MEMOIRS OF GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

By William T. Sherman

GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

HIS COMRADES IN ARMS, VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS. 

Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war inAmerica, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible tothe public; nor should any be attempted until the Government haspublished, and placed within the reach of students, the abundantmaterials that are buried in the War Department at Washington. These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progressfor the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will comebefore they are published and circulated, with full indexes toenable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials. 

What is now offered is not designed as a history of the war, oreven as a complete account of all the incidents in which the writerbore a part, but merely his recollection of events, corrected by areference to his own memoranda, which may assist the futurehistorian when he comes to describe the whole, and account for themotives and reasons which influenced some of the actors in thegrand drama of war. 

I trust a perusal of these pages will prove interesting to thesurvivors, who have manifested so often their intense love of the"cause" which moved a nation to vindicate its own authority; and, equally so, to the rising generation, who therefrom may learn thata country and government such as ours are worth fighting for, anddying for, if need be. 

If successful in this, I shall feel amply repaid for departing fromthe usage of military men, who seldom attempt to publish their owndeeds, but rest content with simply contributing by their acts tothe honor and glory of their country. 

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, General

St. Louis, Missouri, January 21, 1875. 

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

Another ten years have passed since I ventured to publish myMemoirs, and, being once more at leisure, I have revised them inthe light of the many criticisms public and private. 

My habit has been to note in pencil the suggestions of critics, andto examine the substance of their differences; for critics mustdiffer from the author, to manifest their superiority. 

Where I have found material error I have corrected; and I haveadded two chapters, one at the beginning, another at the end, bothof the most general character, and an appendix. 

I wish my friends and enemies to understand that I disclaim thecharacter of historian, but assume to be a witness on the standbefore the great tribunal of history, to assist some future Napier, Alison, or Hume to comprehend the feelings and thoughts of theactors in the grand conflicts of the recent past, and thereby tolessen his labors in the compilation necessary for the futurebenefit of mankind. 

In this free country every man is at perfect liberty to publish hisown thoughts and impressions, and any witness who may differ fromme should publish his own version of facts in the truthfulnarration of which he is interested. I am publishing my ownmemoirs, not theirs, and we all know that no three honest witnessesof a simple brawl can agree on all the details. How much morelikely will be the difference in a great battle covering a vastspace of broken ground, when each division, brigade, regiment, andeven company, naturally and honestly believes that it was the focusof the whole affair! Each of them won the battle. None ever lost. That was the fate of the old man who unhappily commanded. 

In this edition I give the best maps which I believe have ever beenprepared, compiled by General O. M. Poe, from personal knowledgeand official surveys, and what I chiefly aim to establish is thetrue cause of the results which are already known to the wholeworld; and it may be a relief to many to know that I shall publishno other, but, like the player at cards, will "stand;" not that Ihave accomplished perfection, but because I can do no better withthe cards in hand. Of omissions there are plenty, but of wilfulperversion of facts, none. 

In the preface to the first edition, in 1875, I used these words:"Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war inAmerica, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible tothe public; nor should any be attempted until the Government haspublished, and placed within the reach of students, the abundantmaterials that are buried in the War Department at Washington. These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progressfor the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will comebefore they are published and circulated, with full indexes toenable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials"

Another decade is past, and I am in possession of all thesepublications, my last being Volume XI, Part 3, Series 1, the lastdate in which is August 30, 1862. I am afraid that if I assumeagain the character of prophet, I must extend the time deep intothe next century, and pray meanwhile that the official records ofthe war, Union and Confederate, may approach completion before the"next war, " or rather that we, as a people, may be spared anotherwar until the last one is officially recorded. Meantime the risinggeneration must be content with memoirs and histories compiled fromthe best sources available. 

In this sense I offer mine as to the events of which I was aneye-witness and participant, or for which I was responsible. 

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, General (retired). 

St. Louis, Missouri, March 30, 1885. 

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN. 

CHAPTER I. 

FROM 1820 TO THE MEXICAN WAR. 

1820-1846. 

According to Cothren, in his "History of Ancient Woodbury, Connecticut, " the Sherman family came from Dedham, Essex County, England. The first recorded name is of Edmond Sherman, with histhree sons, Edmond, Samuel, and John, who were at Boston before1636; and farther it is distinctly recorded that Hon. SamuelSherman, Rev. John, his brother, and Captain John, his firstcousin, arrived from Dedham, Essex County, England, in 1634. Samuel afterward married Sarah Mitchell, who had come (in the sameship) from England, and finally settled at Stratford, Connecticut. The other two (Johns) located at Watertown, Massachusetts. 

From Captain John Sherman are descended Roger Sherman, the signerof the Declaration of Independence, Hon. William M. Evarts, theMessrs. Hoar, of Massachusetts, and many others of national fame. Our own family are descended from the Hon. Samuel Sherman and hisson; the Rev. John, who was born in 1650-'51; then another John, born in 1687; then Judge Daniel, born in 1721; then Taylor Sherman, our grandfather, who was born in 1758. Taylor Sherman was a lawyerand judge in Norwalk, Connecticut, where he resided until hisdeath, May 4, 1815; leaving a widow, Betsey Stoddard Sherman, andthree children, Charles R. (our father), Daniel, and Betsey. 

When the State of Connecticut, in 1786, ceded to the United Statesher claim to the western part of her public domain, as defined byher Royal Charter, she reserved a large district in what is nownorthern Ohio, a portion of which (five hundred thousand acres)composed the "Fire-Land District, " which was set apart to indemnifythe parties who had lost property in Connecticut by the raids ofGenerals Arnold, Tryon, and others during the latter part of theRevolutionary War. 

Our grandfather, Judge Taylor Sherman, was one of the commissionersappointed by the State of Connecticut to quiet the Indian title, and to survey and subdivide this Fire-Land District, which includesthe present counties of Huron and Erie. In his capacity ascommissioner he made several trips to Ohio in the early part ofthis century, and it is supposed that he then contracted thedisease which proved fatal. For his labor and losses he received atitle to two sections of land, which fact was probably the primecause of the migration of our family to the West. My fatherreceived a good education, and was admitted to the bar at Norwalk, Connecticut, where, in 1810, he, at twenty years of age, marriedMary Hoyt, also of Norwalk, and at once migrated to Ohio, leavinghis wife (my mother) for a time. His first purpose was to settleat Zanesville, Ohio, but he finally chose Lancaster, FairfieldCounty, where he at once engaged in the practice of hisprofession. In 1811 he returned to Norwalk, where, meantime, wasborn Charles Taylor Sherman, the eldest of the family, who with hismother was carried to Ohio on horseback. 

Judge Taylor Sherman's family remained in Norwalk till 1815, whenhis death led to the emigration of the remainder of the family, viz. , of Uncle Daniel Sherman, who settled at Monroeville, Ohio, asa farmer, where he lived and died quite recently, leaving childrenand grandchildren; and an aunt, Betsey, who married Judge Parker, of Mansfield, and died in 1851, leaving children and grandchildren;also Grandmother Elizabeth Stoddard Sherman, who resided with herdaughter, Mrs. Betsey Parker, in Mansfield until her death, August1, 1848. 

Thus my father, Charles R. Sherman, became finally established atLancaster, Ohio, as a lawyer, with his own family in the year 1811, and continued there till the time of his death, in 1829. I have nodoubt that he was in the first instance attracted to Lancaster bythe natural beauty of its scenery, and the charms of its alreadyestablished society. He continued in the practice of hisprofession, which in those days was no sinecure, for the ordinarycircuit was made on horseback, and embraced Marietta, Cincinnati, and Detroit. Hardly was the family established there when the Warof 1812 caused great alarm and distress in all Ohio. The Englishcaptured Detroit and the shores of Lake Erie down to the MaumeeRiver; while the Indians still occupied the greater part of theState. Nearly every man had to be somewhat of a soldier, but Ithink my father was only a commissary; still, he seems to havecaught a fancy for the great chief of the Shawnees, "Tecumseh. "

Perry's victory on Lake Erie was the turning-point of the Westerncampaign, and General Harrison's victory over the British andIndians at the river Thames in Canada ended the war in the West, and restored peace and tranquillity to the exposed settlers ofOhio. My father at once resumed his practice at the bar, and wassoon recognized as an able and successful lawyer. When, in 1816, my brother James was born, he insisted on engrafting the Indianname "Tecumseh" on the usual family list. My mother had alreadynamed her first son after her own brother Charles; and insisted onthe second son taking the name of her other brother James, and whenI came along, on the 8th of February, 1820, mother having no morebrothers, my father succeeded in his original purpose, and named meWilliam Tecumseh. 

The family rapidly increased till it embraced six boys and fivegirls, all of whom attained maturity and married; of these six arestill living. 

In the year 1821 a vacancy occurred in the Supreme Court of Ohio, and I find this petition:

Somerset, Ohio, July 6, 1821. 

May it please your Excellency:

We ask leave to recommend to your Excellency's favorable noticeCharles R. Sherman, Esq. , of Lancaster, as a man possessing in aneminent degree those qualifications so much to be desired in aJudge of the Supreme Court. 

From a long acquaintance with Mr. Sherman, we are happy to be ableto state to your Excellency that our minds are led to theconclusion that that gentleman possesses a disposition noble andgenerous, a mind discriminating, comprehensive, and combining aheart pure, benevolent and humane. Manners dignified, mild, andcomplaisant, and a firmness not to be shaken and of unquestionedintegrity. 

But Mr. Sherman's character cannot be unknown to your Excellency, and on that acquaintance without further comment we might safelyrest his pretensions. 

We think we hazard little in assuring your Excellency that hisappointment would give almost universal satisfaction to thecitizens of Perry County. 

With great consideration, we have the honor to be

Your Excellency's most obedient humble servants, CHARLES A. HOOD, GEORGE TREAT, PETER DITTOR, P. ODLIN, J. B. ORTEN, T. BECKWITH, WILLIAM P. DORST, JOHN MURRAY, JACOB MOINS, B. EATON, DANIEL GRIGGS, HENRY DITTOE, NICHOLAS McCARTY. 

His Excellency ETHAN A. BROWN, Governor of Ohio, Columbus. 

He was soon after appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court, andserved in that capacity to the day of his death. 

My memory extends back to about 1827, and I recall him, returninghome on horseback, when all the boys used to run and contend forthe privilege of riding his horse from the front door back to thestable. On one occasion, I was the first, and being mounted rodeto the stable; but "Old Dick" was impatient because the stable-doorwas not opened promptly, so he started for the barn of our neighborMr. King; there, also, no one was in waiting to open the gate, and, after a reasonable time, "Dick" started back for home somewhat in ahurry, and threw me among a pile of stones, in front of preacherWright's house, where I was picked up apparently a dead boy; but mytime was not yet, and I recovered, though the scars remain to thisday. 

The year 1829 was a sad one to our family. We were then tenchildren, my eldest brother Charles absent at the State University, Athens, Ohio; my next brother, James, in a store at Cincinnati; andthe rest were at home, at school. Father was away on the circuit. One day Jane Sturgeon came to the school, called us out, and whenwe reached home all was lamentation: news had come that father wasill unto death, at Lebanon, a hundred miles away. Mother startedat once, by coach, but met the news of his death about Washington, and returned home. He had ridden on horseback from Cincinnati toLebanon to hold court, during a hot day in June. On the next dayhe took his seat on the bench, opened court in the forenoon, but inthe afternoon, after recess, was seized with a severe chill and hadto adjourn the court. The best medical aid was called in, and forthree days with apparent success, but the fever then assumed a moredangerous type, and he gradually yielded to it, dying on the sixthday, viz. , June 24, 1829. 

My brother James had been summoned from Cincinnati, and was presentat his bedside, as was also Henry Stoddard, Esq. , of Dayton, Ohio, our cousin. Mr. Stoddard once told me that the cause of myfather's death was cholera; but at that time, 1829, there was noAsiatic cholera in the United States, and the family, attributedhis death to exposure to the hot sun of June, and a consequentfever, "typhoid. "

From the resolutions of the bench, bar, and public generally, nowin my possession, his death was universally deplored; moreespecially by his neighbors in Lancaster, and by the Society ofFreemasons, of which he was the High-Priest of Arch Chapter No. 11. 

His death left the family very poor, but friends rose up withproffers of generous care and assistance; for all the neighborsknew that mother could not maintain so large a family without help. My eldest brother, Charles, had nearly completed his education atthe university at Athens, and concluded to go to his uncle, JudgeParker, at Mansfield, Ohio, to study law. My eldest sister, Elizabeth, soon after married William J. Reese, Esq. ; James wasalready in a store at Cincinnati; and, with the exception of thethree youngest children, the rest of us were scattered. I fell tothe charge of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, who took me to his family, andever after treated me as his own son. 

I continued at the Academy in Lancaster, which was the best in theplace; indeed, as good a school as any in Ohio. We studied all thecommon branches of knowledge, including Latin, Greek, and French. At first the school was kept by Mr. Parsons; he was succeeded byMr. Brown, and he by two brothers, Samuel and Mark How. These wereall excellent teachers, and we made good progress, first at the oldacademy and afterward at a new school-house, built by Samuel How, in the orchard of Hugh Boyle, Esq. 

Time passed with us as with boys generally. Mr. Ewing was in theUnited States Senate, and I was notified to prepare for West Point, of which institution we had little knowledge, except that it wasvery strict, and that the army was its natural consequence. In1834 I was large for my age, and the construction of canals was therage in Ohio. A canal was projected to connect with the great OhioCanal at Carroll (eight miles above Lancaster), down the valley ofthe Hock Hocking to Athens (forty-four miles), and thence to theOhio River by slack water. 

Preacher Carpenter, of Lancaster, was appointed to make thepreliminary surveys, and selected the necessary working party outof the boys of the town. From our school were chosen ____Wilson, Emanuel Geisy, William King, and myself. Geisy and I were therod-men. We worked during that fall and next spring, marking twoexperimental lines, and for our work we each received a silverhalf-dollar for each day's actual work, the first money any of ushad ever earned. 

In June, 1835, one of our school-fellows, William Irvin, wasappointed a cadet to West Point, and, as it required sixteen yearsof age for admission, I had to wait another year. During theautumn of 1835 and spring of 1836 I devoted myself chiefly tomathematics and French, which were known to be the chief requisitesfor admission to West Point. 

Some time in the spring of 1836 I received through Mr. Ewing, thenat Washington, from the Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, the letterof appointment as a cadet, with a list of the articles of clothingnecessary to be taken along, all of which were liberally providedby Mrs. Ewing; and with orders to report to Mr. Ewing, atWashington, by a certain date, I left Lancaster about the 20th ofMay in the stage-coach for Zanesville. There we transferred to thecoaches of the Great National Road, the highway of travel from theWest to the East. The stages generally travelled in gangs of fromone to six coaches, each drawn by four good horses, carrying ninepassengers inside and three or four outside. 

In about three days, travelling day and night, we reachedFrederick, Maryland. There we were told that we could takerail-cars to Baltimore, and thence to Washington; but there wasalso a two-horse hack ready to start for Washington direct. Nothaving full faith in the novel and dangerous railroad, I stuck tothe coach, and in the night reached Gadsby's Hotel in WashingtonCity. 

The next morning I hunted up Mr. Ewing, and found him boarding witha mess of Senators at Mrs. Hill's, corner of Third and C Streets, and transferred my trunk to the same place. I spent a week inWashington, and think I saw more of the place in that time than Iever have since in the many years of residence there. GeneralJackson was President, and was at the zenith of his fame. I recalllooking at him a full hour, one morning, through the wood railingon Pennsylvania Avenue, as he paced up and down the gravel walk onthe north front of the White House. He wore a cap and an overcoatso full that his form seemed smaller than I had expected. I alsorecall the appearance of Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, ofVice-President Van Buren, Messrs. Calhoun, Webster, Clay, Cass, Silas Wright, etc. 

In due time I took my departure for West Point with Cadets Belt andBronaugh. These were appointed cadets as from Ohio, althoughneither had ever seen that State. But in those days there werefewer applicants from Ohio than now, and near the close of the termthe vacancies unasked for were usually filled from applicants onthe spot. Neither of these parties, however, graduated, so theState of Ohio lost nothing. We went to Baltimore by rail, theretook a boat up to Havre de Grace, then the rail to Wilmington, Delaware, and up the Delaware in a boat to Philadelphia. I staidover in Philadelphia one day at the old Mansion House, to visit thefamily of my brother-in-law, Mr. Reese. I found his father a finesample of the old merchant gentleman, in a good house in ArchStreet, with his accomplished daughters, who had been to Ohio, andwhom I had seen there. From Philadelphia we took boat toBordentown, rail to Amboy, and boat again to New York City, stopping at the American Hotel. I staid a week in New York City, visiting my uncle, Charles Hoyt, at his beautiful place on BrooklynHeights, and my uncle James, then living in White Street. Myfriend William Scott was there, the young husband of my cousin, Louise Hoyt; a neatly-dressed young fellow, who looked on me as anuntamed animal just caught in the far West--"fit food forgunpowder, " and good for nothing else. 

About June 12th I embarked in the steamer Cornelius Vanderbilt forWest Point; registered in the office of Lieutenant C. F. Smith, Adjutant of the Military Academy, as a new cadet of the class of1836, and at once became installed as the "plebe" of myfellow-townsman, William Irvin, then entering his Third Class. 

Colonel R. E. De Russy was Superintendent; Major John Fowle, SixthUnited States Infantry, Commandant. The principal Professors were:Mahan, Engineering; Bartlett, Natural Philosophy; Bailey, Chemistry; Church, Mathematics; Weir, Drawing; and Berard, French. 

The routine of military training and of instruction was then fullyestablished, and has remained almost the same ever since. To givea mere outline would swell this to an inconvenient size, and Itherefore merely state that I went through the regular course offour years, graduating in June, 1840, number six in a class offorty-three. These forty-three were all that remained of more thanone hundred which originally constituted the class. At the AcademyI was not considered a good soldier, for at no time was I selectedfor any office, but remained a private throughout the whole fouryears. Then, as now, neatness in dress and form, with a strictconformity to the rules, were the qualifications required foroffice, and I suppose I was found not to excel in any of these. Instudies I always held a respectable reputation with the professors, and generally ranked among the best, especially in drawing, chemistry, mathematics, and natural philosophy. My averagedemerits, per annum, were about one hundred and fifty, which. Reduced my final class standing from number four to six. 

In June, 1840, after the final examination, the class graduated andwe received our diplomas. Meantime, Major Delafield, United StatesEngineers, had become Superintendent; Major C. F. Smith, Commandantof Cadets; but the corps of professors and assistants remainedalmost unchanged during our whole term. We were all granted theusual furlough of three months, and parted for our homes, there toawait assignment to our respective corps and regiments. In dueseason I was appointed and commissioned second-lieutenant, ThirdArtillery, and ordered to report at Governor's Island, New YorkHarbor, at the end of September. I spent my furlough mostly atLancaster and Mansfield, Ohio; toward the close of Septemberreturned to New York, reported to Major Justin Dimock, commandingthe recruiting rendezvous at Governor's Island, and was assigned tocommand a company of recruits preparing for service in Florida. Early in October this company was detailed, as one of four, toembark in a sailing-vessel for Savannah, Georgia, under command ofCaptain and Brevet Major Penrose. We embarked and sailed, reachingSavannah about the middle of October, where we transferred to asmall steamer and proceeded by the inland route to St. Augustine, Florida. We reached St. Augustine at the same time with the EighthInfantry, commanded by Colonel and Brevet Brigadier-General WilliamJ. Worth. At that time General Zachary Taylor was in chief commandin Florida, and had his headquarters at Tampa Bay. My regiment, the Third Artillery, occupied the posts along the Atlantic coast ofFlorida, from St. Augustine south to Key Biscayne, and my owncompany, A, was at Fort Pierce, Indian River. At St. Augustine Iwas detached from the company of recruits, which was designed forthe Second Infantry, and was ordered to join my proper company atFort Pierce. Colonel William Gates commanded the regiment, withLieutenant William Austine Brown as adjutant of the regiment. Lieutenant Bragg commanded the post of St. Augustine with his owncompany, E, and G (Garner's), then commanded by Lieutenant Judd. In, a few days I embarked in the little steamer William Gaston downthe coast, stopping one day at New Smyrna, held by John R. Vinton'scompany (B), with which was serving Lieutenant William H. Shover. 

In due season we arrived off the bar of Indian River and anchored. A whale-boat came off with a crew of four men, steered by acharacter of some note, known as the Pilot Ashlock. I transferredself and baggage to this boat, and, with the mails, was carriedthrough the surf over the bar, into the mouth of Indian RiverInlet. It was then dark; we transferred to a smaller boat, and thesame crew pulled us up through a channel in the middle of MangroveIslands, the roosting-place of thousands of pelicans and birds thatrose in clouds and circled above our heads. The water below wasalive with fish, whose course through it could be seen by thephosphoric wake; and Ashlock told me many a tale of the Indian warthen in progress, and of his adventures in hunting and fishing, which he described as the best in the world. About two miles fromthe bar, we emerged into the lagoon, a broad expanse of shallowwater that lies parallel with the coast, separated from it by anarrow strip of sand, backed by a continuous series of islands andpromontories, covered with a dense growth of mangrove andsaw-palmetto. Pulling across this lagoon, in about three moremiles we approached the lights of Fort Pierce. Reaching asmall wharf, we landed, and were met by the officers of thepost, Lieutenants George Taylor and Edward J. Steptoe, andAssistant-Surgeon James Simons. Taking the mail-bag, we walked upa steep sand-bluff on which the fort was situated, and across theparade-ground to the officers' quarters. These were six or sevenlog-houses, thatched with palmetto-leaves, built on high posts, with a porch in front, facing the water. The men's quarters werealso of logs forming the two sides of a rectangle, open toward thewater; the intervals and flanks were closed with log stockades. Iwas assigned to one of these rooms, and at once began service withmy company, A, then commanded by Lieutenant Taylor. 

The season was hardly yet come for active operations against theIndians, so that the officers were naturally attracted to Ashlock, who was the best fisherman I ever saw. He soon initiated us intothe mysteries of shark-spearing, trolling for red-fish, and takingthe sheep's-head and mullet. These abounded so that we could atany time catch an unlimited quantity at pleasure. The companiesalso owned nets for catching green turtles. These nets had meshesabout a foot square, were set across channels in the lagoon, theends secured to stakes driven into the mad, the lower line sunkwith lead or stone weights and the upper line floated with cork. We usually visited these nets twice a day, and found from one tosix green turtles entangled in the meshes. Disengaging them, theywere carried to pens, made with stakes stuck in the mud, where theywere fed with mangrove-leaves, and our cooks had at all times anample supply of the best of green turtles. They were so cheap andcommon that the soldiers regarded it as an imposition whencompelled to eat green turtle steaks, instead of poor Florida beef, or the usual barrelled mess-pork. I do not recall in my wholeexperience a spot on earth where fish, oysters, and green turtlesso abound as at Fort Pierce, Florida. 

In November, Major Childs arrived with Lieutenant Van Vliet and adetachment of recruits to fill our two companies, and preparationswere at once begun for active operations in the field. At thattime the Indians in the Peninsula of Florida were scattered, andthe war consisted in hunting up and securing the small fragments, to be sent to join the others of their tribe of Seminoles alreadyestablished in the Indian Territory west of Arkansas. Ourexpeditions were mostly made in boats in the lagoons extending fromthe "Haul-over, " near two hundred miles above the fort, down toJupiter Inlet, about fifty miles below, and in the many streamswhich emptied therein. Many such expeditions were made during thatwinter, with more or less success, in which we succeeded in pickingup small parties of men, women, and children. On one occasion, near the "Haul-over, " when I was not present, the expedition wasmore successful. It struck a party of nearly fifty Indians, killedseveral warriors, and captured others. In this expedition myclassmate, lieutenant Van Vliet, who was an excellent shot, killeda warrior who was running at full speed among trees, and one of thesergeants of our company (Broderick) was said to have dispatchedthree warriors, and it was reported that he took the scalp of oneand brought it in to the fort as a trophy. Broderick was so elatedthat, on reaching the post, he had to celebrate his victory by abig drunk. 

There was at the time a poor, weakly soldier of our company whosewife cooked for our mess. She was somewhat of a flirt, and ratherfond of admiration. Sergeant Broderick was attracted to her, andhung around the mess-house more than the husband fancied; so hereported the matter to Lieutenant Taylor, who reproved Broderickfor his behavior. A few days afterward the husband again appealedto his commanding officer (Taylor), who exclaimed: "Haven't you gota musket? Can't you defend your own family?" Very soon after ashot was heard down by the mess-house, and it transpired that thehusband had actually shot Broderick, inflicting a wound whichproved mortal. The law and army regulations required that the manshould be sent to the nearest civil court, which was at St. Augustine; accordingly, the prisoner and necessary witnesses weresent up by the next monthly steamer. Among the latter werelieutenant Taylor and the pilot Ashlock. 

After they had been gone about a month, the sentinel on the roof-topof our quarters reported the smoke of a steamer approaching the bar, and, as I was acting quartermaster, I took a boat and pulled down toget the mail. I reached the log-but in which the pilots lived, andsaw them start with their boat across the bar, board the steamer, and then return. Ashlock was at his old post at the steering-oar, with two ladies, who soon came to the landing, having passed througha very heavy surf, and I was presented to one as Mrs. Ashlock, andthe other as her sister, a very pretty little Minorcan girl of aboutfourteen years of age. Mrs. Ashlock herself was probably eighteenor twenty years old, and a very handsome woman. I was hurriedlyinformed that the murder trial was in progress at St. Augustine;that Ashlock had given his testimony, and had availed himself of thechance to take a wife to share with him the solitude of his desolatehut on the beach at Indian River. He had brought ashore his wife, her sister, and their chests, with the mail, and had orders toreturn immediately to the steamer (Gaston or Harney) to bring ashoresome soldiers belonging to another company, E (Braggs), which hadbeen ordered from St. Augustine to Fort Pierce. Ashlock left hiswife and her sister standing on the beach near the pilot-hut, andstarted back with his whale-boat across the bar. I also took themail and started up to the fort, and had hardly reached the wharfwhen I observed another boat following me. As soon as this reachedthe wharf the men reported that Ashlock and all his crew, with theexception of one man, had been drowned a few minutes after I hadleft the beach. They said his surf-boat had reached the steamer, hadtaken on board a load of soldiers, some eight or ten, and hadstarted back through the surf, when on the bar a heavy breaker upsetthe boat, and all were lost except the boy who pulled the bow-oar, who clung to the rope or painter, hauled himself to the upset boat, held on, drifted with it outside the breakers, and was finallybeached near a mile down the coast. They reported also that thesteamer had got up anchor, run in as close to the bar as she could, paused awhile, and then had started down the coast. 

I instantly took a fresh crew of soldiers and returned to the bar;there sat poor Mrs. Ashlock on her chest of clothes, a weepingwidow, who had seen her husband perish amid sharks and waves; sheclung to the hope that the steamer had picked him up, but, strangeto say, he could not swim, although he had been employed on thewater all his life. 

Her sister was more demonstrative, and wailed as one lost to allhope and life. She appealed to us all to do miracles to save thestruggling men in the waves, though two hours had already passed, and to have gone out then among those heavy breakers, with aninexperienced crew, would have been worse than suicide. All Icould do was to reorganize the guard at the beach, take the twodesolate females up to the fort, and give them the use of my ownquarters. Very soon their anguish was quieted, and they began tolook, for the return of their steamer with Ashlock and his rescuedcrew. The next day I went again to the beach with Lieutenant Ord, and we found that one or two bodies had been washed ashore, tornall to pieces by the sharks, which literally swarmed the inlet atevery new tide. In a few days the weather moderated, and thesteamer returned from the south, but the surf was so high that sheanchored a mile off. I went out myself, in the whale or surf boat, over that terrible bar with a crew of soldiers, boarded thesteamer, and learned that none other of Ashlock's crew except theone before mentioned had been saved; but, on the contrary, thecaptain of the steamer had sent one of his own boats to theirrescue, which was likewise upset in the surf, and, out of the threemen in her, one had drifted back outside the breakers, clinging tothe upturned boat, and was picked up. This sad and fatalcatastrophe made us all afraid of that bar, and in returning to theshore I adopted the more prudent course of beaching the boat belowthe inlet, which insured us a good ducking, but was attended withless risk to life. 

I had to return to the fort and bear to Mrs. Ashlock the absolutetruth, that her husband was lost forever. 

Meantime her sister had entirely recovered her equilibrium, andbeing the guest of the officers, who were extremely courteous toher, she did not lament so loudly the calamity that saved them along life of banishment on the beach of Indian River. By the firstopportunity they were sent back to St. Augustine, the possessors ofall of Ashlock's worldly goods and effects, consisting of a goodrifle, several cast-nets, hand-lines, etc. , etc. , besides somethree hundred dollars in money, which was due him by thequartermaster for his services as pilot. I afterward saw theseladies at St. Augustine, and years afterward the younger one cameto Charleston, South Carolina, the wife of the somewhat famousCaptain Thistle, agent for the United States for live-oak inFlorida, who was noted as the first of the troublesome class ofinventors of modern artillery. He was the inventor of a gun that"did not recoil at all, " or "if anything it recoiled a littleforward. "

One day, in the summer of 1841, the sentinel on the housetop atFort Pierce called out, "Indians! Indians!" Everybody sprang tohis gun, the companies formed promptly on the parade-ground, andsoon were reported as approaching the post, from the pine-woods inrear, four Indians on horseback. They rode straight up to thegateway, dismounted, and came in. They were conducted by theofficer of the day to the commanding officer, Major Childs, who saton the porch in front of his own room. After the usual pause, oneof them, a black man named Joe, who spoke English, said they hadbeen sent in by Coacoochee (Wild Cat), one of the most noted of theSeminole chiefs, to see the big chief of the post. He graduallyunwrapped a piece of paper, which was passed over to Major Childs, who read it, and it was in the nature of a "Safe Guard" for "WildCat" to come into Fort Pierce to receive provisions and assistancewhile collecting his tribe, with the purpose of emigrating to theirreservation west of Arkansas. The paper was signed by GeneralWorth, who had succeeded General Taylor, at Tampa Bay, in commandof all the troops in Florida. Major Childs inquired, "Where isCoacoochee?" and was answered, "Close by, " when Joe explained thathe had been sent in by his chief to see if the paper was all right. Major Childs said it was "all right, " and that Coacoochee ought tocome in himself. Joe offered to go out and bring him in, whenMajor Childs ordered me to take eight or ten mounted men and go outto escort him in. Detailing ten men to saddle up, and taking Joeand one Indian boy along on their own ponies, I started out undertheir guidance. 

We continued to ride five or six miles, when I began to suspecttreachery, of which I had heard so much in former years, and hadbeen specially cautioned against by the older officers; but Joealways answered, "Only a little way. " At last we approached oneof those close hammocks, so well known in Florida, standing like anisland in the interminable pine-forest, with a pond of water nearit. On its edge I noticed a few Indians loitering, which Joepointed out as the place. Apprehensive of treachery, I halted theguard, gave orders to the sergeant to watch me closely, and rodeforward alone with the two Indian guides. As we neared thehammock, about a dozen Indian warriors rose up and waited for us. When in their midst I inquired for the chief, Coacoochee. Heapproached my horse and, slapping his breast, said, "MeCoacoochee. " He was a very handsome young Indian warrior, not morethan twenty-five years old, but in his then dress could hardly bedistinguished from the rest. I then explained to him, through Joe, that I had been sent by my "chief" to escort him into the fort. Hewanted me to get down and "talk" I told him that I had no "talk" inme, but that, on his reaching the post, he could talk as much as hepleased with the "big chief, " Major Childs. They all seemed to beindifferent, and in no hurry; and I noticed that all their gunswere leaning against a tree. I beckoned to the sergeant, whoadvanced rapidly with his escort, and told him to secure therifles, which he proceeded to do. Coacoochee pretended to be veryangry, but I explained to him that his warriors were tired and minewere not, and that the soldiers would carry the guns on theirhorses. I told him I would provide him a horse to ride, and thesooner he was ready the better for all. He then stripped, washedhimself in the pond, and began to dress in all his Indian finery, which consisted of buckskin leggins, moccasins, and several shirts. He then began to put on vests, one after another, and one of themhad the marks of a bullet, just above the pocket, with the stain ofblood. In the pocket was a one-dollar Tallahassee Bank note, andthe rascal had the impudence to ask me to give him silver coin forthat dollar. He had evidently killed the wearer, and wasdisappointed because the pocket contained a paper dollar instead ofone in silver. In due time he was dressed with turban andostrich-feathers, and mounted the horse reserved for him, and thuswe rode back together to Fort Pierce. Major Childs and all theofficers received him on the porch, and there we had a regular"talk. " Coacoochee "was tired of the war. " "His people werescattered and it would take a 'moon' to collect them foremigration, " and he "wanted rations for that time, " etc. , etc. 

All this was agreed to, and a month was allowed for him to getready with his whole band (numbering some one hundred and fifty orone hundred and sixty) to migrate. The "talk" then ceased, andCoacoochee and his envoys proceeded to get regularly drunk, whichwas easily done by the agency of commissary whiskey. They staid atFort Pierce daring the night, and the next day departed. Severaltimes during the month there came into the post two or more ofthese same Indians, always to beg for something to eat or drink, and after a full month Coacoochee and about twenty of his warriorscame in with several ponies, but with none of their women orchildren. Major Childs had not from the beginning the least faithin his sincerity; had made up his mind to seize the whole party andcompel them to emigrate. He arranged for the usual council, andinstructed Lieutenant Taylor to invite Coacoochee and his uncle(who was held to be a principal chief) to his room to take somegood brandy, instead of the common commissary whiskey. At a signalagreed on I was to go to the quarters of Company A, to dispatch thefirst-sergeant and another man to Lieutenant Taylor's room, thereto seize the two chiefs and secure them; and with the company I wasto enter Major Childs's room and secure the remainder of the party. Meantime Lieutenant Van Vliet was ordered to go to the quarters ofhis company, F, and at the same signal to march rapidly to the rearof the officers' quarters, so as to catch any who might attempt toescape by the open windows to the rear. 

All resulted exactly as prearranged, and in a few minutes the wholeparty was in irons. At first they claimed that we had actedtreacherously, but very soon they admitted that for a monthCoacoochee had been quietly removing his women and children towardLake Okeechobee and the Everglades; and that this visit to our postwas to have been their last. It so happened that almost at theinstant of our seizing these Indians a vessel arrived off the barwith reenforcements from St. Augustine. These were brought up toFort Pierce, and we marched that night and next day rapidly, somefifty miles, to Lake Okeechobee, in hopes to capture the balance ofthe tribe, especially the families, but they had taken the alarmand escaped. Coacoochee and his warriors were sent by Major Childsin a schooner to New Orleans en route to their reservation, butGeneral Worth recalled them to Tampa Bay, and by sending outCoacoochee himself the women and children came in voluntarily, andthen all were shipped to their destination. This was a heavy lossto the Seminoles, but there still remained in the Peninsula a fewhundred warriors with their families scattered into very smallparcels, who were concealed in the most inaccessible hammocks andswamps. These had no difficulty in finding plenty of food anywhereand everywhere. Deer and wild turkey were abundant, and as forfish there was no end to them. Indeed, Florida was the Indian'sparadise, was of little value to us, and it was a great pity toremove the Seminoles at all, for we could have collected there allthe Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, in addition to theSeminoles. They would have thrived in the Peninsula, whereas theynow occupy lands that are very valuable, which are coveted by theirwhite neighbors on all sides, while the Peninsula, of Florida stillremains with a population less than should make a good State. 

During that and preceding years General W. S. Harney had penetratedand crossed through the Everglades, capturing and hanging Chekikaand his band, and had brought in many prisoners, who were alsoshipped West. We at Fort Pierce made several other excursions toJupiter, Lake Worth, Lauderdale, and into the Everglades, pickingup here and there a family, so that it was absurd any longer tocall it a "war. " These excursions, however, possessed to us apeculiar charm, for the fragrance of the air, the abundance of gameand fish, and just enough of adventure, gave to life a relish. Ihad just returned to Lauderdale from one of these scouts withLieutenants Rankin, Ord, George H. Thomas, Field, Van Vliet, andothers, when I received notice of my promotion to be firstlieutenant of Company G, which occurred November 30, 1841, and Iwas ordered to return to Fort Pierce, turn over the public propertyfor which I was accountable to Lieutenant H. S. Burton, and then tojoin my new company at St. Augustine. 

I reached St. Augustine before Christmas, and was assigned tocommand a detachment of twenty men stationed at Picolata, on theSt. John's River, eighteen miles distant. At St. Augustine werestill the headquarters of the regiment, Colonel William Gates, withCompany E, Lieutenant Bragg, and Company G, Lieutenant H. B. Judd. The only buildings at Picolata were the one occupied by mydetachment, which had been built for a hospital, and the dwellingof a family named Williams, with whom I boarded. On the otherhand, St. Augustine had many pleasant families, among whom wasprominent that of United States Judge Bronson. I was half my timein St. Augustine or on the road, and remember the old place withpleasure. In February we received orders transferring the wholeregiment to the Gulf posts, and our company, G, was ordered toescort Colonel Gates and his family across to the Suwanee River, enroute for Pensacola. The company, with the colonel and his family, reached Picolata (where my detachment joined), and we embarked in asteamboat for Pilatka. Here Lieutenant Judd discovered that he hadforgotten something and had to return to St. Augustine, sothat I commanded the company on the march, having with meSecond-Lieutenant George B. Ayres. Our first march was to FortRussell, then Micanopy, Wacahoota, and Wacasassee, all which postswere garrisoned by the Second or Seventh Infantry. At Wacasassee wemet General Worth and his staff, en route for Pilatka. LieutenantJudd overtook us about the Suwanee, where we embarked on a smallboat for Cedar Keys, and there took a larger one for Pensacola, where the colonel and his family landed, and our company proceededon in the same vessel to our post--Fort Morgan, Mobile Point. 

This fort had not been occupied by troops for many years, was verydirty, and we found little or no stores there. Major Ogden, of theengineers, occupied a house outside the fort. I was quartermasterand commissary, and, taking advantage of one of the engineerschooners engaged in bringing materials for the fort, I went up toMobile city, and, through the agency of Messrs. Deshon, Taylor, and Myers, merchants, procured all essentials for the troops, andreturned to the post. In the course of a week or ten days arrivedanother company, H, commanded by Lieutenant James Ketchum, withLieutenants Rankin and Sewall L. Fish, and an assistant surgeon(Wells. ) Ketchum became the commanding officer, and LieutenantRankin quartermaster. We proceeded to put the post in as goodorder as possible; had regular guard-mounting and parades, butlittle drill. We found magnificent fishing with the seine on theouter beach, and sometimes in a single haul we would take ten orfifteen barrels of the best kind of fish, embracing pompinos, red-fish, snappers, etc. 

We remained there till June, when the regiment was ordered toexchange from the Gulf posts to those on the Atlantic, extendingfrom Savannah to North Carolina. The brig Wetumpka was chartered, and our company (G) embarked and sailed to Pensacola, where we tookon board another company (D) (Burke's), commanded by Lieutenant H. S. Burton, with Colonel Gates, the regimental headquarters, andsome families. From Pensacola we sailed for Charleston, SouthCarolina. The weather was hot, the winds light, and we made a longpassage but at last reached Charleston Harbor, disembarked, andtook post in Fort Moultrie. 

Soon after two other companies arrived, Bragg's (B) and Keyes's(K). The two former companies were already quartered inside ofFort Moultrie, and these latter were placed in gun-sheds, outside, which were altered into barracks. We remained at Fort Moultrienearly five years, until the Mexican War scattered us forever. Ourlife there was of strict garrison duty, with plenty of leisure forhunting and social entertainments. We soon formed many and mostpleasant acquaintances in the city of Charleston; and it sohappened that many of the families resided at Sullivan's Island inthe summer season, where we could reciprocate the hospitalitiesextended to us in the winter. 

During the summer of 1843, having been continuously on duty forthree years, I applied for and received a leave of absence forthree months, which I spent mostly in Ohio. In November I startedto return to my post at Charleston by way of New Orleans; took thestage to Chillicothe, Ohio, November 16th, having Henry Stanberry, Esq. , and wife, as travelling companions, We continued by stage. Next day to Portsmouth, Ohio. 

At Portsmouth Mr. Stanberry took a boat up the river, and I onedown to Cincinnati. There I found my brothers Lampson and Hoytemployed in the "Gazette" printing-office, and spent much time withthem and Charles Anderson, Esq. , visiting his brother Larz, Mr. Longworth, some of his artist friends, and especially Miss SallieCarneal, then quite a belle, and noted for her fine voice, On the 20th I took passage on the steamboat Manhattan for St. Louis; reached Louisville, where Dr. Conrad, of the army, joinedme, and in the Manhattan we continued on to St. Louis, with a mixedcrowd. We reached the Mississippi at Cairo the 23d, and St. Louis, Friday, November 24, 1843. At St. Louis we called on Colonel S. W. Kearney and Major Cooper, his adjutant-general, and found myclassmate, Lieutenant McNutt, of the ordnance, stationed at thearsenal; also Mr. Deas, an artist, and Pacificus Ord, who wasstudying law. I spent a week at St. Louis, visiting the arsenal, Jefferson Barracks, and most places of interest, and then becameimpressed with its great future. It then contained about fortythousand people, and my notes describe thirty-six good steamboatsreceiving and discharging cargo at the levee. 

I took passage December 4th in the steamer John Aull for NewOrleans. As we passed Cairo the snow was falling, and the countrywas wintery and devoid of verdure. Gradually, however, as weproceeded south, the green color came; grass and trees showed thechange of latitude, and when in the course of a week we had reachedNew Orleans, the roses were in full bloom, the sugar-cane justripe, and a tropical air prevalent. We reached New OrleansDecember 11, 1843, where I spent about a week visiting thebarracks, then occupied by the Seventh Infantry; the theatres, hotels, and all the usual places of interest of that day. 

On the 16th of December I continued on to Mobile in the steamerFashion by way of Lake Pontchartrain; saw there most of my personalfriends, Mr. And Mrs. Bull, Judge Bragg and his brother Dunbar, Deshon, Taylor, and Myers, etc. , and on the 19th of December tookpassage in the steamboat Bourbon for Montgomery, Alabama, by way ofthe Alabama River. We reached Montgomery at noon, December 23d, and took cars at 1 p. M. For Franklin, forty miles, which we reachedat 7 p. M. , thence stages for Griffin, Georgia, via La Grange andGreenville. This took the whole night of the 23d and the day ofthe 24th. At Griffin we took cars for Macon, and thence toSavannah, which we reached Christmas-night, finding LieutenantsRidgley and Ketchum at tea, where we were soon joined by Rankin andBeckwith. 

On the 26th I took the boat for Charleston, reaching my post, andreported for duty Wednesday morning, December 27, 1843. 

I had hardly got back to my post when, on the 21st of January, 1844, I received from Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, at Marietta, Georgia, an intimation that Colonel Churchill, Inspector-General ofthe Army, had applied for me to assist him in taking depositions inupper Georgia and Alabama; concerning certain losses by volunteersin Florida of horses and equipments by reason of the failure of theUnited States to provide sufficient forage, and for which Congresshad made an appropriation. On the 4th of February the order camefrom the Adjutant-General in Washington for me to proceed toMarietta, Georgia, and report to Inspector-General Churchill. Iwas delayed till the 14th of February by reason of being on acourt-martial, when I was duly relieved and started by rail toAugusta, Georgia, and as far as Madison, where I took themail-coach, reaching Marietta on the 17th. There I reported forduty to Colonel Churchill, who was already engaged on his work, assisted by Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, Third Artillery, and acitizen named Stockton. The colonel had his family with him, consisting of Mrs. Churchill, Mary, now Mrs. Professor Baird, andCharles Churchill, then a boy of about fifteen years of age. 

We all lived in a tavern, and had an office convenient. The dutyconsisted in taking individual depositions of the officers and menwho had composed two regiments and a battalion of mountedvolunteers that had served in Florida. An oath was administered toeach man by Colonel Churchill, who then turned the claimant over toone of us to take down and record his deposition according tocertain forms, which enabled them to be consolidated and tabulated. We remained in Marietta about six weeks, during which time Irepeatedly rode to Kenesaw Mountain, and over the very ground whereafterward, in 1864, we had some hard battles. 

After closing our business at Marietta the colonel ordered us totransfer our operations to Bellefonte, Alabama. As he proposed totake his family and party by the stage, Hammond lent me hisriding-horse, which I rode to Allatoona and the Etowah River. Hearing of certain large Indian mounds near the way, I turned toone side to visit them, stopping a couple of days with ColonelLewis Tumlin, on whose plantation these mounds were. We struck upsuch an acquaintance that we corresponded for some years, and as Ipassed his plantation during the war, in 1864, I inquired for him, but he was not at home. From Tumlin's I rode to Rome, and by wayof Wills Valley over Sand Mountain and the Raccoon Range to theTennessee River at Bellefonte, Alabama. We all assembled there inMarch, and continued our work for nearly two months, when, havingcompleted the business, Colonel Churchill, with his family, wentNorth by way of Nashville; Hammond, Stockton, and I returning Southon horseback, by Rome, Allatoona, Marietta, Atlanta, and Madison, Georgia. Stockton stopped at Marietta, where he resided. Hammondtook the cars at Madison, and I rode alone to Augusta, Georgia, where I left the horse and returned to Charleston and Fort Moultrieby rail. 

Thus by a mere accident I was enabled to traverse on horseback thevery ground where in after-years I had to conduct vast armies andfight great battles. That the knowledge thus acquired was ofinfinite use to me, and consequently to the Government, I havealways felt and stated. 

During the autumn of 1844, a difficulty arose among the officers ofCompany B, Third Artillery (John R. Yinton's), garrisoning AugustaArsenal, and I was sent up from Fort Moultrie as a sort ofpeace-maker. After staying there some months, certain transfers ofofficers were made, which reconciled the difficulty, and I returnedto my post, Fort Moultrie. During that winter, 1844-'45, I wasvisiting at the plantation of Mr. Poyas, on the east branch of theCooper, about fifty miles from Fort Moultrie, hunting deer with hisson James, and Lieutenant John F. Reynolds, Third Artillery. Wehad taken our stands, and a deer came out of the swamp near that ofMr. James Poyas, who fired, broke the leg of the deer, which turnedback into the swamp and came out again above mine. I could followhis course by the cry of the hounds, which were in close pursuit. Hastily mounting my horse, I struck across the pine-woods to headthe deer off, and when at full career my horse leaped a fallen logand his fore-foot caught one of those hard, unyielding pineknotsthat brought him with violence to the ground. I got up as quick aspossible, and found my right arm out of place at the shoulder, caused by the weight of the double-barrelled gun. 

Seeing Reynolds at some distance, I called out lustily and broughthim to me. He soon mended the bridle and saddle, which had beenbroken by the fall, helped me on my horse, and we followed thecoarse of the hounds. At first my arm did not pain me much, but itsoon began to ache so that it was almost unendurable. In aboutthree miles we came to a negro hut, where I got off and rested tillReynolds could overtake Poyas and bring him back. They came atlast, but by that time the arm was so swollen and painful that Icould not ride. They rigged up an old gig belonging to the negro, in which I was carried six miles to the plantation of Mr. Poyas, Sr. A neighboring physician was sent for, who tried the usualmethods of setting the arm, but without success; each time makingthe operation more painful. At last he sent off, got a set ofdouble pulleys and cords, with which he succeeded in extending themuscles and in getting the bone into place. I then returned toFort Moultrie, but being disabled, applied for a short leave andwent North. 

I started January 25, 1845; went to Washington, Baltimore, andLancaster, Ohio, whence I went to Mansfield, and thence back byNewark to Wheeling, Cumberland, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and NewYork, whence I sailed back for Charleston on the ship Sullivan, reaching Fort Moultrie March 9, 1845. 

About that time (March 1, 1845) Congress had, by a jointresolution, provided for the annexation of Texas, then anindependent Republic, subject to certain conditions requiring theacceptance of the Republic of Texas to be final and conclusive. Weall expected war as a matter of course. At that time GeneralZachary Taylor had assembled a couple of regiments of infantry andone of dragoons at Fort Jessup, Louisiana, and had orders to extendmilitary protection to Texas against the Indians, or a "foreignenemy, " the moment the terms of annexation were accepted. Hereceived notice of such acceptance July 7th, and forthwithproceeded to remove his troops to Corpus Christi, Texas, where, during the summer and fall of 1845, was assembled that force withwhich, in the spring of 1846, was begun the Mexican War. 

Some time during that summer came to Fort Moultrie orders forsending Company E, Third Artillery, Lieutenant Bragg, to NewOrleans, there to receive a battery of field-guns, and thence tothe camp of General Taylor at Corpus Christi. This was the firstcompany of our regiment sent to the seat of war, and it embarked onthe brig Hayne. This was the only company that left Fort Moultrietill after I was detached for recruiting service on the 1st of May, 1846. 

Inasmuch as Charleston afterward became famous, as the spot wherebegan our civil war, a general description of it, as it was in1846, will not be out of place. 

The city lies on a long peninsula between the Ashley and CooperRivers--a low, level peninsula, of sand. Meeting Street is itsBroadway, with King Street, next west and parallel, the street ofshops and small stores. These streets are crossed at right anglesby many others, of which Broad Street was the principal; and theintersection of Meeting and Broad was the heart of the city, markedby the Guard-House and St. Michael's Episcopal Church. TheCustom-House, Post-Office, etc. , were at the foot of Broad Street, near the wharves of the Cooper River front. At the extremity ofthe peninsula was a drive, open to the bay, and faced by some ofthe handsomest houses of the city, called the "Battery. " Lookingdown the bay on the right, was James Island, an irregular triangleof about seven miles, the whole island in cultivation withsea-island cotton. At the lower end was Fort Johnson, then simplythe station of Captain Bowman, United States Engineers, engaged inbuilding Fort Sumter. This fort (Sumter) was erected on anartificial island nearly in mid-channel, made by dumping rocks, mostly brought as ballast in cotton-ships from the North. As therock reached the surface it was levelled, and made the foundationof Fort Sumter. In 1846 this fort was barely above the water. Still farther out beyond James Island, and separated from it by awide space of salt marsh with crooked channels, was Morris Island, composed of the sand-dunes thrown up by the wind and the sea, backed with the salt marsh. On this was the lighthouse, but nopeople. 

On the left, looking down the bay from the Battery of Charleston, was, first, Castle Pinckney, a round brick fort, of two tiers ofguns, one in embrasure, the other in barbette, built on a marshisland, which was not garrisoned. Farther down the bay a point ofthe mainland reached the bay, where there was a group of houses, called Mount Pleasant; and at the extremity of the bay, distant sixmiles, was Sullivan's Island, presenting a smooth sand-beach to thesea, with the line of sand-hills or dunes thrown up by the wavesand winds, and the usual backing of marsh and crooked salt-waterchannels. 

At the shoulder of this island was Fort Moultrie, an irregularfort, without ditch or counterscarp, with a brick scarp wall abouttwelve feet high, which could be scaled anywhere, and this wassurmounted by an earth parapet capable of mounting about fortytwenty-four and thirty-two pounder smooth-bore iron guns. Insidethe fort were three two-story brick barracks, sufficient to quarterthe officers and men of two companies of artillery. 

At sea was the usual "bar, " changing slightly from year to year, but generally the main ship-channel came from the south, parallelto Morris Island, till it was well up to Fort Moultrie, where itcurved, passing close to Fort Sumter and up to the wharves of thecity, which were built mostly along the Cooper River front. 

Charleston was then a proud, aristocratic city, and assumed aleadership in the public opinion of the South far out of proportionto her population, wealth, or commerce. On more than one occasionpreviously, the inhabitants had almost inaugurated civil war, bytheir assertion and professed belief that each State had, in theoriginal compact of government, reserved to itself the right towithdraw from the Union at its own option, whenever the peoplesupposed they had sufficient cause. We used to discuss thesethings at our own mess-tables, vehemently and sometimes quiteangrily; but I am sure that I never feared it would go further thanit had already gone in the winter of 1832-'33, when the attempt at"nullification" was promptly suppressed by President Jackson'sfamous declaration, "The Union must and shall be preserved!" and bythe judicious management of General Scott. 

Still, civil war was to be; and, now that it has come and gone, wecan rest secure in the knowledge that as the chief cause, slavery, has been eradicated forever, it is not likely to come again. 

CHAPTER II. 

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS of CALIFORNIA. 

1846-1848. 

In the spring of 1846 I was a first lieutenant of Company C, 1, Third Artillery, stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. Thecompany was commanded by Captain Robert Anderson; Henry B. Judd wasthe senior first-lieutenant, and I was the junior first-lieutenant, and George B. Ayres the second-lieutenant. Colonel William Gatescommanded the post and regiment, with First-Lieutenant WilliamAustine as his adjutant. Two other companies were at the post, viz. , Martin Burke's and E. D. Keyes's, and among the officers wereT. W. Sherman, Morris Miller, H. B. Field, William Churchill, Joseph Stewart, and Surgeon McLaren. 

The country now known as Texas had been recently acquired, and warwith Mexico was threatening. One of our companies (Bragg's), withGeorge H. Thomas, John F. Reynolds, and Frank Thomas, had gone theyear previous and was at that time with General Taylor's army atCorpus Christi, Texas. 

In that year (1846) I received the regular detail for recruitingservice, with orders to report to the general superintendent atGovernor's Island, New York; and accordingly left Fort Moultrie inthe latter part of April, and reported to the superintendent, Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, at New York, on the 1st day ofMay. I was assigned to the Pittsburg rendezvous, whither Iproceeded and relieved Lieutenant Scott. Early in May I took up myquarters at the St. Charles Hotel, and entered upon the dischargeof my duties. There was a regular recruiting-station alreadyestablished, with a sergeant, corporal, and two or three men, witha citizen physician, Dr. McDowell, to examine the recruits. Thethreatening war with Mexico made a demand for recruits, and Ireceived authority to open another sub-rendezvous at Zanesville, Ohio, whither I took the sergeant and established him. This wasvery handy to me, as my home was at Lancaster, Ohio, onlythirty-six miles off, so that I was thus enabled to visit myfriends there quite often. 

In the latter part of May, when at Wheeling, Virginia, on my wayback from Zanesville to Pittsburg, I heard the first news of thebattle of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, which occurred on the8th and 9th of May, and, in common with everybody else, feltintensely excited. That I should be on recruiting service, when mycomrades were actually fighting, was intolerable, and I hurriedon to my post, Pittsburg. At that time the railroad did notextend west of the Alleghanies, and all journeys were made bystage-coaches. In this instance I traveled from Zanesville toWheeling, thence to Washington (Pennsylvania), and thence toPittsburg by stage-coach. On reaching Pittsburg I found manyprivate letters; one from Ord, then a first-lieutenant in CompanyF, Third Artillery, at Fort McHenry, Baltimore, saying that hiscompany had just received orders for California, and asking me toapply for it. Without committing myself to that project, I wroteto the Adjutant-General, R. Jones, at Washington, D. C. , asking himto consider me as an applicant for any active service, and sayingthat I would willingly forego the recruiting detail, which I wellknew plenty of others would jump at. Impatient to approach thescene of active operations, without authority (and I supposewrongfully), I left my corporal in charge of the rendezvous, andtook all the recruits I had made, about twenty-five, in a steamboatto Cincinnati, and turned them over to Major N. C. McCrea, commanding at Newport Barracks. I then reported in Cincinnati, tothe superintendent of the Western recruiting service, ColonelFanning, an old officer with one arm, who inquired by whatauthority I had come away from my post. I argued that I took itfor granted he wanted all the recruits he could get to forward tothe army at Brownsville, Texas; and did not know but that he mightwant me to go along. Instead of appreciating my volunteer zeal, hecursed and swore at me for leaving my post without orders, and toldme to go back to Pittsburg. I then asked for an order that wouldentitle me to transportation back, which at first he emphaticallyrefused, but at last he gave the order, and I returned toPittsburg, all the way by stage, stopping again at Lancaster, whereI attended the wedding of my schoolmate Mike Effinger, and alsovisited my sub-rendezvous at Zanesville. R. S. Ewell, of my class, arrived to open a cavalry rendezvous, but, finding my depot there, he went on to Columbus, Ohio. Tom Jordan afterward was orderedto Zanesville, to take charge of that rendezvous, underthe general War Department orders increasing the number ofrecruiting-stations. I reached Pittsburg late in June, and foundthe order relieving me from recruiting service, and detailing myclassmate H. B. Field to my place. I was assigned to Company F, then under orders for California. By private letters fromLieutenant Ord, I heard that the company had already started fromFort McHenry for Governor's Island, New York Harbor, to take passagefor California in a naval transport. I worked all that night, madeup my accounts current, and turned over the balance of cash to thecitizen physician, Dr. McDowell; and also closed my clothing andproperty returns, leaving blank receipts with the same gentleman forField's signature, when he should get there, to be forwarded to theDepartment at Washington, and the duplicates to me. These I did notreceive for more than a year. I remember that I got my orders about8 p. M. One night, and took passage in the boat for Brownsville, thenext morning traveled by stage from Brownsville to Cumberland, Maryland, and thence by cars to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and NewYork, in a great hurry lest the ship might sail without me. I foundCompany F at Governor's Island, Captain C. Q. Tompkins in command, Lieutenant E. O. C. Ord senior first-lieutenant, myselfjunior first-lieutenant, Lucien Loeser and Charles Minor thesecond-lieutenants. 

The company had been filled up to one hundred privates, twelvenon-commissioned officers, and one ordnance sergeant (Layton), making one hundred and thirteen enlisted men and five officers. Dr. James L. Ord had been employed as acting assistant surgeon toaccompany the expedition, and Lieutenant H. W. Halleck, of theengineers, was also to go along. The United States store-shipLexington was then preparing at the Navy-Yard, Brooklyn, to carryus around Cape Horn to California. She was receiving on board thenecessary stores for the long voyage, and for service after ourarrival there. Lieutenant-Commander Theodorus Bailey was incommand of the vessel, Lieutenant William H. Macomb executiveofficer, and Passed-Midshipmen Muse, Spotts, and J. W. A. Nicholson, were the watch-officers; Wilson purser, and Abernethysurgeon. The latter was caterer of the mess, and we all made anadvance of cash for him to lay in the necessary mess-stores. Toenable us to prepare for so long a voyage and for an indefinitesojourn in that far-off country, the War Department had authorizedus to draw six months' pay in advance, which sum of money weinvested in surplus clothing and such other things as seemed to usnecessary. At last the ship was ready, and was towed down abreastof Fort Columbus, where we were conveyed on board, and on the 14thof July, 1846, we were towed to sea by a steam-tug, and cast off:Colonel R. B. Mason, still superintendent of the general recruitingservice, accompanied us down the bay and out to sea, returning withthe tug. A few other friends were of the party, but at last theyleft us, and we were alone upon the sea, and the sailors were busywith the sails and ropes. The Lexington was an old ship, changedfrom a sloop-of-war to a store-ship, with an after-cabin, a"ward-room, " and "between-decks. " In the cabin were CaptainsBailey and Tompkins, with whom messed the purser, Wilson. In theward-room were all the other officers, two in each state-room; andMinor, being an extra lieutenant, had to sleep in a hammock slungin the ward-room. Ord and I roomed together; Halleck and Loeserand the others were scattered about. The men were arranged inbunks "between-decks, " one set along the sides of the ship, andanother, double tier, amidships. The crew were slung in hammockswell forward. Of these there were about fifty. We at oncesubdivided the company into four squads, under the four lieutenantsof the company, and arranged with the naval officers that our menshould serve on deck by squads, after the manner of their watches;that the sailors should do all the work aloft, and the soldiers ondeck. 

On fair days we drilled our men at the manual, and generally keptthem employed as much as possible, giving great attention to thepolice and cleanliness of their dress and bunks; and so successfulwere we in this, that, though the voyage lasted nearly two hundreddays, every man was able to leave the ship and march up the hill tothe fort at Monterey, California, carrying his own knapsack andequipments. 

The voyage from New York to Rio Janeiro was without accident or anything to vary the usual monotony. We soon settled down to thehumdrum of a long voyage, reading some, not much; playing games, but never gambling; and chiefly engaged in eating our mealsregularly. In crossing the equator we had the usual visit ofNeptune and his wife, who, with a large razor and a bucket ofsoapsuds, came over the sides and shaved some of the greenhorns;but naval etiquette exempted the officers, and Neptune was notpermitted to come aft of the mizzen-mast. At last, after sixtydays of absolute monotony, the island of Raza, off Rio Janeiro, wasdescried, and we slowly entered the harbor, passing a fort on ourright hand, from which came a hail, in the Portuguese language, from a huge speaking-trumpet, and our officer of the deck answeredback in gibberish, according to a well-understood custom of theplace. Sugar-loaf Mountain, on the south of the entrance, is veryremarkable and well named; is almost conical, with a slight lean. The man-of-war anchorage is about five miles inside the heads, directly in front of the city of Rio Janeiro. Words will notdescribe the beauty of this perfect harbor, nor the delightfulfeeling after a long voyage of its fragrant airs, and the entirecontrast between all things there and what we had left in New York. 

We found the United Staten frigate Columbia anchored there, andafter the Lexington was properly moored, nearly all the officerswent on shore for sight-seeing and enjoyment. We landed at a wharfopposite which was a famous French restaurant, Farroux, and afterordering supper we all proceeded to the Rua da Ouvador, where mostof the shops were, especially those for making feather flowers, asmuch to see the pretty girls as the flowers which they soskillfully made; thence we went to the theatre, where, besides someopera, we witnessed the audience and saw the Emperor Dom Pedro, andhis Empress, the daughter of the King of Sicily. After thetheatre, we went back to the restaurant, where we had an excellentsupper, with fruits of every variety and excellence, such as we hadnever seen before, or even knew the names of. Supper being over, we called for the bill, and it was rendered in French, withBrazilian currency. It footed up some twenty-six thousand reis. The figures alarmed us, so we all put on the waiters' plate variouscoins in gold, which he took to the counter and returned thechange, making the total about sixteen dollars. The millreis isabout a dollar, but being a paper-money was at a discount, so asonly to be worth about fifty-six cents in coin. 

The Lexington remained in Rio about a week, during which we visitedthe Palace, a few miles in the country, also the Botanic Gardens, aplace of infinite interest, with its specimens of tropical fruits, spices; etc. , etc. , and indeed every place of note. The thing Ibest recall is a visit Halleck and I made to the Corcovado, a highmountain whence the water is conveyed for the supply of the city. We started to take a walk, and passed along the aqueduct, whichapproaches the city by a aeries of arches; thence up the point ofthe hill to a place known as the Madre, or fountain, to which allthe water that drips from the leaves is conducted by tile gutters, and is carried to the city by an open stone aqueduct. 

Here we found Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, the United Statesminister to Brazil, and a Dr. Garnett, United States Navy, hisintended son-in-law. We had a very interesting conversation, inwhich Mr. Wise enlarged on the fact that Rio was supplied from the"dews of heaven, " for in the dry season the water comes from themists and fogs which hang around the Corcovado, drips from theleaves of the trees, and is conducted to the Madre fountain bymiles of tile gutters. Halleck and I continued our ascent of themountain, catching from points of the way magnificent views of thescenery round about Rio Janeiro. We reached near the summit whatwas called the emperor's coffee-plantation, where we sawcoffee-berries in their various stages, and the scaffolds on whichthe berries were dried before being cleaned. The coffee-treereminded me of the red haw-tree of Ohio, and the berries weresomewhat like those of the same tree, two grains of coffee beinginclosed in one berry. These were dried and cleaned of the husk byhand or by machinery. A short, steep ascent from this placecarried us to the summit, from which is beheld one of the mostpicturesque views on earth. The Organ Mountains to the west andnorth, the ocean to the east, the city of Rio with its red-tiledhouses at our feet, and the entire harbor like a map spread out, with innumerable bright valleys, make up a landscape that cannot bedescribed by mere words. This spot is universally visited bystrangers, and has often been described. After enjoying itimmeasurably, we returned to the city by another route, tired butamply repaid by our long walk. 

In due time all had been done that was requisite, and the Lexingtonput to sea and resumed her voyage. In October we approached CapeHorn, the first land descried was Staten Island, white with snow, and the ship seemed to be aiming for the channel to its west, straits of Le Maire, but her course was changed and we passedaround to the east. In time we saw Cape Horn; an island roundedlike an oven, after which it takes its name (Ornos) oven. Here weexperienced very rough weather, buffeting about under stormstay-sails, and spending nearly a month before the wind favored ourpassage and enabled the course of the ship to be changed forValparaiso. One day we sailed parallel with a French sloop-of-war, and it was sublime to watch the two ships rising and falling inthose long deep swells of the ocean. All the time we were followedby the usual large flocks of Cape-pigeons and albatrosses of everycolor. The former resembled the common barn-pigeon exactly, butare in fact gulls of beautiful and varied colors, mostlydove-color. We caught many with fishing-lines baited with pork. We also took in the same way many albatrosses. The white ones arevery large, and their down is equal to that of the swan. At lastCape Horn and its swelling seas were left behind, and we reachedValparaiso in about sixty days from Rio. We anchored in the openroadstead, and spent there about ten days, visiting all the usualplaces of interest, its foretop, main-top, mizzen-top, etc. Halleck and Ord went up to Santiago, the capital of Chili, somesixty miles inland, but I did not go. Valparaiso did not impressme favorably at all. Seen from the sea, it looked like a longstring of houses along the narrow beach, surmounted with red banksof earth, with little verdure, and no trees at all. Northward thespace widened out somewhat, and gave room for a plaza, but the massof houses in that quarter were poor. We were there in November, corresponding to our early spring, and we enjoyed the largestrawberries which abounded. The Independence frigate, CommodoreShubrick, came in while we were there, having overtaken us, boundalso for California. We met there also the sloop-of-war levant, from California, and from the officers heard of many of the eventsthat had transpired about the time the navy, under Commodore Sloat, had taken possession of the country. 

All the necessary supplies being renewed in Valparaiso, the voyagewas resumed. For nearly forty days we had uninterrupted favorablewinds, being in the "trades, " and, having settled down to sailorhabits, time passed without notice. We had brought with us all thebooks we could find in New York about California, and had read themover and over again: Wilkes's "Exploring Expedition;" Dana's "TwoYears before the Mast;" and Forbes's "Account of the Missions. " Itwas generally understood we were bound for Monterey, then thecapital of Upper California. We knew, of course, that GeneralKearney was enroute for the same country overland; that Fremont wastherewith his exploring party; that the navy had already takenpossession, and that a regiment of volunteers, Stevenson's, wasto follow us from New York; but nevertheless we were impatient toreach our destination. About the middle of January the ship beganto approach the California coast, of which the captain was dulycautious, because the English and Spanish charts differed somefifteen miles in the longitude, and on all the charts a current oftwo miles an hour was indicated northward along the coast. At lastland was made one morning, and here occurred one of those accidentsso provoking after a long and tedious voyage. Macomb, the masterand regular navigator, had made the correct observations, butNicholson during the night, by an observation on the north star, put the ship some twenty miles farther south than was the case bythe regular reckoning, so that Captain Bailey gave directions toalter the course of the ship more to the north, and to follow thecoast up, and to keep a good lookout for Point Pinos that marks thelocation of Monterey Bay. The usual north wind slackened, so thatwhen noon allowed Macomb to get a good observation, it was foundthat we were north of Ano Nuevo, the northern headland of MontereyBay. The ship was put about, but little by little arose one ofthose southeast storms so common on the coast in winter, and webuffeted about for several days, cursing that unfortunateobservation on the north star, for, on first sighting the coast, had we turned for Monterey, instead of away to the north, we wouldhave been snugly anchored before the storm. But the southeasterabated, and the usual northwest wind came out again, and we sailedsteadily down into the roadstead of Monterey Bay. This is shapedsomewhat like a fish hook, the barb being the harbor, the pointbeing Point Pinos, the southern headland. Slowly the land came outof the water, the high mountains about Santa Cruz, the low beach ofthe Saunas, and the strongly-marked ridge terminating in the sea ina point of dark pine-trees. Then the line of whitewashed houses ofadobe, backed by the groves of dark oaks, resembling oldapple-trees; and then we saw two vessels anchored close to thetown. One was a small merchant-brig and another a large shipapparently dismasted. At last we saw a boat coming out to meet us, and when it came alongside, we were surprised to find LieutenantHenry Wise, master of the Independence frigate, that we had left atValparaiso. Wise had come off to pilot us to our anchorage. Whilegiving orders to the man at the wheel, he, in his peculiar fluentstyle, told to us, gathered about him, that the Independence hadsailed from Valparaiso a week after us and had been in Monterey aweek; that the Californians had broken out into an insurrection;that the naval fleet under Commodore Stockton was all down thecoast about San Diego; that General Kearney had reached thecountry, but had had a severe battle at San Pascual, and had beenworsted, losing several officers and men, himself and otherswounded; that war was then going on at Los Angeles; that the wholecountry was full of guerrillas, and that recently at Yerba Buenathe alcalde, Lieutenant Bartlett, United States Navy, while outafter cattle, had been lassoed, etc. , etc. Indeed, in the shortspace of time that Wise was piloting our ship in, he told us morenews than we could have learned on shore in a week, and, beingunfamiliar with the great distances, we imagined that we shouldhave to debark and begin fighting at once. Swords were broughtout, guns oiled and made ready, and every thing was in a bustlewhen the old Lexington dropped her anchor on January 26, 1847, inMonterey Bay, after a voyage of one hundred and ninety-eight daysfrom New York. Every thing on shore looked bright and beautiful, the hills covered with grass and flowers, the live-oaks so sereneand homelike, and the low adobe houses, with red-tiled roofs andwhitened walls, contrasted well with the dark pine-trees behind, making a decidedly good impression upon us who had come so far tospy out the land. Nothing could be more peaceful in its looks thanMonterey in January, 1847. We had already made the acquaintance ofCommodore Shubrick and the officers of the Independence inValparaiso, so that we again met as old friends. Immediatepreparations were made for landing, and, as I was quartermaster andcommissary, I had plenty to do. There was a small wharf and anadobe custom-house in possession of the navy; also a barrack of twostories, occupied by some marines, commanded by Lieutenant Maddox;and on a hill to the west of the town had been built a two-storyblock-house of hewed logs occupied by a guard of sailors undercommand of Lieutenant Baldwin, United States Navy. Not a singlemodern wagon or cart was to be had in Monterey, nothing but the oldMexican cart with wooden wheels, drawn by two or three pairs ofoxen, yoked by the horns. A man named Tom Cole had two or more ofthese, and he came into immediate requisition. The United Statesconsul, and most prominent man there at the time, was Thomas O. Larkin, who had a store and a pretty good two-story house occupiedby his family. It was soon determined that our company was to landand encamp on the hill at the block-house, and we were also to havepossession of the warehouse, or custom-house, for storage. Thecompany was landed on the wharf, and we all marched in full dresswith knapsacks and arms, to the hill and relieved the guard underLieutenant Baldwin. Tents and camp-equipage were hauled up, andsoon the camp was established. I remained in a room at thecustomhouse, where I could superintend the landing of the storesand their proper distribution. I had brought out from New Yorktwenty thousand dollars commissary funds, and eight thousanddollars quartermaster funds, and as the ship contained about sixmonths' supply of provisions, also a saw-mill, grist-mill, andalmost every thing needed, we were soon established comfortably. We found the people of Monterey a mixed set of Americans, nativeMexicans, and Indians, about one thousand all told. They were kindand pleasant, and seemed to have nothing to do, except such asowned ranches in the country for the rearing of horses and cattle. Horses could be bought at any price from four dollars up tosixteen, but no horse was ever valued above a doubloon or Mexicanounce (sixteen dollars). Cattle cost eight dollars fifty cents forthe best, and this made beef net about two cents a pound, but atthat time nobody bought beef by the pound, but by the carcass. 

Game of all kinds--elk, deer, wild geese, and ducks--was abundant;but coffee, sugar, and small stores, were rare and costly. 

There were some half-dozen shops or stores, but their shelves wereempty. The people were very fond of riding, dancing, and of showsof any kind. The young fellows took great delight in showing offtheir horsemanship, and would dash along, picking up a half-dollarfrom the ground, stop their horses in full career and turn about onthe space of a bullock's hide, and their skill with the lasso wascertainly wonderful. At full speed they could cast their lassoabout the horns of a bull, or so throw it as to catch anyparticular foot. These fellows would work all day on horseback indriving cattle or catching wildhorses for a mere nothing, but allthe money offered would not have hired one of them to walk a mile. The girls were very fond of dancing, and they did dance gracefullyand well. Every Sunday, regularly, we had a baile, or dance, andsometimes interspersed through the week. 

I remember very well, soon after our arrival, that we were allinvited to witness a play called "Adam and Eve. " Eve waspersonated by a pretty young girl known as Dolores Gomez, who, however, was dressed very unlike Eve, for she was covered with apetticoat and spangles. Adam was personated by her brother--thesame who has since become somewhat famous as the person on whom isfounded the McGarrahan claim. God Almighty was personated, andheaven's occupants seemed very human. Yet the play was pretty, interesting, and elicited universal applause. All the month ofFebruary we were by day preparing for our long stay in the country, and at night making the most of the balls and parties of the mostprimitive kind, picking up a smattering of Spanish, and extendingour acquaintance with the people and the costumbrea del pais. Ican well recall that Ord and I, impatient to look inland, gotpermission and started for the Mission of San Juan Bautista. Mounted on horses, and with our carbines, we took the road by ElToro, quite a prominent hill, around which passes the road to thesouth, following the Saunas or Monterey River. After about twentymiles over a sandy country covered with oak-bushes and scrub, weentered quite a pretty valley in which there was a ranch at thefoot of the Toro. Resting there a while and getting someinformation, we again started in the direction of a mountain to thenorth of the Saunas, called the Gavillano. It was quite dark whenwe reached the Saunas River, which we attempted to pass at severalpoints, but found it full of water, and the quicksands were bad. Hearing the bark of a dog, we changed our course in that direction, and, on hailing, were answered by voices which directed us where tocross. Our knowledge of the language was limited, but we managedto understand, and to founder through the sand and water, andreached a small adobe-house on the banks of the Salinas, where wespent the night: The house was a single room, without floor orglass; only a rude door, and window with bars. Not a particle offood but meat, yet the man and woman entertained us with thelanguage of lords put themselves, their house, and every thing, atour "disposition, " and made little barefoot children dance for ourentertainment. We made our supper of beef, and slept on abullock's hide on the dirt-floor. In the morning we crossed theSalinas Plain, about fifteen miles of level ground, taking a shotoccasionally at wild-geese, which abounded there, and entering thewell-wooded valley that comes out from the foot of the Gavillano. We had cruised about all day, and it was almost dark when wereached the house of a Senor Gomez, father of those who at Montereyhad performed the parts of Adam and Eve. His house was a two-storyadobe, and had a fence in front. It was situated well up among thefoot-hills of the Gavillano, and could not be seen until within afew yards. We hitched our horses to the fence and went in just asGomez was about to sit down to a tempting supper of stewed hare andtortillas. We were officers and caballeros and could not beignored. After turning our horses to grass, at his invitation wejoined him at supper. The allowance, though ample for one, wasrather short for three, and I thought the Spanish grandiloquentpoliteness of Gomez, who was fat and old, was not over-cordial. However, down we sat, and I was helped to a dish of rabbit, withwhat I thought to be an abundant sauce of tomato. Taking a goodmouthful, I felt as though I had taken liquid fire; the tomato waschile colorado, or red pepper, of the purest kind. It nearlykilled me, and I saw Gomez's eyes twinkle, for he saw that hisshare of supper was increased. --I contented myself with bits ofthe meat, and an abundant supply of tortillas. Ord was bettercase-hardened, and stood it better. We staid at Gomez's thatnight, sleeping, as all did, on the ground, and the next morning wecrossed the hill by the bridle-path to the old Mission of San JuanBautista. The Mission was in a beautiful valley, very level, andbounded on all sides by hills. The plain was covered withwild-grasses and mustard, and had abundant water. Cattle andhorses were seen in all directions, and it was manifest that thepriests who first occupied the country were good judges of land. It was Sunday, and all the people, about, a hundred, had come tochurch from the country round about. Ord was somewhat of aCatholic, and entered the church with his clanking spars andkneeled down, attracting the attention of all, for he had on theuniform of an American officer. As soon as church was out, allrushed to the various sports. I saw the priest, with his grayrobes tucked up, playing at billiards, others were cock fighting, and some at horse-racing. My horse had become lame, and I resolvedto buy another. As soon as it was known that I wanted a horse, several came for me, and displayed their horses by dashing past andhauling them up short. There was a fine black stallion thatattracted my notice, and, after trying him myself, I concluded apurchase. I left with the seller my own lame horse, which he wasto bring to me at Monterey, when I was to pay him ten dollars forthe other. The Mission of San Juan bore the marks of highprosperity at a former period, and had a good pear-orchard justunder the plateau where stood the church. After spending the day, Ord and I returned to Monterey, about thirty-five miles, by ashorter route, Thus passed the month of February, and, though therewere no mails or regular expresses, we heard occasionally fromYerba Buena and Sutter's Fort to the north, and from the army andnavy about Los Angeles at the south. We also knew that a quarrelhad grown up at Los Angeles, between General Kearney, ColonelFremont, and Commodore Stockton, as to the right to control affairsin California. Kearney had with him only the fragments of the twocompanies of dragoons, which had come across from New Mexico withhim, and had been handled very roughly by Don Andreas Pico, at SanPascual, in which engagement Captains Moore and Johnson, andLieutenant Hammond, were killed, and Kearney himself wounded. There remained with him Colonel Swords, quartermaster; Captain H. S. Turner, First Dragoons; Captains Emory and Warner, TopographicalEngineers; Assistant Surgeon Griffin, and Lieutenant J. W. Davidson. Fremont had marched down from the north with a battalionof volunteers; Commodore Stockton had marched up from San Diego toLos Angeles, with General Kearney, his dragoons, and a battalion ofsailors and marines, and was soon joined there by Fremont, and theyjointly received the surrender of the insurgents under AndreasPico. We also knew that General R. B. Mason had been ordered toCalifornia; that Colonel John D. Stevenson was coming out toCalifornia with a regiment of New York Volunteers; that CommodoreShubrick had orders also from the Navy Department to controlmatters afloat; that General Kearney, by virtue of his rank, hadthe right to control all the land-forces in the service of theUnited States; and that Fremont claimed the same right by virtue ofa letter he had received from Colonel Benton, then a Senator, and aman of great influence with Polk's Administration. So that amongthe younger officers the query was very natural, "Who the devil isGovernor of California?" One day I was on board the Independencefrigate, dining with the ward-room officers, when a war-vessel wasreported in the offing, which in due time was made out to be theCyane, Captain DuPont. After dinner we were all on deck to watchthe new arrival, the ships meanwhile exchanging signals, which wereinterpreted that General Kearney was on board. As the Cyaneapproached, a boat was sent to meet her, with Commodore Shubrick'sflag-officer, Lieutenant Lewis, to carry the usual messages, and toinvite General Kearney to come on board the Independence as theguest of Commodore Shubrick. Quite a number of officers were ondeck, among them Lieutenants Wise, Montgomery Lewis, WilliamChapman, and others, noted wits and wags of the navy. In due timethe Cyane anchored close by, and our boat was seen returning with astranger in the stern-sheets, clothed in army blue. As the boatcame nearer, we saw that it was General Kearney with an old dragooncoat on, and an army-cap, to which the general had added the broadvizor, cut from a full-dress hat, to shade his face and eyesagainst the glaring sun of the Gila region. Chapman exclaimed:"Fellows, the problem is solved; there is the grand-vizier (visor)by G-d! He is Governor of California. "

All hands received the general with great heartiness, and he soonpassed out of our sight into the commodore's cabin. BetweenCommodore Shubrick and General Kearney existed from that timeforward the greatest harmony and good feeling, and no furthertrouble existed as to the controlling power on the Pacific coast. General Kearney had dispatched from San Diego his quartermaster, Colonel Swords, to the Sandwich Islands, to purchase clothing andstores for his men, and had come up to Monterey, bringing with himTurner and Warner, leaving Emory and the company of dragoons below. He was delighted to find a full strong company of artillery, subject to his orders, well supplied with clothing and money in allrespects, and, much to the disgust of our Captain Tompkins, he tookhalf of his company clothing and part of the money held by me forthe relief of his worn-out and almost naked dragoons left behind atLos Angeles. In a few days he moved on shore, took up his quartersat Larkin's house, and established his headquarters, with CaptainTurner as his adjutant general. One day Turner and Warner were atmy tent, and, seeing a store-bag full of socks, drawers, and calicoshirts, of which I had laid in a three years' supply, and of whichthey had none, made known to me their wants, and I told them tohelp themselves, which Turner and Warner did. The latter, however, insisted on paying me the cost, and from that date to this Turnerand I have been close friends. Warner, poor fellow, was afterwardkilled by Indians. Things gradually came into shape, asemi-monthly courier line was established from Yerba Buena to SanDiego, and we were thus enabled to keep pace with events throughoutthe country. In March Stevenson's regiment arrived. Colonel Masonalso arrived by sea from Callao in the store-ship Erie, and P. St. George Cooke's battalion of Mormons reached San Luis Rey. A. J. Smith and George Stoneman were with him, and were assigned to thecompany of dragoons at Los Angeles. All these troops and the navyregarded General Kearney as the rightful commander, though Fremontstill remained at Los Angeles, styling himself as Governor, issuingorders and holding his battalion of California Volunteers inapparent defiance of General Kearney. Colonel Mason and MajorTurner were sent down by sea with a paymaster, with muster-rolls andorders to muster this battalion into the service of the UnitedStates, to pay and then to muster them out; but on their reachingLos Angeles Fremont would not consent to it, and the controversybecame so angry that a challenge was believed to have passed betweenMason and Fremont, but the duel never came about. Turner rode up byland in four or five days, and Fremont, becoming alarmed, followedhim, as we supposed, to overtake him, but he did not succeed. OnFremont's arrival at Monterey, he camped in a tent about a mile outof town and called on General Kearney, and it was reported that thelatter threatened him very severely and ordered him back to LosAngeles immediately, to disband his volunteers, and to cease theexercise of authority of any kind in the country. Feeling a naturalcuriosity to see Fremont, who was then quite famous by reason of hisrecent explorations and the still more recent conflicts with Kearneyand Mason, I rode out to his camp, and found him in a conical tentwith one Captain Owens, who was a mountaineer, trapper, etc. , butoriginally from Zanesville, Ohio. I spent an hour or so with Fremontin his tent, took some tea with him, and left, without being muchimpressed with him. In due time Colonel Swords returned from theSandwich Islands and relieved me as quartermaster. Captain WilliamG. Marcy, son of the Secretary of War, had also come out in one ofStevenson's ships as an assistant commissary of subsistence, and wasstationed at Monterey and relieved me as commissary, so that Ireverted to the condition of a company-officer. While acting as astaff officer I had lived at the custom-house in Monterey, but whenrelieved I took a tent in line with the other company-officers onthe hill, where we had a mess. 

Stevenson'a regiment reached San Francisco Bay early in March, 1847. Three companies were stationed at the Presidio under MajorJames A. Hardier one company (Brackett's) at Sonoma; three, underColonel Stevenson, at Monterey; and three, under Lieutenant-ColonelBurton, at Santa Barbara. One day I was down at the headquartersat Larkin's horse, when General Kearney remarked to me that he wasgoing down to Los Angeles in the ship Lexington, and wanted me togo along as his aide. Of course this was most agreeable to me. Two of Stevenson's companies, with the headquarters and thecolonel, were to go also. They embarked, and early in May wesailed for San Pedro. Before embarking, the United Statesline-of-battle-ship Columbus had reached the coast from China withCommodore Biddle, whose rank gave him the supreme command of thenavy on the coast. He was busy in calling in--"lassooing "--fromthe land-service the various naval officers who under Stockton hadbeen doing all sorts of military and civil service on shore. Knowing that I was to go down the coast with General Kearney, hesent for me and handed me two unsealed parcels addressed toLieutenant Wilson, United States Navy, and Major Gillespie, UnitedStates Marines, at Los Angeles. These were written orders prettymuch in these words: "On receipt of this order you will repair atonce on board the United States ship Lexington at San Pedro, and onreaching Monterey you will report to the undersigned. -JAMESBIDDLE. " Of course, I executed my part to the letter, and theseofficers were duly "lassooed. " We sailed down the coast with afair wind, and anchored inside the kelp, abreast of Johnson'shouse. Messages were forthwith dispatched up to Los Angeles, twenty miles off, and preparations for horses made for us to rideup. We landed, and, as Kearney held to my arm in ascending thesteep path up the bluff, he remarked to himself, rather than to me, that it was strange that Fremont did not want to return north bythe Lexington on account of sea-sickness, but preferred to go byland over five hundred miles. The younger officers had beendiscussing what the general would do with Fremont, who was supposedto be in a state of mutiny. Some, thought he would be tried andshot, some that he would be carried back in irons; and all agreedthat if any one else than Fremont had put on such airs, and hadacted as he had done, Kearney would have shown him no mercy, for hewas regarded as the strictest sort of a disciplinarian. We had apleasant ride across the plain which lies between the seashore andLos Angeles, which we reached in about three hours, the infantryfollowing on foot. We found Colonel P. St. George Cooke living atthe house of a Mr. Pryor, and the company of dragoons, with A. J. Smith, Davidson, Stoneman, and Dr. Griffin, quartered in anadobe-house close by. Fremont held his court in the only two-storyframe-house in the place. After sometime spent at Pryor's house, General Kearney ordered me to call on Fremont to notify him of hisarrival, and that he desired to see him. I walked round to thehouse which had been pointed out to me as his, inquired of a man atthe door if the colonel was in, was answered "Yea, " and wasconducted to a large room on the second floor, where very soonFremont came in, and I delivered my message. As I was on the pointof leaving, he inquired where I was going to, and I answered that Iwas going back to Pryor's house, where the general was, when heremarked that if I would wait a moment he would go along. Ofcourse I waited, and he soon joined me, dressed much as aCalifornian, with the peculiar high, broad-brimmed hat, with afancy cord, and we walked together back to Pryor's, where I lefthim with General Kearney. We spent several days very pleasantly atLos Angeles, then, as now, the chief pueblo of the south, famousfor its grapes, fruits, and wines. There was a hill close to thetown, from which we had a perfect view of the place. Thesurrounding country is level, utterly devoid of trees, except thewillows and cotton-woods that line the Los Angeles Creek and theacequias, or ditches, which lead from it. The space of groundcultivated in vineyards seemed about five miles by one, embracingthe town. Every house had its inclosure of vineyard, whichresembled a miniature orchard, the vines being very old, ranged inrows, trimmed very close, with irrigating ditches so arranged thata stream of water could be diverted between each row of vines. TheLos Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers are fed by melting snows from arange of mountains to the east, and the quantity of cultivated landdepends upon the amount of water. This did not seem to be verylarge; but the San Gabriel River, close by, was represented tocontain a larger volume of water, affording the means of greatlyenlarging the space for cultivation. The climate was so moderatethat oranges, figs, pomegranates, etc.... Were generally to befound in every yard or inclosure. 

At the time of our visit, General Kearney was making hispreparations to return overland to the United States, and hearranged to secure a volunteer escort out of the battalion ofMormons that was then stationed at San Luis Rey, under ColonelCooke and a Major Hunt. This battalion was only enlisted for oneyear, and the time for their discharge was approaching, and it wasgenerally understood that the majority of the men wanted to bedischarged so as to join the Mormons who had halted at Salt Lake, but a lieutenant and about forty men volunteered to return toMissouri as the escort of General Kearney. These were mounted onmules and horses, and I was appointed to conduct them to Montereyby land. Leaving the party at Los Angeles to follow by sea in theLexington, I started with the Mormon detachment and traveled byland. We averaged about thirty miles a day, stopped one day atSanta Barbara, where I saw Colonel Burton, and so on by the usuallytraveled road to Monterey, reaching it in about fifteen days, arriving some days in advance of the Lexington. This gave me thebest kind of an opportunity for seeing the country, which was verysparsely populated indeed, except by a few families at the variousMissions. We had no wheeled vehicles, but packed our food andclothing on mules driven ahead, and we slept on the ground in theopen air, the rainy season having passed. Fremont followed me byland in a few days, and, by the end of May, General Kearney was allready at Monterey to take his departure, leaving to succeed him incommand Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons. Our Captain(Tompkins), too, had become discontented at his separation from hisfamily, tendered his resignation to General Kearney, and availedhimself of a sailing-vessel bound for Callao to reach the East. Colonel Mason selected me as his adjutant-general; and on the verylast day of May General Kearney, with his Mormon escort, withColonel Cooke, Colonel Swords (quartermaster), Captain Turner, anda naval officer, Captain Radford, took his departure for the Eastoverland, leaving us in full possession of California and its fate. Fremont also left California with General Kearney, and with himdeparted all cause of confusion and disorder in the country. Fromthat time forth no one could dispute the authority of Colonel Masonas in command of all the United States forces on shore, while thesenior naval officer had a like control afloat. This was CommodoreJames Biddle, who had reached the station from China in theColumbus, and he in turn was succeeded by Commodore T. Ap CatesbyJones in the line-of-battle-ship Ohio. At that time Monterey wasour headquarters, and the naval commander for a time remainedthere, but subsequently San Francisco Bay became the chief navalrendezvous. 

Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, was an officer of greatexperience, of stern character, deemed by some harsh and severe, but in all my intercourse with him he was kind and agreeable. Hehad a large fund of good sense, and, during our long period ofservice together, I enjoyed his unlimited confidence. He had beenin his day a splendid shot and hunter, and often entertained mewith characteristic anecdotes of Taylor, Twiggs, Worth, Harvey, Martin Scott, etc. , etc, who were then in Mexico, gaining anational fame. California had settled down to a condition ofabsolute repose, and we naturally repined at our fate in beingso remote from the war in Mexico, where our comrades werereaping large honors. Mason dwelt in a house not far from theCustom-House, with Captain Lanman, United States Navy; I had a smalladobe-house back of Larkin's. Halleck and Dr. Murray had a smalllog-house not far off. The company of artillery was still on thehill, under the command of Lieutenant Ord, engaged in building afort whereon to mount the guns we had brought out in the Lexington, and also in constructing quarters out of hewn pine-logs for the men. Lieutenant Minor, a very clever young officer, had taken violentlysick and died about the time I got back from Los Angeles, leavingLieutenants Ord and Loeser alone with the company, withAssistant-Surgeon Robert Murray. Captain William G. Marcy was thequartermaster and commissary. Naglee's company of Stevenson'sregiment had been mounted and was sent out against the Indians inthe San Joaquin Valley, and Shannon's company occupied the barracks. Shortly after General Kearney had gone East, we found an order ofhis on record, removing one Mr. Nash, the Alcalde of Sonoma, andappointing to his place ex-Governor L. W. Boggs. A letter came toColonel and Governor Mason from Boggs, whom he had personally knownin Missouri, complaining that, though he had been appointed alcalde, the then incumbent (Nash) utterly denied Kearney's right to removehim, because he had been elected by the people under theproclamation of Commodore Sloat, and refused to surrender his officeor to account for his acts as alcalde. Such a proclamation had beenmade by Commodore Sloat shortly after the first occupation ofCalifornia, announcing that the people were free and enlightenedAmerican citizens, entitled to all the rights and privileges assuch, and among them the right to elect their own officers, etc. The people of Sonoma town and valley, some forty or fifty immigrantsfrom the United States, and very few native Californians, hadelected Mr. Nash, and, as stated, he refused to recognize the rightof a mere military commander to eject him and to appoint another tohis place. Neither General Kearney nor Mason had much respect forthis land of "buncombe, " but assumed the true doctrine thatCalifornia was yet a Mexican province, held by right of conquest, that the military commander was held responsible to the country, andthat the province should be held in statu quo until a treaty ofpeace. This letter of Boggs was therefore referred to CaptainBrackett, whose company was stationed at Sonoma, with orders tonotify Nash that Boggs was the rightful alcalde; that he mustquietly surrender his office, with the books and records thereof, and that he must account for any moneys received from the sale oftown-lots, etc. , etc. ; and in the event of refusal he (CaptainBrackett) must compel him by the use of force. In due time we gotBrackett's answer, saying that the little community of Sonoma was ina dangerous state of effervescence caused by his orders; that Nashwas backed by most of the Americans there who had come across fromMissouri with American ideas; that as he (Brackett) was a volunteerofficer, likely to be soon discharged, and as he designed to settlethere, he asked in consequence to be excused from the execution ofthis (to him) unpleasant duty. Such a request, coming to an oldsoldier like Colonel Mason, aroused his wrath, and he would haveproceeded rough-shod against Brackett, who, by-the-way, was a WestPoint graduate, and ought to have known better; but I suggested tothe colonel that, the case being a test one, he had better send meup to Sonoma, and I would settle it quick enough. He then gave mean order to go to Sonoma to carry out the instructions already givento Brackett. 

I took one soldier with me, Private Barnes, with four horses, twoof which we rode, and the other two we drove ahead. The first daywe reached Gilroy's and camped by a stream near three or fouradobe-huts known as Gilroy's ranch. The next day we passedMurphy's, San Jose, and Santa Clara Mission, camping some fourmiles beyond, where a kind of hole had been dug in the ground forwater. The whole of this distance, now so beautifully improved andsettled, was then scarcely occupied, except by poor ranchesproducing horses and cattle. The pueblo of San Jose was a stringof low adobe-houses festooned with red peppers and garlic; and theMission of Santa Clara was a dilapidated concern, with its churchand orchard. The long line of poplar-trees lining the road fromSan Jose to Santa Clara bespoke a former period when the priestshad ruled the land. Just about dark I was lying on the ground nearthe well, and my soldier Barnes had watered our horses and picketedthem to grass, when we heard a horse crushing his way through thehigh mustard-bushes which filled the plain, and soon a man came tous to inquire if we had seen a saddle-horse pass up the road. Weexplained to him what we had heard, and he went off in pursuit ofhis horse. Before dark he came back unsuccessful, and gave hisname as Bidwell, the same gentleman who has since been a member ofCongress, who is married to Miss Kennedy, of Washington City, andnow lives in princely style at Chico, California. 

He explained that he was a surveyor, and had been in the lowercountry engaged in surveying land; that the horse had escaped himwith his saddle-bags containing all his notes and papers, and somesix hundred dollars in money, all the money he had earned. Hespent the night with us on the ground, and the next morning we lefthim there to continue the search for his horse, and I afterwardheard that he had found his saddle-bags all right, but neverrecovered the horse. The next day toward night we approached theMission of San Francisco, and the village of Yerba Buena, tired andweary--the wind as usual blowing a perfect hurricane, and a moredesolate region it was impossible to conceive of. Leaving Barnesto work his way into the town as best he could with the tiredanimals, I took the freshest horse and rode forward. I fell inwith Lieutenant Fabius Stanley, United States Navy, and we rodeinto Yerba Buena together about an hour before sundown, there beingnothing but a path from the Mission into the town, deep and heavywith drift-sand. My horse could hardly drag one foot after theother when we reached the old Hudson Bay Company's house, which wasthen the store of Howard and Mellus. There I learned where CaptainFolsom, the quartermaster, was to be found. He was staying with afamily of the name of Grimes, who had a small horse back ofHoward's store, which must have been near where Sacramento Streetnow crosses Kearney. Folsom was a classmate of mine, had come outwith Stevenson's regiment as quartermaster, and was at the time thechief-quartermaster of the department. His office was in the oldcustom-horse standing at the northwest corner of the Plaza. He hadhired two warehouses, the only ones there at the time, of oneLiedsdorff, the principal man of Yerba Buena, who also owned theonly public-house, or tavern, called the City Hotel, on KearneyStreet, at the southeast corner of the Plaza. I stopped withFolsom at Mrs. Grimes's, and he sent my horse, as also the otherthree when Barnes had got in after dark, to a coral where he had alittle barley, but no hay. At that time nobody fed a horse, but hewas usually turned out to pick such scanty grass as he could findon the side-hills. The few government horses used in town wereusually sent out to the Presidio, where the grass was somewhatbetter. At that time (July, 1847), what is now called SanFrancisco was called Yerba Buena. A naval officer, LieutenantWashington A. Bartlett, its first alcalde, had caused it to besurveyed and laid out into blocks and lots, which were being soldat sixteen dollars a lot of fifty vuras square; the understandingbeing that no single person could purchase of the alcalde more thanone in-lot of fifty varas, and one out-lot of a hundred varas. Folsom, however, had got his clerks, orderlies, etc. , to buy lots, and they, for a small consideration, conveyed them to him, so thathe was nominally the owner of a good many lots. Lieutenant Halleckhad bought one of each kind, and so had Warner. Many navalofficers had also invested, and Captain Folsom advised me to buysome, but I felt actually insulted that he should think me such afool as to pay money for property in such a horrid place as YerbaBuena, especially ridiculing his quarter of the city, then calledHappy Valley. At that day Montgomery Street was, as now, thebusiness street, extending from Jackson to Sacramento, the water ofthe bay leaving barely room for a few houses on its east side, andthe public warehouses were on a sandy beach about where the Bank ofCalifornia now stands, viz. , near the intersection of Sansome andCalifornia, Streets. Along Montgomery Street were the stores ofHoward & Mellus, Frank Ward, Sherman & Ruckel, Ross & Co. , and itmay be one or two others. Around the Plaza were a few houses, among them the City Hotel and the Custom-House, single-story adobeswith tiled roofs, and they were by far the most substantial andbest houses in the place. The population was estimated at aboutfour hundred, of whom Kanakas (natives of the Sandwich Islands)formed the bulk. 

At the foot of Clay Street was a small wharf which small boatscould reach at high tide; but the principal landing-place was wheresome stones had fallen into the water, about where Broadway nowintersects Battery Street. On the steep bluff above had beenexcavated, by the navy, during the year before, a bench, whereinwere mounted a couple of navy-guns, styled the battery, which, Isuppose, gave name to the street. I explained to Folsom the objectof my visit, and learned from him that he had no boat in which tosend me to Sonoma, and that the only, chance to get there was toborrow a boat from the navy. The line-of-battle-ship Columbus wasthen lying at anchor off the town, and he said if I would get upearly the next morning I could go off to her in one of themarket-boats. 

Accordingly, I was up bright and early, down at the wharf, found aboat, and went off to the Columbus to see Commodore Biddle. Onreaching the ship and stating to the officer of the deck mybusiness, I was shown into the commodore's cabin, and soon madeknown to him my object. Biddle was a small-sized man, butvivacious in the extreme. He had a perfect contempt for allhumbug, and at once entered into the business with extremealacrity. I was somewhat amused at the importance he attached tothe step. He had a chaplain, and a private secretary, in a smallroom latticed off from his cabin, and he first called on them to goout, and, when we were alone, he enlarged on the folly of Sloat'sproclamation, giving the people the right to elect their ownofficers, and commended Kearney and Mason for nipping that idea inthe bud, and keeping the power in their own hands. He then sentfor the first lieutenant (Drayton), and inquired if there wereamong the officers on board any who had ever been in the Upper Bay, and learning that there was a midshipman (Whittaker) he was sentfor. It so happened that this midshipman had been on a frolic onshore a few nights before, and was accordingly much frightened whensummoned into the commodore's presence, but as soon as he wasquestioned as to his knowledge of the bay, he was sensiblyrelieved, and professed to know every thing about it. 

Accordingly, the long boat was ordered with this midshipman andeight sailors, prepared with water and provisions for several daysabsence. Biddle then asked me if I knew any of his own officers, and which one of them I would prefer to accompany me. I knew mostof them, and we settled down on Louis McLane. He was sent for, andit was settled that McLane and I were to conduct this importantmission, and the commodore enjoined on us complete secrecy, so asto insure success, and he especially cautioned us against beingpumped by his ward-room officers, Chapman, Lewis, Wise, etc. , whileon board his ship. With this injunction I was dismissed to thewardroom, where I found Chapman, Lewis, and Wise, dreadfullyexercised at our profound secrecy. The fact that McLane and I hadbeen closeted with the commodore for an hour, that orders for theboat and stores had been made, that the chaplain and clerk had beensent out of the cabin, etc. , etc. , all excited their curiosity; butMcLane and I kept our secret well. The general impression was, that we had some knowledge about the fate of Captain Montgomery'stwo sons and the crew that had been lost the year before. In 1846Captain Montgomery commanded at Yerba Buena, on board the St. Marysloop-of-war, and he had a detachment of men stationed up atSonoma. Occasionally a boat was sent up with provisions orintelligence to them. Montgomery had two sons on board his ship, one a midshipman, the other his secretary. Having occasion to sendsome money up to Sonoma, he sent his two sons with a good boat andcrew. The boat started with a strong breeze and a very large sail, was watched from the deck until she was out of sight, and has neverbeen heard of since. There was, of coarse, much speculation as totheir fate, some contending that the boat must have been capsizedin San Pablo Bay, and that all were lost; others contending thatthe crew had murdered the officers for the money, and then escaped;but, so far as I know, not a man of that crew has ever been seen orheard of since. When at last the boat was ready for us, westarted, leaving all hands, save the commodore, impressed with thebelief that we were going on some errand connected with the loss ofthe missing boat and crew of the St. Mary. We sailed directlynorth, up the bay and across San Pablo, reached the month of SonomaCreek about dark, and during the night worked up the creek sometwelve miles by means of the tide, to a landing called theEmbarcadero. To maintain the secrecy which the commodore hadenjoined on us, McLane and I agreed to keep up the delusion bypretending to be on a marketing expedition to pick up chickens, pigs, etc. , for the mess of the Columbus, soon to depart for home. 

Leaving the midshipman and four sailors to guard the boat, westarted on foot with the other four for Sonoma Town, which we soonreached. It was a simple open square, around which were someadobe-houses, that of General Vallejo occupying one side. Onanother was an unfinished two-story adobe building, occupied as abarrack by Bracken's company. We soon found Captain Brackett, andI told him that I intended to take Nash a prisoner and convey himback to Monterey to answer for his mutinous behavior. I got an oldsergeant of his company, whom I had known in the Third Artillery, quietly to ascertain the whereabouts of Nash, who was a bachelor, stopping with the family of a lawyer named Green. The sergeantsoon returned, saying that Nash had gone over to Napa, but would beback that evening; so McLane and I went up to a farm of somepretensions, occupied by one Andreas Hoepner, with a pretty Sitkawife, who lived a couple of miles above Sonoma, and we bought ofhim some chickens, pigs, etc. We then visited Governor Boggs'sfamily and that of General Vallejo, who was then, as now, one ofthe most prominent and influential natives of California. Aboutdark I learned that Nash had come back, and then, giving Brackettorders to have a cart ready at the corner of the plaza, McLane andI went to the house of Green. Posting an armed sailor on each sideof the house, we knocked at the door and walked in. We foundGreen, Nash, and two women, at supper. I inquired if Nash were in, and was first answered "No, " but one of the women soon pointed tohim, and he rose. We were armed with pistols, and the family wasevidently alarmed. I walked up to him and took his arm, and toldhim to come along with me. He asked me, "Where?" and I said, "Monterey. " "Why?" I would explain that more at leisure. Greenput himself between me and the door, and demanded, in theatricalstyle, why I dared arrest a peaceable citizen in his house. Isimply pointed to my pistol, and told him to get out of the way, which he did. Nash asked to get some clothing, but I told him heshould want for nothing. We passed out, Green following us withloud words, which brought the four sailors to the front-door, whenI told him to hush up or I would take him prisoner also. Aboutthat time one of the sailors, handling his pistol carelessly, discharged it, and Green disappeared very suddenly. We took Nashto the cart, put him in, and proceeded back to our boat. The nextmorning we were gone. 

Nash being out of the way, Boggs entered on his office, and theright to appoint or remove from civil office was never againquestioned in California during the military regime. Nash was anold man, and was very much alarmed for his personal safety. He hadcome across the Plains, and had never yet seen the sea. While onour way down the bay, I explained fully to him the state of thingsin California, and he admitted he had never looked on it in thatlight before, and professed a willingness to surrender his office;but, having gone so far, I thought it best to take him to Monterey. On our way down the bay the wind was so strong, as we approachedthe Columbus, that we had to take refuge behind Yerba Buena Island, then called Goat Island, where we landed, and I killed a gray seal. The next morning, the wind being comparatively light, we got outand worked our way up to the Columbus, where I left my prisoner onboard, and went on shore to find Commodore Biddle, who had gone todine with Frank Ward. I found him there, and committed Nash to hischarge, with the request that he would send him down to Monterey, which he did in the sloop-of-war Dale, Captain Selfridgecommanding. I then returned to Monterey by land, and, when theDale arrived, Colonel Mason and I went on board, found poor old Mr. Nash half dead with sea-sickness and fear, lest Colonel Mason wouldtreat him with extreme military rigor. But, on the contrary, thecolonel spoke to him kindly, released him as a prisoner on hispromise to go back to Sonoma, surrender his office to Boggs, andaccount to him for his acts while in office. He afterward came onshore, was provided with clothing and a horse, returned to Sonoma, and I never have seen him since. 

Matters and things settled down in Upper California, and all movedalong with peace and harmony. The war still continued in Mexico, and the navy authorities resolved to employ their time with thecapture of Mazatlan and Guaymas. Lower California had already beenoccupied by two companies of Stevenson's regiment, underLieutenant-Colonel Burton, who had taken post at La Paz, and asmall party of sailors was on shore at San Josef, near Cape SanLucas, detached from the Lexington, Lieutenant-Commander Bailey. The orders for this occupation were made by General Kearney beforehe left, in pursuance of instructions from the War Department, merely to subserve a political end, for there were few or no peoplein Lower California, which is a miserable, wretched, dried-uppeninsula. I remember the proclamation made by Burton and CaptainBailey, in taking possession, which was in the usual florid style. Bailey signed his name as the senior naval officer at the station, but, as it was necessary to put it into Spanish to reach theinhabitants of the newly-acquired country, it was interpreted, "Elmas antiguo de todos los oficiales de la marina, " etc. , which, literally, is "the most ancient of all the naval officers, " etc. , a translation at which we made some fun. 

The expedition to Mazatlan was, however, for a different purpose, viz. , to get possession of the ports of Mazatlan and Guaymas, as apart of the war against Mexico, and not for permanent conquest. 

Commodore Shubrick commanded this expedition, and took Halleckalong as his engineer-officer. They captured Mazatlan and Guaymas, and then called on Colonel Mason to send soldiers down to holdpossession, but he had none to spare, and it was found impossibleto raise other volunteers either in California or Oregon, and thenavy held these places by detachments of sailors and marines tillthe end of the war. Burton also called for reenforcements, andNaglee'a company was sent to him from Monterey, and these threecompanies occupied Lower California at the end of the Mexican War. Major Hardie still commanded at San Francisco and above; Company F, Third Artillery, and Shannon's company of volunteers, were atMonterey; Lippett's company at Santa Barbara; Colonel Stevenson, with one company of his regiment, and the company of the FirstDragoons, was at Los Angeles; and a company of Mormons, reenlistedout of the Mormon Battalion, garrisoned San Diego--and thus matterswent along throughout 1847 into 1848. I had occasion to makeseveral trips to Yerba Buena and back, and in the spring of 1848Colonel Mason and I went down to Santa Barbara in the sloop-of-warDale. 

