forgive those who were the occasion of it; but that is nothingwhen compared with the malicious intention of causing so heavy amisfortune to befall me as to create a variance betwixt you and me. "

"But, " said he, "God be thanked, they have failed in it. "

"For that, " answered I, "I am the more beholden to God and your amiabledisposition. However, " continued I, "we may derive this good from it, that it ought to be a warning to us to put ourselves upon our guardagainst the King's stratagems to bring about a disunion betwixt you andmy brother, by causing a rupture betwixt you and me. "

Whilst I was saying this, my brother entered the apartment, and I madethem renew their protestations of friendship. But what oaths or promisescan prevail against love! This will appear more fully in the sequel ofmy story. 

An Italian banker, who had concerns with my brother, came to him the nextmorning, and invited him, the King my husband, myself, the princesses, and other ladies, to partake of an entertainment in a garden belonging tohim. Having made it a constant rule, before and after I married, as longas I remained in the Court of the Queen my mother, to go to no placewithout her permission, I waited on her, at her return from mass, andasked leave to be present at this banquet. She refused to give anyleave, and said she did not care where I went. I leave you to judge, whoknow my temper, whether I was not greatly mortified at this rebuff. 

Whilst we were enjoying this entertainment, the King, having spoken withLiancourt, Camille, and Mademoiselle Montigny, was apprised of themistake which the malice or misapprehension of Ruff had led him into. Accordingly, he went to the Queen my mother and related the whole truth, entreating her to remove any ill impressions that might remain with me, as he perceived that I was not deficient in point of understanding, andfeared that I might be induced to engage in some plan of revenge. 

When I returned from the banquet before mentioned, I found that what theKing my husband had foretold was come to pass; for the Queen my mothersent for me into her back closet, which was adjoining the King's, andtold me that she was now acquainted with the truth, and found I had notdeceived her with a false story. She had discovered, she said, thatthere was not the least foundation for the report her valet de chambrehad made, and should dismiss him from her service as a bad man. As sheperceived by my looks that I saw through this disguise, she saideverything she could think of to persuade me to a belief that the Kinghad not mentioned it to her. She continued her arguments, and I stillappeared incredulous. At length the King entered the closet, and mademany apologies, declaring he had been imposed on, and assuring me of hismost cordial friendship and esteem; and thus matters were set to rightsagain. 

LETTER IX. 

Fresh Intrigues. --Marriage of Henri III. --Bussi Arrives at Court andNarrowly Escapes Assassination. 

After staying some time at Lyons, we went to Avignon. Le Guast, notdaring to hazard any fresh imposture, and finding that my conductafforded no ground for jealousy on the part of my husband, plainlyperceived that he could not, by that means, bring about amisunderstanding betwixt my brother and the King my husband. Hetherefore resolved to try what he could effect through Madame de Sauves. In order to do this, he obtained such an influence over her that sheacted entirely as he directed; insomuch that, by his artful instructions, the passion which these young men had conceived, hitherto wavering andcold, as is generally the case at their time of life, became of a suddenso violent that ambition and every obligation of duty were at onceabsorbed by their attentions to this woman. 

This occasioned such a jealousy betwixt them that, though her favourswere divided with M. De Guise, Le Guast, De Souvray, and others, any oneof whom she preferred to the brothers-in-law, such was the infatuation ofthese last, that each considered the other as his only rival. 

To carry on De Guast's sinister designs, this woman persuaded the King myhusband that I was jealous of her, and on that account it was that Ijoined with my brother. As we are ready to give ear and credit to thosewe love, he believed all she said. From this time he became distant andreserved towards me, shunning my presence as much as possible; whereas, before, he was open and communicative to me as to a sister, well knowingthat I yielded to his pleasure in all things, and was far from harbouringjealousy of any kind. 

What I had dreaded, I now perceived had come to pass. This was the lossof his favour and good opinion; to preserve which I had studied to gainhis confidence by a ready compliance with his wishes, well knowing thatmistrust is the sure forerunner of hatred. 

I now turned my mind to an endeavour to wean my brother's affection fromMadame de Sauves, in order to counterplot Le Guast in his design to bringabout a division, and thereby to effect our ruin. I used every meanswith my brother to divert his passion; but the fascination was toostrong, and my pains proved ineffectual. In anything else, my brotherwould have suffered himself to be ruled by me; but the charms of thisCirce, aided by that sorcerer, Le Guast, were too powerful to bedissolved by my advice. So far was he from profiting by my counsel thathe was weak enough to communicate it to her. So blind are lovers!