I spent much time in hunting deer and bear in the mountains back ofthe Carmel Mission, and ducks and geese in the plains of theSalinas. As soon as the fall rains set in, the young oats wouldsprout up, and myriads of ducks, brant, and geese, made theirappearance. In a single day, or rather in the evening of one dayand the morning of the next, I could load a pack-mule with geeseand ducks. They had grown somewhat wild from the increased numberof hunters, yet, by marking well the place where a flock lighted, Icould, by taking advantage of gullies or the shape of the ground, creep up within range; and, giving one barrel on the ground, andthe other as they rose, I have secured as many as nine at onedischarge. Colonel Mason on one occasion killed eleven geese byone discharge of small shot. The seasons in California are wellmarked. About October and November the rains begin, and the wholecountry, plains and mountains, becomes covered with a bright-greengrass, with endless flowers. The intervals between the rains givethe finest weather possible. These rains are less frequent inMarch, and cease altogether in April and May, when gradually thegrass dies and the whole aspect of things changes, first to yellow, then to brown, and by midsummer all is burnt up and dry as anashheap. 

When General Kearney first departed we took his office at Larkin's;but shortly afterward we had a broad stairway constructed to leadfrom the outside to the upper front porch of the barracks. Bycutting a large door through the adobe-wall, we made the upper roomin the centre our office; and another side-room, connected with itby a door, was Colonel Mason's private office. 

I had a single clerk, a soldier named Baden; and William E. P. Hartnell, citizen, also had a table in the same room. He was thegovernment interpreter, and had charge of the civil archives. After Halleck's return from Mazatlan, he was, by Colonel Mason, made Secretary of State; and he then had charge of the civilarchives, including the land-titles, of which Fremont first hadpossession, but which had reverted to us when he left the country. 

I remember one day, in the spring of 1848, that two men, Americans, came into the office and inquired for the Governor. I asked theirbusiness, and one answered that they had just come down fromCaptain Sutter on special business, and they wanted to see GovernorMason in person. I took them in to the colonel, and left themtogether. After some time the colonel came to his door and calledto me. I went in, and my attention was directed to a series ofpapers unfolded on his table, in which lay about half an ounce ofplacer gold. Mason said to me, "What is that?" I touched it andexamined one or two of the larger pieces, and asked, "Is it gold?"Mason asked me if I had ever seen native gold. I answered that, in1844, I was in Upper Georgia, and there saw some native gold, butit was much finer than this, and that it was in phials, or intransparent quills; but I said that, if this were gold, it could beeasily tested, first, by its malleability, and next by acids. Itook a piece in my teeth, and the metallic lustre was perfect. Ithen called to the clerk, Baden, to bring an axe and hatchet fromthe backyard. When these were brought, I took the largest pieceand beat it out flat, and beyond doubt it was metal, and a puremetal. Still, we attached little importance to the fact, for goldwas known to exist at San Fernando, at the south, and yet was notconsidered of much value. Colonel Mason then handed me a letterfrom Captain Sutter, addressed to him, stating that he (Sutter) wasengaged in erecting a saw-mill at Coloma, about forty miles up theAmerican Fork, above his fort at New Helvetia, for the generalbenefit of the settlers in that vicinity; that he had incurredconsiderable expense, and wanted a "preemption" to thequarter-section of land on which the mill was located, embracing thetail-race in which this particular gold had been found. Masoninstructed me to prepare a letter, in answer, for his signature. Iwrote off a letter, reciting that California was yet a Mexicanprovince, simply held by us as a conquest; that no laws of theUnited States yet applied to it, much less the land laws orpreemption laws, which could only apply after a public survey. Therefore it was impossible for the Governor to promise him (Sutter)a title to the land; yet, as there were no settlements within fortymiles, he was not likely to be disturbed by trespassers. ColonelMason signed the letter, handed it to one of the gentlemen who hadbrought the sample of gold, and they departed. That gold was thefirst discovered in the Sierra Nevada, which soon revolutionized thewhole country, and actually moved the whole civilized world. Aboutthis time (May and June, 1848), far more importance was attached toquicksilver. One mine, the New Almaden, twelve miles south of SanJose, was well known, and was in possession of the agent of a Scotchgentleman named Forties, who at the time was British consul atTepic, Mexico. Mr. Forties came up from San Blas in a small brig, which proved to be a Mexican vessel; the vessel was seized, condemned, and actually sold, but Forties was wealthy, and boughther in. His title to the quicksilver-mine was, however, neverdisputed, as he had bought it regularly, before our conquest of thecountry, from another British subject, also named Forties, aresident of Santa Clara Mission, who had purchased it of thediscoverer, a priest; but the boundaries of the land attached to themine were even then in dispute. Other men were in search ofquicksilver; and the whole range of mountains near the New Almadenmine was stained with the brilliant red of the sulphuret of mercury(cinnabar). A company composed of T. O. Larkin, J. R. Snyder, andothers, among them one John Ricord (who was quite a character), alsoclaimed a valuable mine near by. Ricord was a lawyer from aboutBuffalo, and by some means had got to the Sandwich Islands, where hebecame a great favorite of the king, Kamehameha; was hisattorney-general, and got into a difficulty with the Rev. Mr. Judd, who was a kind of prime-minister to his majesty. One or the otherhad to go, and Ricord left for San Francisco, where he arrived whileColonel Mason and I were there on some business connected with thecustoms. Ricord at once made a dead set at Mason with flattery, andall sorts of spurious arguments, to convince him that our militarygovernment was too simple in its forms for the new state of facts, and that he was the man to remodel it. I had heard a good deal tohis prejudice, and did all I could to prevent Mason taking him, intohis confidence. We then started back for Monterey. Ricord wasalong, and night and day he was harping on his scheme; but hedisgusted Colonel Mason with his flattery, and, on reachingMonterey, he opened what he called a law-office, but there wereneither courts nor clients, so necessity forced him to turn histhoughts to something else, and quicksilver became his hobby. Inthe spring of 1848 an appeal came to our office from San Jose, whichcompelled the Governor to go up in person. Lieutenant Loeser and I, with a couple of soldiers, went along. At San Jose the Governorheld some kind of a court, in which Ricord and the alcalde had awarm dispute about a certain mine which Ricord, as a member of theLarkin Company, had opened within the limits claimed by the NewAlmaden Company. On our way up we had visited the ground, and weretherefore better prepared to understand the controversy. We hadfound at New Almaden Mr. Walkinshaw, a fine Scotch gentleman, theresident agent of Mr. Forbes. He had built in the valley, near asmall stream, a few board-houses, and some four or five furnaces forthe distillation of the mercury. These were very simple in theirstructure, being composed of whalers' kettles, set in masonry. These kettles were filled with broken ore about the size ofMcAdam-stone, mingled with lime. Another kettle, reversed, formedthe lid, and the seam was luted with clay. On applying heat, themercury was volatilized and carried into a chimney-stack, where itcondensed and flowed back into a reservoir, and then was led inpipes into another kettle outside. After witnessing this process, we visited the mine itself, which outcropped near the apex of thehill, about a thousand feet above the furnaces. We found wagonshauling the mineral down the hill and returning empty, and in themines quite a number of Sonora miners were blasting and driving forthe beautiful ore (cinnabar). It was then, and is now, a mostvaluable mine. The adit of the mine was at the apex of the hill, which drooped off to the north. We rode along this hill, and sawwhere many openings had been begun, but these, proving of little orno value, had been abandoned. Three miles beyond, on the west faceof the bill, we came to the opening of the "Larkin Company. " Therewas evidence of a good deal of work, but the mine itself was filledup by what seemed a land-slide. The question involved in thelawsuit before the alcalde at San Jose was, first, whether the minewas or was not on the land belonging to the New Almaden property;and, next, whether the company had complied with all the conditionsof the mite laws of Mexico, which were construed to be still inforce in California. 

These laws required that any one who discovered a valuable mine onprivate land should first file with the alcalde, or judge of thedistrict, a notice and claim for the benefits of such discovery;then the mine was to be opened and followed for a distance of atleast one hundred feet within a specified time, and the claimantsmust take out samples of the mineral and deposit the same with thealcalde, who was then required to inspect personally the mine, tosee that it fulfilled all the conditions of the law, before hecould give a written title. In this case the alcalde had been tothe mine and had possession of samples of the ore; but, as themouth of the mine was closed up, as alleged, from the act of God, by a land-slide, it was contended by Ricord and his associates thatit was competent to prove by good witnesses that the mine had beenopened into the hill one hundred feet, and that, by no negligenceof theirs, it had caved in. It was generally understood thatRobert J. Walker, United States Secretary of the Treasury, was thena partner in this mining company; and a vessel, the bark GrayEagle, was ready at San Francisco to sail for New York with thetitle-papers on which to base a joint-stock company for speculativeuses. I think the alcalde was satisfied that the law had beencomplied with, that he had given the necessary papers, and, as atthat time there was nothing developed to show fraud, the Governor(Mason) did not interfere. At that date there was no public houseor tavern in San Jose where we could stop, so we started towardSanta Cruz and encamped about ten miles out, to the west of thetown, where we fell in with another party of explorers, of whomRuckel, of San Francisco, was the head; and after supper, as we sataround the camp-fire, the conversation turned on quicksilver ingeneral, and the result of the contest in San Jose in particular. Mason was relating to Ruckel the points and the arguments ofRicord, that the company should not suffer from an act of God, viz. , the caving in of the mouth of the mine, when a man namedCash, a fellow who had once been in the quartermaster's employ as ateamster, spoke up: "Governor Mason, did Judge Ricord say that?""Yes, " said the Governor; and then Cash related how he and anotherman, whose name he gave, had been employed by Ricord to undermine aheavy rock that rested above the mouth of the mine, so that ittumbled down, carrying with it a large quantity of earth, andcompletely filled it up, as we had seen; "and, " said Cash, "it tookus three days of the hardest kind of work. " This was the act ofGod, and on the papers procured from the alcalde at that time, Iunderstand, was built a huge speculation, by which thousands ofdollars changed hands in the United States and were lost. Thishappened long before the celebrated McGarrahan claim, which hasproduced so much noise, and which still is being prosecuted in thecourts and in Congress. 

On the next day we crossed over the Santa Cruz Mountains, fromwhich we had sublime views of the scenery, first looking easttoward the lower Bay of San Francisco, with the bright plains ofSanta Clara and San Jose, and then to the west upon the ocean, thetown of Monterey being visible sixty miles off. If my memory iscorrect, we beheld from that mountain the firing of a salute fromthe battery at Monterey, and counted the number of guns from thewhite puffs of smoke, but could not hear the sound. That night weslept on piles of wheat in a mill at Soquel, near Santa Cruz, and, our supplies being short, I advised that we should make an earlystart next morning, so as to reach the ranch of Don Juan AntonioVallejo, a particular friend, who had a large and valuablecattle-ranch on the Pajaro River, about twenty miles on our way toMonterey. Accordingly, we were off by the first light of day, andby nine o'clock we had reached the ranch. It was on a high pointof the plateau, overlooking the plain of the Pajaro, on which weregrazing numbers of horses and cattle. The house was of adobe, witha long range of adobe-huts occupied by the semi-civilized Indians, who at that time did all the labor of a ranch, the herding andmarking of cattle, breaking of horses, and cultivating the littlepatches of wheat and vegetables which constituted all the farmingof that day. Every thing about the house looked deserted, and, seeing a small Indian boy leaning up against a post, I approachedhim and asked him in Spanish, "Where is the master?" "Gone to thePresidio" (Monterey). "Is anybody in the house?" "No. " "Is itlocked up?" "Yes. " "Is no one about who can get in?" "No. ""Have you any meat?" "No. " "Any flour or grain?" "No. " "Anychickens?" "No. " "Any eggs?" "No. " "What do you live on?""Nada" (nothing). The utter indifference of this boy, and thetone of his answer "Nada, " attracted the attention of ColonelMason, who had been listening to our conversation, and whoknew enough of Spanish to catch the meaning, and he exclaimedwith some feeling, "So we get nada for our breakfast. " I feltmortified, for I had held out the prospect of a splendidbreakfast of meat and tortillas with rice, chickens, eggs, etc. , atthe ranch of my friend Josh Antonio, as a justification fortaking the Governor, a man of sixty years of age, more thantwenty miles at a full canter for his breakfast. But there wasno help for it, and we accordingly went a short distance to apond, where we unpacked our mules and made a slim breakfast; onsome scraps of hard bread and a bone of pork that remained in ouralforjas. This was no uncommon thing in those days, when manya ranchero with his eleven leagues of land, his hundreds ofhorses and thousands of cattle, would receive us with all thegrandiloquence of a Spanish lord, and confess that he had nothingin his house to eat except the carcass of a beef hung up, fromwhich the stranger might cut and cook, without money or price, whathe needed. That night we slept on Salinas Plain, and the nextmorning reached Monterey. All the missions and houses at thatperiod were alive with fleas, which the natives looked on aspleasant titillators, but they so tortured me that I always gavethem a wide berth, and slept on a saddle-blanket, with the saddlefor a pillow and the serape, or blanket, for a cover. We neverfeared rain except in winter. As the spring and summer of 1848advanced, the reports came faster and faster from the gold-mines atSutter's saw-mill. Stories reached us of fabulous discoveries, andspread throughout the land. Everybody was talking of "Gold!gold!" until it assumed the character of a fever. Some of oursoldiers began to desert; citizens were fitting out trains ofwagons and packmules to go to the mines. We heard of men earningfifty, five hundred, and thousands of dollars per day, and for atime it seemed as though somebody would reach solid gold. Some ofthis gold began to come to Yerba Buena in trade, and to disturb thevalue of merchandise, particularly of mules, horses, tin pans, andarticles used in mining: I of course could not escape theinfection, and at last convinced Colonel Mason that it was our dutyto go up and see with our own eyes, that we might report the truthto our Government. As yet we had no regular mail to any part ofthe United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals, around Cape Horn, and one or two overland. I well remember thefirst overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in saddle-bagsfrom Taos in New Mexico. We heard of his arrival at Los Angeles, and waited patiently for his arrival at headquarters. His famethen was at its height, from the publication of Fremont's books, and I was very anxious to see a man who had achieved such feats ofdaring among the wild animals of the Rocky Mountains, and stillwilder Indians of the Plains. At last his arrival was reported atthe tavern at Monterey, and I hurried to hunt him up. I cannotexpress my surprise at beholding a small, stoop-shouldered man, with reddish hair, freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing toindicate extraordinary courage or daring. He spoke but little, andanswered questions in monosyllables. I asked for his mail, and hepicked up his light saddle-bags containing the great overland mail, and we walked together to headquarters, where he delivered hisparcel into Colonel Mason's own hands. He spent some days inMonterey, during which time we extracted with difficulty some itemsof his personal history. He was then by commission a lieutenant inthe regiment of Mounted Rifles serving in Mexico under ColonelSumner, and, as he could not reach his regiment from California, Colonel Mason ordered that for a time he should be assigned to dutywith A. J. Smith's company, First Dragoons, at Los Angeles. Heremained at Los Angeles some months, and was then sent back to theUnited Staten with dispatches, traveling two thousand miles almostalone, in preference to being encumbered by a large party. 

Toward the close of June, 1848, the gold-fever being at its height, by Colonel Mason's orders I made preparations for his trip to thenewly-discovered gold-mines at Sutter's Fort. I selected four goodsoldiers, with Aaron, Colonel Mason's black servant, and a goodoutfit of horses and pack-mules, we started by the usually traveledroute for Yerba Buena. There Captain Fulsom and two citizensjoined our party. The first difficulty was to cross the bay toSaucelito. Folsom, as quartermaster, had a sort of scow with alarge sail, with which to discharge the cargoes of ships, thatcould not come within a mile of the shore. It took nearly thewhole day to get the old scow up to the only wharf there, and thenthe water was so shallow that the scow, with its load of horses, would not float at the first high tide, but by infinite labor onthe next tide she was got off and safely crossed over to Saucelito. We followed in a more comfortable schooner. Having safely landedour horses and mules, we picked up and rode to San Rafael Mission, stopping with Don Timoteo Murphy. The next day's journey took usto Bodega, where lived a man named Stephen Smith, who had the onlysteam saw-mill in California. He had a Peruvian wife, and employeda number of absolutely naked Indians in making adobes. We spent aday very pleasantly with him, and learned that he had come toCalifornia some years before, at the personal advice of DanielWebster, who had informed him that sooner or later the UnitedStates would be in possession of California, and that inconsequence it would become a great country. From Bodega wetraveled to Sonoma, by way of Petaluma, and spent a day withGeneral Vallejo. I had been there before, as related, in thebusiness of the alcalde Nash. From Sonoma we crossed over by wayof Napa, Suisun, and Vaca's ranch, to the Puta. In the rainyseason, the plain between the Puta and Sacramento Rivers isimpassable, but in July the waters dry up; and we passed withouttrouble, by the trail for Sutter's Embarcadero. We reached theSacramento River, then full of water, with a deep, clear current. The only means of crossing over was by an Indian dugout canoe. Webegan by carrying across our packs and saddles, and then ourpeople. When all things were ready, the horses were driven intothe water, one being guided ahead by a man in the canoe. Ofcourse, the horses and mules at first refused to take to the water, and it was nearly a day's work to get them across, and even thensome of our animals after crossing escaped into the woods andundergrowth that lined the river, but we secured enough of them toreach Sutter's Fort, three miles back from the embcarcadero, wherewe encamped at the old slough, or pond, near the fort. Onapplication, Captain Butter sent some Indians back into the bushes, who recovered and brought in all our animals. At that time therewas not the sign of a habitation there or thereabouts, except thefort, and an old adobe-house, east of the fort, known as thehospital. The fort itself was one of adobe-walls, about twentyfeet high, rectangular in form, with two-story block houses atdiagonal corners. The entrance was by a large gate, open by dayand closed at night, with two iron ship's guns near at hand. Inside there was a large house, with a good shingle-roof, used as astorehouse, and all round the walls were ranged rooms, the fortwall being the outer wall of the house. The inner wall also was ofadobe. These rooms were used by Captain Sutter himself and by hispeople. He had a blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, etc. , andother rooms where the women made blankets. Sutter was monarch ofall he surveyed, and had authority to inflict punishment even untodeath, a power he did not fail to use. He had horses, cattle, andsheep, and of these he gave liberally and without price to all inneed. He caused to be driven into our camp a beef and some sheep, which were slaughtered for our use. Already the goldmines werebeginning to be felt. Many people were then encamped, some goingand some coming, all full of gold-stories, and each surpassing theother. We found preparations in progress for celebrating theFourth of July, then close at hand, and we agreed to remain over toassist on the occasion; of course, being the high officials, wewere the honored guests. People came from a great distance toattend this celebration of the Fourth of July, and the tables werelaid in the large room inside the storehouse of the fort. A man ofsome note, named Sinclair, presided, and after a substantial mealand a reasonable supply of aguardiente we began the toasts. Allthat I remember is that Folsom and I spoke for our party; others, Captain Sutter included, made speeches, and before the celebrationwas over Sutter was enthusiastic, and many others showed theeffects of the aguardiente. The next day (namely, July 5, 1848) weresumed our journey toward the mines, and, in twenty-five miles ofas hot and dusty a ride as possible, we reached Mormon Island. Ihave heretofore stated that the gold was first found in thetail-race of the stew-mill at Coloma, forty miles above Sutter'sFort, or fifteen above Mormon Island, in the bed of the AmericanFork of the Sacramento River. It seems that Sutter had employed anAmerican named Marshall, a sort of millwright, to do this work forhim, but Marshall afterward claimed that in the matter of thesaw-mill they were copartners. At all events, Marshall and thefamily of Mr. Wimmer were living at Coloma, where the pine-treesafforded the best material for lumber. He had under him four whitemen, Mormons, who had been discharged from Cooke's battalion, andsome Indians. These were engaged in hewing logs, building amill-dam, and putting up a saw-mill. Marshall, as the architect, had made the "tub-wheel, " and had set it in motion, and had alsofurnished some of the rude parts of machinery necessary for anordinary up-and-down saw-mill. 

Labor was very scarce, expensive, and had to be economized. Themill was built over a dry channel of the river which was calculatedto be the tail-race. After arranging his head-race, dam andtub-wheel, he let on the water to test the goodness of hismachinery. It worked very well until it was found that thetail-race did not carry off the water fast enough, so he put hismen to work in a rude way to clear out the tail-race. Theyscratched a kind of ditch down the middle of the dry channel, throwing the coarser stones to one side; then, letting on the wateragain, it would run with velocity down the channel, washing awaythe dirt, thus saving labor. This course of action was repeatedseveral times, acting exactly like the long Tom afterward resortedto by the miners. As Marshall himself was working in this ditch, he observed particles of yellow metal which he gathered up in hishand, when it seemed to have suddenly flashed across his mind thatit was gold. After picking up about an ounce, he hurried down tothe fort to report to Captain Sutter his discovery. Captain Sutterhimself related to me Marshall's account, saying that, as he sat inhis room at the fort one day in February or March, 1848, a knockwas heard at his door, and he called out, "Come in. " In walkedMarshall, who was a half-crazy man at best, but then lookedstrangely wild. "What is the matter, Marshall!" Marshallinquired if any one was within hearing, and began to peer about theroom, and look under the bed, when Sutter, fearing that somecalamity had befallen the party up at the saw-mill, and thatMarshall was really crazy, began to make his way to the door, demanding of Marshall to explain what was the matter. At last herevealed his discovery, and laid before Captain Sutter thepellicles of gold he had picked up in the ditch. At first, Sutterattached little or no importance to the discovery, and toldMarshall to go back to the mill, and say nothing of what he hadseen to Mr. Wimmer, or any one else. Yet, as it might add value tothe location, he dispatched to our headquarters at Monterey, as Ihave already related, the two men with a written application for apreemption to the quarter-section of land at Coloma. Marshallreturned to the mill, but could not keep out of his wonderfulditch, and by some means the other men employed there learned hissecret. They then wanted to gather the gold, and Marshallthreatened to shoot them if they attempted it; but these men hadsense enough to know that if "placer"-gold existed at Coloma, itwould also be found farther down-stream, and they gradually"prospected" until they reached Mormon Island, fifteen miles below, where they discovered one of the richest placers on earth. Thesemen revealed the fact to some other Mormons who were employed byCaptain Sutter at a grist-mill he was building still lower down theAmerican Fork, and six miles above his fort. All of them struckfor higher wages, to which Sutter yielded, until they asked tendollars a day, which he refused, and the two mills on which he hadspent so much money were never built, and fell into decay. 

In my opinion, when the Mormons were driven from Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1844, they cast about for a land where they would not bedisturbed again, and fixed on California. In the year 1845 a ship, the Brooklyn, sailed from New York for California, with a colony ofMormons, of which Sam Brannan was the leader, and we found themthere on our arrival in January, 1847. When General Kearney, atFort Leavenworth, was collecting volunteers early in 1846, for theMexican War, he, through the instrumentality of Captain JamesAllen, brother to our quartermaster, General Robert Allen, raisedthe battalion of Mormons at Kanesville, Iowa, now Council Bluffs, on the express understanding that it would facilitate theirmigration to California. But when the Mormons reached Salt Lake, in 1846, they learned that they had been forestalled by the UnitedStates forces in California, and they then determined to settledown where they were. Therefore, when this battalion of fivecompanies of Mormons (raised by Allen, who died on the way, and wassucceeded by Cooke) was discharged at Los Angeles, California, inthe early summer of 1847, most of the men went to their people atSalt Lake, with all the money received, as pay from the UnitedStates, invested in cattle and breeding-horses; one companyreenlisted for another year, and the remainder sought work in thecountry. As soon as the fame of the gold discovery spread throughCalifornia, the Mormons naturally turned to Mormon Island, so thatin July, 1848, we found about three hundred of them there at work. Sam Brannan was on hand as the high-priest, collecting the tithes. Clark, of Clark's Point, an early pioneer, was there also, andnearly all the Mormons who had come out in the Brooklyn, or who hadstaid in California after the discharge of their battalion, hadcollected there. I recall the scene as perfectly to-day as thoughit were yesterday. In the midst of a broken country, all parchedand dried by the hot sun of July, sparsely wooded with live-oaksand straggling pines, lay the valley of the American River, withits bold mountain-stream coming out of the Snowy Mountains to theeast. In this valley is a fiat, or gravel-bed, which in high wateris an island, or is overflown, but at the time of our visit wassimply a level gravel-bed of the river. On its edges men weredigging, and filling buckets with the finer earth and gravel, whichwas carried to a machine made like a baby's cradle, open at thefoot, and at the head a plate of sheet-iron or zinc, punctured fullof holes. On this metallic plate was emptied the earth, and waterwas then poured on it from buckets, while one man shook the cradlewith violent rocking by a handle. On the bottom were nailed cleatsof wood. With this rude machine four men could earn from forty toone hundred dollars a day, averaging sixteen dollars, or a goldounce, per man per day. While the' sun blazed down on the heads ofthe miners with tropical heat, the water was bitter cold, and allhands were either standing in the water or had their clothes wetall the time; yet there were no complaints of rheumatism or cold. We made our camp on a small knoll, a little below the island, andfrom it could overlook the busy scene. A few bush-huts near byserved as stores, boardinghouses, and for sleeping; but all handsslept on the ground, with pine-leaves and blankets for bedding. Assoon as the news spread that the Governor was there, persons cameto see us, and volunteered all kinds of information, illustratingit by samples of the gold, which was of a uniform kind, "scale-gold, " bright and beautiful. A large variety, of everyconceivable shape and form, was found in the smaller gulches roundabout, but the gold in the river-bed was uniformly "scale-gold. " Iremember that Mr. Clark was in camp, talking to Colonel Mason aboutmatters and things generally, when he inquired, "Governor, whatbusiness has Sam Brannan to collect the tithes here?" Clarkadmitted that Brannan was the head of the Mormon church inCalifornia, and he was simply questioning as to Brannan's right, ashigh-priest, to compel the Mormons to pay him the regular tithes. Colonel Mason answered, "Brannan has a perfect right to collect thetax, if you Mormons are fools enough to pay it. " "Then, " saidClark, "I for one won't pay it any longer. " Colonel Mason added:"This is public land, and the gold is the property of the UnitedStates; all of you here are trespassers, but, as the Government isbenefited by your getting out the gold, I do not intend tointerfere. " I understood, afterward, that from that time thepayment of the tithes ceased, but Brannan had already collectedenough money wherewith to hire Sutter's hospital, and to open astore there, in which he made more money than any merchant inCalifornia, during that summer and fall. The understanding was, thatthe money collected by him as tithes was the foundation of hisfortune, which is still very large in San Francisco. That eveningwe all mingled freely with the miners, and witnessed the process ofcleaning up and "panning" out, which is the last process forseparating the pure gold from the fine dirt and black sand. 

The next day we continued our journey up the valley of the AmericanFork, stopping at various camps, where mining was in progress; andabout noon we reached Coloma, the place where gold had been firstdiscovered. The hills were higher, and the timber of betterquality. The river was narrower and bolder, and but few minerswere at work there, by reason of Marshall's and Sutter's claim tothe site. There stood the sawmill unfinished, the dam andtail-race just as they were left when the Mormons ceased work. Marshall and Wimmer's family of wife and half a dozen children werethere, guarding their supposed treasure; living in a house made ofclapboards. Here also we were shown many specimens of gold, of acoarser grain than that found at Mormon Island. The next day wecrossed the American River to its north side, and visited manysmall camps of men, in what were called the "dry diggings. " Littlepools of water stood in the beds of the streams, and these wereused to wash the dirt; and there the gold was in every conceivableshape and size, some of the specimens weighing several ounces. Some of these "diggings" were extremely rich, but as a whole theywere more precarious in results than at the river. Sometimes alucky fellow would hit on a "pocket, " and collect several thousanddollars in a few days, and then again he would be shifting aboutfrom place to place, "prospecting, " and spending all he had made. Little stores were being opened at every point, where flour, bacon, etc. , were sold; every thing being a dollar a pound, and a mealusually costing three dollars. Nobody paid for a bed, for he slepton the ground, without fear of cold or rain. We spent nearly aweek in that region, and were quite bewildered by the fabuloustales of recent discoveries, which at the time were confined to theseveral forks of the American and Yuba Rivers. ' All this time ourhorses had nothing to eat but the sparse grass in that region, andwe were forced to work our way down toward the Sacramento Valley, or to see our animals perish. Still we contemplated a visit to theYuba and Feather Rivers, from which we had heard of more wonderful"diggings;" but met a courier, who announced the arrival of a shipat Monterey, with dispatches of great importance from Mazatlan. Weaccordingly turned our horses back to Sutter's Fort. Crossing theSacramento again by swimming our horses, and ferrying their loadsin that solitary canoe, we took our back track as far as the Napa, and then turned to Benicia, on Carquinez Straits. We found there asolitary adobe-house, occupied by Mr. Hastings and his family, embracing Dr. Semple, the proprietor of the ferry. This ferry wasa ship's-boat, with a latteen-sail, which could carry across at onetime six or eight horses. 

It took us several days to cross over, and during that time we gotwell acquainted with the doctor, who was quite a character. He hadcome to California from Illinois, and was brother to SenatorSemple. He was about seven feet high, and very intelligent. Whenwe first reached Monterey, he had a printing-press, which belongedto the United States, having been captured at the custom-house, andhad been used to print custom-house blanks. With this Dr. Semple, as editor, published the Californian, a small sheet of news, once aweek; and it was a curiosity in its line, using two v's for a w, and other combinations of letters, made necessary by want of type. After some time he removed to Yerba Buena with his paper, and itgrew up to be the Alta California of today. Foreseeing, as hethought, the growth of a great city somewhere on the Bay of SanFrancisco, he selected Carquinez Straits as its location, andobtained from General Vallejo a title to a league of land, oncondition of building up a city thereon to bear the name ofVallejo's wife. This was Francisca Benicia; accordingly, the newcity was named "Francisca. " At this time, the town near the mouthof the bay was known universally as Yerba Buena; but that name wasnot known abroad, although San Francisco was familiar to the wholecivilized world. Now, some of the chief men of Yerba Buena, Folsom, Howard, Leidesdorf, and others, knowing the importance of aname, saw their danger, and, by some action of the ayuntamiento, ortown council, changed the name of Yerba Buena to "San Francisco. "Dr. Semple was outraged at their changing the name to one so likehis of Francisca, and he in turn changed his town to the other nameof Mrs. Vallejo, viz. , "Benicia;" and Benicia it has remained tothis day. I am convinced that this little circumstance was bigwith consequences. That Benicia has the best natural site for acommercial city, I am, satisfied; and had half the money and halfthe labor since bestowed upon San Francisco been expended atBenicia, we should have at this day a city of palaces on theCarquinez Straits. The name of "San Francisco, " however, fixed thecity where it now is; for every ship in 1848-'49, which clearedfrom any part of the world, knew the name of San Francisco, but notYerba Buena or Benicia; and, accordingly, ships consigned toCalifornia came pouring in with their contents, and were anchoredin front of Yerba Buena, the first town. Captains and crewsdeserted for the gold-mines, and now half the city in front ofMontgomery Street is built over the hulks thus abandoned. But Dr. Semple, at that time, was all there was of Benicia; he was captainand crew of his ferry boat, and managed to pass our party to thesouth side of Carquinez Straits in about two days. 

Thence we proceeded up Amador Valley to Alameda Creek, and so on tothe old mission of San Jose; thence to the pueblo of San Jose, where Folsom and those belonging in Yerba Buena went in thatdirection, and we continued on to Monterey, our party all the waygiving official sanction to the news from the gold-mines, andadding new force to the "fever. "

On reaching Monterey, we found dispatches from Commodore Shubrick, at Mazatlan, which gave almost positive assurance that the war withMexico was over; that hostilities had ceased, and commissionerswere arranging the terms of peace at Guadalupe Hidalgo. It waswell that this news reached California at that critical time; forso contagious had become the "gold-fever" that everybody wasbound to go and try his fortune, and the volunteer regiment ofStevenson's would have deserted en masse, had the men not beenassured that they would very soon be entitled to an honorabledischarge. 

Many of our regulars did desert, among them the very men who hadescorted us faithfully to the mines and back. Our servants alsoleft us, and nothing less than three hundred dollars a month wouldhire a man in California; Colonel Mason's black boy, Aaron, aloneof all our then servants proving faithful. We were forced toresort to all manner of shifts to live. First, we had a mess witha black fellow we called Bustamente as cook; but he got the fever, and had to go. We next took a soldier, but he deserted, andcarried off my double-barreled shot-gun, which I prized veryhighly. To meet this condition of facts, Colonel Mason orderedthat liberal furloughs should be given to the soldiers, andpromises to all in turn, and he allowed all the officers to drawtheir rations in kind. As the actual valve of the ration was verylarge, this enabled us to live. Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias, and turned in our rations as pay forour board. 

Some time in September, 1848, the official news of the treaty ofpeace reached us, and the Mexican War was over. This treaty wassigned in May, and came to us all the way by land by a courier fromLower California, sent from La Paz by Lieutenant-Colonel Burton. On its receipt, orders were at once made for the muster-out of allof Stevenson's regiment, and our military forces were thus reducedto the single company of dragoons at Los Angeles, and the onecompany of artillery at Monterey. Nearly all business had ceased, except that connected with gold; and, during that fall, ColonelMason, Captain Warner, and I, made another trip up to Sutter'sFort, going also to the newly-discovered mines on the Stanislaus, called "Sonora, " named from the miners of Sonora, Mexico, who hadfirst discovered them. We found there pretty much the same stateof facts as before existed at Mormon Island and Coloma, and wedaily received intelligence of the opening of still other minesnorth and south. 

But I have passed over a very interesting fact. As soon as we hadreturned from our first visit to the gold-mines, it becameimportant to send home positive knowledge of this valuablediscovery. The means of communication with the United States werevery precarious, and I suggested to Colonel Mason that a specialcourier ought to be sent; that Second-Lieutenant Loeser had beenpromoted to first-lieutenant, and was entitled to go home. He wasaccordingly detailed to carry the news. I prepared with great carethe letter to the adjutant-general of August 17, 1848, whichColonel Mason modified in a few Particulars; and, as it wasimportant to send not only the specimens which had been presentedto us along our route of travel, I advised the colonel to allowCaptain Folsom to purchase and send to Washington a large sample ofthe commercial gold in general use, and to pay for the same out ofthe money in his hands known as the "civil fund, " arising fromduties collected at the several ports in California. He consentedto this, and Captain Folsom bought an oyster-can full at tendollars the ounce, which was the rate of value at which it was thenreceived at the custom house. Folsom was instructed further tocontract with some vessel to carry the messenger to South America, where he could take the English steamers as far east as Jamaica, with a conditional charter giving increased payment if the vesselcould catch the October steamer. Folsom chartered the bark LaLambayecana, owned and navigated by Henry D. Cooke, who has sincebeen the Governor of the District of Columbia. In due time thisvessel reached Monterey, and Lieutenant Loeser, with his report andspecimens of gold, embarked and sailed. He reached the SouthAmerican Continent at Payta, Peru, in time; took the Englishsteamer of October to Panama, and thence went on to Kingston, Jamaica, where he found a sailing vessel bound for New Orleans. Onreaching New Orleans, he telegraphed to the War Department hisarrival; but so many delays had occurred that he did not reachWashington in time to have the matter embraced in the President'sregular message of 1848, as we had calculated. Still, thePresident made it the subject of a special message, and thus became"official" what had before only reached the world in a veryindefinite shape. Then began that wonderful development, and thegreat emigration to California, by land and by sea, of 1849 and1850. 

As before narrated, Mason, Warner, and I, made a second visit tothe mines in September and October, 1848. As the winter seasonapproached, Colonel Mason returned to Monterey, and I remained fora time at Sutter's Fort. In order to share somewhat in the richesof the land, we formed a partnership in a store at Coloma, incharge of Norman S. Bestor, who had been Warner's clerk. Wesupplied the necessary money, fifteen hundred dollars (five hundreddollars each), and Bestor carried on the store at Coloma for hisshare. Out of this investment, each of us realized a profit ofabout fifteen hundred dollars. Warner also got a regular leave ofabsence, and contracted with Captain Sutter for surveying andlocating the town of Sacramento. He received for this sixteendollars per day for his services as surveyor; and Sutter paid allthe hands engaged in the work. The town was laid off mostly upabout the fort, but a few streets were staked off along the riverbank, and one or two leading to it. Captain Sutter alwayscontended, however, that no town could possibly exist on theimmediate bank of the river, because the spring freshets rose overthe bank, and frequently it was necessary to swim a horse to reachthe boat-landing. Nevertheless, from the very beginning the townbegan to be built on the very river-bank, viz. , First, Second, andThird Streets, with J and K Streets leading back. Among theprincipal merchants and traders of that winter, at Sacramento, wereSam Brannan and Hensley, Reading & Co. For several years the sitewas annually flooded; but the people have persevered in buildingthe levees, and afterward in raising all the streets, so thatSacramento is now a fine city, the capital of the State, and standswhere, in 1848, was nothing but a dense mass of bushes, vines, andsubmerged land. The old fort has disappeared altogether. 

During the fall of 1848, Warner, Ord, and I, camped on the bank ofthe American River, abreast of the fort, at what was known as the"Old Tan-Yard. " I was cook, Ord cleaned up the dishes, and Warnerlooked after the horses; but Ord was deposed as scullion because hewould only wipe the tin plates with a tuft of grass, according tothe custom of the country, whereas Warner insisted on having themwashed after each meal with hot water. Warner was in consequencepromoted to scullion, and Ord became the hostler. We drew ourrations in kind from the commissary at San Francisco, who sent themup to us by a boat; and we were thus enabled to dispense a generoushospitality to many a poor devil who otherwise would have hadnothing to eat. 

The winter of 1848 '49 was a period of intense activity throughoutCalifornia. The rainy season was unfavorable to the operations ofgold-mining, and was very hard upon the thousands of houseless menand women who dwelt in the mountains, and even in the towns. Mostof the natives and old inhabitants had returned to their ranchesand houses; yet there were not roofs enough in the country toshelter the thousands who had arrived by sea and by land. The newshad gone forth to the whole civilized world that gold in fabulousquantities was to be had for the mere digging, and adventurers camepouring in blindly to seek their fortunes, without a thought ofhouse or food. Yerba Buena had been converted into San Francisco. Sacramento City had been laid out, lots were being rapidly sold, and the town was being built up as an entrepot to the mines. Stockton also had been chosen as a convenient point for tradingwith the lower or southern mines. Captain Sutter was the soleproprietor of the former, and Captain Charles Weber was the ownerof the site of Stockton, which was as yet known as "French Camp. "

CHAPTER III. 

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA--(CONTINUED). 

1849-1850. 

The department headquarters still remained at Monterey, but, withthe few soldiers, we had next to nothing to do. In midwinter weheard of the approach of a battalion of the Second Dragoons, underMajor Lawrence Pike Graham, with Captains Rucker, Coutts, Campbell, and others, along. So exhausted were they by their long march fromUpper Mexico that we had to send relief to meet them as theyapproached. When this command reached Los Angeles, it was leftthere as the garrison, and Captain A. J. Smith's company of theFirst Dragoons was brought up to San Francisco. We were alsoadvised that the Second Infantry, Colonel B. Riley, would be sentout around Cape Horn in sailing-ships; that the Mounted Rifles, under Lieutenant-Colonel Loring, would march overland to Oregon;and that Brigadier-General Persifer F. Smith would come out inchief command on the Pacific coast. It was also known that acontract had been entered into with parties in New York and NewOrleans for a monthly line of steamers from those cities toCalifornia, via Panama. Lieutenant-Colonel Burton had come up fromLower California, and, as captain of the Third Artillery, he wasassigned to command Company F, Third Artillery, at Monterey. Captain Warner remained at Sacramento, surveying; and Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias. The season wasunusually rainy and severe, but we passed the time with the usualround of dances and parties. The time fixed for the arrival of themail-steamer was understood to be about January 1, 1849, but theday came and went without any tidings of her. Orders were given toCaptain Burton to announce her arrival by firing a nationalsalute, and each morning we listened for the guns from the fort. The month of January passed, and the greater part of February, too. As was usual, the army officers celebrated the 22d of February witha grand ball, given in the new stone school-house, which AlcaldeWalter Colton had built. It was the largest and best hall then inCalifornia. The ball was really a handsome affair, and we kept itup nearly all night. The next morning we were at breakfast:present, Dona Augustias, and Manuelita, Halleck, Murray, andmyself. We were dull and stupid enough until a gun from the fortaroused us, then another and another. "The steamer" exclaimed all, and, without waiting for hats or any thing, off we dashed. Ireached the wharf hatless, but the dona sent my cap after me by aservant. The white puffs of smoke hung around the fort, mingledwith the dense fog, which hid all the water of the bay, and wellout to sea could be seen the black spars of some unknown vessel. At the wharf I found a group of soldiers and a small row-boat, which belonged to a brig at anchor in the bay. Hastily ordering acouple of willing soldiers to get in and take the oars, and Mr. Larkin and Mr. Hartnell asking to go along, we jumped in and pushedoff. Steering our boat toward the spars, which loomed up above thefog clear and distinct, in about a mile we came to the black hullof the strange monster, the long-expected and most welcome steamerCalifornia. Her wheels were barely moving, for her pilot could notsee the shore-line distinctly, though the hills and Point of Pinescould be clearly made out over the fog, and occasionally a glimpseof some white walls showed where the town lay. A "Jacob's ladder"was lowered for us from the steamer, and in a minute I scrambled upon deck, followed by Larkin and Hartnell, and we found ourselvesin the midst of many old friends. There was Canby, theadjutant-general, who was to take my place; Charley Hoyt, my cousin;General Persifer F. Smith and wife; Gibbs, his aide-de-camp; MajorOgden, of the Engineers, and wife; and, indeed, many oldCalifornians, among them Alfred Robinson, and Frank Ward with hispretty bride. By the time the ship was fairly at anchor we hadanswered a million of questions about gold and the state of thecountry; and, learning that the ship was out of fuel, had informedthe captain (Marshall) that there was abundance of pine-wood, but nowilling hands to cut it; that no man could be hired at less than anounce of gold a day, unless the soldiers would volunteer to do itfor some agreed-upon price. As for coal, there was not a pound inMonterey, or anywhere else in California. Vessels with coal wereknown to be en route around Cape Horn, but none had yet reachedCalifornia. 

The arrival of this steamer was the beginning of a new epoch on thePacific coast; yet there she lay, helpless, without coal or fuel. The native Californians, who had never seen a steamship, stood fordays on the beach looking at her, with the universal exclamation, "Tan feo!"--how ugly!--and she was truly ugly when compared withthe clean, well-sparred frigates and sloops-of-war that hadhitherto been seen on the North Pacific coast. It was firstsupposed it would take ten days to get wood enough to prosecute hervoyage, and therefore all the passengers who could took up theirquarters on shore. Major Canby relieved me, and took the place Ihad held so long as adjutant-general of the Department ofCalifornia. The time seemed most opportune for me to leave theservice, as I had several splendid offers of employment and ofpartnership, and, accordingly, I made my written resignation; butGeneral Smith put his veto upon it, saying that he was to commandthe Division of the Pacific, while General Riley was to have theDepartment of California, and Colonel Loring that of Oregon. Hewanted me as his adjutant-general, because of my familiarity withthe country, and knowledge of its then condition: At the time, hehad on his staff Gibbs as aide-de-camp, and Fitzgerald asquartermaster. He also had along with him quite a retinue ofservants, hired with a clear contract to serve him for a whole yearafter reaching California, every one of whom deserted, except ayoung black fellow named Isaac. Mrs. Smith, a pleasant butdelicate Louisiana lady, had a white maid-servant, in whosefidelity she had unbounded confidence; but this girl was married toa perfect stranger, and off before she had even landed in SanFrancisco. It was, therefore, finally arranged that, on theCalifornia, I was to accompany General Smith to San Francisco ashis adjutant-general. I accordingly sold some of my horses, andarranged for others to go up by land; and from that time I becamefairly enlisted in the military family of General Persifer F. Smith. 

I parted with my old commander, Colonel Mason, with sincere regret. To me he had ever been kind and considerate, and, while stern, honest to a fault, he was the very embodiment of the principle offidelity to the interests of the General Government. He possesseda native strong intellect, and far more knowledge of the principlesof civil government and law than he got credit for. In private andpublic expenditures he was extremely economical, but not penurious. In cases where the officers had to contribute money for parties andentertainments, he always gave a double share, because of hisallowance of double rations. During our frequent journeys, I wasalways caterer, and paid all the bills. In settling with him herequired a written statement of the items of account, but neverdisputed one of them. During our time, California was, as now, full of a bold, enterprising, and speculative set of men, who wereengaged in every sort of game to make money. I know thatColonel-Mason was beset by them to use his position to make afortune for himself and his friends; but he never bought land ortown-lots, because, he said, it was his place to hold the publicestate for the Government as free and unencumbered by claims aspossible; and when I wanted him to stop the public-land sales in SanFrancisco, San Jose, etc. , he would not; for, although he did notbelieve the titles given by the alcaldes worth a cent, yet theyaided to settle the towns and public lands, and he thought, on thewhole, the Government would be benefited thereby. The same thingoccurred as to the gold-mines. He never took a title to a town lot, unless it was one, of no real value, from Alcalde Colton, inMonterey, of which I have never heard since. He did take a share inthe store which Warner, Beator, and I, opened at Coloma, paid hisshare of the capital, five hundred dollars, and received his shareof the profits, fifteen hundred dollars. I think also he took ashare in a venture to China with Larkin and others; but, on leavingCalifornia, he was glad to sell out without profit or loss. In thestern discharge of his duty he made some bitter enemies, among themHenry M. Naglee, who, in the newspapers of the day, endeavored todamage his fair name. But, knowing him intimately, I am certainthat he is entitled to all praise for having so controlled theaffairs of the country that, when his successor arrived, all thingswere so disposed that a civil form of government was an easy matterof adjustment. Colonel Mason was relieved by General Riley sometime in April, and left California in the steamer of the 1st May forWashington and St. Louis, where he died of cholera in the summer of1850, and his body is buried in Bellefontaine Cemetery. His widowafterward married Major (since General) Don Carlos Buell, and is nowliving in Kentucky. 

In overhauling the hold of the steamer California, as she lay atanchor in Monterey Bay, a considerable amount of coal was foundunder some heavy duplicate machinery. With this, and such wood ashad been gathered, she was able to renew her voyage. The usualsignal was made, and we all went on board. About the 1st of Marchwe entered the Heads, and anchored off San Francisco, near theUnited States line-of-battle-ship Ohio, Commodore T. Catesby Jones. As was the universal custom of the day, the crew of the Californiadeserted her; and she lay for months unable to make a trip back toPanama, as was expected of her. As soon as we reached SanFrancisco, the first thing was to secure an office and a house tolive in. The weather was rainy and stormy, and snow even lay onthe hills back of the Mission. Captain Folsom, the quartermaster, agreed to surrender for our office the old adobe custom house, onthe upper corner of the plaza, as soon as he could remove hispapers and effects down to one of his warehouses on the beach; andhe also rented for us as quarters the old Hudson Bay Company houseon Montgomery Street, which had been used by Howard & Mellua as astore, and at that very time they were moving their goods into alarger brick building just completed for them. As these changeswould take some time, General Smith and Colonel Ogden, with theirwives, accepted the hospitality offered by Commodore Jones on boardthe Ohio. I opened the office at the custom house, and Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and some others of us, slept in the loft of the HudsonBay Company house until the lower part was cleared of Howard'sstore, after which General Smith and the ladies moved in. There wehad a general mess, and the efforts at house-keeping were simplyludicrous. One servant after another, whom General Smith hadbrought from New Orleans, with a solemn promise to stand by him forone whole year, deserted without a word of notice or explanation, and in a few days none remained but little Isaac. The ladies hadno maid or attendants; and the general, commanding all the mightyforces of the United States on the Pacific coast, had to scratch toget one good meal a day for his family! He was a gentleman of finesocial qualities, genial and gentle, and joked at every thing. Poor Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Ogden did not bear it so philosophically. Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and I, could cruise around and find a meal, which cost three dollars, at some of the many restaurants which hadsprung up out of red-wood boards and cotton lining; but the generaland ladies could not go out, for ladies were rara aves at that dayin California. Isaac was cook, chamber-maid, and everything, thoughtless of himself, and struggling, out of the slimmest means, to compound a breakfast for a large and hungry family. Breakfastwould be announced any time between ten and twelve, and dinneraccording to circumstances. Many a time have I seen General Smith, with a can of preserved meat in his hands, going toward the house, take off his hat on meeting a negro, and, on being asked the reasonof his politeness, he would answer that they were the only realgentlemen in California. I confess that the fidelity of ColonelMason's boy "Aaron, " and of General Smith's boy "Isaac, " at a timewhen every white man laughed at promises as something made to bebroken, has given me a kindly feeling of respect for the negroes, and makes me hope that they will find an honorable "status" in thejumble of affairs in which we now live. 

That was a dull hard winter in San Francisco; the rains were heavy, and the mud fearful. I have seen mules stumble in the street, anddrown in the liquid mud! Montgomery Street had been filled up withbrush and clay, and I always dreaded to ride on horseback along it, because the mud was so deep that a horse's legs would becomeentangled in the bushes below, and the rider was likely to bethrown and drowned in the mud. The only sidewalks were made ofstepping-stones of empty boxes, and here and there a few plankswith barrel-staves nailed on. All the town lay along MontgomeryStreet, from Sacramento to Jackson, and about the plaza. Gamblingwas the chief occupation of the people. While they were waitingfor the cessation of the rainy season, and for the beginning ofspring, all sorts of houses were being put up, but of the mostflimsy kind, and all were stores, restaurants, or gambling-saloons. Any room twenty by sixty feet would rent for a thousanddollars a month. I had, as my pay, seventy dollars a month, and noone would even try to hire a servant under three hundred dollars. Had it not been for the fifteen hundred dollars I had made in thestore at Coloma, I could not have lived through the winter. Aboutthe 1st of April arrived the steamer Oregon; but her captain(Pearson) knew what was the state of affairs on shore, and ran hissteamer alongside the line-of-battle-ship Ohio at Saucelito, andobtained the privilege of leaving his crew on board as "prisoners"until he was ready to return to sea. Then, discharging hispassengers and getting coal out of some of the ships which hadarrived, he retook his crew out of limbo and carried the firstregular mail back to Panama early in April. In regular orderarrived the third steamer, the Panama; and, as the vessels werearriving with coal, The California was enabled to hire a crew andget off. From that time forward these three ships constituted theregular line of mail-steamers, which has been kept up ever since. By the steamer Oregon arrived out Major R. P. Hammond, J. M. Williams, James Blair, and others; also the gentlemen who, withMajor Ogden, were to compose a joint commission to select the sitesfor the permanent forts and navyyard of California. Thiscommission was composed of Majors Ogden, Smith, and Leadbetter, of, the army, and Captains Goldsborough, Van Brunt, and Blunt, of thenavy. These officers, after a most careful study of the wholesubject, selected Mare Island for the navy-yard, and "Benicia" forthe storehouses and arsenals of the army. The Pacific MailSteamship Company also selected Benicia as their depot. Thus wasagain revived the old struggle for supremacy of these two pointsas the site of the future city of the Pacific. Meantime, however, San Francisco had secured the name. About six hundred ships wereanchored there without crews, and could not get away; and there thecity was, and had to be. 

Nevertheless, General Smith, being disinterested and unprejudiced, decided on Benicia as the point where the city ought to be, andwhere the army headquarters should be. By the Oregon there arrivedat San Francisco a man who deserves mention here--BaronSteinberger. He had been a great cattle-dealer in the UnitedStates, and boasted that he had helped to break the United StatesBank, by being indebted to it five million dollars! At all events, he was a splendid looking fellow, and brought with him fromWashington a letter to General Smith and another for CommodoreJones, to the effect that he was a man of enlarged experience inbeef; that the authorities in Washington knew that there existed inCalifornia large herds of cattle, which were only valuable fortheir hides and tallow; that it was of great importance to theGovernment that this beef should be cured and salted so as to be ofuse to the army and navy, obviating the necessity of shippingsalt-beef around Cape Horn. I know he had such a letter from theSecretary of War, Marcy, to General Smith, for it passed into mycustody, and I happened to be in Commodore Jones's cabin when thebaron presented the one for him from the Secretary of the Navy. The baron was anxious to pitch in at once, and said that all heneeded to start with were salt and barrels. After some inquiriesof his purser, the commodore promised to let him have the barrelswith their salt, as fast as they were emptied by the crew. Thenthe baron explained that he could get a nice lot of cattle from DonTimoteo Murphy, at the Mission of San Rafael, on the north aide ofthe bay, but he could not get a boat and crew to handle them. Under the authority from the Secretary of the Navy, the commodorethen promised him the use of a boat and crew, until he (the baron)could find and purchase a suitable one for himself. Then the baronopened the first regular butcher-shop in San Francisco, on thewharf about the foot of Broadway or Pacific Street, where we couldbuy at twenty-five or fifty cents a pound the best roasts, steaks, and cuts of beef, which had cost him nothing, for he never paidanybody if he could help it, and he soon cleaned poor Don Timoteoout. At first, every boat of his, in coming down from the SanRafael, touched at the Ohio, and left the best beefsteaks androasts for the commodore, but soon the baron had enough money todispense with the borrowed boat, and set up for himself, and fromthis small beginning, step by step, he rose in a few months to beone of the richest and most influential men in San Francisco; butin his wild speculations he was at last caught, and becamehelplessly bankrupt. He followed General Fremont to St. Louis in1861, where I saw him, but soon afterward he died a pauper in oneof the hospitals. When General Smith had his headquarters in SanFrancisco, in the spring of 1849, Steinberger gave dinners worthyany baron of old; and when, in after-years, I was a banker there, he used to borrow of me small sums of money in repayment for myshare of these feasts; and somewhere among my old packages I holdone of his confidential notes for two hundred dollars, but on thewhole I got off easily. I have no doubt that, if this man'shistory could be written out, it would present phases as wonderfulas any of romance; but in my judgment he was a dangerous man, without any true-sense of honor or honesty. 

Little by little the rains of that season grew less and less, andthe hills once more became green and covered with flowers. Itbecame perfectly evident that no family could live in San Franciscoon such a salary as Uncle Sam allowed his most favored officials;so General Smith and Major Ogden concluded to send their familiesback to the United States, and afterward we men-folks could take tocamp and live on our rations. The Second Infantry had arrived, andhad been distributed, four companies to Monterey, and the restsomewhat as Stevenson's regiment had been. A. J. Smith's companyof dragoons was sent up to Sonoma, whither General Smith hadresolved to move our headquarters. On the steamer which sailedabout May 1st (I think the California), we embarked, the ladies forhome and we for Monterey. At Monterey we went on shore, andColonel Mason, who meantime had been relieved by General Riley, went on board, and the steamer departed for Panama. Of all thatparty I alone am alive. 

General Riley had, with his family, taken the house which ColonelMason had formerly used, and Major Canby and wife had secured roomsat Alvarado's. Captain Bane was quartermaster, and had his familyin the house of a man named Garner, near the redoubt. Burton andCompany F were still at the fort; the four companies of the SecondInfantry were quartered in the barracks, the same building in whichwe had had our headquarters; and the company officers werequartered in hired buildings near by. General Smith and his aide, Captain Gibbs, went to Larkin's house, and I was at my old rooms atDona Augustias. As we intended to go back to San Francisco by landand afterward to travel a good deal, General Smith gave me thenecessary authority to fit out the party. There happened to beseveral trains of horses and mules in town, so I purchased about adozen horses and mules at two hundred dollars a head, on account ofthe Quartermaster's Department, and we had them kept under guard inthe quartermaster's corral. 

I remember one night being in the quarters of Lieutenant AlfredSully, where nearly all the officers of the garrison wereassembled, listening to Sully's stories. Lieutenant Derby, "Squibob, " was one of the number, as also Fred Steele, "Neighbor"Jones, and others, when, just after "tattoo, " the orderly-sergeantscame to report the result of "tattoo" roll-call; one reported fivemen absent, another eight, and so on, until it became certain thattwenty-eight men had deserted; and they were so bold and open intheir behavior that it amounted to defiance. They had deliberatelyslung their knapsacks and started for the gold-mines. Dr. Murrayand I were the only ones present who were familiar with thecountry, and I explained how easy they could all be taken by aparty going out at once to Salinas Plain, where the country was soopen and level that a rabbit could not cross without being seen;that the deserters could not go to the mines without crossing thatplain, and could not reach it before daylight. All agreed that thewhole regiment would desert if these men were not brought back. Several officers volunteered on the spot to go after them; and, asthe soldiers could not be trusted, it was useless to send any butofficers in pursuit. Some one went to report the affair to theadjutant-general, Canby, and he to General Riley. I waited sometime, and, as the thing grew cold, I thought it was given up, andwent to my room and to bed. 

About midnight I was called up and informed that there were sevenofficers willing to go, but the difficulty was to get horses andsaddles. I went down to Larkin's house and got General Smith toconsent that we might take the horses I had bought for our trip. It was nearly three o'clock a. M. Before we were all mounted andready. I had a musket which I used for hunting. With this I ledoff at a canter, followed by the others. About six miles out, bythe faint moon, I saw ahead of us in the sandy road some bluecoats, and, fearing lest they might resist or escape into the densebushes which lined the road, I halted and found with me PaymasterHill, Captain N. H. Davis, and Lieutenant John Hamilton. We waitedsome time for the others, viz. , Canby, Murray, Gibbs, and Sully, tocome up, but as they were not in sight we made a dash up the roadand captured six of the deserters, who were Germans, with heavyknapsacks on, trudging along the deep, sandy road. They had notexpected pursuit, had not heard our horses, and were accordinglyeasily taken. Finding myself the senior officer present, I orderedLieutenant Hamilton to search the men and then to march them backto Monterey, suspecting, as was the fact, that the rest of ourparty had taken a road that branched off a couple of miles back. Daylight broke as we reached the Saunas River, twelve miles out, and there the trail was broad and fresh leading directly out on theSaunas Plain. This plain is about five miles wide, and then theground becomes somewhat broken. The trail continued very plain, and I rode on at a gallop to where there was an old adobe-ranch onthe left of the road, with the head of a lagoon, or pond, close by. I saw one or two of the soldiers getting water at the pond, andothers up near the house. I had the best horse and wasconsiderably ahead, but on looking back could see Hill and Daviscoming up behind at a gallop. I motioned to them to hurry forward, and turned my horse across the head of the pond, knowing the groundwell, as it was a favorite place for shooting geese and ducks. Approaching the house, I ordered the men who were outside to go in. They did not know me personally, and exchanged glances, but I hadmy musket cocked, and, as the two had seen Davis and Hill coming uppretty fast, they obeyed. Dismounting, I found the house full ofdeserters, and there was no escape for them. They naturallysupposed that I had a strong party with me, and when I ordered themto "fall in" they obeyed from habit. By the time Hill and Daviscame up I had them formed in two ranks, the front rank facingabout, and I was taking away their bayonets, pistols, etc. Wedisarmed them, destroying a musket and several pistols, and, oncounting them, we found that we three had taken eighteen, which, added to the six first captured, made twenty-four. We made themsling their knapsacks and begin their homeward march. It was nearnight when we got back, so that these deserters had traveled nearlyforty miles since "tattoo" of the night before. The other partyhad captured three, so that only one man had escaped. I doubt notthis prevented the desertion of the bulk of the Second Infantrythat spring, for at that time so demoralizing was the effect of thegold-mines that everybody not in the military service justifieddesertion, because a soldier, if free, could earn more money in aday than he received per month. Not only did soldiers and sailorsdesert, but captains and masters of ships actually abandoned theirvessels and cargoes to try their luck at the mines. Preachersand professors forgot their creeds and took to trade, andeven to keeping gambling-houses. I remember that one of ourregular soldiers, named Reese, in deserting stole a favoritedouble-barreled gun of mine, and when the orderly-sergeant of thecompany, Carson, was going on furlough, I asked him when he cameacross Reese to try and get my gun back. When he returned he toldme that he had found Reese and offered him a hundred dollars for mygun, but Reese sent me word that he liked the gun, and would nottake a hundred dollars for it. Soldiers or sailors who could reachthe mines were universally shielded by the miners, so that it wasnext to useless to attempt their recapture. In due season GeneralPersifer Smith, Gibbs, and I, with some hired packers, started backfor San Francisco, and soon after we transferred our headquarters toSonoma. About this time Major Joseph Hooker arrived from the East--the regular adjutant-general of the division--relieved me, and Ibecame thereafter one of General Smith's regular aides-de-camp. 

As there was very little to do, General Smith encouraged us to gointo any business that would enable us to make money. R. P. Hammond, James Blair, and I, made a contract to survey for ColonelJ. D. Stevenson his newly-projected city of "New York of thePacific, " situated at the month of the San Joaquin River. Thecontract embraced, also, the making of soundings and the markingout of a channel through Suisun Bay. We hired, in San Francisco, asmall metallic boat, with a sail, laid in some stores, andproceeded to the United States ship Ohio, anchored at Saucelito, where we borrowed a sailor-boy and lead-lines with which to soundthe channel. We sailed up to Benicia, and, at General Smith'srequest, we surveyed and marked the line dividing the city ofBenicia from the government reserve. We then sounded the bay backand forth, and staked out the best channel up Suisun Bay, fromwhich Blair made out sailing directions. We then made thepreliminary surveys of the city of "New York of the Pacific, " allof which were duly plotted; and for this work we each received fromStevenson five hundred dollars and ten or fifteen lots. I soldenough lots to make up another five hundred dollars, and let thebalance go; for the city of "New York of the Pacific" never came toany thing. Indeed, cities at the time were being projected byspeculators all round the bay and all over the country. 

While we were surveying at "New York of the Pacific, " occurred oneof those little events that showed the force of the gold-fever. Wehad a sailor-boy with us, about seventeen years old, who cooked ourmeals and helped work the boat. Onshore, we had the sail spread soas to shelter us against the wind and dew. One morning I awokeabout daylight, and looked out to see if our sailor-boy was at workgetting breakfast; but he was not at the fire at all. Getting up, I discovered that he had converted a tule-bolsa into a sail boat, and was sailing for the gold-mines. He was astride this bolsa, with a small parcel of bread and meat done up in a piece ofcloth; another piece of cloth, such as we used for making oursignal-stations, he had fixed into a sail; and with a paddle he wasdirecting his precarious craft right out into the broad bay, tofollow the general direction of the schooners and boats that heknew were ascending the Sacramento River. He was about a hundredyards from the shore. I jerked up my gun, and hailed him to comeback. After a moment's hesitation, he let go his sheet and beganto paddle back. This bolsa was nothing but a bundle of tule, orbullrush, bound together with grass-ropes in the shape of a cigar, about ten feet long and about two feet through the butt. Withthese the California Indiana cross streams of considerable size. When he came ashore, I gave him a good overhauling for attemptingto desert, and put him to work getting breakfast. In due time wereturned him to his ship, the Ohio. Subsequently, I made a bargainwith Mr. Hartnell to survey his ranch at Cosnmnes River, SacramentoValley. Ord and a young citizen, named Seton, were associated withme in this. I bought of Rodman M. Price a surveyor's compass, chain, etc. , and, in San Francisco, a small wagon and harness. Availing ourselves of a schooner, chartered to carry Major Millerand two companies of the Second Infantry from San Francisco toStockton, we got up to our destination at little cost. I recall anoccurrence that happened when the schooner was anchored inCarquinez Straits, opposite the soldiers' camp on shore. We werewaiting for daylight and a fair wind; the schooner lay anchored atan ebb-tide, and about daylight Ord and I had gone ashore forsomething. Just as we were pulling off from shore, we heard theloud shouts of the men, and saw them all running down toward thewater. Our attention thus drawn, we saw something swimming in thewater, and pulled toward it, thinking it a coyote; but we soonrecognized a large grizzly bear, swimming directly across thechannel. Not having any weapon, we hurriedly pulled for theschooner, calling out, as we neared it, "A bear! a bear!" It sohappened that Major Miller was on deck, washing his face and hands. He ran rapidly to the bow of the vessel, took the musket from thehands of the sentinel, and fired at the bear, as he passed but ashort distance ahead of the schooner. The bear rose, made a growlor howl, but continued his course. As we scrambled up theport-aide to get our guns, the mate, with a crew, happened to havea boat on the starboard-aide, and, armed only with a hatchet, theypulled up alongside the bear, and the mate struck him in the headwith the hatchet. The bear turned, tried to get into the boat, butthe mate struck his claws with repeated blows, and made him let go. After several passes with him, the mate actually killed the bear, got a rope round him, and towed him alongside the schooner, wherehe was hoisted on deck. The carcass weighed over six hundredpounds. It was found that Major Miller's shot had struck the bearin the lower jaw, and thus disabled him. Had it not been for this, the bear would certainly have upset the boat and drowned all in it. As it was, however, his meat served us a good turn in our trip upto Stockton. At Stockton we disembarked our wagon, provisions, andinstruments. There I bought two fine mules at three hundreddollars each, and we hitched up and started for the Coaumnes River. About twelve miles off was the Mokelumne, a wide, bold stream, witha canoe as a ferry-boat. We took our wagon to pieces, and ferriedit and its contents across, and then drove our mules into thewater. In crossing, one mule became entangled in the rope of theother, and for a time we thought he was a gone mule; but at last herevived and we hitched up. The mules were both pack-animals;neither had ever before seen a wagon. Young Seton also was aboutas green, and had never handled a mule. We put on the harness, andbegan to hitch them in, when one of the mules turned his head, sawthe wagon, and started. We held on tight, but the beast did notstop until he had shivered the tongue-pole into a dozen fragments. The fact was, that Seton had hitched the traces before he had puton the blind-bridle. There was considerable swearing done, butthat would not mend the pole. There was no place nearer thanSutter's Fort to repair damages, so we were put to our wits' end. We first sent back a mile or so, and bought a raw-hide. Gatheringup the fragments of the pole and cutting the hide into strips, wefinished it in the rudest manner. As long as the hide was green, thepole was very shaky; but gradually the sun dried the hide, tightened it, and the pole actually held for about a month. Thiscost us nearly a day of delay; but, when damages were repaired, weharnessed up again, and reached the crossing of the Cosumnes, whereour survey was to begin. The expediente, or title-papers, of theranch described it as containing nine or eleven leagues on theCosumnes, south side, and between the San Joaquin River and SierraNevada Mountains. We began at the place where the road crosses theCosumnes, and laid down a line four miles south, perpendicular tothe general direction of the stream; then, surveying up the stream, we marked each mile so as to admit of a subdivision of one mile byfour. The land was dry and very poor, with the exception of hereand there some small pieces of bottom land, the great bulk of thebottom-land occurring on the north side of the stream. Wecontinued the survey up some twenty miles into the hills above themill of Dailor and Sheldon. It took about a month to make thissurvey, which, when finished, was duly plotted; and for it wereceived one-tenth of the land, or two subdivisions. Ord and Itook the land, and we paid Seton for his labor in cash. By thesale of my share of the land, subsequently, I realized threethousand dollars. After finishing Hartnell's survey, we crossedover to Dailor's, and did some work for him at five hundred dollarsa day for the party. Having finished our work on the Cosumnes, weproceeded to Sacramento, where Captain Sutter employed us toconnect the survey of Sacramento City, made by Lieutenant Warner, and that of Sutterville, three miles below, which was then beingsurveyed by Lieutenant J. W. Davidson, of the First Dragoons. AtSutterville, the plateau of the Sacramento approached quite nearthe river, and it would have made a better site for a town than thelow, submerged land where the city now stands; but it seems to be alaw of growth that all natural advantages are disregarded whereveronce business chooses a location. Old Sutter's embarcadero becameSacramento City, simply because it was the first point used forunloading boats for Sutter's Fort, just as the site for SanFrancisco was fixed by the use of Yerba Buena as the hide-landingfor the Mission of "San Francisco de Asis. "

I invested my earnings in this survey in three lots in SacramentoCity, on which I made a fair profit by a sale to one McNulty, ofMansfield, Ohio. I only had a two months' leave of absence, duringwhich General Smith, his staff, and a retinue of civil friends, were making a tour of the gold-mines, and hearing that he was enroute back to his headquarters at Sonoma, I knocked off my work, sold my instruments, and left my wagon and mules with my cousinCharley Hoyt, who had a store in Sacramento, and was on the pointof moving up to a ranch, for which he had bargained, on Bear Creek, on which was afterward established Camp "Far West. " He afterwardsold the mules, wagon, etc. , for me, and on the whole I think Icleared, by those two months' work, about six thousand dollars. Ithen returned to headquarters at Sonoma, in time to attend myfellow aide-de-camp Gibbs through a long and dangerous sickness, during which he was on board a store-ship, guarded by CaptainGeorge Johnson, who now resides in San Francisco. General Smithhad agreed that on the first good opportunity he would send me tothe United States as a bearer of dispatches, but this he could notdo until he had made the examination of Oregon, which was also inhis command. During the summer of 1849 there continued to pourinto California a perfect stream of people. Steamers came, and aline was established from San Francisco to Sacramento, of which theSenator was the pioneer, charging sixteen dollars a passage, andactually coining money. Other boats were built, out of materialswhich had either come around Cape Horn or were brought from theSandwich Islands. Wharves were built, houses were springing upas if by magic, and the Bay of San Francisco presented as busy ascene of life as any part of the world. Major Allen, of theQuartermaster's Department, who had come out as chief-quartermasterof the division, was building a large warehouse at Benicia, with arow of quarters, out of lumber at one hundred dollars per thousandfeet, and the work was done by men at sixteen dollars a day. Ihave seen a detailed soldier, who got only his monthly pay of eightdollars a month, and twenty cents a day for extra duty, nailing onweather-boards and shingles, alongside a citizen who was paidsixteen dollars a day. This was a real injustice, made thesoldiers discontented, and it was hardly to be wondered at that somany deserted. 

While the mass of people were busy at gold and in mammothspeculations, a set of busy politicians were at work to secure theprizes of civil government. Gwin and Fremont were there, and T. Butler King, of Georgia, had come out from the East, scheming foroffice. He staid with us at Sonoma, and was generally regarded asthe Government candidate for United States Senator. General Rileyas Governor, and Captain Halleck as Secretary of State, had issueda proclamation for the election of a convention to frame a Stateconstitution. In due time the elections were held, and theconvention was assembled at Monterey. Dr. Semple was electedpresident; and Gwin, Sutter, Halleck, Butler King, Sherwood, Gilbert, Shannon, and others, were members. General Smith took nopart in this convention, but sent me down to watch the proceedings, and report to him. The only subject of interest was the slaveryquestion. There were no slaves then in California, save a few whohad come out as servants, but the Southern people at that timeclaimed their share of territory, out of that acquired by thecommon labors of all sections of the Union in the war with Mexico. Still, in California there was little feeling on the subject. Inever heard General Smith, who was a Louisianian, express anyopinion about it. Nor did Butler King, of Georgia, ever manifestany particular interest in the matter. A committee was named todraft a constitution, which in due time was reported, with theusual clause, then known as the Wilmot Proviso, excluding slavery;and during the debate which ensued very little opposition was madeto this clause, which was finally adopted by a large majority, although the convention was made up in large part of men from ourSouthern States. This matter of California being a free State, afterward, in the national Congress, gave rise to angry debates, which at one time threatened civil war. The result of theconvention was the election of State officers, and of theLegislature which sat in San Jose in October and November, 1849, and which elected Fremont and Gwin as the first United StatesSenators in Congress from the Pacific coast. 

Shortly after returning from Monterey, I was sent by General Smithup to Sacramento City to instruct Lieutenants Warner andWilliamson, of the Engineers, to push their surveys of the SierraNevada Mountains, for the purpose of ascertaining the possibilityof passing that range by a railroad, a subject that then eliciteduniversal interest. It was generally assumed that such a roadcould not be made along any of the immigrant roads then in use, andWarner's orders were to look farther north up the Feather River, orsome one of its tributaries. Warner was engaged in this surveyduring the summer and fall of 1849, and had explored, to the veryend of Goose Lake, the source of Feather River. Then, leavingWilliamson with the baggage and part of the men, he took about tenmen and a first-rate guide, crossed the summit to the east, and hadturned south, having the range of mountains on his right hand, withthe intention of regaining his camp by another pass in themountain. The party was strung out, single file, with wide spacesbetween, Warner ahead. He had just crossed a small valley andascended one of the spurs covered with sage-brush and rocks, when aband of Indians rose up and poured in a shower of arrows. The muleturned and ran back to the valley, where Warner fell off dead, punctured by five arrows. The mule also died. The guide, who wasnear to Warner, was mortally wounded; and one or two men had arrowsin their bodies, but recovered. The party gathered about Warner'sbody, in sight of the Indians, who whooped and yelled, but did notventure away from their cover of rocks. This party of men remainedthere all day without burying the bodies, and at night, by a widecircuit, passed the mountain, and reached Williamson's camp. Thenews of Warner's death cast a gloom over all the old Californians, who knew him well. He was a careful, prudent, and honest officer, well qualified for his business, and extremely accurate in all hiswork. He and I had been intimately associated during our fouryears together in California, and I felt his loss deeply. Theseason was then too far advanced to attempt to avenge his death, and it was not until the next spring that a party was sent out togather up and bury his scattered bones. 

As winter approached, the immigrants overland came pouring intoCalifornia, dusty and worn with their two thousand miles of wearytravel across the plains and mountains. Those who arrived inOctober and November reported thousands still behind them, withoxen perishing, and short of food. Appeals were made for help, andGeneral Smith resolved to attempt relief. Major Rucker, who hadcome across with Pike. Graham's Battalion of Dragoons, hadexchanged with Major Fitzgerald, of the Quartermaster's Department, and was detailed to conduct this relief. General Smith ordered himto be supplied with one hundred thousand dollars out of the civilfund, subject to his control, and with this to purchase atSacramento flour, bacon, etc. , and to hire men and mules to sendout and meet the immigrants. Major Rucker fulfilled this dutyperfectly, sending out pack-trains loaded with food by the manyroutes by which the immigrants were known to be approaching, wentout himself with one of these trains, and remained in the mountainsuntil the last immigrant had got in. No doubt this expeditionsaved many a life which has since been most useful to the country. I remained at Sacramento a good part of the fall of 1849, recognizing among the immigrants many of my old personalfriends--John C. Fall, William King, Sam Stambaugh, Hugh Ewing, Hampton Denman, etc. I got Rucker to give these last two employmentalong with the train for the relief of the immigrants. They hadproposed to begin a ranch on my land on the Cosumnes, but afterwardchanged their minds, and went out with Rucker. 

While I was at Sacramento General Smith had gone on hiscontemplated trip to Oregon, and promised that he would be back inDecember, when he would send me home with dispatches. Accordingly, as the winter and rainy season was at hand, I went to SanFrancisco, and spent some time at the Presidio, waiting patientlyfor General Smith's return. About Christmas a vessel arrived fromOregon with the dispatches, and an order for me to deliver them inperson to General Winfield Scott, in New York City. General Smithhad sent them down, remaining in Oregon for a time. Of course Iwas all ready, and others of our set were going home by the sameconveyance, viz. , Rucker, Ord, A. J. Smith--some under orders, andthe others on leave. Wanting to see my old friends in Monterey, Iarranged for my passage in the steamer of January 1, 1850, payingsix hundred dollars for passage to New York, and went down toMonterey by land, Rucker accompanying me. The weather wasunusually rainy, and all the plain about Santa Clara was underwater; but we reached Monterey in time. I again was welcomed by myfriends, Dona Augustias, Manuelita, and the family, and it wasresolved that I should take two of the boys home with me and putthem at Georgetown College for education, viz. , Antonio andPorfirio, thirteen and eleven years old. The dona gave me a bag ofgold-dust to pay for their passage and to deposit at the college. On the 2d day of January punctually appeared the steamer Oregon. 

We were all soon on board and off for home. At that time thesteamers touched at San Diego, Acapulco, and Panama. Ourpassage down the coast was unusually pleasant. Arrived atPanama, we hired mules and rode across to Gorgona, on theCruces River, where we hired a boat and paddled down to themouth of the river, off which lay the steamer Crescent City. Itusually took four days to cross the isthmus, every passenger takingcare of himself, and it was really funny to watch the efforts ofwomen and men unaccustomed to mules. It was an old song to us, andthe trip across was easy and interesting. In due time we were rowedoff to the Crescent City, rolling back and forth in the swell, andwe scrambled aboard by a "Jacob's ladder" from the stern. Some ofthe women had to be hoisted aboard by lowering a tub from the endof a boom; fun to us who looked on, but awkward enough to the poorwomen, especially to a very fat one, who attracted much notice. General Fremont, wife and child (Lillie) were passengers with usdown from San Francisco; but Mrs. Fremont not being well, theyremained over one trip at Panama. 

Senator Gwin was one of our passengers, and went through to NewYork. We reached New York about the close of January, after a safeand pleasant trip. Our party, composed of Ord, A. J. Smith, andRucker, with the two boys, Antonio and Porfirio, put up atDelmonico's, on Bowling Green; and, as soon as we had cleaned upsomewhat, I took a carriage, went to General Scott's office inNinth Street, delivered my dispatches, was ordered to dine with himnext day, and then went forth to hunt up my old friends andrelations, the Scotts, Hoyts, etc. , etc. 

On reaching New York, most of us had rough soldier's clothing, butwe soon got a new outfit, and I dined with General Scott's family, Mrs. Scott being present, and also their son-in-law and daughter(Colonel and Mrs. H. L. Scott). The general questioned me prettyclosely in regard to things on the Pacific coast, especially thepolitics, and startled me with the assertion that "our country wason the eve of a terrible civil war. " He interested me by anecdotesof my old army comrades in his recent battles around the city ofMexico, and I felt deeply the fact that our country had passedthrough a foreign war, that my comrades had fought great battles, and yet I had not heard a hostile shot. Of course, I thought itthe last and only chance in my day, and that my career as a soldierwas at an end. After some four or five days spent in New York, Iwas, by an order of General Scott, sent to Washington, to laybefore the Secretary of War (Crawford, of Georgia) the dispatcheswhich I had brought from California. On reaching Washington, Ifound that Mr. Ewing was Secretary of the Interior, and I at oncebecame a member of his family. The family occupied the house ofMr. Blair, on Pennsylvania Avenue, directly in front of the WarDepartment. I immediately repaired to the War Department, andplaced my dispatches in the hands of Mr. Crawford, who questionedme somewhat about California, but seemed little interested in thesubject, except so far as it related to slavery and the routesthrough Texas. I then went to call on the President at the WhiteHouse. I found Major Bliss, who had been my teacher in mathematicsat West Point, and was then General Taylor's son-in-law and privatesecretary. He took me into the room, now used by the President'sprivate secretaries, where President Taylor was. I had never seenhim before, though I had served under him in Florida in 1840-'41, and was most agreeably surprised at his fine personal appearance, and his pleasant, easy manners. He received me with greatkindness, told me that Colonel Mason had mentioned my name withpraise, and that he would be pleased to do me any act of favor. Wewere with him nearly an hour, talking about California generally, and of his personal friends, Persifer Smith, Riley, Canby, andothers: Although General Scott was generally regarded by the armyas the most accomplished soldier of the Mexican War, yet GeneralTaylor had that blunt, honest, and stern character, that endearedhim to the masses of the people, and made him President. Bliss, too, had gained a large fame by his marked skill and intelligenceas an adjutant-general and military adviser. His manner was veryunmilitary, and in his talk he stammered and hesitated, so as tomake an unfavorable impression on a stranger; but he waswonderfully accurate and skillful with his pen, and his orders andletters form a model of military precision and clearness. 

CHAPTER IV. 

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, AND CALIFORNIA

1850-1855. 

Having returned from California in January, 1850, with dispatchesfor the War Department, and having delivered them in person firstto General Scott in New York City, and afterward to the Secretaryof War (Crawford) in Washington City, I applied for and received aleave of absence for six months. I first visited my mother, thenliving at Mansfield, Ohio, and returned to Washington, where, onthe 1st day of May, 1850, I was married to Miss Ellen Boyle Ewing, daughter of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Interior. Themarriage ceremony was attended by a large and distinguishedcompany, embracing Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, T. H. Benton, President Taylor, and all his cabinet. This occurred at the houseof Mr. Ewing, the same now owned and occupied by Mr. F. P. Blair, senior, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the War Department. Wemade a wedding tour to Baltimore, New York, Niagara, and Ohio, andreturned to Washington by the 1st of July. General Taylorparticipated in the celebration of the Fourth of July, a very hotday, by hearing a long speech from the Hon. Henry S. Foote, at thebase of the Washington Monument. Returning from the celebrationmuch heated and fatigued, he partook too freely of his favoriteiced milk with cherries, and during that night was seized with asevere colic, which by morning had quite prostrated him. It wassaid that he sent for his son-in-law, Surgeon Wood, United StatesArmy, stationed in Baltimore, and declined medical assistance fromanybody else. Mr. Ewing visited him several times, and wasmanifestly uneasy and anxious, as was also his son-in-law, MajorBliss, then of the army, and his confidential secretary. Herapidly grew worse, and died in about four days. 

At that time there was a high state of political feeling pervadingthe country, on account of the questions growing out of the newTerritories just acquired from Mexico by the war. Congress was insession, and General Taylor's sudden death evidently created greatalarm. I was present in the Senate-gallery, and saw the oath ofoffice administered to the Vice-President, Mr. Fillmore, a man ofsplendid physical proportions and commanding appearance; but on thefaces of Senators and people could easily be read the feelings ofdoubt and uncertainty that prevailed. All knew that a change inthe cabinet and general policy was likely to result, but at thetime it was supposed that Mr. Fillmore, whose home was in Buffalo, would be less liberal than General Taylor to the politicians of theSouth, who feared, or pretended to fear, a crusade against slavery;or, as was the political cry of the day, that slavery would beprohibited in the Territories and in the places exclusively underthe jurisdiction of the United States. Events, however, proved thecontrary. 

I attended General Taylor's funeral as a sort of aide-decamp, atthe request of the Adjutant-General of the army, Roger Jones, whosebrother, a militia-general, commanded the escort, composed ofmilitia and some regulars. Among the regulars I recall the namesof Captains John Sedgwick and W. F. Barry. 

Hardly was General Taylor decently buried in the CongressionalCemetery when the political struggle recommenced, and it becamemanifest that Mr. Fillmore favored the general compromise thenknown as Henry Clay's "Omnibus Bill, " and that a general change ofcabinet would at once occur: Webster was to succeed Mr. Clayton asSecretary of State, Corwin to succeed Mr. Meredith as Secretary ofthe Treasury, and A. H. H. Stuart to succeed Mr. Ewing as Secretaryof the Interior. Mr. Ewing, however, was immediately appointed bythe Governor of the State to succeed Corwin in the Senate. These changes made it necessary for Mr. Ewing to discontinuehouse-keeping, and Mr. Corwin took his home and furniture off hishands. I escorted the family out to their home in Lancaster, Ohio;but, before this had occurred, some most interesting debates tookplace in the Senate, which I regularly attended, and heard Clay, Benton, Foots, King of Alabama, Dayton, and the many real orators ofthat day. Mr. Calhoun was in his seat, but he was evidentlyapproaching his end, for he was pale and feeble in the extreme. Iheard Mr. Webster's last speech on the floor of the Senate, undercircumstances that warrant a description. It was publicly knownthat he was to leave the Senate, and enter the new cabinet of Mr. Fillmore, as his Secretary of State, and that prior to leaving hewas to make a great speech on the "Omnibus Bill. " Resolved to hearit, I went up to the Capitol on the day named, an hour or soearlier than usual. The speech was to be delivered in the oldSenate-chamber, now used by the Supreme Court. The galleries weremuch smaller than at present, and I found them full to overflowing, with a dense crowd about the door, struggling to reach the stairs. Icould not get near, and then tried the reporters' gallery, but foundit equally crowded; so I feared I should lose the only possibleopportunity to hear Mr. Webster. 

I had only a limited personal acquaintance with any of theSenators, but had met Mr. Corwin quite often at Mr. Ewing's house, and I also knew that he had been extremely friendly to my father inhis lifetime; so I ventured to send in to him my card, "W. T. S. , First-Lieutenant, Third Artillery. " He came to the door promptly, when I said, "Mr. Corwin, I believe Mr. Webster is to speakto-day. " His answer was, "Yes, he has the floor at one o'clock. "I then added that I was extremely anxious to hear him. "Well, "said he, "why don't you go into the gallery?" I explained that itwas full, and I had tried every access, but found all jammed withpeople. "Well, " said he, "what do you want of me?" I explainedthat I would like him to take me on the floor of the Senate; that Ihad often seen from the gallery persons on the floor, no betterentitled to it than I. He then asked in his quizzical way, "Areyou a foreign embassador?" "No. " "Are you the Governor of aState?" "No. " "Are you a member of the other House?" "Certainlynot" "Have you ever had a vote of thanks by name?" "No!" "Well, these are the only privileged members. " I then told him he knewwell enough who I was, and that if he chose he could take me in. He then said, "Have you any impudence?" I told him, "A reasonableamount if occasion called for it. " "Do you think you could becomeso interested in my conversation as not to notice the door-keeper?"(pointing to him). I told him that there was not the least doubtof it, if he would tell me one of his funny stories. He then tookmy arm, and led me a turn in the vestibule, talking about someindifferent matter, but all the time directing my looks to his lefthand, toward which he was gesticulating with his right; and thus weapproached the door-keeper, who began asking me, "Foreignambassador? Governor of a State? Member of Congress?" etc. ; but Icaught Corwin's eye, which said plainly, "Don't mind him, payattention to me, " and in this way we entered the Senate-chamber bya side-door. Once in, Corwin said, "Now you can take care ofyourself, " and I thanked him cordially. 

I found a seat close behind Mr. Webster, and near General Scott, and heard the whole of the speech. It was heavy in the extreme, and I confess that I was disappointed and tired long before it wasfinished. No doubt the speech was full of fact and argument, butit had none of the fire of oratory, or intensity of feeling, thatmarked all of Mr. Clay's efforts. 

Toward the end of July, as before stated, all the family went hometo Lancaster. Congress was still in session, and the bill addingfour captains to the Commissary Department had not passed, but wasreasonably certain to, and I was equally sure of being one of them. At that time my name was on the muster-roll of (Light) Company C, Third Artillery (Bragg's), stationed at Jefferson Barracks, nearSt. Louis. But, as there was cholera at St. Louis, on application, I was permitted to delay joining my company until September. Earlyin that month, I proceeded to Cincinnati, and thence by steamboatto St. Louis, and then to Jefferson Barracks, where I reportedfor duty to Captain and Brevet-Colonel Braxton Bragg, commanding(Light) Company C, Third Artillery. The other officers of thecompany were First-Lieutenant James A. Hardie, and afterwardHaekaliah Brown. New horses had just been purchased for thebattery, and we were preparing for work, when the mail brought theorders announcing the passage of the bill increasing the CommissaryDepartment by four captains, to which were promoted CaptainsShiras, Blair, Sherman, and Bowen. I was ordered to take post atSt. Louis, and to relieve Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, whohad been acting in that capacity for some months. My commissionbore date September 27, 1850. I proceeded forthwith to the city, relieved Captain Smith, and entered on the discharge of the dutiesof the office. 

Colonel N. S. Clarke, Sixth Infantry, commanded the department;Major D. C. Buell was adjutant-general, and Captain W. S. Hancockwas regimental quartermaster; Colonel Thomas Swords was the depotquartermaster, and we had our offices in the same building, on thecorner of Washington Avenue and Second. Subsequently Major S. VanVliet relieved Colonel Swords. I remained at the Planters' Houseuntil my family arrived, when we occupied a house on ChouteauAvenue, near Twelfth. 

During the spring and summer of 1851, Mr. Ewing and Mr. HenryStoddard, of Dayton, Ohio, a cousin of my father, were much in St. Louis, on business connected with the estate of Major AmosStoddard, who was of the old army, as early as the beginning ofthis century. He was stationed at the village of St. Louis at thetime of the Louisiana purchase, and when Lewis and Clarke madetheir famous expedition across the continent to the Columbia River. Major Stoddard at that early day had purchased a small farm back ofthe village, of some Spaniard or Frenchman, but, as he was abachelor, and was killed at Fort Meigs, Ohio, during the War of1812, the title was for many years lost sight of, and the farm wascovered over by other claims and by occupants. As St. Louis beganto grow, his brothers and sisters, and their descendants, concludedto look up the property. After much and fruitless litigation, theyat last retained Mr. Stoddard, of Dayton, who in turn employed Mr. Ewing, and these, after many years of labor, established the title, and in the summer of 1851 they were put in possession by the UnitedStates marshal. The ground was laid off, the city survey extendedover it, and the whole was sold in partition. I made somepurchases, and acquired an interest, which I have retained more orless ever since. 

We continued to reside in St. Louis throughout the year 1851, andin the spring of 1852 I had occasion to visit Fort Leavenworth onduty, partly to inspect a lot of cattle which a Mr. Gordon, of CassCounty, had contracted to deliver in New Mexico, to enable ColonelSumner to attempt his scheme of making the soldiers in New Mexicoself-supporting, by raising their own meat, and in a measure theirown vegetables. I found Fort Leavenworth then, as now, a mostbeautiful spot, but in the midst of a wild Indian country. Therewere no whites settled in what is now the State of Kansas. Weston, in Missouri, was the great town, and speculation in town-lots thereand thereabout burnt the fingers of some of the army-officers, whowanted to plant their scanty dollars in a fruitful soil. I rode onhorseback over to Gordon's farm, saw the cattle, concluded thebargain, and returned by way of Independence, Missouri. AtIndependence I found F. X. Aubrey, a noted man of that day, who hadjust made a celebrated ride of six hundred miles in six days. Thatspring the United States quartermaster, Major L. C. Easton, at FortUnion, New Mexico, had occasion to send some message east by acertain date, and contracted with Aubrey to carry it to the nearestpost-office (then Independence, Missouri), making his compensationconditional on the time consumed. He was supplied with a goodhorse, and an order on the outgoing trains for an exchange. Thoughthe whole route was infested with hostile Indians, and not a houseon it, Aubrey started alone with his rifle. He was fortunate inmeeting several outward-bound trains, and there, by made frequentchanges of horses, some four or five, and reached Independence insix days, having hardly rested or slept the whole way. Of course, he was extremely fatigued, and said there was an opinion among thewild Indians that if a man "sleeps out his sleep, " after suchextreme exhaustion, he will never awake; and, accordingly, heinstructed his landlord to wake him up after eight hours of sleep. When aroused at last, he saw by the clock that he had been asleeptwenty hours, and he was dreadfully angry, threatened to murder hislandlord, who protested he had tried in every way to get him up, but found it impossible, and had let him "sleep it out" Aubrey, indescribing his sensations to me, said he took it for granted he wasa dead man; but in fact he sustained no ill effects, and was offagain in a few days. I met him afterward often in California, andalways esteemed him one of the best samples of that bold race ofmen who had grown up on the Plains, along with the Indians, in theservice of the fur companies. He was afterward, in 1856, killed byR. C. Weightman, in a bar-room row, at Santa Fe, New Mexico, wherehe had just arrived from California. 

In going from Independence to Fort Leavenworth, I had to swim MilkCreek, and sleep all night in a Shawnee camp. The next day Icrossed the Kaw or Kansas River in a ferry boat, maintained by theblacksmith of the tribe, and reached the fort in the evening. Atthat day the whole region was unsettled, where now exist many richcounties, highly cultivated, embracing several cities of from tento forty thousand inhabitants. From Fort Leavenworth I returned bysteamboat to St. Louis. 

In the summer of 1852, my family went to Lancaster, Ohio; but Iremained at my post. Late in the season, it was rumored that I wasto be transferred to New Orleans, and in due time I learned thecause. During a part of the Mexican War, Major Seawell, of theSeventh Infantry, had been acting commissary of subsistence at NewOrleans, then the great depot of supplies for the troops in Texas, and of those operating beyond the Rio Grande. Commissaries at thattime were allowed to purchase in open market, and were notrestricted to advertising and awarding contracts to the lowestbidders. It was reported that Major Seawell had purchased largelyof the house of Perry Seawell & Co. , Mr. Seawell being a relativeof his. When he was relieved in his duties by Major Waggman, ofthe regular Commissary Department, the latter found Perry Seawell &Co. So prompt and satisfactory that he continued the patronage;for which there was a good reason, because stores for the use ofthe troops at remote posts had to be packed in a particular way, tobear transportation in wagons, or even on pack-mules; and this firmhad made extraordinary preparations for this exclusive purpose. Some time about 1849, a brother of Major Waggaman, who had beenclerk to Captain Casey, commissary of subsistence, at Tampa Bay, Florida, was thrown out of office by the death of the captain, andhe naturally applied to his brother in New Orleans for employment;and he, in turn, referred him to his friends, Messrs. PerrySeawell & Co. These first employed him as a clerk, and afterwardadmitted him as a partner. Thus it resulted, in fact, that MajorWaggaman was dealing largely, if not exclusively, with a firm ofwhich his brother was a partner. 

One day, as General Twiggs was coming across Lake Pontchartrain, hefell in with one of his old cronies, who was an extensive grocer. This gentleman gradually led the conversation to the downwardtendency of the times since he and Twiggs were young, saying that, in former years, all the merchants of New Orleans had a chance atgovernment patronage; but now, in order to sell to the armycommissary, one had to take a brother in as a partner. GeneralTwiggs resented this, but the merchant again affirmed it, and gavenames. As soon as General Twiggs reached his office, he instructedhis adjutant-general, Colonel Bliss--who told me this--to address acategorical note of inquiry to Major Waggaman. The major veryfrankly stated the facts as they had arisen, and insisted that thefirm of Perry Seawell & Co. Had enjoyed a large patronage, butdeserved it richly by reason of their promptness, fairness, andfidelity. The correspondence was sent to Washington, and theresult was, that Major Waggaman was ordered to St. Louis, and I wasordered to New Orleans. 

I went down to New Orleans in a steamboat in the month ofSeptember, 1852, taking with me a clerk, and, on arrival, assumedthe office, in a bank-building facing Lafayette Square, in whichwere the offices of all the army departments. General D. Twiggswas in command of the department, with Colonel W. W. S. Bliss(son-in-law of General Taylor) as his adjutant-general. Colonel A. C. Myers was quartermaster, Captain John F. Reynolds aide-de-camp, and Colonel A. J. Coffee paymaster. I took rooms at the St. LouisHotel, kept by a most excellent gentleman, Colonel Mudge. 

Mr. Perry Seawell came to me in person, soliciting a continuance ofthe custom which he had theretofore enjoyed; but I told him franklythat a change was necessary, and I never saw or heard of himafterward. I simply purchased in open market, arranged for theproper packing of the stores, and had not the least difficulty insupplying the troops and satisfying the head of the department inWashington. 

About Christmas, I had notice that my family, consisting of Mrs. Sherman, two children, and nurse, with my sister Fanny (now Mrs. Moulton, of Cincinnati, Ohio), were en route for New Orleans bysteam-packet; so I hired a house on Magazine Street, and furnishedit. Almost at the moment of their arrival, also came from St. Louis my personal friend Major Turner, with a parcel of documents, which, on examination, proved to be articles of copartnership for abank in California under the title of "Lucas, Turner & Co. , " inwhich my name was embraced as a partner. Major Turner was, at thetime, actually en route for New York, to embark for San Francisco, to inaugurate the bank, in the nature of a branch of the firmalready existing at St. Louis under the name of "Lucas & Symonds. "We discussed the matter very fully, and he left with me the papersfor reflection, and went on to New York and California. 

Shortly after arrived James H. Lucas, Esq. , the principal of thebanking-firm in St. Louis, a most honorable and wealthy gentleman. He further explained the full programme of the branch inCalifornia; that my name had been included at the insistence ofMajor Turner, who was a man of family and property in St. Louis, unwilling to remain long in San Francisco, and who wanted me tosucceed him there. He offered me a very tempting income, with aninterest that would accumulate and grow. He also disclosed to methat, in establishing a branch in California, he was influenced bythe apparent prosperity of Page, Bacon & Co. , and further that hehad received the principal data, on which he had founded thescheme, from B. R. Nisbet, who was then a teller in the firm ofPage, Bacon & Co. , of San Francisco; that he also was to be takenin as a partner, and was fully competent to manage all the detailsof the business; but, as Nisbet was comparatively young, Mr. Lucaswanted me to reside in San Francisco permanently, as the head ofthe firm. All these matters were fully discussed, and I agreed toapply for a six months' leave of absence, go to San Francisco, seefor myself, and be governed by appearances there. I accordingly, with General Twiggs's approval, applied to the adjutant-general fora six months' leave, which was granted; and Captain John F. Reynolds was named to perform my duties during my absence. 

During the stay of my family in New Orleans, we enjoyed the societyof the families of General Twiggs, Colonel Myers, and ColonelBliss, as also of many citizens, among whom was the wife of Mr. Day, sister to my brother-in-law, Judge Bartley. General Twiggswas then one of the oldest officers of the army. His historyextended back to the War of 1812, and he had served in early dayswith General Jackson in Florida and in the Creek campaigns. He hadfine powers of description, and often entertained us, at hisoffice, with accounts of his experiences in the earlier settlementsof the Southwest. Colonel Bliss had been General Taylor's adjutantin the Mexican War, and was universally regarded as one of the mostfinished and accomplished scholars in the army, and his wife was amost agreeable and accomplished lady. 

Late in February, I dispatched my family up to Ohio in thesteamboat Tecumseh (Captain Pearce); disposed of my house andfurniture; turned over to Major Reynolds the funds, property, andrecords of the office; and took passage in a small steamer forNicaragua, en route for California. We embarked early in March, and in seven days reached Greytown, where we united with thepassengers from New York, and proceeded, by the Nicaragua River andLake, for the Pacific Ocean. The river was low, and the littlesteam canal-boats, four in number, grounded often, so that thepassengers had to get into the water, to help them over the bare. In all there were about six hundred passengers, of whom about sixtywere women and children. In four days we reached Castillo, wherethere is a decided fall, passed by a short railway, and above thisfall we were transferred to a larger boat, which carried us up therest of the river, and across the beautiful lake Nicaragua, studdedwith volcanic islands. Landing at Virgin Bay, we rode on mulesacross to San Juan del Sur, where lay at anchor the propeller S. S. Lewis (Captain Partridge, I think). Passengers were carriedthrough the surf by natives to small boats, and rowed off to theLewis. The weather was very hot, and quite a scramble followed forstate-rooms, especially for those on deck. I succeeded in reachingthe purser's office, got my ticket for a berth in one of the beststate-rooms on deck, and, just as I was turning from the window, alady who was a fellow-passenger from New Orleans, a Mrs. D-, calledto me to secure her and her lady friend berths on deck, saying thatthose below were unendurable. I spoke to the purser, who, at themoment perplexed by the crowd and clamor, answered: "I must puttheir names down for the other two berths of your state-room; but, as soon as the confusion is over, I will make some change wherebyyou shall not suffer. " As soon as these two women were assigned toa state-room, they took possession, and I was left out. Theirnames were recorded as "Captain Sherman and ladies. " As soon asthings were quieted down I remonstrated with the purser, who atlast gave me a lower berth in another and larger state-room ondeck, with five others, so that my two ladies had the state-roomall to themselves. At every meal the steward would come to me, andsay, "Captain Sherman, will you bring your ladies to the table?"and we had the best seats in the ship. 

This continued throughout the voyage, and I assert that "my ladies"were of the most modest and best-behaved in the ship; but some timeafter we had reached San Francisco one of our fellow-passengerscame to me and inquired if I personally knew Mrs. D---, with flaxentresses, who sang so sweetly for us, and who had come out under myespecial escort. I replied I did not, more than the chanceacquaintance of the voyage, and what she herself had told me, viz. , that she expected to meet her husband, who lived about MokelumneHill. He then informed me that she was a woman of the town. Society in California was then decidedly mixed. In due season thesteamship Lewis got under weigh. She was a wooden ship, long andnarrow, bark-rigged, and a propeller; very slow, moving not overeight miles an hour. We stopped at Acapulco, and, in eighteendays, passed in sight of Point Pinoa at Monterey, and at the speedwe were traveling expected to reach San Francisco at 4 A. M. Thenext day. The cabin passengers, as was usual, bought of thesteward some champagne and cigars, and we had a sort of ovation forthe captain, purser, and surgeon of the ship, who were all veryclever fellows, though they had a slow and poor ship. Late atnight all the passengers went to bed, expecting to enter the portat daylight. I did not undress, as I thought the captain could andwould run in at night, and I lay down with my clothes on. About 4A. M. I was awakened by a bump and sort of grating of the vessel, which I thought was our arrival at the wharf in San Francisco; butinstantly the ship struck heavily; the engines stopped, and therunning to and fro on deck showed that something was wrong. In amoment I was out of my state-room, at the bulwark, holding fast toa stanchion, and looking over the side at the white and seethingwater caused by her sudden and violent stoppage. The sea wascomparatively smooth, the night pitch-dark, and the fog deep andimpenetrable; the ship would rise with the swell, and come downwith a bump and quiver that was decidedly unpleasant. Soon thepassengers were out of their rooms, undressed, calling for help, and praying as though the ship were going to sink immediately. Ofcourse she could not sink, being already on the bottom, and theonly question was as to the strength of hull to stand the bumpingand straining. Great confusion for a time prevailed, but soon Irealized that the captain had taken all proper precautions tosecure his boats, of which there were six at the davits. These arethe first things that steerage-passengers make for in case ofshipwreck, and right over my head I heard the captain's voice sayin a low tone, but quite decided: "Let go that falls, or, damn you, I'll blow your head off!" This seemingly harsh language gave megreat comfort at the time, and on saying so to the captainafterward, he explained that it was addressed to a passenger whoattempted to lower one of the boats. Guards, composed of the crew, were soon posted to prevent any interference with the boats, andthe officers circulated among the passengers the report that therewas no immediate danger; that, fortunately, the sea was smooth;that we were simply aground, and must quietly await daylight. 

They advised the passengers to keep quiet, and the ladies andchildren to dress and sit at the doors of their state-rooms, thereto await the advice and action of the officers of the ship, whowere perfectly cool and self-possessed. Meantime the ship wasworking over a reef-for a time I feared she would break in two;but, as the water gradually rose inside to a level with the seaoutside, the ship swung broadside to the swell, and all her keelseemed to rest on the rock or sand. At no time did the sea breakover the deck--but the water below drove all the people up to themain-deck and to the promenade-deck, and thus we remained for aboutthree hours, when daylight came; but there was a fog so thick thatnothing but water could be seen. The captain caused a boat to becarefully lowered, put in her a trustworthy officer with aboat-compass, and we saw her depart into the fog. During herabsence the ship's bell was kept tolling. Then the fires were allout, the ship full of water, and gradually breaking up, wrigglingwith every swell like a willow basket--the sea all round us full ofthe floating fragments of her sheeting, twisted and torn into aspongy condition. In less than an hour the boat returned, sayingthat the beach was quite near, not more than a mile away, and had agood place for landing. All the boats were then carefully lowered, and manned by crews belonging to the ship; a piece of the gangway, on the leeward side, was cut away, and all the women, and a few ofthe worst-scared men, were lowered into the boats, which pulled forshore. In a comparatively short time the boats returned, took newloads, and the debarkation was afterward carried on quietly andsystematically. No baggage was allowed to go on shore except bagsor parcels carried in the hands of passengers. At times the foglifted so that we could see from the wreck the tops of the hills, and the outline of the shore; and I remember sitting on, the upperor hurricane deck with the captain, who had his maps and compassbefore him, and was trying to make out where the ship was. Ithought I recognized the outline of the hills below the mission ofDolores, and so stated to him; but he called my attention to thefact that the general line of hills bore northwest, whereas thecoast south of San Francisco bears due north and south. Hetherefore concluded that the ship had overrun her reckoning, andwas then to the north of San Francisco. He also explained that, the passage up being longer than usual, viz. , eighteen days, thecoal was short; that at the time the firemen were using some cut-upspars along with the slack of coal, and that this fuel had mademore than usual steam, so that the ship must have glided alongfaster than reckoned. This proved to be the actual case, for, infact, the steamship Lewis was wrecked April 9, 1853, on "DuckworthReef, " Baulinas Bay, about eighteen miles above the entrance to SanFrancisco. 

The captain had sent ashore the purser in the first boat, withorders to work his way to the city as soon as possible, to reportthe loss of his vessel, and to bring back help. I remained on thewreck till among the last of the passengers, managing to get a canof crackers and some sardines out of the submerged pantry, a thingthe rest of the passengers did not have, and then I went quietlyashore in one of the boats. The passengers were all on the beach, under a steep bluff; had built fires to dry their clothes, but hadseen no human being, and had no idea where they were. Taking alongwith me a fellow-passenger, a young chap about eighteen years old, I scrambled up the bluff, and walked back toward the hills, inhopes to get a good view of some known object. It was then themonth of April, and the hills were covered with the beautifulgrasses and flowers of that season of the year. We soon foundhorse paths and tracks, and following them we came upon a drove ofhorses grazing at large, some of which had saddle-marks. At abouttwo miles from the beach we found a corral; and thence, followingone of the strongest-marked paths, in about a mile more wedescended into a valley, and, on turning a sharp point, reached aboard shanty, with a horse picketed near by. Four men were insideeating a meal. I inquired if any of the Lewis's people had beenthere; they did not seem to understand what I meant when Iexplained to them that about three miles from them, and beyond theold corral, the steamer Lewis was wrecked, and her passengers wereon the beach. I inquired where we were, and they answered, "AtBaulinas Creek;" that they were employed at a saw-mill just above, and were engaged in shipping lumber to San Francisco; that aschooner loaded with lumber was then about two miles down thecreek, waiting for the tide to get out, and doubtless if we wouldwalk down they would take us on board. 

I wrote a few words back to the captain, telling him where he was, and that I would hurry to the city to send him help. My companionand I their went on down the creek, and soon descried the schooneranchored out in the stream. On being hailed, a small boat came inand took us on board. The "captain" willingly agreed for a smallsum to carry us down to San Francisco; and, as his whole crewconsisted of a small boy about twelve years old, we helped him toget up his anchor and pole the schooner down the creek and out overthe bar on a high tide. This must have been about 2 P. M. Once overthe bar, the sails were hoisted, and we glided along rapidly with astrong, fair, northwest wind. The fog had lifted, so we could seethe shores plainly, and the entrance to the bay. In a couple ofhours we were entering the bay, and running "wing-and-wing. "Outside the wind was simply the usual strong breeze; but, as itpasses through the head of the Golden Gate, it increases, andthere, too, we met a strong ebb-tide. 