Her vengeance was excited by this communication, and she now entered morefully into the designs of Le Guast. In consequence, she used all her artto, make the King my husband conceive an aversion for me; insomuch thathe scarcely ever spoke with me. He left her late at night, and, toprevent our meeting in the morning, she directed him to come to her atthe Queen's levee, which she duly attended; after which he passed therest of the day with her. My brother likewise followed her with thegreatest assiduity, and she had the artifice to make each of them thinkthat he alone had any place in her esteem. Thus was a jealousy kept upbetwixt them, and, in consequence, disunion and mutual ruin. 

We made a considerable stay at Avignon, whence we proceeded throughBurgundy and Champagne to Rheims, where the King's marriage wascelebrated. From Rheims we came to Paris, things going on in their usualtrain, and Le Guast prosecuting his designs, with all the success hecould wish. At Paris my brother was joined by Bussi, whom he receivedwith all the favour which his bravery merited. He was inseparable frommy brother, in consequence of which I frequently saw him, for my brotherand I were always together, his household being equally at my devotion asif it were my own. Your aunt, remarking this harmony betwixt us, hasoften told me that it called to her recollection the times of my uncle, M. D'Orleans, and my aunt, Madame de Savoie. 

Le Guast thought this a favourable circumstance to complete his design. Accordingly, he suggested to Madame de Sauves to make my husband believethat it was on account of Bussi that I frequented my brother's apartmentsso constantly. 

The King my husband, being fully informed of all my proceedings frompersons in his service who attended me everywhere, could not be inducedto lend an ear to this story. Le Guast, finding himself foiled in thisquarter, applied to the King, who was well inclined to listen to thetale, on account of his dislike to my brother and me, whose friendshipfor each other was unpleasing to him. 

Besides this, he was incensed against Bussi, who, being formerly attachedto him, had now devoted himself wholly to my brother, --an acquisitionwhich, on account of the celebrity of Bussi's fame for parts and valour, redounded greatly to my brother's honour, whilst it increased the maliceand envy of his enemies. 

The King, thus worked upon by Le Guast, mentioned it to the Queen mymother, thinking it would have the same effect on her as the tale whichwas trumped up at Lyons. But she, seeing through the whole design, showed him the improbability of the story, adding that he must have somewicked people about him, who could put such notions in his head, observing that I was very unfortunate to have fallen upon such eviltimes. "In my younger days, " said she, "we were allowed to conversefreely with all the gentlemen who belonged to the King our father, theDauphin, and M. D'Orleans, your uncles. It was common for them toassemble in the bedchamber of Madame Marguerite, your aunt, as well as inmine, and nothing was thought of it. Neither ought it to appear strangethat Bussi sees my daughter in the presence of her husband's servants. They are not shut up together. Bussi is a person of quality, and holdsthe first place in your brother's family. What grounds are there forsuch a calumny? At Lyons you caused me to offer her an affront, which Ifear she will never forget. "

The King was astonished to hear his mother talk in this manner, andinterrupted her with saying:

"Madame, I only relate what I have heard. "

"But who is it, " answered she, "that tells you all this? I fear no onethat intends you any good, but rather one that wishes to create divisionsamongst you all. "

As soon as the King had left her she told me all that had passed, andsaid: "You are unfortunate to live in these times. " Then calling youraunt, Madame de Dampierre, they entered into a discourse concerning thepleasures and innocent freedoms of the times they had seen, when scandaland malevolence were unknown at Court. 

Le Guast, finding this plot miscarry, was not long in contriving another. He addressed himself for this purpose to certain gentlemen who attendedthe King my husband. These had been formerly the friends of Bussi, but, envying the glory he had obtained, were now become his enemies. Underthe mask of zeal for their master, they disguised the envy, which theyharboured in their breasts. They entered into a design of assassinatingBussi as he left my brother to go to his own lodgings, which wasgenerally at a late hour. They knew that he was always accompanied homeby fifteen or sixteen gentlemen, belonging to my brother, and that, notwithstanding he wore no sword, having been lately wounded in the rightarm, his presence was sufficient to inspire the rest with courage. 

In order, therefore, to make sure work, they resolved on attacking himwith two or three hundred men, thinking that night would throw a veilover the disgrace of such an assassination. 

Le Guast, who commanded a regiment of guards, furnished the requisitenumber of men, whom he disposed in five or six divisions, in the streetthrough which he was to pass. Their orders were to put out the torchesand flambeaux, and then to fire their pieces, after which they were tocharge his company, observing particularly to attack one who had hisright arm slung in a scarf. 