The schooner was loaded with lumber, much of which was on deck, lashed down to ring bolts with raw-hide thongs. The captain wassteering, and I was reclining on the lumber, looking at thefamiliar shore, as we approached Fort Point, when I heard a sort ofcry, and felt the schooner going over. As we got into the throatof the "Heads, " the force of the wind, meeting a strong ebb-tide, drove the nose of the schooner under water; she dove like a duck, went over on her side, and began, to drift out with the tide. Ifound myself in the water, mixed up with pieces of plank and ropes;struck out, swam round to the stern, got on the keel, and clamberedup on the side. Satisfied that she could not sink, by reason ofher cargo, I was not in the least alarmed, but thought twoshipwrecks in one day not a good beginning for a new, peacefulcareer. Nobody was drowned, however; the captain and crew werebusy in securing such articles as were liable to float off, and Ilooked out for some passing boat or vessel to pick us up. We weredrifting steadily out to sea, while I was signaling to a boat aboutthree miles off, toward Saucelito, and saw her tack and standtoward us. I was busy watching this sail-boat, when I heard aYankee's voice, close behind, saying, "This is a nice mess you'vegot yourselves into, " and looking about I saw a man in a smallboat, who had seen us upset, and had rowed out to us from aschooner anchored close under the fort. Some explanations weremade, and when the sail-boat coming from Saucelito was near enoughto be spoken to, and the captain had engaged her to help hisschooner, we bade him good by, and got the man in the small boat-tocarry us ashore, and land us at the foot of the bluff, just belowthe fort. Once there, I was at home, and we footed it up to thePresidio. Of the sentinel I inquired who was in command of thepost, and was answered, "Major Merchant. " He was not then in, buthis adjutant, Lieutenant Gardner, was. I sent my card to him; hecame out, and was much surprised to find me covered with sand, anddripping with water, a good specimen of a shipwrecked mariner. Afew words of explanation sufficed; horses were provided, and werode hastily into the city, reaching the office of the NicaraguaSteamship Company (C. K. Garrison, agent) about dark, just as thepurser had arrived; by a totally different route. It was too lateto send relief that night, but by daylight next morning twosteamers were en route for and reached the place of wreck in timeto relieve the passengers and bring them, and most of the baggage. I lost my carpet-bag, but saved my trunk. The Lewis went to piecesthe night after we got off, and, had there been an average seaduring the night of our shipwreck, none of us probably would haveescaped. That evening in San Francisco I hunted up Major Turner, whom I found boarding, in company with General E. A. Hitchcock, ata Mrs. Ross's, on Clay Street, near Powell. I took quarters withthem, and began to make my studies, with a view to a decisionwhether it was best to undertake this new and untried scheme ofbanking, or to return to New Orleans and hold on to what I thenhad, a good army commission. 

At the time of my arrival, San Francisco was an the top wave ofspeculation and prosperity. Major Turner had rented at six hundreddollars a month the office formerly used and then owned by Adams &Co. , on the east side of Montgomery Street, between Sacramento andCalifornia Streets. B. R. Nisbet was the active partner, and JamesReilly the teller. Already the bank of Lucas, Turner & Co. Wasestablished, and was engaged in selling bills of exchange, receiving deposits, and loaning money at three per cent. A month. 

Page, Bacon & Co. , and Adams & Co. , were in full blast across thestreet, in Parrott's new granite building, and other bankers weredoing seemingly a prosperous business, among them Wells, Fargo &Co. ; Drexel, Sather & Church; Burgoyne & Co. ; James King of Win. ;Sanders & Brenham; Davidson & Co. ; Palmer, Cook & Co. , and others. Turner and I had rooms at Mrs. Ross's, and took our meals atrestaurants down-town, mostly at a Frenchman's named Martin, on thesouthwest corner of Montgomery and California Streets. GeneralHitchcock, of the army, commanding the Department of California, usually messed with us; also a Captain Mason, and LieutenantWhiting, of the Engineer Corps. We soon secured a small share ofbusiness, and became satisfied there was room for profit. Everybody seemed to be making money fast; the city was beingrapidly extended and improved; people paid their three per cent. Amonth interest without fail, and without deeming it excessive. Turner, Nisbet, and I, daily discussed the prospects, and graduallysettled down to the conviction that with two hundred thousanddollars capital, and a credit of fifty thousand dollars in NewYork, we could build up a business that would help the St. Louishouse, and at the same time pay expenses in California, with areasonable profit. Of course, Turner never designed to remain longin California, and I consented to go back to St. Louis, confer withMr. Lucas and Captain Simonds, agree upon further details, and thenreturn permanently. 

I have no memoranda by me now by which to determine the fact, butthink I returned to New York in July, 1853, by the Nicaragua route, and thence to St. Louis by way of Lancaster, Ohio, where my familystill was. Mr. Lucas promptly agreed to the terms proposed, andfurther consented, on the expiration of the lease of the Adams &Co. Office, to erect a new banking-house in San Francisco, to costfifty thousand dollars. I then returned to Lancaster, explained toMr. Ewing and Mrs. Sherman all the details of our agreement, and, meeting their approval, I sent to the Adjutant-General of the armymy letter of resignation, to take effect at the end of the sixmonths' leave, and the resignation was accepted, to take effectSeptember 6, 1853. Being then a citizen, I engaged a passage outto California by the Nicaragua route, in the steamer leaving NewYork September 20th, for myself and family, and accordinglyproceeded to New York, where I had a conference with Mr. Meigs, cashier of the American Exchange Bank, and with Messrs. Wadsworth& Sheldon, bankers, who were our New York correspondents; and onthe 20th embarked for San Juan del Norte, with the family, composedof Mrs. Sherman, Lizzie, then less than a year old, and her nurse, Mary Lynch. Our passage down was uneventful, and, on the boats upthe Nicaragua River, pretty much the same as before. On reachingVirgin Bay, I engaged a native with three mules to carry us acrossto the Pacific, and as usual the trip partook of the ludicrous--Mrs. Sherman mounted on a donkey about as large as a Newfoundlanddog; Mary Lynch on another, trying to carry Lizzie on a pillowbefore her, but her mule had a fashion of lying down, which scaredher, till I exchanged mules, and my California spurs kept that muleon his legs. I carried Lizzie some time till she was fast asleep, when I got our native man to carry her awhile. The child woke up, and, finding herself in the hands of a dark-visaged man, she yelledmost lustily till I got her away. At the summit of the pass, therewas a clear-running brook, where we rested an hour, and bathedLizzie in its sweet waters. We then continued to the end of ourjourney, and, without going to the tavern at San Juan del Sur, wepassed directly to the vessel, then at anchor about two miles out. To reach her we engaged a native boat, which had to be kept outsidethe surf. Mrs. Sherman was first taken in the arms of two stoutnatives; Mary Lynch, carrying Lizzie, was carried by two others;and I followed, mounted on the back of a strapping fellow, whilefifty or a hundred others were running to and fro, cackling likegeese. 

Mary Lynch got scared at the surf, and began screaming like a fool, when Lizzie became convulsed with fear, and one of the nativesrushed to her, caught her out of Mary's arms, and carried herswiftly to Mrs. Sherman, who, by that time, was in the boat, butLizzie had fainted with fear, and for a long time sobbed as thoughpermanently injured. For years she showed symptoms that made usbelieve she had never entirely recovered from the effects of thescare. In due time we reached the steamer Sierra Nevada, and got agood state-room. Our passage up the coast was pleasant enough; wereached San Francisco; on the 15th of October, and took quarters atan hotel on Stockton Street, near Broadway. 

Major Turner remained till some time in November, when he alsodeparted for the East, leaving me and Nisbet to manage the bank. Iendeavored to make myself familiar with the business, but of courseNisbet kept the books, and gave his personal attention to theloans, discounts, and drafts, which yielded the profits. I soonsaw, however, that the three per cent. Charged as premium on billsof exchange was not all profit, but out of this had to come one anda fourth to one and a half for freight, one and a third forinsurance, with some indefinite promise of a return premium; then, the cost of blanks, boxing of the bullion, etc. , etc. Indeed, Isaw no margin for profit at all. Nisbet, however, who had longbeen familiar with the business, insisted there was a profit, inthe fact that the gold-dust or bullion shipped was more valuablethan its cost to us. We, of course, had to remit bullion to meetour bills on New York, and bought crude gold-dust, or bars refinedby Kellogg & Humbert or E. Justh & Co. , for at that time the UnitedStates Mint was not in operation. But, as the reports of ourshipments came back from New York, I discovered that I was right, and Nisbet was wrong; and, although we could not help selling ourchecks on New York and St. Louis at the same price as otherbankers, I discovered that, at all events, the exchange business inSan Francisco was rather a losing business than profitable. Thesame as to loans. We could loan, at three per cent. A month, allour own money, say two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and apart of our deposit account. This latter account in California wasdecidedly uncertain. The balance due depositors would run down toa mere nominal sum on steamer-days, which were the 1st and 15th ofeach month, and then would increase till the next steamer-day, sothat we could not make use of any reasonable part of this balancefor loans beyond the next steamer-day; or, in other words, we hadan expensive bank, with expensive clerks, and all the machinery fortaking care of other people's money for their benefit, withoutcorresponding profit. I also saw that loans were attended withrisk commensurate with the rate; nevertheless, I could not attemptto reform the rules and customs established by others before me, and had to drift along with the rest toward that Niagara that noneforesaw at the time. 

Shortly after arriving out in 1853, we looked around for a site forthe new bank, and the only place then available on MontgomeryStreet, the Wall Street of San Francisco, was a lot at the cornerof Jackson Street, facing Montgomery, with an alley on the north, belonging to James Lick. The ground was sixty by sixty-two feet, and I had to pay for it thirty-two thousand dollars. I then made acontract with the builders, Keyser, & Brown, to erect a three-storybrick building, with finished basement, for about fifty thousanddollars. This made eighty-two thousand instead of fifty thousanddollars, but I thought Mr. Lucas could stand it and would approve, which he did, though it resulted in loss to him. After the civilwar, he told me he had sold the building for forty thousanddollars, about half its cost, but luckily gold was then at 250, sothat he could use the forty thousand dollars gold as the equivalentof one hundred thousand dollars currency. The building waserected; I gave it my personal supervision, and it was strongly andthoroughly built, for I saw it two years ago, when severalearthquakes had made no impression on it; still, the choice of sitewas unfortunate, for the city drifted in the opposite direction, viz. , toward Market Street. I then thought that all the heavybusiness would remain toward the foot of Broadway and JacksonStreet, because there were the deepest water and best wharves, butin this I made a mistake. Nevertheless, in the spring of 1854, thenew bank was finished, and we removed to it, paying rentsthereafter to our Mr. Lucas instead of to Adams & Co. A man namedWright, during the same season, built a still finer building justacross the street from us; Pioche, Bayerque & Co. Were alreadyestablished on another corner of Jackson Street, and the newMetropolitan Theatre was in progress diagonally opposite us. During the whole of 1854 our business steadily grew, our averagedeposits going up to half a million, and our sales of exchange andconsequent shipment of bullion averaging two hundred thousanddollars per steamer. I signed all bills of exchange, and insistedon Nisbet consulting me on loans and discounts. Spite of everycaution, however, we lost occasionally by bad loans, and worse bythe steady depreciation of real estate. The city of San Franciscowas then extending her streets, sewering them, and planking them, with three-inch lumber. In payment for the lumber and the work ofcontractors, the city authorities paid scrip in even sums of onehundred, five hundred, one thousand, and five thousand dollars. These formed a favorite collateral for loans at from fifty to sixtycents on the dollar, and no one doubted their ultimate value, either by redemption or by being converted into city bonds. The notes also of H. Meiggs, Neeley Thompson & Co. , etc. , lumber-dealers, were favorite notes, for they paid their interestpromptly, and lodged large margins of these street-improvementwarrants as collateral. At that time, Meiggs was a prominent man, lived in style in a large house on Broadway, was a member of theCity Council, and owned large saw-mills up the coast aboutMendocino. In him Nisbet had unbounded faith, but, for somereason, I feared or mistrusted him, and remember that I cautionedNisbet not to extend his credit, but to gradually contract hisloans. On looking over our bills receivable, then about sixhundred thousand dollars, I found Meiggs, as principal or indorser, owed us about eighty thousand dollars--all, however, secured bycity warrants; still, he kept bank accounts elsewhere, and wasgenerally a borrower. I instructed Nisbet to insist on hisreducing his line as the notes matured, and, as he found itindelicate to speak to Meiggs, I instructed him to refer him to me;accordingly, when, on the next steamer-day, Meiggs appealed at thecounter for a draft on Philadelphia, of about twenty thousanddollars, for which he offered his note and collateral, he wasreferred to me, and I explained to him that our draft was the sameas money; that he could have it for cash, but that we were alreadyin advance to him some seventy-five or eighty thousand dollars, andthat instead of increasing the amount I must insist on itsreduction. He inquired if I mistrusted his ability, etc. Iexplained, certainly not, but that our duty was to assist those whodid all their business with us, and, as our means were necessarilylimited, I must restrict him to some reasonable sum, say, twenty-five thousand dollars. Meiggs invited me to go with him to arich mercantile house on Clay Street, whose partners belonged inHamburg, and there, in the presence of the principals of the house, he demonstrated, as clearly as a proposition in mathematics, thathis business at Mendocino was based on calculations that could notfail. The bill of exchange which he wanted, he said would make thelast payment on a propeller already built in Philadelphia, whichwould be sent to San Francisco, to tow into and out of port theschooners and brigs that were bringing his lumber down the coast. Iadmitted all he said, but renewed my determination to limit hiscredit to twenty-five thousand dollars. The Hamburg firm thenagreed to accept for him the payment of all his debt to us, exceptthe twenty-five thousand dollars, payable in equal parts for thenext three steamer-days. Accordingly, Meiggs went back with me toour bank, wrote his note for twenty-five thousand dollars, andsecured it by mortgage on real estate and city warrants, andsubstituted the three acceptances of the Hamburg firm for theoverplus. I surrendered to him all his former notes, except one forwhich he was indorser. The three acceptances duly matured and werepaid; one morning Meiggs and family were missing, and it wasdiscovered they had embarked in a sailing-vessel for South America. This was the beginning of a series of failures in San Francisco, that extended through the next two years. As soon as it was knownthat Meiggs had fled, the town was full of rumors, and everybody wasrunning to and fro to secure his money. His debts amounted tonearly a million dollars. The Hamburg house which, had beenhumbugged, were heavy losers and failed, I think. I took possessionof Meiggs's dwelling-house and other property for which I held hismortgage, and in the city warrants thought I had an overplus; but ittranspired that Meiggs, being in the City Council, had issuedvarious quantities of street scrip, which was adjudged a forgery, though, beyond doubt, most of it, if not all, was properly signed, but fraudulently issued. On this city scrip our bank must have lostabout ten thousand dollars. Meiggs subsequently turned up in Chili, where again he rose to wealth and has paid much of his San Franciscodebts, but none to us. He is now in Peru, living like a prince. With Meiggs fell all the lumber-dealers, and many persons dealing incity scrip. Compared with others, our loss was a trifle. In ashort time things in San Francisco resumed their wonted course, andwe generally laughed at the escapade of Meiggs, and the cursing ofhis deluded creditors. 

Shortly after our arrival in San Francisco, I rented of a Mr. Marryat, son of the English Captain Marryat, the author, a smallframe-house on Stockton Street, near Green, buying of him hisfurniture, and we removed to it about December 1, 1853. Close by, around on Green Street, a man named Dickey was building two smallbrick-houses, on ground which he had leased of Nicholson. I boughtone of these houses, subject to the ground-rent, and moved into itas soon as finished. Lieutenant T. H. Stevens, of the UnitedStates Navy, with his family, rented the other; we lived in thishouse throughout the year 1854, and up to April 17, 1855. 

CHAPTER V. 

CALIFORNIA

1855-1857

During the winter of 1854-'55, I received frequent intimations inmy letters from the St. Louis house, that the bank of Page, Bacon &Co. Was in trouble, growing out of their relations to the Ohio &Mississippi Railroad, to the contractors for building which theyhad made large advances, to secure which they had been compelled totake, as it were, an assignment of the contract itself, and finallyto assume all the liabilities of the contractors. Then they had toborrow money in New York, and raise other money from time to time, in the purchase of iron and materials for the road, and to pay thehands. The firm in St. Louis and that in San Francisco weredifferent, having different partners, and the St. Louis housenaturally pressed the San Francisco firm to ship largely of"gold-dust, " which gave them a great name; also to keep as large abalance as possible in New York to sustain their credit. Mr. Pagewas a very wealthy man, but his wealth consisted mostly of land andproperty in St. Louis. He was an old man, and a good one; had beena baker, and knew little of banking as a business. This part ofhis general business was managed exclusively by his son-in-law, Henry D. Bacon, who was young, handsome, and generally popular. How he was drawn into that affair of the Ohio & Mississippi road Ihave no means of knowing, except by hearsay. Their business in NewYork was done through the American Exchange Bank, and throughDuncan, Sherman & Co. As we were rival houses, the St. Louispartners removed our account from the American Exchange Bank to theMetropolitan Bank; and, as Wadsworth & Sheldon had failed, I wasinstructed to deal in time bills, and in European exchange, withSchnchardt & Gebhard, bankers in Nassau Street. 

In California the house of Page, Bacon & Co. Was composed of thesame partners as in St. Louis, with the addition of Henry Haight, Judge Chambers, and young Frank Page. The latter had charge of the"branch" in Sacramento. Haight was the real head-man, but he wastoo fond of lager-beer to be in trusted with so large a business. Beyond all comparison, Page, Bacon & Co. Were the most prominentbankers in California in 1853-'55. Though I had notice of dangerin that quarter, from our partners in St. Louis, nobody inCalifornia doubted their wealth and stability. They must have had, during that winter, an average deposit account of nearly twomillion dollars, of which seven hundred thousand dollars was in"certificates of deposit, " the most stable of all accounts in abank. Thousands of miners invested their earnings in suchcertificates, which they converted into drafts on New York, whenthey were ready to go home or wanted to send their "pile" to theirfamilies. Adams & Co. Were next in order, because of theirnumerous offices scattered throughout the mining country. Agentleman named Haskell had been in charge of Adams & Co. In SanFrancisco, but in the winter of 1854-'55 some changes were made, and the banking department had been transferred to a magnificentoffice in Halleck's new Metropolitan Block. James King of Wm. Haddiscontinued business on his own account, and been employed byAdams & Co. As their cashier and banker, and Isaiah C. Wood hadsucceeded Haskell in chief control of the express department. Wells, Fargo & Co. Were also bankers as well as expressmen, andWilliam J. Pardee was the resident partner. 

As the mail-steamer came in on February 17, 1855, according to hercustom, she ran close to the Long Wharf (Meiggs's) on North Beach, to throw ashore the express-parcels of news for speedy delivery. Some passenger on deck called to a man of his acquaintance standingon the wharf, that Page & Bacon had failed in New York. The newsspread like wild-fire, but soon it was met by the newspaperaccounts to the effect that some particular acceptances of Page &Bacon, of St. Louis, in the hands of Duncan, Sherman & Co. , in NewYork, had gone to protest. All who had balances at Page, Bacon &Co. 's, or held certificates of deposit, were more or less alarmed, wanted to secure their money, and a general excitement pervaded thewhole community. Word was soon passed round that the matteradmitted of explanation, viz. , that the two houses were distinctand separate concerns, that every draft of the California house hadbeen paid in New York, and would continue to be paid. It wasexpected that this assertion would quiet the fears of theCalifornia creditors, but for the next three days there was asteady "run" on that bank. Page, Bacon & Co. Stood the first day'srun very well, and, as I afterward learned, paid out about sixhundred thousand dollars in gold coin. On the 20th of FebruaryHenry Height came to our bank, to see what help we were willing togive him; but I was out, and Nisbet could not answer positively forthe firm. Our condition was then very strong. The deposit accountwas about six hundred thousand dollars, and we had in our vaultabout five hundred thousand dollars in coin and bullion, besides anequal amount of good bills receivable. Still I did not like toweaken ourselves to help others; but in a most friendly spirit, that night after bank-hours, I went down to Page, Bacon & Co. , andentered their office from the rear. I found in the cashier's roomFolsom, Parrott, Dewey and Payne, Captain Ritchie, Donohue, andothers, citizens and friends of the house, who had been called infor consultation. Passing into the main office, where all thebook-keepers, tellers, etc. , with gas-lights, were busy writing upthe day's work, I found Mr. Page, Henry Height, and Judge Chambers. I spoke to Height, saying that I was sorry I had been out when hecalled at our bank, and had now come to see him in the mostfriendly spirit. Height had evidently been drinking, and saidabruptly that "all the banks would break, " that "no bank couldinstantly pay all its obligations, " etc. I answered he could speakfor himself, but not for me; that I had come to offer to buy withcash a fair proportion of his bullion, notes, and bills; but, ifthey were going to fail, I would not be drawn in. Height's mannerwas extremely offensive, but Mr. Page tried to smooth it over, saying they had had a bad day's run, and could not answer for theresult till their books were written up. 

I passed back again into the room where the before-named gentlemenwere discussing some paper which lay before them, and was going topass out, when Captain Folsom, who was an officer of the army, aclass-mate and intimate friend of mine, handed me the paper thecontents of which they were discussing. It was very short, and inHenry Haight's handwriting, pretty much in these terms: "We, theundersigned property-holders of San Francisco, having personallyexamined the books, papers, etc. , of Page, Bacon & Co. , do herebycertify that the house is solvent and able to pay all its debts, "etc. Height had drawn up and asked them to sign this paper, withthe intention to publish it in the next morning's papers, foreffect. While I was talking with Captain Folsom, Height came intothe room to listen. I admitted that the effect of such apublication would surely be good, and would probably stave offimmediate demand till their assets could be in part converted orrealized; but I naturally inquired of Folsom, "Have you personallyexamined the accounts, as herein recited, and the assets, enough towarrant your signature to this paper?" for, "thereby you in effectbecome indorsers. " Folsom said they had not, when Height turnedon me rudely and said, "Do you think the affairs of such a house asPage, Bacon & Co. Can be critically examined in an hour?" Ianswered: "These gentlemen can do what they please, but they havetwelve hours before the bank will open on the morrow, and if theledger is written up" (as I believed it was or could be bymidnight), "they can (by counting the coin, bullion on hand, andnotes or stocks of immediate realization) approximate near enoughfor them to indorse for the remainder. " But Height pooh-poohed me, and I left. Folsom followed me out, told me he could not afford toimperil all he had, and asked my advice. I explained to him thatmy partner Nisbet had been educated and trained in that very houseof Page, Bacon & Co. ; that we kept our books exactly as they did;that every day the ledger was written up, so that from it one couldsee exactly how much actual money was due the depositors andcertificates; and then by counting the money in the vault, estimating the bullion on hand, which, though not actual money, could easily be converted into coin, and supplementing theseamounts by "bills receivable, " they ought to arrive at anapproximate-result. After Folsom had left me, John Parrott alsostopped and talked with me to the same effect. Next morning Ilooked out for the notice, but no such notice appeared in themorning papers, and I afterward learned that, on Parrott and Folsomdemanding an actual count of the money in the vault, Haight angrilyrefused unless they would accept his word for it, when one afterthe other declined to sign his paper. 

The run on Page, Bacon & Co. Therefore continued throughout the21st, and I expected all day to get an invitation to close our bankfor the next day, February 22, which we could have made a holidayby concerted action; but each banker waited for Page, Bacon & Co. To ask for it, and, no such circular coming, in the then state offeeling no other banker was willing to take the initiative. On themorning of February 22, 1855, everybody was startled by receiving asmall slip of paper, delivered at all the houses, on which wasprinted a short notice that, for "want of coin, " Page, Bacon & Co. Found it necessary to close their bank for a short time. Ofcourse, we all knew the consequences, and that every other bank inSan Francisco would be tried. During the 22d we all kept open, andwatched our depositors closely; but the day was generally observedby the people as a holiday, and the firemen paraded the streets ofSan Francisco in unusual strength. But, on writing up our booksthat night, we found that our deposit account had diminished aboutsixty-five thousand dollars. Still, there was no run on us, or anyother of the banks, that day; yet, observing little knots of men onthe street, discussing the state of the banks generally, andoverhearing Haight's expression quoted, that, in case of thefailure of Page, Bacon & Co. , "all the other banks would break, " Ideemed it prudent to make ready. For some days we had refused allloans and renewals, and we tried, without, success, some of ourcall-loans; but, like Hotspur's spirits, they would not come. 

Our financial condition on that day (February 22, 1855) was: Duedepositors and demand certificates, five hundred and twentythousand dollars; to meet which, we had in the vault: coin, threehundred and eighty thousand dollars; bullion, seventy-five thousanddollars; and bills receivable, about six hundred thousand dollars. Of these, at least one hundred thousand dollars were on demand, with stock collaterals. Therefore, for the extent of our business, we were stronger than the Bank of England, or any bank in New YorkCity. 

Before daylight next morning, our door-bell was rung, and I wascalled down-stairs by E. Casserly, Esq. (an eminent lawyer of theday, since United States Senator), who informed me he had just comeup from the office of Adams & Co. , to tell me that their affairswere in such condition that they would not open that morning atall; and that this, added to the suspension of Page, Bacon & Co. , announced the day before, would surely cause a general run on allthe banks. I informed him that I expected as much, and wasprepared for it. 

In going down to the bank that morning, I found Montgomery Streetfull; but, punctually to the minute, the bank opened, and in rushedthe crowd. As usual, the most noisy and clamorous were men andwomen who held small certificates; still, others with largeraccounts were in the crowd, pushing forward for their balances. All were promptly met and paid. Several gentlemen of my personalacquaintance merely asked my word of honor that their money wassafe, and went away; others, who had large balances, and noimmediate use for coin, gladly accepted gold-bars, whereby we paidout the seventy-five thousand dollars of bullion, relieving thecoin to that amount. 

Meantime, rumors from the street came pouring in that Wright & Co. Had failed; then Wells, Fargo & Co. ; then Palmer, Cook & Co. , andindeed all, or nearly all, the banks of the city; and I was toldthat parties on the street were betting high, first, that we wouldclose our doors at eleven o'clock; then twelve, and so on; but wedid not, till the usual hour that night. We had paid every demand, and still had a respectable amount left. 

This run on the bank (the only one I ever experienced) presentedall the features, serious and comical, usual to such occasions. Atour counter happened that identical case, narrated of others, ofthe Frenchman, who was nearly squeezed to death in getting to thecounter, and, when he received his money, did not know what to dowith it. "If you got the money, I no want him; but if you no gothim, I want it like the devil!"

Toward the close of the day, some of our customers deposited, rather ostentatiously, small amounts, not aggregating more thaneight or ten thousand dollars. Book-keepers and tellers were keptat work to write up the books; and these showed:

Due depositors and certificates, about one hundred and twentythousand dollars, for which remained of coin about fifty thousanddollars. I resolved not to sleep until I had collected from thoseowing the bank a part of their debts; for I was angry with themthat they had stood back and allowed the panic to fall on the banksalone. Among these were Captain Folsom, who owed us twenty-fivethousand dollars, secured by a mortgage on the American Theatre andTehama Hotel; James Smiley, contractor for building theCustom-House, who owed us two notes of twenty thousand and sixteenthousand dollars, for which we held, as collateral, two acceptancesof the collector of the port, Major R. P. Hammond, for twentythousand dollars each; besides other private parties that I neednot name. The acceptances given to Smiley were for work done onthe Custom-House, but could not be paid until the work was actuallylaid in the walls, and certified by Major Tower, United StatesEngineers; but Smiley had an immense amount of granite, brick, iron, etc. , on the ground, in advance of construction, and theseacceptances were given him expressly that he might raise moneythereon for the payment of such materials. 

Therefore, as soon as I got my dinner, I took my saddle-horse, androde to Captain Folsom's house, where I found him in great pain anddistress, mental and physical. He was sitting in a chair, andbathing his head with a sponge. I explained to him the object ofmy visit, and he said he had expected it, and had already sent hisagent, Van Winkle, down-town, with instructions to raise what moneyhe could at any cost; but he did not succeed in raising a cent. Sogreat was the shock to public confidence, that men slept on theirmoney, and would not loan it for ten per cent. A week, on anysecurity whatever--even on mint certificates, which were as good asgold, and only required about ten days to be paid in coin by theUnited States Mint. I then rode up to Hammond's house, on RinconHill, and found him there. I explained to him exactly Smiley'saffairs, and only asked him to pay one of his acceptances. Heinquired, "Why not both?" I answered that was so much the better;it would put me under still greater obligations. He then agreed tomeet me at our bank at 10 P. M. I sent word to others that Idemanded them to pay what they could on their paper, and thenreturned to the bank, to meet Hammond. In due time, he came downwith Palmer (of Palmer, Cook & Co. ), and there he met Smiley, whowas, of course, very anxious to retire his notes. We therediscussed the matter fully, when Hammond said, "Sherman, give me upmy two acceptances, and I will substitute therefor my check offorty thousand dollars, " with "the distinct understanding that, ifthe money is not needed by you, it shall be returned to me, and thetransaction then to remain statu quo. " To this there was a generalassent. Nisbet handed him his two acceptances, and he handed mehis check, signed as collector of the port, on Major J. R. Snyder, United States Treasurer, for forty thousand dollars. I afterwardrode out, that night, to Major Snyder's house on North Beach, sawhim, and he agreed to meet me at 8 a. M. Next day, at the UnitedStates Mint, and to pay the check, so that I could have the moneybefore the bank opened. The next morning, as agreed on, we met, and he paid me the check in two sealed bags of gold-coin, eachmarked twenty thousand dollars, which I had carried to the bank, but never opened them, or even broke the seals. 

That morning our bank opened as usual, but there was no appearanceof a continuation of the "run;" on the contrary, money began tocome back on deposit, so that by night we had a considerableincrease, and this went on from day to day, till nearly the oldcondition of things returned. After about three days, finding Ihad no use for the money obtained on Hammond's check, I took theidentical two bags back to the cashier of the Custom-House, andrecovered the two acceptances which had been surrendered asdescribed; and Smiley's two notes were afterward paid in their duecourse, out of the cash received on those identical acceptances. But, years afterward, on settling with Hammond for the Custom-Housecontract when completed, there was a difference, and Smiley suedLucas, Turner & Co. For money had and received for his benefit, being the identical forty thousand dollars herein explained, but helost his case. Hammond, too, was afterward removed from office, and indicted in part for this transaction. He was tried before theUnited States Circuit Court, Judge McAlister presiding, for aviolation of the sub-Treasury Act, but was acquitted. Our bank, having thus passed so well through the crisis, took at once a firstrank; but these bank failures had caused so many mercantile losses, and had led to such an utter downfall in the value of real estate, that everybody lost more or less money by bad debts, bydepreciation of stocks and collaterals, that became unsalable, ifnot worthless. 

About this time (viz. , February, 1855) I had exchanged my house onGreen, street, with Mr. Sloat, for the half of a fifty-vara lot onHarrison Street, between Fremont and First, on which there was asmall cottage, and I had contracted for the building of a newframe-house thereon, at six thousand dollars. This house wasfinished on the 9th of April, and my family moved into it at once. 

For some time Mrs. Sherman had been anxious to go home toLancaster, Ohio, where we had left our daughter Minnie, with hergrandparents, and we arranged that S. M. Bowman, Esq. , and wife, should move into our new house and board us, viz. , Lizzie, Williewith the nurse Biddy, and myself, for a fair consideration. It sohappened that two of my personal friends, Messrs. Winters andCunningham of Marysville, and a young fellow named Eagan, now acaptain in the Commissary Department, were going East in thesteamer of the middle of April, and that Mr.. William H. Aspinwall, of New York, and Mr. Chauncey, of Philadelphia, werealso going back; and they all offered to look to the personalcomfort of Mrs. Sherman on the voyage. They took passage in thesteamer Golden Age (Commodore Watkins), which sailed on April 17, 1855. Their passage down the coast was very pleasant till within aday's distance of Panama, when one bright moonlit night, April29th, the ship, running at full speed, between the Islands Quiboand Quicara, struck on a sunken reef, tore out a streak in herbottom, and at once began to fill with water. Fortunately she didnot sink fast, but swung off into deep water, and Commodore Watkinshappening to be on deck at the moment, walking with Mr. Aspinwall, learning that the water was rushing in with great rapidity, gaveorders for a full head of steam, and turned the vessel's bowstraight for the Island Quicara. The water rose rapidly in thehold, the passengers were all assembled, fearful of going down, thefires were out, and the last revolution of the wheels made, whenher bow touched gently on the beach, and the vessel's stern sank indeep water. Lines were got out, and the ship held in an uprightposition, so that the passengers were safe, and but littleincommoded. I have often heard Mrs. Sherman tell of the boy Eagan, then about fourteen years old, coming to her state-room, andtelling to her not to be afraid, as he was a good swimmer; but oncoming out into the cabin, partially dressed, she felt moreconfidence in the cool manner, bearing, and greater strength of Mr. Winters. There must have been nearly a thousand souls on board atthe time, few of whom could have been saved had the steamer gonedown in mid-channel, which surely would have resulted, had notCommodore Watkins been on deck, or had he been less prompt in hisdetermination to beach his ship. A sailboat was dispatched towardPanama, which luckily met the steamer John T. Stephens, just comingout of the bay, loaded with about a thousand passengers bound forSan Francisco, and she at once proceeded to the relief of theGolden Age. Her passengers were transferred in small boats to theStephens, which vessel, with her two thousand people crowdedtogether with hardly standing-room, returned to Panama, whence thepassengers for the East proceeded to their destination withoutfurther delay. Luckily for Mrs. Sherman, Purser Goddard, an oldOhio friend of ours, was on the Stephens, and most kindly gave uphis own room to her, and such lady friends as she included in herparty. The Golden Age was afterward partially repaired at Quicara, pumped out, and steamed to Panama, when, after further repairs, sheresumed her place in the line. I think she is still in existence, but Commodore Watkins afterward lost his life in China, by fallingdown a hatchway. 

Mrs. Sherman returned in the latter part of November of the sameyear, when Mr. And Mrs. Bowman, who meantime had bought a lot nextto us and erected a house thereon, removed to it, and we thuscontinued close neighbors and friends until we left the country forgood in 1857. 

During the summer of 1856, in San Francisco, occurred one of thoseunhappy events, too common to new countries, in which I becameinvolved in spite of myself. 

William Neely Johnson was Governor of California, and resided atSacramento City; General John E. Wool commanded the Department ofCalifornia, having succeeded General Hitchcock, and had hisheadquarters at Benicia; and a Mr. Van Ness was mayor of the city. Politics had become a regular and profitable business, andpoliticians were more than suspected of being corrupt. It wasreported and currently believed that the sheriff (Scannell) hadbeen required to pay the Democratic Central Committee a hundredthousand dollars for his nomination, which was equivalent to anelection, for an office of the nominal salary of twelve thousanddollars a year for four years. In the election all sorts ofdishonesty were charged and believed, especially of "ballot-boxstuffing, " and too generally the better classes avoided theelections and dodged jury-duty, so that the affairs of the citygovernment necessarily passed into the hands of a low set ofprofessional politicians. Among them was a man named James Casey, who edited a small paper, the printing office of which was in aroom on the third floor of our banking office. I hardly knew himby sight, and rarely if ever saw his paper; but one day Mr. Sather, of the excellent banking firm of Drexel, Sather & Church, came tome, and called my attention to an article in Casey's paper so fullof falsehood and malice, that we construed it as an effort toblack-mail the banks generally. At that time we were all laboringto restore confidence, which had been so rudely shaken by thepanic, and I went up-stairs, found Casey, and pointed out to himthe objectionable nature of his article, told him plainly that Icould not tolerate his attempt to print and circulate slanders inour building, and, if he repeated it, I would cause him and hispress to be thrown out of the windows. He took the hint and movedto more friendly quarters. I mention this fact, to show myestimate of the man, who became a figure in the drama I am about todescribe. James King of Wm. , as before explained, was in 1853 abanker on his own account, but some time in 1854 he had closed outhis business, and engaged with Adams & Co. As cashier. When thisfirm failed, he, in common with all the employees, was thrown outof employment, and had to look around for something else. Hesettled down to the publication of an evening paper, called theBulletin, and, being a man of fine manners and address, he at onceconstituted himself the champion of society against the public andprivate characters whom he saw fit to arraign. 

As might have been expected, this soon brought him into the usualnewspaper war with other editors, and especially with Casey, andepithets a la "Eatanswill" were soon bandying back and forthbetween them. One evening of May, 1856, King published, in theBulletin, copies of papers procured from New York, to show thatCasey had once been sentenced to the State penitentiary at SingSing. Casey took mortal offense, and called at the Bulletinoffice, on the corner of Montgomery and Merchant Streets, where hefound King, and violent words passed between them, resulting inCasey giving King notice that he would shoot him on sight. Kingremained in his office till about 5 or 6 p. M. , when he startedtoward his home on Stockton Street, and, as he neared the corner ofWashington, Casey approached him from the opposite direction, called to him, and began firing. King had on a short cloak, and inhis breast-pocket a small pistol, which he did not use. One ofCasey's shots struck him high up in the breast, from which hereeled, was caught by some passing friend, and carried into theexpress-office on the corner, where he was laid on the counter; anda surgeon sent for. Casey escaped up Washington Street, went tothe City Hall, and delivered himself to the sheriff (Scannell), whoconveyed him to jail and locked him in a cell. Meantime, the newsspread like wildfire, and all the city was in commotion, for grogwas very popular. Nisbet, who boarded with us on Harrison Street, had been delayed at the bank later than usual, so that he happenedto be near at the time, and, when he came out to dinner, he broughtme the news of this affair, and said that there was everyappearance of a riot down-town that night. This occurred towardthe evening of May 14, 1856. 

It so happened that, on the urgent solicitation of Van Winkle andof Governor Johnson; I had only a few days before agreed to acceptthe commission of major-general of the Second Division of Militia, embracing San Francisco. I had received the commission, buthad not as yet formally accepted it, or even put myself incommunication with the volunteer companies of the city. Of these, at that moment of time, there was a company of artillery with fourguns, commanded by a Captain Johns, formerly of the army, and twoor three uniformed companies of infantry. After dinner I went downtown to see what was going on; found that King had been removed toa room in the Metropolitan Block; that his life was in great peril;that Casey was safe in jail, and the sheriff had called to hisassistance a posse of the city police, some citizens, and one ofthe militia companies. The people were gathered in groups on thestreets, and the words "Vigilance Committee" were freely spoken, but I saw no signs of immediate violence. The next morning, Iagain went to the jail, and found all things quiet, but the militiahad withdrawn. I then went to the City Hall, saw the mayor, VanNess, and some of the city officials, agreed to do what I could tomaintain order with such militia as were on hand, and then formallyaccepted the commission, and took the "oath. "

In 1851 (when I was not in California) there had been a VigilanceCommittee, and it was understood that its organization stillexisted. All the newspapers took ground in favor of the VigilanceCommittee, except the Herald (John Nugent, editor), and nearly allthe best people favored that means of redress. I could see theywere organizing, hiring rendezvous, collecting arms, etc. , withoutconcealment. It was soon manifest that the companies of volunteerswould go with the "committee, " and that the public authoritiescould not rely on them for aid or defense. Still, there were agood many citizens who contended that, if the civil authoritieswere properly sustained by the people at large, they could andwould execute the law. But the papers inflamed the public mind, and the controversy spread to the country. About the third dayafter the shooting of King, Governor Johnson telegraphed me that hewould be down in the evening boat, and asked me to meet him onarrival for consultation. I got C. H. Garrison to go with me, andwe met the Governor and his brother on the wharf, and walked up tothe International Hotel on Jackson Street, above Montgomery. Wediscussed the state of affairs fully; and Johnson, on learning thathis particular friend, William T. Coleman, was the president of theVigilance Committee, proposed to go and see him. En route westopped at King's room, ascertained that he was slowly sinking, andcould not live long; and then near midnight we walked to theTurnverein Hall, where the committee was known to be sitting inconsultation. This hall was on Bush Street, at about theintersection of Stockton. It was all lighted up within, but thedoor was locked. The Governor knocked at the door, and on inquiryfrom inside "Who's there?"--gave his name. After some delay wewere admitted into a sort of vestibule, beyond which was a largehall, and we could hear the suppressed voices of a multitude. Wewere shown into a bar-room to the right, when the Governor asked tosee Coleman. The man left us, went into the main hall, and soonreturned with Coleman, who was pale and agitated. After shakinghands all round, the Governor said, "Coleman, what the devil is thematter here?" Coleman said, "Governor, it is time this shooting onour streets should stop. " The Governor replied, "I agree with youperfectly, and have come down, from Sacramento to assist. " Colemanrejoined that "the people were tired of it, and had no faith in theofficers of the law. " A general conversation then followed, inwhich it was admitted that King would die, and that Casey must beexecuted; but the manner of execution was the thing to be settled, Coleman contending that the people would do it without trusting thecourts or the sheriff. It so happened that at that time JudgeNorton was on the bench of the court having jurisdiction, and hewas universally recognized as an able and upright man, whom no onecould or did mistrust; and it also happened that a grand-jury wasthen in session. Johnson argued that the time had passed inCalifornia for mobs and vigilance committees, and said if Colemanand associates would use their influence to support the law, he(the Governor) would undertake that, as soon as King died, thegrand-jury should indict, that Judge Norton would try the murderer, and the whole proceeding should be as speedy as decency wouldallow. Then Coleman said "the people had no confidence inScannell, the sheriff, " who was, he said, in collusion with therowdy element of San Francisco. Johnson then offered to bepersonally responsible that Casey should be safely guarded, andshould be forthcoming for trial and execution at the proper time. I remember very well Johnson's assertion that he had no right tomake these stipulations, and maybe no power to fulfill them; but hedid it to save the city and state from the disgrace of a mob. Coleman disclaimed that the vigilance organization was a "mob, "admitted that the proposition of the Governor was fair, and all heor any one should ask; and added, if we would wait awhile, he wouldsubmit it to the council, and bring back an answer. 

We waited nearly an hour, and could hear the hum of voicesin the hall, but no words, when Coleman came back, accompanied by acommittee, of which I think the two brothers Arrington, ThomasSmiley the auctioneer, Seymour, Truett, and others, were members. The whole conversation was gone over again, and the Governor'sproposition was positively agreed to, with this further condition, that the Vigilance Committee should send into the jail a smallforce of their own men, to make certain that Casey should not becarried off or allowed to escape. 

The Governor, his brother William, Garrison, and I, then went up tothe jail, where we found the sheriff and his posse comitatus ofpolice and citizens. These were styled the "Law-and-Order party, "and some of them took offense that the Governor should have heldcommunication with the "damned rebels, " and several of them leftthe jail; but the sheriff seemed to agree with the Governor thatwhat he had done was right and best; and, while we were there, someeight or ten armed men arrived from the Vigilance Committee, andwere received by the sheriff (Scannell) as a part of his regularposse. 

The Governor then, near daylight, went to his hotel, and I to myhouse for a short sleep. Next day I was at the bank, as usual, when, about noon the Governor called, and asked me to walk with himdown-street He said he had just received a message from theVigilance Committee to the effect that they were not bound byColeman's promise not to do any thing till the regular trial byjury should be had, etc. He was with reason furious, and asked meto go with him to Truett's store, over which the ExecutiveCommittee was said to be in session. We were admitted to afront-room up-stairs, and heard voices in the back-room. TheGovernor inquired for Coleman, but he was not forthcoming. Anotherof the committee, Seymour, met us, denied in toto the promise ofthe night before, and the Governor openly accused him of treacheryand falsehood. 

The quarrel became public, and the newspapers took it up, bothparties turning on the Governor; one, the Vigilantes, denying thepromise made by Coleman, their president; and the other, the"Law-and-Order party, " refusing any farther assistance, becauseJohnson had stooped to make terms with rebels. At all events, hewas powerless, and had to let matters drift to a conclusion. 

King died about Friday, May 20th, and the funeral was appointed forthe next Sunday. Early on that day the Governor sent for me at myhouse. I found him on the roof of the International, from which welooked down on the whole city, and more especially the face ofTelegraph Hill, which was already covered with a crowd of people, while others were moving toward the jail on Broadway. Parties ofarmed men, in good order, were marching by platoons in the samedirection; and formed in line along Broadway, facing the jail-door. Soon a small party was seen to advance to this door, and knock; aparley ensued, the doors were opened, and Casey was led out. In afew minutes another prisoner was brought out, who, proved to beCora, a man who had once been tried for killing Richardson, theUnited States Marshal, when the jury disagreed, and he was awaitinga new trial. These prisoners were placed in carriages, andescorted by the armed force down to the rooms of the VigilanceCommittee, through the principal streets of the city. The day wasexceedingly beautiful, and the whole proceeding was orderly in theextreme. I was under the impression that Casey and Cora werehanged that same Sunday, but was probably in error; but in a veryfew days they were hanged by the neck--dead--suspended from beamsprojecting from the windows of the committee's rooms, without othertrial than could be given in secret, and by night. 

We all thought the matter had ended there, and accordingly theGovernor returned to Sacramento in disgust, and I went about mybusiness. But it soon became manifest that the Vigilance Committeehad no intention to surrender the power thus usurped. They took abuilding on Clay Street, near Front, fortified it, employed guardsand armed sentinels, sat in midnight council, issued writs ofarrest and banishment, and utterly ignored all authority but theirown. A good many men were banished and forced to leave thecountry, but they were of that class we could well spare. YankeeSullivan, a prisoner in their custody, committed suicide, and afeeling of general insecurity pervaded the city. Business wasderanged; and the Bulletin, then under control of Tom King, abrother of James, poured out its abuse on some of our best men, aswell as the worst. Governor Johnson, being again appealed to, concluded to go to work regularly, and telegraphed me about the 1stof June to meet him at General Wool's headquarters at Benicia thatnight. I went up, and we met at the hotel where General Wool wasboarding. Johnson had with him his Secretary of State. Wediscussed the state of the country generally, and I had agreed thatif Wool would give us arms and ammunition out of the United StatesArsenal at Benicia, and if Commodore Farragat, of the navy, commanding the navy-yard on Mare Island, would give us a ship, Iwould call out volunteers, and, when a sufficient number hadresponded, I would have the arms come down from Benicia in theship, arm my men, take possession of a thirty-two-pound-gun batteryat the Marine Hospital on Rincon Point, thence command a dispersionof the unlawfully-armed force of the Vigilance Committee, andarrest some of the leaders. 

We played cards that night, carrying on a conversation, in whichWool insisted on a proclamation commanding the Vigilance Committeeto disperse, etc. , and he told us how he had on some occasion, asfar back as 1814, suppressed a mutiny on the Northern frontier. Idid not understand him to make any distinct promise of assistancethat night, but he invited us to accompany him on an inspection ofthe arsenal the next day, which we did. On handling some rifledmuskets in the arsenal storehouse he asked me how they would answerour purpose. I said they were the very things, and that we did notwant cartridge boxes or belts, but that I would have the cartridgescarried in the breeches-pockets, and the caps in the vestpockets. I knew that there were stored in that arsenal four thousandmuskets, for I recognized the boxes which we had carried out in theLexington around Cape Horn in 1846. Afterward we all met at thequarters of Captain D. R. Jones of the army, and I saw theSecretary of State, D. F. Douglass, Esq. , walk out with GeneralWool in earnest conversation, and this Secretary of State afterwardasserted that Wool there and then promised us the arms andammunition, provided the Governor would make his proclamation forthe committee to disperse, and that I should afterward call out themilitia, etc. On the way back to the hotel at Benicia, GeneralWool, Captain Callendar of the arsenal, and I, were walking side byside, and I was telling him (General Wool) that I would also needsome ammunition for the thirty-two-pound guns then in position atRineon Point, when Wool turned to Callendar and inquired, "Did Inot order those guns to be brought away?" Callendar said "Yes, general. I made a requisition on the quartermaster fortransportation, but his schooner has been so busy that the guns arestill there. " Then said Wool: "Let them remain; we may have use forthem. " I therefrom inferred, of course, that it was all agreed toso far as he was concerned. 

Soon after we had reached the hotel, we ordered a buggy, andGovernor Johnson and I drove to Vallejo, six miles, crossed over toMare Island, and walked up to the commandant's house, where wefound Commodore Farragut and his family. We stated our businessfairly, but the commodore answered very frankly that he had noauthority, without orders from his department, to take any part incivil broils; he doubted the wisdom of the attempt; said he had noship available except the John Adams, Captain Boutwell, and thatshe needed repairs. But he assented at last, to the proposition tolet the sloop John Adams drop down abreast of the city aftercertain repairs, to lie off there for moral effect, which afterwardactually occurred. 

We then returned to Benicia, and Wool's first question was, "Whatluck?" We answered, "Not much, " and explained what CommodoreFarragut could and would do, and that, instead of having a navalvessel, we would seize and use one of the Pacific Mail Company'ssteamers, lying at their dock in Benicia, to carry down to SanFrancisco the arms and munitions when the time came. 

As the time was then near at hand for the arrival of the eveningboats, we all walked down to the wharf together, where I toldJohnson that he could not be too careful; that I had not heardGeneral Wool make a positive promise of assistance. 

Upon this, Johnson called General Wool to one side, and we threedrew together. Johnson said: "General Wool, General Sherman isvery particular, and wants to know exactly what you propose to do. "Wool answered: "I understand, Governor, that in the first place awrit of Habeas corpus will be issued commanding the jailers of theVigilance Committee to produce the body of some one of theprisoners held by them (which, of course, will be refused); thatyou then issue your proclamation commanding them to disperse, and, failing this, you will call out the militia, and command GeneralSherman with it to suppress the Vigilance Committee as an unlawfulbody;" to which the Governor responded, "Yes. " "Then, " said Wool, "on General Sherman's making his requisition, approved by you, Iwill order the issue of the necessary arms and ammunition. " Iremember well that I said, emphatically: "That is all I want. --Now, Governor, you may go ahead. " We soon parted; Johnson andDouglas taking the boat to Sacramento, and I to San Francisco. 

The Chief-Justice, Terry, came to San Francisco the next day, issued a writ of habeas corpus for the body of one Maloney, whichwrit was resisted, as we expected. The Governor then issued hisproclamation, and I published my orders, dated June 4, 1855. TheQuartermaster-General of the State, General Kibbe, also came to SanFrancisco, took an office in the City Hall, engaged several roomsfor armories, and soon the men began to enroll into companies. Inmy general orders calling out the militia, I used the expression, "When a sufficient number of men are enrolled, arms and ammunitionwill be supplied. " Some of the best men of the "Vigilantes" cameto me and remonstrated, saying that collision would surely result;that it would be terrible, etc. All I could say in reply was, thatit was for them to get out of the way. "Remove your fort; ceaseyour midnight councils; and prevent your armed bodies frompatrolling the streets. " They inquired where I was to get arms, and I answered that I had them certain. But personally I wentright along with my business at the bank, conscious that at anymoment we might have trouble. Another committee of citizens, aconciliatory body, was formed to prevent collision if possible, andthe newspapers boiled over with vehement vituperation. This secondcommittee was composed of such men as Crockett, Ritchie, Thornton, Bailey Peyton, Foote, Donohue, Kelly, and others, a class of themost intelligent and wealthy men of the city, who earnestly andhonestly desired to prevent bloodshed. They also came to me, and Itold them that our men were enrolling very fast, and that, when Ideemed the right moment had come, the Vigilance Committee mustdisperse, else bloodshed and destruction of property wouldinevitably follow. They also had discovered that the better men ofthe Vigilance Committee itself were getting tired of the business, and thought that in the execution of Casey and Cora, and thebanishment of a dozen or more rowdies, they had done enough, andwere then willing to stop. It was suggested that, if ourLaw-and-Order party would not arm, by a certain day near at handthe committee would disperse, and some of their leaders wouldsubmit to an indictment and trial by a jury of citizens, which theyknew would acquit them of crime. One day in the bank a man calledme to the counter and said, "If you expect to get arms of GeneralWool, you will be mistaken, for I was at Benicia yesterday, andheard him say he would not give them. " This person was known to meto be a man of truth, and I immediately wrote to General Wool aletter telling him what I had heard, and how any hesitation on hispart would compromise me as a man of truth and honor; adding that Idid not believe we should ever need the arms, but only the promiseof them, for "the committee was letting down, and would soondisperse and submit to the law, " etc. I further asked him toanswer me categorically that very night, by the Stockton boat, which would pass Benicia on its way down about midnight, and Iwould sit up and wait for his answer. I did wait for his letter, but it did not come, and the next day I got a telegraphic dispatchfrom Governor Johnson, who, at Sacramento, had also heard ofGeneral Wool's "back-down, " asking me to meet him again at Beniciathat night. 

I went up in the evening boat, and found General Wool'saide-de-camp, Captain Arnold, of the army, on the wharf, with aletter in his hand, which he said was for me. I asked for it, buthe said he knew its importance, and preferred we should go toGeneral Wool's room together, and the general could hand it to me inperson. We did go right up to General Wool's, who took the sealedparcel and laid it aside, saying that it was literally a copy of onehe had sent to Governor Johnson, who would doubtless give me a copy;but I insisted that I had made a written communication, and wasentitled to a written answer. 

At that moment several gentlemen of the "Conciliation party, " whohad come up in the same steamer with me, asked for admission andcame in. I recall the names of Crockett, Foote, Bailey Peyton, Judge Thornton, Donohue, etc. , and the conversation became general, Wool trying to explain away the effect of our misunderstanding, taking good pains not to deny his promise made to me personally onthe wharf. I renewed my application for the letter addressed tome, then lying on his table. On my statement of the case, BaileyPeyton said, "General Wool, I think General Sherman has a right toa written answer from you, for he is surely compromised. " Uponthis Wool handed me the letter. I opened and read it, and itdenied any promise of arms, but otherwise was extremely evasive andnon-committal. I had heard of the arrival at the wharf of theGovernor and party, and was expecting them at Wool's room, but, instead of stopping at the hotel where we were, they passed toanother hotel on the block above. I went up and found there, in aroom on the second floor over the bar-room, Governor Johnson, Chief-Justice Terry, Jones, of Palmer, Cooke & Co. , E. D. Baker, Volney E. Howard, and one or two others. All were talkingfuriously against Wool, denouncing him as a d---d liar, and notsparing the severest terms. I showed the Governor General Wool'sletter to me, which he said was in effect the same as the oneaddressed to and received by him at Sacramento. He was so offendedthat he would not even call on General Wool, and said he wouldnever again recognize him as an officer or gentleman. We discussedmatters generally, and Judge Terry said that the VigilanceCommittee were a set of d---d pork-merchants; that they weregetting scared, and that General Wool was in collusion with them tobring the State into contempt, etc. I explained that there were noarms in the State except what General Wool had, or what were in thehands of the Vigilance Committee of San Francisco, and that thepart of wisdom for us was to be patient and cautious. About thattime Crockett and his associates sent up their cards, but Terry andthe more violent of the Governor's followers denounced them as nobetter than "Vigilantes, " and wanted the Governor to refuse even toreceive them. I explained that they were not "Vigilantes, " thatJudge Thornton was a "Law-and-Order" man, was one of the first torespond to the call of the sheriff, and that he went actually tothe jail with his one arm the night we expected the first attemptat rescue, etc. Johnson then sent word for them to reduce theirbusiness to writing. They simply sent in a written request for anaudience, and they were then promptly admitted. After some generalconversation, the Governor said he was prepared to hear them, whenMr. Crockett rose and made a prepared speech embracing a clear andfair statement of the condition of things in San Francisco, concluding with the assertion of the willingness of the committeeto disband and submit to trial after a certain date not veryremote. All the time Crockett was speaking, Terry sat with his haton, drawn over his eyes, and with his feet on a table. As soon asCrockett was through, they were dismissed, and Johnson began toprepare a written answer. This was scratched, altered, andamended, to suit the notions of his counselors, and at last wascopied and sent. This answer amounted to little or nothing. Seeing that we were powerless for good, and that violent counselswould prevail under the influence of Terry and others, I sat downat the table, and wrote my resignation, which Johnson accepted in acomplimentary note on the spot, and at the same time he appointedto my place General Volney E. Howard, then present, a lawyer whohad once been a member of Congress from Texas, and who was expectedto drive the d---d pork-merchants into the bay at short notice. Iwent soon after to General Wool's room, where I found Crockett andthe rest of his party; told them that I was out of the fight, having resigned my commission; that I had neglected business thathad been intrusted to me by my St. Louis partners; and that I wouldthenceforward mind my own business, and leave public affairsseverely alone. We all returned to San Francisco that night by theStockton boat, and I never after-ward had any thing to do withpolitics in California, perfectly satisfied with that shortexperience. Johnson and Wool fought out their quarrel of veracityin the newspapers and on paper. But, in my opinion, there is not ashadow of doubt that General Wool did deliberately deceive us; thathe had authority to issue arms, and that, had he adhered to hispromise, we could have checked the committee before it became afixed institution, and a part of the common law of California. Major-General Volney E. Howard came to San Francisco soon after;continued the organization of militia which I had begun; succeededin getting a few arms from the country; but one day the VigilanceCommittee sallied from their armories, captured the arms of the"Law-and-Order party, " put some of their men into prison, whileGeneral Howard, with others, escaped to the country; after whichthe Vigilance Committee had it all their own way. Subsequently, inJuly, 1856, they arrested Chief-Justice Terry, and tried him forstabbing one of their constables, but he managed to escape atnight, and took refuge on the John Adams. In August, they hangedHetherington and Brace in broad daylight, without any jury-trial;and, soon after, they quietly disbanded. As they controlled thepress, they wrote their own history, and the world generally givesthem the credit of having purged San Francisco of rowdies androughs; but their success has given great stimulus to a dangerousprinciple, that would at any time justify the mob in seizing allthe power of government; and who is to say that the VigilanceCommittee may not be composed of the worst, instead of the best, elements of a community? Indeed, in San Francisco, as soon as itwas demonstrated that the real power had passed from the City Hallto the committee room, the same set of bailiffs, constables, androwdies that had infested the City Hall were found in theemployment of the "Vigilantes;" and, after three monthsexperience, the better class of people became tired of the midnightsessions and left the business and power of the committee in thehands of a court, of which a Sydney man was reported to be the heador chief-justice. 

During the winter of 1855-'56, and indeed throughout the year 1856, all kinds of business became unsettled in California. The minescontinued to yield about fifty millions of gold a year; but littleattention was paid to agriculture or to any business other thanthat of "mining, " and, as the placer-gold was becoming worked out, the miners were restless and uneasy, and were shifting about fromplace to place, impelled by rumors put afloat for speculativepurposes. A great many extensive enterprises by joint-stockcompanies had been begun, in the way of water-ditches, to bringwater from the head of the mountain-streams down to the richeralluvial deposits, and nearly all of these companies becameembarrassed or bankrupt. Foreign capital, also, which had beenattracted to California by reason of the high rates of interest, was being withdrawn, or was tied up in property which could not besold; and, although our bank's having withstood the panic gave usgreat credit, still the community itself was shaken, and loans ofmoney were risky in the extreme. A great many merchants, of thehighest name, availed themselves of the extremely liberal bankruptlaw to get discharged of their old debts, without sacrificing much, if any, of their stocks of goods on hand, except a lawyer's fee;thus realizing Martin Burke's saying that "many a clever fellow hadbeen ruined by paying his debts. " The merchants and business-menof San Francisco did not intend to be ruined by such a course. Iraised the rate of exchange from three to three and a half, whileothers kept on at the old rate; and I labored hard to collect olddebts, and strove, in making new loans, to be on the safe side. The State and city both denied much of their public debt; in fact, repudiated it; and real estate, which the year before had beenfirst-class security, became utterly unsalable. 

The office labor and confinement, and the anxiety attending thebusiness, aggravated my asthma to such an extent that at times itdeprived me of sleep, and threatened to become chronic and serious;and I was also conscious that the first and original cause whichhad induced Mr. Lucas to establish the bank in California hadceased. I so reported to him, and that I really believed that hecould use his money more safely and to better advantage in St. Louis. This met his prompt approval, and he instructed megradually to draw out, preparatory to a removal to New York City. Accordingly, early in April, 1857, I published an advertisement inthe San Francisco papers, notifying our customers that, on the 1stday of May, we would discontinue business and remove East, requiring all to withdraw their accounts, and declaring that, if any remained on that day of May, their balances would betransferred to the banking-house of Parrott & Co. Punctually to theday, this was done, and the business of Lucas, Turner & Co. , of SanFrancisco, was discontinued, except the more difficult anddisagreeable part of collecting their own moneys and selling thereal estate, to which the firm had succeeded by purchase orforeclosure. One of the partners, B. R. Nisbet, assisted by ourattorney, S. M. Bowman, Esq. , remained behind to close up thebusiness of the bank. 

CHAPTER VI. 

CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, AND KANSAS. 

1857-1859. 

Having closed the bank at San Francisco on the 1st day of May, 1857, accompanied by my family I embarked in the steamer Sonora forPanama, crossed the isthmus, and sailed to New York, whence weproceeded to Lancaster, Ohio, where Mrs. Sherman and the familystopped, and I went on to St. Louis. I found there that somechanges had been made in the parent, house, that Mr. Lucas hadbought out his partner, Captain Symonds, and that the firm's namehad been changed to that of James H. Lucas & Co. 

It had also been arranged that an office or branch was to beestablished in New York City, of which I was to have charge, onpretty much the same terms and conditions as in the previous SanFrancisco firm. 

Mr. Lucas, Major Turner, and I, agreed to meet in New York, soonafter the 4th of July. We met accordingly at the MetropolitanHotel, selected an office, No. 12 Pall Street, purchased thenecessary furniture, and engaged a teller, bookkeeper, and porter. The new firm was to bear the same title of Lucas, Turner & Co. , with about the same partners in interest, but the nature of thebusiness was totally different. We opened our office on the 21stof July, 1857, and at once began to receive accounts from the Westand from California, but our chief business was as the residentagents of the St. Louis firm of James H. Lucas & Co. Personally Itook rooms at No. 100 Prince Street, in which house were alsoquartered Major J. G. Barnard, and Lieutenant J. B. McPherson, United States Engineers, both of whom afterward attained great famein the civil war. 

My business relations in New York were with the Metropolitan Bankand Bank of America; and with the very wealthy and most respectablefirm of Schuchhardt & Gebhard, of Nassau Street. Every thing wentalong swimmingly till the 21st of August, when all Wall Street wasthrown into a spasm by the failure of the Ohio Life and TrustCompany, and the panic so resembled that in San Francisco, that, having nothing seemingly at stake, I felt amused. But it soonbecame a serious matter even to me. Western stocks and securitiestumbled to such a figure, that all Western banks that held suchsecurities, and had procured advances thereon, were compelled topay up or substitute increased collaterals. Our own house wasnot a borrower in New York at all, but many of our Westerncorrespondents were, and it taxed my tune to watch their interests. In September, the panic extended so as to threaten the safety ofeven some of the New York banks not connected with the West; andthe alarm became general, and at last universal. 

In the very midst of this panic came the news that the steamerCentral America, formerly the George Law, with six hundredpassengers and about sixteen hundred thousand dollars of treasure, coming from Aspinwall, had foundered at sea, off the coast ofGeorgia, and that about sixty of the passengers had beenprovidentially picked up by a Swedish bark, and brought intoSavannah. The absolute loss of this treasure went to swell theconfusion and panic of the day. 

A few days after, I was standing in the vestibule of theMetropolitan Hotel, and heard the captain of the Swedish bark tellhis singular story of the rescue of these passengers. He was ashort, sailor-like-looking man, with a strong German or Swedishaccent. He said that he was sailing from some port in Honduras forSweden, running down the Gulf Stream off Savannah. The weather hadbeen heavy for some days, and, about nightfall, as he paced hisdeck, he observed a man-of-war hawk circle about his vessel, gradually lowering, until the bird was as it were aiming at him. He jerked out a belaying-pin, struck at the bird, missed it, whenthe hawk again rose high in the air, and a second time began todescend, contract his circle, and make at him again. The secondtime he hit the bird, and struck it to the deck.... This strangefact made him uneasy, and he thought it betokened danger; he wentto the binnacle, saw the course he was steering, and without anyparticular reason he ordered the steersman to alter the course onepoint to the east. 

After this it became quite dark, and he continued to promenade thedeck, and had settled into a drowsy state, when as in a dream hethought he heard voices all round his ship. Waking up, he ran tothe side of the ship, saw something struggling in the water, andheard clearly cries for help. Instantly heaving his ship to, andlowering all his boats, he managed to pick up sixty or more personswho were floating about on skylights, doors, spare, and whateverfragments remained of the Central America. Had he not changed thecourse of his vessel by reason of the mysterious conduct of thatman-of-war hawk, not a soul would probably have survived the night. It was stated by the rescued passengers, among whom was BillyBirch, that the Central America had sailed from Aspinwall with thepassengers and freight which left San Francisco on the 1st ofSeptember, and encountered the gale in the Gulf Stream somewhereoff Savannah, in which she sprung a leak, filled rapidly, and wentdown. The passengers who were saved had clung to doors, skylights, and such floating objects as they could reach, and were thusrescued; all the rest, some five hundred in number, had gone downwith the ship. 

The panic grew worse and worse, and about the end of Septemberthere was a general suspension of the banks of New York, and amoney crisis extended all over the country. In New York, Lucas, Turner & Co. Had nothing at risk. We had large cash balances inthe Metropolitan Bank and in the Bank of America, all safe, and weheld, for the account of the St. Louis house, at least two hundredthousand dollars, of St. Louis city and county bonds, and ofacceptances falling due right along, none extending beyond ninetydays. I was advised from St. Louis that money matters wereextremely tight; but I did not dream of any danger in that quarter. I knew well that Mr. Lucas was worth two or three million dollarsin the best real estate, and inferred from the large balances totheir credit with me that no mere panic could shake his credit;but, early on the morning of October 7th, my cousin, James M. Hoyt, came to me in bed, and read me a paragraph in the morning paper, tothe effect that James H. Lucas & Co. , of St. Louis, had suspended. I was, of course, surprised, but not sorry; for I had alwayscontended that a man of so much visible wealth as Mr. Lucas shouldnot be engaged in a business subject to such vicissitudes. Ihurried down to the office, where I received the same informationofficially, by telegraph, with instructions to make properdisposition of the affairs of the bank, and to come out to St. Louis, with such assets as would be available there. I transferredthe funds belonging to all our correspondents, with lists ofoutstanding checks, to one or other of our bankers, and with thecash balance of the St. Louis house and their available assetsstarted for St. Louis. I may say with confidence that no man losta cent by either of the banking firms of Lucas, Turner & Co. , ofSan Francisco or New York; but, as usual, those who owed us werenot always as just. I reached St. Louis October 17th, and foundthe partners engaged in liquidating the balances due depositors asfast as collections could be forced; and, as the panic began tosubside, this process became quite rapid, and Mr. Lucas, by makinga loan in Philadelphia, was enabled to close out all accountswithout having made any serious sacrifices, Of course, no personever lost a cent by him: he has recently died, leaving an estate ofeight million dollars. During his lifetime, I had opportunities toknow him well, and take much pleasure in bearing testimony to hisgreat worth and personal kindness. On the failure of his bank, heassumed personally all the liabilities, released his partners ofall responsibility, and offered to assist me to engage in business, which he supposed was due to me because I had resigned my armycommission. I remained in St. Louis till the 17th of December, 1857, assisting in collecting for the bank, and in controlling allmatters which came from the New York and San Francisco branches. B. R. Nisbet was still in San Francisco, but had married a MissThornton, and was coming home. There still remained in Californiaa good deal of real estate, and notes, valued at about two hundredthousand dollars in the aggregate; so that, at Mr. Lucas's request, I agreed to go out again, to bring matters, if possible, nearer afinal settlement. I accordingly left St. Louis, reached Lancaster, where my family was, on the 10th, staid there till after Christmas, and then went to New York, where I remained till January 5th, whenI embarked on the steamer Moles Taylor (Captain McGowan) forAspinwall; caught the Golden Gate (Captain Whiting) at Panama, January 15, 1858; and reached San Francisco on the 28th of January. I found that Nisbet and wife had gone to St. Louis, and that we hadpassed each other at sea. He had carried the ledger and books toSt. Louis, but left a schedule, notes, etc. , in the hands of S. M. Bowman, Esq. , who passed them over to me. 

On the 30th of January I published a notice of the dissolution ofthe partnership, and called on all who were still indebted to thefirm of Lucas, Turner & Co. To pay up, or the notes would be soldat auction. I also advertised that all the real property, was forsale. 

Business had somewhat changed since 1857. Parrott & Co. ; Garrison, Fritz & Ralston; Wells, Fargo & Co. ; Drexel, Sather & Church, andTallant & Wilde, were the principal bankers. Property continuedalmost unsalable, and prices were less than a half of what theyhad been in 1853-'54. William Blending, Esq. , had rented my houseon Harrison Street; so I occupied a room in the bank, No. 11, andboarded at the Meiggs House, corner of Broadway and Montgomery, which we owned. Having reduced expenses to a minimum, I proceeded, with all possible dispatch, to collect outstanding debts, in someinstances making sacrifices and compromises. I made some fewsales, and generally aimed to put matters in such a shape that timewould bring the best result. Some of our heaviest creditors wereJohn M. Rhodes & Co. , of Sacramento and Shasta; Langton & Co. , ofDownieville; and E. M. Stranger of Murphy's. In trying to putthese debts in course of settlement, I made some arrangement inDownieville with the law-firm of Spears & Thornton, to collect, bysuit, a certain note of Green & Purdy for twelve thousand dollars. Early in April, I learned that Spears had collected three thousandseven hundred dollars in money, had appropriated it to his own use, and had pledged another good note taken in part payment of threethousand and fifty-three dollars. He pretended to be insane. Ihad to make two visits to Downieville on this business, and there, made the acquaintance of Mr. Stewart, now a Senator from Nevada. He was married to a daughter of Governor Foote; was living in asmall frame house on the bar just below the town; and his littledaughter was playing about the door in the sand. Stewart was thena lawyer in Downieville, in good practice; afterward, by some luckystroke, became part owner of a valuable silver-mine in Nevada, andis now accounted a millionaire. I managed to save something out ofSpears, and more out of his partner Thornton. This affair ofSpears ruined him, because his insanity was manifestly feigned. 

I remained in San Francisco till July 3d, when, having collectedand remitted every cent that I could raise, and got all theproperty in the best shape possible, hearing from St. Louisthat business had revived, and that there was no need offurther sacrifice; I put all the papers, with a full letter ofinstructions, and power of attorney, in the hands of WilliamBlending, Esq. , and took passage on the good steamer Golden Gate, Captain Whiting, for Panama and home. I reached Lancaster on July28, 1858, and found all the family well. I was then perfectlyunhampered, but the serious and greater question remained, what wasI to do to support my family, consisting of a wife and fourchildren, all accustomed to more than the average comforts of life?

I remained at Lancaster all of August, 1858, during which time Iwas discussing with Mr. Ewing and others what to do next. MajorTurner and Mr. Lucas, in St. Louis, were willing to do any thing toaid me, but I thought best to keep independent. Mr. Ewing hadproperty at Chauncey, consisting of salt-wells and coal-mines, butfor that part of Ohio I had no fancy. Two of his sons, Hugh and T. E. , Jr. , had established themselves at Leavenworth, Kansas, wherethey and their father had bought a good deal of land, some near thetown, and some back in the country. Mr. Ewing offered to confideto me the general management of his share of interest, and Hugh andT. E. , Jr. , offered me an equal copartnership in their law-firm. 

Accordingly, about the 1st of September, I started for Kansas, stopping a couple of weeks in St. Louis, and reached Leavenworth. I found about two miles below the fort, on the river-bank, where in1851 was a tangled thicket, quite a handsome and thriving city, growing rapidly in rivalry with Kansas City, and St. Joseph, Missouri. After looking about and consulting with friends, amongthem my classmate Major Stewart Van Vliet, quartermaster at thefort, I concluded to accept the proposition of Mr. Ewing, andaccordingly the firm of Sherman & Ewing was duly announced, and ourservices to the public offered as attorneys-at-law. We had anoffice on Main Street, between Shawnee and Delaware, on the secondfloor, over the office of Hampton Denman, Esq. , mayor of the city. This building was a mere shell, and our office was reached by astairway on the outside. Although in the course of my militaryreading I had studied a few of the ordinary law-books, such asBlackstone, Kent, Starkie, etc. , I did not presume to be a lawyer;but our agreement was that Thomas Ewing, Jr. , a good and thoroughlawyer, should manage all business in the courts, while I gaveattention to collections, agencies for houses and lands, and suchbusiness as my experience in banking had qualified me for. Yet, asmy name was embraced in a law-firm, it seemed to me proper to takeout a license. Accordingly, one day when United States JudgeLecompte was in our office, I mentioned the matter to him; he toldme to go down to the clerk of his court, and he would give me thelicense. I inquired what examination I would have to submit to, and he replied, "None at all;" he would admit me on the ground ofgeneral intelligence. 

During that summer we got our share of the business of theprofession, then represented by several eminent law-firms, embracing names that have since flourished in the Senate, and inthe higher courts of the country. But the most lucrative singlecase was given me by my friend Major Van Vliet, who employed me togo to Fort Riley, one hundred and thirty-six miles west of FortLeavenworth, to superintend the repairs to the military road. Forthis purpose he supplied me with a four-mule ambulance and driver. The country was then sparsely settled, and quite as many Indianswere along the road as white people; still there were embryo townsall along the route, and a few farms sprinkled over the beautifulprairies. On reaching Indianola, near Topeka, I found everybodydown with the chills and fever. My own driver became so shaky thatI had to act as driver and cook. But in due season I reconnoitredthe road, and made contracts for repairing some bridges, and forcutting such parts of the road as needed it. I then returned toFort Leavenworth, and reported, receiving a fair compensation. Onmy way up I met Colonel Sumner's column, returning from theirsummer scout on the plains, and spent the night with the officers, among whom were Captains Sackett, Sturgis, etc. Also at Fort RileyI was cordially received and entertained by some old army-friends, among them Major Sedgwick, Captains Totted, Eli Long, etc. 

Mrs. Sherman and children arrived out in November, and we spent thewinter very comfortably in the house of Thomas Ewing, Jr. , on thecorner of Third and Pottawottamie Streets. On the 1st of January, 1859, Daniel McCook, Esq. , was admitted to membership in our firm, which became Sherman, Ewing & McCook. Our business continued togrow, but, as the income hardly sufficed for three such expensivepersonages, I continued to look about for something more certainand profitable, and during that spring undertook for the Hon. Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to open a farm on a large tract of land heowned on Indian Creek, forty miles west of Leavenworth, for thebenefit of his grand-nephew, Henry Clark, and his grand-niece, Mrs. Walker. These arrived out in the spring, by which time I hadcaused to be erected a small frame dwelling-house, a barn, andfencing for a hundred acres. This helped to pass away time, butafforded little profit; and on the 11th of June, 1859, I wrote toMajor D. C. Buel, assistant adjutant-general, on duty in the WarDepartment with Secretary of War Floyd, inquiring if there was avacancy among the army paymasters, or any thing in his line that Icould obtain. He replied promptly, and sent me the printedprogramme for a military college about to be organized inLouisiana, and advised me to apply for the superintendent's place, saying that General G. Mason Graham, the half-brother of my oldcommanding-general, R. B. Mason, was very influential in thismatter, and would doubtless befriend me on account of the relationsthat had existed between General Mason and myself in California. Accordingly, I addressed a letter of application to the Hon. R. C. Wickliffe, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, asking the answer to be sent tome at Lancaster, Ohio, where I proposed to leave my family. But, before leaving this branch of the subject, I must explain a littlematter of which I have seen an account in print, complimentary orotherwise of the firm of Sherman, Ewing & McCook, more especiallyof the senior partner. 

One day, as I sat in our office, an Irishman came in and said hehad a case and wanted a lawyer. I asked him to sit down and giveme the points of his case, all the other members of the firm beingout. Our client stated that he had rented a lot of an Irishlandlord for five dollars a month; that he had erected thereon asmall frame shanty, which was occupied by his family; that he had, paid his rent regularly up to a recent period, but to his house hehad appended a shed which extended over a part of an adjoiningvacant lot belonging to the same landlord, for which he was chargedtwo and a half dollars a month, which he refused to pay. Theconsequence was, that his landlord had for a few months declinedeven his five dollars monthly rent until the arrears amounted toabout seventeen dollars, for which he was sued. I told him wewould undertake his case, of which I took notes, and a fee of fivedollars in advance, and in due order I placed the notes in thehands of McCook, and thought no more of it. 

A month or so after, our client rushed into the office and said hiscase had been called at Judge Gardner's (I think), and he wantedhis lawyer right away. I sent him up to the Circuit Court, JudgePettit's, for McCook, but he soon returned, saying he could notfind McCook, and accordingly I hurried with him up to JudgeGardner's office, intending to ask a continuance, but I found ourantagonist there, with his lawyer and witnesses, and Judge Gardnerwould not grant a continuance, so of necessity I had to act, hopingthat at every minute McCook would come. But the trial proceededregularly to its end; we were beaten, and judgment was enteredagainst our client for the amount claimed, and costs. As soon asthe matter was explained to McCook, he said "execution" could notbe taken for ten days, and, as our client was poor, and had nothingon which the landlord could levy but his house, McCook advised himto get his neighbors together, to pick up the house, and carry iton to another vacant lot, belonging to a non-resident, so that eventhe house could not be taken in execution. Thus the graspinglandlord, though successful in his judgment, failed in theexecution, and our client was abundantly satisfied. 

In due time I closed up my business at Leavenworth, and went toLancaster, Ohio, where, in July, 1859, I received notice fromGovernor Wickliffe that I had been elected superintendent of theproposed college, and inviting me to come down to Louisiana asearly as possible, because they were anxious to put the collegeinto operation by the 1st of January following. For this honorableposition I was indebted to Major D. C. Buell and General G. MasonGraham, to whom I have made full and due acknowledgment. Duringthe civil war, it was reported and charged that I owed my positionto the personal friendship of Generals Bragg and Beauregard, andthat, in taking up arms against the South, I had been guilty of abreach of hospitality and friendship. I was not indebted toGeneral Bragg, because he himself told me that he was not evenaware that I was an applicant, and had favored the selection ofMajor Jenkins, another West Point graduate. General Beauregard hadnothing whatever to do with the matter. 

CHAPTER VII. 

LOUISIANA

1859-1861. 

In the autumn of 1859, having made arrangements for my family toremain in Lancaster, I proceeded, via Columbus, Cincinnati, andLouisville, to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, where I reported for duty toGovernor Wickliffe, who, by virtue of his office, was the presidentof the Board of Supervisors of the new institution over which I wascalled to preside. He explained to me the act of the Legislatureunder which the institution was founded; told me that the buildingwas situated near Alexandria, in the parish of Rapides, and wassubstantially finished; that the future management would rest witha Board of Supervisors, mostly citizens of Rapides Parish, wherealso resided the Governor-elect, T. O. Moore, who would soonsucceed him in his office as Governor and president ex officio; andadvised me to go at once to Alexandria, and put myself incommunication with Moore and the supervisors. Accordingly I took aboat at Baton Rouge, for the mouth of Red River. 

The river being low, and its navigation precarious, I there tookthe regular mail-coach, as the more certain conveyance, andcontinued on toward Alexandria. I found, as a fellow-passenger inthe coach, Judge Henry Boyce, of the United States District Court, with whom I had made acquaintance years before, at St. Louis, and, as we neared Alexandria, he proposed that we should stop atGovernor Moore's and spend the night. Moore's house and plantationwere on Bayou Robert, about eight miles from Alexandria. We foundhim at home, with his wife and a married daughter, and spent thenight there. He sent us forward to Alexandria the next morning, inhis own carriage. On arriving at Alexandria, I put up at an inn, or boarding-house, and almost immediately thereafter went about tenmiles farther up Bayou Rapides, to the plantation and house ofGeneral G. Mason Graham, to whom I looked as the principal man withwhom I had to deal. He was a high-toned gentleman, and his wholeheart was in the enterprise. He at once put me at ease. We actedtogether most cordially from that time forth, and it was at hishouse that all the details of the seminary were arranged. We firstvisited the college-building together. It was located on an oldcountry place of four hundred acres of pineland, with numeroussprings, and the building was very large and handsome. Acarpenter, named James, resided there, and had the general chargeof the property; but, as there was not a table, chair, black-board, or any thing on hand, necessary for a beginning, I concluded toquarter myself in one of the rooms of the seminary, and board withan old black woman who cooked for James, so that I might personallypush forward the necessary preparations. There was an oldrail-fence about the place, and a large pile of boards in front. Iimmediately engaged four carpenters, and set them at work to makeout of these boards mess-tables, benches, black-boards, etc. Ialso opened a correspondence with the professors-elect, and withall parties of influence in the State, who were interested in ourwork: At the meeting of the Board of Supervisors, held atAlexandria, August 2, 1859, five professors had been elected:1. W. T. Sherman, Superintendent, and Professor of Engineering, etc. ;2. Anthony Vallas, Professor of Mathematics, Philosophy, etc. ;3. Francis W. Smith, Professor of Chemistry, etc. ;4. David F. Boyd, Professor of Languages, English and Ancient;5. E. Berti St. Ange, Professor of French and Modern Languages. 

These constituted the Academic Board, while the general supervisionremained in the Board of Supervisors, composed of the Governor ofthe State, the Superintendent of Public Education, and twelvemembers, nominated by the Governor, and confirmed by the Senate. The institution was bound to educate sixteen beneficiary students, free of any charge for tuition. These had only to pay for theirclothing and books, while all others had to pay their entireexpenses, including tuition. 

Early in November, Profs. Smith, Yallas, St. Ange, and I, met acommittee of the Board of Supervisors, composed of T. C. Manning, G. Mason Graham, and W. W. Whittington, at General Graham's house, and resolved to open the institution to pupils on the 1st day ofJanuary, 1860. We adopted a series of bylaws for the government ofthe institution, which was styled the "Louisiana Seminary ofLearning and Military Academy. " This title grew out of theoriginal grant, by the Congress of the United States, of a certaintownship of public land, to be sold by the State, and dedicated tothe use of a "seminary of learning. " I do not suppose thatCongress designed thereby to fix the name or title; but the subjecthad so long been debated in Louisiana that the name, thoughawkward, had become familiar. We appended to it "MilitaryAcademy, " as explanatory of its general design. 

On the 17th of November, 1859, the Governor of the State, Wickliffe, issued officially a general circular, prepared by us, giving public notice that the "Seminary of Learning" would open onthe 1st day of January, 1860; containing a description of thelocality, and the general regulations for the proposed institution;and authorizing parties to apply for further information to the"Superintendent, " at Alexandria, Louisiana. 

The Legislature had appropriated for the sixteen beneficiaries atthe rate of two hundred and eighty-three dollars per annum, towhich we added sixty dollars as tuition for pay cadets; and, thoughthe price was low, we undertook to manage for the first year onthat basis. 

Promptly to the day, we opened, with about sixty cadets present. Major Smith was the commandant of cadets, and I the superintendent. I had been to New Orleans, where I had bought a supply ofmattresses, books, and every thing requisite, and we started verymuch on the basis of West Point and of the Virginia MilitaryInstitute, but without uniforms or muskets; yet with roll-calls, sections, and recitations, we kept as near the standard of WestPoint as possible. I kept all the money accounts, and gave generaldirections to the steward, professors, and cadets. The otherprofessors had their regular classes and recitations. We all livedin rooms in the college building, except Vallas, who had a family, and rented a house near by. A Creole gentleman, B. Jarrean, Esq. , had been elected steward, and he also had his family in a house notfar off. The other professors had a mess in a room adjoining themess-hall. A few more cadets joined in the course of the winter, so that we had in all, during the first term, seventy-three cadets, of whom fifty-nine passed the examination on the 30th of July, 1860. During our first term many defects in the original act ofthe Legislature were demonstrated, and, by the advice of the Boardof Supervisors, I went down to Baton Rouge during the session ofthe Legislature, to advocate and urge the passage of a new bill, putting the institution on a better footing. Thomas O. Moors wasthen Governor, Bragg was a member of the Board of Public Works, andRichard Taylor was a Senator. I got well acquainted with all ofthese, and with some of the leading men of the State, and wasalways treated with the greatest courtesy and kindness. Inconjunction with the proper committee of the Legislature, weprepared a new bill, which was passed and approved on the 7th ofMarch, 1860, by which we were to have a beneficiary cadet for eachparish, in all fifty-six, and fifteen thousand dollars annually fortheir maintenance; also twenty thousand dollars for the general useof the college. During that session we got an appropriation offifteen thousand dollars for building two professors' houses, forthe purchase of philosophical and chemical apparatus, and for thebeginning of a college library. The seminary was made a StateArsenal, under the title of State Central Arsenal, and I wasallowed five hundred dollars a year as its superintendent. Thesematters took me several times to Baton Rouge that winter, and Irecall an event of some interest, which most have happened inFebruary. At that time my brother, John Sherman, was a candidate, in the national House of Representatives, for Speaker, againstBocock, of Virginia. In the South he was regarded as an"abolitionist, " the most horrible of all monsters; and many peopleof Louisiana looked at me with suspicion, as the brother of theabolitionist, John Sherman, and doubted the propriety of having meat the head of an important State institution. By this time I waspretty well acquainted with many of their prominent men, wasgenerally esteemed by all in authority, and by the people ofRapides Parish especially, who saw that I was devoted to myparticular business, and that I gave no heed to the politicalexcitement of the day. But the members of the State Senate andHouse did not know me so well, and it was natural that they shouldbe suspicions of a Northern man, and the brother of him who was the"abolition" candidate for Speaker of the House. 

One evening, at a large dinner-party at Governor Moore's, at whichwere present several members of the Louisiana Legislature, Taylor, Bragg, and the Attorney-General Hyams, after the ladies had leftthe table, I noticed at Governor Moore's end quite a livelydiscussion going on, in which my name was frequently used; atlength the Governor called to me, saying: "Colonel Sherman, you canreadily understand that, with your brother the abolitionistcandidate for Speaker, some of our people wonder that you should behere at the head of an important State institution. Now, you areat my table, and I assure you of my confidence. Won't you speakyour mind freely on this question of slavery, that so agitates theland? You are under my roof, and, whatever you say, you have myprotection. "

I answered: "Governor Moors, you mistake in calling my brother, John Sherman, an abolitionist. We have been separated sincechildhood--I in the army, and he pursuing his profession oflaw in Northern Ohio; and it is possible we may differ ingeneral sentiment, but I deny that he is considered at home anabolitionist; and, although he prefers the free institutions underwhich he lives to those of slavery which prevail here, he would notof himself take from you by law or force any property whatever, even slaves. "

Then said Moore: "Give us your own views of slavery as you see ithere and throughout the South. "

I answered in effect that "the people of Louisiana were hardlyresponsible for slavery, as they had inherited it; that I found twodistinct conditions of slavery, domestic and field hands. Thedomestic slaves, employed by the families, were probably bettertreated than any slaves on earth; but the condition of thefield-hands was different, depending more on the temper anddisposition of their masters and overseers than were those employedabout the house;" and I went on to say that, "were I a citizen ofLouisiana, and a member of the Legislature, I would deem it wise tobring the legal condition of the slaves more near the status ofhuman beings under all Christian and civilized governments. In thefirst place, I argued that, in sales of slaves made by the State, Iwould forbid the separation of families, letting the father, mother, and children, be sold together to one person, instead ofeach to the highest bidder. And, again, I would advise the repealof the statute which enacted a severe penalty for even the owner toteach his slave to read and write, because that actually qualifiedproperty and took away a part of its value; illustrating theassertion by the case of Henry Sampson, who had been the slave ofColonel Chambers, of Rapides Parish, who had gone to California asthe servant of an officer of the army, and who was afterwardemployed by me in the bank at San Francisco. At first he could notwrite or read, and I could only afford to pay him one hundreddollars a month; but he was taught to read and write by Reilley, our bank-teller, when his services became worth two hundred andfifty dollars a month, which enabled him to buy his own freedom andthat of his brother and his family. "

What I said was listened to by all with the most profoundattention; and, when I was through, some one (I think it was Mr. Hyams) struck the table with his fist, making the glasses jingle, and said, "By God, he is right!" and at once he took up the debate, which went on, for an hour or more, on both sides with ability andfairness. Of course, I was glad to be thus relieved, because atthe time all men in Louisiana were dreadfully excited on questionsaffecting their slaves, who constituted the bulk of their wealth, and without whom they honestly believed that sugar, cotton, andrice, could not possibly be cultivated. 

On the 30th and 31st of July, 1860, we had an examination at theseminary, winding up with a ball, and as much publicity as possibleto attract general notice; and immediately thereafter we allscattered--the cadets to their homes, and the professors whereverthey pleased--all to meet again on the 1st day of the nextNovember. Major Smith and I agreed to meet in New York on acertain day in August, to purchase books, models, etc. I wentdirectly to my family in Lancaster, and after a few days proceededto Washington, to endeavor to procure from the General Governmentthe necessary muskets and equipments for our cadets by thebeginning of the next term. I was in Washington on the 17thday of August, and hunted up my friend Major Buell, of theAdjutant-General's Department, who was on duty with the Secretary ofWar, Floyd. I had with me a letter of Governor Moore's, authorizingme to act in his name. Major Buell took me into Floyd's room at theWar Department, to whom I explained my business, and I was agreeablysurprised to meet with such easy success. Although the State ofLouisiana had already drawn her full quota of arms, Floyd promptlypromised to order my requisition to be filled, and I procured thenecessary blanks at the Ordnance-Office, filled them with twohundred cadet muskets, and all equipments complete, and was assuredthat all these articles would be shipped to Louisiana in season forour use that fall. These assurances were faithfully carried out. 

I then went on to New York, there met Major Smith according toappointment, and together we selected and purchased a good supplyof uniforms, clothing, and text books, as well as a fair number ofbooks of history and fiction, to commence a library. 

When this business was completed, I returned to Lancaster, andremained with my family till the time approached for me to returnto Louisiana. I again left my family at Lancaster, until assuredof the completion of the two buildings designed for the marriedprofessors for which I had contracted that spring with Mr. Mills, of Alexandria, and which were well under progress when I left inAugust. One of these was designed for me and the other for Vallas. Mr. Ewing presented me with a horse, which I took down the riverwith me, and en route I ordered from Grimsley & Co. A fullequipment of saddle, bridle, etc. , the same that I used in the war, and which I lost with my horse, shot under me at Shiloh. 

Reaching Alexandria early in October, I pushed forward theconstruction of the two buildings, some fences, gates, and allother work, with the object of a more perfect start at the openingof the regular term November 1, 1860. 

About this time Dr. Powhatan Clark was elected Assistant Professorof Chemistry, etc. , and acted as secretary of the Board ofSupervisors, but no other changes were made in our small circle ofprofessors. 

November came, and with it nearly if not quite all our first set ofcadets, and others, to the number of about one hundred and thirty. We divided them into two companies, issued arms and clothing, andbegan a regular system of drills and instruction, as well as theregular recitations. I had moved into my new house, but prudentlyhad not sent for my family, nominally on the ground of waitinguntil the season was further advanced, but really because of thestorm that was lowering heavy on the political horizon. Thepresidential election was to occur in November, and the nominationshad already been made in stormy debates by the usual conventions. Lincoln and Hamlin (to the South utterly unknown) were the nomineesof the Republican party, and for the first time both thesecandidates were from Northern States. The Democratic partydivided--one set nominating a ticket at Charleston, and the otherat Baltimore. Breckenridge and Lane were the nominees of theSouthern or Democratic party; and Bell and Everett, a kind ofcompromise, mostly in favor in Louisiana. Political excitement wasat its very height, and it was constantly asserted that Mr. Lincoln's election would imperil the Union. I purposely kept alooffrom politics, would take no part, and remember that on the day ofthe election in November I was notified that it would be advisablefor me to vote for Bell and Everett, but I openly said I would not, and I did not. The election of Mr. Lincoln fell upon us all like aclap of thunder. People saw and felt that the South had threatenedso long that, if she quietly submitted, the question of slavery inthe Territories was at an end forever. I mingled freely with themembers of the Board of Supervisors, and with the people of RapidesParish generally, keeping aloof from all cliques and parties, and Icertainly hoped that the threatened storm would blow over, as hadso often occurred before, after similar threats. At our seminarythe order of exercises went along with the regularity of theseasons. Once a week, I had the older cadets to practise reading, reciting, and elocution, and noticed that their selections werefrom Calhoun, Yancey, and other Southern speakers, all treating ofthe defense of their slaves and their home institutions as the veryhighest duty of the patriot. Among boys this was to be expected;and among the members of our board, though most of them declaimedagainst politicians generally, and especially abolitionists, aspests, yet there was a growing feeling that danger was in the wind. I recall the visit of a young gentleman who had been sent fromJackson, by the Governor of Mississippi, to confer with GovernorMoore, then on his plantation at Bayou Robert, and who had comeover to see our college. He spoke to me openly of secession as afixed fact, and that its details were only left open fordiscussion. I also recall the visit of some man who was said to bea high officer in the order of "Knights of the Golden Circle, " ofthe existence of which order I was even ignorant, until explainedto me by Major Smith and Dr. Clark. But in November, 1860, no manever approached me offensively, to ascertain my views, or myproposed course of action in case of secession, and no man in orout of authority ever tried to induce me to take part in stepsdesigned to lead toward disunion. I think my general opinions werewell known and understood, viz. , that "secession was treason, waswar;" and that in no event would the North and West permit theMississippi River to pass out of their control. But some men atthe South actually supposed at the time that the NorthwesternStates, in case of a disruption of the General Government, would bedrawn in self-interest to an alliance with the South. What I nowwrite I do not offer as any thing like a history of the importantevents of that time, but rather as my memory of them, the effectthey had on me personally, and to what extent they influenced mypersonal conduct. 

South Carolina seceded December 20, 1860, and Mississippi soonafter. Emissaries came to Louisiana to influence the Governor, Legislature, and people, and it was the common assertion that, ifall the Cotton States would follow the lead of South Carolina, itwould diminish the chances of civil war, because a bold anddetermined front would deter the General Government from anymeasures of coercion. About this time also, viz. , early inDecember, we received Mr. Buchanan's annual message to Congress, inwhich he publicly announced that the General Government had noconstitutional power to "coerce a State. " I confess this staggeredme, and I feared that the prophecies and assertions of Alison andother European commentators on our form of government were right, and that our Constitution was a mere rope of sand, that would breakwith the first pressure. 

The Legislature of Louisiana met on the 10th of December, andpassed an act calling a convention of delegates from the people, tomeet at Baton Rouge, on the 8th of January, to take intoconsideration the state of the Union; and, although it wasuniversally admitted that a large majority of the voters of theState were opposed to secession, disunion, and all the steps of theSouth Carolinians, yet we saw that they were powerless, and thatthe politicians would sweep them along rapidly to the end, prearranged by their leaders in Washington. Before the ordinanceof secession was passed, or the convention had assembled, on thefaith of a telegraphic dispatch sent by the two Senators, Benjaminand Slidell, from their seats in the United States Senate atWashington, Governor Moore ordered the seizure of all the UnitedStates forts at the mouth of the Mississippi and LakePontchartrain, and of the United States arsenal at Baton Rouge. The forts had no garrisons, but the arsenal was held by a smallcompany of artillery, commanded by Major Haskins, a most worthy andexcellent officer, who had lost an arm in Mexico. I remember wellthat I was strongly and bitterly impressed by the seizure of thearsenal, which occurred on January 10, 1861. 

When I went first to Baton Rouge, in 1859, en route to Alexandria, I found Captain Rickett's company of artillery stationed in thearsenal, but soon after there was somewhat of a clamor on the Texasfrontier about Brownsville, which induced the War Department toorder Rickett's company to that frontier. I remember that GovernorMoore remonstrated with the Secretary of War because so muchdangerous property, composed of muskets, powder, etc. , had beenleft by the United States unguarded, in a parish where the slavepopulation was as five or six to one of whites; and it was on hisofficial demand that the United States Government ordered Haskinsscompany to replace Rickett's. This company did not number fortymen. In the night of January 9th, about five hundred New Orleansmilitia, under command of a Colonel Wheat, went up from New Orleansby boat, landed, surrounded the arsenal, and demanded itssurrender. Haskins was of course unprepared for such a step, yethe at first resolved to defend the post as he best could with hissmall force. But Bragg, who was an old army acquaintance of his, had a parley with him, exhibited to him the vastly superior forceof his assailants, embracing two field-batteries, and offered toprocure for him honorable terms, to march out with drums andcolors, and to take unmolested passage in a boat up to St. Louis;alleging, further, that the old Union was at an end, and that ajust settlement would be made between the two new fragments for allthe property stored in the arsenal. Of course it was Haskins'sduty to have defended his post to the death; but up to that timethe national authorities in Washington had shown suchpusillanimity, that the officers of the army knew not what to do. The result, anyhow, was that Haskins surrendered his post, and atonce embarked for St. Louis. The arms and munitions stored in thearsenal were scattered--some to Mississippi, some to New Orleans, some to Shreveport; and to me, at the Central Arsenal, wereconsigned two thousand muskets, three hundred Jager rifles, and alarge amount of cartridges and ammunition. The invoices weresigned by the former ordnance-sergeant, Olodowski, as a captain ofordnance, and I think he continued such on General Bragg's staffthrough the whole of the subsequent civil war. These arms, etc. , came up to me at Alexandria, with orders from Governor Moore toreceipt for and account for them. Thus I was made the receiver ofstolen goods, and these goods the property of the United States. This grated hard on my feelings as an ex-army-officer, and oncounting the arms I noticed that they were packed in the oldfamiliar boxes, with the "U. S. " simply scratched off. General G. Mason Graham had resigned as the chairman of the ExecutiveCommittee, and Dr. S. A. Smith, of Alexandria, then a member of theState Senate, had succeeded him as chairman, and acted as head ofthe Board of Supervisors. At the time I was in most intimatecorrespondence with all of these parties, and our letters must havebeen full of politics, but I have only retained copies of a few ofthe letters, which I will embody in this connection, as they willshow, better than by any thing I can now recall, the feelings ofparties at that critical period. The seizure of the arsenal atBaton Rouge occurred January 10, 1861, and the secession ordinancewas not passed until about the 25th or 26th of the same month. Atall events, after the seizure of the arsenal, and before thepassage of the ordinance of secession, viz. , on the 18th ofJanuary, I wrote as follows:

Louisiana State Seminary of Learning and Military AcademyJanuary 18, 1861

Governor THOMAS O. MOORE, Baton, Rouge, Louisiana. 

Sir: As I occupy a quasi-military position under the laws of theState, I deem it proper to acquaint you that I accepted suchposition when Louisiana was a State in the Union, and when themotto of this seminary was inserted in marble over the main door:"By the liberality of the General Government of the United States. The Union--esto perpetua. "

Recent events foreshadow a great change, and it becomes all men tochoose. If Louisiana withdraw from the Federal Union, I prefer tomaintain my allegiance to the Constitution as long as a fragment ofit survives; and my longer stay here would be wrong in every senseof the word. 

In that event, I beg you will send or appoint some authorized agentto take charge of the arms and munitions of war belonging to theState, or advise me what disposition to make of them. 

And furthermore, as president of the Board of Supervisors, I begyou to take immediate steps to relieve me as superintendent, themoment the State determines to secede, for on no earthly accountwill I do any act or think any thought hostile to or in defiance ofthe old Government of the United States. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Superintendent. 

[PRIVATE. ]

January 18, 1861. 

To Governor Moore:

My Dear Sir: I take it for granted that you have been expecting forsome days the accompanying paper from me (the above officialletter). I have repeatedly and again made known to General Grahamand Dr. Smith that, in the event of a severance of the relationshitherto existing between the Confederated States of this Union, Iwould be forced to choose the old Union. It is barely possible allthe States may secede, South and North, that new combinations mayresult, but this process will be one of time and uncertainty, and Icannot with my opinions await the subsequent development. 

I have never been a politician, and therefore undervalue theexcited feelings and opinions of present rulers, but I do think, ifthis people cannot execute a form of government like the present, that a worse one will result. 

I will keep the cadets as quiet as possible. They are nervous, butI think the interest of the State requires them here, guarding thisproperty, and acquiring a knowledge which will be useful to yourState in after-times. 

When I leave, which I now regard as certain, the present professorscan manage well enough, to afford you leisure time to find asuitable successor to me. You might order Major Smith to receiptfor the arms, and to exercise military command, while the academicexercises could go on under the board. In time, some gentlemanwill turn up, better qualified than I am, to carry on the seminaryto its ultimate point of success. I entertain the kindest feelingstoward all, and would leave the State with much regret; only ingreat events we must choose, one way or the other. 

Truly, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN

January 19, 1881--Saturday. 

Dr. S. A. Smith, President Board of Supervisors, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 

Dear Sir: I have just finished my quarterly reports to the parentsof all the cadets here, or who have been here. All my books ofaccount are written up to date. All bills for the houses, fences, etc. , are settled, and nothing now remains but the daily tontine ofrecitations and drills. I have written officially and unofficiallyto Governor Moore, that with my opinions of the claimed right ofaccession, of the seizure of public forts, arsenals, etc. , and theignominious capture of a United States garrison, stationed in yourmidst, as a guard to the arsenal and for the protection of your ownpeople, it would be highly improper for me longer to remain. Nogreat inconvenience can result to the seminary. I will be thechief loser. I came down two months before my pay commenced. Imade sacrifices in Kansas to enable me thus to obey the call ofGovernor Wickliffe, and you know that last winter I declined a mostadvantageous offer of employment abroad; and thus far I havereceived nothing as superintendent of the arsenal, though I went toWashington and New York (at my own expense) on the faith of thefive hundred dollars salary promised. 

These are all small matters in comparison with those involved inthe present state of the country, which will cause sacrifices bymillions, instead of by hundreds. The more I think of it, the moreI think I should be away, the sooner the better; and therefore Ihope you will join with Governor Moors in authorizing me to turnover to Major Smith the military command here, and to the academicboard the control of the daily exercises and recitations. 

There will be no necessity of your coming up. You can let MajorSmith receive the few hundreds of cash I have on hand, and I canmeet you on a day certain in New Orleans, when we can settle thebank account. Before I leave, I can pay the steward Jarrean hisaccount for the month, and there would be no necessity for otherpayments till about the close of March, by which time the board canmeet, and elect a treasurer and superintendent also. 

At present I have no class, and there will be none ready till aboutthe month of May, when there will be a class in "surveying. " Evenif you do not elect a superintendent in the mean time, Major Smithcould easily teach this class, as he is very familiar with thesubject-matter: Indeed, I think you will do well to leave thesubject of a new superintendent until one perfectly satisfactoryturns up. 

There is only one favor I would ask. The seminary has plenty ofmoney in bank. The Legislature will surely appropriate for mysalary as superintendent of this arsenal. Would you not let memake my drafts on the State Treasury, send them to you, let theTreasurer note them for payment when the appropriation is made, andthen pay them out of the seminary fund? The drafts will be paid inMarch, and the seminary will lose nothing. This would be just tome; for I actually spent two hundred dollars and more in going toWashington and New York, thereby securing from the United States, in advance, three thousand dollars' worth of the very best arms;and clothing and books, at a clear profit to the seminary of overeight hundred dollars. I may be some time in finding newemployment, and will stand in need of this money (five hundreddollars); otherwise I would abandon it. 

I will not ask you to put the Board of Supervisors to the troubleof meeting, unless you can get a quorum at Baton Rouge. 

With great respect, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN. 

By course of mail, I received the following answer from GovernorMoore, the original of which I still possess. It is all in GeneralBraggs handwriting, with which I am familiar--

Executive Office, BATON ROUGE, LOUISIANA, January 23, 1861

MY DEAR SIR: It is with the deepest regret I acknowledge receipt ofyour communication of the 18th inst. In the pressure of officialbusiness, I can now only request you to transfer to Prof. Smith thearms, munitions, and funds in your hands, whenever you conclude towithdraw from the position you have filled with so muchdistinction. You cannot regret more than I do the necessity whichdeprives us of your services, and you will bear with you therespect, confidence, and admiration, of all who have beenassociated with you. Very truly, your friend, Thomas O. Moore. 

Colonel W. T. SHERMAN, Superintendent Military Academy, Alexandria. 

I must have received several letters from Bragg, about this time, which have not been preserved; for I find that, on the 1st ofFebruary, 1861, I wrote him thus:

Seminary of LearningAlexandria, LOUISIANA, February 1, 1881. 

Colonel Braxton BRAGG, Baton, Rouge, Louisiana. 

Dear Sir: Yours of January 23d and 27th are received. I thank youmost kindly, and Governor Moors through you, for the kind manner inwhich you have met my wishes. 

Now that I cannot be compromised by political events, I will soshape my course as best to serve the institution, which has astrong hold on my affections and respect. 

The Board of Supervisors will be called for the 9th instant, and Iwill cooperate with them in their measures to place matters here ona safe and secure basis. I expect to be here two weeks, and willmake you full returns of money and property belonging to the StateCentral Arsenal. All the arms and ammunition are safely storedhere. Then I will write you more at length. With sincere respect, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN. 

Major Smith's receipt to me, for the arms and property belongingboth to the seminary and to the arsenal, is dated February 19, 1861. I subjoin also, in this connection, copies of one or twopapers that may prove of interest

BATON ROUGE, January 28, 1881. To Major SHERMAN, Superintendent, Alexandria. 

My DEAR SIR: Your letter was duly receive, and would have beenanswered ere this time could I have arranged sooner the matter ofthe five hundred dollars. I shall go from here to New Orleansto-day or tomorrow, and will remain there till Saturday after next, perhaps. I shall expect to meet you there, as indicated in yournote to me. 

I need not tell you that it is with no ordinary regret that I viewyour determination to leave us, for really I believe that thesuccess of our institution, now almost assured, is jeopardizedthereby. I am sore that we will never have a superintendent withwhom I shall have more pleasant relations than those which haveexisted between yourself and me. 

I fully appreciate the motives which have induced you to give up aposition presenting so many advantages to yourself, and sincerelyhope that you may, in any future enterprise, enjoy the successwhich your character and ability merit and deserve. 

Should you come down on the Rapides (steamer), please look after mywife, who will, I hope, accompany you on said boat, or some othergood one. 

Colonel Bragg informs me that the necessary orders have been givenfor the transfer and receipt by Major Smith of the public property. 

I herewith transmit a request to the secretary to convene the Boardof Supervisors, that they may act as seems best to them in thepremises. 