Fortunately they escaped the intended massacre, and, fighting their waythrough, reached Bussi's lodgings, one gentleman only being killed, whowas particularly attached to M. De Bussi, and who was probably mistakenfor him, as he had his arm likewise slung in a scarf. 

An Italian gentleman, who belonged to my brother, left them at thebeginning of the attack, and came running back to the Louvre. As soon ashe reached my brother's chamber door, he cried out aloud:

"Busai is assassinated!" My brother was going out, but I, hearing thecry of assassination, left my chamber, by good fortune not beingundressed, and stopped my brother. I then sent for the Queen my motherto come with all haste in order to prevent him from going out, as he wasresolved to do, regardless of what might happen. It was with difficultywe could stay him, though the Queen my mother represented the hazard heran from the darkness of the night, and his ignorance of the nature ofthe attack, which might have been purposely designed by Le Guast to takeaway his life. Her entreaties and persuasions would have been of littleavail if she had not used her authority to order all the doors to bebarred, and taken the resolution of remaining where she was until she hadlearned what had really happened. 

Bussi, whom God had thus miraculously preserved, with that presence ofmind which he was so remarkable for in time of battle and the mostimminent danger, considering within himself when he reached home theanxiety of his master's mind should he have received any false report, and fearing he might expose himself to hazard upon the first alarm beinggiven (which certainly would have been the case, if my mother had notinterfered and prevented it), immediately despatched one of his people tolet him know every circumstance. 

The next day Busai showed himself at the Louvre without the least dreadof enemies, as if what had happened had been merely the attack of atournament. My brother exhibited much pleasure at the sight of Busai, but expressed great resentment at such a daring attempt to deprive him ofso brave and valuable a servant, a man whom Le Guast durst not attack inany other way than by a base assassination. 

LETTER X. 

Bussi Is Sent from Court. --Marguerite's Husband Attacked with a Fit ofEpilepsy. --Her Great Care of Him. --Torigni Dismissed from Marguerite'sService. --The King of Navarre and the Duc d'Alencon Secretly Leave theCourt. 

The Queen my mother, a woman endowed with the greatest prudence andforesight of any one I ever knew, apprehensive of evil consequences fromthis affair, and fearing a dissension betwixt her two sons, advised mybrother to fall upon some pretence for sending Bussi away from Court. Inthis advice I joined her, and, through our united counsel and request, mybrother was prevailed upon to give his consent. I had every reason tosuppose that Le Guast would take advantage of the reencounter to fomentthe coolness which already existed betwixt my brother and the King myhusband into an open rupture. Bussi, who implicitly followed mybrother's directions in everything, departed with a company of thebravest noblemen that were about the latter's person. 

Bussi was now removed from the machinations of Le Guast, who likewisefailed in accomplishing a design he had long projected, --to disunite theKing my husband and me. 

One night my husband was attacked with a fit, and continued insensiblefor the space of an hour, --occasioned, I supposed, by his excesses withwomen, for I never knew anything of the kind to happen to him before. However, as it was my duty so to do, I attended him with so much care andassiduity that, when he recovered, he spoke of it to every one, declaringthat, if I had not perceived his indisposition and called for the help ofmy women, he should not have survived the fit. 

From this time he treated me with more kindness, and the cordialitybetwixt my brother and him was again revived, as if I had been the pointof union at which they were to meet, or the cement that joined themtogether. 

Le Guast was now at his wit's end for some fresh contrivance to breeddisunion in the Court. 

He had lately persuaded the King to remove from about the person of theQueen-consort a princess of the greatest virtue and most amiablequalities, a female attendant of the name of Changi, for whom the Queenentertained a particular esteem, as having been brought up with her. Being successful in this measure, he now thought of making the King myhusband send away Torigni, whom I greatly regarded. 

The argument he used with the King was, that young princesses ought tohave no favourites about them. 

The King, yielding to this man's persuasions, spoke of it to my husband, who observed that it would be a matter that would greatly distress me;that if I had an esteem for Torigni it was not without cause, as she hadbeen brought up with the Queen of Spain and me from our infancy; that, moreover, Torigni was a young lady of good understanding, and had been ofgreat use to him during his confinement at Vincennes; that it would bethe greatest ingratitude in him to overlook services of such a nature, and that he remembered well when his Majesty had expressed the samesentiments. 

Thus did he defend himself against the performance of so ungrateful anaction. However, the King listened only to the arguments of Le Guast, and told my husband that he should have no more love for him if he didnot remove Torigni from about me the very next morning. 

He was forced to comply, greatly contrary to his will, and, as he hassince declared to me, with much regret. Joining entreaties to commands, he laid his injunctions on me accordingly. 

How displeasing this separation was I plainly discovered by the manytears I shed on receiving his orders. It was in vain to represent to himthe injury done to my character by the sudden removal of one who had beenwith me from my earliest years, and was so greatly, in my esteem andconfidence; he could not give an ear to my reasons, being firmly bound bythe promise he had made to the King. 

Accordingly, Torigni left me that very day, and went to the house of arelation, M. Chastelas. I was so greatly offended with this freshindignity, after so many of the kind formerly received, that I could nothelp yielding to resentment; and my grief and concern getting the upperhand of my prudence, I exhibited a great coolness and indifferencetowards my husband. Le Guast and Madame de Sauves were successful increating a like indifference on his part, which, coinciding with mine, separated us altogether, and we neither spoke to each other nor slept inthe same bed. 

A few days after this, some faithful servants about the person of theKing my husband remarked to him the plot which had been concerted with somuch artifice to lead him to his ruin, by creating a division, firstbetwixt him and my brother, and next betwixt him and me, therebyseparating him from those in whom only he could hope for his principalsupport. They observed to him that already matters were brought to sucha pass that the King showed little regard for him, and even appeared todespise him. 

They afterwards addressed themselves to my brother, whose situation wasnot in the least mended since the departure of Bussi, Le Guast causingfresh indignities to be offered him daily. They represented to him thatthe King my husband and he were both circumstanced alike, and equally indisgrace, as Le Guast had everything under his direction; so that both ofthem were under the necessity of soliciting, through him, any favourswhich they might want of the King, and which, when demanded, wereconstantly refused them with great contempt. Moreover, it was becomedangerous to offer them service, as it was inevitable ruin for any one todo so. 

"Since, then, " said they, "your dissensions appear to be so likely toprove fatal to both, it would be advisable in you both to unite and cometo a determination of leaving the Court; and, after collecting togetheryour friends and servants, to require from the King an establishmentsuitable to your ranks. " They observed to my brother that he had neveryet been put in possession of his appanage, and received for hissubsistence only some certain allowances, which were not regularly paidhim, as they passed through the hands of Le Guast, and were at hisdisposal, to be discharged or kept back, as he judged proper. Theyconcluded with observing that, with regard to the King my husband, thegovernment of Guyenne was taken out of his hands; neither was hepermitted to visit that or any other of his dominions. 

It was hereupon resolved to pursue the counsel now given, and that theKing my husband and my brother should immediately withdraw themselvesfrom Court. My brother made me acquainted with this resolution, observing to me, as my husband and he were now friends again, that Iought to forget all that had passed; that my husband had declared to himthat he was sorry things had so happened, that we had been outwitted byour enemies, but that he was resolved, from henceforward, to show meevery attention and give me every proof of his love and esteem, and heconcluded with begging me to make my husband every show of affection, andto be watchful for their interest during their absence. 

It was concerted betwixt them that my brother should depart first, makingoff in a carriage in the best manner he could; that, in a few daysafterwards, the King my husband should follow, under pretence of going ona hunting party. They both expressed their concern that they could nottake me with them, assuring me that I had no occasion to have anyapprehensions, as it would soon appear that they had no design to disturbthe peace of the kingdom, but merely to ensure the safety of their ownpersons, and to settle their establishments. In short, it might well besupposed that, in their present situation, they had danger to themselvesfrom such reason to apprehend as had evil designs against their family. 

Accordingly, as soon as it was dusk, and before the King's supper-time, my brother changed his cloak, and concealing the lower part of his faceto his nose in it, left the palace, attended by a servant who was littleknown, and went on foot to the gate of St. Honore, where he found Simierwaiting for him in a coach, borrowed of a lady for the purpose. 

My brother threw himself into it, and went to a house about a quarter ofa league out of Paris, where horses were stationed ready; and at thedistance of about a league farther, he joined a party of two or threehundred horsemen of his servants, who were awaiting his coming. Mybrother was not missed till nine o'clock, when the King and the Queen mymother asked me the reason he did not come to sup with them as usual, andif I knew of his being indisposed. I told them I had not seen him sincenoon. Thereupon they sent to his apartments. Word was brought back thathe was not there. Orders were then given to inquire at the apartments ofthe ladies whom he was accustomed to visit. He was nowhere to be found. There was now a general alarm. The King flew into a great passion, andbegan to threaten me. He then sent for all the Princes and the greatofficers of the Court; and giving orders for a pursuit to be made, and tobring him back, dead or alive, cried out:

"He is gone to make war against me; but I will show him what it is tocontend with a king of my power. "

Many of the Princes and officers of State remonstrated against theseorders, which they observed ought to be well weighed. They said that, astheir duty directed, they were willing to venture their lives in theKing's service; but to act against his brother they were certain wouldnot be pleasing to the King himself; that they were well convinced hisbrother would undertake nothing that should give his Majesty displeasure, or be productive of danger to the realm; that perhaps his leaving theCourt was owing to some disgust, which it would be more advisable to sendand inquire into. Others, on the contrary, were for putting the King'sorders into execution; but, whatever expedition they could use, it wasday before they set off; and as it was then too late to overtake mybrother, they returned, being only equipped for the pursuit. 