In the mean time, Major Smith will command by seniority the cadets, and the Academic Board will be able to conduct the scientificexercises of the institution until the Board of Supervisors canhave time to act. Hoping to meet you soon at the St. Charles, Iam, Most truly, your friend and servant, S. A. Smith

P. S. Governor Moors desires me to express his profound regret thatthe State is about to lose one who we all fondly hoped had cast hisdestinies for weal or for woe among us; and that he is sensiblethat we lose thereby an officer whom it will be difficult, if notimpossible, to replace. 

S. A. S. 

BATON ROUGE, February 11, 1881. To Major Sherman, Alexandria. 

Dear Sir: I have been in New Orleans for ten days, and on returninghere find two letters from you, also your prompt answer to theresolution of the House of Representatives, for which I am muchobliged. 

The resolution passed the last day before adjournment. I waspurposing to respond, when your welcome reports came to hand. Ihave arranged to pay you your five hundred dollars. 

I will say nothing of general politics, except to give my opinionthat there is not to be any war. 

In that event, would it not be possible for you to become a citizenof our State? Everyone deplores your determination to leave us. Atthe same time, your friends feel that you are abandoning a positionthat might become an object of desire to any one. 

I will try to meet you in New Orleans at any time you may indicate;but it would be best for you to stop here, when, if possible, Iwill accompany you. Should you do so, you will find me just abovethe State-House, and facing it. 

Bring with you a few copies of the "Rules of the Seminary. "

Yours truly, S. A. Smith

Colonel W. T. SHERMAN. 

Sir: I am instructed by the Board of Supervisors of thisinstitution to present a copy of the resolutions adopted by them attheir last meeting. 

"Resolved, That the thanks of the Board of Supervisors are due, andare hereby tendered, to Colonel William T. Sherman for the able andefficient manner in which he has conducted the affairs of theseminary during the time the institution has been under hiscontrol--a period attended with unusual difficulties, requiring onthe part of the superintendent to successfully overcome them a highorder of administrative talent. And the board further bear willingtestimony to the valuable services that Colonel Sherman hasrendered them in their efforts to establish an institution oflearning in accordance with the beneficent design of the State andFederal Governments; evincing at all times a readiness to adapthimself to the ever-varying requirements of an institution oflearning in its infancy, struggling to attain a position of honorand usefulness. 

"Resolved, further, That, in accepting the resignation of ColonelSherman as Superintendent of the State Seminary of Learning andMilitary Academy, we tender to him assurances of our high personalregard, and our sincere regret at the occurrence of causes thatrender it necessary to part with so esteemed and valued a friend, as well as co-laborer in the cause of education. "

Powhatan Clarke, Secretary of the Board. 

A copy of the resolution of the Academic Board, passed at theirsession of April 1, 1861:

"Resolved, That in the resignation of the late superintendent, Colonel W. T. Sherman, the Academic Board deem it not improper toexpress their deep conviction of the loss the institution hassustained in being thus deprived of an able head. They cannot failto appreciate the manliness of character which has always markedthe actions of Colonel Sherman. While he is personally endeared tomany of them as a friend, they consider it their high pleasure totender to him in this resolution their regret on his separation, and their sincere wish for his future welfare. "

I have given the above at some length, because, during the civilwar, it was in Southern circles asserted that I was guilty of abreach of hospitality in taking up arms against the South. Theywere manifestly the aggressors, and we could only defend our own byassailing them. Yet, without any knowledge of what the future hadin store for me, I took unusual precautions that the institutionshould not be damaged by my withdrawal. About the 20th ofFebruary, having turned over all property, records, and money, onhand, to Major Smith, and taking with me the necessary documents tomake the final settlement with Dr. S. A. Smith, at the bank in NewOrleans, where the funds of the institution were deposited to mycredit, I took passage from Alexandria for that city, and arrivedthere, I think, on the 23d. Dr. Smith met me, and we went to thebank, where I turned over to him the balance, got him to audit allmy accounts, certify that they were correct and just, and thatthere remained not one cent of balance in my hands. I charged inmy account current for my salary up to the end of February, at therate of four thousand dollars a year, and for the five hundreddollars due me as superintendent of the Central Arsenal, all ofwhich was due and had been fairly earned, and then I stood free anddischarged of any and every obligation, honorary or business, thatwas due by me to the State of Louisiana, or to any corporation orindividual in that State. 

This business occupied two or three days, during which I staid atthe St. Louis Hotel. I usually sat at table with Colonel and Mrs. Bragg, and an officer who wore the uniform of the State ofLouisiana, and was addressed as captain. Bragg wore a colonel'suniform, and explained to me that he was a colonel in the Stateservice, a colonel of artillery, and that some companies of hisregiment garrisoned Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the arsenalat Baton Rouge. 

Beauregard at the time had two sons at the Seminary of Learning. Ihad given them some of my personal care at the father's request, and, wanting to tell him of their condition and progress, I went tohis usual office in the Custom-House Building, and found him in theact of starting for Montgomery, Alabama. Bragg said afterward thatBeauregard had been sent for by Jefferson Davis, and that it wasrumored that he had been made a brigadier-general, of which fact heseemed jealous, because in the old army Bragg was the senior. 

Davis and Stephens had been inaugurated President andVice-President of the Confederate States of America, February 18, 1860, at Montgomery, and those States only embraced the sevencotton States. I recall a conversation at the tea-table, oneevening, at the St. Louis Hotel. When Bragg was speaking ofBeauregard's promotion, Mrs. Bragg, turning to me, said, "You knowthat my husband is not a favorite with the new President. " My mindwas resting on Mr. Lincoln as the new President, and I said I didnot know that Bragg had ever met Mr. Lincoln, when Mrs. Bragg said, quite pointedly, "I didn't mean your President, but our President. "I knew that Bragg hated Davis bitterly, and that he had resignedfrom the army in 1855, or 1856, because Davis, as Secretary of War, had ordered him, with his battery, from Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, to Fort Smith or Fort Washita, in the Indian country, asBragg expressed it, "to chase Indians with six-pounders. "

I visited the quartermaster, Colonel A. C. Myers, who had resignedfrom the army, January 28, 1861, and had accepted service under thenew regime. His office was in the same old room in the LafayetteSquare building, which he had in 1853, when I was there acommissary, with the same pictures on the wall, and the letters "U. S. " on every thing, including his desk, papers, etc. I asked himif he did not feel funny. "No, not at all. The thing wasinevitable, secession was a complete success; there would be nowar, but the two Governments would settle all matters of businessin a friendly spirit, and each would go on in its allotted sphere, without further confusion. " About this date, February 16th, General Twiggs, Myers's father-in-law, had surrendered his entirecommand, in the Department of Texas, to some State troops, with allthe Government property, thus consummating the first serious stepin the drama of the conspiracy, which was to form a confederacy ofthe cotton States, before working upon the other slave or borderStates, and before the 4th of March, the day for the inaugurationof President Lincoln. 

I walked the streets of New Orleans, and found business going alongas usual. Ships were strung for miles along the lower levee, andsteamboats above, all discharging or receiving cargo. The Pelicanflag of Louisiana was flying over the Custom House, Mint, CityHall, and everywhere. At the levee ships carried every flag onearth except that of the United States, and I was told that duringa procession on the 22d of February, celebrating their emancipationfrom the despotism of the United States Government, only onenational flag was shown from a house, and that the houses ofCuthbert Bullitt, on Lafayette Square. He was commanded to take itdown, but he refused, and defended it with his pistol. 

The only officer of the army that I can recall, as being there atthe time, who was faithful, was Colonel C. L. Kilburn, of theCommissary Department, and he was preparing to escape North. 

Everybody regarded the change of Government as final; thatLouisiana, by a mere declaration, was a free and independent State, and could enter into any new alliance or combination she chose. 

Men were being enlisted and armed, to defend the State, and therewas not the least evidence that the national Administrationdesigned to make any effort, by force, to vindicate the nationalauthority. I therefore bade adieu to all my friends, and about the25th of February took my departure by railroad, for Lancaster, viaCairo and Cincinnati. 

Before leaving this subject, I will simply record the fate of someof my associates. The seminary was dispersed by the war, and allthe professors and cadets took service in the Confederacy, exceptYallas, St. Ange, and Cadet Taliaferro. The latter joined a Unionregiment, as a lieutenant, after New Orleans was retaken by theUnited States fleet under Farragut. I think that both Yallas andSt. Ange have died in poverty since the war. Major Smith joinedthe rebel army in Virginia, and was killed in April, 1865, as hewas withdrawing his garrison, by night, from the batteries atDrury's Bluff, at the time General Lee began his final retreat fromRichmond. Boyd became a captain of engineers on the staff ofGeneral Richard Taylor, was captured, and was in jail at Natchez, Mississippi, when I was on my Meridian expedition. He succeeded ingetting a letter to me on my arrival at Vicksburg, and, on my waydown to New Orleans, I stopped at Natchez, took him along, andenabled him to effect an exchange through General Banks. As soonas the war was over, he returned to Alexandria, and reorganized theold institution, where I visited him in 1867; but, the next winter, the building took fire end burned to the ground. The students, library, apparatus, etc. , were transferred to Baton Rouge, wherethe same institution now is, under the title of the LouisianaUniversity. I have been able to do them many acts of kindness, andam still in correspondence, with Colonel Boyd, its president. 

General G. Mason Graham is still living on his plantation, on BayouRapides, old and much respected. 

Dr. S. A. Smith became a surgeon in the rebel army, and at theclose of the war was medical director of the trans-MississippiDepartment, with General Kirby Smith. I have seen him since thewar, at New Orleans, where he died about a year ago. 

Dr. Clark was in Washington recently, applying for a place asUnited States consul abroad. I assisted him, but with no success, and he is now at Baltimore, Maryland. 

After the battle of Shiloh, I found among the prisoners CadetBarrow, fitted him out with some clean clothing, of which he was inneed, and from him learned that Cadet Workman was killed in thatbattle. 

Governor Moore's plantation was devastated by General Banks'stroops. After the war he appealed to me, and through theAttorney-General, Henry Stanbery, I aided in having hisland restored to him, and I think he is now living there. 

Bragg, Beauregard, and Taylor, enacted high parts in the succeedingwar, and now reside in Louisiana or Texas. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

MISSOURI

APRIL AND MAY, 1861. 

During the time of these events in Louisiana, I was in constantcorrespondence with my brother, John Sherman, at Washington; Mr. Ewing, at Lancaster, Ohio; and Major H. S. Turner, at St. Louis. Ihad managed to maintain my family comfortably at Lancaster, but wasextremely anxious about the future. It looked like the end of mycareer, for I did not suppose that "civil war" could give me anemployment that would provide for the family. I thought, and mayhave said, that the national crisis had been brought about by thepoliticians, and, as it was upon us, they "might fight it out"Therefore, when I turned North from New Orleans, I felt moredisposed to look to St. Louis for a home, and to Major. Turner tofind me employment, than to the public service. 

I left New Orleans about the 1st of March, 1861, by rail to Jacksonand Clinton, Mississippi, Jackson, Tennessee, and Columbus, Kentucky, where we took a boat to Cairo, and thence, by rail, toCincinnati and Lancaster. All the way, I heard, in the cars andboats, warm discussions about polities; to the effect that, if Mr. Lincoln should attempt coercion of the seceded States, the otherslave or border States would make common cause, when, it wasbelieved, it would be madness to attempt to reduce them tosubjection. In the South, the people were earnest, fierce andangry, and were evidently organizing for action; whereas, inIllinois, Indiana, and Ohio, I saw not the least sign ofpreparation. It certainly looked to me as though the people of theNorth would tamely submit to a disruption of the Union, and theorators of the South used, openly and constantly, the expressionsthat there would be no war, and that a lady's thimble would holdall the blood to be shed. On reaching Lancaster, I found lettersfrom my brother John, inviting me to come to Washington, as hewanted to see me; and from Major Tamer, at St. Louis, that he wastrying to secure for me the office of president of the Fifth StreetRailroad, with a salary of twenty-five hundred dollars; that Mr. Lucas and D. A. January held a controlling interest of stock, wouldvote for me, and the election would occur in March. This suited meexactly, and I answered Turner that I would accept, with thanks. But I also thought it right and proper that I should first go toWashington, to talk with my brother, Senator Sherman. 

Mr. Lincoln had just been installed, and the newspapers were filledwith rumors of every kind indicative of war; the chief act ofinterest was that Major Robert Anderson had taken by night intoFort Sumter all the troops garrisoning Charleston Harbor, and thathe was determined to defend it against the demands of the State ofSouth Carolina and of the Confederate States. I must have reachedWashington about the 10th of March. I found my brother there, justappointed Senator, in place of Mr. Chase, who was in the cabinet, and I have no doubt my opinions, thoughts, and feelings, wrought upby the events in Louisiana; seemed to him gloomy and extravagant. About Washington I saw but few signs of preparation, though theSouthern Senators and Representatives were daily sounding theirthreats on the floors of Congress, and were publicly withdrawing tojoin the Confederate Congress at Montgomery. Even in the WarDepartment and about the public offices there was open, unconcealedtalk, amounting to high-treason. 

One day, John Sherman took me with him to see Mr. Lincoln. Hewalked into the room where the secretary to the President now sits, we found the room full of people, and Mr. Lincoln sat at the end ofthe table, talking with three or four gentlemen, who soon left. John walked up, shook hands, and took a chair near him, holding inhis hand some papers referring to, minor appointments in the Stateof Ohio, which formed the subject of conversation. Mr. Lincolntook the papers, said he would refer them to the proper heads ofdepartments, and would be glad to make the appointments asked for, if not already promised. John then turned to me, and said, "Mr. President, this is my brother, Colonel Sherman, who is just up fromLouisiana, he may give you some information you want. " "Ah!" saidMr. Lincoln, "how are they getting along down there?" I said, "Theythink they are getting along swimmingly--they are preparing forwar. " "Oh, well!" said he, "I guess we'll manage to keep house. "I was silenced, said no more to him, and we soon left. I was sadlydisappointed, and remember that I broke out on John, d--ning thepoliticians generally, saying, "You have got things in a hell of afig, and you may get them out as you best can, " adding that thecountry was sleeping on a volcano that might burst forth at anyminute, but that I was going to St. Louis to take care of myfamily, and would have no more to do with it. John begged me to bemore patient, but I said I would not; that I had no time to wait, that I was off for St. Louis; and off I went. At Lancaster I foundletters from Major Turner, inviting me to St. Louis, as the placein the Fifth Street Railroad was a sure thing, and that Mr. Lucaswould rent me a good house on Locust Street, suitable for myfamily, for six hundred dollars a year. 

Mrs. Sherman and I gathered our family and effects together, started for St. Louis March 27th, where we rented of Mr. Lucas thehouse on Locust Street, between Tenth and Eleventh, and occupied iton the 1st of April. Charles Ewing and John Hunter had formed alaw-partnership in St. Louis, and agreed to board with us, takingrooms on the third floor In the latter part of March, I was dulyelected president of the Fifth Street Railroad, and entered on thedischarge of my duties April 1, 1861. We had a central office onthe corner of Fifth and Locust, and also another up at the stablesin Bremen. The road was well stocked and in full operation, andall I had to do was to watch the economical administration ofexisting affairs, which I endeavored to do with fidelity and zeal. But the whole air was full of wars and rumors of wars. Thestruggle was going on politically for the border States. Even inMissouri, which was a slave State, it was manifest that theGovernor of the State, Claiborne Jackson, and all the leadingpoliticians, were for the South in case of a war. The house on thenorthwest corner of Fifth and Pine was the rebel headquarters, where the rebel flag was hung publicly, and the crowds about thePlanters' House were all more or less rebel. There was also a campin Lindell's Grove, at the end of Olive, Street, under command ofGeneral D. M. Frost, a Northern man, a graduate of West Point, inopen sympathy with the Southern leaders. This camp was nominally aState camp of instruction, but, beyond doubt, was in the interestof the Southern cause, designed to be used against the nationalauthority in the event of the General Government's attempting tocoerce the Southern Confederacy. General William S. Harvey was incommand of the Department of Missouri, and resided in his ownhouse, on Fourth Street, below Market; and there were five or sixcompanies of United States troops in the arsenal, commanded byCaptain N. Lyon; throughout the city, there had been organized, almost exclusively out of the German part of the population, fouror five regiments of "Home Guards, " with which movement FrankBlair, B. Gratz Brown, John M. Schofield, Clinton B. Fisk, andothers, were most active on the part of the national authorities. Frank Blair's brother Montgomery was in the cabinet of Mr. Lincolnat Washington, and to him seemed committed the general managementof affairs in Missouri. 

The newspapers fanned the public excitement to the highest pitch, and threats of attacking the arsenal on the one hand, and the mobof d--d rebels in Camp Jackson on the other, were bandied about. Itried my best to keep out of the current, and only talked freelywith a few men; among them Colonel John O'Fallon, a wealthygentleman who resided above St. Louis. He daily came down to myoffice in Bremen, and we walked up and down the pavement by thehour, deploring the sad condition of our country, and the seemingdrift toward dissolution and anarchy. I used also to go down tothe arsenal occasionally to see Lyon, Totten, and other of my armyacquaintance, and was glad to see them making preparations todefend their post, if not to assume the offensive. 

The bombardment of Fort Sumter, which was announced by telegraph, began April 12th, and ended on the 14th. We then knew that the warwas actually begun, and though the South was openly, manifestly theaggressor, yet her friends and apologists insisted that she wassimply acting on a justifiable defensive, and that in the forcibleseizure of, the public forts within her limits the people wereacting with reasonable prudence and foresight. Yet neither partyseemed willing to invade, or cross the border. Davis, who orderedthe bombardment of Sumter, knew the temper of his people well, andforesaw that it would precipitate the action of the border States;for almost immediately Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, andTennessee, followed the lead of the cotton States, and conventionswere deliberating in Kentucky and Missouri. 

On the night of Saturday, April 6th, I received the following, dispatch:

Washington, April 6, 1861. 

Major W. T. Sherman:

Will you accept the chief clerkship of the War Department? We willmake you assistant Secretary of War when Congress meets. 

M. Blair, Postmaster-General. 

To which I replied by telegraph, Monday morning; "I cannot accept;"and by mail as follows:

Monday, April 8, 1861. Office of the St. Louis Railroad Company. 

Hon. M. Blair, Washington, D. C. 

I received, about nine o'clock Saturday night, your telegraphdispatch, which I have this moment answered, "I cannot accept. "

I have quite a large family, and when I resigned my place inLouisiana, on account of secession, I had no time to lose; and, therefore, after my hasty visit to Washington, where I saw nochance of employment, I came to St. Louis, have accepted a place inthis company, have rented a house, and incurred other obligations, so that I am not at liberty to change. 

I thank you for the compliment contained in your offer, and assureyou that I wish the Administration all success in its almostimpossible task of governing this distracted and anarchical people. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN

I was afterward told that this letter gave offense, and that someof Mr. Lincoln's cabinet concluded that I too would prove false tothe country. 

Later in that month, after the capture of Fort Sumter by theConfederate authorities, a Dr. Cornyn came to our house on LocustStreet, one night after I had gone to bed, and told me he had beensent by Frank Blair, who was not well, and wanted to see me thatnight at his house. I dressed and walked over to his house onWashington Avenue, near Fourteenth, and found there, in thefront-room, several gentlemen, among whom I recall Henry T. Blow. Blair was in the back-room, closeted with some gentleman, who soonleft, and I was called in. He there told me that the Governmentwas mistrustful of General Harvey, that a change in the command ofthe department was to be made; that he held it in his power toappoint a brigadier-general, and put him in command of thedepartment, and he offered me the place. I told him I had onceoffered my services, and they were declined; that I had madebusiness engagements in St. Louis, which I could not throw off atpleasure; that I had long deliberated on my course of action, andmust decline his offer, however tempting and complimentary. Hereasoned with me, but I persisted. He told me, in that event, heshould appoint Lyon, and he did so. 

Finding that even my best friends were uneasy as to my politicalstatus, on the 8th of May I addressed the following official letterto the Secretary of War:

Office of the St. Louis Railroad Company, May 8, 1881. 

Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: I hold myself now, as always, prepared to serve mycountry in the capacity for which I was trained. I did not andwill not volunteer for three months, because I cannot throw myfamily on the cold charity of the world. But for the three-yearscall, made by the President, an officer can prepare his command anddo good service. 

I will not volunteer as a soldier, because rightfully or wrongfullyI feel unwilling to take a mere private's place, and, having formany years lived in California and Louisiana, the men are not wellenough acquainted with me to elect me to my appropriate place. 

Should my services be needed, the records of the War Departmentwill enable you to designate the station in which I can render mostservice. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN. 

To this I do not think I received a direct answer; but, on the 10thof the same month, I was appointed colonel of the ThirteenthRegular Infantry. 

I remember going to the arsenal on the 9th of May, taking mychildren with me in the street-cars. Within the arsenal wall weredrawn up in parallel lines four regiments of the "Home Guards, " andI saw men distributing cartridges to the boxes. I also saw GeneralLyon running about with his hair in the wind, his pockets full ofpapers, wild and irregular, but I knew him to be a man of vehementpurpose and of determined action. I saw of course that it meantbusiness, but whether for defense or offense I did not know. Thenext morning I went up to the railroad-office in Bremen, as usual, and heard at every corner of the streets that the "Dutch" weremoving on Camp Jackson. People were barricading their houses, andmen were running in that direction. I hurried through my businessas quickly as I could, and got back to my house on Locust Street bytwelve o'clock. Charles Ewing and Hunter were there, and insistedon going out to the camp to see "the fun. " I tried to dissuadethem, saying that in case of conflict the bystanders were morelikely to be killed than the men engaged, but they would go. Ifelt as much interest as anybody else, but staid at home, took mylittle son Willie, who was about seven years old, and walked up anddown the pavement in front of our house, listening for the sound ofmusketry or cannon in the direction of Camp Jackson. While soengaged Miss Eliza Dean, who lived opposite us, called me acrossthe street, told me that her brother-in-law, Dr. Scott, was asurgeon in Frost's camp, and she was dreadfully afraid he would bekilled. I reasoned with her that General Lyon was a regularofficer; that if he had gone out, as reported, to Camp Jackson, hewould take with him such a force as would make resistanceimpossible; but she would not be comforted, saying that the campwas made up of the young men from the first and best families ofSt. Louis, and that they were proud, and would fight. I explainedthat young men of the best families did not like to be killedbetter than ordinary people. Edging gradually up the street, I wasin Olive Street just about Twelfth, when I saw a man running fromthe direction of Camp Jackson at full speed, calling, as he went, "They've surrendered, they've surrendered!" So I turned back andrang the bell at Mrs. Dean's. Eliza came to the door, and Iexplained what I had heard; but she angrily slammed the door in myface! Evidently she was disappointed to find she was mistaken inher estimate of the rash courage of the best families. 

I again turned in the direction of Camp Jackson, my boy Willie withme still. At the head of Olive Street, abreast of Lindell's Grove, I found Frank Blair's regiment in the street, with ranks opened, and the Camp Jackson prisoners inside. A crowd of people wasgathered around, calling to the prisoners by name, some hurrahingfor Jeff Davis, and others encouraging the troops. Men, women, andchildren, were in the crowd. I passed along till I found myselfinside the grove, where I met Charles Ewing and John Hunter, and westood looking at the troops on the road, heading toward the city. A band of music was playing at the head, and the column made one ortwo ineffectual starts, but for some reason was halted. Thebattalion of regulars was abreast of me, of which Major RufusSaxton was in command, and I gave him an evening paper, which I hadbought of the newsboy on my way out. He was reading from it somepiece of news, sitting on his horse, when the column again began tomove forward, and he resumed his place at the head of his command. At that part of the road, or street, was an embankment about eightfeet high, and a drunken fellow tried to pass over it to the peopleopposite. 

One of the regular sergeant file-closers ordered him back, but heattempted to pass through the ranks, when the sergeant barred hisprogress with his musket "a-port. " The drunken man seized hismusket, when the sergeant threw him off with violence, and herolled over and over down the bank. By the time this man hadpicked himself up and got his hat, which had fallen off, and hadagain mounted the embankment, the regulars had passed, and the headof Osterhaus's regiment of Home Guards had come up. The man had inhis hand a small pistol, which he fired off, and I heard that theball had struck the leg of one of Osterhaus's staff; the regimentstopped; there was a moment of confusion, when the soldiers of thatregiment began to fire over our heads in the grove. I heard theballs cutting the leaves above our heads, and saw several men andwomen running in all directions, some of whom were wounded. Ofcourse there was a general stampede. Charles Ewing threw Willie onthe ground and covered him with his body. Hunter ran behind thehill, and I also threw myself on the ground. The fire ran backfrom the head of the regiment toward its rear, and as I saw the menreloading their pieces, I jerked Willie up, ran back with him intoa gully which covered us, lay there until I saw that the fire hadceased, and that the column was again moving on, when I took upWillie and started back for home round by way of Market Street. Awoman and child were killed outright; two or three men were alsokilled, and several others were wounded. The great mass of thepeople on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though menwere sprinkled through the crowd calling out, "Hurrah for JeffDavis!" and others were particularly abusive of the "damned Dutch"Lyon posted a guard in charge of the vacant camp, and marched hisprisoners down to the arsenal; some were paroled, and others held, till afterward they were regularly exchanged. 

A very few days after this event, May 14th, I received a dispatchfrom my brother Charles in Washington, telling me to come on atonce; that I had been appointed a colonel of the Thirteenth RegularInfantry, and that I was wanted at Washington immediately. 

Of course I could no longer defer action. I saw Mr. Lucas, MajorTurner, and other friends and parties connected with the road, whoagreed that I should go on. I left my family, because I was underthe impression that I would be allowed to enlist my own regiment, which would take some time, and I expected to raise the regimentand organize it at Jefferson Barracks. I repaired to Washington, and there found that the Government was trying to rise to a levelwith the occasion. Mr. Lincoln had, without the sanction of law, authorized the raising of ten new regiments of regulars, eachinfantry regiment to be composed of three battalions of eightcompanies each; and had called for seventy-five thousand Statevolunteers. Even this call seemed to me utterly inadequate; stillit was none of my business. I took the oath of office, and wasfurnished with a list of officers, appointed to my regiment, whichwas still, incomplete. I reported in person to General Scott, athis office on Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, andapplied for authority to return West, and raise my regiment atJefferson Barracks, but the general said my lieutenant-colonel, Burbank, was fully qualified to superintend the enlistment, andthat he wanted me there; and he at once dictated an order for me toreport to him in person for inspection duty. 

Satisfied that I would not be permitted to return to St. Louis, Iinstructed Mrs. Sherman to pack up, return to Lancaster, and trustto the fate of war. 

I also resigned my place as president of the Fifth Street Railroad, to take effect at the end of May, so that in fact I received payfrom that road for only two months' service, and then began my newarmy career. 

CHAPTER IX. 

FROM THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN TO PADUCAH KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI

1861-1862. 

And now that, in these notes, I have fairly reached the period ofthe civil war, which ravaged our country from 1861 to 1865--anevent involving a conflict of passion, of prejudice, and of arms, that has developed results which, for better or worse, have lefttheir mark on the world's history--I feel that I tread on delicateground. 

I have again and again been invited to write a history of the war, or to record for publication my personal recollections of it, withlarge offers of money therefor; all of which I have heretoforedeclined, because the truth is not always palatable, and should notalways be told. Many of the actors in the grand drama still live, and they and their friends are quick to controversy, which shouldbe avoided. The great end of peace has been attained, with littleor no change in our form of government, and the duty of all goodmen is to allow the passions of that period to subside, that we maydirect our physical and mental labor to repair the waste of war, and to engage in the greater task of continuing our hithertowonderful national development. 

What I now propose to do is merely to group some of my personalrecollections about the historic persons and events of the day, prepared not with any view to their publication, but rather forpreservation till I am gone; and then to be allowed to follow intooblivion the cords of similar papers, or to be used by somehistorian who may need them by way of illustration. 

I have heretofore recorded how I again came into the militaryservice of the United States as a colonel of the Thirteenth RegularInfantry, a regiment that had no existence at the time, and that, instead of being allowed to enlist the men and instruct them, asexpected, I was assigned in Washington City, by an order ofLieutenant-General Winfield Scott, to inspection duty near him onthe 20th of June, 1861. 

At that time Lieutenant-General Scott commanded the army in chief, with Colonel E. D. Townsend as his adjutant-general, Major G. W. Cullum, United States Engineers, and Major SchuylerHamilton, as aides. -de-camp. The general had an office up stairson Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, and resided ina house close by, on Pennsylvania Avenue. All fears for theimmediate safety of the capital had ceased, and quite a large forceof regulars and volunteers had been collected in and aboutWashington. Brigadier-General J. K. Mansfield commanded in thecity, and Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell on the other side of thePotomac, with his headquarters at Arlington House. His troopsextended in a semicircle from Alexandria to above Georgetown. Several forts and redoubts were either built or in progress, andthe people were already clamorous for a general forward movement. Another considerable army had also been collected in Pennsylvaniaunder General Patterson, and, at the time I speak of, had movedforward to Hagerstown and Williamsport, on the Potomac River. Mybrother, John Sherman, was a volunteer aide-de-camp to GeneralPatterson, and, toward the end of June, I went up to Hagerstown tosee him. I found that army in the very act of moving, and we rodedown to Williamsport in a buggy, and were present when the leadingdivision crossed the Potomac River by fording it waist-deep. Myfriend and classmate, George H. Thomas, was there, in command of abrigade in the leading division. I talked with him a good deal, also with General Cadwalader, and with the staff-officers ofGeneral Patterson, viz. , Fitz-John Porter, Belger, Beckwith, andothers, all of whom seemed encouraged to think that the war was tobe short and decisive, and that, as soon as it was demonstratedthat the General Government meant in earnest to defend its rightsand property, some general compromise would result. 

Patterson's army crossed the Potomac River on the 1st or 2d ofJuly, and, as John Sherman was to take his seat as a Senator in thecalled session of Congress, to meet July 4th, he resigned his placeas aide-de-camp, presented me his two horses and equipment, and wereturned to Washington together. 

The Congress assembled punctually on the 4th of July, and themessage of Mr. Lincoln was strong and good: it recognized the factthat civil war was upon us, that compromise of any kind was at anend; and he asked for four hundred thousand men, and four hundredmillion dollars, wherewith to vindicate the national authority, andto regain possession of the captured forts and other property ofthe United States. 

It was also immediately demonstrated that the tone and temper ofCongress had changed since the Southern Senators and members hadwithdrawn, and that we, the military, could now go to work withsome definite plans and ideas. 

The appearance of the troops about Washington was good, but it wasmanifest they were far from being soldiers. Their uniforms were asvarious as the States and cities from which they came; their armswere also of every pattern and calibre; and they were so loadeddown with overcoats, haversacks, knapsacks, tents, and baggage, that it took from twenty-five to fifty wagons to move the camp of aregiment from one place to another, and some of the camps hadbakeries and cooking establishments that would have done credit toDelmonico. 

While I was on duty with General Scott, viz. , from June 20th toabout June 30th, the general frequently communicated to those abouthim his opinions and proposed plans. He seemed vexed with theclamors of the press for immediate action, and the continuedinterference in details by the President, Secretary of War, andCongress. He spoke of organizing a grand army of invasion, ofwhich the regulars were to constitute the "iron column, " and seemedto intimate that he himself would take the field in person, thoughhe was at the time very old, very heavy, and very unwieldy. Hisage must have been about seventy-five years. 

At that date, July 4, 1861, the rebels had two armies in front ofWashington; the one at Manassas Junction, commanded by GeneralBeauregard, with his advance guard at Fairfax Court House, andindeed almost in sight of Washington. The other, commanded byGeneral Joe Johnston, was at Winchester, with its advance atMartinsburg and Harper's Ferry; but the advance had fallen backbefore Patterson, who then occupied Martinsburg and the line of theBaltimore & Ohio Railroad. 

The temper of Congress and the people would not permit the slow andmethodical preparation desired by General Scott; and the cry of "Onto Richmond!" which was shared by the volunteers, most of whom hadonly engaged for ninety days, forced General Scott to hasten hispreparations, and to order a general advance about the middle ofJuly. McDowell was to move from the defenses of Washington, andPatterson from Martinsburg. In the organization of McDowell's armyinto divisions and brigades, Colonel David Hunter was assigned tocommand the Second Division, and I was ordered to take command ofhis former brigade, which was composed of five regiments inposition in and about Fort Corcoran, and on the ground oppositeGeorgetown. I assumed command on the 30th of June, and proceededat once to prepare it for the general advance. My commandconstituted the Third Brigade of the First Division, which divisionwas commanded by Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, a graduate of WestPoint, but who had seen little or no actual service. I applied toGeneral McDowell for home staff-officers, and he gave me, asadjutant-general, Lieutenant Piper, of the Third Artillery, and, asaide-de-camp, Lieutenant McQuesten, a fine young cavalry-officer, fresh from West Point. 

I selected for the field the Thirteenth New York, Colonel Quinby;the Sixty-ninth New York, Colonel Corcoran; the Seventy-ninth NewYork, Colonel Cameron; and the Second Wisconsin, Lieutenant-Colonel Peck. These were all good, strong, volunteer regiments, pretty well commanded; and I had reason to believe that I had oneof the best brigades in the whole army. Captain Ayres's battery ofthe Third Regular Artillery was also attached to my brigade. Theother regiment, the Twenty-ninth New York, Colonel Bennett, wasdestined to be left behind in charge of the forts and camps duringour absence, which was expected to be short. Soon after I hadassumed the command, a difficulty arose in the Sixty-ninth, anIrish regiment. This regiment had volunteered in New York, earlyin April, for ninety days; but, by reason of the difficulty ofpassing through Baltimore, they had come via Annapolis, had beenheld for duty on the railroad as a guard for nearly a month beforethey actually reached Washington, and were then mustered in about amonth after enrollment. Some of the men claimed that they wereentitled to their discharge in ninety days from the time ofenrollment, whereas the muster-roll read ninety days from the dateof muster-in. One day, Colonel Corcoran explained this matter tome. I advised him to reduce the facts to writing, and that I wouldsubmit it to the War Department for an authoritative decision. Hedid so, and the War Department decided that the muster-roll was theonly contract of service, that it would be construed literally; andthat the regiment would be held till the expiration of three monthsfrom the date of muster-in, viz. , to about August 1, 1861. GeneralScott at the same time wrote one of his characteristic letters toCorcoran, telling him that we were about to engage in battle, andhe knew his Irish friends would not leave him in such a crisis. Corcoran and the officers generally wanted to go to the expectedbattle, but a good many of the men were not so anxious. In theSecond Wisconsin, also, was developed a personal difficulty. Theactual colonel was S. P. Coon, a good-hearted gentleman, who knewno more of the military art than a child; whereas his lieutenant-colonel, Peck, had been to West Point, and knew the drill. Preferring that the latter should remain in command of theregiment, I put Colonel Coon on my personal staff, which reconciledthe difficulty. 

In due season, about July 15th, our division moved forwardleaving our camps standing; Keyes's brigade in the lead, thenSchenck's, then mine, and Richardson's last. We marched viaVienna, Germantown, and Centreville, where all the army, composedof five divisions, seemed to converge. The march demonstratedlittle save the general laxity of discipline; for with all mypersonal efforts I could not prevent the men from straggling forwater, blackberries, or any thing on the way they fancied. 

At Centreville, on the 18th, Richardson's brigade was sent byGeneral Tyler to reconnoitre Blackburn's Ford across Bull Run, andhe found it strongly guarded. From our camp, at Centreville, weheard the cannonading, and then a sharp musketry-fire. I receivedorders from General Tyler to send forward Ayres's battery, and verysoon after another order came for me to advance with my wholebrigade. We marched the three miles at the double-quick, arrivedin time to relieve Richardson's brigade, which was just drawingback from the ford, worsted, and stood for half an hour or so undera fire of artillery, which killed four or five of my men. GeneralTyler was there in person, giving directions, and soon afterhe ordered us all back to our camp in Centreville. Thisreconnoissance had developed a strong force, and had been madewithout the orders of General McDowell; however, it satisfied usthat the enemy was in force on the other side of Bull Run, and hadno intention to leave without a serious battle. We lay in camp atCentreville all of the 19th and 20th, and during that night beganthe movement which resulted in the battle of Bull Run, on July21st. Of this so much has been written that more would besuperfluous; and the reports of the opposing commanders, McDowelland Johnston, are fair and correct. It is now generally admittedthat it was one of the best-planned battles of the war, but one ofthe worst-fought. Our men had been told so often at home that allthey had to do was to make a bold appearance, and the rebels wouldrun; and nearly all of us for the first time then heard the soundof cannon and muskets in anger, and saw the bloody scenes common toall battles, with which we were soon to be familiar. We had goodorganization, good men, but no cohesion, no real discipline, norespect for authority, no real knowledge of war. Both armies werefairly defeated, and, whichever had stood fast, the other wouldhave run. Though the North was overwhelmed with mortification andshame, the South really had not much to boast of, for in the threeor four hours of fighting their organization was so broken up thatthey did not and could not follow our army, when it was known to bein a state of disgraceful and causeless flight. It is easy tocriticise a battle after it is over, but all now admit that noneothers, equally raw in war, could have done better than we did atBull Run; and the lesson of that battle should not be lost on apeople like ours. 

I insert my official report, as a condensed statement of my sharein the battle:

HEADQUARTERS THIRD BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISIONFORT CORCORAN, July 25, 1861

To Captain A. BAIRD, Assistant Adjutant-General, First Division(General Tyler's). 

Sir: I have the honor to submit this my report of the operations ofmy brigade during the action of the 21st instant. The brigade iscomposed of the Thirteenth New York Volunteers, Colonel Quinby'sSixty-ninth New York, Colonel Corcoran; Seventy-ninth New York, Colonel Cameron; Second Wisconsin, Lieutenant-Colonel Peck; andCompany E, Third Artillery, under command of Captain R. B. Ayres, Fifth Artillery. 

We left our camp near Centreville, pursuant to orders, at half-past2 A. M. , taking place in your column, next to the brigade ofGeneral Schenck, and proceeded as far as the halt, before theenemy's position, near the stone bridge across Bull Run. Here thebrigade was deployed in line along the skirt of timber to the rightof the Warrenton road, and remained quietly in position till after10 a. M. The enemy remained very quiet, but about that time we sawa rebel regiment leave its cover in our front, and proceed indouble-quick time on the road toward Sudley Springs, by which weknew the columns of Colonels Hunter and Heintzelman wereapproaching. About the same time we observed in motion a largemass of the enemy, below and on the other side of the stone bridge. I directed Captain Ayres to take position with his battery near ourright, and to open fire on this mass; but you had previouslydetached the two rifle-guns belonging to this battery, and, findingthat the smooth-bore guns did not reach the enemy's position, weceased firing, and I sent a request that you would send to me thethirty-pounder rifle-gun attached to Captain Carlisle's battery. At the same time I shifted the New York Sixty-ninth to the extremeright of the brigade. Thus we remained till we heard themusketry-fire across Bull Run, showing that the head of ColonelHunter's column was engaged. This firing was brisk, and showed thatHunter was driving before him the enemy, till about noon, when itbecame certain the enemy had come to a stand, and that our forces onthe other side of Bull Run were all engaged, artillery and infantry. 

Here you sent me the order to cross over with the whole brigade, tothe assistance of Colonel Hunter. Early in the day, whenreconnoitring the ground, I had seen a horseman descend from abluff in our front, cross the stream, and show himself in the openfield on this aide; and, inferring that we could cross over at thesame point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and followedwith the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth leading. 

We found no difficulty in crossing over, and met with no oppositionin ascending the steep bluff opposite with our infantry, but it wasimpassable to the artillery, and I sent word back to Captain Ayresto follow if possible, otherwise to use his discretion. CaptainAyres did not cross Bull Run, but remained on that side, with therest of your division. His report herewith describes hisoperations during the remainder of the day. Advancing slowly andcautiously with the head of the column, to give time for theregiments in succession to close up their ranks, we firstencountered a party of the enemy retreating along a cluster ofpines; Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty, of the Sixty-ninth, withoutorders, rode out alone, and endeavored to intercept their retreat. One of the enemy, in full view, at short range, shot Haggerty, andhe fell dead from his horse. The Sixty-ninth opened fire on thisparty, which was returned; but, determined to effect our junctionwith Hunter's division, I ordered this fire to cease, and weproceeded with caution toward the field where we then plainly sawour forces engaged. Displaying our colors conspicuously at thehead of our column, we succeeded in attracting the attention of ourfriends, and soon formed the brigade in rear of Colonel Porter's. Here I learned that Colonel Hunter was disabled by a severe wound, and that General McDowell was on the field. I sought him out, andreceived his orders to join in pursuit of the enemy, who wasfalling back to the left of the road by which the army hadapproached from Sudley Springs. Placing Colonel Quinby's regimentof rifles in front, in column, by division, I directed the otherregiments to follow in line of battle, in the order of theWisconsin Second, New York Seventy-ninth, and New York Sixty-ninth. Quinby's regiment advanced steadily down the hill and up the ridge, from which he opened fire upon the enemy, who had made anotherstand on ground very favorable to him, and the regiment continuedadvancing as the enemy gave way, till the head of the columnreached the point near which Rickett's battery was so severely cutup. The other regiments descended the hill in line of battle, under a severe cannonade; and, the ground affording comparativeshelter from the enemy's artillery, they changed direction, by theright flank, and followed the road before mentioned. At the pointwhere this road crosses the ridge to our left front, the ground wasswept by a most severe fire of artillery, rifles, and musketry, andwe saw, in succession, several regiments driven from it; among themthe Zouaves and battalion of marines. Before reaching the crest ofthis hill, the roadway was worn deep enough to afford shelter, andI kept the several regiments in it as long as possible; but whenthe Wisconsin Second was abreast of the enemy, by order of MajorWadsworth, of General McDowell's staff, I ordered it to leave theroadway, by the left flank, and to attack the enemy. 

This regiment ascended to the brow of the hill steadily, receivedthe severe fire of the enemy, returned it with spirit, andadvanced, delivering its fire. This regiment is uniformed in graycloth, almost identical with that of the great bulk of thesecession army; and, when the regiment fell into confusion andretreated toward the road, there was a universal cry that they werebeing fired on by our own men. The regiment rallied again, passedthe brow of the hill a second time, but was again repulsed indisorder. By this time the New York Seventy-ninth had closed up, and in like manner it was ordered to cross the brow of, the hill, and drive the enemy from cover. It was impossible to get a goodview of this ground. In it there was one battery of artillery, which poured an incessant fire upon our advancing column, and theground was very irregular with small clusters of pines, affordingshelter, of which the enemy took good advantage. The fire ofrifles and musketry was very severe. The Seventy-ninth, headed byits colonel, Cameron, charged across the hill, and for a short timethe contest was severe; they rallied several times under fire, butfinally broke, and gained the cover of the hill. 

This left the field open to the New York Sixty-ninth, ColonelCorcoran, who, in his turn, led his regiment over the crest; andhad in full, open view the ground so severely contested; the firewas very severe, and the roar of cannon, musketry, and rifles, incessant; it was manifest the enemy was here in great force, farsuperior to us at that point. The Sixty-ninth held the ground forsome time, but finally fell back in disorder. 

All this time Quinby's regiment occupied another ridge, to ourleft, overlooking the same field of action, and similarly engaged. Here, about half-past 3 p. M. , began the scene of confusion anddisorder that characterized the remainder of the day. Up to thattime, all had kept their places, and seemed perfectly cool, andused to the shell and shot that fell, comparatively harmless, allaround us; but the short exposure to an intense fire of small-arms, at close range, had killed many, wounded more, and had produceddisorder in all of the battalions that had attempted to encounterit. Men fell away from their ranks, talking, and in greatconfusion. Colonel Cameron had been mortally wounded, was carriedto an ambulance, and reported dying. Many other officers werereported dead or missing, and many of the wounded were making theirway, with more or less assistance, to the buildings used ashospitals, on the ridge to the west. We succeeded in partiallyreforming the regiments, but it was manifest that they would notstand, and I directed Colonel Corcoran to move along the ridge tothe rear, near the position where we had first formed the brigade. General McDowell was there in person, and need all possible effortsto reassure the men. By the active exertions of Colonel Corcoran, we formed an irregular square against the cavalry which were thenseen to issue from the position from which we had been driven, andwe began our retreat toward the same ford of Bull Run by which wehad approached the field of battle. There was no positive order toretreat, although for an hour it had been going on by the operationof the men themselves. The ranks were thin and irregular, and wefound a stream of people strung from the hospital across Bull Run, and far toward Centreville. After putting in motion the irregularsquare in person, I pushed forward to find Captain Ayres's batteryat the crossing of Bull Run. I sought it at its last position, before the brigade had crossed over, but it was not there; thenpassing through the woods, where, in the morning, we had firstformed line, we approached the blacksmith's shop, but there found adetachment of the secession cavalry and thence made a circuit, avoiding Cub Run Bridge, into Centreville, where I found GeneralMcDowell, and from him understood that it was his purpose to rallythe forces, and make a stand at Centreville. 

But, about nine o'clock at night, I received from General Tyler, inperson, the order to continue the retreat to the Potomac. Thisretreat was by night, and disorderly in the extreme. The men ofdifferent regiments mingled together, and some reached the river atArlington, some at Long Bridge, and the greater part returned totheir former camp, at or near Fort Corcoran. I reached this pointat noon the next day, and found a miscellaneous crowd crossing overthe aqueduct and ferries.. Conceiving this to be demoralizing, Iat once commanded the guard to be increased, and all personsattempting to pass over to be stopped. This soon produced itseffect; men sought their proper companies and regiments. Comparative order was restored, and all were posted to the bestadvantage. 

I herewith inclose the official report of Captain Belly, commandingofficer of the New York Sixty-ninth; also, fall lists of thekilled, wounded, and missing. 

Our loss was heavy, and occurred chiefly at the point near whereRickett's battery was destroyed. Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty waskilled about noon, before we had effected a junction with ColonelHunter's division. Colonel Cameron was mortally wounded leadinghis regiment in the charge, and Colonel Corcoran has been missingsince the cavalry-charge near the building used as a hospital. 

For names, rank, etc. , of the above, I refer to the lists herewith. 

Lieutenants Piper and McQuesten, of my personal staff, were underfire all day, and carried orders to and fro with as much coolnessas on parade. Lieutenant Bagley, of the New York Sixty-ninth, avolunteer aide, asked leave to serve with his company, during theaction, and is among those reported missing. I have intelligencethat he is a prisoner, and slightly wounded. 

Colonel Coon, of Wisconsin, a volunteer aide, also rendered goodservice during the day. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Colonel commanding Brigade. 

This report, which I had not read probably since its date till now, recalls to me vividly the whole scene of the affair at Blackburn'sFord, when for the first time in my life I saw cannonballs strikemen and crash through the trees and saplings above and around us, and realized the always sickening confusion as one approaches afight from the rear; then the night-march from Centreville, on theWarrenton road, standing for hours wondering what was meant; thedeployment along the edge of the field that sloped down toBull-Run, and waiting for Hunter's approach on the other aide fromthe direction of Sudley Springs, away off to our right; theterrible scare of a poor negro who was caught between our lines;the crossing of Bull Run, and the fear lest we should be fired onby our own men; the killing of Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty, whichoccurred in plain sight; and the first scenes of a field strewedwith dead men and horses. Yet, at that period of the battle, wewere the victors and felt jubilant. At that moment, also, mybrigade passed Hunter's division; but Heintzelman's was still aheadof us, and we followed its lead along the road toward ManassasJunction, crossing a small stream and ascending a long hill, at thesummit of which the battle was going on. Here my regiments cameinto action well, but successively, and were driven back, each inits turn. For two hours we continued to dash at the woods on ourleft front, which were full of rebels; but I was convinced theirorganization was broken, and that they had simply halted there andtaken advantage of these woods as a cover, to reach which we had topass over the intervening fields about the Henry House, which wereclear, open, and gave them a decided advantage. After I had put ineach of my regiments, and had them driven back to the cover of theroad, I had no idea that we were beaten, but reformed the regimentsin line in their proper order, and only wanted a little rest, whenI found that my brigade was almost alone, except Syke's regulars, who had formed square against cavalry and were coming back. I thenrealized that the whole army was "in retreat, " and that my own menwere individually making back for the stone bridge. Corcoran and Iformed the brigade into an irregular square, but it fell to pieces;and, along with a crowd, disorganized but not much scared, thebrigade got back to Centreville to our former camps. Corcoran wascaptured, and held a prisoner for some time; but I got safe toCentreville. I saw General McDowell in Centreville, and understoodthat several of his divisions had not been engaged at all, that hewould reorganize them at Centreville, and there await the enemy. Igot my four regiments in parallel lines in a field, the same inwhich we had camped before the battle, and had lain down to sleepunder a tree, when I heard some one asking for me. I called outwhere I was, when General Tyler in person gave me orders to marchback to our camps at Fort Corcoran. I aroused my aides, gave themorders to call up the sleeping men, have each regiment to leave thefield by a flank and to take the same road back by which we hadcome. It was near midnight, and the road was full of troops, wagons, and batteries. We tried to keep our regiments separate, but all became inextricably mixed. Toward morning we reachedVienna, where I slept some hours, and the next day, about noon, wereached Fort Corcoran. 

A slow, mizzling rain had set in, and probably a more gloomy daynever presented itself. All organization seemed to be at an end;but I and my staff labored hard to collect our men into theirproper companies and into their former camps, and, on the 23d ofJuly, I moved the Second Wisconsin and Seventy-ninth New Yorkcloser in to Fort Corcoran, and got things in better order than Ihad expected. Of course, we took it for granted that the rebelswould be on our heels, and we accordingly prepared to defend ourposts. By the 25th I had collected all the materials, made myreport, and had my brigade about as well governed as any in thatarmy; although most of the ninety-day men, especially theSixty-ninth, had become extremely tired of the war, and wanted togo home. Some of them were so mutinous, at one time, that I hadthe battery to unlimber, threatening, if they dared to leave campwithout orders, I would open fire on them. Drills and the dailyexercises were resumed, and I ordered that at the three principalroll-calls the men should form ranks with belts and muskets, andthat they should keep their ranks until I in person had receivedthe reports and had dismissed them. The Sixty-ninth still occupiedFort Corcoran, and one morning, after reveille, when I had justreceived the report, had dismissed the regiment, and was leaving, Ifound myself in a crowd of men crossing the drawbridge on their wayto a barn close by, where they had their sinks; among them was anofficer, who said: "Colonel, I am going to New York today. Whatcan I do for you?" I answered: "How can you go to New York? I donot remember to have signed a leave for you. " He said, "No; he didnot want a leave. He had engaged to serve three months, and hadalready served more than that time. If the Government did notintend to pay him, he could afford to lose the money; that he was alawyer, and had neglected his business long enough, and was thengoing home. " I noticed that a good many of the soldiers had pausedabout us to listen, and knew that, if this officer could defy me, they also would. So I turned on him sharp, and said: "Captain, this question of your term of service has been submitted to therightful authority, and the decision has been published in orders. You are a soldier, and must submit to orders till you are properlydischarged. If you attempt to leave without orders, it will bemutiny, and I will shoot you like a dog! Go back into the fortnow, instantly, and don't dare to leave without my consent. " I hadon an overcoat, and may have had my hand about the breast, for helooked at me hard, paused a moment, and then turned back into thefort. The men scattered, and I returned to the house where I wasquartered, close by. 

That same day, which must have been about July 26th, I was near theriver-bank, looking at a block-house which had been built for thedefense of the aqueduct, when I saw a carriage coming by the roadthat crossed the Potomac River at Georgetown by a ferry. I thoughtI recognized in the carriage the person of President Lincoln. Ihurried across a bend, so as to stand by the road-side as thecarriage passed. I was in uniform, with a sword on, and wasrecognized by Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, who rode side by side inan open hack. I inquired if they were going to my camps, and Mr. Lincoln said: "Yes; we heard that you had got over the big scare, and we thought we would come over and see the 'boys. '" The roadshad been much changed and were rough. I asked if I might givedirections to his coachman, he promptly invited me to jump in andto tell the coachman which way to drive. Intending to begin on theright and follow round to the left, I turned the driver into aside-road which led up a very steep hill, and, seeing a soldier, called to him and sent him up hurriedly to announce to the colonel(Bennett, I think) that the President was coming: As we slowlyascended the hill, I discovered that Mr. Lincoln was full offeeling, and wanted to encourage our men. I asked if he intendedto speak to them, and he said he would like to. I asked him thento please discourage all cheering, noise, or any sort of confusion;that we had had enough of it before Bull Run to ruin any set ofmen, and that what we needed were cool, thoughtful, hard-fightingsoldiers--no more hurrahing, no more humbug. He took my remarks inthe most perfect good-nature. Before we had reached the firstcamp, I heard the drum beating the "assembly, " saw the men runningfor their tents, and in a few minutes the regiment was in line, arms presented, and then brought to an order and "parade rest!"

Mr. Lincoln stood up in the carriage, and made one of the neatest, best, and most feeling addresses I ever listened to, referring toour late disaster at Bull Run, the high duties that still devolvedon us, and the brighter days yet to come. At one or two points thesoldiers began to cheer, but he promptly checked them, saying:"Don't cheer, boys. I confess I rather like it myself, but ColonelSherman here says it is not military; and I guess we had betterdefer to his opinion. " In winding up, he explained that, asPresident, he was commander-in-chief; that he was resolved that thesoldiers should have every thing that the law allowed; and hecalled on one and all to appeal to him personally in case they werewronged. The effect of this speech was excellent. 

We passed along in the same manner to all the camps of my brigade;and Mr. Lincoln complimented me highly for the order, cleanliness, and discipline, that he observed. Indeed, he and Mr. Seward bothassured me that it was the first bright moment they had experiencedsince the battle. 

At last we reached Fort Corcoran. The carriage could not enter, soI ordered the regiment, without arms, to come outside, and gatherabout Mr. Lincoln, who would speak to them. He made to them thesame feeling address, with more personal allusions, because oftheir special gallantry in the battle under Corcoran, who was stilla prisoner in the hands of the enemy; and he concluded with thesame general offer of redress in case of grievances. In the crowd Isaw the officer with whom I had had the passage at reveille thatmorning. His face was pale, and lips compressed. I foresaw ascene, but sat on the front seat of the carriage as quiet as alamb. This officer forced his way through the crowd to thecarriage, and said: "Mr. President, I have a cause of grievance. This morning I went to speak to Colonel Sherman, and he threatenedto shoot me. " Mr. Lincoln, who was still standing, said, "Threatened to shoot you?" "Yes, sir, he threatened to shoot me. "Mr. Lincoln looked at him, then at me, and stooping his tall, spareform toward the officer, said to him in a loud stage-whisper, easily heard for some yards around: "Well, if I were you, and hethreatened to shoot, I would not trust him, for I believe he woulddo it. " The officer turned about and disappeared, and the menlaughed at him. Soon the carriage drove on, and, as we descendedthe hill, I explained the facts to the President, who answered, "Ofcourse I didn't know any thing about it, but I thought you knewyour own business best. " I thanked him for his confidence, andassured him that what he had done would go far to enable me tomaintain good discipline, and it did. 

By this time the day was well spent. I asked to take my leave, andthe President and Mr. Seward drove back to Washington. This spiritof mutiny was common to the whole army, and was not subdued tillseveral regiments or parts of regiments had been ordered to FortJefferson, Florida, as punishment. 

General McDowell had resumed his headquarters at the ArlingtonHouse, and was busily engaged in restoring order to his army, sending off the ninety-days men, and replacing them by regimentswhich had come under the three-years call. We were all tremblinglest we should be held personally accountable for the disastrousresult of the battle. General McClellan had been summoned from theWest to Washington, and changes in the subordinate commands wereannounced almost daily. I remember, as a group of officers weretalking in the large room of the Arlington House, used as theadjutant-general's office, one evening, some young officer came inwith a list of the new brigadiers just announced at the WarDepartment, which-embraced the names of Heintzehvan, Keyes, Franklin, Andrew Porter, W. T. Sherman, and others, who had beencolonels in the battle, and all of whom had shared the commonstampede. Of course, we discredited the truth of the list; andHeintzehvan broke out in his nasal voice, "Boys, it's all a lie!every mother's son of you will be cashiered. " We all felt he wasright, but, nevertheless, it was true; and we were all announced ingeneral orders as brigadier-generals of volunteers. 

General McClellan arrived, and, on assuming command, confirmedMcDowell's organization. Instead of coming over the river, as weexpected, he took a house in Washington, and only came over fromtime to time to have a review or inspection. 

I had received several new regiments, and had begun two new fortson the hill or plateau, above and farther out than Fort Corcoran;and I organized a system of drills, embracing the evolutions of theline, all of which was new to me, and I had to learn the tacticsfrom books; but I was convinced that we had a long, hard war beforeus, and made up my mind to begin at the very beginning to preparefor it. 

August was passing, and troops were pouring in from all quarters;General McClellan told me he intended to organize an army of ahundred thousand men, with one hundred field-batteries, and I stillhoped he would come on our side of the Potomac, pitch his tent, andprepare for real hard work, but his headquarters still remained ina house in Washington City. I then thought, and still think, thatwas a fatal mistake. His choice as general-in-chief at the timewas fully justified by his high reputation in the army and country, and, if he then had any political views or ambition, I surely didnot suspect it. 

About the middle of August I got a note from Brigadier-GeneralRobert Anderson, asking me to come and see him at his room atWillard's Hotel. I rode over and found him in conversation withseveral gentlemen, and he explained to me that events in Kentuckywere approaching a crisis; that the Legislature was in session, andready, as soon as properly backed by the General Government, totake open sides for the Union cause; that he was offered thecommand of the Department of the Cumberland, to embrace Kentucky, Tennessee, etc. , and that he wanted help, and that the Presidenthad offered to allow him to select out of the new brigadiers fourof his own choice. I had been a lieutenant in Captain Anderson'scompany, at Fort Moultrie, from 1843 to 1846, and he explained thathe wanted me as his right hand. He also indicated George H. Thomas, D. C. Buell, and Burnside, as the other three. Of course, I always wanted to go West, and was perfectly willing to go withAnderson, especially in a subordinate capacity: We agreed to callon the President on a subsequent day, to talk with him about it, and we did. It hardly seems probable that Mr. Lincoln should havecome to Willard's Hotel to meet us, but my impression is that hedid, and that General Anderson had some difficulty in prevailing onhim to appoint George H. Thomas, a native of Virginia, to bebrigadier-general, because so many Southern officers, had alreadyplayed false; but I was still more emphatic in my indorsement ofhim by reason of my talk with him at the time he crossed thePotomac with Patterson's army, when Mr. Lincoln promised to appointhim and to assign him to duty with General Anderson. In thisinterview with Mr. Lincoln, I also explained to him my extremedesire to serve in a subordinate capacity, and in no event to beleft in a superior command. He promised me this with promptness, making the jocular remark that his chief trouble was to find placesfor the too many generals who wanted to be at the head of affairs, to command armies, etc. 

The official order is dated:

[Special Order No. 114. ]HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWashington, August 24, 1881. 

The following assignment is made of the general officers of thevolunteer service, whose appointment was announced in GeneralOrders No. 82, from the War Department

To the Department of the Cumberland, Brigadier-General RobertAnderson commanding:

Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman, Brigadier-General George H. Thomas. 

By command of Lieutenant-General Scott:E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant adjutant-General. 

After some days, I was relieved in command of my brigade and postby Brigadier General Fitz-John Porter, and at once took mydeparture for Cincinnati, Ohio, via Cresson, Pennsylvania, whereGeneral Anderson was with his family; and he, Thomas, and I, met byappointment at the house of his brother, Larz Anderson, Esq. , inCincinnati. We were there on the 1st and 2d of September, whenseveral prominent gentlemen of Kentucky met us, to discuss thesituation, among whom were Jackson, Harlan, Speed, and others. Atthat time, William Nelson, an officer of the navy, had beencommissioned a brigadier-general of volunteers, and had his camp atDick Robinson, a few miles beyond the Kentucky River, south ofNicholasville; and Brigadier-General L. H. Rousseau had anothercamp at Jeffersonville, opposite Louisville. The State Legislaturewas in session at Frankfort, and was ready to take definite actionas soon as General Anderson was prepared, for the State wasthreatened with invasion from Tennessee, by two forces: one fromthe direction of Nashville, commanded by Generals Albert SidneyJohnston and Buckner; and the other from the direction ofCumberland Gap, commanded by Generals Crittenden and Zollicoffer. General Anderson saw that he had not force enough to resist thesetwo columns, and concluded to send me in person for help toIndianapolis and Springfield, to confer with the Governors ofIndiana, and Illinois, and to General Fremont, who commanded in St. Louis. 

McClellan and Fremont were the two men toward whom the countrylooked as the great Union leaders, and toward them were streamingthe newly-raised regiments of infantry and cavalry, and batteriesof artillery; nobody seeming to think of the intervening linkcovered by Kentucky. While I was to make this tour, GeneralsAnderson and Thomas were to go to Louisville and initiate thedepartment. None of us had a staff, or any of the machinery fororganizing an army, and, indeed, we had no army to organize. Anderson was empowered to raise regiments in Kentucky, and tocommission a few brigadier-generals. 

At Indianapolis I found Governor Morton and all the State officialsbusy in equipping and providing for the new regiments, and myobject was to divert some of them toward Kentucky; but they werecalled for as fast as they were mustered in, either for the army ofMcClellan or Fremont. At Springfield also I found the same generalactivity and zeal, Governor Yates busy in providing for his men;but these men also had been promised to Fremont. I then went on toSt. Louis, where all was seeming activity, bustle, and preparation. Meeting R. M. Renick at the Planters' House (where I stopped), Iinquired where I could find General Fremont. Renick said, "What doyou want with General Fremont?" I said I had come to see him onbusiness; and he added, "You don't suppose that he will see such asyou?" and went on to retail all the scandal of the day: that Fremontwas a great potentate, surrounded by sentries and guards; that hehad a more showy court than any real king; that he kept senators, governors, and the first citizens, dancing attendance for days andweeks before granting an audience, etc. ; that if I expected to seehim on business, I would have to make my application in writing, and submit to a close scrutiny by his chief of staff and by hiscivil surroundings. Of course I laughed at all this, and renewedmy simple inquiry as to where was his office, and was informed thathe resided and had his office at Major Brant's new house onChouteau Avenue. It was then late in the afternoon, and Iconcluded to wait till the next morning; but that night I receiveda dispatch from General Anderson in Louisville to hurry back, asevents were pressing, and he needed me. 

Accordingly, I rose early next morning before daybreak, gotbreakfast with the early railroad-passengers, and about sunrise wasat the gate of General Fremont's headquarters. A sentinel withdrawn sabre paraded up and down in front of the house. I had on myundress uniform indicating my rank, and inquired of the sentinel, "Is General Fremont up?" He answered, "I don't know. " Seeing thathe was a soldier by his bearing, I spoke in a sharp, emphaticvoice, "Then find out. " He called for the corporal of the guard, and soon a fine-looking German sergeant came, to whom I addressedthe same inquiry. He in turn did not know, and I bade him findout, as I had immediate and important business with the general. The sergeant entered the house by the front-basement door, andafter ten or fifteen minutes the main front-door above was slowlyopened from the inside, and who should appear but my old SanFrancisco acquaintance Isaiah C. Woods, whom I had not seen orheard of since his flight to Australia, at the time of the failureof Adams & Co. In 1851! He ushered me in hastily, closed the door, and conducted me into the office on the right of the hall. We wereglad to meet, after so long and eventful an interval, and mutuallyinquired after our respective families and special acquaintances. I found that he was a commissioned officer, a major on duty withFremont, and Major Eaton, now of the paymaster's Department, was inthe same office with him. I explained to them that I had come fromGeneral Anderson, and wanted to confer with General Fremont inperson. Woods left me, but soon returned, said the general wouldsee me in a very few minutes, and within ten minutes I was shownacross the hall into the large parlor, where General Fremontreceived me very politely. We had met before, as early as 1847, inCalifornia, and I had also seen him several times when he wassenator. I then in a rapid manner ran over all the points ofinterest in General Anderson's new sphere of action, hoped he wouldspare us from the new levies what troops he could, and generallyact in concert with us. He told me that his first business wouldbe to drive the rebel General Price and his army out of Missouri, when he would turn his attention down the Mississippi. He asked myopinion about the various kinds of field-artillery whichmanufacturers were thrusting on him, especially the thennewly-invented James gun, and afterward our conversation took a wideturn about the character of the principal citizens of St. Louis, with whom I was well acquainted. 

Telling General Fremont that I had been summoned to Louisville andthat I should leave in the first train, viz. , at 3 p. M. , I took myleave of him. Returning to Wood's office, I found there two moreCalifornians, viz. , Messrs. Palmer and Haskell, so I felt that, while Fremont might be suspicious of others, he allowed freeingress to his old California acquaintances. 

Returning to the Planters' House, I heard of Beard, anotherCalifornian, a Mormon, who had the contract for the line ofredoubts which Fremont had ordered to be constructed around thecity, before he would take his departure for the interior of theState; and while I stood near the office-counter, I saw old BaronSteinberger, a prince among our early California adventurers, comein and look over the register. I avoided him on purpose, but hispresence in St. Louis recalled the maxim, "Where the vultures are, there is a carcass close by;" and I suspected that the profitablecontracts of the quartermaster, McKinstry, had drawn to St. Louissome of the most enterprising men of California. I suspect theycan account for the fact that, in a very short time, Fremont fellfrom his high estate in Missouri, by reason of frauds, or supposedfrauds, in the administration of the affairs of his command. 

I left St. Louis that afternoon and reached Louisville the nextmorning. I found General Anderson quartered at the LouisvilleHotel, and he had taken a dwelling homes on ______ Street as anoffice. Captain O. D. Greens was his adjutant-general, LieutenantThrockmorton his aide, and Captain Prime, of the Engineer Corps, was on duty with him. General George H. Thomas had been dispatchedto camp Dick Robinson, to relieve Nelson. 

The city was full of all sorts of rumors. The Legislature, movedby considerations purely of a political nature, had taken the step, whatever it was, that amounted to an adherence to the Union, instead of joining the already-seceded States. This wasuniversally known to be the signal for action. For it we wereutterly unprepared, whereas the rebels were fully prepared. General Sidney Johnston immediately crossed into Kentucky, andadvanced as far as Bowling Green, which he began to fortify, andthence dispatched General Buckner with a division forward towardLouisville; General Zollicoffer, in like manner, entered the Stateand advanced as far as Somerset. On the day I reached Louisvillethe excitement ran high. It was known that Columbus, Kentucky, hadbeen occupied, September 7th, by a strong rebel force, underGenerals Pillow and Polk, and that General Grant had moved fromCairo and occupied Paducah in force on the 6th. Many of the rebelfamilies expected Buckner to reach Louisville at any moment. Thatnight, General Anderson sent for me, and I found with him Mr. Guthrie, president of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, who hadin his hands a dispatch to the effect that the bridge across theRolling Fork of Salt Creek, less than thirty miles out, had beenburned, and that Buckner's force, en route for Louisville, had beendetained beyond Green River by a train thrown from the track. Welearned afterward that a man named Bird had displaced a rail onpurpose to throw the train off the track, and thereby give us time. 

Mr. Guthrie explained that in the ravine just beyond Salt Creekwere several high and important trestles which, if destroyed, wouldtake months to replace, and General Anderson thought it well. Worth the effort to save them. Also, on Muldraugh's Hill beyond, was a strong position, which had in former years been used as thesite for the State "Camp of Instruction, " and we all supposed thatGeneral Buckner, who was familiar with the ground, was aiming for aposition there, from which to operate on Louisville. 

All the troops we had to counteract Buckner were Rousseau's Legion, and a few Home Guards in Louisville. The former were stillencamped across the river at Jeffersonville; so General Andersonordered me to go over, and with them, and such Home Guards as wecould collect, make the effort to secure possession of Muldraugh'sHill before Buckner could reach it. I took Captain Prime with me;and crossed over to Rousseau's camp. The long-roll was beaten, andwithin an hour the men, to the number of about one thousand, weremarching for the ferry-boat and for the Nashville depot. MeantimeGeneral Anderson had sent to collect some Home Guards, and Mr. Guthrie to get the trains ready. It was after midnight before webegan to move. The trains proceeded slowly, and it was daybreakwhen we reached Lebanon Junction, twenty-six miles out, where wedisembarked, and marched to the bridge over Salt River, which wefound had been burnt; whether to prevent Buckner coming intoLouisville, or us from going out, was not clear. Rousseau's Legionforded the stream and marched up to the State Camp of Instruction, finding the high trestles all secure. The railroad hands went towork at once to rebuild the bridge. I remained a couple of days atLebanon Junction, during which General Anderson forwarded tworegiments of volunteers that had come to him. Before the bridgewas done we advanced the whole camp to the summit of Muldraugh'sHill, just back of Elizabethtown. There I learned definitely thatGeneral Buckner had not crossed Green River at all, that GeneralSidney Johnston was fortifying Bowling Green, and preparing for asystematic advance into Kentucky, of which he was a native, andwith whose people and geography he must have been familiar. Asfast as fresh troops reached Louisville, they were sent out to meat Muldraugh's Hill, where I was endeavoring to put them into shapefor service, and by the 1st of October I had the equivalent of adivision of two brigades preparing to move forward toward GreenRiver. The daily correspondence between General Anderson andmyself satisfied me that the worry and harassment at Louisvillewere exhausting his strength and health, and that he would soonleave. On a telegraphic summons from him, about the 5th ofOctober, I went down to Louisville, when General Anderson said hecould not stand the mental torture of his command any longer, andthat he must go away, or it would kill him. On the 8th of Octoberhe actually published an order relinquishing the command, and, byreason of my seniority, I had no alternative but to assume command, though much against the grain, and in direct violation of Mr. Lincoln's promise to me. I am certain that, in my earliestcommunication to the War Department, I renewed the expression of mywish to remain in a subordinate position, and that I received theassurance that Brigadier-General Buell would soon arrive fromCalifornia, and would be sent to relieve me. By that time I hadbecome pretty familiar with the geography and the general resourcesof Kentucky. We had parties all over the State raising regimentsand companies; but it was manifest that the young men weregenerally inclined to the cause of the South, while the older menof property wanted to be let alone--i. E. , to remain neutral. As toa forward movement that fall, it was simply impracticable; for wewere forced to use divergent lines, leading our columns farther andfarther apart; and all I could attempt was to go on and collectforce and material at the two points already chosen, viz. , DickRobinson and Elizabethtown. General George H. Thomas stillcontinued to command the former, and on the 12th of October Idispatched Brigadier-General A. McD. McCook to command the latter, which had been moved forward to Nolin Creek, fifty-two miles out ofLouisville, toward Bowling Green. Staff-officers began to arriveto relieve us of the constant drudgery which, up to that time, hadbeen forced on General Anderson and myself; and these were all goodmen. Colonel Thomas Swords, quartermaster, arrived on the 13th;Paymaster Larned on the 14th; and Lieutenant Smyzer, FifthArtillery, acting ordnance-officer, on the 20th; Captain Symondswas already on duty as the commissary of subsistence; Captain O. D. Greene was the adjutant-general, and completed a good workingstaff. 

The everlasting worry of citizens complaining of every pettydelinquency of a soldier, and forcing themselves forward to discusspolitics, made the position of a commanding general no sinecure. Icontinued to strengthen the two corps forward and their routes ofsupply; all the time expecting that Sidney Johnston, who was a realgeneral, and who had as correct information of our situation as Ihad, would unite his force with Zollicoffer, and fall on Thomas atDick Robinson, or McCook at Nolin: Had he done so in October, 1861, he could have walked into Louisville, and the vital part of thepopulation would have hailed him as a deliverer. Why he did not, was to me a mystery then and is now; for I know that he saw themove; and had his wagons loaded up at one time for a start towardFrankfort, passing between our two camps. Conscious of ourweakness, I was unnecessarily unhappy, and doubtless exhibited ittoo much to those near me; but it did seem to me that theGovernment at Washington, intent on the larger preparations ofFremont in Missouri and McClellan in Washington, actually ignoredus in Kentucky. 

About this time, say the middle of October, I received notice, bytelegraph, that the Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron (then in St. Louis), would visit me at Louisville, on his way back toWashington. I was delighted to have an opportunity to properlyrepresent the actual state of affairs, and got Mr. Guthrie to gowith me across to Jeffersonville, to meet the Secretary of War andescort him to Louisville. The train was behind time, but Mr. Guthrie and I waited till it actually arrived. Mr. Cameron wasattended by Adjutant-General Lorenzo Thomas, and six or sevengentlemen who turned out to be newspaper reporters. Mr. Cameron'sfirst inquiry was, when he could start for Cincinnati, saying that, as he had been detained at St. Louis so long, it was important heshould hurry on to Washington. I explained that the regularmail-boat would leave very soon--viz. , at 12 M. --but I begged himto come over to Louisville; that I wanted to see him on business asimportant as any in Washington, and hoped he would come and spendat least a day with us. He asked if every thing was not well withus, and I told him far from it; that things were actually bad, asbad as bad could be. This seemed to surprise him, and Mr. Guthrieadded his persuasion to mine; when Mr. Cameron, learning that hecould leave Louisville by rail via Frankfort next morning early, and make the same connections at Cincinnati, consented to go withus to Louisville, with the distinct understanding that he mustleave early the next morning for Washington. 

We accordingly all took hacks, crossed the river by the ferry, anddrove to the Galt House, where I was then staying. Brigadier-General T. J. Wood had come down from Indianapolis by the sametrain, and was one of the party. We all proceeded to my room onthe first floor of the Galt House, where our excellent landlord, Silas Miller, Esq. , sent us a good lunch and something to drink. Mr. Cameron was not well, and lay on my bed, but joined in thegeneral conversation. He and his party seemed to be full of theparticulars of the developments in St. Louis of some of Fremont'sextravagant contracts and expenses, which were the occasion ofCameron's trip to St. Louis, and which finally resulted inFremont's being relieved, first by General Hunter, and after byGeneral H. W. Halleck. 

After some general conversation, Mr. Cameron called to me, "Now, General Sherman, tell us of your troubles. " I said I preferred notto discuss business with so many strangers present. He said, "They are all friends, all members of my family, and you may speakyour mind freely and without restraint. " I am sure I stepped tothe door, locked it to prevent intrusion, and then fully and fairlyrepresented the state of affairs in Kentucky, especially thesituation and numbers of my troops. I complained that the newlevies of Ohio and Indiana were diverted East and West, and we gotscarcely any thing; that our forces at Nolin and Dick Robinson werepowerless for invasion, and only tempting to a general such as webelieved Sidney Johnston to be; that, if Johnston chose, he couldmarch to Louisville any day. Cameron exclaimed: "You astonish me!Our informants, the Kentucky Senators and members of Congress, claim that they have in Kentucky plenty of men, and all they wantare arms and money. " I then said it was not true; for the youngmen were arming and going out openly in broad daylight to the rebelcamps, provided with good horses and guns by their fathers, whowere at best "neutral;" and as to arms, he had, in Washington, promised General Anderson forty thousand of the best Springfieldmuskets, instead of which we had received only about twelvethousand Belgian muskets, which the Governor of Pennsylvania hadrefused, as had also the Governor of Ohio, but which had beenadjudged good enough for Kentucky. I asserted that volunteercolonels raising regiments in various parts of the State had cometo Louisville for arms, and when they saw what I had to offer hadscorned to receive them--to confirm the truth of which I appealedto Mr. Guthrie, who said that every word I had spoken was true, andhe repeated what I had often heard him say, that no man who owned aslave or a mule in Kentucky could be trusted. 

Mr. Cameron appeared alarmed at what was said, and turned toAdjutant-General L. Thomas, to inquire if he knew of any troopsavailable, that had not been already assigned. He mentionedNegley's Pennsylvania Brigade, at Pittsburg, and a couple of otherregiments that were then en route for St. Louis. Mr. Cameronordered him to divert these to Louisville, and Thomas made thetelegraphic orders on the spot. He further promised, on reachingWashington, to give us more of his time and assistance. 

In the general conversation which followed, I remember taking alarge map of the United States, and assuming the people of thewhole South to be in rebellion, that our task was to subdue them, showed that McClellan was on the left, having a frontage of lessthan a hundred miles, and Fremont the right, about the same;whereas I, the centre, had from the Big Sandy to Paducah, overthree hundred miles of frontier; that McClellan had a hundredthousand men, Fremont sixty thousand, whereas to me had only beenallotted about eighteen thousand. I argued that, for the purposeof defense we should have sixty thousand men at once, and foroffense, would need two hundred thousand, before we were done. Mr. Cameron, who still lay on the bed, threw up his hands andexclaimed, "Great God! where are they to come from?" I assertedthat there were plenty of men at the North, ready and willing tocome, if he would only accept their services; for it was notoriousthat regiments had been formed in all the Northwestern States, whose services had been refused by the War Department, on theground that they would not be needed. We discussed all thesematters fully, in the most friendly spirit, and I thought I hadaroused Mr. Cameron to a realization of the great war that wasbefore us, and was in fact upon us. I heard him tell GeneralThomas to make a note of our conversation, that he might attend tomy requests on reaching Washington. We all spent the eveningtogether agreeably in conversation, many Union citizens calling topay their respects, and the next morning early we took the trainfor Frankfort; Mr. Cameron and party going on to Cincinnati andWashington, and I to Camp Dick Robinson to see General Thomas andthe troops there. 

I found General Thomas in a tavern, with most of his regimentscamped about him. He had sent a small force some miles in advancetoward Cumberland Gap, under Brigadier-General Schoepf. Remainingthere a couple of days, I returned to Louisville; on the 22d ofOctober, General Negley's brigade arrived in boats from Pittsburg, was sent out to Camp Nolin; and the Thirty-seventh Indiana. , Colonel Hazzard, and Second Minnesota, Colonel Van Cleve, alsoreached Louisville by rail, and were posted at Elizabethtown andLebanon Junction. These were the same troops which had beenordered by Mr. Cameron when at Louisville, and they were all that Ireceived thereafter, prior to my leaving Kentucky. On reachingWashington, Mr. Cameron called on General Thomas, as he himselfafterward told me, to submit his memorandum of events during hisabsence, and in that memorandum was mentioned my insane request fortwo hundred thousand men. By some newspaper man this was seen andpublished, and, before I had the least conception of it, I wasuniversally published throughout the country as "insane, crazy, "etc. Without any knowledge, however, of this fact, I hadpreviously addressed to the Adjutant-General of the army atWashington this letter:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OP THE CUMBERLAND, LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY, October 22, 1881. 

To General L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General, Washington, D. C. 

Sir: On my arrival at Camp Dick Robinson, I found GeneralThomas had stationed a Kentucky regiment at Rock Castle Hill, beyond a river of the same name, and had sent an Ohio and anIndiana regiment forward in support. He was embarrassed fortransportation, and I authorized him to hire teams, and to move hiswhole force nearer to his advance-guard, so as to support it, as hehad information of the approach of Zollicoffer toward London. Ihave just heard from him, that he had sent forward General Schoepfwith Colonel Wolford's cavalry, Colonel Steadman's Ohio regiment, and a battery of artillery, followed on a succeeding day by aTennessee brigade. He had still two Kentucky regiments, theThirty-eighth Ohio and another battery of artillery, with which hewas to follow yesterday. This force, if concentrated, should bestrong enough for the purpose; at all events, it is all he had or Icould give him. 

I explained to you fully, when here, the supposed position of ouradversaries, among which was a force in the valley of Big Sandy, supposed to be advancing on Paris, Kentucky. General Nelson atMaysville was instructed to collect all the men he could, andColonel Gill's regiment of Ohio Volunteers. Colonel Harris wasalready in position at Olympian Springs, and a regiment lay atLexington, which I ordered to his support. This leaves the line ofThomas's operations exposed, but I cannot help it. I explained sofully to yourself and the Secretary of War the condition of things, that I can add nothing new until further developments, You know myviews that this great centre of our field is too weak, far tooweak, and I have begged and implored till I dare not say more. 

Buckner still is beyond Green River. He sent a detachment of hismen, variously estimated at from two to four thousand towardGreensburg. General Ward, with about one thousand men, retreatedto Campbellsburg, where he called to his assistance somepartially-formed regiments to the number of about two thousand. The enemy did not advance, and General Ward was at last dates atCampbellsburg. The officers charged with raising regiments must ofnecessity be near their homes to collect men, and for this reasonare out of position; but at or near Greensburg and Lebanon, Idesire to assemble as large a force of the Kentucky Volunteers aspossible. This organization is necessarily irregular, but thenecessity is so great that I must have them, and therefore haveissued to them arms and clothing during the process of formation. This has facilitated their enlistment; but inasmuch as theLegislature has provided money for organizing the KentuckyVolunteers, and intrusted its disbursement to a board of loyalgentlemen, I have endeavored to cooperate with them to hasten theformation of these corps. 

The great difficulty is, and has been, that as volunteers offer, wehave not arms and clothing to give them. The arms sent us are, asyou already know, European muskets of uncouth pattern, which thevolunteers will not touch. 

General McCook has now three brigades--Johnson's, Wood's, andRousseau's. Negley's brigade arrived to-day, and will be sent outat once. The Minnesota regiment has also arrived, and will be sentforward. Hazzard's regiment of Indiana troops I have ordered tothe month of Salt Creek, an important point on the turnpike-roadleading to Elizabethtown. 

I again repeat that our force here is out of all proportion to theimportance of the position. Our defeat would be disastrous to thenation; and to expect of new men, who never bore arms, to domiracles, is not right. 

I am, with much respect, yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding. 

About this time my attention was drawn to the publication in allthe Eastern papers, which of course was copied at the West, of thereport that I was "crazy, insane, and mad, " that "I had demandedtwo hundred thousand men for the defense of Kentucky;" and theauthority given for this report was stated to be the Secretary ofWar himself, Mr. Cameron, who never, to my knowledge, took pains toaffirm or deny it. My position was therefore simply unbearable, and it is probable I resented the cruel insult with language ofintense feeling. Still I received no orders, no reenforcements, not a word of encouragement or relief. About November 1st, GeneralMcClellan was appointed commander-in-chief of all the armies in thefield, and by telegraph called for a report from me. It isherewith given:

HEADQUARTERS THE DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND, Louisville, Kentucky, November 4, 1861

General L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General, Washington, D. C. 

Sir: In compliance with the telegraphic orders of GeneralMcClellan, received late last night, I submit this report of theforces in Kentucky, and of their condition. 

The tabular statement shows the position of the several regiments. The camp at Nolin is at the present extremity of the NashvilleRailroad. This force was thrown forward to meet the advance ofBuckner's army, which then fell back to Green River, twenty-threemiles beyond. These regiments were substantially without means oftransportation, other than the railroad, which is guarded at alldangerous points, yet is liable to interruption at any moment, bythe tearing up of a rail by the disaffected inhabitants or a hiredenemy. These regiments are composed of good materials, but devoidof company officers of experience, and have been put under thoroughdrill since being in camp. They are generally well clad, andprovided for. Beyond Green River, the enemy has masked his forces, and it is very difficult to ascertain even the approximate numbers. No pains have been spared to ascertain them, but without success, and it is well known that they far outnumber us. Depending, however, on the railroads to their rear for transportation, theyhave not thus far advanced this side of Green River, except inmarauding parties. This is the proper line of advance, but willrequire a very large force, certainly fifty thousand men, as theirrailroad facilities south enable them to concentrate atMunfordsville the entire strength of the South. General McCook'scommand is divided into four brigades, under Generals Wood, R. W. Johnson, Rousseau, and Negley. 

General Thomas's line of operations is from Lexington, towardCumberland Gap and Ford, which are occupied by a force of rebelTennesseeans, under the command of Zollicoffer. Thomas occupiesthe position at London, in front of two roads which lead to thefertile part of Kentucky, the one by Richmond, and the other byCrab Orchard, with his reserve at Camp Dick Robinson, eight milessouth of the Kentucky River. His provisions and stores go byrailroad from Cincinnati to Nicholasville, and thence in wagons tohis several regiments. He is forced to hire transportation. 

Brigadier-General Nelson is operating by the line from OlympianSprings, east of Paris, on the Covington & Lexington Railroad, toward Prestonburg, in the valley of the Big Sandy where isassembled a force of from twenty-five to thirty-five hundred rebelKentuckians waiting reenforcements from Virginia. My last reportfrom him was to October 28th, at which time he had Colonel Harris'sOhio Second, nine hundred strong; Colonel Norton's Twenty-firstOhio, one thousand; and Colonel Sill's Thirty-third Ohio, sevenhundred and fifty strong; with two irregular Kentucky regiments, Colonels Marshall and Metcalf. These troops were on the road nearHazel Green and West Liberty, advancing toward Prestonburg. 

Upon an inspection of the map, you will observe these are alldivergent lines, but rendered necessary, from the fact that ourenemies choose them as places of refuge from pursuit, where theycan receive assistance from neighboring States. Our lines are alltoo weak, probably with the exception of that to Prestonburg. Tostrengthen these, I am thrown on the raw levies of Ohio andIndiana, who arrive in detachments, perfectly fresh from thecountry, and loaded down with baggage, also upon the Kentuckians, who are slowly forming regiments all over the State, at pointsremote from danger, and whom it will be almost impossible toassemble together. The organization of this latter force is, bythe laws of Kentucky, under the control of a military board ofcitizens, at the capital, Frankfort, and they think they will beenabled to have fifteen regiments toward the middle of this month, but I doubt it, and deem it unsafe to rely on them: There are fourregiments forming in the neighborhood of Owensboro, near the mouthof Green River, who are doing good service, also in theneighborhood of Campbellsville, but it is unsafe to rely on troopsso suddenly armed and equipped. They are not yet clothed oruniformed. I know well you will think our force too widelydistributed, but we are forced to it by the attitude of ourenemies, whose force and numbers the country never has and probablynever will comprehend. 

I am told that my estimate of troops needed for this line, viz. , two hundred thousand, has been construed to my prejudice, andtherefore leave it for the future. This is the great centre onwhich our enemies can concentrate whatever force is not employedelsewhere. Detailed statement of present force inclosed with this. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL McCOOK'S CAMP, AT NOLIN, FIFTY-TWO MILES FROMLOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY, NOVEMBER 4, 1861. 

First Brigade (General ROUSSEAU). -Third Kentucky, Colonel Bulkley;Fourth Kentucky, Colonel Whittaker; First Cavalry, Colonel Board;Stone's battery; two companies Nineteenth United States Infantry, and two companies Fifteenth United States Infantry, Captain Gilman. 

Second Brigade (General T. J. WOOD). -Thirty-eighth Indiana, ColonelScribner; Thirty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Harrison; ThirtiethIndiana, Colonel Bass; Twenty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Miller. 

Third Brigade (General JOHNSON). -Forty-ninth Ohio, Colonel Gibson;Fifteenth Ohio, Colonel Dickey; Thirty-fourth Illinois, ColonelKing; Thirty-second Indiana, Colonel Willach. 

Fourth Brigade (General NEGLEY). -Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania, Colonel Hambright; Seventy-eighth Pennsylvania, Colonel Sinnell;Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania, Colonel Stambaugh; Battery, CaptainMueller. 

Camp Dick Robinson (General G. H. THOMAS). ---Kentucky, ColonelBramlette;--Kentucky, Colonel Fry;--Kentucky Cavalry, ColonelWoolford; Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Steadman; First Artillery, Colonel Barnett; Third Ohio, Colonel Carter;--East Tennessee, Colonel Byrd. 

Bardstown, Kentucky. -Tenth Indiana, Colonel Manson. 

Crab Orchard. -Thirty-third Indiana, Colonel Coburn. 

Jeffersonville, Indiana. -Thirty-fourth Indiana, Colonel Steele;Thirty-sixth Indiana, Colonel Gross; First Wisconsin, ColonelStarkweather. 

Mouth of Salt River. -Ninth Michigan, Colonel Duffield;Thirty-seventh Indiana, Colonel Hazzard. 

Lebanon Junction.. -Second Minnesota, Colonel Van Cleve. 

Olympian Springs. -Second Ohio, Colonel Harris. 

Cynthiana, Kentucky. -Thirty-fifth Ohio, Colonel Vandever. 

Nicholasville, Kentucky. -Twenty-first Ohio, Colonel Norton;Thirty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Bradley. 

Big Hill. -Seventeenth Ohio, Colonel Connell. 

Colesburg. -Twenty-fourth Illinois, Colonel Hecker. 

Elizabethtown, Kentucky. -Nineteenth Illinois, Colonel Turchin. 

Owensboro' or Henderson. -Thirty-first Indiana, Colonel Cruft;Colonel Edwards, forming Rock Castle; Colonel Boyle, Harrodsburg;Colonel Barney, Irvine; Colonel Hazzard, Burksville; ColonelHaskins, Somerset. 

And, in order to conclude this subject, I also add copies of twotelegraphic dispatches, sent for General McClellan's use about thesame time, which are all the official letters received at hisheadquarters, as certified by the Adjutant-General, L. Thomas, in aletter of February 1, 1862; in answer to an application of mybrother, Senator John Sherman, and on which I was adjudged insane:

Louisville, November 3, 10 p. M. 

To General McLELLAN, Washington, D. C. :

Dispatch just received. We are forced to operate on three lines, all dependent on railroads of doubtful safety, requiring strongguards. From Paris to Prestonbnrg, three Ohio regiments and somemilitia--enemy variously reported from thirty-five hundred to seventhousand. From Lexington toward Cumberland Gap, Brigadier-GeneralThomas, one Indiana and five Ohio regiments, two Kentucky and twoTennessee; hired wagons and badly clad. Zollicoffer, at CumberlandFord, about seven thousand. Lee reported on the way with Virginiareenforcements. In front of Louisville, fifty-two miles, McCook, with four brigades of about thirteen thousand, with four regimentsto guard the railroad, at all times in danger. Enemy along therailroad from Green River to Bowling Green, Nashville, andClarksville. Buckner, Hardee, Sidney Johnston, Folk, and Pillow, the two former in immediate command, the force as large as theywant or can subsist, from twenty-five to thirty thousand. BowlingGreen strongly fortified. Our forces too small to do good, and toolarge to sacrifice. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General. 

HEADQUARTERS THE DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND, Louisville, Kentucky, November 6, 1861

General L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General. 

Sir: General McClellan telegraphs me to report to him daily thesituation of affairs here. The country is so large that it isimpossible to give clear and definite views. Our enemies have aterrible advantage in the fact that in our midst, in our camps, andalong our avenues of travel, they have active partisans, farmersand business-men, who seemingly pursue their usual calling, but arein fact spies. They report all our movements and strength, whilewe can procure information only by circuitous and unreliable means. I inclose you the copy of an intercepted letter, which is but thetype of others. Many men from every part of the State are nowenrolled under Buckner--have gone to him--while ours have to beraised in neighborhoods, and cannot be called together except atlong notice. These volunteers are being organized under the lawsof the State, and the 10th of November is fixed for the time ofconsolidating them into companies and regiments. Many of them arearmed by the United States as home guards, and many by GeneralAnderson and myself, because of the necessity of being armed toguard their camps against internal enemies. Should we beoverwhelmed, they would scatter, and their arms and clothing willgo to the enemy, furnishing the very material they so much need. We should have here a very large force, sufficient to giveconfidence to the Union men of the ability to do what should bedone--possess ourselves of all the State. But all see and feel weare brought to a stand-still, and this produces doubt and alarm. With our present force it would be simple madness to cross GreenRiver, and yet hesitation may be as fatal. In like manner theother columns are in peril, not so much in front as rear, therailroads over which our stores must pass being much exposed. Ihave the Nashville Railroad guarded by three regiments, yet it isfar from being safe; and, the moment actual hostilities commence, these roads will be interrupted, and we will be in a dilemma. Tomeet this in part I have put a cargo of provisions at the mouth ofSalt River, guarded by two regiments. All these detachments weakenthe main force, and endanger the whole. Do not conclude, asbefore, that I exaggerate the facts. They are as stated, and thefuture looks as dark as possible. It would be better if some manof sanguine mind were here, for I am forced to order according tomy convictions. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding. 

After the war was over, General Thomas J. Wood, then in command ofthe district of Vicksburg, prepared a statement addressed to thepublic, describing the interview with the Secretary of War, whichhe calls a "Council of War. " I did not then deem it necessary torenew a matter which had been swept into oblivion by the waritself; but, as it is evidence by an eyewitness, it is worthy ofinsertion here. 

STATEMENT. 

On the 11th of October, 1861, the writer, who had been personallyon mustering duty in Indiana, was appointed a brigadier-general ofvolunteers, and ordered to report to General Sherman, then incommand of the Department of the Cumberland, with his headquartersat Louisville, having succeeded General Robert Anderson. When thewriter was about leaving Indianapolis to proceed to Louisville, Mr. Cameron, returning from his famous visit of inspection to GeneralFremont's department, at St. Louis, Missouri, arrived atIndianapolis, and announced his intention to visit General Sherman. 

The writer was invited to accompany the party to Louisville. Taking the early morning train from Indianapolis to Louisville onthe 16th of October, 1861, the party arrived in Jeffersonvilleshortly after mid-day. General Sherman met the party inJeffersonville, and accompanied it to the Galt House, inLouisville, the hotel at which he was stopping. 

During the afternoon General Sherman informed the writer that acouncil of war was to be held immediately in his private room inthe hotel, and desired him to be present at the council. GeneralSherman and the writer proceeded directly to the room. The writerentered the room first, and observed in it Mr. Cameron, Adjutant-General L. Thomas, and some other persons, all of whose names hedid not know, but whom he recognized as being of Mr. Cameron'sparty. The name of one of the party the writer had learned, whichhe remembers as Wilkinson, or Wilkerson, and who he understood wasa writer for the New York Tribune newspaper. The Hon. JamesGuthrie was also in the room, having been invited, on account ofhis eminent position as a citizen of Kentucky, his high civicreputation, and his well-known devotion to the Union, to meet theSecretary of War in the council. When General Sherman entered theroom he closed the door, and turned the key in the lock. 

Before entering on the business of the meeting, General Shermanremarked substantially: "Mr. Cameron, we have met here to discussmatters and interchange views which should be known only by personshigh in the confidence of the Government. There are personspresent whom I do not know, and I desire to know, before openingthe business of the council, whether they are persons who may beproperly allowed to hear the views which I have to submit to you. "Mr. Cameron replied, with some little testiness of manner, that thepersons referred to belonged to his party, and there was noobjection to their knowing whatever might be communicated to him. 

Certainly the legitimate and natural conclusion from this remark ofMr. Cameron's was that whatever views might be submitted by GeneralSherman would be considered under the protection of the seal ofsecrecy, and would not be divulged to the public till allapprehension of injurious consequences from such disclosure hadpassed. And it may be remarked, further, that justice to GeneralSherman required that if, at any future time, his conclusions as tothe amount of force necessary to conduct the operations committedto his charge should be made public, the grounds on which hisconclusions were based should be made public at the same time. 

Mr. Cameron then asked General Sherman what his plans were. Tothis General Sherman replied that he had no plans; that nosufficient force had been placed at his disposition with which todevise any plan of operations; that, before a commanding generalcould project a plan of campaign, he must know what amount of forcehe would have to operate with. 

The general added that he had views which he would be happy tosubmit for the consideration of the Secretary. Mr. Cameron desiredto hear General Sherman's views. 

General Sherman began by giving his opinion of the people ofKentucky, and the then condition of the State. He remarked that hebelieved a very large majority of the people of Kentucky werethoroughly devoted to the Union, and loyal to the Government, andthat the Unionists embraced almost all the older and moresubstantial men in the State; but, unfortunately, there was noorganization nor arms among the Union men; that the rebel minority, thoroughly vindictive in its sentiments, was organized and armed(this having been done in advance by their leaders), and, beyondthe reach of the Federal forces, overawed and prevented the Unionmen from organizing; that, in his opinion, if Federal protectionwere extended throughout the State to the Union men, a large forcecould be raised for the service of the Government. 

General Sherman next presented a resume of the information in hispossession as to the number of the rebel troops in Kentucky. Commencing with the force at Columbus, Kentucky, the reportsvaried, giving the strength from ten to twenty thousand. It wascommanded by Lieutenant-General Polk. General Sherman fixed it atthe lowest estimate; say, ten thousand. The force at BowlingGreen, commanded by General. A. S. Johnston, supported by Hardee, Buckner, and others, was variously estimated at from eighteen tothirty thousand. General Sherman estimated this force at thelowest figures given to it by his information--eighteen thousand. 

He explained that, for purposes of defense, these two forces ought, owing to the facility with which troops might be transported fromone to the other, by the net-work of railroads in Middle and WestTennessee, to be considered almost as one. General Shermanremarked, also, on the facility with which reinforcements could betransported by railroad to Bowling Green, from the other rebellionsStates. 

The third organized body of rebel troops was in Eastern Kentucky, under General Zollicoffer, estimated, according to the mostreliable information, at six thousand men. This force threatened adescent, if unrestrained, on the blue-grass region of Kentucky, including the cities of Lexington, and Frankfort, the capital ofthe State; and if successful in its primary movements, as it wouldgather head as it advanced, might endanger the safety ofCincinnati. 

General Sherman said that the information in his possessionindicated an intention, on the part of the rebels, of a general andgrand advance toward the Ohio River. He further expressed theopinion that, if such advance should be made, and not checked, therebel force would be swollen by at least twenty thousand recruitsfrom the disloyalists in Kentucky. His low computation of theorganized rebel soldiers then in Kentucky fixed the strength atabout thirty-five thousand. Add twenty thousand for reenforcementsgained in Kentucky, to say nothing of troops drawn from other rebelStates, and the effective rebel force in the State, at a lowestimate, would be fifty-five thousand men. 

General Sherman explained forcibly how largely the difficulties ofsuppressing the rebellion would be enhanced, if the rebels shouldbe allowed to plant themselves firmly, with strong fortifications, at commanding points on the Ohio River. It would be facile forthem to carry the war thence into the loyal States north of theriver. 

To resist an advance of the rebels, General Sherman stated that hedid not have at that time in Kentucky more than some twelve tofourteen thousand effective men. The bulk of this force was postedat camp Nolin, on the Louisville & Nashville Railway, fifty milessouth of Louisville. A part of it was in Eastern Kentucky, underGeneral George H. Thomas, and a very small force was in the lowervalley of Green River. 

This disposition of the force had been made for the double purposeof watching and checking the rebels, and protecting the raising andorganization of troops among the Union men of Kentucky. 

Having explained the situation from the defensive point of view, General Sherman proceeded to consider it from the offensivestand-point. The Government had undertaken to suppress therebellion; the onus faciendi, therefore, rested on the Government. The rebellion could never be put down, the authority of theparamount Government asserted, and the union of the States declaredperpetual, by force of arms, by maintaining the defensive; toaccomplish these grand desiderata, it was absolutely necessary theGovernment should adopt, and maintain until the rebellion wascrushed, the offensive. 

For the purpose of expelling the rebels from Kentucky, GeneralSherman said that at least sixty thousand soldiers were necessary. Considering that the means of accomplishment must always beproportioned to the end to be achieved, and bearing in mind thearray of rebel force then in Kentucky, every sensible man mustadmit that the estimate of the force given by General Sherman, fordriving the rebels out of the State, and reestablishing andmaintaining the authority of the Government, was a very low one. The truth is that, before the rebels were driven from Kentucky, many more than sixty thousand soldiers were sent into the State. 

Ascending from the consideration of the narrow question of thepolitical and military situation in Kentucky, and the extent offorce necessary to redeem the State from rebel thraldom, forecasting in his sagacious intellect the grand and daringoperations which, three years afterward, he realized in a campaign, taken in its entirety, without a parallel in modern times, GeneralSherman expressed the opinion that, to carry the war to the Gulf ofMexico, and destroy all armed opposition to the Goverment, in theentire Mississippi Valley, at least two hundred thousand troopswere absolutely requisite. 

So soon as General Sherman had concluded the expression of hisviews, Mr. Cameron asked, with much warmth and apparent irritation, "Where do you suppose, General Sherman, all this force is to comefrom. " General Sherman replied that he did not know; that it wasnot his duty to raise, organize, and put the necessary militaryforce into the field; that duty pertained to the War Department. His duty was to organize campaigns and command the troops afterthey had been put into the field. 

At this point of the proceedings, General Sherman suggested that itmight be agreeable to the Secretary to hear the views of Mr. Guthrie. Thus appealed to, Mr. Guthrie said he did not considerhimself, being a civilian, competent to give an opinion as to theextent of force necessary to parry the war to the Gulf of Mexico;but, being well informed of the condition of things in Kentucky, heindorsed fully General Sherman's opinion of the force required todrive the rebels out of the State. 

The foregoing is a circumstantial account of the deliberations ofthe council that were of any importance. 

A good deal of desultory conversation followed, on immaterialmatters; and some orders were issued by telegraph, by the Secretaryof War, for some small reenforcements to be sent to Kentuckyimmediately, from Pennsylvania and Indiana. 

A short time after the council was held--the exact time is not nowremembered by the writer--an imperfect narrative of it appeared inthe New York Tribune. This account announced to the public theconclusions uttered by General Sherman in the council, withoutgiving the reasons on which his conclusions were based. Theunfairness of this course to General Sherman needs no comment. Allmilitary men were shocked by the gross breach of faith which hadbeen committed

TH. J. WOOD, Major-General Volunteers

Vicksburg, Mississippi, August 24, 1886. 

Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell arrived at Louisville about themiddle of November, with orders to relieve me, and I wastransferred for duty to the Department of the Missouri, and orderedto report in person to Major-General H. W. Halleck at St. Louis. Iaccompanied General Buell to the camp at Nolin, where he reviewedand inspected the camp and troops under the command of General A. McD. McCook, and on our way back General Buell inspected theregiment of Hazzard at Elizabethtown. I then turned over mycommand to him, and took my departure for St. Louis. 

At the time I was so relieved I thought, of course, it was done infulfillment of Mr. Lincoln's promise to me, and as a necessaryresult of my repeated demand for the fulfillment of that promise;but I saw and felt, and was of course deeply moved to observe, themanifest belief that there was more or less of truth in the rumorthat the cares, perplexities, and anxiety of the situation hadunbalanced my judgment and mind. It was, doubtless, an incidentcommon to all civil wars, to which I could only submit with thebest grace possible, trusting to the future for an opportunity toredeem my fortune and good name. Of course I could not deny thefact, and had to submit to all its painful consequences for months;and, moreover, I could not hide from myself that many of theofficers and soldiers subsequently placed under my command lookedat me askance and with suspicion. Indeed, it was not until thefollowing April that the battle of Shiloh gave me personally thechance to redeem my good name. 

On reaching St. Louis and reporting to General Halleck, I wasreceived kindly, and was shortly afterward (viz. , November 23d)sent up to Sedalia to inspect the camp there, and the troopslocated along the road back to Jefferson City, and I was ordered toassume command in a certain contingency. I found General Steels atSedalia with his regiments scattered about loosely; and GeneralPope at Otterville, twenty miles back, with no concert betweenthem. The rebel general, Sterling Price, had his forces down aboutOsceola and Warsaw. I advised General Halleck to collect the wholeof his men into one camp on the La Mine River, near Georgetown, toput them into brigades and divisions, so as to be ready to behandled, and I gave some preliminary orders looking to that end. But the newspapers kept harping on my insanity and paralyzed myefforts. In spite of myself, they tortured from me some words andacts of imprudence. General Halleck telegraphed me on November26th: "Unless telegraph-lines are interrupted, make no movementof troops without orders;" and on November 29th: "No forwardmovement of troops on Osceola will be made; only strongreconnoitring-parties will be sent out in the supposed direction ofthe enemy; the bulk of the troops being held in position till morereliable information is obtained. "

About the same time I received the following dispatch:

HEADQUARTERS, ST. LOUIS, MISSOURINovember 28, 1881. Brigadier-General SHERMAN, Sedalia:

Mrs. Sherman is here. General Halleck is satisfied, from reportsof scouts received here, that no attack on Sedalia is intended. You will therefore return to this city, and report yourobservations on the condition of the troops you have examined. Please telegraph when you will leave. 

SCHUYLER HAMILTON, Brigadier-General and Aide-de-Camp. 

I accordingly returned to St. Louis, where I found Mrs. Sherman, naturally and properly distressed at the continued and reiteratedreports of the newspapers of my insanity, and she had come fromLancaster to see me. This recall from Sedalia simply swelled thecry. It was alleged that I was recalled by reason of somethingfoolish I had done at Sedalia, though in fact I had done absolutelynothing, except to recommend what was done immediately thereafteron the advice of Colonel McPherson, on a subsequent inspection. Seeing and realizing that my efforts were useless, I concluded toask for a twenty days' leave of absence, to accompany Mrs. Shermanto our home in Lancaster, and to allow the storm to blow oversomewhat. It also happened to be mid-winter, when, nothing wasdoing; so Mrs. Sherman and I returned to Lancaster, where I wasborn, and where I supposed I was better known and appreciated. 

The newspapers kept up their game as though instigated by malice, and chief among them was the Cincinnati Commercial, whose editor, Halsted, was generally believed to be an honorable man. P. B. Ewing, Esq. , being in Cincinnati, saw him and asked him why he, whocertainly knew better, would reiterate such a damaging slander. Heanswered, quite cavalierly, that it was one of the news-items ofthe day, and he had to keep up with the time; but he would be mosthappy to publish any correction I might make, as though I coulddeny such a malicious piece of scandal affecting myself. On the12th of November I had occasion to write to General Halleck, and Ihave a copy of his letter in answer:

ST. Louis, December 18, 1881. Brigadier-General W. T. SHERMAN, Lancaster, Ohio. 

My DEAR GENERAL: Yours of the 12th was received a day or two ago, but was mislaid for the moment among private papers, or I shouldhave answered it sooner. The newspaper attacks are certainlyshameless and scandalous, but I cannot agree with you, that theyhave us in their power "to destroy us as they please. " I certainlyget my share of abuse, but it will not disturb me. 

Your movement of the troops was not countermanded by me because Ithought it an unwise one in itself, but because I was not thenready for it. I had better information of Price's movements thanyou had, and I had no apprehension of an attack. I intended toconcentrate the forces on that line, but I wished the movementdelayed until I could determine on a better position. 

After receiving Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson's report, I madeprecisely the location you had ordered. I was desirous at the timenot to prevent the advance of Price by any movement on our part, hoping that he would move on Lexington; but finding that he haddetermined to remain at Osceola for some time at least, I made themovement you proposed. As you could not know my plans, you andothers may have misconstrued the reason of my countermanding yourorders.... 

I hope to see you well enough for duty soon. Our organization goeson slowly, but we will effect it in time. Yours truly, H. W. HALLECK. 

And subsequently, in a letter to Hon. Thomas Ewing, in answer tosome inquiries involving the same general subject, General Halleckwrote as follows:

Hon. THOMAS EWING, Lancaster, Ohio. 

DEAR SIR: Your note of the 13th, and one of this date, from Mr. Sherman, in relation to Brigadier-General Sherman's having beingrelieved from command in Sedalia, in November last, are justreceived. General Sherman was not put in command at Sedalia; hewas authorized to assume it, and did so for a day or two. He didnot know my plans, and his movement of troops did not accord withthem. I therefore directed him to leave them as they were, andreport here the result of his inspection, for which purpose he hadbeen ordered there. 

No telegram or dispatch of any kind was sent by me, or by any onewith my knowledge or authority, in relation to it. After hisreturn here, I gave him a leave of absence of twenty days, for thebenefit of his health. As I was then pressing General McClellanfor more officers, I deemed it necessary to explain why I did so. I used these words: "I am satisfied that General Sherman's physicaland mental system is so completely broken by labor and care as torender him, for the present, unfit for duty; perhaps a few weeks'rest may restore him. " This was the only communication I made onthe subject. On no occasion have I ever expressed an opinion thathis mind was affected otherwise than by over-exertion; to have saidso would have done him the greatest injustice. 

After General Sherman returned from his short leave, I found thathis health was nearly restored, and I placed him temporarily incommand of the camp of instruction, numbering over fifteen thousandmen. I then wrote to General McClellan that he would soon be ableto again take the field. I gave General Sherman a copy of myletter. This is the total of my correspondence on the subject. Asevidence that I have every confidence in General Sherman, I haveplaced him in command of Western Kentucky--a command only second inimportance in this department. As soon as divisions and columnscan be organized, I propose to send him into the field where he canrender most efficient service. I have seen newspaper squibs, charging him with being "crazy, " etc. This is the grossestinjustice; I do not, however, consider such attacks worthy ofnotice. The best answer is General Sherman's present position, andthe valuable services he is rendering to the country. I have thefullest confidence in him. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. 

On returning to St. Louis, on the expiration of my leave ofabsence, I found that General Halleck was beginning to move histroops: one part, under General U. S. Grant, up the TennesseeRiver; and another part, under General S. R. Curtis, in thedirection of Springfield, Missouri. General Grant was then atPaducah, and General Curtis was under orders for Rolls. I wasordered to take Curtis's place in command of the camp ofinstruction, at Benton Barracks, on the ground back of North St. Louis, now used as the Fair Grounds, by the following order:

[Special Order No. 87]. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURISt. Louis, December 23, 1861

[EXTRACT. ]

Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman, United States Volunteers, ishereby assigned to the command of the camp of instruction and postof Benton Barracks. He will have every armed regiment and companyin his command ready for service at a moment's warning, and willnotify all concerned that, when marching orders are received, it isexpected that they will be instantly obeyed; no excuses for delaywill be admitted. General Sherman will immediately report to theseheadquarters what regiments and companies, at Benton Barracks, areready for the field. 

By order of Major-General Halleck, J. C. KELTEN, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

I immediately assumed command, and found, in the buildingconstructed for the commanding officer, Brigadier-General Strong, and the family of a captain of Iowa cavalry, with whom we boarded. Major Curtis, son of General Curtis, was the adjutant-general, butwas soon relieved by Captain J. H. Hammond, who was appointedassistant adjutant-general, and assigned to duty with me. 

Brigadier-General Hurlbut was also there, and about a dozenregiments of infantry and cavalry. I at once gave all matterspertaining to the post my personal attention, got the regiments inas good order as possible, kept up communication with GeneralHalleck's headquarters by telegraph, and, when orders came for themovement of any regiment or detachment, it moved instantly. Thewinter was very wet, and the ground badly drained. The quartershad been erected by General Fremont, under contract; they were mereshells, but well arranged for a camp, embracing the Fair Grounds, and some forty acres of flat ground west of it. I instituteddrills, and was specially ordered by General Halleck to watchGenerals Hurlbut and Strong, and report as to their fitness fortheir commissions as brigadier-generals. I had known Hurlbut as ayoung lawyer, in Charleston, South Carolina, before the MexicanWar, at which time he took a special interest in military matters, and I found him far above the average in the knowledge ofregimental and brigade drill, and so reported. General Strong hadbeen a merchant, and he told me that he never professed to be asoldier, but had been urged on the Secretary of War for thecommission of a brigadier-general, with the expectation of becoming quartermaster or commissary-general. He was a good, kind-hearted gentleman, boiling over with patriotism and zeal. Iadvised him what to read and study, was considerably amused at hisreceiving instruction from a young lieutenant who knew the companyand battalion drill, and could hear him practise in his room thewords of command, and tone of voice, "Break from the right, tomarch to the left!" "Battalion, halt!" "Forward into line!" etc. Of course I made a favorable report in his case. Among theinfantry and cavalry colonels were some who afterward rose todistinction--David Stuart, Gordon Granger, Bussey, etc. , etc. 

Though it was mid-winter, General Halleck was pushing hispreparations most vigorously, and surely he brought order out ofchaos in St. Louis with commendable energy. I remember, one night, sitting in his room, on the second floor of the Planters' House, with him and General Cullum, his chief of staff, talkingof things generally, and the subject then was of the much-talked-of"advance, " as soon as the season would permit. Most people urgedthe movement down the Mississippi River; but Generals Polk andPillow had a large rebel force, with heavy guns in a very strongposition, at Columbus, Kentucky, about eighteen miles below Cairo. Commodore Foote had his gunboat fleet at Cairo; and General U. S. Grant, who commanded the district, was collecting a large force atPaducah, Cairo, and Bird's Point. General Halleck had a map on histable, with a large pencil in his hand, and asked, "where is therebel line?" Cullum drew the pencil through Bowling Green, FortsDonelson and Henry, and Columbus, Kentucky. "That is their line, "said Halleck. "Now, where is the proper place to break it?" Andeither Cullum or I said, "Naturally the centre. " Halleck drew aline perpendicular to the other, near its middle, and it coincidednearly with the general course of the Tennessee River; and he said, "That's the true line of operations. " This occurred more than amonth before General Grant began the movement, and, as he wassubject to General Halleck's orders, I have always given Halleckthe full credit for that movement, which was skillful, successful, and extremely rich in military results; indeed, it was the firstreal success on our side in the civil war. The movement up theTennessee began about the 1st of February, and Fort Henry wascaptured by the joint action of the navy under Commodore Foote, andthe land forces under General Grant, on the 6th of February, 1862. About the same time, General S. R. Curtis had moved forward fromRolls, and, on the 8th of March, defeated the rebels underMcCulloch, Van Dom, and Price, at Pea Ridge. 

As soon as Fort Henry fell, General Grant marched straight acrossto Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, invested the place, and, as soon as the gunboats had come round from the Tennessee, and hadbombarded the water-front, he assaulted; whereupon Bucknersurrendered the garrison of twelve thousand men; Pillow andex-Secretary of War General Floyd having personally escaped acrossthe river at night, occasioning a good deal of fun and criticism attheir expense. 

Before the fall of Donelson, but after that of Henry, I received, at Benton Barracks, the following orders:

HEADQUARTERS THE DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURISt. Louis, February, 13, 1862

Brigadier-General SHERMAN, Benton Barracks:

You will immediately repair to Paducah, Kentucky, and assumecommand of that post. Brigadier-General Hurlbut will accompanyyou. The command of Benton Barracks will be turned over to GeneralStrong. 

H. W. HALECK, Major-General. 

I started for Paducah the same day, and think that General Cullumwent with me to Cairo; General Halleck's purpose being to pushforward the operations up the Tennessee River with unusual vigor. On reaching Paducah, I found this dispatch:

HEADQUARTERS THE DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURISt. Louis, February 15, 1862

Brigadier-General SHERMAN, Paducah, Kentucky:

Send General Grant every thing you can spare from Paducah and Smithand also General Hurlbut. 

Bowling Green has been evacuated entirely. 

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. 

The next day brought us news of the surrender of Buckner, andprobably at no time during the war did we all feel so heavy aweight raised from our breasts, or so thankful for a most fruitfulseries of victories. They at once gave Generals Halleck, Grant, and C. F. Smith, great fame. Of course, the rebels let go theirwhole line, and fell back on Nashville and Island No. Ten, and tothe Memphis & Charleston Railroad. Everybody was anxious to help. Boats passed up and down constantly, and very soon arrived therebel prisoners from Donelson. I saw General Buckner on the boat, he seemed self-sufficient, and thought their loss was not really soserious to their cause as we did. 

About this time another force of twenty or twenty-five thousand menwas collected on the west bank of the Mississippi, above Cairo, under the command of Major-General John Pope, designed to becomethe "Army of the Mississippi, " and to operate, in conjunction withthe navy, down the river against the enemy's left flank, which hadheld the strong post of Columbus, Kentucky, but which, on the fallof Fort Donelson, had fallen back to New Madrid and Island No. 10. 

CHAPTER X. 

BATTLE of SHILOH. 

MARCH AND APRIL, 1862. 

By the end of February, 1862, Major-General Halleck commanded allthe armies in the valley of the Mississippi, from his headquartersin St: Louis. These were, the Army of the Ohio, Major-GeneralBuell, in Kentucky; the Army of the Tennessee, Major-General Grant, at Forts Henry and Donelson; the Army of the Mississippi, Major-General Pope; and that of General S. R. Curtis, in SouthwestMissouri. He posted his chief of staff, General Cullum, at Cairo, and me at Paducah, chiefly to expedite and facilitate the importantoperations then in progress up the Tennessee, and CumberlandRivers. 

Fort Donelson had surrendered to General Grant on the 16th ofFebruary, and there must have been a good deal of confusionresulting from the necessary care of the wounded, and dispositionof prisoners, common to all such occasions, and there was a realdifficulty in communicating between St. Louis and Fort Donelson. 

General Buell had also followed up the rebel army, which hadretreated hastily from Bowling Green to and through Nashville, acity of so much importance to the South, that it was at one timeproposed as its capital. Both Generals Grant and Buell looked toits capture as an event of great importance. On the 21st GeneralGrant sent General Smith with his division to Clarksville, fiftymiles above Donelson, toward Nashville, and on the 27th wenthimself to Nashville to meet and confer with General Buell, butreturned to Donelson the next day. 

Meantime, General Halleck at St. Louis must have felt that hisarmies were getting away from him, and began to send dispatches tome at Paducah, to be forwarded by boat, or by a ricketytelegraph-line up to Fort Henry, which lay entirely in a hostilecountry, and was consequently always out of repair. On the 1st ofMarch I received the following dispatch, and forwarded it toGeneral Grant, both by the telegraph and boat:

To General GRANT, Fort Henry

Transports will be sent you as soon as possible, to move yourcolumn up the Tennessee River. The main object of this expeditionwill be to destroy the railroad-bridge over Bear Creek, nearEastport, Mississippi; and also the railroad connections atCorinth, Jackson, and Humboldt. It is thought best that theseobjects be attempted in the order named. Strong detachments ofcavalry and light artillery, supported by infantry, may by rapidmovements reach these points from the river, without any seriousopposition. 

Avoid any general engagements with strong forces. It will bebetter to retreat than to risk a general battle. This should bestrongly impressed on the officers sent with expeditions from theriver. General C. F. Smith or some very discreet officer should beselected for such commands. Having accomplished these objects, orsuch of them as may be practicable, you will return to Danville, and move on Paris. 

Perhaps the troops sent to Jackson and Humbolt can reach Paris byland as easily as to return to the transports. This must depend onthe character of the roads and the position of the enemy. Alltelegraphic lines which can be reached must be cut. The gunboatswill accompany the transports for their protection. Any loyalTennesseeans who desire it, may be enlisted and supplied with arms. Competent officers should be left to command Forts Henry andDonelson in your absence. I have indicated in general terms theobject of this. 

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. 

Again on the 2d:

Cairo, March 1, 1862

To General GRANT:

General Halleck, February 25th, telegraphs me: "General Grant willsend no more forces to Clarksville. General Smith's division willcome to Fort Henry, or a point higher up on the Tennessee River;transports will also be collected at Paducah. Two gunboats inTennessee River with Grant. General Grant will immediately havesmall garrisons detailed for Forts Henry and Donelson, and allother forces made ready for the field"

From your letter of the 28th, I learn you were at Fort Donelson, and General Smith at Nashville, from which I infer you could nothave received orders. Halleck's telegram of last night says: "Whosent Smith's division to Nashville? I ordered it across to theTennessee, where they are wanted immediately. Order them back. Send all spare transports up Tennessee to General Grant. "Evidently the general supposes you to be on the Tennessee. I amsending all the transports I can find for you, reporting to GeneralSherman for orders to go up the Cumberland for you, or, if youmarch across to Fort Henry, then to send them up the Tennessee. 

G. W. CULLUM, Brigadier-General. 

On the 4th came this dispatch:

To Major-General U. S. GRANT

You will place Major-General C. F. Smith in command of expedition, and remain yourself at Fort Henry. Why do you not obey my ordersto report strength and positions of your command?

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. 

Halleck was evidently working himself into a passion, but he wastoo far from the seat of war to make due allowance for the actualstate of facts. General Grant had done so much, that GeneralHalleck should have been patient. Meantime, at Paducah, I was busysending boats in every direction--some under the orders of GeneralHalleck, others of General Cullum; others for General Grant, andstill others for General Buell at Nashville; and at the same time Iwas organizing out of the new troops that were arriving at Paducaha division for myself when allowed to take the field, which I hadbeen promised by General Halleck. His purpose was evidently tooperate up the Tennessee River, to break up Bear Creek Bridge andthe railroad communications between the Mississippi and TennesseeRivers, and no doubt he was provoked that Generals Grant and Smithhad turned aside to Nashville. In the mean time several of thegunboats, under Captain Phelps, United States Navy, had gone up theTennessee as far as Florence, and on their return had reported astrong Union feeling among the people along the river. On the 10thof March, having received the necessary orders from GeneralHalleck, I embarked my division at Paducah. It was composed offour brigades. The First, commanded by Colonel S. G. Hicks, wascomposed of the Fortieth Illinois, Forty-sixth Ohio, and Morton'sIndiana Battery, on the boats Sallie List, Golden Gate, J. B. Adams, and Lancaster. 

The Second Brigade, Colonel D. Stuart, was composed of theFifty-fifth Illinois, Seventy-first Ohio, and Fifty-fourth Ohio;embarked on the Hannibal, Universe, Hazel Dell, Cheeseman, andPrairie Rose. 

The Third Brigade, Colonel Hildebrand, was composed of theSeventy-seventh Ohio, Fifty-seventh Ohio, and Fifty-third Ohio;embarked on the Poland, Anglo-Saxon, Ohio No. Three, andContinental. 

The Fourth Brigade, Colonel Buckland, was composed of theSeventy-second Ohio, Forty-eighth Ohio, and Seventieth Ohio;embarked on the Empress, Baltic, Shenango, and Marrengo. 

We steamed up to Fort Henry, the river being high and in splendidorder. There I reported in person to General C. F. Smith, and byhim was ordered a few miles above, to the remains of the burnedrailroad bridge, to await the rendezvous of the rest of his army. I had my headquarters on the Continental. 

Among my colonels I had a strange character--Thomas Worthington, colonel of the Forty-sixth Ohio. He was a graduate of West Point, of the class of 1827; was, therefore, older than General Halleck, General Grant, or myself, and claimed to know more of war than allof us put together. In ascending the river he did not keep hisplace in the column, but pushed on and reached Savannah a daybefore the rest of my division. When I reached that place, I foundthat Worthington had landed his regiment, and was flying aboutgiving orders, as though he were commander-in-chief. I made himget back to his boat, and gave him to understand that he mustthereafter keep his place. General C. F. Smith arrived about the13th of March, with a large fleet of boats, containing Hurlbut'sdivision, Lew. Wallace's division, and that of himself, thencommanded by Brigadier-General W. H. L. Wallace. 

General Smith sent for me to meet him on his boat, and ordered meto push on under escort of the two gunboats, Lexington and Tyler, commanded by Captains Gwin and Shirk, United States Navy. I was toland at some point below Eastport, and make a break of the Memphis& Charleston Railroad, between Tuscumbia and Corinth. GeneralSmith was quite unwell, and was suffering from his leg, which wasswollen and very sore, from a mere abrasion in steppinginto a small boat. This actually mortified, and resulted in hisdeath about a month after, viz. , April 25, 1862. He wasadjutant of the Military Academy during the early part of mycareer there, and afterward commandant of cadets. He was a veryhandsome and soldierly man, of great experience, and at Donelsonhad acted with so much personal bravery that to him many attributedthe success of the assault. 

I immediately steamed up the Tennessee River, following the twogunboats, and, in passing Pittsburg Landing, was told by CaptainGwin that, on his former trip up the river, he had found a rebelregiment of cavalry posted there, and that it was the usuallanding-place for the people about Corinth, distant thirty miles. I sent word back to General Smith that, if we were detained up theriver, he ought to post some troops at Pittsburg Landing. We wenton up the river cautiously, till we saw Eastport and Chickasaw, both of which were occupied by rebel batteries and a small rebelforce of infantry. 

We then dropped back quietly to the mouth of Yellow River, a fewmiles below, whence led a road to Burnsville, a place on theMemphis & Charleston road, where were the company's repair-shops. We at once commenced disembarking the command: first the cavalry, which started at once for Burnsville, with orders to tear up therailroad-track, and burn the depots, shops, etc; and I followedwith the infantry and artillery as fast as they were disembarked. It was raining very hard at the time. Daylight found us about sixmiles out, where we met the cavalry returning. They had madenumerous attempts to cross the streams, which had become so swollenthat mere brooks covered the whole bottom; and my aide-de-camp, Sanger, whom I had dispatched with the cavalry, reported the loss, by drowning, of several of the men. The rain was pouring intorrents, and reports from the rear came that the river was risingvery fast, and that, unless we got back to our boats soon, thebottom would be simply impassable. There was no alternative but toregain our boats; and even this was so difficult, that we had tounharness the artillery-horses, and drag the guns under waterthrough the bayous, to reach the bank of the river. Once moreembarked, I concluded to drop down to Pittsburg Landing, and tomake the attempt from there. During the night of the 14th, wedropped down to Pittsburg Landing, where I found Hurlbut's divisionin boats. Leaving my command there, I steamed down to Savannah, and reported to General Smith in person, who saw in the floodedTennessee the full truth of my report; and he then instructed me todisembark my own division, and that of General Hurlbut, atPittsburg Landing; to take positions well back, and to leave roomfor his whole army; telling me that he would soon come up inperson, and move out in force to make the lodgment on the railroad, contemplated by General Halleck's orders. 

Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson, of General C. F. Smith's, or ratherGeneral Halleck's, staff, returned with me, and on the 16th ofMarch we disembarked and marched out about ten miles towardCorinth, to a place called Monterey or Pea Ridge, where the rebelshad a cavalry regiment, which of course decamped on our approach, but from the people we learned that trains were bringing largemasses of men from every direction into Corinth. McPherson and Ireconnoitred the ground well, and then returned to our boats. Onthe 18th, Hurlbut disembarked his division and took post about amile and a half out, near where the roads branched, one leading toCorinth and the other toward Hamburg. On the 19th I disembarked mydivision, and took post about three miles back, three of thebrigades covering the roads to Purdy and Corinth, and the otherbrigade (Stuart's) temporarily at a place on the Hamburg Road, nearLick Creek Ford, where the Bark Road came into the Hamburg Road. Within a few days, Prentiss's division arrived and camped on myleft, and afterward McClernand's and W. H. L. Wallace's divisions, which formed a line to our rear. Lew Wallace's division remainedon the north side of Snake Creek, on a road leading from Savannahor Cramp's Landing to Purdy. 

General C. F. Smith remained back at Savannah, in chief command, and I was only responsible for my own division. I kept picketswell out on the roads, and made myself familiar with all the groundinside and outside my lines. My personal staff was composed ofCaptain J. H. Hammond, assistant adjutant-general; SurgeonsHartshorn and L'Hommedieu; Lieutenant Colonels Hascall andSanger, inspector-generals; Lieutenants McCoy and John Taylor, aides-de-camp. We were all conscious that the enemy was collectingat Corinth, but in what force we could not know, nor did we knowwhat was going on behind us. On the 17th of March, General U. S. Grant was restored to the command of all the troops up theTennessee River, by reason of General Smith's extreme illness, andbecause he had explained to General Halleck satisfactorily hisconduct after Donelson; and he too made his headquarters atSavannah, but frequently visited our camps. I always acted on thesupposition that we were an invading army; that our purpose was tomove forward in force, make a lodgment on the Memphis & Charlestonroad, and thus repeat the grand tactics of Fort Donelson, byseparating the rebels in the interior from those at Memphis and onthe Mississippi River. We did not fortify our camps against anattack, because we had no orders to do so, and because such acourse would have made our raw men timid. The position wasnaturally strong, with Snake Creek on our right, a deep, boldstream, with a confluent (Owl Creek) to our right front; and LickCreek, with a similar confluent, on our left, thus narrowing thespace over which we could be attacked to about a mile and a half ortwo miles. 

At a later period of the war, we could have rendered this positionimpregnable in one night, but at this time we did not do it, and itmay be it is well we did not. From about the 1st of April we wereconscious that the rebel cavalry in our front was getting bolderand more saucy; and on Friday, the 4th of April, it dashed down andcarried off one of our picket-guards, composed of an officer andseven men, posted a couple of miles out on the Corinth road. Colonel Buckland sent a company to its relief, then followedhimself with a regiment, and, fearing lest he might be worsted, Icalled out his whole brigade and followed some four or five miles, when the cavalry in advance encountered artillery. I then, afterdark, drew back to our lines, and reported the fact by letter toGeneral Grant, at Savannah; but thus far we had not positivelydetected the presence of infantry, for cavalry regiments generallyhad a couple of guns along, and I supposed the guns that opened onthe on the evening of Friday, April 4th, belonged to the cavalrythat was hovering along our whole front. 

Saturday passed in our camps without any unusual event, the weatherbeing wet and mild, and the roads back to the steamboat landingbeing heavy with mud; but on Sunday morning, the 6th, early, therewas a good deal of picket-firing, and I got breakfast, rode outalong my lines, and, about four hundred yards to the front ofAppler's regiment, received from some bushes in a ravine to theleft front a volley which killed my orderly, Holliday. About thesame time I saw the rebel lines of battle in front coming down onus as far as the eye could reach. All my troops were in line ofbattle, ready, and the ground was favorable to us. I gave thenecessary orders to the battery (Waterhouse's) attached toHildebrand's brigade, and cautioned the men to reserve their firetill the rebels had crossed the ravine of Owl Creek, and had begunthe ascent; also, sent staff-officers to notify Generals McClernandand Prentiss of the coming blow. Indeed, McClernand had alreadysent three regiments to the support of my left flank, and they werein position when the onset came. 

In a few minutes the battle of "Shiloh" began with extreme fury, and lasted two days. Its history has been well given, and it hasbeen made the subject of a great deal of controversy. Hildebrand'sbrigade was soon knocked to pieces, but Buckland's and McDowell'skept their organization throughout. Stuart's was driven back tothe river, and did not join me in person till the second day of thebattle. I think my several reports of that battle are condensedand good, made on the spot, when all the names and facts were freshin my memory, and are herewith given entire:

HEADQUARTERS FIRST DIVISIONPITTSBURG LANDING, March 17, 1862

Captain Wm. McMICHAEL, Assistant Adjutant-General to General C. FSMITH, Savannah, Tennessee. 

SIR: Last night I dispatched a party of cavalry, at 6 p. M. , underthe command of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath, Fifth Ohio Cavalry, for astrong reconnoissance, if possible, to be converted into an attackupon the Memphis road. The command got off punctually, followed attwelve o'clock at night by the First Brigade of my division, commanded by Colonel McDowell, the other brigades to follow inorder. 

About one at night the cavalry returned, reporting the roadoccupied in force by the enemy, with whose advance-guard theyskirmished, driving them back--about a mile, taking two prisoners, and having their chief guide, Thomas Maxwell, Esq. , and three menof the Fourth Illinois wounded. 

Inclosed please find the report of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath; also acopy of his instructions, and the order of march. As soon as thecavalry returned, I saw that an attempt on the road was frustrated, and accordingly have placed McDowell's brigade to our right front, guarding the pass of Snake Creek; Stuart's brigade to the leftfront, to watch the pass of Lick Creek; and I shall this morningmove directly out on the Corinth road, about eight miles to ortoward Pea Ridge, which is a key-point to the southwest. 

General Hurlbut's division will be landed to-day, and the artilleryand infantry disposed so as to defend Pittsburg, leaving mydivision entire for any movement by land or water. 

As near as I can learn, there are five regiments of rebel infantryat Purdy; at Corinth, and distributed along the railroad to Inca, are probably thirty thousand men; but my information from prisonersis very indistinct. Every road and path is occupied by the enemy'scavalry, whose orders seem to be to fire a volley, retire, againfire and retire. The force on the Purdy road attacked and drivenby Major Bowman yesterday, was about sixty strong. Thatencountered last night on the Corinth road was about five companiesof Tennessee cavalry, sent from Purdy about 2 p. M. Yesterday. 

I hear there is a force of two regiments on Pea Ridge, at the pointwhere the Purdy and Corinth roads come together. 

I am satisfied we cannot reach the Memphis & Charleston roadwithout a considerable engagement, which is prohibited by GeneralHalleck's instructions, so that I will be governed by your ordersof yesterday, to occupy Pittsburg strongly, extend the pickets soas to include a semicircle of three miles, and push a strongreconnoissance as far out as Lick Creek and Pea Ridge. 

I will send down a good many boats to-day, to be employed as youmay direct; and would be obliged if you would send a couple ofthousand sacks of corn, as much hay as you can possibly spare, and, if possible, a barge of coal. 

I will send a steamboat under care of the gunboat, to collect cornfrom cribs on the river-bank. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General, commanding First Division. 

HEADQUARTERS, STEAMBOAT CONTINENTAL, Pittsburg, March 18, 1882. 

Captain RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-Generalto General GRANT. 

SIR: The division surgeon having placed some one hundred or moresick on board the Fanny Bullitt, I have permitted her to take themto Savannah. There is neither house nor building of any kind thatcan be used for a hospital here. 

I hope to receive an order to establish floating hospitals, but inthe mean time, by the advise of the surgeon, allow these sick mento leave. Let me hope that it will meet your approbation. 

The order for debarkation came while General Sherman was absentwith three brigades, and no men are left to move the effects ofthese brigades. 

The landing, too, is small, with scarcely any chance to increaseit; therefore there is a great accumulation of boats. ColonelMcArthur has arrived, and is now cutting a landing for himself. 

General Sherman will return this evening. I am obliged totransgress, and write myself in the mean time, Respectfully your obedient servant, J. H. HAMMOND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

P. S--4 p. M. --Just back; have been half-way to Corinth and toPurdy. All right. Have just read this letter, and approve all butfloating hospitals; regimental surgeons can take care of all sick, except chronic cases, which can always be sent down to Paducah. 

Magnificent plain for camping and drilling, and a military point ofgreat strength. The enemy has felt us twice, at great loss anddemoralization; will report at length this evening; am now muchworn out. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General. 

HEADQUARTERS FIRST DIVISIONPittsburg Landing, March 19, 1862. 

Captain RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-Generalto General GRANT, Savannah, Tennessee. 

SIR: I have just returned from an extensive reconnoissance towardCorinth and Purdy, and am strongly impressed with the importance ofthis position, both for its land advantages and its strategicposition. The ground itself admits of easy defense by a smallcommand, and yet affords admirable camping-ground for a hundredthousand men. I will as soon as possible make or cause to be madea topographical sketch of the position. The only drawback is that, at this stage of water, the space for landing is contracted toomuch for the immense fleet now here discharging. 

I will push the loading and unloading of boats, but suggest thatyou send at once (Captain Dodd, if possible) the best quartermasteryou can, that he may control and organize this whole matter. Ihave a good commissary, and will keep as few provisions afloat aspossible. Yours, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS SHERMAN'S DIVISIONCamp Shiloh, near Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, April 2, 1862

Captain J. A. RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-Generalto General GRANT. 

SIR: In obedience to General Grant's instructions of March 31st, with one section of Captain Muench's Minnesota Battery, twotwelve-pound howitzers, a detachment of Fifth Ohio Cavalry of onehundred and fifty men, under Major Ricker, and two battalions ofinfantry from the Fifty-seventh and Seventy-seventh Ohio, under thecommand of Colonels Hildebrand and Mungen, I marched to the river, and embarked on the steamers Empress and Tecumseh. The gunboatCairo did not arrive at Pittsburg, until after midnight, and at 6p. M. Captain Bryant, commanding the gunboat, notified me that hewas ready to proceed up the river. I followed, keeping thetransports within about three hundred yards of the gunboat. About1 p. M. , the Cairo commenced shelling the battery above the mouth ofIndian Creek, but elicited no reply. She proceeded up the riversteadily and cautiously, followed close by the Tyler and Lexington, all throwing shells at the points where, on former visits of thegunboats, enemy's batteries were found. In this order allfollowed, till it was demonstrated that all the enemy's batteries, including that at Chickasaw, were abandoned. 

I ordered the battalion of infantry under Colonel Hildebrand todisembark at Eastport, and with the other battalion proceeded toChickasaw and landed. The battery at this point had evidently beenabandoned some time, and consisted of the remains of an old Indianmound, partly washed away by the river, which had been fashionedinto a two-gun battery, with a small magazine. The ground to itsrear had evidently been overflowed during the late freshet, and ledto the removal of the guns to Eastport, where the batteries were onhigh, elevated ground, accessible at all seasons from the countryto the rear. 

Upon personal inspection, I attach little importance to Chickasawas a military position. The people, who had fled during theapproach of the gunboats, returned to the village, and said theplace had been occupied by one Tennessee regiment and a battery ofartillery from Pensacola. After remaining at Chickasaw somehours, all the boats dropped back to Eastport, not more than a milebelow, and landed there. Eastport Landing during the late freshetmust have been about twelve feet under water, but at the presentstage the landing is the best I have seen on the Tennessee River. 

The levee is clear of trees or snags, and a hundred boats couldland there without confusion. 

The soil is of sand and gravel, and very firm. The road back ishard, and at a distance of about four hundred yards from the waterbegin the gravel hills of the country. The infantry scouts sentout by Colonel Hildebrand found the enemy's cavalry mounted, andwatching the Inca road, about two miles back of Eastport. Thedistance to Inca is only eight miles, and Inca is the nearest pointand has the best road by which the Charleston & Memphis Railroadcan be reached. I could obtain no certain information as to thestrength of the enemy there, but am satisfied that it would havebeen folly to have attempted it with my command. Our object beingto dislodge the enemy from the batteries recently erected nearEastport, and this being attained, I have returned, and report theriver to be clear to and beyond Chickasaw. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding Division. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONCAMP SHILOH, April 5, 1862. 

Captain J. A. RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-General, District ofWestern Tennessee. 

SIR: I have the honor to report that yesterday, about 3 p. M. , thelieutenant commanding and seven men of the advance picketsimprudently advanced from their posts and were captured. I orderedMajor Ricker, of the Fifth Ohio Cavalry, to proceed rapidly to thepicket-station, ascertain the truth, and act according tocircumstances. He reached the station, found the pickets had beencaptured as reported, and that a company of infantry sent by thebrigade commander had gone forward in pursuit of some cavalry. Herapidly advanced some two miles, and found them engaged, chargedthe enemy, and drove them along the Ridge road, till hemet and received three discharges of artillery, when he veryproperly wheeled under cover, and returned till he met me. 

As soon as I heard artillery, I advanced with two regiments ofinfantry, and took position, and remained until the scatteredcompanies of infantry and cavalry had returned. This was afternight. 

I infer that the enemy is in some considerable force at Pea Ridge, that yesterday morning they crossed a brigade of two regimentsof infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one battery offield-artillery, to the ridge on which the Corinth road lies. Theyhalted the infantry and artillery at a point abort five miles in myfront, sent a detachment to the lane of General Meeks, on the northof Owl Creek, and the cavalry down toward our camp. This cavalrycaptured a part of our advance pickets, and afterward engaged thetwo companies of Colonel Buckland's regiment, as described by himin his report herewith inclosed. Our cavalry drove them back upontheir artillery and Infantry, killing many, and bringing off tenprisoners, all of the First Alabama Cavalry, whom I send to you. 

We lost of the pickets one first-lieutenant and seven men of theOhio Seventieth Infantry (list inclosed); one major, onelieutenant, and one private of the Seventy-second Ohio, takenprisoners; eight privates wounded (names in full, embraced inreport of Colonel Buckland, inclosed herewith). 

We took ten prisoners, and left two rebels wounded and many killedon the field. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General, commanding Division. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONCamp Shiloh, April 10, 1862. 

Captain J. A. RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-Generalto General GRANT. 

SIR: I had the honor to report that, on Friday the 4th inst. , theenemy's cavalry drove in our pickets, posted about a mile and ahalf in advance of my centre, on the main Corinth road, capturingone first-lieutenant and seven men; that I caused a pursuit by thecavalry of my division, driving them back about five miles, andkilling many. On Saturday the enemy's cavalry was again very bold, coming well down to our front; yet I did not believe they designedany thing but a strong demonstration. On Sunday morning early, the6th inst. , the enemy drove our advance-guard back on the main body, when I ordered under arms all my division, and sent word to GeneralMcClernand, asking him to support my left; to General Prentiss, giving him notice that the enemy was in our front in force, and toGeneral Hurlbut, asking him to support General Prentiss. At thattime--7 a. M. --my division was arranged as follows:

First Brigade, composed of the Sixth Iowa, Colonel J. A. McDowell;

Fortieth Illinois, Colonel Hicks; Forty-sixth Ohio, ColonelWorthington; and the Morton battery, Captain Behr, on the extremeright, guarding the bridge on the Purdy road over Owl Creek. 

Second Brigade, composed of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, Colonel D. Stuart; the Fifty-fourth Ohio, Colonel T. Kilby Smith; and theSeventy-first Ohio, Colonel Mason, on the extreme left, guardingthe ford over Lick Creek. 

Third Brigade, composed of the Seventy-seventh Ohio, ColonelHildebrand; the Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel Appler; and theFifty-seventh Ohio, Colonel Mungen, on the left of the Corinthroad, its right resting on Shiloh meeting-house. 

Fourth Brigade, composed of the Seventy-second Ohio, ColonelBuckland; the Forty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Sullivan; and theSeventieth Ohio, Colonel Cookerill, on the right of the Corinthroad, its left resting on Shiloh meeting-house. 

Two batteries of artillery--Taylor's and Waterhouse's--were posted, the former at Shiloh, and the latter on a ridge to the left, with afront-fire over open ground between Mungen's and Appler'sregiments. The cavalry, eight companies of the Fourth Illinois, under Colonel Dickey, were posted in a large open field to the leftand rear of Shiloh meeting-house, which I regarded as the centre ofmy position. 

Shortly after 7 a. M. , with my entire staff, I rode along a portionof our front, and when in the open field before Appler's regiment, the enemy's pickets opened a brisk fire upon my party, killing myorderly, Thomas D. Holliday, of Company H, Second Illinois Cavalry. The fire came from the bushes which line a small stream that risesin the field in front of Appler's camp, and flows to the northalong my whole front. 

This valley afforded the enemy partial cover; but our men were soposted as to have a good fire at them as they crossed the valleyand ascended the rising ground on our side. 

About 8 a. M. I saw the glistening bayonets of heavy masses ofinfantry to our left front in the woods beyond the small streamalluded to, and became satisfied for the first time that the enemydesigned a determined attack on our whole camp. 

All the regiments of my division were then in line of battle attheir proper posts. I rode to Colonel Appler, and ordered him tohold his ground at all hazards, as he held the left flank of ourfirst line of battle, and I informed him that he had a good batteryon his right, and strong support to his rear. General McClernandhad promptly and energetically responded to my request, and hadsent me three regiments which were posted to protect Waterhouse'sbattery and the left flank of my line. 

The battle opened by the enemy's battery, in the woods to ourfront, throwing shells into our camp. Taylor's and Waterhouse'sbatteries promptly responded, and I then observed heavy battalionsof infantry passing obliquely to the left, across the open field inAppler's front; also, other columns advancing directly upon mydivision. Our infantry and artillery opened along the whole line, and the battle became general. Other heavy masses of the enemy'sforces kept passing across the field to our left, and directingtheir course on General Prentiss. I saw at once that the enemydesigned to pass my left flank, and fall upon Generals McClernandand Prentiss, whose line of camps was almost parallel with theTennessee River, and about two miles back from it. Very soon thesound of artillery and musketry announced that General Prentiss wasengaged; and about 9 A. M. I judged that he was falling back. About this time Appler's regiment broke in disorder, followed byMungen's regiment, and the enemy pressed forward on Waterhouse'sbattery thereby exposed. 

The three Illinois regiments in immediate support of this batterystood for some time; but the enemy's advance was so vigorous, andthe fire so severe, that when Colonel Raith, of the Forty-thirdIllinois, received a severe wound and fell from his horse, hisregiment and the others manifested disorder, and the enemy gotpossession of three guns of this (Waterhouse's) battery. Althoughour left was thus turned, and the enemy was pressing our wholeline, I deemed Shiloh so important, that I remained by it andrenewed my orders to Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold theirground; and we did hold these positions until about 10 a. M. , whenthe enemy had got his artillery to the rear of our left flank andsome change became absolutely necessary. Two regiments ofHildebrand's brigade--Appler's and Mungen's--had alreadydisappeared to the rear, and Hildebrand's own regiment was indisorder. I therefore gave orders for Taylor's battery--still atShiloh--to fall back as far as the Purdy and Hamburg road, and forMcDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as their new line. I rodeacross the angle and met Behr's battery at the cross-roads, andordered it immediately to come into battery, action right. CaptainBehr gave the order, but he was almost immediately shot from hishorse, when drivers and gunners fled in disorder, carrying off thecaissons, and abandoning five out of six guns, without firing ashot. The enemy pressed on, gaining this battery, and we wereagain forced to choose a new line of defense. Hildebrand's brigadehad substantially disappeared from the field, though he himselfbravely remained. McDowell's and Buckland's brigades maintainedtheir organizations, and were conducted by my aides, so as to joinon General McClernand's right, thus abandoning my original campsand line. This was about 10 1/2 a. M. , at which time the enemy hadmade a furious attack on General McClernand's whole front. Hestraggled most determinedly, but, finding him pressed, I movedMcDowell's brigade directly against the left flank of the enemy, forced him back some distance, and then directed the men to availthemselves of every cover-trees, fallen timber, and a wooded valleyto our right. We held this position for four long hours, sometimesgaining and at others losing ground; General McClernand and myselfacting in perfect concert, and struggling to maintain this line. While we were so hard pressed, two Iowa regiments approached fromthe rear, but could not be brought up to the severe fire that wasraging in our front, and General Grant, who visited us on thatground, will remember our situation about 3 p. M. ; but about 4 p. M. It was evident that Hurlbut's line had been driven back to theriver; and knowing that General Lew Wallace was coming withreinforcements from Cramp's Landing, General McClernand and I, onconsultation, selected a new line of defense, with its rightcovering a bridge by which General Wallace had to approach. Wefell back as well as we could, gathering in addition to our ownsuch scattered forces as we could find, and formed the new line. 

During this change the enemy's cavalry charged us, but werehandsomely repulsed by the Twenty-ninth Illinois Regiment. TheFifth Ohio Battery, which had come up, rendered good service inholding the enemy in check for some time, and Major Taylor alsocame up with another battery and got into position, just in time toget a good flank-fire upon the enemy's column, as he pressed onGeneral McClernand's right, checking his advance; when GeneralMcClernand's division made a fine charge on the enemy and drove himback into the ravines to our front and right. I had a clear field, about two hundred yards wide, in my immediate front, and contentedmyself with keeping the enemy's infantry at that distance duringthe rest of the day. In this position we rested for the night. 

My command had become decidedly of a mixed character. Buckland'sbrigade was the only one that retained its organization. ColonelHildebrand was personally there, but his brigade was not. ColonelMcDowell had been severely injured by a fall off his horse, and hadgone to the river, and the three regiments of his brigade were notin line. The Thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Crafts J. Wright, hadreported to me on the field, and fought well, retaining itsregimental organization; and it formed a part of my line duringSunday night and all Monday. Other fragments of regiments andcompanies had also fallen into my division, and acted with itduring the remainder of the battle. General Grant and Buellvisited me in our bivouac that evening, and from them I learned thesituation of affairs on other parts of the field. General Wallacearrived from Crump's Landing shortly after dark, and formed hisline to my right rear. It rained hard during the night, but ourmen were in good spirits, lay on their arms, being satisfied withsuch bread and meat as could be gathered at the neighboring camps, and determined to redeem on Monday the losses of Sunday. 

At daylight of Monday I received General Grant's orders to advanceand recapture our original camps. I dispatched several members ofmy staff to bring up all the men they could find, especially thebrigade of Colonel Stuart, which had been separated from thedivision all the day before; and at the appointed time thedivision, or rather what remained of it, with the ThirteenthMissouri and other fragments, moved forward and reoccupied theground on the extreme right of General McClernand's camp, where weattracted the fire of a battery located near Colonel McDowell'sformer headquarters. Here I remained, patiently waiting for thesound of General Buell's advance upon the main Corinth road. About10 a. M. The heavy firing in that direction, and its steadyapproach, satisfied me; and General Wallace being on our rightflank with his well-conducted division, I led the head of my columnto General McClernand's right, formed line of battle, facing south, with Buckland's brigade directly across the ridge, and Stuart'sbrigade on its right in the woods; and thus advanced, steadily andslowly, under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery. Taylor hadjust got to me from the rear, where he had gone for ammunition, andbrought up three guns, which I ordered into position, to advance byhand firing. These guns belonged to Company A, Chicago LightArtillery, commanded by Lieutenant P. P. Wood, and did mostexcellent service. Under cover of their fire, we advanced till wereached the point where the Corinth road crosses the line ofMcClernand's camp, and here I saw for the first time thewell-ordered and compact columns of General Buell's Kentuckyforces, whose soldierly movements at once gave confidence to ournewer and less disciplined men. Here I saw Willich's regimentadvance upon a point of water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knewthe enemy was in great strength, and enter it in beautiful style. Then arose the severest musketry-fire I ever heard, and lasted sometwenty minutes, when this splendid regiment had to fall back. Thisgreen point of timber is about five hundred yards east of Shilohmeeting-home, and it was evident here was to be the struggle. Theenemy could also be seen forming his lines to the south. GeneralMcClernand sending to me for artillery, I detached to him the threeguns of Wood's battery, with which he speedily drove them back, and, seeing some others to the rear, I sent one of my staff tobring them forward, when, by almost providential decree, theyproved to be two twenty-four pound howitzers belonging toMcAlister's battery, and served as well as guns ever could be. 

This was about 2 p. M. The enemy had one battery close by Shiloh, and another near the Hamburg road, both pouring grape and canisterupon any column of troops that advanced upon the green point ofwater-oaks. Willich's regiment had been repulsed, but a wholebrigade of McCook's division advanced beautifully, deployed, andentered this dreaded wood. I ordered my second brigade (thencommanded by Colonel T. Kilby Smith, Colonel Smart being wounded)to form on its right, and my fourth brigade, Colonel Buckland, onits right; all to advance abreast with this Kentucky brigade beforementioned, which I afterward found to be Rousseau's brigade ofMcCook's division. I gave personal direction to the twenty-fourpounder guns, whose well-directed fire first silenced the enemy'sguns to the left, and afterward at the Shiloh meeting-house. 

Rousseau's brigade moved in splendid order steadily to the front, sweeping every thing before it, and at 4 p. M. We stood upon theground of our original front line; and the enemy was in fullretreat. I directed my several brigades to resume at once theiroriginal camps. 

Several times during the battle, cartridges gave out; but GeneralGrant had thoughtfully kept a supply coming from the rear. When Iappealed to regiments to stand fast, although out of cartridges, Idid so because, to retire a regiment for any cause, has a badeffect on others. I commend the Fortieth Illinois and ThirteenthMissouri for thus holding their ground under heavy fire, althoughtheir cartridge-boxes were empty. 

I am ordered by General Grant to give personal credit where I thinkit is due, and censure where I think it merited. I concede thatGeneral McCook's splendid division from Kentucky drove back theenemy along the Corinth road, which was the great centre of thisfield of battle, where Beauregard commanded in person, supported byBragg's, Polk's, and Breckenridge's divisions. I think Johnstonwas killed by exposing himself in front of his troops, at the timeof their attack on Buckland's brigade on Sunday morning; althoughin this I may be mistaken. 

My division was made up of regiments perfectly new, nearly allhaving received their muskets for the first time at Paducah. Noneof them had ever been under fire or beheld heavy columns of anenemy bearing down on them as they did on last Sunday. 

To expect of them the coolness and steadiness of older troops wouldbe wrong. They knew not the value of combination and organization. When individual fears seized them, the first impulse was to getaway. My third brigade did break much too soon, and I am not yetadvised where they were during Sunday afternoon and Monday morning. Colonel Hildebrand, its commander, was as cool as any man I eversaw, and no one could have made stronger efforts to hold his men totheir places than he did. He kept his own regiment with individualexceptions in hand, an hour after Appler's and Mungen's regimentshad left their proper field of action. Colonel Buckland managedhis brigade well. I commend him to your notice as a cool, intelligent, and judicious gentleman, needing only confidence andexperience, to make a good commander. His subordinates, ColonelsSullivan and Cockerill, behaved with great gallantry; the formerreceiving a severe wound on Sunday, and yet commanding and holdinghis regiment well in hand all day, and on Monday, until his rightarm was broken by a shot. Colonel Cookerill held a largerproportion of his men than any colonel in my division, and was withme from first to last. 

Colonel J. A. McDowell, commanding the first brigade, held hisground on Sunday, till I ordered him to fall back, which he did inline of battle; and when ordered, he conducted the attack on theenemy's left in good style. In falling back to the next position, he was thrown from his horse and injured, and his brigade was notin position on Monday morning. His subordinates, Colonels Hicksand Worthington, displayed great personal courage. Colonel Hicksled his regiment in the attack on Sunday, and received a wound, which it is feared may prove mortal. He is a brave and gallantgentleman, and deserves well of his country. Lieutenant-ColonelWalcutt, of the Ohio Forty-sixth, was severely wounded on Sunday, and has been disabled ever since. My second brigade, ColonelStuart, was detached nearly two miles from my headquarters. He hadto fight his own battle on Sunday, against superior numbers, as theenemy interposed between him and General Prentiss early in the day. Colonel Stuart was wounded severely, and yet reported for duty onMonday morning, but was compelled to leave during the day, when thecommand devolved on Colonel T. Kilby Smith, who was always in thethickest of the fight, and led the brigade handsomely. 

I have not yet received Colonel Stuart's report of the operationsof his brigade during the time he was detached, and must thereforeforbear to mention names. Lieutenant-Colonel Kyle, of theSeventy-first, was mortally wounded on Sunday, but the regimentitself I did not see, as only a small fragment of it was with thebrigade when it joined the division on Monday morning. Greatcredit is due the fragments of men of the disordered regiments whokept in the advance. I observed and noticed them, but until thebrigadiers and colonels make their reports, I cannot venture toname individuals, but will in due season notice all who kept in ourfront line, as well as those who preferred to keep back near thesteamboat-landing. I will also send a full list of the killed, wounded, and missing, by name, rank, company, and regiment. Atpresent I submit the result in figures:

[Summary of General Sherman's detailed table:]Killed ........................ 318Wounded ....................... 1275Missing ....................... 441Aggregate loss in the division: 2034

The enemy captured seven of our guns on Sunday, but on Monday werecovered seven; not the identical guns we had lost, but enough innumber to balance the account. At the time of recovering our campsour men were so fatigued that we could not follow the retreatingmasses of the enemy; but on the following day I followed up withBuckland's and Hildebrand's brigade for six miles, the result ofwhich I have already reported. 

Of my personal staff, I can only speak with praise and thanks. Ithink they smelled as much gunpowder and heard as many cannon-ballsand bullets as must satisfy their ambition. Captain Hammond, mychief of staff, though in feeble health, was very active inrallying broken troops, encouraging the steadfast and aiding toform the lines of defense and attack. I recommend him to yournotice. Major Sanger's intelligence, quick perception, and rapidexecution, were of very great value to me, especially in bringinginto line the batteries that cooperated so efficiently in ourmovements. Captains McCoy and Dayton, aides-de-camp, were with meall the time, carrying orders, and acting with coolness, spirit, and courage. To Surgeon Hartshorne and Dr. L'Hommedieu hundreds ofwounded men are indebted for the kind and excellent treatmentreceived on the field of battle and in the various temporaryhospitals created along the line of our operations. They workedday and night, and did not rest till all the wounded of our owntroops as well as of the enemy were in safe and comfortableshelter. To Major Taylor, chief of artillery, I feel under deepobligations, for his good sense and judgment in managing thebatteries, on which so much depended. I inclose his report andindorse his recommendations. The cavalry of my command kept to therear, and took little part in the action; but it would have beenmadness to have exposed horses to the musketry-fire under which wewere compelled to remain from Sunday at 8 a. M. Till Monday at4 p. M. Captain Kossack, of the engineers, was with me all the time, and was of great assistance. I inclose his sketch of thebattlefield, which is the best I have seen, and which will enableyou to see the various positions occupied by my division, as well asof the others that participated in the battle. I will also send in, during the day, the detailed reports of my brigadiers and colonels, and will indorse them with such remarks as I deem proper. 

I am, with much respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Brigadier-General commanding Fifth Division. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONTuesday, April 8, 1862

Sir: With the cavalry placed at my command and two brigades of myfatigued troops, I went this morning out on the Corinth road. Oneafter another of the abandoned camps of the enemy lined the roads, with hospital flags for their protection; at all we found more orless wounded and dead men. At the forks of the road I found thehead of General T. J. Wood's division of Buell's Army. I orderedcavalry to examine both roads leading toward Corinth, and found theenemy on both. Colonel Dickey, of the Fourth Illinois Cavalry, asking for reenforcements, I ordered General Wood to advance thehead of his column cautiously on the left-hand road, while Iconducted the head of the third brigade of my division up theright-hand road. About half a mile from the forks was a clearfield, through which the road passed, and, immediately beyond, aspace of some two hundred yards of fallen timber, and beyond thatan extensive rebel camp. The enemy's cavalry could be seen in thiscamp; after reconnoisance, I ordered the two advance companies ofthe Ohio Seventy-seventh, Colonel Hildebrand, to deploy forward asskirmishers, and the regiment itself forward into line, with aninterval of one hundred yards. In this order we advancedcautiously until the skirmishers were engaged. Taking it forgranted this disposition would clear the camp, I held ColonelDickey's Fourth Illinois Cavalry ready for the charge. The enemy'scavalry came down boldly at a charge, led by General Forrest inperson, breaking through our line of skirmishers; when the regimentof infantry, without cause, broke, threw away their muskets, andfled. The ground was admirably adapted for a defense of infantryagainst cavalry, being miry and covered with fallen timber. 

As the regiment of infantry broke, Dickey's Cavalry began todischarge their carbines, and fell into disorder. I instantly sentorders to the rear for the brigade to form line of battle, whichwas promptly executed. The broken infantry and cavalry rallied onthis line, and, as the enemy's cavalry came to it, our cavalry inturn charged and drove them from the field. I advanced the entirebrigade over the same ground and sent Colonel Dickey's cavalry amile farther on the road. On examining the ground which had beenoccupied by the Seventy-seventh Ohio, we found fifteen of our mendead and about twenty-five wounded. I sent for wagons and had allthe wounded carried back to camp, and caused the dead to be buried, also the whole rebel camp to be destroyed. 

Here we found much ammunition for field-pieces, which wasdestroyed; also two caissons, and a general hospital, with abouttwo hundred and eighty Confederate wounded, and about fifty of ourown wounded men. Not having the means of bringing them off, Colonel Dickey, by my orders, took a surrender, signed by themedical director (Lyle) and by all the attending surgeons, and apledge to report themselves to you as prisoners of war; also apledge that our wounded should be carefully attended to, andsurrendered to us to-morrow as soon as ambulances could go out. Iinclose this written document, and request that you cause wagons orambulances for our wounded to be sent to-morrow, and that wagons'be sent to bring in the many tents belonging to us which arepitched along the road for four miles out. I did not destroy them, because I knew the enemy could not move them. The roads are verybad, and are strewed with abandoned wagons, ambulances, andlimber-boxes. The enemy has succeeded in carrying off the guns, but has crippled his batteries by abandoning the hind limber-boxesof at least twenty caissons. I am satisfied the enemy's infantryand artillery passed Lick Creek this morning, traveling all of lastnight, and that he left to his rear all his cavalry, which hasprotected his retreat; but signs of confusion and disorder mark thewhole road. The check sustained by us at the fallen timber delayedour advance, so that night came upon us before the wounded wereprovided for and the dead buried, and our troops being fagged outby three days' hard fighting, exposure, and privation, I orderedthem back to their camps, where they now are. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMANBrigadier-General commanding Division. 

General Grant did not make an official report of the battle ofShiloh, but all its incidents and events were covered by thereports of division commanders and Subordinates. Probably nosingle battle of the war gave rise to such wild and damagingreports. It was publicly asserted at the North that our army wastaken completely by surprise; that the rebels caught us in ourtents; bayoneted the men in their beds; that General Grant wasdrunk; that Buell's opportune arrival saved the Army of theTennessee from utter annihilation, etc. These reports were in ameasure sustained by the published opinions of Generals Buell, Nelson, and others, who had reached the steamboat-landing from theeast, just before nightfall of the 6th, when there was a largecrowd of frightened, stampeded men, who clamored and declared thatour army was all destroyed and beaten. Personally I saw GeneralGrant, who with his staff visited me about 10 a. M. Of the 6th, when we were desperately engaged. But we had checked the headlongassault of our enemy, and then held our ground. This gave himgreat satisfaction, and he told me that things did not look as wellover on the left. He also told me that on his way up from Savannahthat morning he had stopped at Crump's Landing, and had ordered LewWallace's division to cross over Snake Creek, so as to come up onmy right, telling me to look out for him. He came again justbefore dark, and described the last assault made by the rebels atthe ravine, near the steamboat-landing, which he had repelled by aheavy battery collected under Colonel J. D. Webster and otherofficers, and he was convinced that the battle was over for thatday. He ordered me to be ready to assume the offensive in themorning, saying that, as he had observed at Fort Donelson at thecrisis of the battle, both sides seemed defeated, and whoeverassumed the offensive was sure to win. General Grant alsoexplained to me that General Buell had reached the bank of theTennessee River opposite Pittsburg Landing, and was in the act offerrying his troops across at the time he was speaking to me. 

About half an hour afterward General Buell himself rode up to whereI was, accompanied by Colonels Fry, Michler, and others of hisstaff. I was dismounted at the time, and General Buell made of mea good many significant inquiries about matters and thingsgenerally. By the aid of a manuscript map made by myself, Ipointed out to him our positions as they had been in the morning, and our then positions; I also explained that my right then coveredthe bridge over Snake Creek by which we had all day been expectingLew Wallace; that McClernand was on my left, Hurlbut on his left, and so on. But Buell said he had come up from the landing, and hadnot seen our men, of whose existence in fact he seemed to doubt. Iinsisted that I had five thousand good men still left in line, andthought that McClernand had as many more, and that with what wasleft of Hurlbut's, W. H. L. Wallace's, and Prentiss's divisions, weought to have eighteen thousand men fit for battle. I reckonedthat ten thousand of our men were dead, wounded, or prisoners, andthat the enemy's loss could not be much less. Buell said thatNelson's, McCook's, and Crittendens divisions of his army, containing eighteen thousand men, had arrived and could cross overin the night, and be ready for the next day's battle. I arguedthat with these reenforcements we could sweep the field. Buellseemed to mistrust us, and repeatedly said that he did not like thelooks of things, especially about the boat-landing, --and I reallyfeared he would not cross over his army that night, lest he shouldbecome involved in our general disaster. He did not, of course, understand the shape of the ground, and asked me for the use of mymap, which I lent him on the promise that he would return it. Hehanded it to Major Michler to have it copied, and the originalreturned to me, which Michler did two or three days after thebattle. Buell did cross over that night, and the next day weassumed the offensive and swept the field, thus gaining the battledecisively. Nevertheless, the controversy was started and kept up, mostly to the personal prejudice of General Grant, who as usualmaintained an imperturbable silence. 

After the battle, a constant stream of civilian surgeons, andsanitary commission agents, men and women, came up the Tennessee tobring relief to the thousands of maimed and wounded soldiers forwhom we had imperfect means of shelter and care. These peoplecaught up the camp-stories, which on their return home theyretailed through their local papers, usually elevating their ownneighbors into heroes, but decrying all others: Among them wasLieutenant-Governor Stanton, of Ohio, who published in Belfontaine, Ohio, a most abusive article about General Grant and hissubordinate generals. As General Grant did not and would not takeup the cudgels, I did so. My letter in reply to Stanton, datedJune 10, 1862, was published in the Cincinnati Commercial soonafter its date. To this Lieutenant-Governor Stanton replied, and Ifurther rejoined in a letter dated July 12, 1862. These lettersare too personal to be revived. By this time the good people ofthe North had begun to have their eyes opened, and to give us inthe field more faith and support. Stanton was never again electedto any public office, and was commonly spoken of as "the late Mr. Stanton. " He is now dead, and I doubt not in life he oftenregretted his mistake in attempting to gain popular fame by abusingthe army-leaders, then as now an easy and favorite mode of gainingnotoriety, if not popularity. Of course, subsequent events gaveGeneral Grant and most of the other actors in that battle theirappropriate place in history, but the danger of sudden popularclamors is well illustrated by this case. 

The battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, was one of the mostfiercely contested of the war. On the morning of April 6, 1862, the five divisions of McClernand, Prentiss, Hurlbut, W. H. L. Wallace, and Sherman, aggregated about thirty-two thousand men. Wehad no intrenchments of any sort, on the theory that as soon asBuell arrived we would march to Corinth to attack the enemy. Therebel army, commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston, was, according to their own reports and admissions, forty-five thousandstrong, had the momentum of attack, and beyond all question foughtskillfully from early morning till about 2 a. M. , when theircommander-in-chief was killed by a Mini-ball in the calf of hisleg, which penetrated the boot and severed the main artery. Therewas then a perceptible lull for a couple of hours, when the attackwas renewed, but with much less vehemence, and continued up todark. Early at night the division of Lew Wallace arrived from theother side of Snake Creek, not having fired a shot. A very smallpart of General Buell's army was on our side of the Tennessee Riverthat evening, and their loss was trivial. 

During that night, the three divisions of McCook, Nelson, andCrittenden, were ferried across the Tennessee, and fought with usthe next day (7th). During that night, also, the two woodengunboats, Tyler, commanded by Lieutenant Groin, and Lexington, Lieutenant Shirk, both of the regular navy, caused shells to bethrown toward that part of the field of battle known to be occupiedby the enemy. Beauregard afterward reported his entire loss as tenthousand six hundred and ninety-nine. Our aggregate loss, made upfrom official statements, shows seventeen hundred killed, seventhousand four hundred and ninety-five wounded, and three thousandand twenty-two prisoners; aggregate, twelve thousand two hundredand seventeen, of which twenty-one hundred and sixty-seven were inBuell's army, leaving for that of Grant ten thousand and fifty. This result is a fair measure of the amount of fighting done byeach army. 

CHAPTER XI. 

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 

APRIL TO JULY, 1862. 

While, the "Army of the Tennessee, " under Generals Grant and C. F. Smith, was operating up the Tennessee River, another force, styledthe "Army of the Mississippi, " commanded by Major-General JohnPope, was moving directly down the Mississippi River, against thatportion of the rebel line which, under Generals Polk and Pillow, had fallen back from Columbus, Kentucky, to Island Number Ten andNew Madrid. This army had the full cooperation of the gunboatfleet, commanded by Admiral Foote, and was assisted by the highflood of that season, which enabled General Pope, by great skilland industry, to open a canal from a point above Island Number Tento New Madrid below, by which he interposed between the rebel armyand its available line of supply and retreat. At the very timethat we were fighting the bloody battle on the Tennessee River, General Pope and Admiral Foote were bombarding the batteries onIsland Number Ten, and the Kentucky shore abreast of it; andGeneral Pope having crossed over by steamers a part of his army tothe east bank, captured a large part of this rebel army, at andnear Tiptonville. 

General Halleck still remained at St. Louis, whence he gave generaldirections to the armies of General Curtis, Generals Grant, Buell, and Pope; and instead of following up his most important andbrilliant successes directly down the Mississippi, he concluded tobring General Pope's army around to the Tennessee, and to come inperson to command there. The gunboat fleet pushed on down theMississippi, but was brought up again all standing by the heavybatteries at Fort Pillow, about fifty miles above Memphis. Aboutthis time Admiral Farragut, with another large sea-going fleet, andwith the cooperating army of General Butler, was entering theMississippi River by the Passes, and preparing to reduce FortsJackson and St, Philip in order to reach New Orleans; so that allminds were turned to the conquest of the Mississippi River, andsurely adequate means were provided for the undertaking. 

The battle of Shiloh had been fought, as described, on the 6th and7th of April; and when the movement of the 8th had revealed thatour enemy was gone, in full retreat, leaving killed, wounded, andmuch property by the way, we all experienced a feeling of relief. The struggle had been so long, so desperate and bloody, that thesurvivors seemed exhausted and nerveless; we appreciated the valueof the victory, but realized also its great cost of life. Theclose of the battle had left the Army of the Tennessee on theright, and the Army of the Ohio on the left; but I believe neitherGeneral Grant nor Buell exercised command, the one over the other;each of them having his hands full in repairing damages. All thedivision, brigade, and regimental commanders were busy incollecting stragglers, regaining lost property, in burying dead menand horses, and in providing for their wounded. Some few newregiments came forward, and some changes of organization becamenecessary. Then, or very soon after, I consolidated my fontbrigades into three, which were commanded: First, Brigadier-GeneralMorgan L: Smith; Second, Colonel John A. McDowell; Third, Brigadier-General J. W. Denver. About the same time I was promotedto major-general volunteers. 

The Seventy-first Ohio was detached to Clarksville, Tennessee, andthe Sixth and Eighth Missouri were transferred to my division. 

In a few days after the battle, General Halleck arrived bysteamboat from St. Louis, pitched his camp near the steamboat-landing, and assumed personal command of all the armies. He wasattended by his staff, composed of General G. W. Cullum, U. S. Engineers, as his chief of staff; Colonel George Thom, U. S. Engineers; and Colonels Kelton and Kemper, adjutants-general. Itsoon became manifest that his mind had been prejudiced by therumors which had gone forth to the detriment of General Grant; forin a few days he issued an order, reorganizing and rearranging thewhole army. General Buell's Army of the Ohio constituted thecentre; General Pope's army, then arriving at Hamburg Landing, wasthe left; the right was made up of mine and Hurlbut's divisions, belonging to the old Army of the Tennessee, and two new ones, madeup from the fragments of the divisions of Prentiss and C. F. Smith, and of troops transferred thereto, commanded by Generals T. W. Sherman and Davies. General George H. Thomas was taken from Buell, to command the right. McClernand's and Lew Wallace's divisionswere styled the reserve, to be commanded by McClernand. GeneralGrant was substantially left out, and was named "second incommand, " according to some French notion, with no clear, well-defined command or authority. He still retained his oldstaff, composed of Rawlins, adjutant-general; Riggin, Lagow, andHilyer, aides; and he had a small company of the Fourth IllinoisCavalry as an escort. For more than a month he thus remained, without any apparent authority, frequently visiting me and others, and rarely complaining; but I could see that he felt deeply theindignity, if not insult, heaped upon him. 

General Thomas at once assumed command of the right wing, and, until we reached Corinth, I served immediately under his command. We were classmates, intimately acquainted, had served togetherbefore in the old army, and in Kentucky, and it made to us littledifference who commanded the other, provided the good causeprevailed. 

Corinth was about thirty miles distant, and we all knew that weshould find there the same army with which we had so fiercelygrappled at Shiloh, reorganized, reenforced, and commanded in chiefby General Beauregard in place of Johnston, who had fallen atShiloh. But we were also reenforced by Buell's and Pope's armies;so that before the end of April our army extended from Snake Creekon the right to the Tennessee River, at Hamburg, on the left, andmust have numbered nearly one hundred thousand men. 

Ample supplies of all kinds reached us by the Tennessee River, which had a good stage of water; but our wagon transportation waslimited, and much confusion occurred in hauling supplies to theseveral camps. By the end of Aril, the several armies seemed to beready, and the general forward movement on Corinth began. Mydivision was on the extreme right of the right wing, and marchedout by the "White House, " leaving Monterey or Pea Ridge to thesouth. Crossing Lick Creek, we came into the main road about amile south of Monterey, where we turned square to the right, andcame into the Purdy road, near "Elams. " Thence we followed thePurdy road to Corinth, my skirmishers reaching at all times theMobile & Ohio Railroad. Of course our marches were governed by themain centre, which followed the direct road from Pittsburg Landingto Corinth; and this movement was provokingly slow. We fortifiedalmost every camp at night, though we had encountered no seriousopposition, except from cavalry, which gave ground easily as weadvanced. The opposition increased as we neared Corinth, and at aplace called Russell's we had a sharp affair of one brigade, underthe immediate direction of Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith, assisted by the brigade of General Denver. This affair occurred onthe 19th of May, and our line was then within about two miles ofthe northern intrenchments of Corinth. 

On the 27th I received orders from General Halleck "to send a forcethe next day to drive the rebels from the house in our front, onthe Corinth road, to drive in their pickets as far as possible, andto make a strong demonstration on Corinth itself;" authorizing meto call on any adjacent division for assistance. 

I reconnoitred the ground carefully, and found that the main roadled forward along the fence of a large cotton-field to our rightfront, and ascended a wooded hill, occupied in some force by theenemy, on which was the farm-house referred to in General Halleck'sorders. At the farther end of the field was a double log-house, whose chinking had been removed; so that it formed a good blockhouse from which the enemy could fire on any person approachingfrom our quarter. 

General Hurlbut's division was on my immediate left, and GeneralMcClernand's reserve on our right rear. I asked of each theassistance of a brigade. The former sent General Veatch's, and thelatter General John A. Logan's brigade. I asked the former tosupport our left flank, and the latter our right flank. The nextmorning early, Morgan L. Smith's brigade was deployed under coveron the left, and Denver's on the right, ready to move forwardrapidly at a signal. I had a battery of four twenty-pound Parrottguns, commanded by Captain Silversparre. Colonel Ezra Taylor, chief of artillery, had two of these guns moved up silently by handbehind a small knoll, from the crest of which the enemy'sblock-house and position could be distinctly seen; when all wereready, these guns were moved to the crest, and several quick roundswere fired at the house, followed after an interval by a singlegum. This was the signal agreed on, and the troops respondedbeautifully, crossed the field in line of battle, preceded by theirskirmishers who carried the position in good style, and pursued theenemy for half a mile beyond. 

The main line halted on the crest of the ridge, from which we couldlook over the parapets of the rebel works at Corinth, and heartheir drum and bugle calls. The rebel brigade had evidently beentaken by surprise in our attack; it soon rallied and came back onus with the usual yell, driving in our skirmishers, but was quicklychecked when it came within range of our guns and line of battle. Generals Grant and Thomas happened to be with me during thisaffair, and were well pleased at the handsome manner in which thetroops behaved. That night we began the usual entrenchments, andthe next day brought forward the artillery and the rest of thedivision, which then extended from the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, atBowie Hill Out, to the Corinth & Purdy road, there connecting withHurlbut's division. That night, viz. , May 29th, we heard unusualsounds in Corinth, the constant whistling of locomotives, and soonafter daylight occurred a series of explosions followed by a densesmoke rising high over the town. There was a telegraph lineconnecting my headquarters with those of General Halleck, aboutfour miles off, on the Hamburg road. I inquired if he knew thecause of the explosions and of the smoke, and he answered to"advance with my division and feel the enemy if still in my front"I immediately dispatched two regiments from each of my threebrigades to feel the immediate front, and in a very short timeadvanced with the whole division. Each brigade found the rebelparapets abandoned, and pushed straight for the town, which lies inthe northeast angle of intersection of the Mobile & Ohio andMemphis & Charleston Railroads. Many buildings had been burned bythe enemy on evacuation, which had begun the night before at 6p. M. , and continued through the night, the rear-guard burning theirmagazine at the time of withdrawing, about daybreak. Morgan L. Smith's brigade followed the retreating rear-guard some four milesto the Tuacumbia Bridge, which was found burned. I halted theother brigades at the college, about a mile to the southwest of thetown, where I was overtaken by General Thomas in person. 

The heads of all the columns had entered the rebel lines about thesame time, and there was some rather foolish clamor for the firsthonors, but in fact there was no honor in the event. Beauregardhad made a clean retreat to the south, and was only seriouslypursued by cavalry from General Pope's flank. But he reachedTupelo, where he halted for reorganization; and there is no doubtthat at the moment there was much disorganization in his ranks, forthe woods were full of deserters whom we did not even takeprisoners, but advised them to make their way home and stay there. We spent the day at and near the college, when General Thomas, whoapplied for orders at Halleck's headquarters, directed me toconduct my division back to the camp of the night before, where wehad left our trains The advance on Corinth had occupied all of themonth of May, the most beautiful and valuable month of the year forcampaigning in this latitude. There had been little fighting, saveon General Pope's left flank about Farmington; and on our right. Iesteemed it a magnificent drill, as it served for the instructionof our men in guard and picket duty, and in habituating them toout-door life; and by the time we had reached Corinth I believethat army was the best then on this continent, and could have gonewhere it pleased. The four subdivisions were well commanded, aswere the divisions and brigades of the whole army. General Halleckwas a man of great capacity, of large acquirements, and at the timepossessed the confidence of the country, and of most of the army. I held him in high estimation, and gave him credit for thecombinations which had resulted in placing this magnificent army ofa hundred thousand men, well equipped and provided, with a goodbase, at Corinth, from which he could move in any direction. 

Had he held his force as a unit, he could have gone to Mobile, orVicksburg, or anywhere in that region, which would by one move havesolved the whole Mississippi problem; and, from what he then toldme, I believe he intended such a campaign, but was overruled fromWashington. Be that as it may, the army had no sooner settled downat Corinth before it was scattered: General Pope was called to theEast, and his army distributed among the others; General Thomas wasrelieved from the command of the right wing, and reassigned to hisdivision in the Army of the Ohio; and that whole army under GeneralBuell was turned east along the Memphis & Charleston road, to marchfor Chattanooga. McClernand's "reserve" was turned west to Bolivarand Memphis. General Halleck took post himself at Corinth, assigned Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson to take charge of therailroads, with instructions to repair them as far as Columbus, Kentucky, and to collect cars and locomotives to operate them toCorinth and Grand Junction. I was soon dispatched with my own andHurlbut's divisions northwest fourteen miles to Chewalla, to savewhat could be of any value out of six trains of cars belonging tothe rebels which had been wrecked and partially burned at the timeof the evacuation of Corinth. 

A short time before leaving Corinth I rode from my camp to GeneralHalleck's headquarters, then in tents just outside of the town, where we sat and gossiped for some time, when he mentioned to mecasually that General Grant was going away the next morning. Iinquired the cause, and he said that he did not know, but thatGrant had applied for a thirty days' leave, which had been givenhim. Of course we all knew that he was chafing under the slightsof his anomalous position, and I determined to see him on my wayback. His camp was a short distance off the Monterey road, in thewoods, and consisted of four or five tents, with a sapling railingaround the front. As I rode up, Majors Rawlins, Lagow, and Hilyer, were in front of the camp, and piled up near them were the usualoffice and camp chests, all ready for a start in the morning. Iinquired for the general, and was shown to his tent, where I foundhim seated on a camp-stool, with papers on a rude camp-table; heseemed to be employed in assorting letters, and tying them up withred tape into convenient bundles. After passing the usualcompliments, I inquired if it were true that he was going away. Hesaid, "Yes. " I then inquired the reason, and he said "Sherman, youknow. You know that I am in the way here. I have stood it as longas I can, and can endure it no longer. " I inquired where he wasgoing to, and he said, "St. Louis. " I then asked if he had anybusiness there, and he said, "Not a bit. " I then begged him tostay, illustrating his case by my own. 

Before the battle of Shiloh, I had been cast down by a merenewspaper assertion of "crazy;" but that single battle had given menew life, and now I was in high feather; and I argued with himthat, if he went away, events would go right along, and he would beleft out; whereas, if he remained, some happy accident mightrestore him to favor and his true place. He certainly appreciatedmy friendly advice, and promised to wait awhile; at all events, notto go without seeing me again, or communicating with me. Very soonafter this, I was ordered to Chewalla, where, on the 6th of June, Ireceived a note from him, saying that he had reconsidered hisintention, and would remain. I cannot find the note, but my answerI have kept:

Chewalla, Jane 6, 1862. 

Major-General GRANT. 

My DEAR SIR: I have just received your note, and am rejoiced atyour conclusion to remain; for you could not be quiet at home for aweek when armies were moving, and rest could not relieve your mindof the gnawing sensation that injustice had been done you. 

My orders at Chewalla were to rescue the wrecked trains there, toreconnoitre westward and estimate the amount of damage to therailroad as far as Grand Junction, about fifty miles. We campedour troops on high, healthy ground to the south of Chewalla, andafter I had personally reconnoitred the country, details of menwere made and volunteer locomotive engineers obtained tosuperintend the repairs. I found six locomotives and about sixtycars, thrown from the track, parts of the machinery detached andhidden in the surrounding swamp, and all damaged as much by fire aspossible. It seems that these trains were inside of Corinth duringthe night of evacuation, loading up with all sorts of commissarystores, etc. , and about daylight were started west; but thecavalry-picket stationed at the Tuscumbia bridge had, by mistake orpanic, burned the bridge before the trains got to them. Thetrains, therefore, were caught, and the engineers and guardshastily scattered the stores into the swamp, and disabled thetrains as far as they could, before our cavalry had discoveredtheir critical situation. The weather was hot, and the swampfairly stunk with the putrid flour and fermenting sugar andmolasses; I was so much exposed there in the hot sun, pushingforward the work, that I got a touch of malarial fever, which hungon me for a month, and forced me to ride two days in an ambulance, the only time I ever did such a thing during the whole war. By the7th I reported to General Halleck that the amount of work necessaryto reestablish the railroad between Corinth and Grand Junction wasso great, that he concluded not to attempt its repair, but to relyon the road back to Jackson (Tennessee), and forward to GrandJunction; and I was ordered to move to Grand Junction, to take upthe repairs from there toward Memphis. 

The evacuation of Corinth by Beauregard, and the movements ofGeneral McClernand's force toward Memphis, had necessitated theevacuation of Fort Pillow, which occurred about June 1st; soonfollowed by the further withdrawal of the Confederate army fromMemphis, by reason of the destruction of the rebel gunboats in thebold and dashing attack by our gun-boats under command of AdmiralDavis, who had succeeded Foote. This occurred June 7th. AdmiralFarragut had also captured New Orleans after the terrible passageof Forts Jackson and St. Philip on May 24th, and had ascended theriver as high as Vicksburg; so that it seemed as though, before theend of June, we should surely have full possession of the wholeriver. But it is now known that the progress of our Western armieshad aroused the rebel government to the exercise of the moststupendous energy. Every man capable of bearing arms at the Southwas declared to be a soldier, and forced to act as such. All theirarmies were greatly reenforced, and the most despotic power wasgranted to enforce discipline and supplies. Beauregard wasreplaced by Bragg, a man of more ability--of greater powers oforganization, of action, and discipline--but naturally exacting andsevere, and not possessing the qualities to attract the love of hisofficers and men. He had a hard task to bring into order anddiscipline that mass of men to whose command he succeeded atTupelo, with which he afterward fairly outmanoeuvred General Buell, and forced him back from Chattanooga to Louisville. It was a fatalmistake, however, that halted General Halleck at Corinth, and ledhim to disperse and scatter the best materials for a fighting armythat, up to that date, had been assembled in the West. 

During the latter part of June and first half of July, I had my ownand Hurlbut's divisions about Grand Junction, Lagrange, Moscow, andLafayette, building railroad-trestles and bridges, fighting offcavalry detachments coming from the south, and waging aneverlasting quarrel with planters about their negroes and fences--they trying, in the midst of moving armies, to raise a crop ofcorn. On the 17th of June I sent a detachment of two brigades, under General M. L. Smith, to Holly Springs, in the belief that Icould better protect the railroad from some point in front thanby scattering our men along it; and, on the 23d, I was atLafayette Station, when General Grant, with his staff and a veryinsignificant escort, arrived from Corinth en route for Memphis, totake command of that place and of the District of West Tennessee. He came very near falling into the hands of the enemy, who infestedthe whole country with small but bold detachments of cavalry. Upto that time I had received my orders direct from General Halleckat Corinth, but soon after I fell under the immediate command ofGeneral Grant and so continued to the end of the war; but, on the29th, General Halleck notified me that "a division of troops underGeneral C. S. Hamilton of 'Rosecrans's army corps, ' had passed theHatchie from Corinth, " and was destined for Holly Springs, orderingme to "cooperate as far as advisable, " but "not to neglect theprotection of the road. " I ordered General Hurlbut to leavedetachments at Grand Junction and Lagrange, and to march for HollySprings. I left detachments at Moscow and Lafayette, and, withabout four thousand men, marched for the same point. Hurlbut and Imet at Hudsonville, and thence marched to the Coldwater, withinfour miles of Holly Springs. We encountered only small detachmentsof rebel cavalry under Colonels Jackson and Pierson, and drove theminto and through Holly Springs; but they hung about, and I kept aninfantry brigade in Holly Springs to keep them out. I heardnothing from General Hamilton till the 5th of July, when I receiveda letter from him dated Rienzi, saying that he had been withinnineteen miles of Holly Springs and had turned back for Corinth;and on the next day, July 6th, I got a telegraph order from GeneralHalleck, of July 2d, sent me by courier from Moscow, "not toattempt to hold Holly Springs, but to fall back and protect therailroad. " We accordingly marched back twenty-five miles--Hurlbutto Lagrange, and I to Moscow. The enemy had no infantry nearerthan the Tallahatchee bridge, but their cavalry was saucy andactive, superior to ours, and I despaired of ever protecting arailroad, preventing a broad front of one hundred miles, from theirdashes. 

About this time, we were taunted by the Confederate soldiers andcitizens with the assertion that Lee had defeated McClellan atRichmond; that he would soon be in Washington; and that our turnwould come next. The extreme caution of General Halleck alsoindicated that something had gone wrong, and, on the 16th of July, at Moscow, I received a dispatch from him, announcing that he hadbeen summoned to Washington, which he seemed to regret, and whichat that moment I most deeply deplored. He announced that hiscommand would devolve on General Grant, who had been summonedaround from Memphis to Corinth by way of Columbus, Kentucky, andthat I was to go into Memphis to take command of the District ofWest Tennessee, vacated by General Grant. By this time, also, Iwas made aware that the great, army that had assembled at Corinthat the end of May had been scattered and dissipated, and thatterrible disasters had befallen our other armies in Virginia andthe East. 

I soon received orders to move to Memphis, taking Hurlbut'sdivision along. We reached Memphis on the 21st, and on the 22d Iposted my three brigades mostly in and near Fort Dickering, andHurlbut's division next below on the river-bank by reason of thescarcity of water, except in the Mississippi River itself. Theweather was intensely hot. The same order that took us to Memphisrequired me to send the division of General Lew Wallace (thencommanded by Brigadier-General A. P. Hovey) to Helena, Arkansas, toreport to General Curtis, which was easily accomplished bysteamboat. I made my own camp in a vacant lot, near Mr. Moon'shouse, and gave my chief attention to the construction of FortPickering, then in charge of Major Prime, United States Engineers;to perfecting the drill and discipline of the two divisions undermy command; and to the administration of civil affairs. 

At the time when General Halleck was summoned from Corinth toWashington, to succeed McClellan as commander-in-chief, I surelyexpected of him immediate and important results. The Army of theOhio was at the time marching toward Chattanooga, and was strungfrom Eastport by Huntsville to Bridgeport, under the command ofGeneral Buell. In like manner, the Army of the Tennessee wasstrung along the same general line, from Memphis to Tuscumbia, andwas commanded by General Grant, with no common commander for boththese forces: so that the great army which General Halleck had sowell assembled at Corinth, was put on the defensive, with afrontage of three hundred miles. Soon thereafter the rebelsdisplayed peculiar energy and military skill. General Bragg hadreorganized the army of Beauregard at Tupelo, carried it rapidlyand skillfully toward Chattanooga, whence he boldly assumed theoffensive, moving straight for Nashville and Louisville, andcompelling General Buell to fall back to the Ohio River atLouisville. 

The army of Van Dorn and Price had been brought from thetrans-Mississippi Department to the east of the river, and wascollected at and about Holly Springs, where, reenforced byArmstrong's and Forrests cavalry, it amounted to about fortythousand brave and hardy soldiers. These were General Grant'simmediate antagonists, and so many and large detachments had beendrawn from him, that for a time he was put on the defensive. Inperson he had his headquarters at Corinth, with the three divisionsof Hamilton, Davies, and McKean, under the immediate orders ofGeneral Rosecrans. General Ord had succeeded to the division ofMcClernand (who had also gone to Washington), and held Bolivar andGrand Junction. I had in Memphis my own and Hurlbut's divisions, and other smaller detachments were strung along the Memphis &Charleston road. But the enemy's detachments could strike thisroad at so many points, that no use could be made of it, andGeneral Grant had to employ the railroads, from Columbus, Kentucky, to Corinth and Grand Junction, by way of Jackson, Tennessee, apoint common to both roads, and held in some force. 

In the early part of September the enemy in our front manifestedgreat activity, feeling with cavalry at all points, and on the 13thGeneral Van Dorn threatened Corinth, while General Price seized thetown of Iuka, which was promptly abandoned by a small garrisonunder Colonel Murphy. Price's force was about eight thousand men, and the general impression was that he was en route for Eastport, with the purpose to cross the Tennessee River in the direction ofNashville, in aid of General Bragg, then in full career forKentucky. General Grant determined to attack him in force, prepared to regain Corinth before Van Dorn could reach it. He haddrawn Ord to Corinth, and moved him, by Burnsville, on Iuka, by themain road, twenty-six miles. General Grant accompanied this columnas far as Burnsville. At the same time he had dispatched Rosecransby roads to the south, via Jacinto, with orders to approach Iuka bythe two main roads, coming into Iuka from the south, viz. , theyJacinto and Fulton roads. 

On the 18th General Ord encountered the enemy about four miles outof Iuka. His orders contemplated that he should not make a seriousattack, until Rosecrans had gained his position on the south; but, as usual, Rosecrans had encountered difficulties in the confusionof roads, his head of column did not reach the vicinity of Iukatill 4 p. M. Of the 19th, and then his troops were long drawn outon the single Jacinto road, leaving the Fulton road clear forPrice's use. Price perceived his advantage, and attacked withvehemence the head of Rosecrans's column, Hamilton's division, beating it back, capturing a battery, and killing and disablingseven hundred and thirty-six men, so that when night closed inRosecrans was driven to the defensive, and Price, perceiving hisdanger, deliberately withdrew by the Fulton road, and the nextmorning was gone. Although General Ord must have been within fouror six miles of this battle, he did not hear a sound; and he orGeneral Grant did not know of it till advised the next morning by acourier who had made a wide circuit to reach them. General Grantwas much offended with General Rosecrans because of this affair, but in my experience these concerted movements generally fail, unless with the very best kind of troops, and then in a country onwhose roads some reliance can be placed, which is not the case inNorthern Mississippi. If Price was aiming for Tennessee; hefailed, and was therefore beaten. He made a wide circuit by thesouth, and again joined Van Dorn. 

On the 6th of September, at Memphis, I received an order fromGeneral Grant dated the 2d, to send Hurlbut's division toBrownsville, in the direction of Bolivar, thence to report byletter to him at Jackson. The division started the same day, and, as our men and officers had been together side by side from thefirst landing at Shiloh, we felt the parting like the breaking upof a family. But General Grant was forced to use every man, for heknew well that Van Dorn could attack him at pleasure, at any pointof his long line. To be the better prepared, on the 23d ofSeptember he took post himself at Jackson, Tennessee, with a smallreserve force, and gave Rosecrans command of Corinth, with histhree divisions and some detachments, aggregating about twentythousand men. He posted General Ord with his own and Hurlbut'adivisions at Bolivar, with outposts toward Grand Junction andLagrange. These amounted to nine or ten thousand men, and I heldMemphis with my own division, amounting to about six thousand men. The whole of General Grant's men at that time may have aggregatedfifty thousand, but he had to defend a frontage of a hundred andfifty miles, guard some two hundred miles of railway, and as muchriver. Van Dom had forty thousand men, united, at perfect libertyto move in any direction, and to choose his own point of attack, under cover of woods, and a superior body of cavalry, familiar withevery foot of the ground. Therefore General Grant had good reasonfor telegraphing to General Halleck, on the 1st of October, thathis position was precarious, "but I hope to get out of it allright. " In Memphis my business was to hold fast that importantflank, and by that date Fort Dickering had been made very strong, and capable of perfect defense by a single brigade. I thereforeendeavored by excursions to threaten Van Dorn's detachments to thesoutheast and east. I repeatedly sent out strong detachmentstoward Holly Springs, which was his main depot of supply; andGeneral Grierson, with his Sixth Illinois, the only cavalry I had, made some bold and successful dashes at the Coldwater, compellingVan Dorn to cover it by Armstrong's whole division of cavalry. Still, by the 1st of October, General Grant was satisfied that theenemy was meditating an attack in force on Bolivar or Corinth; andon the 2d Van Dorn made his appearance near Corinth, with hisentire army. On the 3d he moved down on that place from the northand northwest, General Roseerana went out some four miles to meethim, but was worsted and compelled to fall back within the line ofhis forts. These had been began under General Halleck, but weremuch strengthened by General Grant, and consisted of severaldetached redoubts, bearing on each other, and inclosing the townand the depots of stores at the intersection of the two railroads. Van Dorn closed down on the forts by the evening of the 3d, and onthe morning of the 4th assaulted with great vehemence. Our men, covered by good parapets, fought gallantly, and defended theirposts well, inflicting terrible losses on the enemy, so that bynoon the rebels were repulsed at all points, and drew off, leavingtheir dead and wounded in our hands. Their losses, were variouslyestimated, but the whole truth will probably never be known, for inthat army reports and returns were not the fashion. GeneralRosecrans admitted his own loss to be three hundred and fifteenkilled, eighteen hundred and twelve wounded, and two hundred andthirty-two missing or prisoners, and claimed on the part of therebels fourteen hundred and twenty-three dead, two thousand andtwenty-five prisoners and wounded. Of course, most of the woundedmust have gone off or been carried off, so that, beyond doubt, therebel army lost at Corinth fully six thousand men. 

Meantime, General Grant, at Jackson, had dispatched Brigadier-General McPherson, with a brigade, directly for Corinth, whichreached General Rosecrans after the battle; and, in anticipation ofhis victory, had ordered him to pursue instantly, notifying himthat he had ordered Ord's and Hurlbut's divisions rapidly across toPocahontas, so as to strike the rebels in flank. On the morning ofthe 5th, General Ord reached the Hatchie River, at Davies bridge, with four thousand men; crossed over and encountered the retreatingarmy, captured a battery and several hundred prisoners, dispersingthe rebel advance, and forcing the main column to make a widecircuit by the south in order to cross the Hatchie River. HadGeneral Rosecrans pursued promptly, and been on the heels of thismass of confused and routed men, Van Dorn's army would surely havebeen utterly ruined; as it was, Van Dom regained Holly Springssomewhat demoralized. 

General Rosecrans did not begin his pursuit till the next morning, the 5th, and it was then too late. General Grant was againdispleased with him, and never became fully reconciled. GeneralRosecrans was soon after relieved, and transferred to the Army ofthe Cumberland, in Tennessee, of which he afterward obtained thecommand, in place of General Buell, who was removed. 

The effect of the battle of Corinth was very great. It was, indeed, a decisive blow to the Confederate cause in our quarter, and changed the whole aspect of affairs in West Tennessee. Fromthe timid defensive we were at once enabled to assume the boldoffensive. In Memphis I could see its effects upon the citizens, and they openly admitted that their cause had sustained adeath-blow. But the rebel government was then at its maximumstrength; Van Dorn was reenforced, and very soon Lieutenant-GeneralJ. C. Pemberton arrived and assumed the command, adopting for hisline the Tallahatchie River, with an advance-guard along theColdwater, and smaller detachments forward at Grand Junction andHernando. General Grant, in like manner, was reenforced by newregiments. 

Out of those which were assigned to Memphis, I organized two newbrigades, and placed them under officers who had gained skill andexperience during the previous campaign. 

CHAPTER XII. 

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 

JULY, 1882 TO JANUARY, 1883

When we first entered Memphis, July 21, 1862, I found the placedead; no business doing, the stores closed, churches, schools, andevery thing shut up. The people were all more or less in sympathywith our enemies, and there was a strong prospect that the wholecivil population would become a dead weight on our hands. Inasmuchas the Mississippi River was then in our possession northward, andsteamboats were freely plying with passengers and freight, I causedall the stores to be opened, churches, schools, theatres, andplaces of amusement, to be reestablished, and very soon Memphisresumed its appearance of an active, busy, prosperous place. Ialso restored the mayor (whose name was Parks) and the citygovernment to the performance of their public functions, andrequired them to maintain a good civil police. 

Up to that date neither Congress nor the President had made anyclear, well-defined rules touching the negro slaves, and thedifferent generals had issued orders according to their ownpolitical sentiments. Both Generals Halleck and Grant regarded theslave as still a slave, only that the labor of the slave belongedto his owner, if faithful to the Union, or to the United States, ifthe master had taken up arms against the Government, or adhered tothe fortunes of the rebellion. Therefore, in Memphis, we receivedall fugitives, put them to work on the fortifications, suppliedthem with food and clothing, and reserved the question of paymentof wages for future decision. No force was allowed to be used torestore a fugitive slave to his master in any event; but if themaster proved his loyalty, he was usually permitted to see hisslave, and, if he could persuade him to return home, it waspermitted. Cotton, also, was a fruitful subject of controversy. The Secretary of the Treasury; Mr. Chase, was extremely anxious atthat particular time to promote the purchase of cotton, becauseeach bale was worth, in gold, about three hundred dollars, andanswered the purpose of coin in our foreign exchanges. Hetherefore encouraged the trade, so that hundreds of greedyspeculators flocked down the Mississippi, and resorted to all sortsof measures to obtain cotton from the interior, often purchasing itfrom negroes who did not own it, but who knew where it wasconcealed. This whole business was taken from the jurisdiction ofthe military, and committed to Treasury agents appointed by Mr. Chase. 

Other questions absorbed the attention of military commanders; andby way of illustration I here insert a few letters from my"letter-book, " which contains hundreds on similar subjects:

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONMemphis, Tennessee, August 11, 1862

Hon. S. P. CHASE, Secretary of the Treasury. 

Sir: Your letter of August 2d, just received, invites my discussionof the cotton question. 

I will write plainly and slowly, because I know you have no time tolisten to trifles. This is no trifle; when one nation is at warwith another, all the people of the one are enemies of the other:then the rules are plain and easy of understanding. Mostunfortunately, the war in which we are now engaged has beencomplicated with the belief on the one hand that all on the otherare not enemies. It would have been better if, at the outset, thismistake had not been made, and it is wrong longer to be misled byit. The Government of the United States may now safely proceed onthe proper rule that all in the South are enemies of all in theNorth; and not only are they unfriendly, but all who can procurearms now bear them as organized regiments, or as guerrillas. Thereis not a garrison in Tennessee where a man can go beyond the sightof the flag-staff without being shot or captured. It so happenedthat these people had cotton, and, whenever they apprehended ourlarge armies would move, they destroyed the cotton in the beliefthat, of course, we world seize it, and convert it to our use. They did not and could not dream that we would pay money for it. It had been condemned to destruction by their own acknowledgedgovernment, and was therefore lost to their people; and could havebeen, without injustice, taken by us, and sent away, either asabsolute prize of war, or for future compensation. But thecommercial enterprise of the Jews soon discovered that ten centswould buy a pound of cotton behind our army; that four cents wouldtake it to Boston, where they could receive thirty cents in gold. The bait was too tempting, and it spread like fire, when here theydiscovered that salt, bacon, powder, fire-arms, percussion-caps, etc. , etc. , were worth as much as gold; and, strange to say, thistraffic was not only permitted, but encouraged. Before we in theinterior could know it, hundreds, yea thousands of barrels of saltand millions of dollars had been disbursed; and I have no doubtthat Bragg's army at Tupelo, and Van Dorn's at Vicksburg, receivedenough salt to make bacon, without which they could not have movedtheir armies in mass; and that from ten to twenty thousand fresharms, and a due supply of cartridges, have also been got, I amequally satisfied. As soon as I got to Memphis, having seen theeffect in the interior, I ordered (only as to my own command) thatgold, silver, and Treasury notes, were contraband of war, andshould not go into the interior, where all were hostile. It isidle to talk about Union men here: many want peace, and fear warand its results; but all prefer a Southern, independent government, and are fighting or working for it. Every gold dollar that wasspent for cotton, was sent to the seaboard, to be exchanged forbank-notes and Confederate scrip, which will buy goods here, andare taken in ordinary transactions. I therefore required cotton tobe paid for in such notes, by an obligation to pay at the end ofthe war, or by a deposit of the price in the hands of a trustee, viz. , the United States Quartermaster. Under these rules cotton isbeing obtained about as fast as by any other process, and yet theenemy receives no "aid or comfort. " Under the "gold" rule, thecountry people who had concealed their cotton from the burners, andwho openly scorned our greenbacks, were willing enough to takeTennessee money, which will buy their groceries; but now that thetrade is to be encouraged, and gold paid out, I admit that cottonwill be sent in by our open enemies, who can make better use ofgold than they can of their hidden bales of cotton. 

I may not appreciate the foreign aspect of the question, but myviews on this may be ventured. If England ever threatens warbecause we don't furnish her cotton, tell her plainly if she can'temploy and feed her own people, to send them here, where theycannot only earn an honest living, but soon secure independence bymoderate labor. We are not bound to furnish her cotton. She hasmore reason to fight the South for burning that cotton, than us fornot shipping it. To aid the South on this ground would behypocrisy which the world would detect at once. Let her make herultimatum, and there are enough generous minds in Europe that willcounteract her in the balance. Of course her motive is to cripplea power that rivals her in commerce and manufactures, thatthreatens even to usurp her history. In twenty more years ofprosperity, it will require a close calculation to determinewhether England, her laws and history, claim for a home theContinent of America or the Isle of Britain. Therefore, finding usin a death-struggle for existence, she seems to seek a quarrel todestroy both parts in detail. 

Southern people know this full well, and will only accept thealliance of England in order to get arms and manufactures inexchange for their cotton. The Southern Confederacy will accept noother mediation, because she knows full well that in Old Englandher slaves and slavery will receive no more encouragement than inNew England. 

France certainly does not need our cotton enough to disturb herequilibrium, and her mediation would be entitled to a more respectconsideration than on the part of her present ally. But I feelassured the French will not encourage rebellion and secessionanywhere as a political doctrine. Certainly all the German statesmust be our ardent friends; and, in case of European intervention;they could not be kept down. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISION, ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE, Memphis, July23, 1862

Dr. E. S. PLUMMER and others, Physician in Memphis, Signers to aPetition. 

GENTLEMEN: I have this moment received your communication, andassure you that it grieves my heart thus to be the instrument ofadding to the seeming cruelty and hardship of this unnatural war. 

On my arrival here, I found my predecessor (General Hovey) hadissued an order permitting the departure south of all personssubject to the conscript law of the Southern Confederacy. Manyapplications have been made to me to modify this order, but Iregarded it as a condition precedent by which I was bound in honor, and therefore I have made no changes or modifications; nor shall Idetermine what action I shall adopt in relation to personsunfriendly to our cause who remain after the time limited byGeneral Hovey's order had expired. It is now sunset, and all whohave not availed themselves of General Hovey's authority, and whoremain in Memphis, are supposed to be loyal and true men. 

I will only say that I cannot allow the personal convenience ofeven a large class of ladies to influence me in my determination tomake Memphis a safe place of operations for an army, and all peoplewho are unfriendly should forthwith prepare to depart in suchdirection as I may hereafter indicate. 

Surgeons are not liable to be made prisoners of war, but theyshould not reside within the lines of an army which they regard ashostile. The situation would be too delicate. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS, MEMPHIS, July 24, 1862

SAMUEL SAWYER, Esq. , Editor Union Appeal, Memphis. 

DEAR SIR: It is well I should come to an understanding at oncewith the press as well as the people of Memphis, which I am orderedto command; which means, to control for the interest, welfare; andglory of the whole Government of the United States. 

Personalities in a newspaper are wrong and criminal. Thus, thoughyou meant to be complimentary in your sketch of my career, you makemore than a dozen mistakes of fact, which I need not correct, as Idon't desire my biography to be written till I am dead. It isenough for the world to know that I live and am a soldier, bound toobey the orders of my superiors, the laws of my country, and tovenerate its Constitution; and that, when discretion is given me, Ishall exercise it wisely and account to my superiors. 

I regard your article headed "City Council--General Sherman andColonel Slack, " as highly indiscreet. Of course, no person who canjeopardize the safety of Memphis can remain here, much lessexercise public authority; but I must take time, and be satisfiedthat injustice be not done. 

If the parties named be the men you describe, the fact should notbe published, to put them on their guard and thus to encouragetheir escape. The evidence should be carefully collected, authenticated, and then placed in my hands. But your statement offacts is entirely qualified; in my mind, and loses its force byyour negligence of the very simple facts within your reach as tomyself: I had been in the army six years in 1846; am not related byblood to any member of Lucas, Turner & Co. ; was associated withthem in business six years (instead of two); am not colonel of theFifteenth Infantry, but of the Thirteenth. Your correction, thismorning, of the acknowledged error as to General Denver and others, is still erroneous. General Morgan L. Smith did not belong to mycommand at the battle of Shiloh at all, but he was transferred tomy division just before reaching Corinth. I mention these facts inkindness, to show you how wrong it is to speak of persons. 

I will attend to the judge, mayor, Boards of Aldermen, andpolicemen, all in good time. 

Use your influence to reestablish system, order, government. Youmay rest easy that no military commander is going to neglectinternal safety, or to guard against external danger; but to doright requires time, and more patience than I usually possess. IfI find the press of Memphis actuated by high principle and a soledevotion to their country, I will be their best friend; but, if Ifind them personal, abusive, dealing in innuendoes and hints at ablind venture, and looking to their own selfish aggrandizement andfame, then they had better look out; for I regard such persons asgreater enemies to their country and to mankind than the men who, from a mistaken sense of State pride, have taken up muskets, andfight us about as hard as we care about. In haste, but inkindness, yours, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISION, MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, July 27, 1882. 

JOHN PARK, Mayor of Memphis, present. 

Sir: Yours of July 24th is before me, and has received, as allsimilar papers ever will, my careful and most respectfulconsideration. I have the most unbounded respect for the civillaw, courts, and authorities, and shall do all in my power torestore them to their proper use, viz. , the protection of life, liberty, and property. 

Unfortunately, at this time, civil war prevails in the land, andnecessarily the military, for the time being, must be superior tothe civil authority, but it does not therefore destroy it. Civilcourts and executive officers should still exist and performduties, without which civil or municipal bodies would soon passinto disrespect--an end to be avoided. I am glad to find inMemphis a mayor and municipal authorities not only in existence, but in the co-exercise of important functions, and I shall endeavorto restore one or more civil tribunals for the arbitration ofcontracts and punishment of crimes, which the military have neithertime nor inclination to interfere with. Among these, first inimportance is the maintenance of order, peace, and quiet, withinthe jurisdiction of Memphis. To insure this, I will keep a strongprovost guard in the city, but will limit their duty to guardingpublic property held or claimed by the United States, and for thearrest and confinement of State prisoners and soldiers who aredisorderly or improperly away from their regiments. This guardought not to arrest citizens for disorder or minor crimes. Thisshould be done by the city police. I understand that the citypolice is too weak in numbers to accomplish this perfectly, and Itherefore recommend that the City Council at once take steps toincrease this force to a number which, in their judgment, day andnight can enforce your ordinances as to peace, quiet, and order; sothat any change in our military dispositions will not have atendency to leave your people unguarded. I am willing to instructthe provost guard to assist the police force when any combinationis made too strong for them to overcome; but the city police shouldbe strong enough for any probable contingency. The cost ofmaintaining this police force must necessarily fall upon allcitizens equitably. I am not willing, nor do I think it goodpolicy, for the city authorities to collect the taxes belonging tothe State and County, as you recommend; for these would have to berefunded. Better meet the expenses at once by a new tax on allinterested. Therefore, if you, on consultation with the propermunicipal body, will frame a good bill for the increase of yourpolice force, and for raising the necessary means for their supportand maintenance, I will approve it and aid you in the collection ofthe tax. Of course, I cannot suggest how this tax should be laid, but I think that it should be made uniform on all interests, realestate, and personal property, including money, and merchandise. 

All who are protected should share the expenses in proportion tothe interests involved. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISION, MEMPHIS, August 7, 1862. 

Captain FITCH, Assistant Quartermaster, Memphis, Tennessee. 

SIR: The duties devolving on the quartermaster of this post, inaddition to his legitimate functions, are very important andonerous, and I am fully aware that the task is more than shoulddevolve on one man. I will endeavor to get you help in the personof some commissioned officer, and, if possible, one under bond, ashe must handle large amounts of money in trust; but, for thepresent, we most execute the duties falling to our share as well aspossible. On the subject of vacant houses, General Grant's ordersare: "Take possession of all vacant stores and houses in the city, and have them rented at reasonable rates; rent to be paid monthlyin advance. These buildings, with their tenants, can be turnedover to proprietors on proof of loyalty; also take charge of suchas have been leased out by disloyal owners. "

I understand that General Grant takes the rents and profits of thisclass of real property under the rules and laws of war, and notunder the confiscation act of Congress; therefore the question oftitle is not involved simply the possession, and the rents andprofits of houses belonging to our enemies, which are not vacant, we hold in trust for them or the Government, according to thefuture decisions of the proper tribunals. 

Mr. McDonald, your chief agent in renting and managing thisbusiness, called on me last evening and left with me writtenquestions, which it would take a volume to answer and a Webster toelucidate; but as we can only attempt plain, substantial justice, Iwill answer these questions as well as I can, briefly and to thepoint. 

First. When ground is owned by parties who have gone south, andhave leased the ground to parties now in the city who own theimprovements on the ground?

Answer. The United States takes the rents due the owner of theland; does not disturb the owner of the improvements. 

Second. When parties owning houses have gone south, and the tenanthas given his notes for the rent in advance?

Answer. Notes are mere evidence of the debt due landlord. Thetenant pays the rent to the quartermaster, who gives a bond ofindemnity against the notes representing the debt for theparticular rent. 

Third. When the tenant has expended several months' rent inrepairs on the house?

Answer. Of course, allow all such credits on reasonable proof andshowing. 

Fourth. When the owner has gone south, and parties here hold lienson the property and are collecting the rents to satisfy theirliens?

Answer. The rent of a house can only be mortgaged to a person inpossession. If a loyal tenant be in possession and claim the rentfrom himself as due to himself on some other debt, allow it; but, if not in actual possession of the property, rents are not goodliens for a debt, but must be paid to the quartermaster. 

Fifth. Of parties claiming foreign protection?

Answer. Many claim foreign protection who are not entitled to it. If they are foreign subjects residing for business in this, country, they are entitled to consideration and protection solong as they obey the laws of the country. If they occupyhouses belonging to absent rebels, they must pay rent to thequarter-master. If they own property, they must occupy it bythemselves, tenants, or servants. 

Eighth. When houses are occupied and the owner has gone south, leaving an agent to collect rent for his benefit?

Answer. Rent must be paid to the quartermaster. No agent cancollect and remit money south without subjecting himself to arrestand trial for aiding and abetting the public enemy. 

Ninth.. When houses are owned by loyal citizens, but areunoccupied?

Answer. Such should not be disturbed, but it would be well toadvise them to have some servant at the house to occupy it. 

Tenth. When parties who occupy the house are creditors of theowner, who has gone south? Answer. You only look to collection ofrents. Any person who transmits money south is liable to arrestand trial for aiding and abetting the enemy; but I do not think itour business to collect debts other than rents. 

Eleventh. When the parties who own the property have left the cityunder General Hovey's Order No. 1, but are in the immediateneighborhood, on their plantations?

Answer. It makes no difference where they are, so they are absent. 

Twelfth. When movable property is found in stores that are closed?

Answer. The goods are security for the rent. If the owner of thegoods prefers to remove the goods to paying rent, he can do so. 

Thirteenth. When the owner lives in town, and refuses to take theoath of allegiance?

Answer. If the house be occupied, it does not fall under theorder. If the house be vacant, it does. The owner can recover hisproperty by taking the oath. 

All persons in Memphis residing within our military lines arepresumed to be loyal, good citizens, and may at any moment becalled to serve on juries, posses comitatua, or other civil servicerequired by the Constitution and laws of our country. Should theybe called upon to do such duty, which would require them toacknowledge their allegiance and subordination to the Constitutionof the United States, it would then be too late to refuse. So longas they remain quiet and conform to these laws, they are entitledto protection in their property and lives. 

We have nothing to do with confiscation. We only deal withpossession, and therefore the necessity of a strict accountability, because the United States assumes the place of trustee, and mustaccount to the rightful owner for his property, rents, and profits. In due season courts will be established to execute the laws, theconfiscation act included, when we will be relieved of this dutyand trust. Until that time, every opportunity should be given tothe wavering and disloyal to return to their allegiance to theConstitution of their birth or adoption. I am, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN. 

Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONMEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, August 26, 1862

Major-General GRANT, Corinth, Mississippi. 

Sir: In pursuance of your request that I should keep you advised ofmatters of interest here, in addition to the purely officialmatters, I now write. 

I dispatched promptly the thirteen companies of cavalry, nine ofFourth Illinois, and four of Eleventh Illinois, to their respectivedestinations, punctually on the 23d instant, although the order wasonly received on the 22d. I received at the same time, fromColonel Dickey, the notice that the bridge over Hatchie was burned, and therefore I prescribed their order of march via Bolivar. Theystarted at 12 m. Of the 23d, and I have no news of them since. None of the cavalry ordered to me is yet heard from. 