I was in tears the whole night of my brother's departure, and the nextday was seized with a violent cold, which was succeeded by a fever thatconfined me to my bed. 

Meanwhile my husband was preparing for his departure, which took up allthe time he could spare from his visits to Madame de Sauves; so that hedid not think of me. He returned as usual at two or three in themorning, and, as we had separate beds, I seldom heard him; and in themorning, before I was awake, he went to my mother's levee, where he metMadame de Sauves, as usual. 

This being the case, he quite forgot his promise to my brother ofspeaking to me; and when he went, away, it was without taking leave ofme. 

The King did not show my husband more favour after my brother's evasion, but continued to behave with his former coolness. This the moreconfirmed him in the resolution of leaving the Court, so that in a fewdays, under the pretence of hunting, he went away. 

LETTER XI. 

Queen Marguerite under Arrest. --Attempt on Torigni's Life. --Her FortunateDeliverance. 

The King, supposing that I was a principal instrument in aiding thePrinces in their desertion, was greatly incensed against me, and his ragebecame at length so violent that, had not the Queen my mother moderatedit, I am inclined to think my life had been in danger. Giving way to hercounsel, he became more calm, but insisted upon a guard being placed overme, that I might not follow the King my husband, neither havecommunication with any one, so as to give the Princes intelligence ofwhat was going on at Court. The Queen my mother gave her consent to thismeasure, as being the least violent, and was well pleased to find hisanger cooled in so great a degree. She, however, requested that shemight be permitted to discourse with me, in order to reconcile me to asubmission to treatment of so different a kind from what I had hithertoknown. At the same time she advised the King to consider that thesetroubles might not be lasting; that everything in the world bore a doubleaspect; that what now appeared to him horrible and alarming, might, upona second view, assume a more pleasing and tranquil look; that, as thingschanged, so should measures change with them; that there might come atime when he might have occasion for my services; that, as prudencecounselled us not to repose too much confidence in our friends, lest theyshould one day become our enemies, so was it advisable to conductourselves in such a manner to our enemies as if we had hopes they shouldhereafter become our friends. By such prudent remonstrances did theQueen my mother restrain the King from proceeding to extremities with me, as he would otherwise possibly have done. 

Le Guast now endeavoured to divert his fury to another object, in orderto wound me in a most sensitive part. He prevailed on the King to adopta design for seizing Torigni, at the house of her cousin Chastelas, and, under pretence of bringing her before the King, to drown her in a riverwhich they were to cross. The party sent upon this errand was admittedby Chastelas, not suspecting any evil design, without the leastdifficulty, into his house. As soon as they had gained admission theyproceeded to execute the cruel business they were sent upon, by fasteningTorigni with cords and locking her up in a chamber, whilst their horseswere baiting. Meantime, according to the French custom, they crammedthemselves, like gluttons, with the best eatables the house afforded. 

Chastelas, who was a man of discretion, was not displeased to gain timeat the expense of some part of his substance, considering that thesuspension of a sentence is a prolongation of life, and that during thisrespite the King's heart might relent, and he might countermand hisformer orders. With these considerations he was induced to submit, though it was in his power to have called for assistance to repel thisviolence. But God, who hath constantly regarded my afflictions andafforded me protection against the malicious designs of my enemies, waspleased to order poor Torigni to be delivered by means which I couldnever have devised had I been acquainted with the plot, of which I wastotally ignorant. Several of the domestics, male as well as female, hadleft the house in a fright, fearing the insolence and rude treatment ofthis troop of soldiers, who behaved as riotously as if they were in ahouse given up to pillage. Some of these, at the distance of a quarterof a league from the house, by God's providence, fell in with Ferte andAvantigni, at the head of their troops, in number about two hundredhorse, on their march to join my brother. Ferte, remarking a labourer, whom he knew to belong to Chastelas, apparently in great distress, inquired of him what was the matter, and whether he had been ill-used byany of the soldiery. The man related to him all he knew, and in whatstate he had left his master's house. Hereupon Ferte and Avantigniresolved, out of regard to me, to effect Torigni's deliverance, returningthanks to God for having afforded them so favourable an opportunity oftestifying the respect they had always entertained towards me. 

Accordingly, they proceeded to the house with all expedition, and arrivedjust at the moment these soldiers were setting Torigni on horseback, forthe purpose of conveying her to the river wherein they had orders toplunge her. Galloping into the courtyard, sword in hand, they cried out:"Assassins, if you dare to offer that lady the least injury, you are deadmen!" So saying, they attacked them and drove them to flight, leavingtheir prisoner behind, nearly as dead with joy as she was before withfear and apprehension. After returning thanks to God and her deliverersfor so opportune and unexpected a rescue, she and her cousin Chastelasset off in a carriage, under the escort of their rescuers, and joined mybrother, who, since he could not have me with him, was happy to have oneso dear to me about him. She remained under my brother's protection aslong as any danger was apprehended, and was treated with as much respectas if she had been with me. 

Whilst the King was giving directions for this notable expedition, forthe purpose of sacrificing Torigni to his vengeance, the Queen my mother, who had not received the least intimation of it, came to my apartment asI was dressing to go abroad, in order to observe how I should be receivedafter what had passed at Court, having still some alarms on account of myhusband and brother. I had hitherto confined myself to my chamber, nothaving perfectly recovered my health, and, in reality, being all the timeas much indisposed in mind as in body. 

My mother, perceiving my intention, addressed me in these words: "Mychild, you are giving yourself unnecessary trouble in dressing to goabroad. Do not be alarmed at what I am going to tell you. Your own goodsense will dictate to you that you ought not to be surprised if the Kingresents the conduct of your brother and husband, and as he knows the loveand friendship that exist between you three, should suppose that you wereprivy to their design of leaving the Court. He has, for this reason, resolved to detain you in it, as a hostage for them. He is sensible howmuch you are beloved by your husband, and thinks he can hold no pledgethat is more dear to him. On this account it is that the King hasordered his guards to be placed, with directions not to suffer you toleave your apartments. He has done this with the advice of hiscounsellors, by whom it was suggested that, if you had your free liberty, you might be induced to advise your brother and husband of theirdeliberations. I beg you will not be offended with these measures, which, if it so please God, may not be of long continuance. I beg, moreover, you will not be displeased with me if I do not pay you frequentvisits, as I should be unwilling to create any suspicions in the King'smind. However, you may rest assured that I shall prevent any furthersteps from being taken that may prove disagreeable to you, and that Ishall use my utmost endeavours to bring about a reconciliation betwixtyour brothers. "

I represented to her, in reply, the great indignity that was offered tome by putting me under arrest; that it was true my brother had all alongcommunicated to me the just cause he had to be dissatisfied, but that, with respect to the King my husband, from the time Torigni was taken fromme we had not spoken to each other; neither had he visited me during myindisposition, nor did he even take leave of me when he left Court. "This, " says she, "is nothing at all; it is merely a trifling differencebetwixt man and wife, which a few sweet words, conveyed in a letter, willset to rights. When, by such means, he has regained your affections, hehas only to write to you to come to him, and you will set off at the veryfirst opportunity. Now, this is what the King my son wishes to prevent. "

LETTER XII. 

The Peace of Sens betwixt Henri III. And the Huguenots. 

The Queen my mother left me, saying these words. For my part, I remaineda close prisoner, without a visit from a single person, none of my mostintimate friends daring to come near me, through the apprehension thatsuch a step might prove injurious to their interests. Thus it is ever inCourts. Adversity is solitary, while prosperity dwells in a crowd; theobject of persecution being sure to be shunned by his nearest friends anddearest connections. The brave Grillon was the only one who ventured tovisit me, at the hazard of incurring disgrace. He came five or six timesto see me, and my guards were so much astonished at his resolution, andawed by his presence, that not a single Cerberus of them all wouldventure to refuse him entrance to my apartments. 

Meanwhile, the King my husband reached the States under his government. Being joined there by his friends and dependents, they all represented tohim the indignity offered to me by his quitting the Court without takingleave of me. They observed to him that I was a princess of goodunderstanding, and that it would be for his interest to regain my esteem;that, when matters were put on their former footing, he might derive tohimself great advantage from my presence at Court. Now that he was at adistance from his Circe, Madame de Sauves, he could listen to goodadvice. Absence having abated the force of her charms, his eyes wereopened; he discovered the plots and machinations of our enemies, andclearly perceived that a rupture could not but tend to the ruin of usboth. 