The guerrillas have destroyed several bridges over Wolf Creek; oneat Raleigh, on the road by which I had prescribed trade and travelto and from the city. I have a strong guard at the lower bridgeover Wolf River, by which we can reach the country to the north ofthat stream; but, as the Confederates have burned their ownbridges, I will hold them to my order, and allow no trade over anyother road than the one prescribed, using the lower or Randolphroad for our own convenience. I am still satisfied there is nolarge force of rebels anywhere in the neighborhood. All the navygunboats are below except the St. Louis, which lies off the city. When Commodore Davis passes down from Cairo, I will try to see him, and get him to exchange the St. Louis for a fleeter boat notiron-clad; one that can move up and down the river, to break upferry-boats and canoes, and to prevent all passing across theriver. Of course, in spite of all our efforts, smuggling iscarried on. We occasionally make hauls of clothing, gold-lace, buttons, etc. , but I am satisfied that salt and arms are got to theinterior somehow. I have addressed the Board of Trade a letter onthis point, which will enable us to control it better. 

You may have been troubled at hearing reports of drunkenness here. There was some after pay-day, but generally all is as quiet andorderly as possible. I traverse the city every day and night, andassert that Memphis is and has been as orderly a city as St. Louis, Cincinnati, or New York. 

Before the city authorities undertook to license saloons, there wasas much whiskey here as now, and it would take all my command ascustomhouse inspectors, to break open all the parcels and packagescontaining liquor. I can destroy all groggeries and shops wheresoldiers get liquor just as we would in St. Louis. 

The newspapers are accusing me of cruelty to the sick; as base acharge as was ever made. I would not let the Sanitary Committeecarry off a boat-load of sick, because I have no right to. We havegood hospitals here, and plenty of them. Our regimental hospitalsare in the camps of the men, and the sick do much better there thanin the general hospitals; so say my division surgeon and theregimental surgeons. The civilian doctors would, if permitted, take away our entire command. General Curtis sends his sick uphere, but usually no nurses; and it is not right that nurses shouldbe taken from my command for his sick. I think that, when we areendeavoring to raise soldiers and to instruct them, it is badpolicy to keep them at hospitals as attendants and nurses. 

I send you Dr. Derby's acknowledgment that he gave the leave ofabsence of which he was charged. I have placed him in arrest, inobedience to General Halleck's orders, but he remains in charge ofthe Overton Hospital, which is not full of patients. 

The State Hospital also is not full, and I cannot imagine what Dr. Derby wants with the Female Academy on Vance Street. I will seehim again, and now that he is the chief at Overton Hospital, Ithink he will not want the academy. Still, if he does, under yourorders I will cause it to be vacated by the children and Sisters ofMercy. They have just advertised for more scholars, and will besadly disappointed. If, however, this building or any other beneeded for a hospital, it must be taken; but really, in my heart, Ido not see what possible chance there is, under presentcircumstances, of filling with patients the two large hospitals nowin use, besides the one asked for. I may, however, be mistaken inthe particular building asked for by Dr. Derby, and will go myselfto see. 

The fort is progressing well, Captain Jenney having arrived. Sixteen heavy guns are received, with a large amount of shot andshell, but the platforms are not yet ready; still, if occasionshould arise for dispatch, I can put a larger force to work. Captain Prime, when here, advised that the work should proceedregularly under the proper engineer officers and laborers. I am, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONMEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, September 4, 1862

Colonel J. C, KELTON, Assistant Adjutant-General, Headquarters ofthe army, Washington, D. C. 

DEAR COLONEL: Please acknowledge to the major-general commandingthe receipt by me of his letter, and convey to him my assurancesthat I have promptly modified my first instructions about cotton, so as to conform to his orders. Trade in cotton is now free, butin all else I endeavor so to control it that the enemy shallreceive no contraband goods, or any aid or comfort; still I feelsure that the officers of steamboats are sadly tempted by highprices to land salt and other prohibited articles at waypointsalong the river. This, too, in time will be checked. All seemswell here and hereabout; no large body of the enemy within strikingdistance. A force of about two thousand, cavalry passed throughGrand Junction north last Friday, and fell on a detachment of theBolivar army at Middleburg, the result of which is doubtlessreported to you. As soon as I heard of the movement, I dispatcheda force to the southeast by way of diversion, and am satisfied thatthe enemy's infantry and artillery fell back in consequence behindthe Tallahatchie. The weather is very hot, country very dry, anddust as bad as possible. I hold my two divisions ready, with theiroriginal complement of transportation, for field service. Ofcourse all things most now depend on events in front of Washingtonand in Kentucky. The gunboat Eastport and four transports loadedwith prisoners of war destined for Vicksburg have been lying beforeMemphis for two days, but are now steaming up to resume theirvoyage. Our fort progresses well, but our guns are not yetmounted. The engineers are now shaping the banquette to receiveplatforms. I expect Captain Prime from Corinth in two or threedays. 

I am, with great respect, yours, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISIONMEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, September 21, 1862

Editor Bulletin. 

SIR: Your comments on the recent orders of Generals Halleck andMcClellan afford the occasion appropriate for me to make public thefact that there is a law of Congress, as old as our Governmentitself, but reenacted on the 10th of April, 1806, and in force eversince. That law reads:

"All officers and soldiers are to behave themselves orderly inquarters and on the march; and whoever shall commit any waste orspoil, either in walks of trees, parks, warrens, fish-ponds, housesand gardens, cornfields, inclosures or meadows, or shallmaliciously destroy any property whatever belonging to theinhabitants of the United States, unless by order of thecommander-in-chief of the armies of said United States, shall(besides such penalties as they are liable to by law) be punishedaccording to the nature and degree of the offense, by the judgmentof a general or regimental court-martial. "

Such is the law of Congress; and the orders of the commander-in-chief are, that officers or soldiers convicted of straggling andpillaging shall be punished with death. These orders have not cometo me officially, but I have seen them in newspapers, and amsatisfied that they express the determination of the commander-in-chief. Straggling and pillaging have ever been great militarycrimes; and every officer and soldier in my command knows whatstress I have laid upon them, and that, so far as in my power lies, I will punish them to the full extent of the law and orders. 

The law is one thing, the execution of the law another. Godhimself has commanded: "Thou shalt not kill, " "thou shalt notsteal, " "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods, " etc. Willany one say these things are not done now as well as before theselaws were announced at Sinai. I admit the law to be that "no officeror soldier of the United States shall commit waste or destructionof cornfields, orchards, potato-patches, or any kind of pillage onthe property of friend or foe near Memphis, " and that I standprepared to execute the law as far as possible. 

No officer or soldier should enter the house or premises of anypeaceable citizen, no matter what his politics, unless on business;and no such officer or soldier can force an entrance unless he havea written order from a commanding officer or provost-marshal, whichwritten authority must be exhibited if demanded. When propertysuch as forage, building or other materials are needed by theUnited States, a receipt will be given by the officer taking them, which receipt should be presented to the quartermaster, who willsubstitute therefor a regular voucher, to be paid-according to thecircumstances of the case. If the officer refuse to give suchreceipt, the citizen may fairly infer that the property iswrongfully taken, and he should, for his own protection, ascertainthe name, rank, and regiment of the officer, and report him inwriting. If any soldier commits waste or destruction, the personwhose property is thus wasted must find out the name, company, andregiment of the actual transgressor. In order to punish there mustbe a trial, and there must be testimony. It is not sufficient thata general accusation be made, that soldiers are doing this or that. I cannot punish my whole command, or a whole battalion, because oneor two bad soldiers do wrong. The punishment must reach theperpetrators, and no one can identify them as well as the party whois interested. The State of Tennessee does not hold itselfresponsible for acts of larceny committed by her citizens, nor doesthe United Staten or any other nation. These are individual actsof wrong, and punishment can only be inflicted on the wrong-doer. I know the difficulty of identifying particular soldiers, butdifficulties do not alter the importance of principles of justice. They should stimulate the parties to increase their efforts to findout the actual perpetrators of the crime. 

Colonels of regiments and commanders of corps are liable to severepunishment for permitting their men to leave their camps to commitwaste or destruction; but I know full well that many of the actsattributed to soldiers are committed by citizens and negroes, andare charged to soldiers because of a desire to find fault withthem; but this only reacts upon the community and increases themischief. While every officer would willingly follow up anaccusation against any one or more of his men whose names ordescription were given immediately after the discovery of the act, he would naturally resent any general charge against his good men, for the criminal conduct of a few bad ones. 

I have examined into many of the cases of complaint made in thisgeneral way, and have felt mortified that our soldiers should doacts which are nothing more or less than stealing, but I waspowerless without some clew whereby to reach the rightful party. Iknow that the great mass of our soldiers would scorn to steal orcommit crime, and I will not therefore entertain vague and generalcomplaints, but stand, prepared always to follow up any reasonablecomplaint when the charge is definite and the names of witnessesfurnished. 

I know, moreover, in some instances when our soldiers arecomplained of, that they have been insulted by sneering remarksabout "Yankees, " "Northern barbarians, " "Lincoln's hirelings, "etc. People who use such language must seek redress through someone else, for I will not tolerate insults to our country or cause. When people forget their obligations to a Government that made themrespected among the nations of the earth, and speak contemptuouslyof the flag which is the silent emblem of that country, I will notgo out of my way to protect them or their property. I will punishthe soldiers for trespass or waste if adjudged by a court-martial, because they disobey orders; but soldiers are men and citizens aswell as soldiers, and should promptly resent any insult to theircountry, come from what quarter it may. I mention this phasebecause it is too common. Insult to a soldier does not justifypillage, but it takes from the officer the disposition he wouldotherwise feel to follow up the inquiry and punish the wrong-doers. 

Again, armies in motion or stationary must commit some waste. Flankers must let down fences and cross fields; and, when an attackis contemplated or apprehended, a command will naturally clear theground of houses, fences, and trees. This is waste, but is thenatural consequence of war, chargeable on those who caused the war. So in fortifying a place, dwelling-houses must be taken, materialsused, even wasted, and great damage done, which in the end mayprove useless. This, too, is an expense not chargeable to us, butto those who made the war; and generally war is destruction andnothing else. 

We must bear this in mind, that however peaceful things look, weare really at war; and much that looks like waste or destruction isonly the removal of objects that obstruct our fire, or would affordcover to an enemy. 

This class of waste must be distinguished from the wanton wastecommitted by army-stragglers, which is wrong, and can be punishedby the death-penalty if proper testimony can be produced. 

Yours, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

Satisfied that, in the progress of the war, Memphis would become animportant depot, I pushed forward the construction of FortPickering, kept most of the troops in camps back of the city, andmy own headquarters remained in tents on the edge of the city, nearMr. Moon's house, until, on the approach of winter, Mrs. Shermancame down with the children to visit me, when I took a house nearerthe fort. 

All this time battalion and brigade drills were enforced, so that, when the season approached for active operations farther south, Ihad my division in the best possible order, and about the 1st ofNovember it was composed as follows:

First Brigade, Brigadier-General M. L. SMITH--Eighth Missouri, Colonel G. A. Smith; Sixth Missouri, Colonel Peter E. Bland; OneHundred and Thirteenth Illinois, Colonel George B. Hoge;Fifty-fourth Ohio, Colonel T. Kilby Smith; One Hundred andTwentieth Illinois, Colonel G. W. McKeaig. 

Second Brigade, Colonel JOHN ADAIR McDOWELL. --Sixth Iowa, Lieutenant-Colonel John M. Corse; Fortieth Illinois, Colonel J. W. Booth; Forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel O. C. Walcutt; Thirteenth UnitedStates Infantry, First Battalion, Major D. Chase. 

Third Brigade, Brigadier-General J. W. DENVER. --Forty-eighth Ohio, Colonel P. J. Sullivan; Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel W. S. Jones;Seventieth Ohio, Colonel J. R. Cockerill. 

Fourth Brigade, Colonel DAVID STUART. --Fifty-fifth Illinois, Colonel O. Malmburg; Fifty-seventh Ohio, Colonel W. Mungen;Eighty-third Indiana, Colonel B. Spooner; One Hundred and SixteenthIllinois, Colonel Tupper; One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Illinois, Lieutenant-Colonel Eldridge. 

Fifth Brigade, Colonel R. P. BUCKLAND. --Seventy-second Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel D. W. C. Loudon; Thirty-second Wisconsin, Colonel J. W. Howe; Ninety-third Indiana, Colonel Thomas;Ninety-third Illinois, Major J. M. Fisher. 

Subsequently, Brigadier-General J. G. Lauman arrived at Memphis, and I made up a sixth brigade, and organized these six brigadesinto three divisions, under Brigadier-Generals M. L. Smith, J. W. Denver, and J. G. Lauman. 

About the 17th of November I received an order from General Grant, dated:

LAGRANGE, November 16, 1862. 

Meet me at Columbus, Kentucky, on Thursday next. If you have agood map of the country south of you, take it up with you. 

U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

I started forthwith by boat, and met General Grant, who had reachedColumbus by the railroad from Jackson, Tennessee. He explained tome that he proposed to move against Pemberton, then intrenched on aline behind the Tallahatchie River below Holly Springs; that hewould move on Holly Springs and Abberville, from Grand Junction;that McPherson, with the troops at Corinth, would aim to makejunction with him at Holly Springs; and that he wanted me to leavein Memphis a proper garrison, and to aim for the Tallahatchie, soas to come up on his right by a certain date. He further said thathis ultimate object was to capture Vicksburg, to open thenavigation of the Mississippi River, and that General Halleck hadauthorized him to call on the troops in the Department of Arkansas, then commanded by General S. R. Curtis, for cooperation. Isuggested to him that if he would request General Curtis to send anexpedition from some point on the Mississippi, near Helena, thenheld in force, toward Grenada, to the rear of Pemberton, it wouldalarm him for the safety of his communications, and would assist usmaterially in the proposed attack on his front. He authorized meto send to the commanding officer at Helena a request to thateffect, and, as soon as I reached Memphis, I dispatched my aide, Major McCoy, to Helena, who returned, bringing me a letter fromGeneral Frederick Steele, who had just reached Helena withOsterhaus's division, and who was temporarily in command, GeneralCurtis having gone to St. Louis. This letter contained theassurance that he "would send from Friar's Point a large forceunder Brigadier-General A. P. Hovey in the direction of Grenada, aiming to reach the Tallahatchie at Charleston, on the next Monday, Tuesday, or Wednesday (December 1st) at furthest. " My command wasappointed to start on Wednesday, November 24th, and meantimeMajor-General S. A. Hurlbut, having reported for duty, was assignedto the command of Memphis, with four regiments of infantry onebattery of artillery, two companies of Thielman's cavalry and thecertain prospect of soon receiving a number of new regiments, knownto be en route. 

I marched out of Memphis punctually with three small divisions, taking different roads till we approached the Tallahatchie, when weconverged on Wyatt to cross the river, there a bold, deep stream, with a newly-constructed fort behind. I had Grierson's SixthIllinois Cavalry with me, and with it opened communication withGeneral Grant when we were abreast of Holly Springs. We reachedWyatt on the 2d day of December without the least opposition, andthere learned that Pemberton's whole army had fallen back to theYalabusha near Grenada, in a great measure by reason of theexaggerated reports concerning the Helena force, which had reachedCharleston; and some of General Hovey's cavalry, under GeneralWashburn, having struck the railroad in the neighborhood ofCoffeeville, naturally alarmed General Pemberton for the safety ofhis communications, and made him let go his Tallahatchie line withall the forts which he had built at great cost in labor. We had tobuild a bridge at Wyatt, which consumed a couple of days, and onthe 5th of December my whole command was at College Hill, ten milesfrom Oxford, whence I reported to General Grant in Oxford. 

On the 8th I received the following letter:

OXFORD MISSISSIPPI, December 8, 1862--Morning

General SHERMAN, College Hill. 

DEAR GENERAL: The following is a copy of dispatch just receivedfrom Washington:

WASHINGTON, December 7, 1862--12M

General GRANT:

The capture of Grenada may change our plans in regard to Vicksburg. You will move your troops as you may deem best to accomplish thegreat object in view. You will retain, till further orders, alltroops of General Curtis now in your department. Telegraph toGeneral Allen in St. Louis for all steamboats you may require. AskPorter to cooperate. Telegraph what are your present plans. 

H. W. HALLECK, General-in. -Chief. 

I wish you would come over this evening and stay to-night, or comein the morning. I would like to talk with you about this matter. My notion is to send two divisions back to Memphis, and fix upon aday when they should effect a landing, and press from here withthis command at the proper time to cooperate. If I do not do thisI will move our present force to Grenada, including Steele's, repairing road as we proceed, and establish a depot of provisionsthere. When a good ready is had, to move immediately on Jackson, Mississippi, cutting loose from the road. Of the two plans I lookmost favorably on the former. 

Come over and we will talk this matter over. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

I repaired at once to Oxford, and found General Grant in a largehouse with all his staff, and we discussed every possible chance. He explained to me that large reenforcements had been promised, which would reach Memphis very soon, if not already there; that theentire gunboat fleet, then under the command of Admiral D. D. Porter, would cooperate; that we could count on a full divisionfrom the troops at Helena; and he believed that, by a promptmovement, I could make a lodgment up the Yazoo and captureVicksburg from the rear; that its garrison was small, and he, atOxford, would so handle his troops as to hold Pemberton away fromVicksburg. I also understood that, if Pemberton should retreatsouth, he would follow him up, and would expect to find me at theYazoo River, if not inside of Vicksburg. I confess, at that momentI did not dream that General McClernand, or anybody else, wasscheming for the mere honor of capturing Vicksburg. We knew at thetime that General Butler had been reenforced by General Banks atNew Orleans, and the latter was supposed to be working his wayup-stream from New Orleans, while we were working down. That dayGeneral Grant dispatched to General Halleck, in Washington, asfollows:

OXFORD, December 8, 1862. 

Major-General H. W. HALLECK, Washington, D. C. :

General Sherman will command the expedition down the Mississippi. He will have a force of about forty thousand men; will land aboveVicksburg (up the Yazoo, if practicable), and out the MississippiCentral road and the road running east from Vicksburg, where theycross Black River. I will cooperate from here, my movementsdepending on those of the enemy. With the large cavalry force nowat my command, I will be able to have them show themselves atdifferent points on the Tallahatchie and Yalabusha; and, when anopportunity occurs, make a real attack. After cutting the tworoads, General Sherman's movements to secure the end desired willnecessarily be left to his judgment. 

I will occupy this road to Coffeeville. 

U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

I was shown this dispatch before it was sent, and afterward thegeneral drew up for me the following letter of instructions in hisown handwriting, which I now possess:

HEADQUARTERS THIRTEENTH ARMY CORPSDEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEE, OXFORD, Mississippi, December 8, 1862. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Right Wing Army In theField, present. 

GENERAL: You will proceed with as little delay as practicable toMemphis, Tennessee, taking with you one division of your presentcommand. On your arrival at Memphis you will assume command of allthe troops there, and that portion of General Curtis's forces atpresent east of the Mississippi River, and organize them intobrigades and divisions in your own way. 

As soon as possible move with them down the river to the vicinityof Vicksburg, and, with the cooperation of the gunboat fleet undercommand of Flag-Officer Porter, proceed to the reduction of thatplace in such manner as circumstances and your own judgment maydictate. 

The amount of rations, forage, land transportation, etc. , necessaryto take, will be left entirely to yourself. 

The quartermaster in St. Louis will be instructed to send youtransportation for thirty thousand men. Should you still findyourself deficient, your quartermaster will be authorized to makeup the deficiency from such transports as may come into the port ofMemphis. 

On arriving in Memphis put yourself in communication with AdmiralPorter, and arrange with him for his cooperation. 

Inform me at the earliest practicable day of the time when you willembark, and such plans as may then be matured. I will hold theforces here in readiness to cooperate with you in such manner asthe movements of the enemy may make necessary. 

Leave the District of Memphis in the command of an efficientofficer and with a garrison of four regiments of infantry, thesiege-guns, and what ever cavalry force may be there. 

One regiment of infantry and at least a section of artillery willalso be left at Friar's Point or Delta, to protect the stores ofthe cavalry post that will be left there. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

I also insert here another letter, dated the 14th instant, sentafterward to me at Memphis, which completes all instructionsreceived by me governing the first movement against Vicksburg:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEOXFORD, MISSISSIPPI, December 14, 1862

Major-General SHERMAN, commanding, etc. , Memphis, Tennessee. 

I have not had one word from Grierson since he left, and am gettinguneasy about him. I hope General Gorman will give you nodifficulty about retaining the troops on this side the river, andSteele to command them. The twenty-one thousand men you have, withthe twelve thousand from Helena, will make a good force. The enemyare as yet on the Yalabusha. I am pushing down on them slowly, butso as to keep up the impression of a continuous move. I feelparticularly anxious to have the Helena cavalry on this side of theriver; if not now, at least after you start. If Gorman will sendthem, instruct them where to go and how to communicate with me. Myheadquarters will probably be in Coffeeville one week hence.... Inthe mean time I will order transportation, etc.... It would be wellif you could have two or three small boats suitable for navigatingthe Yazoo. It may become necessary for me to look to that base forsupplies before we get through.... 

U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

When we rode to Oxford from College Hill, there happened a littlecircumstance which seems worthy of record. While General Van Dornhad his headquarters in Holly Springs, viz. , in October, 1862, hewas very short of the comforts and luxuries of life, and resortedto every possible device to draw from the abundant supplies inMemphis. He had no difficulty whatever in getting spies into thetown for information, but he had trouble in getting bulky suppliesout through our guards, though sometimes I connived at his suppliesof cigars, liquors, boots, gloves, etc. , for his individual use;but medicines and large supplies of all kinds were confiscated, ifattempted to be passed out. As we rode that morning toward Oxford, I observed in a farmer's barn-yard a wagon that looked like a cityfurniture-wagon with springs. We were always short of wagons, so Icalled the attention of the quartermaster, Colonel J. Condit Smith, saying, "There is a good wagon; go for it. " He dropped out of theretinue with an orderly, and after we had ridden a mile or so heovertook us, and I asked him, "What luck?" He answered, "Allright; I have secured that wagon, and I also got another, " andexplained that he had gone to the farmer's house to inquire aboutthe furniture-wagon, when the farmer said it did not belong to him, but to some party in Memphis, adding that in his barn was anotherbelonging to the same party. They went to the barn, and therefound a handsome city hearse, with pall and plumes. The farmersaid they had had a big funeral out of Memphis, but when it reachedhis house, the coffin was found to contain a fine assortment ofmedicines for the use of Van Dorn's army. Thus under the pretenseof a first-class funeral, they had carried through our guards thevery things we had tried to prevent. It was a good trick, butdiminished our respect for such pageants afterward. 

As soon as I was in possession of General Grant's instructions ofDecember 8th, with a further request that I should dispatch ColonelGrierson, with his cavalry, across by land to Helena, to notifyGeneral Steele of the general plan, I returned to College Hill, selected the division of Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith toreturn with me to Memphis; started Grierson on his errand toHelena, and ordered Generals Denver and Lauman to report to GeneralGrant for further orders. We started back by the most directroute, reached Memphis by noon of December 12th, and beganimmediately the preparations for the Vicksburg movement. There Ifound two irregular divisions which had arrived at Memphis in myabsence, commanded respectively by Brigadier-General A. J. Smithand Brigadier-General George W. Morgan. These were designated theFirst and Third Divisions, leaving the Second Division of Morgan Z. Smith to retain its original name and number. 

I also sent orders, in the name of General Grant, to GeneralGorman, who meantime had replaced General Steele in command ofHelena, in lieu of the troops which had been east of theMississippi and had returned, to make up a strong division toreport to me on my way down. This division was accordinglyorganized, and was commanded by Brigadier-General Frederick Steele, constituting my Fourth Division. 

Meantime a large fleet of steamboats was assembling from St. Louisand Cairo, and Admiral Porter dropped down to Memphis with hiswhole gunboat fleet, ready to cooperate in the movement. Thepreparations were necessarily hasty in the extreme, but this wasthe essence of the whole plan, viz. , to reach Vicksburg as it wereby surprise, while General Grant held in check Pemberton's armyabout Grenada, leaving me to contend only with the smaller garrisonof Vicksburg and its well-known strong batteries and defenses. Onthe 19th the Memphis troops were embarked, and steamed down toHelena, where on the 21st General Steele's division was alsoembarked; and on the 22d we were all rendezvoused at Friar's Point, in the following order, viz. :

Steamer Forest Queen, general headquarters, and battalionThirteenth United States Infantry. 

First Division, Brigadier-General A. J. SMITH. --Steamers Des Arc, division headquarters and escort; Metropolitan, Sixth Indiana; J. H. Dickey, Twenty-third Wisconsin; J. C. Snow, Sixteenth Indiana;Hiawatha, Ninety-sixth Ohio; J. S. Pringle, Sixty-seventh Indiana;J. W. Cheeseman, Ninth Kentucky; R. Campbell, Ninety-seventhIndiana; Duke of Argyle, Seventy-seventh Illinois; City of Alton, One Hundred and Eighth and Forty-eighth Ohio; City of Louisiana, Mercantile Battery; Ohio Belle, Seventeenth Ohio Battery; Citizen, Eighty-third Ohio; Champion, commissary-boat; General Anderson, Ordnance. 

Second Division, Brigadier-General M. L. SMITH. --SteamersChancellor, headquarters, and Thielman's cavalry; Planet, OneHundred and Sixteenth Illinois; City of Memphis, Batteries A and B(Missouri Artillery), Eighth Missouri, and section of Parrott guns;Omaha, Fifty-seventh Ohio; Sioux City, Eighty-third Indiana; SpreadEagle, One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Illinois; Ed. Walsh, OneHundred and Thirteenth Illinois; Westmoreland, Fifty-fifthIllinois, headquarters Fourth Brigade; Sunny South, Fifty-fourthOhio; Universe, Sixth Missouri; Robert Allen, commissary-boat. 

Third Division, Brigadier-General G. W. MORGAN. --Steamers Empress, division headquarters; Key West, One Hundred and EighteenthIllinois; Sam Gaty, Sixty-ninth Indiana; Northerner, One Hundredand Twentieth Ohio; Belle Peoria, headquarters Second Brigade, twocompanies Forty-ninth Ohio, and pontoons; Die Vernon, ThirdKentucky; War Eagle, Forty-ninth Indiana (eight companies), andFoster's battery; Henry von Phul, headquarters Third Brigade, andeight companies Sixteenth Ohio; Fanny Bullitt, One Hundred andFourteenth Ohio, and Lamphere's battery; Crescent City, Twenty-second Kentucky and Fifty-fourth Indiana; Des Moines, Forty-second Ohio; Pembina, Lamphere's and Stone's batteries; LadyJackson, commissary-boat. 

Fourth Division, Brigadier-General FREDERICK STEELE--SteamersContinental, headquarters, escort and battery; John J. Roe, Fourthand Ninth Iowa; Nebraska, Thirty-first Iowa; Key West, First IowaArtillery; John Warner, Thirteenth Illinois; Tecumseh, Twenty-sixthIowa; Decatur, Twenty-eighth Iowa; Quitman, Thirty-fourth Iowa;Kennett, Twenty ninth Missouri; Gladiator, Thirtieth Missouri;Isabella, Thirty-first Missouri; D. G. Taylor, quartermaster'sstores and horses; Sucker State, Thirty-second Missouri; Dakota, Third Missouri; Tutt, Twelfth Missouri Emma, Seventeenth Missouri;Adriatic, First Missouri; Meteor, Seventy-sixth Ohio; Polar Star, Fifty-eighth Ohio. 

At the same time were communicated the following instructions:

HEADQUARTERS RIGHT WING, THIRTEENTH ARMY CorpsFOREST QUEEN, December 23, 1882. 

To Commanders of Divisions, Generals F. STEELE, GEORGE W. MORGAN, A. J. SMITH, and M. L. SMITH

With this I hand to each of you a copy of a map, compiled from thebest sources, and which in the main is correct. It is the sameused by Admiral Porter and myself. Complete military success canonly be accomplished by united action on some general plan, embracing usually a large district of country. In the presentinstance, our object is to secure the navigation of the MississippiRiver and its main branches, and to hold them as military channelsof communication and for commercial purposes. The river, aboveVicksburg, has been gained by conquering the country to its rear, rendering its possession by our enemy useless and unsafe to him, and of great value to us. But the enemy still holds the river fromVicksburg to Baton Rouge, navigating it with his boats, and thepossession of it enables him to connect his communications androutes of supply, east and west. To deprive him of this will be asevere blow, and, if done effectually, will be of great advantageto us, and probably, the most decisive act of the war. Toaccomplish this important result we are to act our part--animportant one of the great whole. General Banks, with a largeforce, has reinforced General Butler in Louisiana, and from thatquarter an expedition, by water and land, is coming northward. General Grant, with the Thirteenth Army Corps, of which we composethe right wing, is moving southward. The naval squadron (AdmiralPorter) is operating with his gunboat fleet by water, each inperfect harmony with the other. 

General Grant's left and centre were at last accounts approachingthe Yalabusha, near Grenada, and the railroad to his rear, by whichhe drew his supplies, was reported to be seriously damaged. Thismay disconcert him somewhat, but only makes more important our lineof operations. At the Yalabusha General Grant may encounter thearmy of General Pemberton, the same which refused him battle on theline of the Tallahatchie, which was strongly fortified; but, as hewill not have time to fortify it, he will hardly stand there; and, in that event, General Grant will immediately advance down the highridge between the Big Black and Yazoo, and will expect to meet uson the Yazoo and receive from us the supplies which he needs, andwhich he knows we carry along. Parts of this general plan are tocooperate with the naval squadron in the reduction of Vicksburg; tosecure possession of the land lying between the Yazoo and BigBlack; and to act in concert with General Grant against Pemberton'sforces, supposed to have Jackson, Mississippi, as a point ofconcentration. Vicksburg is doubtless very strongly fortified, both against the river and land approaches. Already the gunboatshave secured the Yazoo up for twenty-three miles, to a fort on theYazoo at Haines's Bluff, giving us a choice for a landing-place atsome point up the Yazoo below this fort, or on the island whichlies between Vicksburg and the present mouth of the Yazoo. (Seemap [b, c, d], Johnson's plantation. )

 But, before any actual collision with the enemy, I purpose, after our whole land force is rendezvoused at Gaines's Landing, Arkansas, to proceed in order to Milliken's Bend (a), and theredispatch a brigade, without wagons or any incumbrances whatever, tothe Vicksburg & Shreveport Railroad (at h and k), to destroy thateffectually, and to cut off that fruitful avenue of supply; then toproceed to the mouth of the Yazoo, and, after possessing ourselvesof the latest and most authentic information from naval officersnow there, to land our whole force on the Mississippi side, andthen to reach the point where the Vicksburg & Jackson Railroadcrosses the Big Black (f); after which to attack Vicksburg by land, while the gun-boats assail it by water. It may be necessary(looking to Grant's approach), before attacking Vicksburg, toreduce the battery at Haine's Bluff first, so as to enable some ofthe lighter gunboats and transports to ascend the Yazoo andcommunicate with General Grant. The detailed manner ofaccomplishing all these results will be communicated in due season, and these general points are only made known at this time, thatcommanders may study the maps, and also that in the event ofnon-receipt of orders all may act in perfect concert by followingthe general movement, unless specially detached. 

You all now have the same map, so that no mistakes or confusionneed result from different names of localities. All possiblepreparations as to wagons, provisions, axes, and intrenching-tools, should be made in advance, so that when we do land there will be nowant of them. When we begin to act on shore, we must do the workquickly and effectually. The gunboats under Admiral Porter will dotheir full share, and I feel every assurance that the army will notfall short in its work. 

Division commanders may read this to regimental commanders, andfurnish brigade commanders a copy. They should also cause as manycopies of the map to be made on the same scale as possible, beingvery careful in copying the names. 

The points marked e and g (Allan's and Mount Albans) are evidentlystrategical points that will figure in our future operations, andthese positions should be well studied. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

The Mississippi boats were admirably calculated for handlingtroops, horses, guns, stores, etc. , easy of embarkation anddisembarkation, and supplies of all kinds were abundant, exceptfuel. For this we had to rely on wood, but most of the wood-yards, so common on the river before the war, had been exhausted, so thatwe had to use fence-rails, old dead timber, the logs of houses, etc. Having abundance of men and plenty of axes, each boat coulddaily procure a supply. 

In proceeding down the river, one or more of Admiral Porter'sgunboats took the lead; others were distributed throughout thecolumn, and some brought up the rear. We manoeuvred by divisionsand brigades when in motion, and it was a magnificent sight as wethus steamed down the river. What few inhabitants remained at theplantations on the river-bank were unfriendly, except the slaves;some few guerrilla-parties infested the banks, but did not dare tomolest so, strong a force as I then commanded. 

We reached Milliken's Bend on Christmas-day, when I detached onebrigade (Burbridge's), of A. J. Smith's division, to the southwest, to break up the railroad leading from Vicksburg toward Shreveport, Louisiana. Leaving A. J. Smith's division there to await thereturn of Burbridge, the remaining three divisions proceeded, onthe 26th, to the mouth of the Yazoo, and up that river toJohnson's plantation, thirteen miles, and there disembarkedSteele's division above the mouth of Chickasaw Bayou, Morgansdivision near the house of Johnson (which had been burned by thegunboats on a former occasion), and M. L. Smith's just below. A. J. Smith's division arrived the next night, and disembarked belowthat of M. L. Smith. The place of our disembarkation was in factan island, separated from the high bluff known as Walnut Hills, onwhich the town of Vicksburg stands, by a broad and shallowbayou-evidently an old channel of the Yazoo. On our right wasanother wide bayou, known as Old River; and on the left stillanother, much narrower, but too deep to be forded, known asChickasaw Bayou. All the island was densely wooded, exceptJohnson's plantation, immediately on the bank of the Yazoo, and aseries of old cotton-fields along Chickasaw Bayou. There was aroad from Johnson's plantation directly to Vicksburg, but itcrossed numerous bayous and deep swamps by bridges, which had beendestroyed; and this road debouched on level ground at the foot ofthe Vicksburg bluff, opposite strong forts, well prepared anddefended by heavy artillery. On this road I directed General A. J. Smith's division, not so much by way of a direct attack as adiversion and threat. 

Morgan was to move to his left, to reach Chickasaw Bayou, and tofollow it toward the bluff, about four miles above A. J. Smith. Steele was on Morgan's left, across Chickasaw Bayou, and M. L. Smith on Morgan's right. We met light resistance at all points, but skirmished, on the 27th, up to the main bayou, that separatedour position from the bluffs of Vicksburg, which were found to bestrong by nature and by art, and seemingly well defended. Onreconnoitring the front in person, during the 27th and 28th, Ibecame satisfied that General A. J. Smith could not cross theintervening obstacles under the heavy fire of the forts immediatelyin his front, and that the main bayou was impassable, except at twopoints--one near the head of Chickasaw Bayou, in front of Morgan, and the other about a mile lower down, in front of M. L. Smith'sdivision. 

During the general reconnoissance of the 28th General Morgan L. Smith received a severe and dangerous wound in his hip, whichcompletely disabled him and compelled him to go to his steamboat, leaving the command of his division to Brigadier General D. Stuart; but I drew a part of General A. J. Smith's division, andthat general himself, to the point selected for passing the bayou, and committed that special task to his management. 

General Steele reported that it was physically impossible to reachthe bluffs from his position, so I ordered him to leave but a showof force there, and to return to the west side of Chickasaw Bayouin support of General Morgan's left. He had to countermarch anduse the steamboats in the Yazoo to get on the firm ground on ourside of the Chickasaw. 

On the morning of December 29th all the troops were ready and inposition. The first step was to make a lodgment on the foot-hillsand bluffs abreast of our position, while diversions were made bythe navy toward Haines's Bluff, and by the first division directlytoward Vicksburg. I estimated the enemy's forces, then strung fromVicksburg to Haines's Bluff, at fifteen thousand men, commanded bythe rebel Generals Martin Luther Smith and Stephen D. Lee. Aimingto reach firm ground beyond this bayou, and to leave as little timefor our enemy to reenforce as possible, I determined to make a showof attack along the whole front, but to break across the bayou atthe two points named, and gave general orders accordingly. Ipointed out to General Morgan the place where he could pass thebayou, and he answered, "General, in ten minutes after you give thesignal I'll be on those hills. " He was to lead his division inperson, and was to be supported by Steele's division. The frontwas very narrow, and immediately opposite, at the base of the hillsabout three hundred yards from the bayou, was a rebel battery, supported by an infantry force posted on the spurs of the hillbehind. To draw attention from this, the real point of attack, Igave instructions to commence the attack at the flanks. 

I went in person about a mile to the right rear of Morgan'sposition, at a place convenient to receive reports from all otherparts of the line; and about noon of December 29th gave the ordersand signal for the main attack. A heavy artillery-fire openedalong our whole line, and was replied to by the rebel batteries, and soon the infantry-fire opened heavily, especially on A. J. Smith's front, and in front of General George W. Morgan. Onebrigade (DeCourcey's) of Morgan's troops crossed the bayou safely, but took to cover behind the bank, and could not be moved forward. Frank Blairs brigade, of Steele's division, in support, alsocrossed the bayou, passed over the space of level ground to thefoot of the hills; but, being unsupported by Morgan, and meeting avery severe cross-fire of artillery, was staggered and graduallyfell back, leaving about five hundred men behind, wounded andprisoners; among them Colonel Thomas Fletcher, afterward Governorof Missouri. Part of Thayer's brigade took a wrong direction, anddid not cross the bayou at all; nor did General Morgan cross inperson. This attack failed; and I have always felt that it was dueto the failure of General G. W. Morgan to obey his orders, or tofulfill his promise made in person. Had he used with skill andboldness one of his brigades, in addition to that of Blair's, hecould have made a lodgment on the bluff, which would have openedthe door for our whole force to follow. Meantime the SixthMissouri Infantry, at heavy loss, had also crossed the bayou at thenarrow passage lower down, but could not ascend the steep bank;right over their heads was a rebel battery, whose fire was in ameasure kept down by our sharp-shooters (Thirteenth United StatesInfantry) posted behind logs, stumps, and trees, on our side of thebayou. 

The men of the Sixth Missouri actually scooped out with their handscaves in the bank, which sheltered them against the fire of theenemy, who, right over their heads, held their muskets outside theparapet vertically, and fired down So critical was the position, that we could not recall the men till after dark, and then one at atime. Our loss had been pretty heavy, and we had accomplishednothing, and had inflicted little loss on our enemy. At first Iintended to renew the assault, but soon became satisfied that, theenemy's attention having been drawn to the only two practicablepoints, it would prove too costly, and accordingly resolved to lookelsewhere for a point below Haines's Bluff, or Blake's plantation. That night I conferred with Admiral Porter, who undertook to coverthe landing; and the next day (December 30th) the boats were allselected, but so alarmed were the captains and pilots, that we hadto place sentinels with loaded muskets to insure their remaining attheir posts. Under cover of night, Steele's division, and onebrigade of Stuart's, were drawn out of line, and quietly embarkedon steamboats in the Yazoo River. The night of December 30th wasappointed for this force, under the command of General Fred Steele, to proceed up the Yazoo just below Haines's Bluff, there todisembark about daylight, and make a dash for the hills. Meantimewe had strengthened our positions near Chickasaw Bayou, had all ourguns in good position with parapets, and had every thing ready torenew our attack as soon as we heard the sound of battle above. 

At midnight I left Admiral Porter on his gunboat; he had his fleetready and the night was propitious. I rode back to camp and gaveorders for all to be ready by daybreak; but when daylight came Ireceived a note from General Steele reporting that, before hisboats had got up steam, the fog had settled down on the river sothick and impenetrable, that it was simply impossible to move; sothe attempt had to be abandoned. The rain, too, began to fall, andthe trees bore water-marks ten feet above our heads, so that Ibecame convinced that the part of wisdom was to withdraw. Iordered the stores which had been landed to be reembarked on theboats, and preparations made for all the troops to regain theirproper boats during the night of the 1st of January, 1863. Fromour camps at Chickasaw we could hear, the whistles of the trainsarriving in Vicksburg, could see battalions of men marching uptoward Haines's Bluff, and taking post at all points in our front. I was more than convinced that heavy reenforcements were coming toVicksburg; whether from Pemberton at Grenada, Bragg in Tennessee, or from other sources, I could not tell; but at no point did theenemy assume the offensive; and when we drew off our rear-guard, onthe morning of the 2d, they simply followed up the movement, timidly. Up to that moment I had not heard a word from GeneralGrant since leaving Memphis; and most assuredly I had listened fordays for the sound of his guns in the direction of Yazoo City. Onthe morning of January 2d, all my command were again afloat intheir proper steamboats, when Admiral Porter told me that GeneralMcClernand had arrived at the mouth of the Yazoo in the steamboatTigress, and that it was rumored he had come down to supersede me. Leaving my whole force where it was, I ran down to the month of theYazoo in a small tug boat, and there found General McClernand, withorders from the War Department to command the expeditionary forceon the Mississippi River. I explained what had been done, and whatwas the actual state of facts; that the heavy reenforcementspouring into Vicksburg must be Pemberton's army, and that GeneralGrant must be near at hand. He informed me that General Grant wasnot coming at all; that his depot at Holly Springs had beencaptured by Van Dorn, and that he had drawn back from Coffeevilleand Oxford to Holly Springs and Lagrange; and, further, thatQuinby's division of Grant's army was actually at Memphis forstores when he passed down. This, then, fully explained howVicksburg was being reenforced. I saw that any attempt on theplace from the Yazoo was hopeless; and, with General McClernand'sfull approval, we all came out of the Yazoo, and on the 3d ofJanuary rendezvoused at Milliken's Bend, about ten miles above. On the 4th General McClernand issued his General Order No. 1, assuming command of the Army of the Mississippi, divided into twocorps; the first to be commanded by General Morgan, composed of hisown and A. J. Smith's divisions; and the second, composed ofSteele's and Stuart's divisions, to be commanded by me. Up to thattime the army had been styled the right wing of (General Grant's)Thirteenth Army Corps, and numbered about thirty thousand men. Theaggregate loss during the time of any command, mostly on the 29thof December, was one hundred and seventy-five killed, nine hundredand thirty wounded, and seven hundred and forty-three prisoners. According to Badeau, the rebels lost sixty-three killed, onehundred and thirty-four wounded, and ten prisoners. It afterwardtranspired that Van Dorn had captured Holly Springs on the 20th ofDecember, and that General Grant fell back very soon after. General Pemberton, who had telegraphic and railroad communicationwith Vicksburg, was therefore at perfect liberty to reenforce theplace with a garrison equal, if not superior, to my command. Therebels held high, commanding ground, and could see every movementof our men and boats, so that the only possible hope of successconsisted in celerity and surprise, and in General Grant's holdingall of Pemberton's army hard pressed meantime. General Grant wasperfectly aware of this, and had sent me word of the change, but itdid not reach me in time; indeed, I was not aware of it until aftermy assault of December 29th, and until the news was brought me byGeneral McClernand as related. General McClernand was appointed tothis command by President Lincoln in person, who had no knowledgeof what was then going on down the river. Still, my relief, on theheels of a failure, raised the usual cry, at the North, of"repulse, failure, and bungling. " There was no bungling on mypart, for I never worked harder or with more intensity of purposein my life; and General Grant, long after, in his report of theoperations of the siege of Vicksburg, gave us all full credit forthe skill of the movement, and described the almost impregnablenature of the ground; and, although in all official reports Iassumed the whole responsibility, I have ever felt that had GeneralMorgan promptly and skillfully sustained the lead of Frank Blair'sbrigade on that day, we should have broken the rebel line, andeffected a lodgment on the hills behind Vicksburg. General FrankBlair was outspoken and indignant against Generals Morgan and DeCourcey at the time, and always abused me for assuming the wholeblame. But, had we succeeded, we might have found ourselves in aworse trap, when General Pemberton was at full liberty to turn hiswhole force against us. While I was engaged at Chickasaw Bayou, Admiral Porter was equally busy in the Yazoo River, threatening theenemy's batteries at Haines's and Snyder's Bluffs above. In asharp engagement he lost one of his best officers, in the person ofCaptain Gwin, United States Navy, who, though on board an ironclad, insisted on keeping his post on deck, where he was struck in thebreast by a round shot, which carried away the muscle, andcontused the lung within, from which he died a few days after. Weof the army deplored his loss quite as much as his fellows of thenavy, for he had been intimately associated with us in our previousoperations on the Tennessee River, at Shiloh and above, and we hadcome to regard him as one of us. 

On the 4th of January, 1863, our fleet of transports was collectedat Milliken's Bend, about ten miles above the mouth of the Yazoo, Admiral Porter remaining with his gunboats at the Yazoo. GeneralJohn A. McClernand was in chief command, General George W. Morgancommanded the First Corps and I the Second Corps of the Army of theMississippi. 

I had learned that a small steamboat, the Blue Wing, with a mail, towing coal-barges and loaded with ammunition, had left Memphis forthe Yazoo, about the 20th of December, had been captured by a rebelboat which had come out of the Arkansas River, and had been carriedup that river to Fort Hind. 

We had reports from this fort, usually called the "Post ofArkansas, " about forty miles above the mouth, that it was held byabout five thousand rebels, was an inclosed work, commanding thepassage of the river, but supposed to be easy of capture from therear. At that time I don't think General McClernand had anydefinite views or plays of action. If so, he did not impart themto me. He spoke, in general terms of opening the navigation of theMississippi, "cutting his way to the sea, " etc. , etc. , but themodus operandi was not so clear. Knowing full well that we couldnot carry on operations against Vicksburg as long as the rebelsheld the Post of Arkansas, whence to attack our boats coming andgoing without convoy, I visited him on his boat, the Tigress, tookwith me a boy who had been on the Blue Wing, and had escaped, andasked leave to go up the Arkansas, to clear out the Post. He madevarious objections, but consented to go with me to see AdmiralPorter about it. We got up steam in the Forest Queen, during thenight of January 4th, stopped at the Tigress, took GeneralMcClernand on board, and proceeded down the river by night to theadmiral's boat, the Black Hawk, lying in the mouth of the Yazoo. It must have been near midnight, and Admiral Porter was indeshabille. We were seated in his cabin and I explained my viewsabout Arkansas Post, and asked his cooperation. He said that hewas short of coal, and could not use wood in his iron-clad boats. Of these I asked for two, to be commanded by Captain Shirk orPhelps, or some officer of my acquaintance. At that moment, poorGwin lay on his bed, in a state-room close by, dying from theeffect of the cannon shot received at Haines's Bluff, as beforedescribed. Porter's manner to McClernand was so curt that Iinvited him out into a forward-cabin where he had his charts, andasked him what he meant by it. He said that "he did not like him;"that in Washington, before coming West, he had been introduced tohim by President Lincoln, and he had taken a strong prejudiceagainst him. I begged him, for the sake of harmony, to waive that, which he promised to do. Returning to the cabin, the conversationwas resumed, and, on our offering to tow his gunboats up the riverto save coal, and on renewing the request for Shirk to command thedetachment, Porter said, "Suppose I go along myself?" I answered, if he would do so, it would insure the success of the enterprise. At that time I supposed General McClernand would send me on thisbusiness, but he concluded to go himself, and to take his wholeforce. Orders were at once issued for the troops not to disembarkat Milliken's Bend, but to remain as they were on board thetransports. My two divisions were commanded--the First, byBrigadier-General Frederick Steele, with three brigades, commandedby Brigadier-Generals F. P. Blair, C. E. Hooey, and J. M. Thayer;the Second, by Brigadier-General D. Stuart, with two brigades, commanded by Colonels G. A. Smith and T. Kilby Smith. 

The whole army, embarked on steamboats convoyed by the gunboats, ofwhich three were iron-clads, proceeded up the Mississippi River tothe mouth of White River, which we reached January 8th. On thenext day we continued up White River to the "Cut-off;" through thisto the Arkansas, and up the Arkansas to Notrib's farm, just belowFort Hindman. Early the next morning we disembarked. Stuart'sdivision, moving up the river along the bank, soon encountered aforce of the enemy intrenched behind a line of earthworks, extending from the river across to the swamp. I took Steele'sdivision, marching by the flank by a road through the swamp to thefirm ground behind, and was moving up to get to the rear of FortHindman, when General McClernand overtook me, with the report thatthe rebels had abandoned their first position, and had fallen backinto the fort. By his orders, we counter-marched, recrossed theswamp, and hurried forward to overtake Stuart, marching for FortHindman. The first line of the rebels was about four miles belowFort Hindman, and the intervening space was densely, wooded andobscure, with the exception of some old fields back of and close tothe fort. During the night, which was a bright moonlight one, wereconnoitred close up, and found a large number of huts which hadbeen abandoned, and the whole rebel force had fallen back into andabout the fort. Personally I crept up to a stump so close that Icould hear the enemy hard at work, pulling down houses, cuttingwith axes, and building intrenchments. I could almost hear theirwords, and I was thus listening when, about 4 A. M. The bugler inthe rebel camp sounded as pretty a reveille as I ever listened to. 

When daylight broke it revealed to us a new line of parapetstraight across the peninsula, connecting Fort Hindman, on theArkansas River bank, with the impassable swamp about a mile to itsleft or rear. This peninsula was divided into two nearly equalparts by a road. My command had the ground to the right of theroad, and Morgan's corps that to the left. McClernand had hisquarters still on the Tigress, back at Notrib's farm, but movedforward that morning (January 11th) to a place in the woods to ourrear, where he had a man up a tree, to observe and report themovements. 

There was a general understanding with Admiral Porter that he wasto attack the fort with his three ironclad gunboats directly by itswater-front, while we assaulted by land in the rear. About 10 a. M. I got a message from General McClernand, telling me where he couldbe found, and asking me what we were waiting for. I answered thatwe were then in close contact with the enemy, viz. , about five orsix hundred yards off; that the next movement must be a directassault; that this should be simultaneous along the whole line; andthat I was waiting to hear from the gunboats; asking him to notifyAdmiral Porter that we were all ready. In about half an hour Iheard the clear ring of the navy-guns; the fire graduallyincreasing in rapidity and advancing toward the fort. I haddistributed our field-guns, and, when I judged the time had come, Igave the orders to begin. The intervening ground between us andthe enemy was a dead level, with the exception of one or two smallgullies, and our men had no cover but the few standing trees andsome logs on the ground. The troops advanced well under a heavyfire, once or twice falling to the ground for a sort of rest orpause. Every tree had its group of men, and behind each log was acrowd of sharp-shooters, who kept up so hot a fire that the rebeltroops fired wild. The fire of the fort proper was kept busy bythe gunboats and Morgan's corps, so that all my corps had toencounter was the direct fire from the newly-built parapet acrossthe peninsula. This line had three sections of field-guns, thatkept things pretty lively, and several round-shot came so near methat I realized that they were aimed at my staff; so I dismounted, and made them scatter. 

As the gunboats got closer up I saw their flags actually over theparapet of Fort Hindman, and the rebel gunners scamper out of theembrasures and run down into the ditch behind. About the same timea man jumped up on the rebel parapet just where the road entered, waving a large white flag, and numerous smaller white rags appearedabove the parapet along the whole line. I immediately ordered, "Cease firing!" and sent the same word down the line to GeneralSteele, who had made similar progress on the right, following theborder of he swamp. I ordered my aide, Colonel Dayton, to jump onhis horse and ride straight up to the large white flag, and whenhis horse was on the parapet I followed with the rest of my staff. All firing had ceased, except an occasional shot away to the right, and one of the captains (Smith) of the Thirteenth Regulars waswounded after the display of the white flag. On entering the line, I saw that our muskets and guns had done good execution; for therewas a horse-battery, and every horse lay dead in the traces. Thefresh-made parapet had been knocked down in many places, and deadmen lay around very thick. I inquired who commanded at that point, and a Colonel Garland stepped up and said that he commanded thatbrigade. I ordered him to form his brigade, stack arms, hang thebelts on the muskets, and stand waiting for orders. Stuart'sdivision had been halted outside the parapet. I then sent MajorHammond down the rebel line to the right, with orders to stopSteele's division outside, and to have the other rebel brigadestack its arms in like manner, and to await further orders. Iinquired of Colonel Garland who commanded in chief, and he saidthat General Churchill did, and that he was inside the fort. Ithen rode into the fort, which was well built, with good parapets, drawbridge, and ditch, and was an inclosed work of four bastions. I found it full of soldiers and sailors, its parapets toward theriver well battered in, and Porter's gunboats in the river, closeagainst the fort, with their bows on shore. I soon found GeneralChurchill, in conversation with Admiral Porter and General A. J. Smith, and about this time my adjutant-general, Major J. H. Hammond, came and reported that General Deshler, who commanded therebel brigade facing and opposed to Steele, had refused to stackarms and surrender, on the ground that he had received no ordersfrom his commanding general; that nothing separated this brigadefrom Steele's men except the light parapet, and that there might betrouble there at any moment. I advised General Churchill to sendorders at once, because a single shot might bring the whole ofSteele's division on Deshler's brigade, and I would not beresponsible for the consequences; soon afterward, we both concludedto go in person. General Churchill had the horses of himself andstaff in the ditch; they were brought in, and we rode together towhere Garland was standing, and Churchill spoke to him in an angrytone, "Why did you display the white flag!" Garland replied, "Ireceived orders to do so from one of your staff. " Churchill deniedgiving such an order, and angry words passed between them. Istopped them, saying that it made little difference then, as theywere in our power. We continued to ride down the line to itsextreme point, where we found Deshler in person, and his troopswere still standing to the parapet with their muskets in hand. Steele'e men were on the outside. I asked Deshler: "What does thismean? You are a regular officer, and ought to know better. " Heanswered, snappishly, that "he had received no orders tosurrender;" when General Churchill said: "You see, sir, that we arein their power, and you may surrender. " Deshler turned to hisstaff-officers and ordered them to repeat the command to "stackarms, " etc. , to the colonels of his brigade. I was on my horse, and he was on foot. Wishing to soften the blow of defeat, I spoketo him kindly, saying that I knew a family of Deshlers in Columbus, Ohio, and inquired if they were relations of his. He disclaimedany relation with people living north of the Ohio, in an offensivetone, and I think I gave him a piece of my mind that he did notrelish. He was a West Point graduate, small but very handsome, andwas afterward killed in battle. I never met him again. 

Returning to the position where I had first entered the rebel line, I received orders from General McClernand, by one of his staff, toleave General A. J. Smith in charge of the fort and prisoners, andwith my troops to remain outside. The officer explained that thegeneral was then on the Tigress, which had moved up from below, toa point in the river just above the fort; and not understanding hisorders, I concluded to go and see him in person. My troops werethen in possession of two of the three brigades which composed thearmy opposed to us; and my troops were also in possession of allthe ground of the peninsula outside the "fort-proper" (Hindman). Ifound General McClernand on the Tigress, in high spirits. He saidrepeatedly: "Glorious! glorious! my star is ever in the ascendant!"He spoke complimentarily of the troops, but was extremely jealousof the navy. He said: "I'll make a splendid report;" "I had a manup a tree;" etc. I was very hungry and tired, and fear I did notappreciate the honors in reserve for us, and asked for something toeat and drink. He very kindly ordered something to be brought, andexplained to me that by his "orders" he did not wish to interferewith the actual state of facts; that General A. J. Smith wouldoccupy "Fort Hindman, " which his troops had first entered, and Icould hold the lines outside, and go on securing the prisoners andstores as I had begun. I returned to the position of Garland'sbrigade and gave the necessary orders for marching all theprisoners, disarmed, to a pocket formed by the river and two deepgullies just above the fort, by which time it had become quitedark. After dark another rebel regiment arrived from Pine Bluff, marched right in, and was also made prisoners. There seemed to bea good deal of feeling among the rebel officers against Garland, who asked leave to stay with me that night, to which I of courseconsented. Just outside the rebel parapet was a house which hadbeen used for a hospital. I had a room cleaned out, and occupiedit that night. A cavalry-soldier lent me his battered coffee-potwith some coffee and scraps of hard bread out of his nose-bag;Garland and I made some coffee, ate our bread together, and talkedpolitics by the fire till quite late at night, when we lay down onstraw that was saturated with the blood of dead or wounded men. The next day the prisoners were all collected on their boats, listswere made out, and orders given for their transportation to St. Louis, in charge of my aide, Major Sanger. We then proceeded todismantle and level the forts, destroy or remove the stores, and wefound in the magazine the very ammunition which had been sent forus in the Blue Wing, which was secured and afterward used in ourtwenty-pound Parrott guns. 

On the 13th we reembarked; the whole expedition returned out of theriver by the direct route down the Arkansas during a heavysnow-storm, and rendezvoused in the Mississippi, at Napoleon, atthe mouth of the Arkansas. Here General McClernand told me he hadreceived a letter from General Grant at Memphis, who disapproved ofour movement up the Arkansas; but that communication was madebefore he had learned of our complete success. When informed ofthis, and of the promptness with which it had been executed, hecould not but approve. We were then ordered back to Milliken'sBend, to await General Grant's arrival in person. We reachedMilliken's Bend January 21st. 

McClernand's report of the capture of Fort Hindman almost ignoredthe action of Porter's fleet altogether. This was unfair, for Iknow that the admiral led his fleet in person in the river-attack, and that his guns silenced those of Fort Hindman, and drove thegunners into the ditch. 

The aggregate loss in my corps at Arkansas Post was five hundredand nineteen, viz. , four officers and seventy-five men killed, thirty-four officers and four hundred and six men wounded. I neverknew the losses in the gunboat fleet, or in Morgan's corps; butthey must have been less than in mine, which was more exposed. Thenumber of rebel dead must have been nearly one hundred and fifty;of prisoners, by actual count, we secured four thousand sevenhundred and ninety-one, and sent them north to St. Louis. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

VICKSBURG. 

JANUARY TO JULY, 1888. 

The campaign of 1863, resulting, in the capture of Vicksburg, wasso important, that its history has been well studied and welldescribed in all the books treating of the civil war, moreespecially by Dr. Draper, in his "History of the Civil War inAmerica, " and in Badeau's "Military History of General Grant. " Inthe latter it is more fully and accurately given than in any other, and is well illustrated by maps and original documents. I now needonly attempt to further illustrate Badeau's account by someadditional details. When our expedition came out of the ArkansasRiver, January, 18, 1863, and rendezvoused at the river-bank, infront of the town of Napoleon, Arkansas, we were visited by GeneralGrant in person, who had come down from Memphis in a steamboat. Although at this time Major-General J. A. McClernand was in commandof the Army of the Mississippi, by virtue of a confidential orderof the War Department, dated October 21, 1862, which order bore theindorsement of President Lincoln, General Grant still exercised acommand over him, by reason of his general command of theDepartment of the Tennessee. By an order (No. 210) of December 18, 1862, from the War Department, received at Arkansas Post, theWestern armies had been grouped into five corps d'armee, viz. : theThirteenth, Major-General McClernand; the Fourteenth, Major-GeneralGeorge H. Thomas, in Middle Tennessee; the Fifteenth, Major-GeneralW. T. Sherman; the Sixteenth, Major-General Hurlbut, then at ornear Memphis; and the Seventeenth, Major-General McPherson, also atand back of Memphis. General Grant when at Napoleon, on the 18thof January, ordered McClernand with his own and my corps to returnto Vicksburg, to disembark on the west bank, and to resume work ona canal across the peninsula, which had been begun by GeneralThomas Williams the summer before, the object being to turn theMississippi River at that point, or at least to make a passage forour fleet of gunboats and transports across the peninsula, oppositeVicksburg. General Grant then returned to Memphis, ordered to LakeProvidence, about sixty miles above us, McPherson's corps, theSeventeenth, and then came down again to give his personalsupervision to the whole movement. 

The Mississippi River was very high and rising, and we began thatsystem of canals on which we expended so much hard workfruitlessly: first, the canal at Young's plantation, oppositeVicksburg; second, that at Lake Providence; and third, at the YazooPass, leading into the head-waters of the Yazoo River. Early inFebruary the gunboats Indianola and Queen of the West ran thebatteries of Vicksburg. The latter was afterward crippled in RedRiver, and was captured by the rebels; and the Indianola was buttedand sunk about forty miles below Vicksburg. We heard the boomingof the guns, but did not know of her loss till some days after. During the months of January and February, we were digging thecanal and fighting off the water of the Mississippi, whichcontinued to rise and threatened to drown us. We had no sure placeof refuge except the narrow levee, and such steamboats as remainedabreast of our camps. My two divisions furnished alternately adetail of five hundred men a day, to work on the canal. So highwas the water in the beginning of March, that McClernand's corpswas moved to higher ground, at Milliken's Bend, but I remained atYoung's plantation, laid off a due proportion of the levee for eachsubdivision of my command, and assigned other parts to suchsteamboats as lay at the levee. My own headquarters were in Mrs. Grove's house, which had the water all around it, and could only bereached by a plank-walk from the levee, built on posts. GeneralFrederick Steele commanded the first division, and General D. Smartthe second; this latter division had been reenforced by GeneralHugh Ewing's brigade, which had arrived from West Virginia. 

At the time of its date I received the following note from GeneralGrant:

MILLIKEN'S BEND, March 16, 1863

General SHERMAN. 

DEAR SIR: I have just returned from a reconnoissance up Steele'sBayou, with the admiral (Porter), and five of his gunboats. Withsome labor in cutting tree-tops out of the way, it will benavigable for any class of steamers. 

I want you to have your pioneer corps, or one regiment of good menfor such work, detailed, and at the landing as soon as possible. 

The party will want to take with them their rations, arms, andsufficient camp and garrison equipage for a few days. I will havea boat at any place you may designate, as early as the men can bethere. The Eighth Missouri (being many of them boatmen) would beexcellent men for this purpose. 

As soon as you give directions for these men to be in readiness, come up and see me, and I will explain fully. The tug that takesthis is instructed to wait for you. A full supply of axes will berequired. 

Very respectfully, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

This letter was instantly (8 a. M. ) sent to Colonel Giles A. Smith, commanding the Eighth Missouri, with orders to prepare immediately. He returned it at 9. 15, with an answer that the regiment was allready. I went up to Milliken's Bend in the tug, and had aconference with the general, resulting in these orders:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEBEFORE VICKSBURG, March 16, 1863

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Fifteenth Army Corps. 

GENERAL: You will proceed as early as practicable up Steele'sBayou, and through Black Bayou to Deer Creek, and thence with thegunboats now there by any route they may take to get into the YazooRiver, for the purpose of determining the feasibility of getting anarmy through that route to the east bank of that river, and at apoint from which they can act advantageously against Vicksburg. 

Make such details from your army corps as may be required to clearout the channel of the various bayous through which transportswould have to ran, and to hold such points as in your judgmentshould be occupied. 

I place at your disposal to-day the steamers Diligent and SilverWave, the only two suitable for the present navigation of thisroute. Others will be supplied you as fast as required, and theycan be got. 

I have given directions (and you may repeat them) that the partygoing on board the steamer Diligent push on until they reach BlackBayou, only stopping sufficiently long at any point before reachingthere to remove such obstructions as prevent their own progress. Captain Kossak, of the Engineers, will go with this party. Theother boat-load will commence their work in Steele's Bayou, andmake the navigation as free as possible all the way through. 

There is but little work to be done in Steele's Bayou, except forabout five miles abort midway of the bayou. In this portion manyoverhanging trees will have to be removed, and should be draggedout of the channel. 

Very respectfully, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

On returning to my camp at Young's Point, I started these two boatsup the Yazoo and Steele's Bayou, with the Eighth Missouri and somepioneers, with axes, saws, and all the tools necessary. I gaveorders for a part of Stuart's division to proceed in the largeboats up the Mississippi River to a point at Gwin's plantation, where a bend of Steele's Bayou neared the main river; and the nextday, with one or two stag-officers and orderlies, got a navy-tug, and hurried up to overtake Admiral Porter. About sixty miles upSteele's Bayou we came to the gunboat Price, Lieutenant Woodworth, United States Navy; commanding, and then turned into Black Bayou, anarrow, crooked channel, obstructed by overhanging oaks, and filledwith cypress and cotton-wood trees. The gunboats had forced theirway through, pushing aside trees a foot in diameter. In about fourmiles we overtook the gunboat fleet just as it was emerging intoDeer Creek. Along Deer Creek the alluvium was higher, and therewas a large cotton-plantation belonging to a Mr. Hill, who wasabsent, and the negroes were in charge of the place. Here Iovertook Admiral Porter, and accompanied him a couple of miles upDeer Creek, which was much wider and more free of trees, withplantations on both sides at intervals. Admiral Porter thought hehad passed the worst, and that he would be able to reach theRolling Fork and Sunflower. He requested me to return and use allpossible means to clear out Black Bayou. I returned to Hill'splantation, which was soon reached by Major Coleman, with a partof the Eighth Missouri; the bulk of the regiment and the pioneershad been distributed along the bayous, and set to work underthe general supervision of Captain Kosaak. The Diligent andSilver Wave then returned to twin's plantation and brought upBrigadier-General Giles A. Smith, with the Sixth Missouri, and partof the One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois. Admiral Porter was thenworking up Deer Creek with his iron-clads, but he had left me a tug, which enabled me to reconnoitre the country, which was all underwater except the narrow strip along Deer Creek. During the 19th Iheard the heavy navy-guns booming more frequently than seemedconsistent with mere guerrilla operations; and that night I got amessage from Porter, written on tissue-paper, brought me throughthe swamp by a negro, who had it concealed in a piece of tobacco. 

The admiral stated that he had met a force of infantry andartillery which gave him great trouble by killing the men who hadto expose themselves outside the iron armor to shove off the bowsof the boats, which had so little headway that they would notsteer. He begged me to come to his rescue as quickly as possible. Giles A. Smith had only about eight hundred men with him, but Iordered him to start up Deer Creek at once, crossing to the eastside by an old bridge at Hill's plantation, which we had repairedfor the purpose; to work his way up to the gunboat, fleet, and toreport to the admiral that I would come, up with every man I couldraise as soon as possible. I was almost alone at Hill's, but tooka canoe, paddled down Black Bayou to the gunboat Price, and there, luckily, found the Silver wave with a load of men just arrived fromtwin's plantation. Taking some of the parties who were at workalong the bayou into an empty coal-barge, we tugged it up by anavy-tug, followed by the Silver Wave, crashing through the trees, carrying away pilot-house, smoke-stacks, and every thingabove-deck; but the captain (McMillan, of Pittsburg) was a bravefellow, and realized the necessity. The night was absolutelyblack, and we could only make two and a half of the four miles. Wethen disembarked, and marched through the canebrake, carryinglighted candles in our hands, till we got into the opencotton-fields at Hill's plantation, where we lay down for a fewhours' rest. These men were a part of Giles A. Smith's brigade, and part belonged to the brigade of T. Bilby Smith, the seniorofficer present being Lieutenant-Colonel Rice, Fifty-fourth Ohio, an excellent young officer. We had no horses. 

On Sunday morning, March 21st, as soon as daylight appeared, westarted, following the same route which Giles A. Smith had takenthe day before; the battalion of the Thirteenth United StatesRegulars, Major Chase, in the lead. We could hear Porter's guns, and knew that moments were precious. Being on foot myself, no mancould complain, and we generally went at the double-quick, withoccasional rests. The road lay along Deer Creek, passing severalplantations; and occasionally, at the bends, it crossed the swamp, where the water came above my hips. The smaller drummer-boys hadto carry their drums on their heads, and most of the men slangtheir cartridge-boxes around their necks. The soldiers generallywere glad to have their general and field officers afoot, but wegave them a fair specimen of marching, accomplishing abouttwenty-one miles by noon. Of course, our speed was accelerated bythe sounds of the navy-guns, which became more and more distinct, though we could see nothing. At a plantation near some Indianmounds we met a detachment of the Eighth Missouri, that had been upto the fleet, and had been sent down as a picket to prevent anyobstructions below. This picket reported that Admiral Porter hadfound Deer Creek badly obstructed, had turned back; that there wasa rebel force beyond the fleet, with some six-pounders, and nothingbetween us and the fleet. So I sat down on the door-sill of acabin to rest, but had not been seated ten minutes when, in thewood just ahead, not three hundred yards off, I heard quick andrapid firing of musketry. Jumping up, I ran up the road, and foundLieutenant-Colonel Rice, who said the head of his column had strucka small force of rebels with a working gang of negroes, providedwith axes, who on the first fire had broken and run back into theswamp. I ordered Rice to deploy his brigade, his left on the road, and extending as far into the swamp as the ground would permit, andthen to sweep forward until he uncovered the gunboats. Themovement was rapid and well executed, and we soon came to somelarge cotton-fields and could see our gunboats in Deer Creek, occasionally firing a heavy eight-inch gun across the cotton fieldinto the swamp behind. About that time Major Kirby, of the EighthMissouri, galloped down the road on a horse he had picked up thenight before, and met me. He explained the situation of affairs, and offered me his horse. I got on bareback, and rode up thelevee, the sailors coming out of their iron-clads and cheering mostvociferously as I rode by, and as our men swept forward across thecotton-field in full view. I soon found Admiral Porter, who was onthe deck of one of his iron-clads, with a shield made of thesection of a smoke-stack, and I doubt if he was ever more glad tomeet a friend than he was to see me. He explained that he hadalmost reached the Rolling Fork, when the woods became full ofsharp-shooters, who, taking advantage of trees, stumps, and thelevee, would shoot down every man that poked his nose outside theprotection of their armor; so that he could not handle his clumsyboats in the narrow channel. The rebels had evidently dispatched aforce from Haines's Bluff up the Sunflower to the Rolling Fork, hadanticipated the movement of Admiral Porter's fleet, and hadcompletely obstructed the channel of the upper part of Deer Creekby felling trees into it, so that further progress in thatdirection was simply impossible. It also happened that, at theinstant of my arrival, a party of about four hundred rebels, armedand supplied with axes, had passed around the fleet and had gotbelow it, intending in like manner to block up the channel by thefelling of trees, so as to cut off retreat. This was the force wehad struck so opportunely at the time before described. I inquiredof Admiral Porter what he proposed to do, and he said he wanted toget out of that scrape as quickly as possible. He was actuallyworking back when I met him, and, as we then had a sufficient forceto cover his movement completely, he continued to back down DeerCreek. He informed me at one time things looked so critical thathe had made up his mind to blow up the gunboats, and to escape withhis men through the swamp to the Mississippi River. There being nolonger any sharp-shooters to bother the sailors, they made goodprogress; still, it took three full days for the fleet to back outof Deer Creek into Black Bayou, at Hill's plantation, whenceAdmiral Porter proceeded to his post at the month of the Yazoo, leaving Captain Owen in command of the fleet. I reported the factsto General Grant, who was sadly disappointed at the failure of thefleet to get through to the Yazoo above Haines's Bluff, and orderedus all to resume our camps at Young's Point. We accordinglysteamed down, and regained our camps on the 27th. As thisexpedition up Deer Creek was but one of many efforts to secure afooting from which to operate against Vicksburg, I add the reportof Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, who was the first to reach thefleet:

HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, SECOND DIVISIONFIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS, YOUNGS POINT, LOUISIANA, March 28, 1863

Captain L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to report the movements of the FirstBrigade in the expedition up Steele's Bayou, Black Bayou, and DeerCreek. The Sixth Missouri and One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinoisregiments embarked at the month of Muddy Bayou on the evening ofThursday, the 18th of March, and proceeded up Steele's Bayou to themonth of Black; thence up Black Bayou to Hill's plantation, at itsjunction with Deer Creek, where we arrived on Friday at fouro'clock p. M. , and joined the Eighth Missouri, Lieutenant-ColonelColeman commanding, which had arrived at that point two daysbefore. General Sherman had also established his headquartersthere, having preceded the Eighth Missouri in a tug, with no otherescort than two or three of his staff, reconnoitring all thedifferent bayous and branches, thereby greatly facilitating themovements of the troops, but at the same time exposing himselfbeyond precedent in a commanding general. At three o'clock ofSaturday morning, the 20th instant, General Sherman having receiveda communication from Admiral Porter at the mouth of Rolling Fork, asking for a speedy cooperation of the land forces with his fleet, I was ordered by General Sherman to be ready, with all theavailable force at that point, to accompany him to his relief; butbefore starting it was arranged that I should proceed with theforce at hand (eight hundred men), while he remained, againentirely unprotected, to hurry up the troops expected to arrivethat night, consisting of the Thirteenth Infantry and One Hundredand Thirteenth Illinois Volunteers, completing my brigade, and theSecond Brigade, Colonel T. Kilby Smith commanding. 

This, as the sequel showed; proved a very wise measure, andresulted in the safety of the whole fleet. At daybreak we were inmotion, with a regular guide. We had proceeded but about sixmiles, when we found the enemy had been very busy felling trees toobstruct the creek. 

All the negroes along the route had been notified to be ready atnight fall to continue the work. To prevent this as much aspossible, I ordered all able-bodied negroes to be taken along, andwarned some of the principal inhabitants that they would be heldresponsible for any more obstructions being placed across thecreek. We reached the admiral about four o'clock p. M. , with noopposition save my advance-guard (Company A, Sixth Missouri) beingfired into from the opposite side of the creek, killing one man, and slightly wounding another; having no way of crossing, we had tocontent ourselves with driving them beyond musket-range. Proceeding with as little loss of time as possible, I found thefleet obstructed in front by fallen trees, in rear by a sunkencoal-barge, and surrounded, by a large force of rebels with anabundant supply of artillery, but wisely keeping their main forceout of range of the admiral's guns. Every tree and stump covered asharp-shooter, ready to pick off any luckless marine who showed hishead above-decks, and entirely preventing the working-parties fromremoving obstructions. 

In pursuance of orders from General Sherman, I reported to AdmiralPorter for orders, who turned over to me all the land-forces in hisfleet (about one hundred and fifty men), together with twohowitzers, and I was instructed by him to retain a sufficient forceto clear out the sharp-shooters, and to distribute the remainderalong the creek for six or seven miles below, to prevent any moreobstructions being placed in it during the night. This wasspeedily arranged, our skirmishers capturing three prisoners. Immediate steps were now taken to remove the coal-barge, which wasaccomplished about daylight on Sunday morning, when the fleet movedback toward Black Bayou. By three o'clock p. M. We had only madeabout six miles, owing to the large number of trees to be removed;at this point, where our progress was very slow, we discovered along line of the enemy filing along the edge of the woods, andtaking position on the creek below us, and about one mile ahead ofour advance. Shortly after, they opened fire on the gunboats frombatteries behind the cavalry and infantry. The boats not onlyreplied to the batteries, which they soon silenced, but poured adestructive fire into their lines. Heavy skirmishing was alsoheard in our front, supposed to be by three companies from theSixth and Eighth Missouri, whose position, taken the previous nightto guard the creek, was beyond the point reached by the enemy, andconsequently liable to be cut off or captured. Captain Owen, ofthe Louisville, the leading boat, made every effort to go throughthe obstructions and aid in the rescuing of the men. I orderedMajor Kirby, with four companies of the Sixth Missouri, forward, with two companies deployed. He soon met General Sherman, with theThirteenth Infantry and One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois, driving the enemy before them, and opening communication along thecreek with the gunboats. Instead of our three companies referredto as engaging the enemy, General Sherman had arrived at a veryopportune moment with the two regiments mentioned above, and theSecond Brigade. The enemy, not expecting an attack from thatquarter, after some hot skirmishing, retreated. General Shermanimmediately ordered the Thirteenth Infantry and One Hundred andThirteenth Illinois to pursue; but, after following their trace forabout two miles, they were recalled. 

We continued our march for about two miles, when we bivouacked forthe night. Early on Monday morning (March 22d) we continued ourmarch, but owing to the slow progress of the gunboats did not reachHill's plantation until Tuesday, the 23d instant, where we remaineduntil the 25th; we then reembarked, and arrived at Young's Point onFriday, the 27th instant. 

Below you will find a list of casualties. Very respectfully, Giles A. SMITH, Colonel Eighth Missouri, commanding First Brigade. 

P. S. -I forgot to state above that the Thirteenth Infantry and OneHundred and Thirteenth Illinois being under the immediate commandof General Sherman, he can mention them as their conduct deserves. 

On the 3d of April, a division of troops, commanded byBrigadier-General J. M. Tuttle, was assigned to my corps, andwas designated the Third Division; and, on the 4th of April, Brigadier-General D. Stuart was relieved from the command of theSecond Division, to which Major-General Frank P. Blair was appointedby an order from General Grant's headquarters. Stuart had been withme from the time we were at Benton Barracks, in command of theFifty-fifth Illinois, then of a brigade, and finally of a division;but he had failed in seeking a confirmation by the Senate to hisnomination as brigadier-general, by reason of some old affair atChicago, and, having resigned his commission as colonel, he was outof service. I esteemed him very highly, and was actually mortifiedthat the service should thus be deprived of so excellent and gallantan officer. He afterward settled in New Orleans as a lawyer, anddied about 1867 or 1868. 

On the 6th of April, my command, the Fifteenth Corps, was composedof three divisions:

The First Division, commanded by Major-General Fred Steele; and histhree brigades by Colonel Manter, Colonel Charles R. Wood, andBrigadier-General John M. Thayer. 

The Second Division, commanded by Major-General Frank P. Blair; andhis three brigades by Colonel Giles A. Smith, Colonel Thomas GilbySmith, and Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing. 

The Third Division, commanded by Brigadier-General J. M. Tuttle;and his three brigades by Brigadier-General R. P. Buckland, ColonelJ. A. Mower, and Brigadier-General John E. Smith. 

My own staff then embraced: Dayton, McCoy, and Hill, aides; J. H. Hammond, assistant adjutant-general; Sanger, inspector-general;McFeeley, commissary; J. Condit Smith, quartermaster; CharlesMcMillan, medical director; Ezra Taylor, chief of artillery;Jno. C. Neely, ordnance-officer; Jenney and Pitzman, engineers. 

By this time it had become thoroughly demonstrated that we couldnot divert the main river Mississippi, or get practicable access tothe east bank of the Yazoo, in the rear of Vicksburg, by any of thepasses; and we were all in the habit of discussing the variouschances of the future. General Grant's headquarters were atMilliken's Bend, in tents, and his army was strung along the riverall the way from Young's Point up to Lake Providence, at leastsixty miles. I had always contended that the best way to takeVicksburg was to resume the movement which had been so well begunthe previous November, viz. , for the main army to march by landdown the country inland of the Mississippi River; while thegunboat-fleet and a minor land-force should threaten Vicksburg onits river-front. 

I reasoned that, with the large force then subject to GeneralGrant's orders-viz. , four army corps--he could easily resume themovement from Memphis, by way of Oxford and Grenada, to Jackson, Mississippi, or down the ridge between the Yazoo and Big Black; butGeneral Grant would not, for reasons other than military, take anycourse which looked like, a step backward; and he himself concludedon the river movement below Vicksburg, so as to appear likeconnecting with General Banks, who at the same time was besiegingPort Hudson from the direction of New Orleans. 

Preliminary orders had already been given, looking to the diggingof a canal, to connect the river at Duckport with Willow Bayou, back of Milliken's Bend, so as to form a channel for the conveyanceof supplies, by way of Richmond, to New Carthage; and several steamdredge-boats had come from the upper rivers to assist in the work. One day early in April, I was up at General Grant's headquarters, and we talked over all these things with absolute freedom. CharlesA. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, was there, and Wilson, Rawlins, Frank Blair, McPherson, etc. We all knew, what wasnotorious, that General McClernand was still intriguing againstGeneral Grant, in hopes to regain the command of the wholeexpedition, and that others were raising a clamor against GeneralGrant in the news papers at the North. Even Mr. Lincoln andGeneral Halleck seemed to be shaken; but at no instant of time didwe (his personal friends) slacken in our loyalty to him. Onenight, after such a discussion, and believing that GeneralMcClernand had no real plan of action shaped in his mind, I wrotemy letter of April 8, 1863, to Colonel Rawlins, which letter isembraced in full at page 616 of Badeau's book, and which I nowreproduce here:

HEADQUARTERS FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS, CAMP NEAR VICKSBURG, April 8, 1868. 

Colonel J. A. RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-General to General GRANT. 

SIR: I would most respectfully suggest (for reasons which I willnot name) that General Grant call on his corps commanders for theiropinions, concise and positive, on the best general plan of acampaign. Unless this be done, there are men who will, in anyresult falling below the popular standard, claim that their advicewas unheeded, and that fatal consequence resulted therefrom. Myown opinions are:

First. That the Army of the Tennessee is now far in advance of theother grand armies of the United States. 

Second. That a corps from Missouri should forthwith be moved fromSt. Louis to the vicinity of Little Rock, Arkansas; suppliescollected there while the river is full, and land communicationwith Memphis opened via Des Arc on the White, and Madison on theSt. Francis River. 

Third. That as much of the Yazoo Pass, Coldwater, and TallahatchieRivers, as can be gained and fortified, be held, and the main armybe transported thither by land and water; that the road back toMemphis be secured and reopened, and, as soon as the waterssubside, Grenada be attacked, and the swamp-road across to Helenabe patrolled by cavalry. 

Fourth. That the line of the Yalabusha be the base from which tooperate against the points where the Mississippi Central crossesBig Black, above Canton; and, lastly, where the Vicksburg & JacksonRailroad crosses the same river (Big Black). The capture ofVicksburg would result. 

Fifth. That a minor force be left in this vicinity, not to exceedten thousand men, with only enough steamboats to float andtransport them to any desired point; this force to be held alwaysnear enough to act with the gunboats when the main army is known tobe near Vicksburg--Haines's Bluff or Yazoo City. 

Sixth. I do doubt the capacity of Willow Bayou (which I estimateto be fifty miles long and very tortuous) as a military channel, tosupply an army large enough to operate against Jackson, Mississippi, or the Black River Bridge; and such a channel will bevery vulnerable to a force coming from the west, which we mustexpect. Yet this canal will be most useful as the way to conveycoals and supplies to a fleet that should navigate the lower reachof the Mississippi between Vicksburg and the Red River. 

Seventh. The chief reason for operating solely by water was theseason of the year and high water in the Tallahatchie and YalabushaRivers. The spring is now here, and soon these streams will be noserious obstacle, save in the ambuscades of the forest, andwhatever works the enemy may have erected at or near Grenada. North Mississippi is too valuable for us to allow the enemy to holdit and make crops this year. 

I make these suggestions, with the request that General Grant willread them and give them, as I know he will, a share of histhoughts. I would prefer that he should not answer this letter, but merely give it as much or as little weight as it deserves. Whatever plan of action he may adopt will receive from me the samezealous cooperation and energetic support as though conceived bymyself. I do not believe General Banks will make any seriousattack on Port Hudson this spring. I am, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

This is the letter which some critics have styled a "protest. " Wenever had a council of war at any time during the Vicksburgcampaign. We often met casually, regardless of rank or power, andtalked and gossiped of things in general, as officers do andshould. But my letter speaks for itself--it shows my opinionsclearly at that stage of the game, and was meant partially toinduce General Grant to call on General McClernand for a similarexpression of opinion, but, so far as I know, he did not. He wenton quietly to work out his own designs; and he has told me, sincethe war, that had we possessed in December, 1862, the experience ofmarching and maintaining armies without a regular base, which weafterward acquired, he would have gone on from Oxford as firstcontemplated, and would not have turned back because of thedestruction of his depot at Holly Springs by Van Dorn. Thedistance from Oxford to the rear of Vicksburg is little greaterthan by the circuitous route we afterward followed, from Bruinsburgto Jackson and Vicksburg, during which we had neither depot nortrain of supplies. I have never criticised General Grant'sstrategy on this or any other occasion, but I thought then thathe had lost an opportunity, which cost him and us six months'extra-hard work, for we might have captured Vicksburg from thedirection of Oxford in January, quite as easily as was afterwarddone in July, 1863. 

General Grant's orders for the general movement past Vicksburg, byRichmond and Carthage, were dated April 20, 1863. McClernand wasto lead off with his corps, McPherson next, and my corps (theFifteenth) to bring up the rear. Preliminary thereto, on the nightof April 16th, seven iron-clads led by Admiral Porter in person, inthe Benton, with three transports, and ten barges in tow, ran theVicksburg batteries by night. Anticipating a scene, I had fouryawl-boats hauled across the swamp, to the reach of the river belowVicksburg, and manned them with soldiers, ready to pick up any ofthe disabled wrecks as they floated by. I was out in the streamwhen the fleet passed Vicksburg, and the scene was truly sublime. As soon as the rebel gunners detected the Benton, which was in thelead, they opened on her, and on the others in succession, withshot and shell; houses on the Vicksburg side and on the oppositeshore were set on fire, which lighted up the whole river; and theroar of cannon, the bursting of shells, and finally the burning ofthe Henry Clay, drifting with the current, made up a picture of theterrible not often seen. Each gunboat returned the fire as shepassed the town, while the transports hugged the opposite shore. When the Benton had got abreast of us, I pulled off to her, boarded, had a few words with Admiral Porter, and as she wasdrifting rapidly toward the lower batteries at Warrenton, I left, and pulled back toward the shore, meeting the gunboat Tuscumbiatowing the transport Forest Queen into the bank out of the range offire. The Forest Queen, Captain Conway, had been my flag-boat upthe Arkansas, and for some time after, and I was very friendly withher officers. This was the only transport whose captain would notreceive volunteers as a crew, but her own officers and crew stuckto their boat, and carried her safely below the Vicksburgbatteries, and afterward rendered splendid service in ferryingtroops across the river at Grand Gulf and Bruinsburg. In passingVicksburg, she was damaged in the hull and had a steam-pipe cutaway, but this was soon repaired. The Henry Clay was set on fireby bursting shells, and burned up; one of my yawls picked up herpilot floating on a piece of wreck, and the bulk of her crewescaped in their own yawl-boat to the shore above. The SilverWave, Captain McMillan, the same that was with us up Steele'sBayou, passed safely, and she also rendered good service afterward. 

Subsequently, on the night of April 26th, six other transports withnumerous barges loaded with hay, corn, freight, and provisions, were drifted past Vicksburg; of these the Tigress was hit, and sunkjust as she reached the river-bank below, on our side: I was therewith my yawls, and saw Colonel Lagow, of General Grant's staff, whohad passed the batteries in the Tigress, and I think he wassatisfied never to attempt such a thing again. Thus GeneralGrant's army had below Vicksburg an abundance of stores, and boatswith which to cross the river. The road by which the troopsmarched was very bad, and it was not until the 1st of May that itwas clear for my corps. While waiting my turn to march, I receiveda letter from General Grant, written at Carthage, saying that heproposed to cross over and attack Grand Gulf, about the end ofApril, and he thought I could put in my time usefully by making a"feint" on Haines's Bluff, but he did not like to order me to doit, because it might be reported at the North that I had again been"repulsed, etc. " Thus we had to fight a senseless clamor at theNorth, as well as a determined foe and the obstacles of Nature. Ofcourse, I answered him that I would make the "feint, " regardless ofpublic clamor at a distance, and I did make it most effectually;using all the old boats I could get about Milliken's Bend and themouth of the Yazoo, but taking only ten small regiments, selectedout of Blair's division, to make a show of force. We afterwardlearned that General Pemberton in Vicksburg had previouslydispatched a large force to the assistance of General Bowers, atGrand Gulf and Port Gibson, which force had proceeded as far asHankinson's Ferry, when he discovered our ostentatious movement upthe Yazoo, recalled his men, and sent them up to Haines's Bluff tomeet us. This detachment of rebel troops must have marched nearlysixty miles without rest, for afterward, on reaching Vicksburg, Iheard that the men were perfectly exhausted, and lay along the roadin groups, completely fagged out. This diversion, made with somuch pomp and display, therefore completely fulfilled its purpose, by leaving General Grant to contend with a minor force, on landingat Bruinsburg, and afterward at Port Gibson and Grand Gulf. 

In May the waters of the Mississippi had so far subsided that allour canals were useless, and the roads had become practicable. After McPherson's corps had passed Richmond, I took up the route ofmarch, with Steele's and Tuttle's divisions. Blair's divisionremained at Milliken's Bend to protect our depots there, tillrelieved by troops from Memphis, and then he was ordered to followus. Our route lay by Richmond and Roundabout Bayou; then, following Bayou Vidal we struck the Mississippi at Perkins'splantation. Thence the route followed Lake St. Joseph to aplantation called Hard Times, about five miles above Grand Gulf. The road was more or less occupied by wagons and detachmentsbelonging to McPherson's corps; still we marched rapidly andreached Hard Times on the 6th of May. Along the Bayou or Lake St. Joseph were many very fine cotton plantations, and I recall that ofa Mr. Bowie, brother-in-law of the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, ofBaltimore. The house was very handsome, with a fine, extensivegrass-plot in front. We entered the yard, and, leaving our horseswith the headquarters escort, walked to the house. On thefront-porch I found a magnificent grand-piano, with severalsatin-covered arm-chairs, in one of which sat a Union soldier (oneof McPherson's men), with his feet on the keys of the piano, andhis musket and knapsack lying on the porch. I asked him what hewas doing there, and he answered that he was "taking a rest;" thiswas manifest and I started him in a hurry, to overtake his command. The house was tenantless, and had been completely ransacked;articles of dress and books were strewed about, and a handsomeboudoir with mirror front had been cast down, striking a Frenchbedstead, shivering the glass. The library was extensive, with afine collection of books; and hanging on the wall were twofull-length portraits of Reverdy Johnson and his wife, one of themost beautiful ladies of our country, with whom I had beenacquainted in Washington at the time of General Taylor'sadministration. Behind the mansion was the usual double row ofcabins called the "quarters. " There I found an old negro (a familyservant) with several women, whom I sent to the house to put thingsin order; telling the old man that other troops would follow, andhe must stand on the porch to tell any officers who came along thatthe property belonged to Mr. Bowie, who was the brother-in-law ofour friend Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Baltimore, asking them to seethat no further harm was done. Soon after we left the house I sawsome negroes carrying away furniture which manifestly belonged tothe house, and compelled them to carry it back; and after reachingcamp that night, at Hard Times, I sent a wagon back to Bowie'splantation, to bring up to Dr. Hollingsworth's house the twoportraits for safe keeping; but before the wagon had reachedBowie's the house was burned, whether by some of our men or bynegroes I have never learned. 

At the river there was a good deal of scrambling to get across, because the means of ferriage were inadequate; but by the aid ofthe Forest Queen and several gunboats I got my command acrossduring the 7th of May, and marched out to Hankiuson's Ferry(eighteen miles), relieving General Crocker's division ofMcPherson's corps. McClernand's corps and McPherson's were stillahead, and had fought the battle of Port Gibson, on the 11th. Iovertook General Grant in person at Auburn, and he accompanied mycorps all the way into Jackson, which we reached May 14th. McClernand's corps had been left in observation toward Edwards'sFerry. McPherson had fought at Raymond, and taken the left-handroad toward Jackson, via Clinton, while my troops were ordered byGeneral Grant in person to take the right-hand road leading throughMississippi Springs. We reached Jackson at the same time;McPherson fighting on the Clinton road, and my troops fighting justoutside the town, on the Raymond road, where we captured threeentire field-batteries, and about two hundred prisoners of war. The rebels, under General Joe Johnston, had retreated through thetown northward on the Canton road. Generals Grant, McPherson, andI, met in the large hotel facing the State-House, where the formerexplained to us that he had intercepted dispatches from Pembertonto Johnston, which made it important for us to work smart toprevent a junction of their respective forces. McPherson wasordered to march back early the next day on the Clinton road tomake junction with McClernand, and I was ordered to remain one dayto break up railroads, to destroy the arsenal, a foundery, thecotton-factory of the Messrs. Green, etc. , etc. , and then tofollow McPherson. 

McPherson left Jackson early on the 15th, and General Grant duringthe same day. I kept my troops busy in tearing up railroad-tracks, etc. , but early on the morning of the 16th received notice fromGeneral Grant that a battle was imminent near Edwards's Depot; thathe wanted me to dispatch one of my divisions immediately, and tofollow with the other as soon as I had completed the work ofdestruction. Steele's division started immediately, and later inthe day I followed with the other division (Tuttle's). Just as Iwas leaving Jackson, a very fat man came to see me, to inquire ifhis hotel, a large, frame building near the depot, were doomed tobe burned. I told him we had no intention to burn it, or any otherhouse, except the machine-shops, and such buildings as could easilybe converted to hostile uses. He professed to be a law-abidingUnion man, and I remember to have said that this fact was manifestfrom the sign of his hotel, which was the "Confederate Hotel;" thesign "United States" being faintly painted out, and "Confederate"painted over it! I remembered that hotel, as it was thesupper-station for the New Orleans trains when I used to travel theroad before the war. I had not the least purpose, however, ofburning it, but, just as we were leaving the town, it burst out inflames and was burned to the ground. I never found out exactly whoset it on fire, but was told that in one of our batteries were someofficers and men who had been made prisoners at Shiloh, withPrentiss's division, and had been carried past Jackson in arailroad-train; they had been permitted by the guard to go to thisvery hotel for supper, and had nothing to pay but greenbacks, whichwere refused, with insult, by this same law-abiding landlord. These men, it was said, had quietly and stealthily applied the fireunderneath the hotel just as we were leaving the town. 

About dark we met General Grant's staff-officer near BoltonStation, who turned us to the right, with orders to push on toVicksburg by what was known as the upper Jackson Road, whichcrossed the Big Black at Bridgeport. During that day (May 16th)the battle of Champion Hills had been fought and won byMcClernand's and McPherson's corps, aided by one division of mine(Blairs), under the immediate command of General Grant; andMcPherson was then following the mass of Pemberton's army, disordered and retreating toward Vicksburg by the Edwards's Ferryroad. General Blair's division had come up from the rear, wastemporarily attached to McClernand's corps, taking part with it inthe battle of Champion Hills, but on the 17th it was ordered byGeneral Grant across to Bridgeport, to join me there. 

Just beyond Bolton there was a small hewn-log house, standing backin a yard, in which was a well; at this some of our soldiers weredrawing water. I rode in to get a drink, and, seeing a book on theground, asked some soldier to hand it to me. It was a volume ofthe Constitution of the United States, and on the title-page waswritten the name of Jefferson Davis. On inquiry of a negro, Ilearned that the place belonged to the then President of theSouthern Confederation. His brother Joe Davis's plantation was notfar off; one of my staff-officers went there, with a few soldiers, and took a pair of carriage-horses, without my knowledge at thetime. He found Joe Davis at home, an old man, attended by a youngand affectionate niece; but they were overwhelmed with grief to seetheir country overran and swarming with Federal troops. 

We pushed on, and reached the Big Black early, Blair'stroops having preceded us by an hour or so. I found GeneralBlair in person, and he reported that there was no bridge acrossthe Big Black; that it was swimming-deep; and that there wasa rebel force on the opposite side, intrenched. He had ordereda detachment of the Thirteenth United States Regulars, underCaptain Charles Ewing, to strip some artillery-horses, mount themen, and swim the river above the ferry, to attack and driveaway the party on the opposite bank. I did not approve of thisrisky attempt, but crept down close to the brink of theriver-bank, behind a corn-crib belonging to a plantation house nearby, and saw the parapet on the opposite bank. Ordering a section ofguns to be brought forward by hand behind this corn-crib, a fewwell-directed shells brought out of their holes the little partythat was covering the crossing, viz. , a lieutenant and ten men, whocame down to the river-bank and surrendered. Blair's pon-toon-trainwas brought up, consisting of India-rubber boats, one of which wasinflated, used as a boat, and brought over the prisoners. Apontoon-bridge was at once begun, finished by night, and the troopsbegan the passage. After dark, the whole scene was lit up withfires of pitch-pine. General Grant joined me there, and we sat on alog, looking at the passage of the troops by the light of thosefires; the bridge swayed to and fro under the passing feet, and madea fine war-picture. At daybreak we moved on, ascending the ridge, and by 10 a. M. The head of my column, long drawn out, reached theBenton road, and gave us command of the peninsula between the Yazooand Big Black. I dispatched Colonel Swan, of the Fourth IowaCavalry, to Haines's Bluff, to capture that battery from the rear, and he afterward reported that he found it abandoned, its garrisonhaving hastily retreated into Vicksburg, leaving their gunspartially disabled, a magazine full of ammunition, and a hospitalfull of wounded and sick men. Colonel Swan saw one of our gunboatslying about two miles below in the Yazoo, to which he signaled. Shesteamed up, and to its commander the cavalry turned over the batteryat Haines's Bluff, and rejoined me in front of Vicksburg. Allowinga couple of hours for rest and to close up the column, I resumed themarch straight on Vicksburg. About two miles before reaching theforts, the road forked; the left was the main Jackson road, and theright was the "graveyard" road, which entered Vicksburg near a largecemetery. General Grant in person directed me to take theright-hand road, but, as McPherson had not yet got up from thedirection of the railroad-bridge at Big Black, I sent the EighthMissouri on the main Jackson road, to push the rebel skirmishersinto town, and to remain until relieved by McPherson's advance, which happened late that evening, May 18th. The battalion of theThirteenth United States Regulars, commanded by Captain Washington, was at the head of the column on the right-hand road, and pushed therebels close behind their parapets; one of my staff, CaptainPitzman, receiving a dangerous wound in the hip, which apparentlydisabled him for life. By night Blair's whole division had closed upagainst the defenses of Vicksburg, which were found to be strong andwell manned; and, on General Steele's head of column arriving, Iturned it still more to the right, with orders to work its way downthe bluff, so as to make connection with our fleet in theMississippi River. There was a good deal of desultory fighting thatevening, and a man was killed by the aide of General Grant andmyself, as we sat by the road-side looking at Steele's divisionpassing to the right. General Steele's men reached the road whichled from Vicksburg up to Haines's Bluff, which road lay at the footof the hills, and intercepted some prisoners and wagons which werecoming down from Haines's Bluff. 

All that night McPherson's troops were arriving by the main Jacksonroad, and McClernand'a by another near the railroad, deployingforward as fast as they struck the rebel works. My corps (theFifteenth) had the right of the line of investment; McPherson's(the Seventeenth) the centre; and McClernand's (the Thirteenth) theleft, reaching from the river above to the railroad below. Ourlines connected, and invested about three-quarters of theland-front of the fortifications of Vicksburg. On the suppositionthat the garrison of Vicksburg was demoralized by the defeats atChampion Hills and at the railroad crossing of the Big Black, General Grant ordered an assault at our respective fronts on the19th. My troops reached the top of the parapet, but could notcross over. The rebel parapets were strongly manned, and the enemyfought hard and well. My loss was pretty heavy, falling chiefly onthe Thirteenth Regulars, whose commanding officer, CaptainWashington, was killed, and several other regiments were prettybadly cut up. We, however, held the ground up to the ditch tillnight, and then drew back only a short distance, and began tocounter-trench. On the graveyard road, our parapet was within lessthan fifty yards of the rebel ditch. 

On the 20th of May, General Grant called the three corps commanderstogether, viz. , McClernand, McPherson, and Sherman. We comparednotes, and agreed that the assault of the day before had failed, byreason of the natural strength of the position, and because we wereforced by the nature of the ground to limit our attacks to thestrongest parts of the enemy's line, viz. , where the threeprincipal roads entered the city. 

It was not a council of war, but a mere consultation, resulting inorders from General Grant for us to make all possible preparationsfor a renewed assault on the 22d, simultaneously, at 10 a. M. Ireconnoitred my front thoroughly in person, from right to left, andconcluded to make my real attack at the right flank of the bastion, where the graveyard road entered the enemy's intrenchments, and atanother point in the curtain about a hundred yards to its right(our left); also to make a strong demonstration by Steele'sdivision, about a mile to our right, toward the river. All ourfield batteries were put in position, and were covered by goodepaulements; the troops were brought forward, in easy support, concealed by the shape of the ground; and to the minute, viz. , 10 a. M. Of May 22d, the troops sprang to the assault. A smallparty, that might be called a forlorn hope, provided with plank tocross the ditch, advanced at a run, up to the very ditch; the linesof infantry sprang from cover, and advanced rapidly in line ofbattle. I took a position within two hundred yards of the rebelparapet, on the off slope of a spur of ground, where by advancingtwo or three steps I could see every thing. The rebel line, concealed by the parapet, showed no sign of unusual activity, butas our troops came in fair view, the enemy rose behind theirparapet and poured a furious fire upon our lines; and, for abouttwo hours, we had a severe and bloody battle, but at every point wewere repulsed. In the very midst of this, when shell and shot fellfurious and fast, occurred that little episode which has beencelebrated in song and story, of the boy Orion P. Howe, badlywounded, bearing me a message for cartridges, calibre 54, described in my letter to the Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. This boy was afterward appointed a cadet to the United States NavalAcademy, at Annapolis, but he could not graduate, and I do not nowknow what has become of him. 

After our men had been fairly beaten back from off the parapet, andhad got cover behind the spurs of ground close up to the rebelworks, General Grant came to where I was, on foot, having left hishorse some distance to the rear. I pointed out to him the rebelworks, admitted that my assault had failed, and he said the resultwith McPherson and McClernand was about the same. While he waswith me, an orderly or staff-officer came and handed him a piece ofpaper, which he read and handed to me. I think the writing was inpencil, on a loose piece of paper, and was in General McClernand'shandwriting, to the effect that "his troops had captured the rebelparapet in his front, " that, "the flag of the Union waved over thestronghold of Vicksburg, " and asking him (General Grant) to giverenewed orders to McPherson and Sherman to press their attacks ontheir respective fronts, lest the enemy should concentrate on him(McClernand). General Grant said, "I don't believe a word of it;"but I reasoned with him, that this note was official, and must becredited, and I offered to renew the assault at once with newtroops. He said he would instantly ride down the line toMcClernand's front, and if I did not receive orders to thecontrary, by 3 o'clock p. M. , I might try it again. Mower's freshbrigade was brought up under cover, and some changes were made inGiles Smith's brigade; and, punctually at 3 p. M. , hearing heavyfiring down along the line to my left, I ordered the secondassault. It was a repetition of the first, equally unsuccessfuland bloody. It also transpired that the same thing had occurredwith General McPherson, who lost in this second assault some mostvaluable officers and men, without adequate result; and thatGeneral McClernand, instead of having taken any single point of therebel main parapet, had only taken one or two small outlyinglunettes open to the rear, where his men were at the mercy of therebels behind their main parapet, and most of them were actuallythus captured. This affair caused great feeling with us, andsevere criticisms on General McClernand, which led finally to hisremoval from the command of the Thirteenth Corps, to whichGeneral Ord succeeded. The immediate cause, however, ofGeneral McClernand's removal was the publication of a sort ofcongratulatory order addressed to his troops, first published inSt. Louis, in which he claimed that he had actually succeeded inmaking a lodgment in Vicksburg, but had lost it, owing to the factthat McPherson and Sherman did not fulfill their parts of thegeneral plan of attack. This was simply untrue. The two severalassaults made May 22d, on the lines of Vicksburg, had failed, byreason of the great strength of the position and the determinedfighting of its garrison. I have since seen the position atSevastopol, and without hesitation I declare that at Vicksburg tohave been the more difficult of the two. 

Thereafter our proceedings were all in the nature of a siege. General Grant drew more troops from Memphis, to prolong our generalline to the left, so as completely to invest the place on itsland-side, while the navy held the river both above and below. General Mower's brigade of Tuttle's division was also sent acrossthe river to the peninsula, so that by May 31st Vicksburg wascompletely beleaguered. Good roads were constructed from our campsto the several landing-places on the Yazoo River, to which pointsour boats brought us ample supplies; so that we were in a splendidcondition for a siege, while our enemy was shut up in a close fort, with a large civil population of men, women, and children to feed, in addition to his combatant force. If we could prevent sallies, or relief from the outside, the fate of the garrison of Vicksburgwas merely a question of time. 

I had my headquarters camp close up to the works, near the centreof my corps, and General Grant had his bivouac behind a ravine tomy rear. We estimated Pemberton's whole force in Vicksburg atthirty thousand men, and it was well known that the rebel GeneralJoseph E. Johnston was engaged in collecting another strong forcenear the Big Black, with the intention to attack our rear, and thusto afford Pemberton an opportunity to escape with his men. Eventhen the ability of General Johnston was recognized, and GeneralGrant told me that he was about the only general on that side whomhe feared. Each corps kept strong pickets well to the rear; but, as the rumors of Johnston's accumulating force reached us, GeneralGrant concluded to take stronger measures. He had received fromthe North General J. G. Parker's corps (Ninth), which had beenposted at Haines's Bluff; then, detailing one division from each ofthe three corps d'armee investing Vicksburg, he ordered me to goout, take a general command of all, and to counteract any movementon the part of General Johnston to relieve Vicksburg. Ireconnoitred the whole country, from Haines's Bluff to the railroadbridge, and posted the troops thus:

Parke's two divisions from Haines's Bluff out to the Benton orridge road; Tuttle's division, of my corps, joining on andextending to a plantation called Young's, overlooking Bear Creekvalley, which empties into the Big Black above Messinger's Ferry;then McArthurs division, of McPherson's corps, took up the line, and reached to Osterhaus's division of McClernand's corps, whichheld a strong fortified position at the railroad-crossing of theBig Black River. I was of opinion that, if Johnston should crossthe Big Black, he could by the favorable nature of the country beheld in check till a concentration could be effected by us at thepoint threatened. From the best information we could gather, General Johnston had about thirty or forty thousand men. I tookpost near a plantation of one Trible, near Markham's, andfrequently reconnoitred the whole line, and could see the enemyengaged in like manner, on the east aide of Big Black; but he neverattempted actually to cross over, except with some cavalry, justabove Bear Creek, which was easily driven back. I was there fromJune 20th to the 4th of July. In a small log-house near Markham'swas the family of Mr. Klein, whose wife was the daughter of Mrs. Day, of New Orleans, who in turn was the sister of Judge T. W. Bartley, my brother-in-law. I used frequently to drop in and takea meal with them, and Mrs. Klein was generally known as thegeneral's cousin, which doubtless saved her and her family frommolestation, too common on the part of our men. 

One day, as I was riding the line near a farm known as ParsonFog's, I heard that the family of a Mr. Wilkinson, of New Orleans, was "refugeeing" at a house near by. I rode up, inquired, andfound two young girls of that name, who said they were the childrenof General Wilkinson, of Louisiana, and that their brother had beenat the Military School at Alexandria. Inquiring for their mother, I was told she was spending the day at Parson Fox's. As this housewas on my route, I rode there, went through a large gate into theyard, followed by my staff and escort, and found quite a number ofladies sitting on the porch. I rode up and inquired if that wereParson Fox's. The parson, a fine-looking, venerable old man, rose, and said that he was Parson Fox. I then inquired for Mrs. Wilkinson, when an elderly lady answered that she was the person. I asked her if she were from Plaquemine Parish, Louisiana, and shesaid she was. I then inquired if she had a son who had been acadet at Alexandria when General Sherman was superintendent, andshe answered yes. I then announced myself, inquired after the boy, and she said he was inside of Vicksburg, an artillery lieutenant. I then asked about her husband, whom I had known, when she burstinto tears, and cried out in agony, "You killed him at Bull Run, where he was fighting for his country!" I disclaimed killinganybody at Bull Run; but all the women present (nearly a dozen)burst into loud lamentations, which made it most uncomfortable forme, and I rode away. On the 3d of July, as I sat at my bivouac bythe road-side near Trible's, I saw a poor, miserable horse, carrying a lady, and led by a little negro boy, coming across acotton-field toward me; as they approached I recognized poor Mrs. Wilkinson, and helped her to dismount. I inquired what had broughther to me in that style, and she answered that she knew Vicksburg, was going to surrender, and she wanted to go right away to see herboy. I had a telegraph-wire to General Grant's headquarters, andhad heard that there were symptoms of surrender, but as yet nothingdefinite. I tried to console and dissuade her, but she wasresolved, and I could not help giving her a letter to GeneralGrant, explaining to him who she was, and asking him to give herthe earliest opportunity to see her son. The distance was fullytwenty miles, but off she started, and I afterward learned that myletter had enabled her to see her son, who had escaped unharmed. Later in the day I got by telegraph General Grant's notice of thenegotiations for surrender; and, by his directions, gave generalorders to my troops to be ready at a moment's notice to cross theBig Black, and go for Joe Johnston. 

The next day (July 4, 1863) Vicksburg surrendered, and orders weregiven for at once attacking General Johnston. The Thirteenth Corps(General Ord) was ordered to march rapidly, and cross the Big Blackat the railroad-bridge; the Fifteenth by Mesainger's, and the Ninth(General Parker) by Birdsong's Ferry-all to converge on Bolton. Mycorps crossed the Big Black during the 5th and 6th of July, andmarched for Bolton, where we came in with General Ord's troops; butthe Ninth Corps was delayed in crossing at Birdsong's. Johnstonhad received timely notice of Pemberton's surrender, and was infull retreat for Jackson. On the 8th all our troops reached theneighborhood of Clinton, the weather fearfully hot, and waterscarce. Johnston had marched rapidly, and in retreating had causedcattle, hogs, and sheep, to be driven into the ponds of water, andthere shot down; so that we had to haul their dead and stinkingcarcasses out to use the water. On the 10th of July we had driventhe rebel army into Jackson, where it turned at bay behind theintrenchments, which had been enlarged and strengthened since ourformer visit in May. We closed our lines about Jackson; my corps(Fifteenth) held the centre, extending from the Clinton to theRaymond road; Ord's (Thirteenth) on the right, reaching Pearl Riverbelow the town; and Parker's (Ninth) the left, above the town. 

On the 11th we pressed close in, and shelled the town from everydirection. One of Ords brigades (Lauman's) got too close, and wasvery roughly handled and driven back in disorder. General Ordaccused the commander (General Lauman) of having disregarded hisorders, and attributed to him personally the disaster and heavyloss of men. He requested his relief, which I granted, and GeneralLauman went to the rear, and never regained his division. He diedafter the war, in Iowa, much respected, as before that time he hadbeen universally esteemed a most gallant and excellent officer. The weather was fearfully hot, but we continued to press the siegeday and night, using our artillery pretty freely; and on themorning of July 17th the place was found evacuated. GeneralSteele's division was sent in pursuit as far as Brandon (fourteenmiles), but General Johnston had carried his army safely off, andpursuit in that hot weather would have been fatal to my command. 

Reporting the fact to General Grant, he ordered me to return, tosend General Parkes's corps to Haines's Bluff, General Ord's backto Vicksburg, and he consented that I should encamp my whole corpsnear the Big Black, pretty much on the same ground we had occupiedbefore the movement, and with the prospect of a period of rest forthe remainder of the summer. We reached our camps on the 27th ofJuly. 

Meantime, a division of troops, commanded by Brigadier-General W. Sooy Smith, had been added to my corps. General Smith applied forand received a sick-leave on the 20th of July; Brigadier-GeneralHugh Ewing was assigned to its command; and from that time itconstituted the Fourth Division of the Fifteenth Army Corps. 

Port Hudson had surrendered to General Banks on the 8th of July (anecessary consequence of the fall of Vicksburg), and thusterminated probably the most important enterprise of the civilwar--the recovery of the complete control of the Mississippi River, from its source to its mouth--or, in the language of Mr. Lincoln, the Mississippi went "unvexed to the sea. "

I put my four divisions into handsome, clean camps, looking tohealth and comfort alone, and had my headquarters in a beautifulgrove near the house of that same Parson Fox where I had found thecrowd of weeping rebel women waiting for the fate of their friendsin Vicksburg. 

The loss sustained by the Fifteenth Corps in the assault of May19th, at Vicksburg, was mostly confined to the battalion of theThirteenth Regulars, whose commanding officer, Captain Washington, was mortally wounded, and afterward died in the hands of the enemy, which battalion lost seventy-seven men out of the two hundred andfifty engaged; the Eighty-third Indiana (Colonel Spooner), and theOne Hundred and Twenty seventh Illinois (Lieutenant-ColonelEldridge), the aggregate being about two hundred. 

In the assaults of the 22d, the loss in the Fifteenth Corps wasabout six hundred. 

In the attack on Jackson, Mississippi, during the 11th-16th ofJuly, General Ord reported the loss in the Thirteenth Army Corpsseven hundred and sixty-two, of which five hundred and thirty-threewere confined to Lauman's division; General Parkes reported, in theNinth Corps, thirty-seven killed, two hundred and fifty-eightwounded, and thirty-three missing: total, three hundred andtwenty-eight. In the Fifteenth Corps the loss was less; so that, in the aggregate, the loss as reported by me at the time was lessthan a thousand men, while we took that number alone of prisoners. 

In General Grant's entire army before Vicksburg, composed of theNinth, part of the Sixteenth, and the whole of the Thirteenth;Fifteenth, and Seventeenth Corps, the aggregate loss, as stated byBadeau, was:

Killed: ....................... 1243Wounded:....................... 7095Missing: ...................... 535

Total: ........................ 8873

Whereas the Confederate loss, as stated by the same author, Surrendered at Vicksburg .............. 32000Captured at Champion Hills............. 3000Captured at Big Black Bridge .......... 2000Captured at Port Gibson................ 2000Captured with Loring .................. 4000Killed and wounded .................... 10000Stragglers............................. 3000

Total.................................. 56000

Besides which, "a large amount of public property, consisting ofrailroads, locomotives, cars, steamers, cotton, guns, muskets, ammunition, etc. , etc. , was captured in Vicksburg. "

The value of the capture of Vicksburg, however, was not measured bythe list of prisoners, guns, and small-arms, but by the fact thatits possession secured the navigation of the great central river ofthe continent, bisected fatally the Southern Confederacy, and setthe armies which had been used in its conquest free for otherpurposes; and it so happened that the event coincided as to timewith another great victory which crowned our arms far away, atGettysburg, Pennsylvania. That was a defensive battle, whereasours was offensive in the highest acceptation of the term, and thetwo, occurring at the same moment of time, should have ended thewar; but the rebel leaders were mad, and seemed determined thattheir people should drink of the very lowest dregs of the cup ofwar, which they themselves had prepared. 

The campaign of Vicksburg, in its conception and execution, belonged exclusively to General Grant, not only in the great whole, but in the thousands of its details. I still retain many of hisletters and notes, all in his own handwriting, prescribing theroutes of march for divisions and detachments, specifying even theamount of food and tools to be carried along. Many persons gavehis adjutant general, Rawlins, the credit for these things, butthey were in error; for no commanding general of an army ever gavemore of his personal attention to details, or wrote so many of hisown orders, reports, and letters, as General Grant. His success atVicksburg justly gave him great fame at home and abroad. ThePresident conferred on him the rank of major-general in the regulararmy, the highest grade then existing by law; and General McPhersonand I shared in his success by receiving similar commissions asbrigadier-generals in the regular army. 

But our success at Vicksburg produced other results not sofavorable to our cause--a general relaxation of effort, and desireto escape the hard drudgery of camp: officers sought leaves ofabsence to visit their homes, and soldiers obtained furloughs anddischarges on the most slender pretexts; even the GeneralGovernment seemed to relax in its efforts to replenish our rankswith new men, or to enforce the draft, and the politicians werepressing their schemes to reorganize or patch up some form of civilgovernment, as fast as the armies gained partial possession of theStates. 

In order to illustrate this peculiar phase of our civil war, I giveat this place copies of certain letters which have not heretoforebeen published:

[Private. ]

WASHINGTON, August 29, 1868. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, Vicksburg, Mississippi

My DEAR GENERAL: The question of reconstruction in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas, will soon come up for decision of theGovernment, and not only the length of the war, but our ultimateand complete success, will depend upon its decision. It is adifficult matter, but I believe it can be successfully solved, ifthe President will consult opinions of cool and discreet men, whoare capable of looking at it in all its bearings and effects. Ithink he is disposed to receive the advice of our generals who havebeen in these States, and know much more of their condition thangassy politicians in Congress. General Banks has written prettyfully, on the subject. I wrote to General Grant, immediately, after the fall of Vicksburg, for his views in regard toMississippi, but he has not yet answered. 

I wish you would consult with Grant, McPherson, and others of cool, good judgment, and write me your views fully, as I may wish to usethem with the President. You had better write me unofficially, andthen your letter will not be put on file, and cannot hereafter beused against you. You have been in Washington enough to know howevery thing a man writes or says is picked up by his enemies andmisconstrued. With kind wishes for your further success, I am yours truly, H. W. HALLECK

[Private and Confidential. ]

HEADQUARTERS, FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS, CAMP ON BIG BLACK, MISSISSIPPI, September 17 1863H. W. HALLECK, Commander-in-Chief, Washington, D. C. 

DEAR GENERAL: I have received your letter of August 29th, and withpleasure confide to you fully my thoughts on the important mattersyou suggest, with absolute confidence that you will use what isvaluable, and reject the useless or superfluous. 

That part of the continent of North America known as Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas, is in my judgment the key to the wholeinterior. The valley of the Mississippi is America, and, althoughrailroads have changed the economy of intercommunication, yet thewater-channels still mark the lines of fertile land, and affordcheap carriage to the heavy products of it. 

The inhabitants of the country on the Monongahela, the Illinois, the Minnesota, the Yellowstone, and Osage, are as directlyconcerned in the security of the Lower Mississippi as are those whodwell on its very banks in Louisiana; and now that the nation hasrecovered its possession, this generation of men will make afearful mistake if they again commit its charge to a people liableto misuse their position, and assert, as was recently done, that, because they dwelt on the banks of this mighty stream, they had aright to control its navigation. 

I would deem it very unwise at this time, or for years to come, torevive the State governments of Louisiana, etc. , or to institute inthis quarter any civil government in which the local people havemuch to say. They had a government so mild and paternal that theygradually forgot they had any at all, save what they themselvescontrolled; they asserted an absolute right to seize public moneys, forts, arms, and even to shut up the natural avenues of travel andcommerce. They chose war--they ignored and denied all theobligations of the solemn contract of government and appealed toforce. 

We accepted the issue, and now they begin to realize that war is atwo-edged sword, and it may be that many of the inhabitants cry forpeace. I know them well, and the very impulses of their nature;and to deal with the inhabitants of that part of the South whichborders on the great river, we must recognize the classes intowhich they have divided themselves:

First. The large planters, owning lands, slaves, and all kinds ofpersonal property. These are, on the whole, the ruling class. They are educated, wealthy, and easily approached. In somedistricts they are bitter as gall, and have given up slaves, plantations, and all, serving in the armies of the Confederacy;whereas, in others, they are conservative. None dare admit afriendship for us, though they say freely that they were at theoutset opposed to war and disunion. I know we can manage thisclass, but only by action. Argument is exhausted, and words havelost their usual meaning. Nothing but the logic of events touchestheir understanding; but, of late, this has worked a wonderfulchange. If our country were like Europe, crowded with people, Iwould say it would be easier to replace this class than toreconstruct it, subordinate to the policy of the nation; but, asthis is not the case, it is better to allow the planters, withindividual exceptions, gradually to recover their plantations, tohire any species of labor, and to adapt themselves to the new orderof things. Still, their friendship and assistance to reconstructorder out of the present ruin cannot be depended on. They watchthe operations of our armies, and hope still for a SouthernConfederacy that will restore to them the slaves and privilegeswhich they feel are otherwise lost forever. In my judgment, wehave two more battles to win before we should even bother our mindswith the idea of restoring civil order--viz. , one near Meridian, inNovember, and one near Shreveport, in February and March next, whenRed River is navigable by our gunboats. When these are done, then, and not until then, will the planters of Louisiana, Arkansas, andMississippi, submit. Slavery is already gone, and, to cultivatethe land, negro or other labor must be hired. This, of itself, isa vast revolution, and time must be afforded to allow men to adjusttheir minds and habits to this new order of things. A civilgovernment of the representative type would suit this class farless than a pure military role, readily adapting itself to actualoccurrences, and able to enforce its laws and orders promptly andemphatically. 

Second. The smaller farmers, mechanics, merchants, and laborers. This class will probably number three-quarters of the whole; have, in fact, no real interest in the establishment of a SouthernConfederacy, and have been led or driven into war on the falsetheory that they were to be benefited somehow--they knew not how. They are essentially tired of the war, and would slink back home ifthey could. These are the real tiers etat of the South, and arehardly worthy a thought; for they swerve to and fro according toevents which they do not comprehend or attempt to shape. When thetime for reconstruction comes, they will want the old politicalsystem of caucuses, Legislatures, etc. , to amuse them and make thembelieve they are real sovereigns; but in all things they willfollow blindly the lead of the planters. The Southern politicians, who understand this class, use them as the French do their masses--seemingly consult their prejudices, while they make their ordersand enforce them. We should do the same. 

Third. The Union men of the South. I must confess I have littlerespect for this class. They allowed a clamorous set of demagoguesto muzzle and drive them as a pack of curs. Afraid of shadows, they submit tamely to squads of dragoons, and permit them, withouta murmur, to burn their cotton, take their horses, corn, and everything; and, when we reach them, they are full of complaints if ourmen take a few fence-rails for fire, or corn to feed our horses. They give us no assistance or information, and are loudest in theircomplaints at the smallest excesses of our soldiers. Their sons, horses, arms, and every thing useful, are in the army against us, and they stay at home, claiming all the exemptions of peacefulcitizens. I account them as nothing in this great game of war. 

Fourth. The young bloods of the South: sons of planters, lawyersabout towns, good billiard-players and sportsmen, men who never didwork and never will. War suits them, and the rascals are brave, fine riders, bold to rashness, and dangerous subjects in everysense. They care not a sou for niggers, land, or any thing. Theyhate Yankees per se, and don't bother their brains about the past, present, or future. As long as they have good horses, plenty offorage, and an open country, they are happy. This is a largerclass than most men suppose, and they are the most dangerous set ofmen that this war has turned loose upon the world. They aresplendid riders, first-rate shots, and utterly reckless. Stewart, John Morgan, Forrest, and Jackson, are the types and leaders ofthis class. These men must all be killed or employed by us beforewe can hope for peace. They have no property or future, andtherefore cannot be influenced by any thing, except personalconsiderations. I have two brigades of these fellows in my front, commanded by Cosby, of the old army, and Whitfield, of Texas. Stephen D. Lee is in command of the whole. I have frequentinterviews with their officers, a good understanding with them, andam inclined to think, when the resources of their country areexhausted, we must employ them. They are the best cavalry in theworld, but it will tax Mr. Chase's genius for finance to supplythem with horses. At present horses cost them nothing; for theytake where they find, and don't bother their brains as to who is topay for them; the same may be said of the cornfields, which have, as they believe, been cultivated by a good-natured people for theirspecial benefit. We propose to share with them the free use ofthese cornfields, planted by willing hands, that will never gatherthe crops. 

Now that I have sketched the people who inhabit the district ofcountry under consideration, I will proceed to discuss the future. 

A civil government now, for any part of it, would be simplyridiculous. The people would not regard it, and even the militarycommanders of the antagonistic parties would treat it lightly. Governors would be simply petitioners for military assistance, toprotect supposed friendly interests, and military commanders wouldrefuse to disperse and weaken their armies for military reasons. Jealousies would arise between the two conflicting powers, and, instead of contributing to the end of the war, would actually deferit. Therefore, I contend that the interests of the United States, and of the real parties concerned, demand the continuance of thesimple military role, till after all the organized armies of theSouth are dispersed, conquered, and subjugated. 

The people of all this region are represented in the Army ofVirginia, at Charleston, Mobile, and Chattanooga. They have sonsand relations in each of the rebel armies, and naturally areinterested in their fate. Though we hold military possession ofthe key-points of their country, still they contend, and naturally, that should Lee succeed in Virginia, or Bragg at Chattanooga, achange will occur here also. We cannot for this reason attempt toreconstruct parts of the South as we conquer it, till all idea ofthe establishment of a Southern Confederacy is abandoned. Weshould avail ourselves of the present lull to secure thestrategical points that will give us an advantage in the futuremilitary movements, and we should treat the idea of civilgovernment as one in which we as a nation have a minor orsubordinate interest. The opportunity is good to impress on thepopulation the truth that they are more interested in civilgovernment than we are; and that, to enjoy the protection of laws, they most not be passive observers of events, but must aid andsustain the constituted authorities in enforcing the laws; theymust not only submit themselves, but should pay their share oftaxes, and render personal services when called on. 

It seems to me, in contemplating the history of the past two years, that all the people of our country, North, South, East, and West, have been undergoing a salutary political schooling, learninglessons which might have been acquired from the experience of otherpeople; but we had all become so wise in our own conceit that wewould only learn by actual experience of our own. The people evenof small and unimportant localities, North as well as South, hadreasoned themselves into the belief that their opinions weresuperior to the aggregated interest of the whole nation. Half ourterritorial nation rebelled, on a doctrine of secession that theythemselves now scout; and a real numerical majority actuallybelieved that a little State was endowed with such sovereignty thatit could defeat the policy of the great whole. I think the presentwar has exploded that notion, and were this war to cease now, theexperience gained, though dear, would be worth the expense. 

Another great and important natural truth is still in contest, andcan only be solved by war. Numerical majorities by vote have beenour great arbiter. Heretofore all men have cheerfully submitted toit in questions left open, but numerical majorities are notnecessarily physical majorities. The South, though numericallyinferior, contend they can whip the Northern superiority ofnumbers, and therefore by natural law they contend that they arenot bound to submit. This issue is the only real one, and in myjudgment all else should be deferred to it. War alone can decideit, and it is the only question now left for us as a people todecide. Can we whip the South? If we can, our numerical majorityhas both the natural and constitutional right to govern them. Ifwe cannot whip them, they contend for the natural right to selecttheir own government, and they have the argument. Our armies mustprevail over theirs; our officers, marshals, and courts, mustpenetrate into the innermost recesses of their land, before we havethe natural right to demand their submission. 

I would banish all minor questions, assert the broad doctrine thatas a nation the United States has the right, and also the physicalpower, to penetrate to every part of our national domain, and thatwe will do it--that we will do it in our own time and in our ownway; that it makes no difference whether it be in one year, or two, or ten, or twenty; that we will remove and destroy every obstacle, if need be, take every life, every acre of land, every particle ofproperty, every thing that to us seems proper; that we will notcease till the end is attained; that all who do not aid us areenemies, and that we will not account to them for our acts. If thepeople of the South oppose, they do so at their peril; and if theystand by, mere lookers-on in this domestic tragedy, they have noright to immunity, protection, or share in the final results. 

I even believe and contend further that, in the North, every memberof the nation is bound by both natural and constitutional law to"maintain and defend the Government against all its enemies andopposers whomsoever. " If they fail to do it they are derelict, andcan be punished, or deprived of all advantages arising from thelabors of those who do. If any man, North or South, withholds hisshare of taxes, or his physical assistance in this, the crisis ofour history, he should be deprived of all voice in the futureelections of this country, and might be banished, or reduced to thecondition of a mere denizen of the land. 

War is upon us, none can deny it. It is not the choice of theGovernment of the United States, but of a faction; the Governmentwas forced to accept the issue, or to submit to a degradation fataland disgraceful to all the inhabitants. In accepting war, itshould be "pure and simple" as applied to the belligerents. Iwould keep it so, till all traces of the war are effaced; tillthose who appealed to it are sick and tired of it, and come to theemblem of our nation, and sue for peace. I would not coax them, oreven meet them half-way, but make them so sick of war thatgenerations would pass away before they would again appeal to it. 

I know what I say when I repeat that the insurgents of the Southsneer at all overtures looking to their interests. They scorn thealliance with the Copperheads; they tell me to my face that theyrespect Grant, McPherson, and our brave associates who fightmanfully and well for a principle, but despise the Copperheads andsneaks at the North, who profess friendship for the South andopposition to the war, as mere covers for their knavery andpoltroonery. 

God knows that I deplore this fratricidal war as much as any manliving, but it is upon us, a physical fact; and there is only onehonorable issue from it. We must fight it out, army against army, and man against man; and I know, and you know, and civilians beginto realize the fact, that reconciliation and reconstruction will beeasier through and by means of strong, well-equipped, and organizedarmies than through any species of conventions that can be framed. The issues are made, and all discussion is out of place andridiculous. The section of thirty-pounder Parrott rifles nowdrilling before my tent is a more convincing argument than thelargest Democratic meeting the State of New York can possiblyassemble at Albany; and a simple order of the War Department todraft enough men to fill our skeleton regiments would be moreconvincing as to our national perpetuity than an humble pardon toJeff. Davis and all his misled host. 

The only government needed or deserved by the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Mississippi, now exists in Grant's army. This needs, simply, enough privates to fill its ranks; all else will follow indue season. This army has its well-defined code of laws andpractice, and can adapt itself to the wants and necessities of acity, the country, the rivers, the sea, indeed to all parts of thisland. It better subserves the interest and policy of the GeneralGovernment, and the people here prefer it to any weak or servilecombination that would at once, from force of habit, revive sadperpetuate local prejudices and passions. The people of thiscountry have forfeited all right to a voice in the councils of thenation. They know it and feel it, and in after-years they will bethe better citizens from the dear bought experience of the presentcrisis. Let them learn now, and learn it well, that good citizensmust obey as well as command. Obedience to law, absolute--yea, even abject--is the lesson that this war, under Providence, willteach the free and enlightened American citizen. As a nation, weshall be the better for it. 

I never have apprehended foreign interference in our familyquarrel. Of coarse, governments founded on a different and it maybe an antagonistic principle with ours naturally feel a pleasure atour complications, and, it may be, wish our downfall; but in theend England and France will join with us in jubilation at thetriumph of constitutional government over faction. Even now theEnglish manifest this. I do not profess to understand Napoleon'sdesign in Mexico, and I do not, see that his taking militarypossession of Mexico concerns us. We have as much territory now aswe want. The Mexicans have failed in self-government, and it was aquestion as to what nation she should fall a prey. That is nowsolved, and I don't see that we are damaged. We have the finestpart of the North American Continent, all we can people and cantake care of; and, if we can suppress rebellion in our own land, and compose the strife generated by it, we shall have enoughpeople, resources, and wealth, if well combined, to defyinterference from any and every quarter. 

I therefore hope the Government of the United States will continue, as heretofore, to collect, in well-organized armies, the physicalstrength of the nation; applying it, as heretofore, in assertingthe national authority; and in persevering, without relaxation, tothe end. This, whether near or far off, is not for us to say; but, fortunately, we have no choice. We must succeed--no other choiceis left us except degradation. The South must be ruled by us, orshe will rule us. We must conquer them, or ourselves be conquered. There is no middle course. They ask, and will have, nothing else, and talk of compromise is bosh; for we know they would even scornthe offer. 

I wish the war could have been deferred for twenty years, till thesuperabundant population of the North could flow in and replace thelosses sustained by war; but this could not be, and we are forcedto take things as they are. 

All therefore I can now venture to advise is to raise the draft toits maximum, fill the present regiments to as large a standard aspossible, and push the war, pure and simple. Great attentionshould be paid to the discipline of our armies, for on them may befounded the future stability of the Government. 

The cost of the war is, of course, to be considered, but financeswill adjust themselves to the actual state of affairs; and, even ifwe would, we could not change the cost. Indeed, the larger thecost now, the less will it be in the end; for the end must beattained somehow, regardless of loss of life and treasure, and ismerely a question of time. 

Excuse so long a letter. With great respect, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

General Halleck, on receipt of this letter, telegraphed me that Mr. Lincoln had read it carefully, and had instructed him to obtain myconsent to have it published. At the time, I preferred not to bedrawn into any newspaper controversy, and so wrote to GeneralHalleck; and the above letter has never been, to my knowledge, published; though Mr. Lincoln more than once referred to it withmarks of approval. 

HEADQUARTERS FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPSCAMP ON BIG BLACK, September 17, 1863

Brigadier-General J. A. RAWLINS, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Vicksburg. 

DEAR GENERAL: I inclose for your perusal, and for you to read toGeneral Grant such parts as you deem interesting, letters receivedby me from Prof. Mahan and General Halleck, with my answers. Afteryou have read my answer to General Halleck, I beg you to inclose itto its address, and return me the others. 

I think Prof. Mahan's very marked encomium upon the campaign ofVicksburg is so flattering to General Grant, that you may offer tolet him keep the letter, if he values such a testimonial. I havenever written a word to General Halleck since my report of lastDecember, after the affair at Chickasaw, except a short letter afew days ago, thanking him for the kind manner of his transmittingto me the appointment of brigadier-general. I know that inWashington I am incomprehensible, because at the outset of the warI would not go it blind and rush headlong into a war unprepared andwith an utter ignorance of its extent and purpose. I was thenconstrued unsound; and now that I insist on war pure and simple, with no admixture of civil compromises, I am supposed vindictive. You remember what Polonius said to his son Laertes: "Beware ofentrance to a quarrel; but, being in, bear it, that the opposed maybeware of thee. " What is true of the single man, is equally trueof a nation. Our leaders seemed at first to thirst for thequarrel, willing, even anxious, to array against us all possibleelements of opposition; and now, being in, they would hasten toquit long before the "opposed" has received that lesson which heneeds. I would make this war as severe as possible, and show nosymptoms of tiring till the South begs for mercy; indeed, I know, and you know, that the end would be reached quicker by such acourse than by any seeming yielding on our part. I don't want ourGovernment to be bothered by patching up local governments, or bytrying to reconcile any class of men. The South has done herworst, and now is the time for us to pile on our blows thick andfast. 

Instead of postponing the draft till after the elections, we oughtnow to have our ranks full of drafted men; and, at best, if theycome at all, they will reach us when we should be in motion. 

I think General Halleck would like to have the honest, candidopinions of all of us, viz. , Grant, McPherson, and Sherman. I havegiven mine, and would prefer, of course, that it should coincidewith the others. Still, no matter what my opinion may be, I caneasily adapt my conduct to the plane of others, and am only toohappy when I find theirs better, than mine. 

If no trouble, please show Halleck's letter to McPherson, and askhim to write also. I know his regiments are like mine (meresquads), and need filling up. Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 

JULY TO DECEMBER, 1863. 

After the fall of Vicksburg, and its corollary, Port Hudson, theMississippi River was wholly in the possession of the Union forces, and formed a perfect line of separation in the territories of ouropponents. Thenceforth, they could not cross it save by stealth, and the military affairs on its west bank became unimportant. Grant's army had seemingly completed its share of the work of war, and lay, as it were, idle for a time. In person General Grant wentto New Orleans to confer with General Banks, and his victoriousarmy was somewhat dispersed. Parke's corps (Ninth) returned toKentucky, and afterward formed part of the Army of the Ohio, underGeneral Burnside; Ord's corps (Thirteenth) was sent down toNatchez, and gradually drifted to New Orleans and Texas; McPhersons(Seventeenth) remained in and near Vicksburg; Hurlbut's (Sixteenth)was at Memphis; and mine (Fifteenth) was encamped along the BigBlack, about twenty miles east of Vicksburg. This corps wascomposed of four divisions: Steele's (the First) was posted at andnear the railroad-bridge; Blair's (the Second), next in order, nearParson Fox's; the Third Division (Tuttle's) was on the ridge aboutthe head of Bear Creek; and the Fourth (Ewing's) was at Messinger'sFord. My own headquarters were in tents in a fine grove of oldoaks near Parson Fox's house, and the battalion of the ThirteenthRegulars was the headquarters guard. 

All the camps were arranged for health, comfort, rest, and drill. It being midsummer, we did not expect any change till the autumnmonths, and accordingly made ourselves as comfortable as possible. There was a short railroad in operation from Vicksburg to thebridge across the Big Black, whence supplies in abundance werehauled to our respective camps. With a knowledge of this fact Mrs. Sherman came down from Ohio with Minnie, Lizzie, Willie, and Tom, to pay us a visit in our camp at Parson Fog's. Willie was thennine years old, was well advanced for his years, and took the mostintense interest in the affairs of the army. He was a greatfavorite with the soldiers, and used to ride with me on horsebackin the numerous drills and reviews of the time. He then had thepromise of as long a life as any of my children, and displayed moreinterest in the war than any of them. He was called a "sergeant"in the regular battalion, learned the manual of arms, and regularlyattended the parade and guard-mounting of the Thirteenth, back ofmy camp. We made frequent visits to Vicksburg, and always stoppedwith General McPherson, who had a large house, and boarded with afamily (Mrs. Edwards's) in which were several interesting youngladies. General Grant occupied another house (Mrs. Lum's) inVicksburg during that summer, and also had his family with him. The time passed very agreeably, diversified only by little eventsof not much significance, among which I will recount only one. 

While, we occupied the west bank of the Big Black, the east bankwas watched by a rebel cavalry-division, commanded by GeneralArmstrong. He had four brigades, commanded by Generals Whitfield, Stark, Cosby, and Wirt Adams. Quite frequently they communicatedwith us by flags of truce on trivial matters, and we reciprocated;merely to observe them. One day a flag of truce, borne by aCaptain B.... , of Louisville, Kentucky, escorted by abouttwenty-five men, was reported at Messinger's Ferry, and I sentorders to let them come right into my tent. This brought themthrough the camps of the Fourth Division, and part of the Second;and as they drew up in front of my tent, I invited Captain B.... And another officer with him (a major from Mobile) to dismount, toenter my tent, and to make themselves at home. Their escort wassent to join mine, with orders to furnish them forage and everything they wanted. B.... Had brought a sealed letter for GeneralGrant at Vicksburg, which was dispatched to him. In the evening wehad a good supper, with wine and cigars, and, as we sat talking, B.... Spoke of his father and mother, in Louisville, got leave towrite them a long letter without its being read by any one, andthen we talked about the war. He said: "What is the use of yourpersevering? It is simply impossible to subdue eight millions ofpeople;" asserting that "the feeling in the South had become soembittered that a reconciliation was impossible. " I answered that, "sitting as we then were, we appeared very comfortable, and surelythere was no trouble in our becoming friends. " "Yes, " said he, "that is very true of us, but we are gentlemen of education, andcan easily adapt ourselves to any condition of things; but thiswould not apply equally well to the common people, or to the commonsoldiers. " I took him out to the camp-fires behind the tent, andthere were the men of his escort and mine mingled together, drinking their coffee, and happy as soldiers always seem. I askedB.... What he thought of that, and he admitted that I had the bestof the argument. Before I dismissed this flag of truce, hiscompanion consulted me confidentially as to what disposition heought to make of his family, then in Mobile, and I frankly gave himthe best advice I could. 

While we were thus lying idle in camp on the big Black, the Army ofthe Cumberland, under General Rosecrans, was moving against Braggat Chattanooga; and the Army of the Ohio, General Burnside, wasmarching toward East Tennessee. General Rosecrans was so confidentof success that he somewhat scattered his command, seemingly tosurround and capture Bragg in Chattanooga; but the latter, reenforced from Virginia, drew out of Chattanooga, concentrated hisarmy at Lafayette, and at Chickamauga fell on Rosecrans, defeatedhim, and drove him into Chattanooga. The whole country seemedparalyzed by this unhappy event; and the authorities in Washingtonwere thoroughly stampeded. From the East the Eleventh Corps(Slocum), and the Twelfth Corps (Howard), were sent by rail toNashville, and forward under command of General Hooker; orders werealso sent to General Grant, by Halleck, to send what reenforcementshe could spare immediately toward Chattanooga. 

Bragg had completely driven Rosecrans's army into Chattanooga; thelatter was in actual danger of starvation, and the railroad to hisrear seemed inadequate to his supply. The first intimation which Igot of this disaster was on the 22d of September, by an order fromGeneral Grant to dispatch one of my divisions immediately intoVicksburg, to go toward Chattanooga, and I designated the First, General Osterhaus--Steele meantime having been appointed to thecommand of the Department of Arkansas, and had gone to Little Rock. General Osterhaus marched the same day, and on the 23d I wassummoned to Vicksburg in person, where General Grant showed me thealarming dispatches from General Halleck, which had been sent fromMemphis by General Hurlbut, and said, on further thought, that hewould send me and my whole corps. But, inasmuch as one division ofMcPherson's corps (John E. Smith's) had already started, heinstructed me to leave one of my divisions on the Big Black, and toget the other two ready to follow at once. I designated theSecond, then commanded by Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, and theFourth, commanded by Brigadier-General Corse. 

On the 25th I returned to my camp on Big Black, gave all thenecessary orders for these divisions to move, and for the Third(Tittle's) to remain, and went into Vicksburg with my family. Thelast of my corps designed for this expedition started from camp onthe 27th, reached Vicksburg the 28th, and were embarked on boatsprovided for them. General Halleck's dispatches dwelt upon thefact that General Rosecrans's routes of supply were overtaxed, andthat we should move from Memphis eastward, repairing railroads aswe progressed, as far as Athens, Alabama, whence I was to report toGeneral Rosecrans, at Chattanooga, by letter. 

I took passage for myself and family in the steamer Atlantic, Captain Henry McDougall. When the boat was ready to start, Williewas missing. Mrs. Sherman supposed him to have been with me, whereas I supposed he was with her. An officer of the Thirteenthwent up to General McPherson's house for him, and soon returned, with Captain Clift leading him, carrying in his hands a smalldouble-barreled shot gun; and I joked him about carrying awaycaptured property. In a short time we got off. As we all stood onthe guards to look at our old camps at Young's Point, I remarkedthat Willie was not well, and he admitted that he was sick. Hismother put him to bed, and consulted Dr. Roler, of the Fifty-fifthIllinois, who found symptoms of typhoid fever. The river was low;we made slow progress till above Helena; and, as we approachedMemphis, Dr. Roler told me that Willie's life was in danger, and hewas extremely anxious to reach Memphis for certain medicines andfor consultation. We arrived at Memphis on the 2d of October, carried Willie up to the Gayoso Hotel, and got the most experiencedphysician there, who acted with Dr. Roler, but he sank rapidly, anddied the evening of the 3d of October. The blow was a terrible oneto us all, so sudden and so unexpected, that I could not helpreproaching myself for having consented to his visit in that sicklyregion in the summer-time. Of all my children, he seemed the mostprecious. Born in San Francisco, I had watched with intenseinterest his development, and he seemed more than any of thechildren to take an interest in my special profession. Mrs. Sherman, Minnie, Lizzie, and Tom, were with him at the time, and weall, helpless and overwhelmed, saw him die. Being in the verymidst of an important military enterprise, I had hardly time topause and think of my personal loss. We procured a metalliccasket, and had a military funeral, the battalion of the ThirteenthUnited States Regulars acting as escort from the Gayoso Hotel tothe steamboat Grey Eagle, which conveyed him and my family up toCairo, whence they proceeded to our home at Lancaster, Ohio, wherehe was buried. I here give my letter to Captain C. C. Smith, whocommanded the battalion at the time, as exhibiting our intensefeelings:

GAYOSO HOUSE, MEMPHIS, TENNESSEEOctober 4, 1863, Midnight

Captain C. C. SMITH, commanding Battalion Thirteenth United StatesRegulars. 

MY DEAR FRIEND: I cannot sleep to-night till I record an expressionof the deep feelings of my heart to you, and to the officers andsoldiers of the battalion, for their kind behavior to my poorchild. I realize that you all feel for my family the attachment ofkindred, and I assure you of full reciprocity. Consistent with asense of duty to my profession and office, I could not leave mypost, and sent for the family to come to me in that fatal climate, and in that sickly period of the year, and behold the result! Thechild that bore my name, and in whose future I reposed with moreconfidence than I did in my own plan of life, now floats a merecorpse, seeking a grave in a distant land, with a weeping mother, brother, and sisters, clustered about him. For myself, I ask nosympathy. On, on I must go, to meet a soldier's fate, or live tosee our country rise superior to all factions, till its flag isadored and respected by ourselves and by all the powers of theearth. 

But Willie was, or thought he was, a sergeant in the Thirteenth. Ihave seen his eye brighten, his heart beat, as he beheld thebattalion under arms, and asked me if they were not real soldiers. Child as he was, he had the enthusiasm, the pure love of truth, honor, and love of country, which should animate all soldiers. 

God only knows why he should die thus young. He is dead, but willnot be forgotten till those who knew him in life have followed himto that same mysterious end. 

Please convey to the battalion my heart-felt thanks, and assureeach and all that if in after-years they call on me or mine, andmention that they were of the Thirteenth Regulars when Willie was asergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family thatwill open all it has; that we will share with them our lastblanket, our last crust! Your friend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-general. 

Long afterward, in the spring of 1867, we had his body disinterredand brought to St. Louis, where he is now buried in a beautifulspot, in Calvary Cemetery, by the side of another child, "Charles, "who was born at Lancaster, in the summer of 1864, died early, andwas buried at Notre Dame, Indiana. His body was transferred at thesame time to the same spot. Over Willie's grave is erected abeautiful marble monument, designed and executed by the officersand soldiers, of that battalion which claimed him as a sergeant andcomrade. 

During the summer and fall of 1863 Major-General S. A. Hurlbut wasin command at Memphis. He supplied me copies of all dispatchesfrom Washington, and all the information he possessed of the eventsabout Chattanooga. Two of these dispatches cover all essentialpoints:

WASHINGTON CITY, September 15, 1863--5 p. M. 

Major-General S. A. HURLBUT, Memphis:

All the troops that can possibly be spared in West Tennessee and onthe Mississippi River should be sent without delay to assistGeneral Rosecrans on the Tennessee River. 

Urge Sherman to act with all possible promptness. 

If you have boats, send them down to bring up his troops. 

Information just received indicates that a part of Lee's army hasbeen sent to reenforce Bragg. 

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. 

Washington, September 19, 1868--4 p. M. 

Major-General S. A. HURLBUT, Memphis, Tennessee:

Give me definite information of the number of troops sent towardDecatur, and where they are. Also, what other troops are tofollow, and when. 

Has any thing been heard from the troops ordered from Vicksburg?

No efforts must be spared to support Rosecrans's right, and toguard the crossings of the Tennessee River. 

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. 

My special orders were to repair the Memphis & Charleston Railroadeastward as I progressed, as far as Athens, Alabama, to drawsupplies by that route, so that, on reaching Athens, we should notbe dependent on the roads back to Nashville, already overtaxed bythe demand of Rosecrans's army. 

On reaching Memphis, October 2d, I found that Osterhaus's divisionhad already gone by rail as far as Corinth, and than John E. Smith's division was in the act of starting by cars. The SecondDivision, then commanded by Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, reached Memphis at the same time with me; and the Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General John M. Corse, arrived a day or twoafter. The railroad was in fair condition as far as Corinth, ninety-six miles, but the road was badly stocked with locomotivesand cars, so that it took until the 9th to get off the SecondDivision, when I gave orders for the Fourth Division andwagon-trains to march by the common road. 

On Sunday morning, October 11th, with a special train loaded withour orderlies and clerks, the horses of our staff, the battalion ofthe Thirteenth United States Regulars, and a few officers goingforward to join their commands, among them Brigadier-General HughEwing, I started for Corinth. 

At Germantown, eight miles, we passed Corse's division (Fourth) onthe march, and about noon the train ran by the depot atColliersville, twenty-six miles out. I was in the rear car with mystaff, dozing, but observed the train slacking speed and stoppingabout half a mile beyond the depot. I noticed some soldiersrunning to and fro, got out at the end of the car, and soon ColonelAnthony (Silty-sixth Indiana), who commanded the post, rode up andsaid that his pickets had just been driven in, and there was anappearance of an attack by a large force of cavalry coming from thesoutheast. I ordered the men to get off the train, to form on theknoll near the railroad-cut, and soon observed a rebel officerriding toward us with a white flag. Colonel Anthony and ColonelDayton (one of my aides) were sent to meet him, and to keep him inconversation as long as possible. They soon returned, saying itwas the adjutant of the rebel general Chalmers, who demanded thesurrender of the place. I instructed them to return and give anegative answer, but to delay him as much as possible, so as togive us time for preparation. I saw Anthony, Dayton, and the rebelbearer of the flag, in conversation, and the latter turn his horseto ride back, when I ordered Colonel McCoy to run to the station, and get a message over the wires as quick as possible to Memphisand Germantown, to hurry forward Corse's division. I then orderedthe train to back to the depot, and drew back the battalion ofregulars to the small earth redoubt near it. The depot-buildingwas of brick, and had been punctured with loop-holes. To its east, about two hundred yards, was a small square earthwork or fort, intowhich were put a part of the regulars along with the company of theSixty-sixth Indiana already there. The rest of the men weredistributed into the railroad-cut, and in some shallowrifle-trenches near the depot. We had hardly made thesepreparations when the enemy was seen forming in a long line on theridge to the south, about four hundred yards off, and soon after twoparties of cavalry passed the railroad on both sides of us, cuttingthe wires and tearing up some rails. Soon they opened on us withartillery (of which we had none), and their men were dismounting andpreparing to assault. To the south of us was an extensivecornfield, with the corn still standing, and on the other side wasthe town of Colliersville. All the houses near, that could giveshelter to the enemy, were ordered to be set on fire, and the menwere instructed to keep well under cover and to reserve their firefor the assault, which seemed inevitable. A long line of rebelskirmishers came down through the cornfield, and two other partiesapproached us along the railroad on both sides. In the fort was asmall magazine containing some cartridges. Lieutenant James, afine, gallant fellow, who was ordnance-officer on my staff, askedleave to arm the orderlies and clerks with some muskets which he hadfound in the depot, to which I consented; he marched them into themagazine, issued cartridges, and marched back to the depot to assistin its defense. Afterward he came to me, said a party of the enemyhad got into the woods near the depot, and was annoying him, and hewanted to charge and drive it away. I advised him to be extremelycautious, as our enemy vastly outnumbered us, and had everyadvantage in position and artillery; but instructed him, if they gottoo near, he might make a sally. Soon after, I heard a rapid firein that quarter, and Lieutenant. James was brought in on astretcher, with a ball through his breast, which I supposed to befatal. 

[After the fight we sent him back to Memphis, where his mother andfather came from their home on the North River to nurse him. YoungJames was recovering from his wound, but was afterward killed by afall from his horse, near his home, when riding with the daughtersof Mr. Hamilton Fish, now Secretary of State. ]

The enemy closed down on us several times, and got possession ofthe rear of our train, from which they succeeded in getting five ofour horses, among them my favorite mare Dolly; but our men werecool and practised shots (with great experience acquired atVicksburg), and drove them back. With their artillery they knockedto pieces our locomotive and several of the cars, and set fire tothe train; but we managed to get possession again, and extinguishedthe fire. Colonel Audenreid, aide-de-camp, was provoked to findthat his valise of nice shirts had been used to kindle the fire. The fighting continued all round us for three or four hours, whenwe observed signs of drawing off, which I attributed to therightful cause, the rapid approach of Corse's division, whicharrived about dark, having marched the whole distance from Memphis, twenty-six miles, on the double-quick. The next day we repaireddamages to the railroad and locomotive, and went on to Corinth. 

At Corinth, on the 16th, I received the following importantdispatches:

MEMPHIS, October 14, 1863--11 a. M. 

Arrived this morning. Will be off in a few hours. My orders areonly to go to Cairo, and report from there by telegraph. McPhersonwill be in Canton to-day. He will remain there until Sunday orMonday next, and reconnoitre as far eastward as possible withcavalry, in the mean time. 

U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

WASHINGTON, October 14, 1863--1 p. M. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, Corinth

Yours of the 10th is received. The important matter to be attendedto is that of supplies. When Eastport can be reached by boats, theuse of the railroad can be dispensed with; but until that time itmust be guarded as far as need. The Kentucky Railroad can barelysupply General Rosecrans. All these matters must be left to yourjudgment as circumstances may arise. Should the enemy be so strongas to prevent your going to Athena, or connecting with GeneralRosecrans, you will nevertheless have assisted him greatly bydrawing away a part of the enemy's forces. 

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. 

On the 18th, with my staff and a small escort, I rode forward toBurnsville, and on the 19th to Iuka, where, on the next day, I wasmost agreeably surprised to hear of the arrival at Eastport (onlyten miles off) of two gunboats, under the command of CaptainPhelps, which had been sent up the Tennessee River by AdmiralPorter, to help us. 

Satisfied that, to reach Athens and to communicate with GeneralRosecrans, we should have to take the route north of the TennesseeRiver, on the 24th I ordered the Fourth Division to cross atEastport with the aid of the gunboats, and to move to Florence. About the same time, I received the general orders assigningGeneral Grant to command the Military Division of the Mississippi, authorizing him, on reaching Chattanooga, to supersede GeneralRosecrans by General George H. Thomas, with other and completeauthority, as set, forth in the following letters of GeneralHalleck, which were sent to me by General Grant; and the sameorders devolved on me the command of the Department and Army of theTennessee. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, D. C. , October 16, 1863

Major-General U. S. GRANT, Louisville. 

GENERAL: You will receive herewith the orders of the President ofthe United States, placing you in command of the Departments of theOhio, Cumberland, and Tennessee. The organization of thesedepartments will be changed as you may deem most practicable. Youwill immediately proceed to Chattanooga, and relieve GeneralRosecrans. You can communicate with Generals Burnside and Shermanby telegraph. A summary of the orders sent to these officers willbe sent to you immediately. It is left optional with you tosupersede General Rosecrans by General G. H. Thomas or not. Anyother changes will be made on your request by telegram. 

One of the first objects requiring your attention is the supply ofyour armies. Another is the security of the passes in the Georgiamountains, to shut out the enemy from Tennessee and Kentucky. Youwill consult with General Meigs and Colonel Scott in regard totransportation and supplies. 

Should circumstances permit, I will visit you personally in a fewdays for consultation. 

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, D. C. , October 20, 1868. 

Major-General GRANT, Louisville. 

GENERAL: In compliance with my promise, I now proceed to give youa brief statement of the objects aimed at by General Rosecrans andGeneral Burnside's movement into East Tennessee, and of themeasures directed to be taken to attain these objects. 

It has been the constant desire of the government, from thebeginning of the war, to rescue the loyal inhabitants of EastTennessee from the hands of the rebels, who fully appreciated theimportance of continuing their hold upon that country. In additionto the large amount of agricultural products drawn from the uppervalley of the Tennessee, they also obtained iron and othermaterials from the vicinity of Chattanooga. The possession of EastTennessee would cut off one of their most important railroadcommunications, and threaten their manufactories at Rome, Atlanta, etc. 

When General Buell was ordered into East Tennessee in the summer of1882, Chattanooga was comparatively unprotected; but Bragg reachedthere before Buell, and, by threatening his communications, forcedhim to retreat on Nashville and Louisville. Again, after thebattle of Perryville, General Buell was urged to pursue Bragg'sdefeated army, and drive it from East Tennessee. The same wasurged upon his successor, but the lateness of the season or othercauses prevented further operations after the battle of StoneRiver. 

Last spring, when your movements on the Mississippi River had drawnout of Tennessee a large force of the enemy, I again urged GeneralRosecrans to take advantage of that opportunity to carry out hisprojected plan of campaign, General Burnside being ready tocooperate, with a diminished but still efficient force. But hecould not be persuaded to act in time, preferring to lie still tillyour campaign should be terminated. I represented to him, butwithout avail, that by this delay Johnston might be able toreenforce Bragg with the troops then operating against you. 

When General Rosecrans finally determined to advance, he wasallowed to select his own lines and plans for carrying out theobjects of the expedition. He was directed, however, to report hismovements daily, till he crossed the Tennessee, and to connect hisleft, so far as possible, with General Burnside's right. GeneralBurnside was directed to move simultaneously, connecting his right, as far as possible, with General Rosecrans's left so that, if theenemy concentrated upon either army, the other could move to itsassistance. When General Burnside reached Kingston and Knoxville, and found no considerable number of the enemy in East Tennessee, hewas instructed to move down the river and cooperate with GeneralRosecrans. 

These instructions were repeated some fifteen times, but were notcarried out, General Burnside alleging as an excuse that hebelieved that Bragg was in retreat, and that General Rosecransneeded no reenforcements. When the latter had gained possession ofChattanooga he was directed not to move on Rome as he proposed, butsimply to hold the mountain-passes, so as to prevent the ingress ofthe rebels into East Tennessee. That object accomplished, Iconsidered the campaign as ended, at least for the present. Futureoperations would depend upon the ascertained strength and;movements of the enemy. In other words, the main objects of thecampaign were the restoration of East Tennessee to the Union, andby holding the two extremities of the valley to secure it fromrebel invasion. 

The moment I received reliable information of the departure ofLongstreet's corps from the Army of the Potomac, I ordered forwardto General Rosecrans every available man in the Department of theOhio, and again urged General Burnside to move to his assistance. I also telegraphed to Generals Hurlbut, Sherman, and yourself, tosend forward all available troops in your department. If theseforces had been sent to General Rosecrans by Nashville, they couldnot have been supplied; I therefore directed them to move byCorinth and the Tennessee River. The necessity of this has beenproved by the fact that the reinforcements sent to him from theArmy of the Potomac have not been able, for the want of railroadtransportation, to reach General Rosecrans's army in the field. 

In regard to the relative strength of the opposing armies, it isbelieved that General Rosecrans when he first moved against Bragghad double, if not treble, his force. General Burnside, also, hadmore than double the force of Buckner; and, even when Bragg andBuckner united, Rosecrans's army was very greatly superior innumber. Even the eighteen thousand men sent from Virginia, underLongstreet, would not have given the enemy the superiority. It isnow ascertained that the greater part of the prisoners parolled byyou at Vicksburg, and General Banks at Port Hudson, were illegallyand improperly declared exchanged, and forced into the ranks toswell the rebel numbers at Chickamauga. This outrageous act, inviolation of the laws of war, of the cartel entered into by therebel authorities, and of all sense of honor, gives us a usefullesson in regard to the character of the enemy with whom we arecontending. He neither regards the rules of civilized warfare, noreven his most solemn engagements. You may, therefore, expect tomeet in arms thousands of unexchanged prisoners released by you andothers on parole, not to serve again till duly exchanged. 

Although the enemy by this disgraceful means has been able toconcentrate in Georgia and Alabama a much larger force than weanticipated, your armies will be abundantly able to defeat him. Your difficulty will not be in the want of men, but in the means ofsupplying them at this season of the year. A single-track railroadcan supply an army of sixty or seventy thousand men, with the usualnumber of cavalry and artillery; but beyond that number, or with alarge mounted force, the difficulty of supply is very great. 

I do not know the present condition of the road from Nashville toDecatur, but, if practicable to repair it, the use of that trianglewill be of great assistance to you. I hope, also, that the recentrise of water in the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers will enableyou to employ water transportation to Nashville, Eastport, orFlorence. 

If you reoccupy the passes of Lookout Mountain, which should neverhave been given up, you will be able to use the railroad and riverfrom Bridgeport to Chattanooga. This seems to me a matter of vitalimportance, and should receive your early attention. 

I submit this summary in the hope that it will assist you in fullyunderstanding the objects of the campaign, and the means ofattaining these objects. Probably the Secretary of War, in hisinterviews with you at Louisville, has gone over the same ground. Whatever measures you may deem proper to adopt under existingcircumstances, you will receive all possible assistance from theauthorities at Washington. You have never, heretofore, complainedthat such assistance has not been afforded you in your operations, and I think you will have no cause of complaint in your presentcampaign. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief

General Frank P. Blair, who was then ahead with the two divisionsof Osterhaus and John E. Smith, was temporarily assigned to thecommand of the Fifteenth Corps. General Hurlbut remained atMemphis in command of the Sixteenth Corps, and General McPherson atVicksburg with the Seventeenth. These three corps made up the Armyof the Tennessee. I was still busy in pushing forward the repairsto the railroad bridge at Bear Creek, and in patching up the manybreaks between it and Tuscumbia, when on the 27th of October, as Isat on the porch of a house, I was approached by a dirty, black-haired individual with mixed dress and strange demeanor, whoinquired for me, and, on being assured that I was in fact the man, he handed me a letter from General Blair at Tuscumbia, and anothershort one, which was a telegraph-message from General Grant atChattanooga, addressed to me through General George Crook, commanding at Huntsville, Alabama, to this effect:

Drop all work on Memphis & Charleston Railroad, cross the Tennesseeand hurry eastward with all possible dispatch toward Bridgeport, till you meet further orders from me. 

U. S. GRANT. 

The bearer of this message was Corporal Pike, who described to me, in his peculiar way, that General Crook had sent him in a canoe;that he had paddled down the Tennessee River, over Muscle Shoals, was fired at all the way by guerrillas, but on reaching Tuscumbiahe had providentially found it in possession of our troops. He hadreported to General Blair, who sent him on to me at Iuka. ThisPike proved to be a singular character; his manner attracted mynotice at once, and I got him a horse, and had him travel with useastward to about Elkton, whence I sent him back to General Crookat Huntsville; but told him, if I could ever do him a personalservice, he might apply to me. The next spring when I was inChattanooga, preparing for the Atlanta campaign, Corporal Pike madehis appearance and asked a fulfillment of my promise. I inquiredwhat he wanted, and he said he wanted to do something bold, something that would make him a hero. I explained to him, that wewere getting ready to go for Joe Johnston at Dalton, that Iexpected to be in the neighborhood of Atlanta about the 4th ofJuly, and wanted the bridge across the Savannah River at Augusta, Georgia, to be burnt about that time, to produce alarm andconfusion behind the rebel army. I explained to Pike that thechances were three to one that he would be caught and hanged; butthe greater the danger the greater seemed to be his desire toattempt it. I told him to select a companion, to disguise himselfas an East Tennessee refugee, work his way over the mountains intoNorth Carolina, and at the time appointed to float down theSavannah River and burn that bridge. In a few days he had made hispreparations and took his departure. The bridge was not burnt, andI supposed that Pike had been caught and hanged. 

When we reached Columbia, South Carolina, in February, 1865, justas we were leaving the town, in passing near the asylum, I heard myname called, and saw a very dirty fellow followed by a file of menrunning toward me, and as they got near I recognized Pike. Hecalled to me to identify him as one of my men; he was then aprisoner under guard, and I instructed the guard to bring him thatnight to my camp some fifteen miles up the road, which was done. Pike gave me a graphic narrative of his adventures, which wouldhave filled a volume; told me how he had made two attempts to burnthe bridge, and failed; and said that at the time of our enteringColumbia he was a prisoner in the hands of the rebels, under trialfor his life, but in the confusion of their retreat he made hisescape and got into our lines, where he was again made a prisonerby our troops because of his looks. Pike got some clothes, cleanedup, and I used him afterward to communicate with Wilmington, NorthCarolina. Some time after the war, he was appointed a lieutenantof the Regular, Cavalry, and was killed in Oregon, by theaccidental discharge of a pistol. Just before his death he wroteme, saying that he was tired of the monotony of garrison-life, andwanted to turn Indian, join the Cheyennes on the Plains, who werethen giving us great trouble, and, after he had gained theirconfidence, he would betray them into our hands. Of course I wrotehim that he must try and settle down and become a gentleman as wellas an officer, apply himself to his duties, and forget the wilddesires of his nature, which were well enough in time of war, butnot suited to his new condition as an officer; but, poor fellow Ihe was killed by an accident, which probably saved him from aslower but harder fate. 

At Iuka I issued all the orders to McPherson and Hurlbut necessaryfor the Department of the Tennessee during my absence, and, further, ordered the collection of a force out of the SixteenthCorps, of about eight thousand men, to be commanded by General G. M. Dodge, with orders to follow as far east as Athens, Tennessee, there to await instructions. We instantly discontinued allattempts to repair the Charleston Railroad; and the remaining threedivisions of the Fifteenth Corps marched to Eastport, crossed theTennessee River by the aid of the gunboats, a ferry-boat, and acouple of transports which had come up, and hurried eastward. 

In person I crossed on the 1st of November, and rode forward toFlorence, where I overtook Ewing's division. The other divisionsfollowed rapidly. On the road to Florence I was accompanied by mystaff, some clerks, and mounted orderlies. Major Ezra Taylorwas chief of artillery, and one of his sons was a clerk athead-quarters. The latter seems to have dropped out of the column, and gone to a farm house near the road. There was no organizedforce of the rebel army north of the Tennessee River, but thecountry was full of guerrillas. A party of these pounced down onthe farm, caught young Taylor and another of the clerks, and afterreaching Florence, Major Taylor heard of the capture of his son, andlearned that when last seen he was stripped of his hat and coat, wastied to the tail-board of a wagon, and driven rapidly to the northof the road we had traveled. The major appealed to me to dosomething for his rescue. I had no cavalry to send in pursuit, butknowing that there was always an understanding between theseguerrillas and their friends who staid at home, I sent for three orfour of the principal men of Florence (among them a Mr. Foster, whohad once been a Senator in Congress), explained to them the captureof young Taylor and his comrade, and demanded their immediaterestoration. They, of course, remonstrated, denied all knowledge ofthe acts of these guerrillas, and claimed to be peaceful citizens ofAlabama, residing at home. I insisted that these guerrillas weretheir own sons and neighbors; that they knew their haunts, and couldreach them if they wanted, and they could effect the restoration tous of these men; and I said, moreover, they must do it withintwenty-four hours, or I would take them, strip them of their hatsand coats, and tie them to the tail-boards of our wagons till theywere produced. They sent off messengers at once, and young Taylorand his comrade were brought back the next day. 

Resuming our march eastward by the large road, we soon reached ElkRiver, which was wide and deep, and could only be crossed by aferry, a process entirely too slow for the occasion; so I changedthe route more by the north, to Elkton, Winchester, and Deckerd. At this point we came in communication with the Army of theCumberland, and by telegraph with General Grant, who was atChattanooga. He reiterated his orders for me and my command tohurry forward with all possible dispatch, and in person I reachedBridgeport during the night of November 13th, my troops followingbehind by several roads. At Bridgeport I found a garrison guardingthe railroad-bridge and pontoon bridge there, and staid with thequartermaster, Colonel William G. Le Due (who was my school-mate atHow's School in 1836). There I received a dispatch from GeneralGrant, at Chattanooga, to come up in person, leaving my troops tofollow as fast as possible. At that time there were two or threesmall steamboats on the river, engaged in carrying stores up as faras Kelly's Ferry. In one of these I took passage, and on reachingKelly's Ferry found orderlies, with one of General Grant's privatehorses, waiting for me, on which I rode into Chattanooga, November14th. Of course, I was heartily welcomed by Generals Grant, Thomas, and all, who realized the extraordinary efforts we had madeto come to their relief. The next morning we walked out to FortWood, a prominent salient of the defenses of the place, and fromits parapet we had a magnificent view of the panorama. LookoutMountain, with its rebel flags and batteries, stood out boldly, andan occasional shot fired toward Wauhatchee or Moccasin Point gavelife to the scene. These shots could barely reach Chattanooga, andI was told that one or more shot had struck a hospital inside thelines. All along Missionary Ridge were the tents of the rebelbeleaguering force; the lines of trench from Lookout up toward theChickamauga were plainly visible; and rebel sentinels, in acontinuous chain, were walking their posts in plain view, not athousand yards off. "Why, " said I, "General Grant, you arebesieged;" and he said, "It is too true. " Up to that moment I hadno idea that things were so bad. The rebel lines actually extendedfrom the river, below the town, to the river above, and the Army ofthe Cumberland was closely held to the town and its immediatedefenses. General Grant pointed out to me a house on MissionaryRidge, where General Bragg's headquarters were known to be. Healso explained the situation of affairs generally; that the mulesand horses of Thomas's army were so starved that they could nothaul his guns; that forage, corn, and provisions, were so scarcethat the men in hunger stole the few grains of corn that were givento favorite horses; that the men of Thomas's army had been sodemoralized by the battle of Chickamauga that he feared they couldnot be got out of their trenches to assume the offensive; thatBragg had detached Longstreet with a considerable force up intoEast Tennessee, to defeat and capture Burnside; that Burnside wasin danger, etc. ; and that he (Grant) was extremely anxious toattack Bragg in position, to defeat him, or at least to force himto recall Longstreet. The Army of the Cumberland had so long beenin the trenches that he wanted my troops to hurry up, to take theoffensive first; after which, he had no doubt the Cumberland armywould fight well. Meantime the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, underGeneral Hooker, had been advanced from Bridgeport along therailroad to Wauhatchee, but could not as yet pass Lookout Mountain. A pontoon-bridge had been thrown across the Tennessee River atBrown's Ferry, by which supplies were hauled into Chattanooga fromKelly's and Wauhatchee.. 

Another bridge was in course of construction at Chattanooga, underthe immediate direction of Quartermaster-General Meigs, but at thetime all wagons, etc. , had to be ferried across by a flying-bridge. Men were busy and hard at work everywhere inside our lines, andboats for another pontoon-bridge were being rapidly constructedunder Brigadier-General W. F. Smith, familiarly known as "BaldySmith, " and this bridge was destined to be used by my troops, at apoint of the river about four miles above Chattanooga, just belowthe mouth of the Chickamauga River. General Grant explained to methat he had reconnoitred the rebel line from Lookout Mountain up toChickamauga, and he believed that the northern portion ofMissionary Ridge was not fortified at all; and he wanted me, assoon as my troops got up, to lay the new pontoon-bridge by night, cross over, and attack Bragg's right flank on that part of theridge abutting on Chickamauga Creek, near the tunnel; and heproposed that we should go at once to look at the ground. Incompany with Generals Thomas, W. F. Smith, Brannan, and others, wecrossed by the flying-bridge, rode back of the hills some fourmiles, left our horses, and got on a hill overlooking the wholeground about the mouth of the Chickamauga River, and across to theMissionary Hills near the tunnel. Smith and I crept down behind afringe of trees that lined the river-bank, to the very pointselected for the new bridge, where we sat for some time, seeing therebel pickets on the opposite bank, and almost hearing their words. 

Having seen enough, we returned to Chattanooga; and in order tohurry up my command, on which so much depended, I started back toKelly's in hopes to catch the steamboat that same evening; but onmy arrival the boat had gone. I applied to the commanding officer, got a rough boat manned by four soldiers, and started down theriver by night. I occasionally took a turn at the oars to relievesome tired man, and about midnight we reached Shell Mound, whereGeneral Whittaker, of Kentucky, furnished us a new and good crew, with which we reached Bridgeport by daylight. I started Ewingsdivision in advance, with orders to turn aside toward Trenton, tomake the enemy believe we were going to turn Braggs left by prettymuch the same road Rosecrans had followed; but with the other threedivisions I followed the main road, via the Big Trestle atWhitesides, and reached General Hooker's headquarters, just aboveWauhatchee, on the 20th; my troops strung all the way back toBridgeport. It was on this occasion that the Fifteenth Corpsgained its peculiar badge: as the men were trudging along thedeeply-cut, muddy road, of a cold, drizzly day, one of our Westernsoldiers left his ranks and joined a party of the Twelfth Corps attheir camp-fire. They got into conversation, the Twelfth-Corps menasking what troops we were, etc. , etc. In turn, our fellow (whohad never seen a corps-badge, and noticed that every thing wasmarked with a star) asked if they were all brigadier-generals. Ofcourse they were not, but the star was their corps-badge, and everywagon, tent, hat, etc. , had its star. Then the Twelfth-Corps meninquired what corps he belonged to, and he answered, "The FifteenthCorps. " "What is your badge?" "Why, " said he (and he was anIrishman), suiting the action to the word, "forty rounds in thecartridge-box, and twenty in the pocket. " At that time Blaircommanded the corps; but Logan succeeded soon after, and, hearingthe story, adopted the cartridge-box and forty rounds as thecorps-badge. 

The condition of the roads was such, and the bridge at Brown's sofrail, that it was not until the 23d that we got three of mydivisions behind the hills near the point indicated aboveChattanooga for crossing the river. It was determined to begin thebattle with these three divisions, aided by a division of Thomas'sarmy, commanded by General Jeff. C. Davis, that was already nearthat point. All the details of the battle of Chattanooga, so faras I was a witness, are so fully given in my official reportherewith, that I need add nothing to it. It was a magnificentbattle in its conception, in its execution, and in its gloriousresults; hastened somewhat by the supposed danger of Burnside, atKnoxville, yet so completely successful, that nothing is left forcavil or fault-finding. The first day was lowering and overcast, favoring us greatly, because we wanted to be concealed from Bragg, whose position on the mountain-tops completely overlooked us andour movements. The second day was beautifully clear, and many atime, in the midst of its carnage and noise, I could not helpstopping to look across that vast field of battle, to admire itssublimity. 

The object of General Hooker's and my attacks on the extreme flanksof Bragg's position was, to disturb him to such an extent, thathe would naturally detach from his centre as against us, so thatThomas's army could break through his centre. The whole plansucceeded admirably; but it was not until after dark that I learnedthe complete success at the centre, and received General Grant'sorders to pursue on the north side of Chickamauga Creek:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, CHATTANOOGA, TENNESSEE, Nov. 25, 1863

Major-General SHERMAN. 

GENERAL: No doubt you witnessed the handsome manner in whichThomas's troops carried Missionary Ridge this afternoon, and canfeel a just pride, too, in the part taken by the forces under yourcommand in taking first so much of the same range of hills, andthen in attracting the attention of so many of the enemy as to makeThomas's part certain of success. The neat thing now will be torelieve Burnside. I have heard from him to the evening of the 23d. At that time he had from ten to twelve days' supplies, and spokehopefully of being able to hold out that length of time. 

My plan is to move your forces out gradually until they reach therailroad between Cleveland and Dalton. Granger will move up thesouth side of the Tennessee with a column of twenty thousand men, taking no wagons, or but few, with him. His men will carry fourdays' rations, and the steamer Chattanooga, loaded with rations, will accompany the expedition. 

I take it for granted that Bragg's entire force has left. If not, of course, the first thing is to dispose of him. If he has gone, the only thing necessary to do to-morrow will be to send out areconnoissance to ascertain the whereabouts of the enemy. Yourstruly, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

P. S. -On reflection, I think we will push Bragg with all ourstrength to-morrow, and try if we cannot out off a good portion ofhis rear troops and trains. His men have manifested a strongdisposition to desert for some time past, and we will now give thema chance. I will instruct Thomas accordingly. Move the advanceforce early, on the most easterly road taken by the enemy. U. S. G. 

This compelled me to reverse our column, so as to use the bridgeacross the Chickamauga at its mouth. The next day we struck therebel rear at Chickamauga Station, and again near Graysville. There we came in contact with Hooker's and Palmer's troops, who hadreached Ringgold. There I detached Howard to cross Taylor's Ridge, and strike the railroad which comes from the north by Cleveland toDalton. Hooker's troops were roughly handled at Ringgold, and thepursuit was checked. Receiving a note from General Hooker, askinghelp, I rode forward to Ringgold to explain the movement of Howard;where I met General Grant, and learned that the rebels had againretreated toward Dalton. He gave orders to discontinue thepursuit, as he meant to turn his attention to General Burnside, supposed to be in great danger at Knoxville, about one hundred andthirty miles northeast. General Grant returned and spent part ofthe night with me, at Graysville. We talked over mattersgenerally, and he explained that he had ordered General GordonGranger, with the Fourth Corps, to move forward rapidly toBurnsides help, and that he must return to Chattanooga to push him. By reason of the scarcity of food, especially of forage, heconsented that, instead of going back, I might keep out in thecountry; for in motion I could pick up some forage and food, especially on the Hiawassee River, whereas none remained inChattanooga. 

Accordingly, on the 29th of November, my several columns marched toCleveland, and the next day we reached the Hiawassee at Charleston, where the Chattanooga & Knoxville Railroad crosses it. Therailroad-bridge was partially damaged by the enemy in retreating, but we found some abandoned stores. There and thereabouts Iexpected some rest for my weary troops and horses; but, as I rodeinto town, I met Colonel J. H. Wilson and C. A. Dana (AssistantSecretary of War), who had ridden out from Chattanooga to find me, with the following letter from General Grant, and copies of severaldispatches from General Burnside, the last which had been receivedfrom him by way of Cumberland Gap:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, CHATTANOOGA, TENNESSEE, Nov. 29, 1863

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN

News are received from Knoxville to the morning of the 27th. Atthat time the place was still invested, but the attack on it wasnot vigorous. Longstreet evidently determined to starve thegarrison out. Granger is on the way to Burnside's relief, but Ihave lost all faith in his energy or capacity to manage anexpedition of the importance of this one. I am inclined to think, therefore, I shall have to send you. Push as rapidly as you can tothe Hiawassee, and determine for yourself what force to take withyou from that point. Granger has his corps with him, from whichyou will select in conjunction with the force now with you. Inplain words, you will assume command of all the forces now movingup the Tennessee, including the garrison at Kingston, and from thatforce, organize what you deem proper to relieve Burnside. Thebalance send back to Chattanooga. Granger has a boat loaded withprovisions, which you can issue, and return the boat. I will haveanother loaded, to follow you. Use, of course, as sparingly aspossible from the rations taken with you, and subsist off thecountry all you can. 

It is expected that Foster is moving, by this time, from CumberlandGap on Knoxville. I do not know what force he will have with him, but presume it will range from three thousand five hundred to fivethousand I leave this matter to you, knowing that you will dobetter acting upon your discretion than you could trammeled withinstructions. I will only add, that the last advices from Burnsidehimself indicated his ability to hold out with rations only toabout the 3d of December. Very respectfully, U. S. GRANT, Major-General commanding, This showed that, on the 27th of November, General Burnside was inKnoxville, closely besieged by the rebel General Longstreet; thathis provisions were short, and that, unless relieved by December3d, he might have to surrender. General Grant further wrote thatGeneral Granger, instead of moving with great rapidity as ordered, seemed to move "slowly, and with reluctance;" and, although he(General Grant) hated to call on me and on my tired troops, therewas no alternative. He wanted me to take command of every thingwithin reach, and to hurry forward to Knoxville. 

All the details of our march to Knoxville are also given in myofficial report. By extraordinary efforts Long's small brigade ofcavalry reached Knoxville during the night of the 3d, purposely tolet Burnside know that I was rapidly approaching with an adequateforce to raise the siege. 

With the head of my infantry column I reached Marysville, aboutfifteen miles short of Knoxville, on the 5th of December; when Ireceived official notice from Burnside that Longstreet had raisedthe siege, and had started in retreat up the valley towardVirginia. Halting all the army, except Granger's two divisions, onthe morning of the 6th, with General Granger and some of my staff Irode into Knoxville. Approaching from the south and west, wecrossed the Holston on a pontoon bridge, and in a large pen on theKnoxville side I saw a fine lot of cattle, which did not look muchlike starvation. I found General Burnside and staff domiciled in alarge, fine mansion, looking very comfortable, and in, a few wordshe described to me the leading events, of the previous few days, and said he had already given orders looking to the pursuit ofLongstreet. I offered to join in the pursuit, though in fact mymen were worn out, and suffering in that cold season and climate. 

Indeed, on our way up I personally was almost frozen, and had tobeg leave to sleep in the house of a family at Athens. 

Burnside explained to me that, reenforced by Granger's twodivisions of ten thousand men, he would be able to push Longstreetout of East Tennessee, and he hoped to capture much of hisartillery and trains. Granger was present at our conversation, andmost unreasonably, I thought, remonstrated against being left;complaining bitterly of what he thought was hard treatment to hismen and himself. I know that his language and manner at that timeproduced on my mind a bad impression, and it was one of the causeswhich led me to relieve him as a corps commander in the campaign ofthe next spring. I asked General Burnside to reduce his wishes towriting, which he did in the letter of December 7th, embodied in myofficial report. General Burnside and I then walked along hislines and examined the salient, known as Fort Sanders, where, somedays before, Longstreet had made his assault, and had sustained abloody repulse. 

Returning to Burnside's quarters, we all sat down to a good dinner, embracing roast-turkey. There was a regular dining table, withclean tablecloth, dishes, knives, forks, spoons, etc. , etc. I hadseen nothing of this kind in my field experience, and could nothelp exclaiming that I thought "they were starving, " etc. ; butBurnside explained that Longstreet had at no time completelyinvested the place, and that he had kept open communication withthe country on the south side of the river Holston, more especiallywith the French Broad settlements, from whose Union inhabitants hehad received a good supply of beef, bacon, and corn meal. Had Iknown of this, I should not have hurried my men so fast; but untilI reached Knoxville I thought his troops there were actually indanger of starvation. Having supplied General Burnside all thehelp he wanted, we began our leisurely return to Chattanooga, whichwe reached on the 16th; when General Grant in person ordered me torestore to General Thomas the divisions of Howard and Davis, whichbelonged to his army, and to conduct my own corps (the Fifteenth)to North Alabama for winter-quarters. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY OF TENNESSEE, BRIDGEPORT, ALABAMA December 19, 1863

Brigadier-General John A. RAWLINS, Chief of Staff to General GRANT, Chattanooga. 

GENERAL: For the first time, I am now at leisure to make anofficial record of events with which the troops under my commandhave been connected daring the eventful campaign which has justclosed. Dating the month of September last, the Fifteenth ArmyCorps, which I had the honor to command, lay in camps along the BigBlack, about twenty miles east of Vicksburg, Mississippi. Itconsisted of four divisions:

The First, commanded by Brigadier-General P. J. Osterhaus, wascomposed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-General C. R. Woods andColonel J. A. Williamson (of the Fourth Iowa). 

The Second, commanded by Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith, wascomposed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals Giles A. Smithand J. A. J. Lightburn. 

The Third, commanded by Brigadier-General J. M. Tuttle, wascomposed of three brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals J. A. Mowerand R. P. Buckland, and Colonel J. J. Wood (of the Twelfth Iowa). 

The Fourth, commanded by Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing, was composedof three brigades, led by Brigadier-General J. M. Corse, ColonelLoomis (Twenty-sixth Illinois), and Colonel J. R. Cockerill (of theSeventieth Ohio). 

On the 22d day of September I received a telegraphic dispatch fromGeneral Grant, then at Vicksburg, commanding the Department of theTennessee, requiring me to detach one of my divisions to march toVicksburg, there to embark for Memphis, where it was to form a partof an army to be sent to Chattanooga, to reenforce GeneralRosecrans. I designated the First Division, and at 4 a. M. Thesame day it marched for Vicksburg, and embarked the neat day. 

On the 23d of September I was summoned to Vicksburg by the generalcommanding, who showed me several dispatches from the general-in-chief, which led him to suppose he would have to send me and mywhole corps to Memphis and eastward, and I was instructed toprepare for such orders. It was explained to me that, inconsequence of the low stage of water in the Mississippi, boats hadarrived irregularly, and had brought dispatches that seemed toconflict in their meaning, and that General John E. Smith'sdivision (of General McPherson's corps) had been ordered up toMemphis, and that I should take that division and leave one of myown in its stead, to hold the line of the Big Black. I detailedmy third division (General Tuttle) to remain and report toMajor-General McPherson, commanding the Seventeenth Corps, atVicksburg; and that of General John E. Smith, already started forMemphis, was styled the Third Division, Fifteenth Corps, though itstill belongs to the Seventeenth Army Corps. This division is alsocomposed of three brigades, commanded by General Matthias, ColonelJ. B. Raum (of the Fifty-sixth Illinois), and Colonel J. I. Alexander (of the Fifty-ninth Indiana). 

The Second and Fourth Divisions were started for Vicksburg themoment I was notified that boats were in readiness, and on the27th of September I embarked in person in the steamer Atlantic, for Memphis, followed by a fleet of boats conveying thesetwo divisions. Our progress was slow, on account of theunprecedentedly low water in the Mississippi, and the scarcity ofcoal and wood. We were compelled at places to gather fence-rails, and to land wagons and haul wood from the interior to the boats;but I reached Memphis during the night of the 2d of October, andthe other boats came in on the 3d and 4th. 

On arrival at Memphis I saw General Hurlbut, and read all thedispatches and letters of instruction of General Halleck, andtherein derived my instructions, which I construed to be asfollows:

To conduct the Fifteenth Army Corps, and all other troops whichcould be spared from the line of the Memphis & Charleston Railroad, to Athens, Alabama, and thence report by letter for orders toGeneral Rosecrans, commanding the Army of the Cumberland, atChattanooga; to follow substantially the railroad eastward, repairing it as I moved; to look to my own line for supplies; andin no event to depend on General Rosecrans for supplies, as theroads to his rear were already overtaxed to supply his presentarmy. 

I learned from General Hurlbut that General Osterhaus's divisionwas already out in front of Corinth, and that General John E. Smithwas still at Memphis, moving his troops and material by railroad asfast as its limited stock would carry them. General J. D. Websterwas superintendent of the railroad, and was enjoined to work nightand day, and to expedite the movement as rapidly as possible; butthe capacity of the road was so small, that I soon saw that I couldmove horses, mules, and wagons faster by land, and therefore Idispatched the artillery and wagons by the road under escort, andfinally moved the entire Fourth Division by land. 

The enemy seems to have had early notice of this movement, and heendeavored to thwart us from the start. A considerable forceassembled in a threatening attitude at Salem, south of SalisburyStation; and General Carr, who commanded at Corinth, felt compelledto turn back and use a part of my troops, that had already reachedCorinth, to resist the threatened attack. 

On Sunday, October 11th, having put in motion my whole force, Istarted myself for Corinth, in a special train, with the battalionof the Thirteenth United States Regulars as escort. We reachedCollierville Station about noon, just in time to take part in thedefense made of that station by Colonel D. C. Anthony, of theSixty-sixth Indiana, against an attack made by General Chalmerswith a force of about three thousand cavalry, with eight pieces ofartillery. He was beaten off, the damage to the road repaired, andwe resumed our journey the next day, reaching Corinth at night. 

I immediately ordered General Blair forward to Iuka, with the FirstDivision, and, as fast as I got troops up, pushed them forward ofBear Creek, the bridge of which was completely destroyed, and anengineer regiment, under command of Colonel Flag, was engaged inits repairs. 

Quite a considerable force of the enemy was assembled in our front, near Tuscumbia, to resist our advance. It was commanded by GeneralStephen D. Lee, and composed of Roddy's and Ferguson's brigades, with irregular cavalry, amounting in the aggregate to about fivethousand. 

In person I moved from Corinth to Burnsville on the 18th, and toIuka on the 19th of October. 

Osterhaus's division was in the advance, constantly skirmishingwith the enemy; he was supported by General Morgan L. Smith's, bothdivisions under the general command of Major-General Blair. General John E. Smith's division covered the working-party engagedin rebuilding the railroad. 

Foreseeing difficulty in crossing the Tennessee River, I hadwritten to Admiral Porter, at Cairo, asking him to watch theTennessee and send up some gunboats the moment the stage of wateradmitted; and had also requested General Allen, quartermaster atSt. Louis, to dispatch to Eastport a steam ferry-boat. 

The admiral, ever prompt and ready to assist us, had two finegunboats at Eastport, under Captain Phelps, the very day after myarrival at Iuka; and Captain Phelps had a coal-barge decked over, with which to cross our horses and wagons before the arrival of theferry-boat. 

Still following literally the instructions of General Halleck, Ipushed forward the repairs of the railroad, and ordered GeneralBlair, with the two leading divisions, to drive the enemy beyondTuscumbia. This he did successfully, after a pretty severe fightat Cane Creek, occupying Tuscumbia on the 27th of October. 

In the meantime many important changes in command had occurred, which I must note here, to a proper understanding of the case. 

General Grant had been called from Vicksburg, and sent toChattanooga to command the military division of the Mississippi, composed of the three Departments of the Ohio, Cumberland, andTennessee; and the Department of the Tennessee had been devolved onme, with instructions, however, to retain command of the army inthe field. At Iuka I made what appeared to me the best dispositionof matters relating to the department, giving General McPhersonfull powers in Mississippi and General Hurlbut in West Tennessee, and assigned General Blair to the command of the Fifteenth ArmyCorps; and summoned General Hurlbut from Memphis, and General Dodgefrom Corinth, and selected out of the Sixteenth Corps a force ofabout eight thousand men, which I directed General Dodge toorganize with all expedition, and with it to follow me eastward. 

On the 27th of October, when General Blair, with two divisions, wasat Tuscumbia, I ordered General Ewing, with the Fourth Division, tocross the Tennessee (by means of the gunboats and scow) as rapidlyas possible at Eastport, and push forward to Florence, which hedid; and the same day a messenger from General Grant floated downthe Tennessee over Muscle Shoals, landed at Tuscumbia, and was sentto me at Iuka. He bore a short message from the general to thiseffect: "Drop all work on the railroad east of Bear Creek; pushyour command toward Bridgeport till you meet orders;" etc. Instantly the order was executed; the order of march was reversed, and all the columns were directed to Eastport, the only place wherewe could cross the Tennessee. At first we only had the gunboatsand coal-barge; but the ferry-boat and two transports arrived onthe 31st of October, and the work of crossing was pushed with allthe vigor possible. In person I crossed, and passed to the head ofthe column at Florence on the 1st of November, leaving the reardivisions to be conducted by General Blair, and marched toRogersville and Elk River. This was found impassable. To ferrywould have consumed to much time, and to build a bridge still more;so there was no alternative but to turn up Elk River by way ofGilbertsboro, Elkton, etc. , to the stone bridge at Fayetteville, where we crossed the Elk, and proceeded to Winchester and Deckerd. 

At Fayetteville I received orders from General Grant to come toBridgeport with the Fifteenth Army Corps, and to leave GeneralDodge's command at Pulaski, and along the railroad from Columbia toDecatur. I instructed General Blair to follow with the Second andFirst Divisions by way of New Market, Larkinsville, and Bellefonte, while I conducted the other two divisions by way of Deckerd; theFourth Division crossing the mountain to Stevenson, and the Thirdby University Place and Sweden's Cove. 

In person I proceeded by Sweden's Cove and Battle Creek, reachingBridgeport on the night of November 13th. I immediatelytelegraphed to the commanding general my arrival, and the positionsof my several divisions, and was summoned to Chattanooga. I tookthe first steamboat daring the night of the 14th for Belly's Ferry, and rode into Chattanooga on the 16th. I then learned the partassigned me in the coming drama, was supplied with the necessarymaps and information, and rode, during the 18th, in company withGenerals Grant, Thomas, W. F. Smith, Brannan, and others, to thepositions occupied on the west bank of the Tennessee, from whichcould be seen the camps of the enemy, compassing Chattanooga andthe line of Missionary Hills, with its terminus on ChickamaugaCreek, the point that I was expected to take, hold, and fortify. Pontoons, with a full supply of balks and chesses, had beenprepared for the bridge over the Tennessee, and all things had beenprearranged with a foresight that elicited my admiration. From thehills we looked down on the amphitheatre of Chattanooga as on amap, and nothing remained but for me to put my troops in thedesired position. The plan contemplated that, in addition tocrossing the Tennessee River and making a lodgment on the terminusof Missionary Ridge, I should demonstrate against Lookout Mountain, near Trenton, with a part of my command. 

All in Chattanooga were impatient for action, rendered almost acuteby the natural apprehensions felt for the safety of GeneralBurnside in East Tennessee. 

My command had marched from Memphis, three hundred and thirtymiles, and I had pushed them as fast as the roads and distancewould admit, but I saw enough of the condition of men and animalsin Chattanooga to inspire me with renewed energy. I immediatelyordered my leading division (General Ewing's) to march viaShellmound to Trenton, demonstrating against Lookout Ridge, but tobe prepared to turn quickly and follow me to Chattanooga and inperson I returned to Bridgeport, rowing a boat down the Tennesseefrom Belly's Ferry, and immediately on arrival put in motion mydivisions in the order in which they had arrived. The bridge ofboats at Bridgeport was frail, and, though used day and night, ourpassage was slow; and the road thence to Chattanooga was dreadfullycut up and encumbered with the wagons of the other troops stationedalong the road. I reached General Hooker's headquarters during arain, in the afternoon of the 20th, and met General Grant's ordersfor the general attack on the next day. It was simply impossiblefor me to fulfill my part in time; only one division (General JohnE. Smith's) was in position. General Ewing was still at Trenton, and the other two were toiling along the terrible road fromShellmound to Chattanooga. No troops ever were or could be inbetter condition than mine, or who labored harder to fulfill theirpart. On a proper representation, General Grant postponed theattack. On the 21st I got the Second Division over Brown's-FerryBridge, and General Ewing got up; but the bridge broke repeatedly, and delays occurred which no human sagacity could prevent. Alllabored night and day, and General Ewing got over on the 23d; butmy rear division was cut off by the broken bridge at Brown's Ferry, and could not join me. I offered to go into action with my threedivisions, supported by General Jeff. C. Davis, leaving one of mybest divisions (Osterhaus's) to act with General Hooker againstLookout Mountain. That division has not joined me yet, but I knowand feel that it has served the country well, and that it hasreflected honor on the Fifteenth Army Corps and the Army of theTennessee. I leave the record of its history to General Hooker, orwhomsoever has had its services during the late memorable events, confident that all will do it merited honor. 

At last, on the 28d of November, my three divisions lay behind thehills opposite the mouth of the Chickamauga. I dispatched thebrigade of the Second Division, commanded by General Giles A. Smith, under cover of the hills, to North Chickamauga Creek, to manthe boats designed for the pontoon-bridge, with orders (atmidnight) to drop down silently to a point above the mouth of theSouth Chickamauga, there land two regiments, who were to move alongthe river-bank quietly, and capture the enemy's river-pickets. 

General Giles A. Smith then was to drop rapidly below the month ofthe Chickamauga, disembark the rest of his brigade, and dispatchthe boats across for fresh loads. These orders were skillfullyexecuted, and every rebel picket but one was captured. The balanceof General Morgan L. Smith's division was then rapidly ferriedacross; that of General John E. Smith followed, and by daylight ofNovember 24th two divisions of about eight thousand men were on theeast bank of the Tennessee, and had thrown up a very respectablerifle-trench as a tete du pont. As soon as the day dawned, some ofthe boats were taken from the use of ferrying, and a pontoon-bridgewas begun, under the immediate direction of Captain Dresser, thewhole planned and supervised by General William F. Smith in person. A pontoon-bridge was also built at the same time over ChickamangaCreek, near its mouth, giving communication with the two regimentswhich had been left on the north side, and fulfilling a mostimportant purpose at a later stage of the drama. I will here bearmy willing testimony to the completeness of this whole business. All the officers charged with the work were present, and manifesteda skill which I cannot praise too highly. I have never beheld anywork done so quietly, so well; and I doubt if the history of warcan show a bridge of that extent (viz. , thirteen hundred and fiftyfeet) laid so noiselessly and well, in so short a time. Iattribute it to the genius and intelligence of General William F. Smith. The steamer Dunbar arrived up in the course of the morning, and relieved Ewing's division of the labor of rowing across; but bynoon the pontoon-bridge was done, and my three divisions wereacross, with men, horses, artillery, and every thing. 

General Jeff. C. Davis's division was ready to take the bridge, andI ordered the columns to form in order to carry the MissionaryHills. The movement had been carefully explained to all divisioncommanders, and at 1 p. M. We marched from the river in threecolumns in echelon: the left, General Morgan L. Smith, the columnof direction, following substantially Chickamauga Creek; thecentre, General, John E. Smith, in columns, doubled on the centre, at one brigade interval to the right and rear; the right, GeneralEwing, in column at the same distance to the right rear, preparedto deploy to the right, on the supposition that we would meet anenemy in that direction. Each head of column was covered by a goodline of skirmishers, with supports. A light drizzling rainprevailed, and the clouds hung low, cloaking our movement from theenemy's tower of observation on Lookout Mountain. We soon gainedthe foothills; our skirmishers crept up the face of the hills, followed by their supports, and at 3. 30 p. M. We had gained, with noloss, the desired point. A brigade of each division was pushedrapidly to the top of the hill, and the enemy for the first timeseemed to realize the movement, but too late, for we were inpossession. He opened with artillery, but General Ewing soon gotsome of Captain Richardson's guns up that steep hill and gave backartillery, and the enemy's skirmishers made one or two ineffectualdashes at General Lightburn, who had swept round and got a fartherhill, which was the real continuation of the ridge. From studyingall the maps, I had inferred that Missionary Ridge was a continuoushill; but we found ourselves on two high points, with a deepdepression between us and the one immediately over the tunnel, which was my chief objective point. The ground we had gained, however, was so important, that I could leave nothing to chance, and ordered it to be fortified during the night. One brigade ofeach division was left on the hill, one of General Morgan L. Smith's closed the gap to Chickamauga Creek, two of General John E. Smith's were drawn back to the base in reserve, and General Ewing'sright was extended down into the plain, thus crossing the ridge ina general line, facing southeast. 

The enemy felt our left flank about 4 p. M. , and a pretty smartengagement with artillery and muskets ensued, when he drew off; butit cost us dear, for General Giles A. Smith was severely wounded, and had to go to the rear; and the command of the brigade devolvedon Colonel Topper (One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois), who managedit with skill during the rest of the operations. At the moment ofmy crossing the bridge, General Howard appeared, having come withthree regiments from Chattanooga, along the east bank of theTennessee, connecting my new position with that of the main army inChattanooga. He left the three regiments attached temporarily toGen. Ewing's right, and returned to his own corps at Chattanooga. As night closed in, I ordered General Jeff. C. Davis to keep one ofhis brigades at the bridge, one close up to my position, and oneintermediate. Thus we passed the night, heavy details being keptbusy at work on the intrenchments on the hill. During the nightthe sky cleared away bright, a cold frost filled the air, and ourcamp-fires revealed to the enemy and to our friends in Chattanoogaour position on Missionary Ridge. About midnight I received, atthe hands of Major Rowley (of General Grant's staff), orders toattack the enemy at "dawn of day, " with notice that General Thomaswould attack in force early in the day. Accordingly, before day Iwas in the saddle, attended by all my staff; rode to the extremeleft of our position near Chickamauga Creek; thence up the hill, held by General Lightburn; and round to the extreme right ofGeneral Ewing. 

Catching as accurate an idea of the ground as possible by the dimlight of morning, I saw that our line of attack was in thedirection of Missionary Ridge, with wings supporting on eitherflank. Quite a valley lay between us and the next hill of theseries, and this hill presented steep sides, the one to the westpartially cleared, but the other covered with the native forest. The crest of the ridge was narrow and wooded. The farther point ofthis hill was held-by the enemy with a breastwork of logs and freshearth, filled with men and two guns. The enemy was also seen ingreat force on a still higher hill beyond the tunnel, from which hehad a fine plunging fire on the hill in dispute. The gorgebetween, through which several roads and the railroad-tunnel pass, could not be seen from our position, but formed the natural placed'armes, where the enemy covered his masses to resist ourcontemplated movement of turning his right flank and endangeringhis communications with his depot at Chickamauga Station. 

As soon as possible, the following dispositions were made: Thebrigades of Colonels Cockrell and Alexander, and General Lightburn, were to hold our hill as the key-point. General Corse, with asmuch of his brigade as could operate along the narrow ridge, was toattack from our right centre. General Lightburn was to dispatch agood regiment from his position to cooperate with General Corse;and General Morgan L. Smith was to move along the east base ofMissionary Ridge, connecting with General Corse; and ColonelLoomis, in like manner, to move along the west bank, supported bythe two reserve brigades of General John E. Smith. 

The sun had hardly risen before General Corse had completed hispreparations and his bugle sounded the "forward!" The FortiethIllinois, supported by the Forty-sixth Ohio, on our right centre, with the Thirtieth Ohio (Colonel Jones), moved down the face of ourhill, and up that held by the enemy. The line advanced to withinabout eighty yards of the intrenched position, where General Corsefound a secondary crest, which he gained and held. To this pointhe called his reserves, and asked for reenforcements, which weresent; but the space was narrow, and it was not well to crowd themen, as the enemy's artillery and musketry fire swept the approachto his position, giving him great advantage. As soon as GeneralCorse had made his preparations, he assaulted, and a close, severecontest ensued, which lasted more than an hour, gaining and losingground, but never the position first obtained, from which the enemyin vain attempted to drive him. General Morgan L. Smith keptgaining ground on the left spurs of Missionary Ridge, and ColonelLoomis got abreast of the tunnel and railroad embankment on hisaide, drawing the enemy's fire, and to that extent relieving theassaulting party on the hill-crest. Captain Callender had four ofhis guns on General Ewing's hill, and Captain Woods his Napoleonbattery on General Lightburn's; also, two guns of Dillon's batterywere with Colonel Alexander's brigade. All directed their fire ascarefully as possible, to clear the hill to our front, withoutendangering our own men. The fight raged furiously about 10 a. M. , when General Corse received a severe wound, was brought off thefield, and the command of the brigade and of the assault at thatkey-point devolved on that fine young, gallant officer, ColonelWalcutt, of the Forty-sixth Ohio, who fulfilled his part manfully. He continued the contest, pressing forward at all points. ColonelLoomis had made good progress to the right, and about 2 p. M. , General John E. Smith, judging the battle to be most severe on thehill, and being required to support General Ewing, ordered upColonel Raum's and General Matthias's brigades across the field tothe summit that was being fought for. They moved up under a heavyfire of cannon and musketry, and joined Colonel Walcutt; but thecrest was so narrow that they necessarily occupied the west face ofthe hill. The enemy, at the time being massed in great strength inthe tunnel-gorge, moved a large force under cover of the ground andthe thick bushes, and suddenly appeared on the right rear of thiscommand. The suddenness of the attack disconcerted the men, exposed as they were in the open field; they fell back in somedisorder to the lower edge of the field, and reformed. These twobrigades were in the nature of supports, and did not constitute apart of the real attack. 

The movement, seen from Chattanooga (five miles off ) withspy-glasses, gave rise to the report, which even General Meiga hasrepeated, that we were repulsed on the left. It was not so. Thereal attacking columns of General Corse, Colonel Loomis, andGeneral Smith, were not repulsed. They engaged in a close struggleall day persistently, stubbornly, and well. When the two reservebrigades of General John E. Smith fell back as described, the enemymade a show of pursuit, but were in their turn caught in flank bythe well-directed fire of our brigade on the wooded crest, andhastily sought cover behind the hill. Thus matters stood about 3p. M. The day was bright and clear, and the amphitheatre ofChattanooga sat in beauty at our feet. I had watched for theattack of General Thomas "early in the day. " Column after columnof the enemy was streaming toward me; gun after gun poured itsconcentric shot on us, from every hill and spur that gave a view ofany part of the ground held by us. An occasional shot from FortWood and Orchard Knob, and some musketry-fire and artillery overabout Lookout Mountain, was all that I could detect on our side;but about 3 p. M. I noticed the white line of musketry-fire infront of Orchard Knoll extending farther and farther right and leftand on. We could only hear a faint echo of sound, but enough wasseen to satisfy me that General Thomas was at last moving on thecentre. I knew that our attack had drawn vast masses of the enemyto our flank, and felt sure of the result. Some guns which hadbeen firing on us all day were silent, or were turned in adifferent direction. 

The advancing line of musketry-fire from Orchard Knoll disappearedto us behind a spar of the hill, and could no longer be seen; andit was not until night closed in that I knew that the troops inChattanooga had swept across Missionary Ridge and broken theenemy's centre. Of course, the victory was won, and pursuit wasthe next step. 

I ordered General Morgan L. Smith to feel to the tunnel, and it wasfound vacant, save by the dead and wounded of our own and the enemycommingled. The reserve of General Jeff. C. Davis was ordered tomarch at once by the pontoon-bridge across Chickamauga Creek, atits mouth, and push forward for the depot. 

General Howard had reported to me in the early part of the day, with the remainder of his army corps (the Eleventh), and had beenposted to connect my left with Chickamauga Creek. He was orderedto repair an old broken bridge about two miles up the Chickamauga, and to follow General Davis at 4 a. M. , and the Fifteenth Army Corpswas ordered to follow at daylight. But General Howard found thatto repair the bridge was more of a task than was at first supposed, and we were all compelled to cross the Chickamauga on the newpontoon-bridge at its mouth. By about 11 a. M. General Jeff. C. Davis's division reached the depot, just in time to see it inflames. He found the enemy occupying two hills, partiallyintrenched, just beyond the depot. These he soon drove away. The depot presented a scene of desolation that war alone exhibits--corn-meal and corn in huge burning piles, broken wagons, abandonedcaissons, two thirty-two-pounder rifled-guns with carriages burned, pieces of pontoons, balks and chesses, etc. , destined doubtless forthe famous invasion of Kentucky, and all manner of things, burningand broken. Still, the enemy kindly left us a good supply of foragefor our horses, and meal, beans, etc. , for our men. 

Pausing but a short while, we passed on, the road filled withbroken wagons and abandoned caissons, till night. Just as the headof the column emerged from a dark, miry swamp, we encountered therear-guard of the retreating enemy. The fight was sharp, but thenight closed in so dark that we could not move. General Grant cameup to us there. At daylight we resumed the march, and atGraysville, where a good bridge spanned the Chickamauga, we foundthe corps of General Palmer on the south bank, who informed us thatGeneral Hooker was on a road still farther south, and we could hearhis guns near Ringgold. 

As the roads were filled with all the troops they could possiblyaccommodate, I turned to the east, to fulfill another part of thegeneral plan, viz. , to break up all communication between Bragg andLongstreet. 

We had all sorts of rumors as to the latter, but it was manifestthat we should interpose a proper force between these two armies. I therefore directed General Howard to move to Parker's Gap, andthence send rapidly a competent force to Red Clay, or theCouncil-Ground, there to destroy a large section of the railroadwhich connects Dalton and Cleveland. This work was mostsuccessfully and fully accomplished that day. The division ofGeneral Jeff. C. Davis was moved close up to Ringgold, to assistGeneral Hooker if needed, and the Fifteenth Corps was held atGrayeville, for any thing that might turn up. About noon I had amessage from General Hooker, saying he had had a pretty hard fightat the mountain-pass just beyond Ringgold, and he wanted me to comeforward to turn the position. He was not aware at the time thatHoward, by moving through Parker's Gap toward Red Clay, had alreadyturned it. So I rode forward to Ringgold in person, and found theenemy had already fallen back to Tunnel Hill. He was already outof the valley of the Chickamauga, and on ground whence the watersflow to the Coosa. He was out of Tennessee. 

I found General Grant at Ringgold, and, after some explanations asto breaking up the railroad from Ringgold back to the State line, as soon as some cars loaded with wounded men could be pushed backto Chickamauga depot, I was ordered to move slowly and leisurelyback to Chattanooga. 

On the following day the Fifteenth Corps destroyed absolutely andeffectually the railroad from a point half-way between Ringgold andGraysville, back to the State line; and General Grant, coming toGraysville, consented that, instead of returning direct toChattanooga, I might send back all my artillery-wagons andimpediments, and make a circuit by the north as far as theHiawasaee River. 

Accordingly, on the morning of November 29th, General Howard movedfrom Parker's Gap to Cleveland, General Davis by way of McDaniel'sGap, and General Blair with two divisions of the Fifteenth Corps byway of Julien's Gap, all meeting at Cleveland that night. Hereanother good break was made in the Dalton & Cleveland road. On the30th the army moved to Charleston, General Howard approaching sorapidly that the enemy evacuated with haste, leaving the bridge butpartially damaged, and five car-loads of flour and provisions onthe north bank of the Hiawassee. 

This was to have been the limit of our operations. Officers andmen had brought no baggage or provisions, and the weather wasbitter cold. I had already reached the town of Charleston, whenGeneral Wilson arrived with a letter from General Grant, atChattanooga, informing me that the latest authentic accounts fromKnoxville were to the 27th, at which time General Burnside wascompletely invested, and had provisions only to include the 3d ofDecember; that General Granger had left Chattanooga for Knoxville, by the river-road, with a steamboat following him in the river; buthe feared that General Granger could not reach Knoxville in time, and ordered me to take command of all troops moving for the reliefof Knoxville, and hasten to General Burnside. Seven days before, we had left our camps on the other side of the Tennessee with twodays' rations, without a change of clothing--stripped for thefight, with but a single blanket or coat per man, from myself tothe private included. 

Of course, we then had no provisions save what we gathered by theroad, and were ill supplied for such a march. But we learned thattwelve thousand of our fellow-soldiers were beleaguered in themountain town of Knoxville, eighty-four miles distant; that theyneeded relief, and must have it in three days. This was enough--and it had to be done. General Howard that night repaired andplanked the railroad-bridge, and at daylight the army passed overthe Hiawassee and marched to Athens, fifteen miles. I had supposedrightly that General Granger was about the mouth of the Hiawassee, and had sent him notice of my orders; that General Grant had sentme a copy of his written instructions, which were full andcomplete, and that he must push for Kingston, near which we wouldmake a junction. But by the time I reached Athens I had betterstudied the geography, and sent him orders, which found him atDecatur, that Kingston was out of our way; that he should send hisboat to Kingston, but with his command strike across toPhiladelphia, and report to me there. I had but a small force ofcavalry, which was, at the time of my receipt of General Grant'sorders, scouting over about Benton and Columbus. I left my aide, Major McCoy, at Charleston, to communicate with this cavalry andhurry it forward. It overtook me in the night at Athens. 

On the 2d of December the army moved rapidly north toward Loudon, twenty-six miles distant. About 11 a. M. , the cavalry passed to thehead of the column, was ordered to push to London, and, ifpossible, to save a pontoon-bridge across the Tennessee, held by abrigade of the enemy commanded by General Vaughn. The cavalrymoved with such rapidity as to capture every picket; but thebrigade of Vaughn had artillery in position, covered by earthworks, and displayed a force too respectable to be carried by a cavalrydash, so that darkness closed in before General Howard's infantrygot up. The enemy abandoned the place in the night, destroying thepontoons, running three locomotives and forty-eight cars into theTennessee River, and abandoned much provision, four guns, and othermaterial, which General Howard took at daylight. But the bridgewas gone, and we were forced to turn east and trust to GeneralBurnside's bridge at Knoxville. It was all-important that GeneralBurnside should have notice of our coming, and but one day of thetime remained. 

Accordingly, at Philadelphia, during the night of the 2d ofDecember, I sent my aide (Major Audenried) forward to Colonel Long, commanding the brigade of cavalry at London, to explain to him howall-important it was that notice of our approach should reachGeneral Burnside within twenty-four hours, ordering him to selectthe best materials of his command, to start at once, ford theLittle Tennessee, and push into Knoxville at whatever cost of lifeand horse-flesh. Major Audenried was ordered to go along. Thedistance to be traveled was about forty miles, and the roadsvillainous. Before day they were off, and at daylight theFifteenth Corps was turned from Philadelphia for the LittleTennessee at Morgantown, where my maps represented the river asbeing very shallow; but it was found too deep for fording, and thewater was freezing cold--width two hundred and forty yards, depthfrom two to five feet; horses could ford, but artillery and mencould not. A bridge was indispensable. General Wilson (whoaccompanied me) undertook to superintend the bridge, and I am undermany obligations to him, as I was without an engineer, having sentCaptain Jenny back from Graysville to survey our field of battle. We had our pioneers, but only such tools as axes, picks, andspades. General Wilson, working partly with cut wood and partlywith square trestles (made of the houses of the late town ofMorgantown), progressed apace, and by dark of December 4th troopsand animals passed over the bridge, and by daybreak of the 5th theFifteenth Corps (General Blair's) was over, and Generals-Granger'sand Davis's divisions were ready to pass; but the diagonal bracingwas imperfect for, want of spikes, and the bridge broke, causingdelay. I had ordered General Blair to move out on the Marysvilleroad five miles, there to await notice that General Granger was ona parallel road abreast of him, and in person I was at a housewhere the roads parted, when a messenger rode up, bringing me a fewwords from General Burnside, to the effect that Colonel Long hadarrived at Knoxville with his cavalry, and that all was well withhim there; Longstreet still lay before the place, but there weresymptoms of his speedy departure. 

I felt that I had accomplished the first great step in the problemfor the relief of General Burnside's army, but still urged on thework. As soon as the bridge was mended, all the troops movedforward. General Howard had marched from Loudon, had found apretty good ford for his horses and wagons at Davis's, seven milesbelow Morgantown, and had made an ingenious bridge of the wagonsleft by General Vaughn at London, on which to pass his men. Hemarched by Unitia and Louisville. On the night of the 5th all theheads of columns communicated at Marysville, where I met Major VanBuren (of General Burnside's staff), who announced that Longstreethad the night before retreated on the Rutledge, Rogersville, andBristol road, leading to Virginia; that General Burnside's cavalrywas on his heels; and that the general desired to see me in personas soon as I could come to Knoxville. I ordered all the troops tohalt and rest, except the two divisions of General Granger, whichwere ordered to move forward to Little River, and General Grangerto report in person to General Burnside for orders. His was theforce originally designed to reenforce General Burnside, and it waseminently proper that it should join in the stern-chase afterLongstreet. 

On the morning of December 6th I rode from Marysville intoKnoxville, and met General Burnside. General Granger arrived laterin the day. We examined his lines of fortifications, which were awonderful production for the short time allowed in their selectionof ground and construction of work. It seemed to me that they werenearly impregnable. We examined the redoubt named "Sanders, "where, on the Sunday previous, three brigades of the enemy hadassaulted and met a bloody repulse. Now, all was peaceful andquiet; but a few hours before, the deadly bullet sought its victimall round about that hilly barrier. 

The general explained to me fully and frankly what he had done, andwhat he proposed to do. He asked of me nothing but GeneralGranger's command; and suggested, in view of the large force I hadbrought from Chattanooga, that I should return with due expeditionto the line of the Hiawasaee, lest Bragg, reenforced, might takeadvantage of our absence to resume the offensive. I asked him toreduce this to writing, which he did, and I here introduce it aspart of my report:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE OHIOKNOXVILLE, December 7, 1863

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding, etc. 

GENERAL: I desire to express to you and your command my most heartythanks and gratitude for your promptness in coming to our reliefduring the siege of Knoxville, and I am satisfied your approachserved to raise the siege. The emergency having passed, I do notdeem, for the present, any other portion of your command but thecorps of General Granger necessary for operations in this section;and, inasmuch as General Grant has weakened the forces immediatelywith him in order to relieve us (thereby rendering the position ofGeneral Thomas less secure), I deem it advisable that all thetroops now here, save those commanded by General Granger, shouldreturn at once to within supporting distance of the forces in frontof Bragg's army. In behalf of my command, I desire again to thankyou and your command for the kindness you have done us. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. E. BURNSIDE, Major-General commanding. 