Accordingly, he wrote me a very affectionate letter, wherein he entreatedme to forget all that had passed betwixt us, assuring me that fromthenceforth he would ever love me, and would give me every demonstrationthat he did so, desiring me to inform him of what was going on at Court, and how it fared with me and my brother. My brother was in Champagne andthe King my husband in Gascony, and there had been no communicationbetwixt them, though they were on terms of friendship. 

I received this letter during my imprisonment, and it gave me greatcomfort under that situation. Although my guards had strict orders notto permit me to set pen to paper, yet, as necessity is said to be themother of invention, I found means to write many letters to him. Some fewdays after I had been put under arrest, my brother had intelligence ofit, which chagrined him so much that, had not the love of his countryprevailed with him, the effects of his resentment would have been shownin a cruel civil war, to which purpose he had a sufficient force entirelyat his devotion. He was, however, withheld by his patriotism, andcontented himself with writing to the Queen my mother, informing herthat, if I was thus treated, he should be driven upon some desperatemeasure. She, fearing the consequence of an open rupture, and dreadinglest, if blows were once struck, she should be deprived of the power ofbringing about a reconciliation betwixt the brothers, represented theconsequences to the King, and found him well disposed to lend an ear toher reasons, as his anger was now cooled by the apprehensions of beingattacked in Gascony, Dauphiny, Languedoc, and Poitou, with all thestrength of the Huguenots under the King my husband. Besides the manystrong places held by the Huguenots, my brother had an army with him inChampagne, composed chiefly of nobility, the bravest and best in France. The King found, since my brother's departure, that he could not, eitherby threats or rewards, induce a single person among the princes and greatlords to act against him, so much did every one fear to intermeddle inthis quarrel, which they considered as of a family nature; and afterhaving maturely reflected on his situation, he acquiesced in my mother'sopinion, and begged her to fall upon some means of reconciliation. Shethereupon proposed going to my brother and taking me with her. To themeasure of taking me, the King had an objection, as he considered me asthe hostage for my husband and brother. She then agreed to leave mebehind, and set off without my knowledge of the matter. At theirinterview, my brother represented to the Queen my mother that he couldnot but be greatly dissatisfied with the King after the manymortifications he had received at Court; that the cruelty and injusticeof confining me hurt him equally as if done to himself; observing, moreover, that, as if my arrest were not a sufficient mortification, poorTorigni must be made to suffer; and concluding with the declaration ofhis firm resolution not to listen to any terms of peace until I wasrestored to my liberty, and reparation made me for the indignity I hadsustained. The Queen my mother being unable to obtain any other answer, returned to Court and acquainted the King with my brother'sdetermination. Her advice was to go back again with me, for goingwithout me, she said, would answer very little purpose; and if I wentwith her in disgust, it would do more harm than good. Besides, there wasreason to fear, in that case, I should insist upon going to my husband. "In short, " says she, "my daughter's guard must be removed, and she mustbe satisfied in the best way we can. "

The King agreed to follow her advice, and was now, on a sudden, as eagerto reconcile matters betwixt us as she was herself. Hereupon I was sentfor, and when I came to her, she informed me that she had paved the wayfor peace; that it was for the good of the State, which she was sensibleI must be as desirous to promote as my brother; that she had it now inher power to make a peace which would be as satisfactory as my brothercould desire, and would put us entirely out of the reach of Le Guast'smachinations, or those of any one else who might have an influence overthe King's mind. She observed that, by assisting her to procure a goodunderstanding betwixt the King and my brother, I should relieve her fromthat cruel disquietude under which she at present laboured, as, shouldthings come to an open rupture, she could not but be grieved, whicheverparty prevailed, as they were both her sons. She therefore expressed herhopes that I would forget the injuries I had received, and dispose myselfto concur in a peace, rather than join in any plan of revenge. Sheassured me that the King was sorry for what had happened; that he hadeven expressed his regret to her with tears in his eyes, and had declaredthat he was ready to give me every satisfaction. I replied that I waswilling to sacrifice everything for the good of my brothers and of theState; that I wished for nothing so much as peace, and that I would exertmyself to the utmost to bring it about. 

As I uttered these words, the King came into the closet, and, with anumber of fine speeches, endeavoured to soften my resentment and torecover my friendship, to which I made such returns as might show him Iharboured no ill-will for the injuries I had received. I was induced tosuch behaviour rather out of contempt, and because it was good policy tolet the King go away satisfied with me. 

Besides, I had found a secret pleasure, during my confinement, from theperusal of good books, to which I had given myself up with a delight Inever before experienced. I consider this as an obligation I owe tofortune, or, rather, to Divine Providence, in order to prepare me, bysuch efficacious means, to bear up against the misfortunes and calamitiesthat awaited me. By tracing nature in the universal book which is openedto all mankind, I was led to the knowledge of the Divine Author. Scienceconducts us, step by step, through the whole range of creation, until wearrive, at length, at God. Misfortune prompts us to summon our utmoststrength to oppose grief and recover tranquillity, until at length wefind a powerful aid in the knowledge and love of God, whilst prosperityhurries us away until we are overwhelmed by our passions. My captivityand its consequent solitude afforded me the double advantage of excitinga passion for study, and an inclination for devotion, advantages I hadnever experienced during the vanities and splendour of my prosperity. 

As I have already observed, the King, discovering in me no signs ofdiscontent, informed me that the Queen my mother was going into Champagneto have an interview with my brother, in order to bring about a peace, and begged me to accompany her thither and to use my best endeavours toforward his views, as he knew my brother was always well disposed tofollow my counsel; and he concluded with saying that the peace, whenaccomplished, he should ever consider as being due to my good offices, and should esteem himself obliged to me for it. I promised to exertmyself in so good a work, which I plainly perceived was both for mybrother's advantage and the benefit of the State. 

The Queen my mother and I set off for Sens the next day. The conferencewas agreed to be held in a gentleman's chateau, at a distance of about aleague from that place. My brother was waiting for us, accompanied by asmall body of troops and the principal Catholic noblemen and princes ofhis army. Amongst these were the Duc Casimir and Colonel Poux, who hadbrought him six thousand German horse, raised by the Huguenots, theyhaving joined my brother, as the King my husband and he acted inconjunction. 

The treaty was continued for several days, the conditions of peacerequiring much discussion, especially such articles of it as related toreligion. With respect to these, when at length agreed upon, they weretoo much to the advantage of the Huguenots, as it appeared afterwards, tobe kept; but the Queen my mother gave in to them, in order to have apeace, and that the German cavalry before mentioned might be disbanded. She was, moreover, desirous to get my brother out of the hands of theHuguenots; and he was himself as willing to leave them, being always avery good Catholic, and joining the Huguenots only through necessity. Onecondition of the peace was, that my brother should have a suitableestablishment. My brother likewise stipulated for me, that my marriageportion should be assigned in lands, and M. De Beauvais, a commissioneron his part, insisted much upon it. My mother, however, opposed it, andpersuaded me to join her in it, assuring me that I should obtain from theKing all I could require. Thereupon I begged I might not be included inthe articles of peace, observing that I would rather owe whatever I wasto receive to the particular favour of the King and the Queen my mother, and should, besides, consider it as more secure when obtained by suchmeans. 

The peace being thus concluded and ratified on both sides, the Queen mymother prepared to return. At this instant I received letters from theKing my husband, in which he expressed a great desire to see me, beggingme, as soon as peace was agreed on, to ask leave to go to him. Icommunicated my husband's wish to the Queen my mother, and added my ownentreaties. She expressed herself greatly averse to such a measure, andused every argument to set me against it. She observed that, when Irefused her proposal of a divorce after St. Bartholomew's Day, she gaveway to my refusal, and commended me for it, because my husband was thenconverted to the Catholic religion; but now that he had abjuredCatholicism, and was turned Huguenot again, she could not give herconsent that I should go to him. When I still insisted upon going, sheburst into a flood of tears, and said, if I did not return with her, itwould prove her ruin; that the King would believe it was her doing; thatshe had promised to bring me back with her; and that, when my brotherreturned to Court, which would be soon, she would give her consent. 

We now returned to Paris, and found the King well satisfied that we hadmade a peace; though not, however, pleased with the articles concluded infavour of the Huguenots. He therefore resolved within himself, as soonas my brother should return to Court, to find some pretext for renewingthe war. These advantageous conditions were, indeed, only granted theHuguenots to get my brother out of their hands, who was detained near twomonths, being employed in disbanding his German horse and the rest of hisarmy. 

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

Adversity is solitary, while prosperity dwells in a crowdComeliness of his person, which at all times pleads powerfullyEverything in the world bore a double aspectHearsay liable to be influenced by ignorance or maliceHopes they (enemies) should hereafter become our friendsI should praise you more had you praised me lessIt is the usual frailty of our sex to be fond of flatteryMistrust is the sure forerunner of hatredNecessity is said to be the mother of inventionNever approached any other man near enough to know a differenceNot to repose too much confidence in our friendsPrefer truth to embellishmentRather out of contempt, and because it was good policyThe Massacre of St. Bartholomew's DayTo embellish my story I have neither leisure nor abilityTroubles might not be lastingYoung girls seldom take much notice of children