Accordingly, having seen General Burnside's forces move out ofKnoxville in pursuit of Longstreet, and General Granger's move in, I put in motion my own command to return. General Howard wasordered to move, via Davis's Ford and Sweetwater, to Athena, with aguard forward at Charleston, to hold and repair the bridge whichthe enemy had retaken after our passage up. General Jeff. C. Davis moved to Columbus, on the Hiawaesee, via Madisonville, andthe two divisions of the Fifteenth Corps moved to Tellico Plains, to cover movement of cavalry across the mountains into Georgia, toovertake a wagon-train which had dodged us on our way up, and hadescaped by way of Murphy. Subsequently, on a report from GeneralHoward that the enemy held Charleston, I diverted General Ewing'sdivision to Athena, and went in person to Tellico with GeneralMorgan L. Smith's division. By the 9th all our troops were inposition, and we held the rich country between the Little Tennesseeand the Hiawasaee. The cavalry, under Colonel Long, passed themountain at Tellico, and proceeded about seventeen miles beyondMurphy, when Colonel Long, deeming his farther pursuit of thewagon-train useless, returned on the 12th to Tellico. I thenordered him and the division of General Morgan L. Smith to move toCharleston, to which point I had previously ordered the corps ofGeneral Howard. 

On the 14th of December all of my command in the field lay alongthe Hiawassee. Having communicated to General Grant the actualstate of affairs, I received orders to leave, on the line of theHiawassee, all the cavalry, and come to Chattanooga with the restof my command. I left the brigade of cavalry commanded by ColonelLong, reenforced by the Fifth Ohio Cavalry (Lieutenant-ColonelHeath)--the only cavalry properly belonging to the Fifteenth ArmyCorps--at Charleston, and with the remainder moved by easy marches, by Cleveland and Tyner's Depot, into Chattanooga, where I receivedin person from General Grant orders to transfer back to theirappropriate commands the corps of General Howard and the divisioncommanded by General Jeff. C. Davis, and to conduct the FifteenthArmy Corps to its new field of operations. 

It will thus appear that we have been constantly in motion sinceour departure from the Big Black, in Mississippi, until the presentmoment. I have been unable to receive from subordinate commandersthe usual full, detailed reports of events, and have therefore beencompelled to make up this report from my own personal memory; but, as soon as possible, subordinate reports will be received and dulyforwarded. 

In reviewing the facts, I must do justice to the men of my commandfor the patience, cheerfulness, and courage which officers and menhave displayed throughout, in battle, on the march, and in camp. For long periods, without regular rations or supplies of any kind, they have marched through mud and over rocks, sometimes barefooted, without a murmur. Without a moment's rest after a march of overfour hundred miles, without sleep for three successive nights, wecrossed the Tennessee, fought our part of the battle ofChattanooga, pursued the enemy out of Tennessee, and then turnedmore than a hundred and twenty miles north and compelled Longstreetto raise the siege of Knoxville, which gave so much anxiety to thewhole country. It is hard to realize the importance of theseevents without recalling the memory of the general feeling whichpervaded all minds at Chattanooga prior to our arrival. I cannotspeak of the Fifteenth Army Corps without a seeming vanity; but asI am no longer its commander, I assert that there is no better bodyof soldiers in America than it. I wish all to feel a just pride inits real honors. 

To General Howard and his command, to General Jeff. C. Davis andhis, I am more than usually indebted for the intelligence ofcommanders and fidelity of commands. The brigade of ColonelBushbeck, belonging to the Eleventh Corps, which was the first tocome out of Chattanooga to my flank, fought at the Tunnel Hill, inconnection with General Ewing's division, and displayed a couragealmost amounting to rashness. Following the enemy almost to thetunnel-gorge, it lost many valuable lives, prominent among themLieutenant-Colonel Taft, spoken of as a most gallant soldier. 

In General Howard throughout I found a polished and Christiangentleman, exhibiting the highest and most chivalric traits of thesoldier. General Davis handled his division with artistic skill, more especially at the moment we encountered the enemy'srear-guard, near Graysville, at nightfall. I must award to thisdivision the credit of the best order during our movement throughEast Tennessee, when long marches and the necessity of foraging tothe right and left gave some reason for disordered ranks:

Inasmuch as exception may be taken to my explanation of thetemporary confusion, during the battle of Chattanooga, of the twobrigades of General Matthias and Colonel Raum, I will here statethat I saw the whole; and attach no blame to any one. Accidentswill happen in battle, as elsewhere; and at the point where they somanfully went to relieve the pressure on other parts of ourassaulting line, they exposed themselves unconsciously to an enemyvastly superior in force, and favored by the shape of the ground. Had that enemy come out on equal terms, those brigades would haveshown their mettle, which has been tried more than once before andstood the test of fire. They reformed their ranks, and were readyto support General Ewing's division in a very few minutes; and thecircumstance would have hardly called for notice on my part, hadnot others reported what was seen from Chattanooga, a distance ofnearly five miles, from where could only be seen the troops in theopen field in which this affair occurred. 

I now subjoin the best report of casualties I am able to compilefrom the records thus far received:

Killed; Wounded; and Missing............... 1949

No report from General Davis's division, but loss is small. 

Among the killed were some of our most valuable officers: ColonelsPutnam, Ninety-third Illinois; O'Meara, Ninetieth Illinois; andTorrence, Thirtieth Iowa; Lieutenant-Colonel-Taft, of the EleventhCorps; and Major Bushnell, Thirteenth Illinois. 

Among the wounded are Brigadier-Generals Giles A. Smith, Corse, andMatthias; Colonel Raum; Colonel Waugelin, Twelfth Missouri;Lieutenant-Colonel Partridge, Thirteenth Illinois; Major P. I. Welsh, Fifty-sixth Illinois; and Major Nathan McAlla, Tenth Iowa. 

Among the missing is Lieutenant-Colonel Archer, Seventeenth Iowa. 

My report is already so long, that I must forbear mentioning actsof individual merit. These will be recorded in the reports ofdivision commanders, which I will cheerfully indorse; but I mustsay that it is but justice that colonels of regiments, who have solong and so well commanded brigades, as in the following cases, should be commissioned to the grade which they have filled with somuch usefulness and credit to the public service, viz. : Colonel J. R. Cockerell, Seventieth, Ohio; Colonel J. M. Loomis, Twenty-sixthIllinois; Colonel C. C. Walcutt, Forty-sixth Ohio; Colonel J. A. Williamson, Fourth Iowa; Colonel G. B. Raum, Fifty-sixth Illinois;Colonel J. I. Alexander, Fifty-ninth Indiana. 

My personal staff, as usual, have served their country withfidelity, and credit to themselves, throughout these events, andhave received my personal thanks. 

Inclosed you will please find a map of that part of thebattle-field of Chattanooga fought over by the troops under mycommand, surveyed and drawn by Captain Jenney, engineer on mystaff. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

[General Order No. 68. ]

WAR DEPARTMENT ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICEWASHINGTON, February 21, 1884

Joint resolution tendering the thanks of Congress to Major-GeneralW. T. Sherman and others. 

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks ofCongress and of the people of the United States are due, and thatthe same are hereby tendered, to Major-General W. T. Sherman, commander of the Department and Army of the Tennessee, and theofficers and soldiers who served under him, for their gallant andarduous services in marching to the relief of the Army of theCumberland, and for their gallantry and heroism in the battle ofChattanooga, which contributed in a great degree to the success ofour arms in that glorious victory. 

Approved February 19, 1864. By order of the Secretary of War:

E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

On the 19th of December I was at Bridgeport, and gave all theorders necessary for the distribution of the four divisions of theFifteenth Corps along the railroad from Stevenson to Decatur, andthe part of the Sixteenth Corps; commanded by General Dodge, alongthe railroad from Decatur to Nashville, to make the needed repairs, and to be in readiness for the campaign of the succeeding year; andon the 21st I went up to Nashville, to confer with General Grantand conclude the arrangements for the winter. At that time GeneralGrant was under the impression that the next campaign would be upthe valley of East Tennessee, in the direction of Virginia; and asit was likely to be the last and most important campaign of thewar, it became necessary to set free as many of the old troopsserving along the Mississippi River as possible. This was the realobject and purpose of the Meridian campaign, and of Banks'sexpedition up Red River to Shreveport during that winter. 

CHAPTER XV. 

MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 

JANUARY AND FEBRUARY, 1864. 

The winter of 1863-'64 opened very cold and severe; and it wasmanifest after the battle of Chattanooga, November 25, 1863, andthe raising of the siege of Knoxville, December 5th, that militaryoperations in that quarter must in a measure cease, or be limitedto Burnside's force beyond Knoxville. On the 21st of DecemberGeneral Grant had removed his headquarters to Nashville, Tennessee, leaving General George H. Thomas at Chattanooga, in command of theDepartment of the Cumberland, and of the army round about thatplace; and I was at Bridgeport, with orders to distribute my troopsalong the railroad from Stevenson to Decatur, Alabama, and fromDecatur up toward Nashville. 

General G. M. Dodge, who was in command of the detachment of theSixteenth Corps, numbering about eight thousand men, had notparticipated with us in the battle of Chattanooga, but had remainedat and near Pulaski, Tennessee, engaged in repairing that railroad, as auxiliary to the main line which led from Nashville toStevenson, and Chattanooga. General John A. Logan had succeeded tothe command of the Fifteenth Corps, by regular appointment of thePresident of the United States, and had relieved General Frank P. Blair, who had been temporarily in command of that corps during theChattanooga and Knoxville movement. 

At that time I was in command of the Department of the Tennessee, which embraced substantially the territory on the east bank of theMississippi River, from Natchez up to the Ohio River, and thencealong the Tennessee River as high as Decatur and Bellefonte, Alabama. General McPherson was at Vicksburg and General Hurlbut atMemphis, and from them I had the regular reports of affairs in thatquarter of my command. The rebels still maintained a considerableforce of infantry and cavalry in the State of Mississippi, threatening the river, whose navigation had become to us sodelicate and important a matter. Satisfied that I could check thisby one or two quick moves inland, and thereby set free aconsiderable body of men held as local garrisons, I went up toNashville and represented the case to General Grant, who consentedthat I might go down the Mississippi River, where the bulk of mycommand lay, and strike a blow on the east of the river, whileGeneral Banks from New Orleans should in like manner strike anotherto the west; thus preventing any further molestation of the boatsnavigating the main river, and thereby widening the gap in theSouthern Confederacy. 

After having given all the necessary orders for the distribution, during the winter months, of that part of my command which was inSouthern and Middle Tennessee, I went to Cincinnati and Lancaster, Ohio, to spend Christmas with my family; and on my return I tookMinnie with me down to a convent at Reading, near Cincinnati, whereI left her, and took the cars for Cairo, Illinois, which I reachedJanuary 3d, a very cold and bitter day. The ice was forming fast, and there was great danger that the Mississippi River, would becomeclosed to navigation. Admiral Porter, who was at Cairo, gave me asmall gunboat (the Juliet), with which I went up to Paducah, toinspect that place, garrisoned by a small force; commanded byColonel S. G. Hicks, Fortieth Illinois, who had been with me andwas severely wounded at Shiloh. Returning to Cairo, we starteddown the Mississippi River, which was full of floating ice. Withthe utmost difficulty we made our way through it, for hoursfloating in the midst of immense cakes, that chafed and ground ourboat so that at times we were in danger of sinking. But about the10th of January we reached Memphis, where I found General Hurlbut, and explained to him my purpose to collect from his garrisons andthose of McPherson about twenty thousand men, with which inFebruary to march out from Vicksburg as far as Meridian, break upthe Mobile & Ohio Railroad, and also the one leading from Vicksburgto Selma, Alabama. I instructed him to select two good divisions, and to be ready with them to go along. At Memphis I foundBrigadier-General W. Sooy Smith, with a force of about twenty-fivehundred cavalry, which he had by General Grant's orders broughtacross from Middle Tennessee, to assist in our general purpose, aswell as to punish the rebel General Forrest, who had been mostactive in harassing our garrisons in West Tennessee andMississippi. After staying a couple of days at Memphis, wecontinued on in the gunboat Silver Cloud to Vicksburg, where Ifound General McPherson, and, giving him similar orders, instructedhim to send out spies to ascertain and bring back timelyinformation of the strength and location of the enemy. The wintercontinued so severe that the river at Vicksburg was full offloating ice, but in the Silver Cloud we breasted it manfully, andgot back to Memphis by the 20th. A chief part of the enterprisewas to destroy the rebel cavalry commanded by General Forrest, whowere a constant threat to our railway communications in MiddleTennessee, and I committed this task to Brigadier-General W. SooySmith. General Hurlbut had in his command about seven thousandfive hundred cavalry, scattered from Columbus, Kentucky, toCorinth, Mississippi, and we proposed to make up an aggregatecavalry force of about seven thousand "effective, " out of these andthe twenty-five hundred which General Smith had brought with himfrom Middle Tennessee. With this force General Smith was orderedto move from Memphis straight for Meridian, Mississippi, and tostart by February 1st. I explained to him personally the nature ofForrest as a man, and of his peculiar force; told him that in hisroute he was sure to encounter Forrest, who always attacked with avehemence for which he must be prepared, and that, after he hadrepelled the first attack, he must in turn assume the mostdetermined offensive, overwhelm him and utterly destroy his wholeforce. I knew that Forrest could not have more than four thousandcavalry, and my own movement would give employment to every otherman of the rebel army not immediately present with him, so that he(General Smith) might safely act on the hypothesis I have stated. 

Having completed all these preparations in Memphis, being satisfiedthat the cavalry force would be ready to start by the 1st ofFebruary, and having seen General Hurlbut with his two divisionsembark in steamers for Vicksburg, I also reembarked for the samedestination on the 27th of January. 

On the 1st of February we rendezvoused in Vicksburg, where I founda spy who had been sent out two weeks before, had been to Meridian, and brought back correct information of the state of facts in theinterior of Mississippi. Lieutenant-General (Bishop) Polk was inchief command, with headquarters at Meridian, and had two divisionsof infantry, one of which (General Loring's) was posted at Canton, Mississippi, the other (General French's) at Brandon. He had alsotwo divisions of cavalry--Armstrong's, composed of the threebrigades of Ross, Stark, and Wirt Adams, which were scattered fromthe neighborhood of Yazoo City to Jackson and below; and Forrest's, which was united, toward Memphis, with headquarters at Como. General Polk seemed to have no suspicion of our intentions todisturb his serenity. 

Accordingly, on the morning of February 3d, we started in twocolumns, each of two divisions, preceded by a light force ofcavalry, commanded by Colonel E. F. Winslow. General McPhersoncommanded the right column, and General Hurlbut the left. Theformer crossed the Big Black at the railroad-bridge, and the latterseven miles above, at Messinger's. We were lightly equipped as towagons, and marched without deployment straight for Meridian, distant one hundred and fifty miles. We struck the rebel cavalrybeyond the Big Black, and pushed them pell-mell into and beyondJackson during the 6th. The next day we reached Brandon, and onthe 9th Morton, where we perceived signs of an infantryconcentration, but the enemy did not give us battle, and retreatedbefore us. The rebel cavalry were all around us, so we kept ourcolumns compact and offered few or no chances for their dashes. Asfar as Morton we had occupied two roads, but there we were forcedinto one. Toward evening of the 12th, Hurlbut's column passedthrough Decatur, with orders to go into camp four miles beyond at acreek. McPherson's head of column was some four miles behind, andI personally detached one of Hurlbut's regiments to guard thecross-roads at Decatur till the head of McPherson's column shouldcome in sight. Intending to spend the night in Decatur, I went toa double log-house, and arranged with the lady for some supper. Weunsaddled our horses, tied them to the fence inside the yard, and, being tired, I lay down on a bed and fell asleep. Presently Iheard shouts and hallooing, and then heard pistol-shots close tothe house. My aide, Major Audenried, called me and said we wereattacked by rebel cavalry, who were all around us. I jumped up andinquired where was the regiment of infantry I had myself posted atthe cross-roads. He said a few moments before it had marched pastthe house, following the road by which General Hurlbut had gone, and I told him to run, overtake it, and bring it back. Meantime, Iwent out into the back-yard, saw wagons passing at a run down theroad, and horsemen dashing about in a cloud of dust, firing theirpistols, their shots reaching the house in which we were. Gathering the few orderlies and clerks that were about, I waspreparing to get into a corn-crib at the back side of the lot, wherein to defend ourselves, when I saw Audenried coming back withthe regiment, on a run, deploying forward as they came. Thisregiment soon cleared the place and drove the rebel cavalry backtoward the south, whence they had come. 

It transpired that the colonel of this infantry regiment, whosename I do not recall, had seen some officers of McPherson's staff(among them Inspector-General Strong) coming up the road at agallop, raising a cloud of duet; supposing them to be the head ofMcPherson's column, and being anxious to get into camp before dark, he had called in his pickets and started down the road, leaving meperfectly exposed. Some straggling wagons, escorted by a NewJersey regiment, were passing at the time, and composed the rear ofHurlbut's train. The rebel cavalry, seeing the road clear oftroops, and these wagons passing, struck them in flank, shot downthe mules of three or four wagons, broke the column, and began ageneral skirmish. The escort defended their wagons as well as theycould, and thus diverted their attention; otherwise I would surelyhave been captured. In a short time the head of McPherson's columncame up, went into camp, and we spent the night in Decatur. 

The next day we pushed on, and on the 14th entered Meridian, theenemy retreating before us toward Demopolis, Alabama. We at onceset to work to destroy an arsenal, immense storehouses, and therailroad in every direction. We staid in Meridian five days, expecting every hour to hear of General Sooy Smith, but could getno tidings of him whatever. A large force of infantry was kept atwork all the time in breaking up the Mobile & Ohio Railroad southand north; also the Jackson & Selma Railroad, east and west. I wasdetermined to damage these roads so that they could not be usedagain for hostile purposes during the rest of the war. I never hadthe remotest idea of going to Mobile, but had purposely given outthat idea to the people of the country, so as to deceive the enemyand to divert their attention. Many persons still insist that, because we did not go to Mobile on this occasion, I had failed; butin the following letter to General Banks, of January 31st, writtenfrom Vicksburg before starting for Meridian, it will be seenclearly that I indicated my intention to keep up the delusion of anattack on Mobile by land, whereas I promised him to be back toVicksburg by the 1st of March, so as to cooperate with him in hiscontemplated attack on Shreveport:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEVICKSBURG, January 31, 1864

Major-General N. P. BANKS, commanding Department of the Gulf, NewOrleans. 

GENERAL: I received yesterday, at the hands of Captain Durham, aide-de-camp, your letter of the 25th inst. , and hasten to reply. Captain Durham has gone to the mouth of White River, en route forLittle Rock, and the other officers who accompanied him have goneup to Cairo, as I understand, to charter twenty-five steamboats forthe Red River trip. The Mississippi River, though low for theseason, is free of ice and in good boating order; but I understandthat Red River is still low. I had a man in from Alexandriayesterday, who reported the falls or rapids at that placeimpassable save by the smallest boats. My inland expedition is nowmoving, and I will be off for Jackson and Meridian to-morrow. Theonly fear I have is in the weather. All the other combinations aregood. I want to keep up the delusion of an attack on Mobile andthe Alabama River, and therefore would be obliged if you would keepup an irritating foraging or other expedition in that direction. 

My orders from General Grant will not, as yet, justify me inembarking for Red River, though I am very anxious to move in thatdirection. The moment I learned that you were preparing for it, Isent a communication to Admiral Porter, and dispatched to GeneralGrant at Chattanooga, asking if he wanted me and Steele tocooperate with you against Shreveport; and I will have his answerin time, for you cannot do any thing till Red River has twelve feetof water on the rapids at Alexandria. That will be from March toJune. I have lived on Red River, and know somewhat of the phasesof that stream. The expedition on Shreveport should be maderapidly, with simultaneous movements from Little Rock onShreveport, from Opelousas on Alexandria, and a combined force ofgunboats and transports directly up Red River. Admiral Porter willbe able to have a splendid fleet by March 1st. I think Steelecould move with ten thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry. Icould take about ten thousand, and you could, I suppose, have thesame. Your movement from Opelousas, simultaneous with mine up theriver, would compel Dick Taylor to leave Fort De Russy (nearMarksville), and the whole combined force could appear atShreveport about a day appointed beforehand. 

I doubt if the enemy will risk a siege at Shreveport, although I aminformed they are fortifying the place, and placing many heavy gunsin position. It would be better for us that they should standthere, as we might make large and important captures. But I do notbelieve the enemy will fight a force of thirty thousand men, actingin concert with gunboats. 

I will be most happy to take part in the proposed expedition, andhope, before you have made your final dispositions, that I willhave the necessary permission. Half the Army of the Tennessee isnear the Tennessee River, beyond Huntsville, Alabama, awaiting thecompletion of the railroad, and, by present orders, I will becompelled to hasten there to command it in person, unless meantimeGeneral Grant modifies the plan. I have now in this departmentonly the force left to hold the river and the posts, and I amseriously embarrassed by the promises made the veteran volunteersfor furlough. I think, by March 1st, I can put afloat forShreveport ten thousand men, provided I succeed in my presentmovement in cleaning out the State of Mississippi, and in breakingup the railroads about Meridian. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General, commanding. 

The object of the Meridian expedition was to strike the roadsinland, so to paralyze the rebel forces that we could take from thedefense of the Mississippi River the equivalent of a corps oftwenty thousand men, to be used in the next Georgia campaign; andthis was actually done. At the same time, I wanted to destroyGeneral Forrest, who, with an irregular force of cavalry, wasconstantly threatening Memphis and the river above, as well as ourroutes of supply in Middle Tennessee. In this we failed utterly, because General W. Sooy Smith did not fulfill his orders, whichwere clear and specific, as contained in my letter of instructionsto him of January 27th, at Memphis, and my personal explanations tohim at the same time. Instead of starting at the date ordered, February 1st, he did not leave Memphis till the 11th, waiting forWarings brigade that was ice-bound near Columbus, Kentucky; andthen, when he did start, he allowed General Forrest to head him offand to defeat him with an inferior force, near West Point, belowOkalona, on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad. 

We waited at Meridian till the 20th to hear from General Smith, buthearing nothing whatever, and having utterly destroyed therailroads in and around that junction, I ordered General McPhersonto move back slowly toward Canton. With Winslow's cavalry, andHurlbut's infantry, I turned north to Marion, and thence to a placecalled "Union, " whence I dispatched the cavalry farther north toPhiladelphia and Louisville, to feel as it were for General Smith, and then turned all the infantry columns toward Canton, Mississippi. On the 26th we all reached Canton, but we had notheard a word of General Smith, nor was it until some time after (atVicksburg) that I learned the whole truth of General Smith'smovement and of his failure. Of course I did not and could notapprove of his conduct, and I know that he yet chafes under thecensure. I had set so much store on his part of the project that Iwas disappointed, and so reported officially to General Grant. General Smith never regained my confidence as a soldier, though Istill regard him as a most accomplished gentleman and a skillfulengineer. Since the close of the war he has appealed to me torelieve him of that censure, but I could not do it, because itwould falsify history. 

Having assembled all my troops in and about Canton, on the 27th ofFebruary I left them under the command of the senior major-general, Hurlbut, with orders to remain till about the 3d of March, and thento come into Vicksburg leisurely; and, escorted by Winslow'scavalry, I rode into Vicksburg on the last day of February. ThereI found letters from General Grant, at Nashville, and GeneralBanks, at New Orleans, concerning his (General Banks's) projectedmovement up Red River. I was authorized by the former tocontribute aid to General Banks for a limited time; but GeneralGrant insisted on my returning in person to my own command aboutHuntsville, Alabama, as soon as possible, to prepare for the springcampaign. 

About this time we were much embarrassed by a general order of theWar Department, promising a thirty-days furlough to all soldierswho would "veteranize"--viz. , reenlist for the rest of the war. This was a judicious and wise measure, because it doubtless securedthe services of a very large portion of the men who had almostcompleted a three-years enlistment, and were therefore veteransoldiers in feeling and in habit. But to furlough so many of ourmen at that instant of time was like disbanding an army in the verymidst of battle. 

In order to come to a perfect understanding with General Banks, Itook the steamer Diana and ran down to New Orleans to see him. Among the many letters which I found in Vicksburg on my return fromMeridian was one from Captain D. F. Boyd, of Louisiana, writtenfrom the jail in Natchez, telling me that he was a prisoner of warin our hands; had been captured in Louisiana by some of our scouts;and he bespoke my friendly assistance. Boyd was Professor ofAncient Languages at the Louisiana Seminary of Learning during myadministration, in 1859-'60; was an accomplished scholar, ofmoderate views in politics, but, being a Virginian, was drawn, likeall others of his kind, into the vortex of the rebellion by theevents of 1861, which broke up colleges and every thing at theSouth. Natchez, at this time, was in my command, and was held by astrong division, commanded by Brigadier-General J. W. Davidson. Inthe Diana we stopped at Natchez, and I made a hasty inspection ofthe place. I sent for Boyd, who was in good health, but quitedirty, and begged me to take him out of prison, and to effect hisexchange. I receipted for him; took him along with me to NewOrleans; offered him money, which he declined; allowed him to gofree in the city; and obtained from General Banks a promise toeffect his exchange, which was afterward done. Boyd is now mylegitimate successor in Louisiana, viz. , President of the LouisianaUniversity, which is the present title of what had been theSeminary of Learning. After the war was over, Boyd went back toAlexandria, reorganized the old institution, which I visited in1866 but the building was burnt down by an accident or by anincendiary about 1868, and the institution was then removed toBaton Rouge, where it now is, under its new title of the Universityof Louisiana. 

We reached New Orleans on the 2d of March. I found General Banks, with his wife and daughter, living in a good house, and heexplained to me fully the position and strength of his troops, andhis plans of action for the approaching campaign. I dined withhim, and, rough as I was--just out of the woods--attended, thatnight, a very pleasant party at the house of a lady, whose name Icannot recall, but who is now the wife of Captain Arnold, FifthUnited States Artillery. At this party were also Mr. And Mrs. Frank Howe. I found New Orleans much changed since I had beenfamiliar with it in 1853 and in 1860-'61. It was full of officersand soldiers. Among the former were General T. W. Sherman, who hadlost a leg at Port Hudson, and General Charles P: Stone, whom Iknew so well in California, and who is now in the Egyptian serviceas chief of staff. The bulk of General Banks's army was aboutOpelousas, under command of General Franklin, ready to move onAlexandria. General Banks seemed to be all ready, but intended todelay his departure a few days to assist in the inauguration of acivil government for Louisiana, under Governor Hahn. In LafayetteSquare I saw the arrangements of scaffolding for the fireworks andbenches for the audience. General Banks urged me to remain overthe 4th of March, to participate in the ceremonies, which heexplained would include the performance of the "Anvil Chorus" byall the bands of his army, and during the performance thechurch-bells were to be rung, and cannons were to be fired byelectricity. I regarded all such ceremonies as out of place at atime when it seemed to me every hour and every minute were due tothe war. General Banks's movement, however, contemplated mysending a force of ten thousand men in boats up Red River fromVicksburg, and that a junction should occur at Alexandria by March17th. I therefore had no time to wait for the grand pageant of the4th of March, but took my departure from New Orleans in the Dianathe evening of March 3d. 

On the next day, March 4th, I wrote to General Banks a letter, which was extremely minute in conveying to him how far I feltauthorized to go under my orders from General Grant. At that timeGeneral Grant commanded the Military Division of the Mississippi, embracing my own Department of the Tennessee and that of GeneralSteele in Arkansas, but not that of General Banks in Louisiana. General Banks was acting on his own powers, or under theinstructions of General Halleck in Washington, and our assistanceto him was designed as a loan of ten thousand men for a period ofthirty days. The instructions of March 6th to General A. J. Smith, who commanded this detachment, were full and explicit on thispoint. The Diana reached Vicksburg on the 6th, where I found thatthe expeditionary army had come in from Canton. One division offive thousand men was made up out of Hurlbut's command, and placedunder Brigadier-General T. Kilby Smith; and a similar division wasmade out of McPherson's and Hurlbut's troops, and placed underBrigadier-General Joseph A. Mower; the whole commanded byBrigadier-General A. J. Smith. General Hurlbut, with the rest ofhis command, returned to Memphis, and General McPherson remained atVicksburg. General A. J. Smith's command was in due seasonembarked, and proceeded to Red River, which it ascended, convoyedby Admiral Porter's fleet. General Mower's division was landednear the outlet of the Atchafalaya, marched up by land and capturedthe fort below Alexandria known as Fort De Russy, and the wholefleet then proceeded up to Alexandria, reaching it on the dayappointed, viz. , March 17th, where it waited for the arrival ofGeneral Banks, who, however, did not come till some days after. These two divisions participated in the whole of General Banks'sunfortunate Red River expedition, and were delayed so long up RedRiver, and subsequently on the Mississippi, that they did not sharewith their comrades the successes and glories of the Atlantacampaign, for which I had designed them; and, indeed, they, did notjoin our army till just in time to assist General George H. Thomasto defeat General Hood before Nashville, on the 15th and 16th ofDecember, 1864. 

General Grant's letter of instructions, which was brought me byGeneral Butterfield, who had followed me to New Orleans, enjoinedon me, after concluding with General Banks the details for his RedRiver expedition, to make all necessary arrangements forfurloughing the men entitled to that privilege, and to hurry backto the army at Huntsville, Alabama. I accordingly gave thenecessary orders to General McPherson, at Vicksburg, and continuedup the river toward Memphis. On our way we met Captain Badeau, ofGeneral Grant's staff, bearing the following letter, of March 4th, which I answered on the 10th, and sent the answer by GeneralButterfield, who had accompanied me up from New Orleans. Copies ofboth were also sent to General McPherson, at Vicksburg:

[Private. ]

NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE, March 4, 1864

DEAR SHERMAN: The bill reviving the grade of lieutenant-general inthe army has become a law, and my name has been sent to the Senatefor the place. 

I now receive orders to report at Washington immediately, inperson, which indicates either a confirmation or a likelihood ofconfirmation. I start in the morning to comply with the order, butI shall say very distinctly on my arrival there that I shall acceptno appointment which will require me to make that city myheadquarters. This, however, is not what I started out to writeabout. 

While I have been eminently successful in this war, in at leastgaining the confidence of the public, no one feels more than I howmuch of this success is due to the energy, skill, and theharmonious putting forth of that energy and skill, of those whom ithas been my good fortune to have occupying subordinate positionsunder me. 

There are many officers to whom these remarks are applicable to agreater or less degree, proportionate to their ability as soldiers;but what I want is to express my thanks to you and McPherson, asthe men to whom, above all others, I feel indebted for whatever Ihave had of success. How far your advice and suggestions have beenof assistance, you know. How far your execution of whatever hasbeen given you to do entitles you to the reward I am receiving, youcannot know as well as I do. I feel all the gratitude this letterwould express, giving it the most flattering construction. 

The word you I use in the plural, intending it for McPherson also. I should write to him, and will some day, but, starting in themorning, I do not know that I will find time just now. Yourfriend, U. S. GRANT, Major-General. 

[PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL]

NEAR MEMPHIS, March 10, 1864

General GRANT. 

DEAR GENERAL: I have your more than kind and characteristic letterof the 4th, and will send a copy of it to General McPherson atonce. 

You do yourself injustice and us too much honor in assigning to usso large a share of the merits which have led to your highadvancement. I know you approve the friendship I have everprofessed to you, and will permit me to continue as heretofore tomanifest it on all proper occasions. 

You are now Washington's legitimate successor, and occupy aposition of almost dangerous elevation; but if you can continue asheretofore to be yourself, simple, honest, and unpretending, youwill enjoy through life the respect and love of friends, and thehomage of millions of human beings who will award to you a largeshare for securing to them and their descendants a government oflaw and stability. 

I repeat, you do General McPherson and myself too much honor. AtBelmont you manifested your traits, neither of us being near; atDonelson also you illustrated your whole character. I was notnear, and General McPherson in too subordinate a capacity toinfluence you. 

Until you had won Donelson, I confess I was almost cowed by theterrible array of anarchical elements that presented themselves atevery point; but that victory admitted the ray of light which Ihave followed ever since. 

I believe you are as brave, patriotic, and just, as the greatprototype Washington; as unselfish, kind-hearted, and honest, as aman should be; but the chief characteristic in your nature is thesimple faith in success you have always manifested, which I canliken to nothing else than the faith a Christian has in hisSaviour. 

This faith gave you victory at Shiloh and Vicksburg. Also, whenyou have completed your best preparations, you go into battlewithout hesitation, as at Chattanooga--no doubts, no reserve; and Itell you that it was this that made us act with confidence. I knewwherever I was that you thought of me, and if I got in a tightplace you would come--if alive. 

My only points of doubt were as to your knowledge of grandstrategy, and of books of science and history; but I confess yourcommon-sense seems to have supplied all this. 

Now as to the future. Do not stay in Washington. Halleck isbetter qualified than you are to stand the buffets of intrigue andpolicy. Come out West; take to yourself the whole MississippiValley; let us make it dead-sure, and I tell you the Atlantic slopeand Pacific shores will follow its destiny as sure as the limbs ofa tree live or die with the main trunk! We have done much; stillmuch remains to be done. Time and time's influences are all withus; we could almost afford to sit still and let these influenceswork. Even in the seceded States your word now would go furtherthan a President's proclamation, or an act of Congress. 

For God's sake and for your country's sake, come out of Washington!I foretold to General Halleck, before he left Corinth, theinevitable result to him, and I now exhort you to come out West. Here lies the seat of the coming empire; and from the West, whenour task is done, we will make short work of Charleston andRichmond, and the impoverished coast of the Atlantic. Your sincerefriend, W. T. SHERMAN

We reached Memphis on the 13th, where I remained some days, but onthe 14th of March received from General Grant a dispatch to hurryto Nashville in person by the 17th, if possible. Disposing of allmatters then pending, I took a steamboat to Cairo, the cars thenceto Louisville and Nashville, reaching that place on the 17th ofMarch, 1864. 

I found General Grant there. He had been to Washington and back, and was ordered to return East to command all the armies of theUnited States, and personally the Army of the Potomac. I was tosucceed him in command of the Military Division of the Mississippi, embracing the Departments of the Ohio, Cumberland, Tennessee, andArkansas. General Grant was of course very busy in winding up allmatters of business, in transferring his command to me, and inpreparing for what was manifest would be the great and closingcampaign of our civil war. Mrs. Grant and some of their childrenwere with him, and occupied a large house in Nashville, which wasused as an office, dwelling, and every thing combined. 

On the 18th of March I had issued orders assuming command of theMilitary Division of the Mississippi, and was seated in the office, when the general came in and said they were about to present him asword, inviting me to come and see the ceremony. I went back intowhat was the dining-room of the house; on the table lay a rose-woodbox, containing a sword, sash, spurs, etc. , and round about thetable were grouped Mrs. Grant, Nelly, and one or two of the boys. I was introduced to a large, corpulent gentleman, as the mayor, andanother citizen, who had come down from Galena to make thispresentation of a sword to their fellow-townsman. I think thatRawlins, Bowers, Badeau, and one or more of General Grant'spersonal staff, were present. The mayor rose and in the mostdignified way read a finished speech to General Grant, who stood, as usual, very awkwardly; and the mayor closed his speech byhanding him the resolutions of the City Council engrossed onparchment, with a broad ribbon and large seal attached. After themayor had fulfilled his office so well, General Grant said: "Mr. Mayor, as I knew that this ceremony was to occur, and as I am notused to speaking, I have written something in reply. " He thenbegan to fumble in his pockets, first his breast-coat pocket, thenhis pants, vest; etc. , and after considerable delay he pulled out acrumpled piece of common yellow cartridge-paper, which he handed tothe mayor. His whole manner was awkward in the extreme, yetperfectly characteristic, and in strong contrast with the elegantparchment and speech of the mayor. When read, however, thesubstance of his answer was most excellent, short, concise, and, ifit had been delivered by word of mouth, would have been all thatthe occasion required. 

I could not help laughing at a scene so characteristic of the manwho then stood prominent before the country; and to whom all hadturned as the only one qualified to guide the nation in a war thathad become painfully critical. With copies of the few lettersreferred to, and which seem necessary to illustrate thesubject-matter, I close this chapter:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEESTEAMER DIANA (UNDER WEIGH), March 4, 1864

Major-General N. P. BANKS, commanding Department of the Gulf, NewOrleans. 

GENERAL: I had the honor to receive your letter of the 2d instantyesterday at New Orleans, but was unable to answer, exceptverbally, and I now reduce it to writing. 

I will arrive at Vicksburg the 6th instant, and I expect to meetthere my command from Canton, out of which I will select twodivisions of about ten thousand men, embark them under a goodcommander, and order him:

1st. To rendezvous at the mouth of Red River, and, in concert withAdmiral Porter (if he agree), to strike Harrisonburg a hard blow. 

2d. To return to Red River and ascend it, aiming to reachAlexandria on the 17th of March, to report to you. 

3d. That, as this command is designed to operate by water, it willnot be encumbered with much land transportation, say two wagons toa regiment, but with an ample supply of stores, including mortarsand heavy rifled guns, to be used against fortified places. 

4th. That I have calculated, and so reported to General Grant, that this detachment of his forces in no event is to go beyondShreveport, and that you will spare them the moment you can, tryingto get them back to the Mississippi River in thirty days from thetime they actually enter Red River. 

The year is wearing away fast, and I would like to carry to GeneralGrant at Huntsville, Alabama, every man of his military division, as early in April as possible, for I am sure we ought to move fromthe base of the Tennessee River to the south before the season istoo far advanced, say as early as April 15th next. 

I feel certain of your complete success, provided you make theconcentration in time, to assure which I will see in person to theembarkation and dispatch of my quota, and I will write to GeneralSteele, conveying to him my personal and professional opinion thatthe present opportunity is the most perfect one that will everoffer itself to him to clean out his enemies in Arkansas. 

Wishing you all honor and success, I am, with respect, your friendand servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEVICKSBURG, March 6, 1864

Brigadier-General A. J. SMITH, commanding Expedition up Red River, Vicksburg, Mississippi. 

GENERAL: By an order this day issued, you are to command a strong, well-appointed detachment of the Army of the Tennessee, sent toreinforce a movement up Red River, but more especially against thefortified position at Shreveport. 

You will embark your command as soon as possible, little encumberedwith wagons or wheeled vehicles, but well supplied with fuel, provisions, and ammunition. Take with you the twelve mortars, with their ammunition, and all the thirty-pound Parrotts theordnance-officer will supply. Proceed to the mouth of Red Riverand confer with Admiral Porter. Consult with him, and in all theexpedition rely on him implicitly, as he is the approved friend ofthe Army of the Tennessee, and has been associated with us from thebeginning. I have undertaken with General Banks that you will be atAlexandria, Louisiana, on or before the 17th day of March; and youwill, if time allows, cooperate with the navy in destroyingHarrisonburg, up Black River; but as I passed Red River yesterday Isaw Admiral Porter, and he told me he had already sent an expeditionto Harrisonburg, so that I suppose that part of the plan will beaccomplished before you reach Red River; but, in any event, becareful to reach Alexandria about the 17th of March. 

General Banks will start by land from Franklin, in the Techecountry, either the 6th or 7th, and will march via Opelousas toAlexandria. You will meet him there, report to him, and act underhis orders. My understanding with him is that his forces will moveby land, via Natchitoches, to Shreveport, while the gunboat-fleetis to ascend the river with your transports in company. Red Riveris very low for the season, and I doubt if any of the boats canpass the falls or rapids at Alexandria. What General Banksproposes to do in that event I do not know; but my own judgment isthat Shreveport ought not to be attacked until the gunboats canreach it. Not that a force marching by land cannot do it alone, but it would be bad economy in war to invest the place with an armyso far from heavy guns, mortars, ammunition, and provisions, whichcan alone reach Shreveport by water. Still, I do not know aboutGeneral Banks's plans in that event; and whatever they may be, yourduty will be to conform, in the most hearty manner. 

My understanding with General Banks is that he will not need thecooperation of your force beyond thirty days from the date youreach Red River. As soon as he has taken Shreveport, or as soon ashe can spare you, return to Vicksburg with all dispatch, gather upyour detachments, wagons, tents, transportation, and all propertypertaining to so much of the command as belongs to the SixteenthArmy Corps, and conduct it to Memphis, where orders will await you. My present belief is your division, entire, will be needed with theArmy of the Tennessee, about Huntsville or Bridgeport. Still, Iwill leave orders with General, Hurlbut, at Memphis, for you onyour return. 

I believe if water will enable the gunboats to cross the rapids atAlexandria, you will be able to make a quick, strong, and effectiveblow at our enemy in the West, thus widening the belt of ourterritory, and making the breach between the Confederate Governmentand its outlying trans-Mississippi Department more perfect. 

It is understood that General Steele makes a simultaneous move fromLittle Rock, on Shreveport or Natchitoches, with a force of aboutten thousand men. Banks will have seventeen thousand, and you tenthousand. If these can act concentrically and simultaneously, youwill make short work of it, and then General Banks will have enoughforce to hold as much of the Red River country as he deems wise, leaving you to bring to General Grant's main army the seventhousand five hundred men of the Sixteenth Corps now with you. Having faith in your sound judgment and experience, I confide thisimportant and delicate command to you, with certainty that you willharmonize perfectly with Admiral Porter and General Banks, withwhom you are to act, and thereby insure success. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEMEMPHIS, March 14, 1864

Major General McPHERSON, commanding, etc, Vicksburg, Mississippi

DEAR GENERAL: I wrote you at length on the 11th, by a specialbearer of dispatches, and now make special orders to cover themovements therein indicated. It was my purpose to await youranswer, but I am summoned by General Grant to be in Nashville onthe 17th, and it will keep me moving night and day to get there bythat date. I must rely on you, for you understand that we mustreenforce the great army at the centre (Chattanooga) as much aspossible, at the same time not risking the safety of any point onthe Mississippi which is fortified and armed with heavy guns. Iwant you to push matters as rapidly as possible, and to do all youcan to put two handsome divisions of your own corps at Cairo, readyto embark up the Tennessee River by the 20th or 30th of April atthe very furthest. I wish it could be done quicker; but thepromise of those thirty-days furloughs in the States of enlistment, though politic, is very unmilitary. It deprives us of our abilityto calculate as to time; but do the best you can. Hurlbut can donothing till A. J. Smith returns from Red River. I will then orderhim to occupy Grenada temporarily, and to try and get thoselocomotives that we need here. I may also order him with cavalryand infantry to march toward Tuscaloosa, at the same time that wemove from the Tennessee River about Chattanooga. 

I don't know as yet the grand strategy of the next campaign, but onarrival at Nashville I will soon catch the main points, and willadvise you of them.. 

Steal a furlough and run to Baltimore incog. ; but get back in timeto take part in the next grand move. 

Write me fully and frequently of your progress. I have ordered thequartermaster to send down as many boats as he can get, tofacilitate your movements. Mules, wagons, etc. , can come upafterward by transient boats. I am truly your friend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

[Special Field Order No. 28. ]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEMEMPHIS, March 14, 1864

1. Major-General McPherson will organize two good divisions of hiscorps (Seventeenth) of about five thousand men, each embracing inpart the reenlisted veterans of his corps whose furloughs willexpire in April, which he will command in person, and willrendezvous at Cairo, Illinois, and report by telegraph and letterto the general commanding at department headquarters, wherever theymay be. These divisions will be provided with new arms andaccoutrements, and land transportation (wagons and mules) out ofthe supplies now at Vicksburg, which will be conveyed to Cairo byor before April 15th. 

4. During the absence of General McPherson from the district ofVicksburg, Major-General Hurlbut will exercise command over all thetroops in the Department of the Tennessee from Cairo to Natchez, inclusive, and will receive special instructions from departmentheadquarters. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman:

L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

APPENDIX TO VOLUME I. 

CHICKASAW BAYOU. 

Report of Brigadier-General G. W. Morgan. 

HEADQUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, RIGHT WING, THIRTEENTH ARMY CORPS, STEAMER EMPRESS, January 8, 1868. 

Major J. H. HAMMOND, Chief of Staff:

SIR: On the 1st instant, while pressed by many arduous duties, Iwas requested to report to the commanding general the operations ofmy division during the affair of the 27th, the action of the 28th, and the battle of the 29th ult. 

I had not received the report of subordinate commanders, nor had Itime to review the report I have the honor to submit. 

Herewith I have the honor to forward these reports, connected withwhich I will submit a few remarks. 

Brigadier-General Blair speaks of having discovered, while on hisretreat from the enemy's works, a broad and easy road running fromthe left of my position to the enemy's lines. The road is neitherbroad nor easy, and was advanced over by De Courcey when leadinghis brigade to the charge. The road General Blair speaks of is theone running from Lake's Landing and intersecting with the Vicksburgroad on the Chickasaw Bluffs. Its existence was known to me on the28th ult. , but it was left open intentionally by the enemy, and wascommanded by a direct and cross fire from batteries and rifle-pits. The withdrawal of his brigade from the assault by Colonel DeCourcey was justified by the failure of the corps of A. J. Smith, and the command of Colonel Lindsey, to advance simultaneously tothe assault. Both had the same difficulties to encounter--impassable bayous. The enemy's line of battle was concave, andDe Courcey advanced against his centre--hence he sustained aconcentric fire, and the withdrawal of Steele from the front of theenemy's right on the 28th ult. Enabled the enemy on the followingday to concentrate his right upon his centre. 

I regret to find, from the report of Brigadier-General Thayer, someone regiment skulked; this I did not observe, nor is it mentionedby General Blair, though his were the troops which occupied thatportion of the field. As far as my observation extended, thetroops bore themselves nobly; but the Sixteenth Ohio Infantry waspeerless on the field, as it had ever been in camp or on the march. Lieutenant-Colonel Kershner, commanding, was wounded and takenprisoner. He is an officer of rare merit, and deserves to commanda brigade. Lieutenant-Colonel Dieter, commanding the Fifty-eighthOhio, was killed within the enemy's works; and Lieutenant-ColonelMonroe, Twenty-second Kentucky, was struck down at the head of hisregiment. 

I again express my profound acknowledgments to Brigadier-GeneralsBlair and Thayer, and Colonels De Conrcey, Lindsey, and Sheldon, brigade commanders. Also to Major M. C. Garber, assistantquartermaster; Captain S. S. Lyon, acting topographical engineer;Lieutenant Burdick, acting ordnance officer; Lieutenant Hutchins, acting chief of staff; Lieutenants H. G. Fisher and Smith, ofSignal Corps; Lieutenant E. D. Saunders, my acting assistantadjutant-general; and Lieutenants English and Montgomery, actingaides-de-camp, for the efficient services rendered me. 

Nor can I close this report without speaking in terms of highpraise of the meritorious and gallant services of Captains Fosterand Lamphier. Their batteries silenced several of the enemy'sworks, and throughout the operations rendered good service. Mysincere acknowledgments are also due to Captain Griffith, commanding First Iowa Battery, and Captain Hoffman, commandingFourth Ohio Battery. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEORGE W. MORGAN, Brigadier-General Volunteers. 

CINCINNATI, February 8, 1876. 

MY DEAR GENERAL: Regarding the attack at Chickasaw Bayou, my recordshows the position of Steele on the left; Morgan to his right;Morgan L. Smith to his right, and A. J. Smith on the extreme right;the latter not expected to accomplish much more than a diversion, the result to come from the three other divisions, Morgan havingthe best opportunity. Saturday night they were in position; youwere at Lake's plantation, right and rear of Morgan. 

The attack for lodgment on the hills was ordered for Sundaymorning, December 28th. I was sent to A. J. Smith before daylight, and returned to you soon after. You were with Morgan. You hadfully explained to him the importance of his success, and that heshould be present with the attacking column, which was to be a partof his division, supported by the remainder, and by Blair's brigadeof Steele's division cooperating. The attack was to besimultaneous, by the four divisions, on a signal. 

Morgan's answer to you was that, when the signal was given, hewould lead his attack, and with his life he would be on the bluffsin fifteen minutes. He seemed of positive knowledge, and as sure ofsuccess. You then retired to a central point, to be in easycommunication with Steele and Morgan L. Smith. The attack wasmade, and developed, in the case of Steele, M. L. Smith, and A. J. Smith, that to cross the bayou was impossible, if opposed by anyforce, and in each they were by a strong one. Morgan's attackingforce succeeded in getting across the causeway and marsh, but hedid not go with it, nor support it with more men, and a largenumber were captured from Blair's brigade after gaining the enemy'slast line of works covering the bayou. At the time everybodyblamed and criticised Morgan with the failure. You felt from theadvance of his attack it must be successful, and, as it pushedforward, you sent me to urge on M. L. Smith, as Morgan was over, and he, Smith, must aid by persistent attack, and give Morgan asgood a chance as could be to make his lodgment.... 

I am, etc. , L. M. DAYTONLate Colonel of the Staff, now of Cincinnati, OhioGeneral W. T. SHERMAN, St. Louis, Missouri

[COPY. ]

" . . . . The expedition was wonderfully well provided withprovisions, transportation, and munitions, and even axes, picks, and shovels, so much in use later in the war, evidenced theforethought that governed this force. The boats, from their openlower deck construction, proved admirable for transports, but theirtinder-box construction made fire-traps of them, requiringunremitting vigilance. These points were well understood, and thereadiness with which the troops adapted themselves to circumstanceswas a constant source of wonder and congratulations. 

"The fleet collected at Friar's Point for final orders, and therethe order of sailing was laid down with great minuteness, andprivate instructions issued to commanders of divisions, all of whomhad personal interviews with the commanding general, and receivedpersonal explanations on pretty much every point involved. Ourheadquarters boat, the Forest Queen, was not very comfortable, norwell provided, but General Sherman submitted cheerfully, on thegrounds of duty, and thought Conway a fine fellow. I was only ableto concede that he was a good steamboat captain.... 

"Our camp appointments were Spartan in the extreme, and in theirsimplicity would have met the demands of any demagogue in the land. The nights were cold and damp, and General Sherman uncomfortablyactive in his preparations, so that the assistant adjutant-generalhad no very luxurious post just then. We were surrounded withsloughs. The ground was wet, and the water, although in winter, was very unwholesome. Many of our men, to this day, have remindersof the Yazoo in ague, fevers, and diseases of the bowels. Cavalrywas useless. One battalion of Illinois cavalry was stronglysuspected of camping in the timber, until time passed enough tojustify the suspicion of having been somewhere. Really thestrength of Vicksburg was in being out of reach of attack.... 

"My orders were to learn and report what was going on on the right, particularly to try and form an idea of the enemy's force in frontof M. L. Smith's division, and at the sand-bar. Leaving my horseclose in the rear of the Sixth Missouri, when the fire became tooheavy for riding, I succeeded, by taking frequent cover, inreaching unhurt the verge of the bayou among the drift-logs. There, by concert of action with Lieutenant-Colonel Blood, of theSixth Missouri, his regiment, and the Thirteenth Regular Infantry, kept up a heavy fire on everything that showed along the levee andearthworks in front. The enemy were behind the embankment, notover one hundred and fifty yards across the bayou. Severalofficers, including Colonel Blood, Colonel Kilby Smith, and myself, managed, by getting on the piles of drift, to see over the leveethrough the cleared fields beyond, even to the foot of the bluff. The chips and twigs flew around lively enough, but we staid up longenough to make sure that the enemy had as many men behind the leveeas could get cover. We saw, also, a line of rifle-pits in therear, commanding the rear of the levee, and still beyond, windingalong the foot of the bluff, a road worn by long use deep into theside-hill, and with the side next us strengthened with a goodearthwork, affording a covered line of communication in the rear. The fire of our men was so well maintained that we were able to seeall these things, say a minute or more. Some of those who venturedwere wounded, but those mentioned and myself escaped unhurt. Iadvised that men enough to hold the position, once across--saythree hundred--should make a rush (protected as our lookout hadbeen by a heavy fire) across the sand-bar, and get a footing underthe other bank of the bayou, as the nucleus of an attacking force, if General Sherman decided to attack there, or to make a strongdiversion if the attack was made at the head of Chickasaw Bayou, infront of Morgan. General A. J. Smith, commanding First and SecondDivisions, approved of this. While returning to General Sherman, Ipassed along the Second and part of the Third Division. On theleft of the Second I found a new Illinois regiment, high up innumbers, working its way into position. The colonel, a brave butinexperienced officer, was trying to lead his men according to thepopular pictorial idea, viz. , riding in advance waving his sword. I was leading my horse, and taking advantage of such cover as Icould find on my course, but this man acted so bravely that I triedto save him. He did not accept my expostulations with very goodgrace, but was not rough about it. While I was begging him todismount, he waved his sword and advanced. In a second he wasshot, through the chest, and dropped from his horse, plucky to thelast. He died, I was told, within the hour. Many of the regimentswere new and inexperienced, but as a rule behaved well. The firealong the bayou was severe, but not very fatal, on account of thecover. I was constantly asked what news from Grant, for from themoment of our arrival in the Yazoo we were in expectation of eitherhearing his guns in the rear, or of having communication with him. This encouraged the men greatly, but the long waiting wasdisappointing, as the enemy was evidently in large force in theplenty of works, and a very strong position. Careful estimates andavailable information placed their force at fifteen to twentythousand men. I returned to headquarters about the middle of theafternoon, and made my report to the general. We were busy tillafter midnight, and again early in the morning of the 29th, inpreparing orders for the attack. These were unusually minute indetail. It seemed as though no contingency was left unprovidedfor. Urgent orders and cautions as to rations and ammunition weregiven. Drawings of the line of attack, orders for supports, alland everything was foreseen and given in writing, with personalexplanations to commanders of divisions, brigades, and evencommanders of regiments. Indeed, the commanding general, alwayscareful as to detail, left nothing to chance, and with experiencedand ordinate officers we would have succeeded, for the troops weregood. The general plan involved a feint on our left towardHaines's Bluff, by the navy, under Admiral Porter, with whom wewere in constant communication, while between him and GeneralSherman perfect harmony existed. On the right a demonstration byA. J. Smith was to be made. The Second Division (Stuart's) was tocross the sand-bar, and the Third (General Morgan's) was to crosson a small bridge over the dough at the head of Chickasaw Bayou, and, supported by Steele, was to push straight for the Bluff at thenearest spur where there was a battery in position, and to effecta lodgment there and in the earthworks. General Sherman gave hisorders in person to Morgan and Steele. I understood Morgan topromise that he would lead his division in person, and he seemed toexpect an easy victory, and expressed himself freely to thateffect. The aides were sent out, until I was left alone with thegeneral and a couple of orderlies. He located himself in aposition easy of access, and the most convenient afforded to thepoint of attack. He directed me to see what I could, and report ifI met anything that he should know. I galloped as fast as possibleto the right, and found part of the Sixth Missouri pushing over thesand-bar covered by the Thirteenth Regulars with a heavy fire. Wesupposed, if once across, they could get up the bank and turn thelevee against the enemy, and left with that impression. Being inheavy timber, I was not quite sure of my way back to the general, his location being new, and therefore pushed full gallop forMorgan's front, catching a good many stray shots from thesharpshooters behind the levee, as I was compelled to keep in sightof the bayou to hold direction. Something over half-way alongMorgan's division front, the commander of a Kentucky regimenthailed me and said he must have support, as he was threatened by amasked battery, and the enemy was in force in his front, and mightcross any moment. I answered, rather shortly, 'How the devil doyou know there is a masked battery? If you can't get over, how canthe rebels get at you?' He insisted on the battery, and danger. Ifinally told him the bayou was utterly impassable there, but, if heinsisted the enemy could cross, I would insist on an advance on ourside at that point. Hurrying on to make up lost time, I soonreached Morgan. He was making encouraging speeches in a generalway, but stopped to ask me questions as to Steele's rank, date ofcommission, etc. I was very much disturbed at this, fearing wantof harmony, and rode on to Steele, whom I found cursing Morgan sofiercely that I could not exactly make out the source of thetrouble, or reason why; but saw want of concert clearly enough. Ihastened back to General Sherman, and endeavored to impress myideas on him and my fears; but, while he admitted the facts, hecould not be made to believe that any jealousy or personal quarrelcould lead to a failure to support each other, and a neglect ofduty. The signal for attack had already been given, and theartillery had opened, when I left him again for Morgan's front. Ifound Morgan where I left him, and the troops advancing. I hadunderstood that he was to lead his division, and asked about it, but, getting no satisfaction, pushed for the front, crossing theslough at the little bridge at the head of the bayou. I found thewillows cut off eighteen inches or two feet long, with sharp pointsabove the mud, making it slow and difficult to pass, save at thebridge. I overtook the rear of the advance about two or threehundred feet up the gentle slope, and was astonished to find howsmall a force was making the attack. I was also surprised to findthat they were Steele's men instead of Morgan's. I also sawseveral regiments across the bayou, but not advancing; they werenear the levee. A heavy artillery and infantry fire was going onall this time. While making my way along the column, from whichthere were very few falling back, a shell burst near me, and theconcussion confused me at the time and left me with a headache forseveral months. When I got my wits about me again I found a goodmany coming back, but the main part of the force was compact andkeeping up the fight. I did not get closer to the woods than aboutfive hundred feet, and found that a large number had penetratedinto the enemy's works. When our men fell back, very few ran, butcame slowly and sullenly, far more angry than frightened. I foundGeneral Frank Blair on foot, and with him Colonel Sea, of SouthwestMissouri, and learned that Colonel Thomas Fletcher, afterwardGovernor of Missouri, was captured with many of his men. They bothinsisted there on the spot, with those around us, that if all themen ordered up had gone up, or even all that crossed the bayou hadmoved forward, we could have readily established ourselves in theenemy's works. I was firmly of the same opinion at the time on theground; and, an entrance effected, we could have brought the wholeforce on dry ground, and had a base of operations againstVicksburg--though probably, in view of later events, we would havehad to stand a siege from Pemberton's army. After explanationswith Blair, I rode to where the men were, who had crossed thebayou, but had not advanced with the others. I found them to be DeCourcey's brigade; of Morgan's division, which General Shermansupposed to be in advance. In fact, it was the intended supportthat made the attack. A correspondence and controversy followedbetween General Blair and Colonel De Courcey, most of which I have, but nothing came of it. On reaching the bayou, I found thatThayer's brigade, of Steele's division, had in some way lost itsdirection and filed off to the right. Remembering the maskedbattery, I suspected that had something to do with the matter, and, on following it up, I learned that the Kentucky colonel beforementioned had appealed for aid against the masked battery andinvisible force of rebels, and that a regiment had been ordered tohim. This regiment, filing off into the timber, had been followedby Thayer's brigade, supposing it to be advancing to the front, andthus left a single brigade to attack a superior force of the enemyin an intrenched and naturally strong position. By the time themistake could be rectified, it was too late. Our loss was from onehundred and fifty to two hundred killed, and about eleven hundredprisoners and wounded. During the afternoon I went with a flag oftruce, with reference to burying the dead. I saw between eightyand one hundred of our men dead, all stripped. There were otherscloser into the enemy's works than I was allowed to go. On goinglater to where the Sixth Missouri crossed, I found that they wereunder the bank, and had dug in with their hands and bayonets, oranything in reach, to protect themselves from a vertical fire fromthe enemy overhead, who had a heavy force there. With greatdifficulty they were withdrawn at night. Next day arrangementswere made to attempt a lodgment below Haines's Bluff: This was tobe done by Steele's command, while the rest of the force attackedagain where we had already tried. During the day locomotiveswhistled, and a great noise and fuss went on in our front, and wesupposed that Grant was driving in Pemberton, and expected firingany moment up the Yazoo or in the rear of Vicksburg. Not hearingthis, we concluded that Pemberton was throwing his forces intoVicksburg. A heavy fog prevented Steele from making his movement. Rain began to fall, and our location was not good to be in after aheavy rain, or with the river rising. During the night (I think)of January, 1, 1863, our troops were embarked, material andprovisions having been loaded during the day. A short time beforedaylight of the 2d, I went by order of the general commanding, toour picket lines and carefully examined the enemy's lines, wherevera camp-fire indicated their presence. They were not very vigilant, and I once got close enough to hear them talk, but could understandnothing. Early in the morning I came in with the rear-guard, theenemy advancing his pickets and main guards only, and making noeffort at all to press us. Once I couldn't resist the temptationto fire into a squad that came bolder than the rest, and the twoshots were good ones. We received a volley in return that did comevery close among us, but hurt none of my party. Very soon afterour rear-guard was aboard, General Sherman learned from AdmiralPorter that McClernand had arrived at the mouth of the Yazoo. Hewent, taking me and one other staff-officer, to see McClernand, andfound that, under an order from the President, he had taken commandof the Army of the Mississippi. He and his staff, of whom I onlyremember two-Colonels Scates and Braham, assistant adjutant-generaland aide-de-camp--seemed to think they had a big thing, and, so faras I could judge, they had just that. All hands thought thecountry expected them to cut their way to the Gulf; and to us, whohad just come out of the swamp, the cutting didn't seem such aneasy job as to the new-comers. Making due allowance for theelevation they seemed to feel in view of their job, everythingpassed off pleasantly, and we learned that General Grant'scommunications had been cut at Holly Springs by the capture ofMurphy and his force (at Holly Springs), and that he was either inMemphis by that time or would soon be. So that, everythingconsidered, it was about as well that we did not get our forces onthe bluff's of Walnut Hill. "

The above statement was sent to General Sherman in a letter dated"Chicago, February 5, 1876, " and signed "John H. Hammond. " Hammondwas General Sherman's assistant adjutant-general at the ChickasawBayou. 

J. E. TOURTELOTTE, Colonel and Aide-de-Camp. 

On 29th December, 1862, at Chickasaw Bayou, I was in command of theThirty-first Missouri Volunteer Infantry, First Brigade, FirstDivision, Fifteenth Army Corps (Blair's brigade). Colonel Wyman, of the Thirteenth Illinois Volunteer Infantry, having been killed, I was the senior colonel of the brigade. General Blair rode up towhere my regiment lay, and said to me:

"We are to make a charge here; we will charge in two lines; yourregiment will be in the first line, and the Twenty-ninth(Cavender's) will support you. Form here in the timber, and moveout across the bayou on a double-quick, and go right on to the topof the heights in your front. " He then told me to await a signal. I then attempted to make a reconnaissance of the ground over whichwe would have to charge, and rode out to the open ground in myfront, and saw that there was water and soft mud in the bayou, andwas fired upon by the sharp-shooters of the enemy, and turned andwent back into the woods where my command lay. Soon after thatGeneral Blair came near me, and I told him there was water and mudin the bayou, and I doubted if we could get across. He answered methat General Morgan told him there was no water nor mud to hinderus. I remarked that I had seen it myself, and General Morgan, orany one else, could see it if he would risk being shot at prettylively. I then told General Blair that it was certain destructionto us if we passed over the abatis upon the open ground where therehad once been a corn-field; that we could never reach the base ofthe hill. He turned to me and said, "Can't you take your regimentup there?" I told him, "Yes, I can take my regiment anywhere, because the men do not know any better than to go, " but remarkedthat old soldiers could not be got to go up there. General Blairthen said, "Tom, if we succeed, this will be a grand thing; youwill have the glory of leading the assault. " He then went on tosay that General Morgan's division would support us, and they wereheroes of many battles, and pointed to the Fifty-eighth Ohio, thenforming in the rear of the Thirteenth Illinois on my right, andsaid: "See these men? They are a part of Morgan's division, and areheroes of many battles. " I laughingly said that they might beheroes, but the regiment did not number as many as one of mycompanies. He again assured me we would be supported by Morgan'sdivision, and all I had to do was to keep right on and "keep goingtill you get into Vicksburg. " I took my position in advance of myregiment and awaited the signal. When we heard it, we raised ashout, and started at a double-quick, the Thirteenth Illinois on myright. I saw no troops on my left. When we emerged from thewoods, the enemy opened upon us; crossing the bayou under fire, andmany of the men sinking in the mud and water, our line was verymuch disordered, but we pretty well restored it before reaching theabatis. Here we were greatly disordered, but somewhat restored theline on reaching the plateau or corn-field. The Twenty-ninthMissouri came on, gallantly supporting us. The Thirteenth Illinoiscame out upon the corn-field, and the Fifty-eighth Ohio followedclose upon it. There was firing to my left, and as I afterwardlearned was from the Fourth Iowa of Thayer's brigade (and I believeof Steele's division). I was struck and fell, and my regiment wentback in great disorder. The fire was terrific. I saw beyond theThirteenth Illinois, to my right, a disordered line, and learnedafterward it was the Sixteenth Ohio. When I was taken from thefield by the enemy and taken into Vicksburg, I found among thewounded and prisoners men and officers of the Sixteenth andFifty-eighth Ohio, and of the Twenty-ninth and Thirty-firstMissouri, and Thirteenth Illinois. After I was exchanged andjoined my command, General Blair laughingly remarked to me that Ihad literally obeyed his order and gone "straight on to Vicksburg. "He lamented the cutting to pieces of our force on that day. Wetalked the whole matter over at his headquarters during the siegeof Vicksburg. He said that if the charge had been made along ourwhole line with the same vigor of attack made by his brigade, andif we had been supported as Morgan promised to do, we might havesucceeded. I dissented from the opinion that we could even thenhave succeeded. I asked him what excuse Morgan gave for failing tosupport us, and he said that Colonel or General De Courcey was insome manner to blame for that, but he said Morgan was mistaken asto the nature of the ground and generally as to the feasibility ofthe whole thing, and was responsible for the failure to afford usthe support he had promised; that he and General Sherman and all ofthem were misled by the statements and opinions of Morgan as to thesituation in our front, and Morgan was, on his part, deceived bythe reports of his scouts about other matters as well as the matterof the water in the bayou. 

THOMAS C. FLETCHER

ARKANSAS POST. 

Extracts from Admiral Porter's Journal. 

Sherman and I had made arrangements to capture Arkansas Post. 

On the 31st of December, while preparing to go out of the Yazoo, anarmy officer called to see me, and said that he belonged to GeneralMcClernand's staff, and that the general was at the mouth of theYazoo River, and desired to see me at once. I sent word to thegeneral that if he wished to see me he could have an opportunity bycalling on board my flag-ship. 

A few moments after I had heard the news of McClernand'a arrival, Isaw Sherman pulling about in a boat, and hailed him, informing himthat McClernand was at the mouth of the Yazoo. Sherman then cameon board, and, in consequence of this unexpected news, determinedto postpone the movement out of the Yazoo River, and let McClernandtake that upon himself. 

General McClernand took my hint and came on board the flag-ship, but I soon discovered that any admiral, Grant, Sherman, or all thegenerals in the army, were nobody in his estimation. Sherman hadbeen at McClernand's headquarters to see him and state thecondition of affairs, and he then suggested to the latter the planof going to Arkansas Post. 

I had a number of fine maps hanging up in my cabin, and whenMcClernand came on board he examined them all with the eye of aconnoisseur. He then stated to me as a new thing the plan heproposed!!! of going to Arkansas Post and stirring up our troops, which had been "demoralized by the late defeat" (Sherman waspresent, looking daggers at him). I answered, "Yes, GeneralSherman and myself have already arranged for going to ArkansasPost. " Sherman then made some remark about the disposition of thetroops in the coming expedition, when McClernand gave him rather acurt answer. McClernand then remarked, "If you will let me havethree gunboats, I will go and take the place. " Now GeneralMcClernand had about as much idea of what a gunboat was, or coulddo, as the man in the moon. He did not know, the differencebetween an ironclad and a "tin-clad. " He had heard that gunboatshad taken Fort Henry, and that was all he knew about them. I saidto him: "I'll tell you what I will do, General McClernand. IfGeneral Sherman goes in command of the troops, I will go myself incommand of a proper force, and will insure the capture of thepost. " McClernand winced under this, and Sherman quietly walkedoff into the after-cabin. He beckoned me to come there, whileMcClernand was apparently deeply engaged in studying out a chart, making believe he was interested, in order to conceal his temper. Sherman said to me: "Admiral, how could you make such a remark toMcClernand? He hates me already, and you have made him an enemyfor life. "

"I don't care, " said I; "he shall not treat you rudely in my cabin, and I was glad of the opportunity of letting him know mysentiments. " By this time, General McClernand having bottled uphis wrath, or cooled down, I went in to him and we discussed thematter. He consented that Sherman should go in command of thetroops, and the interview ended pleasantly enough. 

The above extracts from Admiral Porter's journal were sent by theadmiral to General Sherman, inclosed in a letter dated "Washington, May 29, 1875, " and signed "David D. Porter. "

J. E. TOURTELOTTE. 

After leaving the Yazoo, the Army of the Mississippi rendezvous wasat Milliken's Bend. During the night of January 4th or 5th, General McClernand came on board the Forest Queen, and with GeneralSherman went to the Black Hawk flag-boat. There an interview tookplace, during which the expedition to Arkansas Post took shape. General Sherman having asked leave to take the post, and AdmiralPorter having decided to go along, McClernand thought best to gowith his entire army, although the enemy were supposed to have onlyabout four or five thousand men, and the fort was little more thana large earthwork commanding the river. 

General Sherman's command was then entitled the Second Corps, Armyof the Mississippi, and was comprised of the First Division, Blair's, Hovey's, and Thayer's brigades, commanded by Steele; andthe Second Division, commanded by David Stuart, with Colonels GilesA. And Kilby Smith commanding brigades. 

Our fleet was convoyed by three ironclads and several othergunboats. The weather was bitterly cold for that latitude; we werefour days getting into the Arkansas River, which we entered by theWhite River cut-off; and my recollection is, that our passing themouth of the main river deceived the enemy as to our destination. The entrance through the cut-off was feasible by reason of highwater, and I think made our appearance a surprise to the force atthe post. We disembarked on the morning of the 10th of January. Stuart's division first encountered the enemy behind an earthworkabout four miles from the fort, running across the solid groundfrom the river to a swamp. General Sherman in person took Steele'sdivision, and followed a road leading to the rear of the earthworkjust mentioned. We had got fairly under way when the rebels fellback to the fort, and McClernand, coming up, ordered us to fallback, and march up the river. It seemed to me then, and afterward, that it would have been better to have marched straight to the rearof the fort, as we started to do. We soon overtook Stuart andclosed in, General Sherman on the right, Morgan's force on theleft, reaching to the river, where the gunboats were, while Shermanreached from the road which connected the post with the backcountry, toward where the earthworks reached the river above thefort, and threatened their communications with Little Rock. Thenight was cold and cloudy, with some snow. There were a good manyabandoned huts to our rear, but our forces in position lay on thefrozen ground, sheltered as best they could, among the bushes andtimber. We were so close that they could have reached us any timeduring the night with light artillery. The gun-boats threw heavyshells into the fort and behind the earthworks all night, keepingthe enemy awake and anxious. The heavy boom of the artillery wasfollowed by the squeak, squeak of Admiral Porter's little tug, ashe moved around making his arrangements for the morrow. The soundswere ridiculous by comparison. General Sherman and staff lay onthe roots of an old oak-tree, that kept them partly clear of mud. The cold was sharp, my right boot being frozen solid in a puddle inthe morning. About half-past two or three o'clock, GeneralSherman, with another and myself, crept in as close as possible andreconnoitred the position. The general managed to creep in muchcloser than the rest of us--in fact, so close as to cause usanxiety. The enemy worked hard all night on their abatis andintrenchments, and in the morning we found a ditch and parapetrunning clear across the point on which the post was situated. This point was cut by a road from the back country, across whichwas a heavy earthwork and a battery. This road was at theextremity of our left. General McClernand kept his head-quarterson his boat, the Tigress. He came up in the morning to a place inthe woods in our rear. One of his staff, a cavalry-officer, climbed a tree to report movements; but from that point there wasvery little to be seen. Between ten and eleven o'clock the fireopened from the fleet, and we opened along the whole line frominfantry and field-guns. Our men soon worked in close enough tokeep down the fire of the enemy to a very marked degree. 

After reporting to General Sherman, and while explaining theposition of the fleet, the smoke-stacks and flags appeared abovethe fort. What firing was going on in our immediate front ceased. A good many rebels were in plain sight, running away from the fortand scattering. While we were still surprised, the cry was raisedthat a white flag was hung out. I did not see it, but in a fewminutes saw others along the line, and just as the general startedfor the fort I saw the flag not far from the white house, near theparapet. Orders were given to cease firing. Captain Dayton wassent to the fort where the first flag was raised. Some shots werefired and some men hurt after this. The first rebel officer weencountered was Colonel or General Garland, commanding brigade, whowas ordered to put his men in line and stack arms, which was done. I was directed to pass along the line to the right, and cause theprisoners to stack arms and form our men in line, just outside thework. This I did till I reached Deshler's brigade, on our extremeright, or nearly so, and who was opposed to the right of Steele'sforce. Steele's men had rushed up to the very foot of the parapet, and some were on it, though they did not fire. The commander ofthe enemy (Deshler) refused to obey my orders to stack arms, andasked a good many questions as to "how it happened;" said he wasnot whipped, but held us in check, etc. I told him there wereeight or nine thousand men right there, that a shot from me, or acall, would bring down on him, and that we had entire possession ofthe place. After sending two officers from the nearest troops toexplain the condition to Steele, and to warn every officer they metto pass the word for everybody to be on the sharp lookout, Iarranged with Deshler to keep quiet until I could bring his owncommander, or orders from him. Returning to General Sherman, Ifound a party of young rebel officers, including Robert Johnston'sson (rebel Senate) and Captain Wolf, quartermaster, of New Orleans, who declined to surrender except to gentlemen. Some GermanMissouri soldiers didn't relish the distinction, and were aboutclubbing them over the head, when I interfered and received theirsurrender. Hurrying back to the general, I reported the dangerouscondition of things. He and General Churchill, commanding officerof the enemy, started for Deshler's brigade; meeting Garland, aquarrel and some recrimination followed between him and Churchill, as to where the fault of the surrender belonged, which was ratherpromptly silenced by General Sherman, who hurried to the scene oftrouble. There, after some ill-natured talk, Deshler ordered hismen to lay down their arms. I rode into the fort, and found theparapet badly torn up by the fire from the fleet. On going to theembrasure where I had seen the gun while on the river-bank talkingto Captain Shirk, the piece was found split back about eighteeninches, and the lower half of the muzzle dropped out. A batteredbut unexploded shell lying with the piece explained that it musthave struck the gun in the muzzle, almost squarely. On passingalong the inside I saw from the torn condition of the earthworkshow tremendous our fire was, and how the fire of the enemy was keptdown. The fire of the navy had partly torn down the side of thefort next the river. A good many sailors were in the fort. General A. J. Smith, Admiral Porter, and General Burbridge werethere--all in high spirits, but in some contention as to who got infirst. Toward dark, or nearly so, an Arkansas regiment came in asreenforcements, but surrendered without any trouble. About thesame time General Sherman received orders to put General A. J. Smith in charge of the fort, and stay outside with his men. As histroops were nearly all inside, and had four-fifths of the prisonersin charge, these orders were not very clear, and the general leftfor headquarters to find out what was meant. I went on collectingarms, and as our men were scattering a good deal and were greatlyexcited, I took the precaution to pass along the line and march theprisoners far enough from the stacked arms to be out of temptation. I was especially urged to this by hearing several rebel officersspeak of their guns being still loaded. It was dark before all theprisoners were collected and under guard, including the regimentthat arrived after the fight. I am confident that all theprisoners were under guard by General Sherman's troops. 

Everything being secure, the staff-officers, all of whom had beenbusily engaged, scattered to compare notes and enjoy the victory. I found my way onboard the Tigress, where every one was greatlyexcited, and in high feather regarding our victory, the biggestthing since Donelson. I also obtained some food and small comfortsfor a few rebel officers, including young Johnston, Wolfe, and theColonel Deshler already mentioned. Then hunted up General Sherman, whom I found sitting on a cracker-boa in the white house alreadymentioned, near where the white flag first appeared. Garland waswith him, and slept with him that night, while the rest of us laidaround wherever we could. It was a gloomy, bloody house, andsuggestive of war. Garland was blamed by the other Confederateofficers for the white flag, and remained with us for safety. Nextday was very cold. We worked hard at the lists of prisoners--nearly five thousand in number--all of whom were sent to St. Louis, in charge of our inspector-general, Major Sanger. Ourloss was less than one hundred. The enemy, although behindintrenchments, lost more than double what we did. Their woundedwere much worse hurt than ours, who were mostly hit around the headand arms. 

The losses were nearly all in General Sherman's wing of the army. The loss in the fleet amounted to little, but their service wasvery valuable, and deserved great credit, though they receivedlittle. There was a good deal of sympathy between our part of theforces and the fleet people, and I then thought, and still think, if we had been on the left next the river, that in connection withthe tremendous fire from the navy, we could have carried the workin an hour after we opened on it. Their missiles traversed thewhole fortification, clear through to the hospitals at the upperend, and I stood five minutes in rifle-range of the fort next theriver--not hit, and but seldom shot at, and no one hit near me. 

On the 18th we embarked, in a snow-storm; collected at Napoleon, which seemed to be washing away; and steamed to Milliken's Bend, were we arrived on January 21st, and soon after went to Young'splantation, near Vicksburg. 

The above statement from General Hammond was received by GeneralSherman, inclosed in a letter dated "Chicago, February 5, 1876" andsigned "John H. Hammond, " who was adjutant-general to GeneralSherman during the winter of 1862-'83. 

J. E. TOURTELLOTTE

CINCINNATI, February 3, 1876

MY DEAR GENERAL: At Arkansas Post the troops debarked from steamerJanuary 9th, from one o'clock to dark, in the vicinity of Notrib'sfarm, and on the 10th moved out to get position; Steele to theright, crossing the low ground to the north, to get a higherground, avoid crowding the moving columns, and gain the left (ourright) and rear of the "post, " and the river-bank above the post. Stuart took the river-road the movement commencing at 11 o'clocka. M.. After crossing the low ground covered with water, you werecalled back with Steele, as Stuart had driven out the enemy'srifle-trench pickets, this giving more and feasible room formoving. Stuart was pushed forward, and by dark he and Steele werewell up to their expected positions. Before daylight on the 11thyou directed me to accompany you for a personal inspection of theground to your front, which we made on foot, going so far forwardthat we could easily hear the enemy at work and moving about. Discovering the open fields, you at once directed Steele to move tothe right and front, and pushed Stuart out so as to fully commandthem and the field-work of the enemy extending from the fort, toprevent farther strengthening, as it was evident these works werethe product of a recent thought. Stuart and Steele were prompt intaking position, but Morgan's command (not under your control) didnot seem to work up, or keep in junction with you. At ten o'clockyou sent me to McClernand to ascertain why the delay of attack. Heattributed it to Admiral Porter, which was really unjust. Theattack began at 1 p. M. , by Admiral Porter, and the sound of hisfirst gun had not died till your men were engaged--Wood's, Barrett's, and the Parrott batteries and infantry. It waslively for a time, and Stuart pushed clear up to the enemy'srifle-trenches, and forced them to keep sheltered. Hammond wasmostly with Steele; Sanger sent to McClernand, and McCoy, myself, and John Taylor were with you and Stuart. At about half-past threeI got your permission to go to Giles Smith's skirmish-line, and, thinking I saw evidence of the enemy weakening, I hurried back toyou and reported my observations. I was so confident that a demandfor it would bring a surrender, that I asked permission to make it, and, as you granted me, but refused to let another member of yourstaff, at his request, go with me, I rode directly down the roadwith only an orderly. Colonel Garland, commanding a brigade, wasthe first officer I saw, to whom, for you, I made the demand. Allfiring ceased at once, or in a few moments. I sent the orderly backto you, and you rode forward. It was then four o'clock. 

During the attack, nobody seemed to think McClernand had any clearidea of what or how it was to be done. During the day he gave youno directions, nor came where you were; he was well to the rear, with his "man up a tree, " who in the capacity of a lookout gaveMcClernand information, from which he based such instructions as hemade to his subordinates. He was free to express himself as beinga man of "destiny, " and his "star" was in the ascendance. I am, etc. , L. M. DAYTON, late Colonel of the Staff, now of Cincinnati, Ohio. 

General W. T. SHERMAN. 

MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 

[Special Field Orders, No. 11. ]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEMEMPHIS, January 27, 1864

V. The expedition is one of celerity, and all things must tend tothat. Corps commanders and staff-officers will see that ourmovements are not encumbered by wheeled vehicles improperly loaded. Not a tent, from the commander-in-chief down, will be carried. Thesick will be left behind, and the surgeons can find houses andsheds for all hospital purposes. 

VI. All the cavalry in this department is placed under the ordersand command of Brigadier-General W. S. Smith, who will receivespecial instructions. 

By order of Major-General W. T. SHERMAN

L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

NOTE. -That same evening I started in a steamboat for Vicksburg. W. T. S. St. Louis, 1885. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEEMEMPHIS, January 27, 1864

Brigadier-General W. S. SMITH, commanding Cavalry, etc. , present. 

DEAR GENERAL: By an order issued this day I have placed all thecavalry of this department subject to your command. I estimate youcan make a force of full seven thousand men, which I believe to besuperior and better in all respects than the combined cavalry whichthe enemy has in all the State of Mississippi. I will in personstart for Vicksburg to-day, and with four divisions of infantry, artillery, and cavalry move out for Jackson, Brandon, and Meridian, aiming to reach the latter place by February 10th. General Bankswill feign on Pascagoula and General Logan on Rome. I want youwith your cavalry to move from Colliersville on Pontotoc andOkolona; thence sweeping down near the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, disable that road as much as possible, consume or destroy theresources of the enemy along that road, break up the connectionwith Columbus, Mississippi, and finally reach me at or nearMeridian as near the date I have mentioned as possible. This willcall for great energy of action on your part, but I believe you areequal to it, and you have the best and most experienced troops inthe service, and they will do anything that is possible. GeneralGrierson is with you, and is familiar with the whole country. Iwill send up from Haines's Bluff an expedition of gunboats andtransports combined, to feel up the Yazoo as far as the presentwater will permit. This will disconcert the enemy. My movement onJackson will also divide the enemy, so that by no combination canhe reach you with but a part of his force. I wish you to attackany force of cavalry you meet and follow them southward, but in noevent be drawn into the forks of the streams that make up the Yazoonor over into Alabama. Do not let the enemy draw you into minoraffairs, but look solely to the greater object to destroy hiscommunication from Okolona to Meridian, and thence eastward toSelma. From Okolona south you will find abundance of foragecollected along the railroad, and the farmers have corn standing inthe fields. Take liberally of all these, as well as horses, mules, cattle, etc. As a rule, respect dwellings and families assomething too sacred to be disturbed by soldiers, but mills, barns, sheds, stables, and such like things use for the benefit orconvenience of your command. If convenient, send into Columbus, Mississippi, and destroy all machinery there, and the bridge acrossthe Tombigbee, which enables the enemy to draw the resources of theeast side of the valley, but this is not of sufficient importanceto delay your movement. Try and communicate with me by scouts andspies from the time you reach Pontotoc. Avoid any large force ofinfantry, leaving them to me. We have talked over this matter somuch that the above covers all points not provided for in mypublished orders of to-day. I am, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Mayor-General, commanding. 

MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, January 27, 1864. 

Brigadier-General J. P. HATCH, in charge of Cavalry Bureau, St. Louis, Missouri. 

SIR: Your favor of the 21st inst. Is just received. Up to thepresent time eight hundred and eighteen horses have arrived heresince Captain Hudson's visit to St. Louis. I wrote you upon hisreturn several days ago that it would not be necessary to divertshipments to this point which could not reach us before February1st. We shall certainly get off on our contemplated expeditionbefore that time. The number of horses estimated for in thisdepartment by its chief quartermaster was two thousand, and thisnumber, including those already sent, will, I think, completelymount all the dismounted cavalry of this department. Recruits forcavalry regiments are arriving freely, and this will swell ourrequisitions for a couple of months to come. I will as far aspossible procure horses from the regions of country traversed byour cavalry. 

Yours truly, W. SOOY SMITH, Brigadier-General, Chief of Cavalry, Military Division of the Mississippi. 

MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, January 28, 1864

Brigadier-General GEORGE CROOK, commanding Second Cavalry Division, Huntsville, Alabama. 

I start in about three days with seven, thousand men to Meridianvia Pontotoc. Demonstrate on Decatur, to hold Roddy. 

W. SOOY SMITH, Brigadier-General, Chief of Cavalry, Military Division of the Mississippi. 

MAYWOOD, ILLINOIS, July 9, 1875General W. T. SHERMAN, Commander-in-Chief, United States Army. 

SIR: Your letter of July 7th is just received. 

Your entire statement in the "Memoirs" concerning my part in theMeridian campaign is incorrect. 

You overstate my strength, placing it at seven thousand effective, when it was but six. The nominal strength of my command was seventhousand. 

You understate the strength of my enemy, putting Forrest's force atfour thousand. On our return to Nashville, you stated it, inGeneral Grant's presence, to have been but twenty-five hundred. Before and during my movement I positively knew Forrest's strengthto be full six thousand, and he has since told me so himself. 

Instead of delaying from the 1st to the 11th of February for "someregiment that was ice-bound near Columbus, Kentucky, " it was anentire brigade, Colonel Waring's, without which your orders to mewere peremptory not to move. I asked you if I should wait itsarrival, and you answered: "Certainly; if you go without it, youwill be, too weak, and I want you strong enough to go where youplease. "

The time set for our arrival at Meridian, the 10th of February, hadarrived before it was possible for me, under your orders, to movefrom Memphis, and I would have been entirely justifiable if I hadnot started at all. But I was at that time, and at all timesduring the war, as earnest and anxious to carry out my orders, anddo my full duty as you or any other officer could be, and I set outto make a march of two hundred and fifty miles into theConfederacy, having to drive back a rebel force equal to my own. After the time had arrived for the full completion of my movement, I drove this force before me, and penetrated one hundred and sixtymiles into the Confederacy--did more hard fighting, and killed, wounded, and captured more of the enemy than you did during thecampaign--did my work most thoroughly, as far as I could go withoutencountering the rebel cavalry set loose by your return fromMeridian, and brought off my command, with all the capturedproperty and rescued negroes, with very small loss, consideringthat inflicted on the enemy, and the long-continued and very severefighting. If I had disobeyed your orders, and started withoutWaring's brigade, I would have been "too weak, " would probably havebeen defeated, and would have been subjected to just censure. Having awaited its arrival, as I was positively and distinctlyordered to do, it only remained for me to start upon its arrival, and accomplish all that I could of the work allotted to me. Tohave attempted to penetrate farther into the enemy's country, withthe cavalry of Polk's army coming up to reenforce Forrest, wouldhave insured the destruction of my entire command, situated as itwas. I cannot now go into all the particulars, though I assure youthat they make the proof of the correctness of my conduct asconclusive as I could desire it to be. I was not headed off anddefeated by an inferior force near West Point. We had the fightingall our own way near West Point, and at all other points except atOkalona, on our return, when we had the worst of it for a littlewhile, but finally checked the enemy handsomely, and continued ourreturn march, fighting at the rear and on both flanks, repulsingall attacks and moving in perfect order. And so my movement wasnot a failure, except that I did not reach Meridian as intended, for the reason stated, and for many more which it is not necessaryfor me to detail here. On the other hand, it was a very decidedsuccess, inflicting a terrible destruction of supplies of everykind, and a heavy loss of men upon the enemy. You should have soreported it in the beginning. You should so amend your report, and"Memoirs" now. This, and no less than this, is due from onesoldier to another. It is due to the exalted position which youoccupy, and, above all, it is due to that truthfulness in historywhich you claim to revere. If you desire it, I will endeavor tovisit you, and in a friendly manner "fight our battles o'er again, "and endeavor to convince you that you have always been mistaken asto the manner in which my part in the "Meridian campaign" wasperformed. But I will never rest until the wrong statementsregarding it are fully and fairly corrected. Yours truly, WILLIAM SOOY SMITH

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATESSt. Louis, Missouri, July 11, 1875. 

General J. D. WEBSTER, Chicago, Illinois

DEAR GENERAL: General W. Sooy Smith feels aggrieved and wronged bymy account of his part in the Meridian campaign, in my "Memoirs, "pages 394, 395, and properly appeals to me for correction. I haveoffered to modify any words or form of expression that he may pointout, but he asks me to completely change the whole that concernshim. This, of course, I will not do, as his part was material tothe whole, and cannot be omitted or materially altered withoutchanging the remainder, for his failure to reach Meridian byFebruary 10th was the reason for other movements distant from him. I now offer him, what seems to me fair and liberal, that we submitthe points at issue to you as arbitrator. You are familiar withthe ground, the coincident history, and most, if not all, theparties. 

I propose to supply you with

1. Copy of my orders placing all the cavalry under General Smith'sorders (with returns). 

2. My letter of instructions to him of January 27th. 

3. My official report of the campaign, dated Vicksburg, March 7, 1864. 

4. General W. Sooy Smith's report of his operations, datedNashville, Tennessee, March 4, 1864. 

After reading these, I further propose that you address usquestions which we will answer in writing, when you are to make usa concise, written decision, which I will have published in closeconnection with the subject in controversy. If General Smith willshow you my letter to him of this date, and also deliver this withhis written assent, I will promptly furnish you the abovedocuments, and also procure from the official files a return of thecavalry force available at and near Memphis on the date of myorders, viz. , January 27, 1864. 

With great respect, your friend and servant, W. T. SHERMAN, General. 

NOTE:--General Smith never submitted his case to the arbitrationoffered. The whole will be made clear by the publication of theofficial records, which are already in print, though not yetissued. His orders were in writing, and I have no recollection ofthe "peremptory" verbal orders to which he refers, and quotes asfrom me. 

ST. Louis, Missouri, 1895. W. T. S. 

MAYWOOD, ILLINOIS, July 14, 1875. 

General W. T. SHERMAN, Commander-in-Chief, etc. 

DEAR GENERAL: Your letter of the 11th of July reaches me just as Iam starting to spend the first vacation I have ever allowed myself--in the Territories, with my wife and son. 

It indicates a spirit of fairness from which we have better thingsthan an arbitration to hope for. Though, if we should reach such anecessity, there is no one living to whom our differences mightmore properly be referred than to General Webster. I make noobjection to your writing your "Memoirs, " and, as long as theyrefer to your own conduct, you are at liberty to write them as youlike; but, when they refer to mine, and deal unjustly with myreputation, I, of right, object. 

Neither do I wish to write my "Memoirs, " unless compelled to do soto vindicate my good name. There were certain commands which wereto make up mine. These, Waring's brigade included, were spoken ofby us in the long conversation to which you refer. This brigade weknew was having a hard time of it in its movement from Columbus toMemphis. I asked you if I should move without it if it did notarrive, and you answered me as stated in my last letter to you. Those who immediately surrounded me during the painful delay thatoccurred will inform you how sorely I chafed under the restraint ofthat peremptory order. 

In the conversation that occurred between us at Nashville, whileall the orders, written and verbal, were still fresh in yourmemory, you did not censure me for waiting for Waring, but forallowing myself to be encumbered with fugitive negroes to such anextent that my command was measurably unfit for active movement oreasy handling, and for turning back from West Point, instead ofpressing on toward Meridian. Invitations had been industriouslycirculated, by printed circulars and otherwise, to the negroes tocome into our lines, and to seek our protection wherever they couldfind it, and I considered ourselves pledged to receive and protectthem. Your censure for so doing, and your remarks on that subjectto me in Nashville, are still fresh in my memory, and of acharacter which you would now doubtless gladly disavow. 

But we must meet and talk the whole matter over, and I will be atany trouble to see you when I return. 

Meantime I will not let go the hope that I will convince youabsolutely of your error, for the facts are entirely on my side. Yours truly, WILLIAM SOOY SMITH

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

By William T. Sherman

VOLUME II

CHAPTER XVI. 

ATLANTA CAMPAIGN-NASHVILLE AND CHATTANOOGA TO BENEBAW. 

MARCH, APRIL, AND MAY, 1864. 

On the 18th day of March, 1864, at Nashville, Tennessee, I relievedLieutenant-General Grant in command of the Military Division of theMississippi, embracing the Departments of the Ohio, Cumberland, Tennessee, and Arkansas, commanded respectively by Major-GeneralsSchofield, Thomas, McPherson, and Steele. General Grant was in theact of starting East to assume command of all the armies of theUnited States, but more particularly to give direction in person tothe Armies of the Potomac and James, operating against Richmond;and I accompanied him as far as Cincinnati on his way, to availmyself of the opportunity to discuss privately many little detailsincident to the contemplated changes, and of preparation for thegreat events then impending. Among these was the intendedassignment to duty of many officers of note and influence, who had, by the force of events, drifted into inactivity and discontent. Among these stood prominent Generals McClellan, Burnside, andFremont, in, the East; and Generals Buell, McCook, Negley, andCrittenden, at the West. My understanding was that General Grantthought it wise and prudent to give all these officers appropriatecommands, that would enable them to regain the influence they hadlost; and, as a general reorganization of all the armies was thennecessary, he directed me to keep in mind especially the claims ofGenerals Buell, McCook, and Crittenden, and endeavor to give themcommands that would be as near their rank and dates of commissionas possible; but I was to do nothing until I heard further fromhim on the subject, as he explained that he would have to consultthe Secretary of War before making final orders. General Buell andhis officers had been subjected to a long ordeal by a court ofinquiry, touching their conduct of the campaign in Tennessee andKentucky, that resulted in the battle of Perryville, or Chaplin'sHills, October 8, 1862, and they had been substantially acquitted;and, as it was manifest that we were to have some hard fighting, wewere anxious to bring into harmony every man and every officer ofskill in the profession of arms. Of these, Generals Buell andMcClellan were prominent in rank, and also by reason of their fameacquired in Mexico, as well as in the earlier part of the civilwar. 

After my return to Nashville I addressed myself to the task oforganization and preparation, which involved the general securityof the vast region of the South which had been already conquered, more especially the several routes of supply and communication withthe active armies at the front, and to organize a large army tomove into Georgia, coincident with the advance of the Easternarmies against Richmond. I soon received from Colonel J. B. Fry--now of the Adjutant-General's Department, but then at Washington incharge of the Provost-Marshal-General's office--a letter asking me todo something for General Buell. I answered him frankly, telling himof my understanding with General Grant, and that I was still awaitingthe expected order of the War Department, assigning General Buell tomy command. Colonel Fry, as General Buell's special friend, repliedthat he was very anxious that I should make specific application forthe services of General Buell by name, and inquired what I proposedto offer him. To this I answered that, after the agreement withGeneral Grant that he would notify me from Washington, I could notwith propriety press the matter, but if General Buell should beassigned to me specifically I was prepared to assign him to commandall the troops on the Mississippi River from Cairo to Natchez, comprising about three divisions, or the equivalent of a corpsd'armee. General Grant never afterward communicated to me on thesubject at all; and I inferred that Mr. Stanton, who was notoriouslyvindictive in his prejudices, would not consent to the employment ofthese high officers. General Buell, toward the close of the war, published a bitter political letter, aimed at General Grant, reflecting on his general management of the war, and stated that bothGenerals Canby and Sherman had offered him a subordinate command, which he had declined because he had once outranked us. This was nottrue as to me, or Canby either, I think, for both General Canby and Iranked him at West Point and in the old army, and he (General Buell)was only superior to us in the date of his commission asmajor-general, for a short period in 1862. This newspapercommunication, though aimed at General Grant, reacted on himself, forit closed his military career. General Crittenden afterward obtainedauthority for service, and I offered him a division, but he declinedit for the reason, as I understood it, that he had at one timecommanded a corps. He is now in the United States service, commanding the Seventeenth Infantry. General McCook obtained acommand under General Canby, in the Department of the Gulf, where herendered good service, and he is also in the regular service, lieutenant-colonel Tenth Infantry. 

I returned to Nashville from Cincinnati about the 25th of March, and started at once, in a special car attached to the regulartrain, to inspect my command at the front, going to Pulaski, Tennessee, where I found General G. M. Dodge; thence to Huntsville, Alabama, where I had left a part of my personal staff and therecords of the department during the time we had been absent atMeridian; and there I found General McPherson, who had arrived fromVicksburg, and had assumed command of the Army of the Tennessee. General McPherson accompanied me, and we proceeded by the cars toStevenson, Bridgeport, etc. , to Chattanooga, where we spent a dayor two with General George H. Thomas, and then continued on toKnoxville, where was General Schofield. He returned with us toChattanooga, stopping by the way a few hours at Loudon, where werethe headquarters of the Fourth Corps (Major-General GordonGranger). General Granger, as usual, was full of complaints at thetreatment of his corps since I had left him with General Burnside, at Knoxville, the preceding November; and he stated to mepersonally that he had a leave of absence in his pocket, of whichhe intended to take advantage very soon. About the end of March, therefore, the three army commanders and myself were together atChattanooga. We had nothing like a council of war, but conversedfreely and frankly on all matters of interest then in progress orimpending. We all knew that, as soon as the spring was fairlyopen, we should have to move directly against our antagonist, General Jos. E. Johnston, then securely intrenched at Dalton, thirty miles distant; and the purpose of our conference at the timewas to ascertain our own resources, and to distribute to each partof the army its appropriate share of work. We discussed everypossible contingency likely to arise, and I simply instructed eacharmy commander to make immediate preparations for a hard campaign, regulating the distribution of supplies that were coming up by railfrom Nashville as equitably as possible. We also agreed on somesubordinate changes in the organization of the three separatearmies which were destined to take the field; among which was theconsolidation of the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps (Howard and Slocum)into a single corps, to be commanded by General Jos. Hooker. General Howard was to be transferred to the Fourth Corps, viceGordon Granger to avail himself of his leave of absence; andGeneral Slocum was to be ordered down the Mississippi River, tocommand the District of Vicksburg. These changes required theconsent of the President, and were all in due time approved. 

The great question of the campaign was one of supplies. Nashville, our chief depot, was itself partially in a hostile country, andeven the routes of supply from Louisville to Nashville by rail, andby way of the Cumberland River, had to be guarded. Chattanooga(our starting-point) was one hundred and thirty-six miles in frontof Nashville, and every foot of the way, especially the manybridges, trestles, and culverts, had to be strongly guarded againstthe acts of a local hostile population and of the enemy's cavalry. Then, of course, as we advanced into Georgia, it was manifest thatwe should have to repair the railroad, use it, and guard itlikewise: General Thomas's army was much the largest of the three, was best provided, and contained the best corps of engineers, railroad managers, and repair parties, as well as the best body ofspies and provost-marshals. On him we were therefore compelled in agreat measure to rely for these most useful branches of service. Hehad so long exercised absolute command and control over the railroadsin his department, that the other armies were jealous, and thesethought the Army of the Cumberland got the lion's share of thesupplies and other advantages of the railroads. I found a good dealof feeling in the Army of the Tennessee on this score, and thereforetook supreme control of the roads myself, placed all the armycommanders on an equal footing, and gave to each the same control, sofar as orders of transportation for men and stores were concerned. Thomas's spies brought him frequent and accurate reports of Jos. E. Johnston's army at Dalton, giving its strength anywhere between fortyand fifty thousand men, and these were being reenforced by troopsfrom Mississippi, and by the Georgia militia, under General G. W. Smith. General Johnston seemed to be acting purely on the defensive, so that we had time and leisure to take all our measures deliberatelyand fully. I fixed the date of May 1st, when all things should be inreadiness for the grand forward movement, and then returned toNashville; General Schofield going back to Knoxville, and McPhersonto Huntsville, Thomas remaining at Chattanooga. 

On the 2d of April, at Nashville, I wrote to General Grant, then atWashington, reporting to him the results of my visit to the severalarmies, and asked his consent to the several changes proposed, which was promptly given by telegraph. I then addressed myselfspecially to the troublesome question of transportation andsupplies. I found the capacity of the railroads from Nashvilleforward to Decatur, and to Chattanooga, so small, especially in thenumber of locomotives and care, that it was clear that they werebarely able to supply the daily wants of the armies then dependenton them, with no power of accumulating a surplus in advance. Thecars were daily loaded down with men returning from furlough, withcattle, horses, etc. ; and, by reason of the previous desolation ofthe country between Chattanooga and Knoxville, General Thomas hadauthorized the issue of provisions to the suffering inhabitants. 

We could not attempt an advance into Georgia without food, ammunition, etc. ; and ordinary prudence dictated that we shouldhave an accumulation at the front, in case of interruption to therailway by the act of the enemy, or by common accident. Accordingly, on the 6th of April, I issued a general order, limiting the use of the railroad-cars to transporting only theessential articles of food, ammunition, and supplies for the armyproper, forbidding any further issues to citizens, and cutting offall civil traffic; requiring the commanders of posts within thirtymiles of Nashville to haul out their own stores in wagons;requiring all troops destined for the front to march, and allbeef-cattle to be driven on their own legs. This was a great help, but of course it naturally raised a howl. Some of the poor Unionpeople of East Tennessee appealed to President Lincoln, whose kindheart responded promptly to their request. He telegraphed me to knowif I could not modify or repeal my orders; but I answered him that agreat campaign was impending, on which the fate of the nation hung;that our railroads had but a limited capacity, and could not providefor the necessities of the army and of the people too; that one orthe other must quit, and we could not until the army of Jos. Johnstonwas conquered, etc. , etc. Mr. Lincoln seemed to acquiesce, and Iadvised the people to obtain and drive out cattle from Kentucky, andto haul out their supplies by the wagon-road from the same quarter, by way of Cumberland Gap. By these changes we nearly or quitedoubled our daily accumulation of stores at the front, and yet eventhis was not found enough. 

I accordingly called together in Nashville the master oftransportation, Colonel Anderson, the chief quartermaster, GeneralJ. L. Donaldson, and the chief commissary, General Amos Beckwith, for conference. I assumed the strength of the army to move fromChattanooga into Georgia at one hundred thousand men, and thenumber of animals to be fed, both for cavalry and draught, atthirty-five thousand; then, allowing for occasional wrecks oftrains, which were very common, and for the interruption of theroad itself by guerrillas and regular raids, we estimated it wouldrequire one hundred and thirty cars, of ten tons each, to reachChattanooga daily, to be reasonably certain of an adequate supply. Even with this calculation, we could not afford to bring forwardhay for the horses and mules, nor more than five pounds of oats orcorn per day for each animal. I was willing to risk the questionof forage in part, because I expected to find wheat and cornfields, and a good deal of grass, as we advanced into Georgia atthat season of the year. The problem then was to deliver atChattanooga and beyond one hundred and thirty car-loads daily, leaving the beef-cattle to be driven on the hoof, and all thetroops in excess of the usual train-guards to march by the ordinaryroads. Colonel Anderson promptly explained that he did not possesscars or locomotives enough to do this work. I then instructed andauthorized him to hold on to all trains that arrived at Nashvillefrom Louisville, and to allow none to go back until he had securedenough to fill the requirements of our problem. At the time heonly had about sixty serviceable locomotives, and about six hundredcars of all kinds, and he represented that to provide for allcontingencies he must have at least one hundred locomotives and onethousand cars. As soon as Mr. Guthrie, the President of theLouisville & Nashville Railroad, detected that we were holding onto all his locomotives and cars, he wrote me, earnestlyremonstrating against it, saying that he would not be able withdiminished stock to bring forward the necessary stores fromLouisville to Nashville. I wrote to him, frankly telling himexactly how we were placed, appealed to his patriotism to stand byus, and advised him in like manner to hold on to all trains cominginto Jeffersonville, Indiana. He and General Robert Allen, thenquartermaster-general at Louisville, arranged a ferry-boat so as totransfer the trains over the Ohio River from Jeffersonville, and ina short time we had cars and locomotives from almost every road atthe North; months afterward I was amused to see, away down inGeorgia, cars marked "Pittsburg & Fort Wayne, " "Delaware &Lackawanna, " "Baltimore & Ohio, " and indeed with the names ofalmost every railroad north of the Ohio River. How these railroadcompanies ever recovered their property, or settled theirtransportation accounts, I have never heard, but to this fact, asmuch as to any other single fact, I attribute the perfect successwhich afterward attended our campaigns; and I have always feltgrateful to Mr. Guthrie, of Louisville, who had sense enough andpatriotism enough to subordinate the interests of his railroadcompany to the cause of his country. 

About this time, viz. , the early part of April, I was muchdisturbed by a bold raid made by the rebel General Forrest upbetween the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers. He reached the OhioRiver at Paducah, but was handsomely repulsed by Colonel Hicks. Hethen swung down toward Memphis, assaulted and carried Fort Pillow, massacring a part of its garrison, composed wholly of negro troops. At first I discredited the story of the massacre, because, inpreparing for the Meridian campaign, I had ordered Fort Pillow tobe evacuated, but it transpired afterward that General Hurlbut hadretained a small garrison at Fort Pillow to encourage theenlistment of the blacks as soldiers, which was a favoritepolitical policy at that day. The massacre at Fort Pillow occurredApril 12, 1864, and has been the subject of congressional inquiry. No doubt Forrest's men acted like a set of barbarians, shootingdown the helpless negro garrison after the fort was in theirpossession; but I am told that Forrest personally disclaims anyactive participation in the assault, and that he stopped the firingas soon as he could. I also take it for granted that Forrest didnot lead the assault in person, and consequently that he was to therear, out of sight if not of hearing at the time, and I was told byhundreds of our men, who were at various times prisoners inForrest's possession, that he was usually very kind to them. Hehad a desperate set of fellows under him, and at that very timethere is no doubt the feeling of the Southern people was fearfullysavage on this very point of our making soldiers out of their lateslaves, and Forrest may have shared the feeling. 

I also had another serious cause of disturbance about that time. Iwanted badly the two divisions of troops which had been loaned toGeneral Banks in the month of March previously, with the expressunderstanding that their absence was to endure only one month, andthat during April they were to come out of Red River, and be againwithin the sphere of my command. I accordingly instructed one ofmy inspector-generals, John M. Corse, to take a fleet steamboat atNashville, proceed via Cairo, Memphis, and Vicksburg, to GeneralBanks up the Red River, and to deliver the following letter ofApril 3d, as also others, of like tenor, to Generals A. J. Smithand Fred Steele, who were supposed to be with him:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPINASHVILLE, TENNESSEE, April 3, 1864

Major-General N. P. BANKS, commanding Department of the Gulf, RedRiver. 

GENERAL: The thirty days for which I loaned you the command ofGeneral A. J. Smith will expire on the 10th instant. I send withthis Brigadier-General J. M. Corse, to carry orders to General A. J. Smith, and to give directions for a new movement, which ispreliminary to the general campaign. General Corse may see you andexplain in full, but, lest he should not find you in person, I willsimply state that Forrest, availing himself of the absence of ourfurloughed men and of the detachment with you, has pushed upbetween the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, even to the Ohio. Heattacked Paducah, but got the worst of it, and he still lingersabout the place. I hope that he will remain thereabouts tillGeneral A. J. Smith can reach his destined point, but this I canhardly expect; yet I want him to reach by the Yazoo a position nearGrenada, thence to operate against Forrest, after which to marchacross to Decatur, Alabama. You will see that he has a big job, and therefore should start at once. From all that I can learn, mytroops reached Alexandria, Louisiana, at the time agreed on, viz. , March 17th, and I hear of them at Natchitoches, but cannot hear ofyour troops being above Opelousas. 

Steele is also moving. I leave Steele's entire force to cooperatewith you and the navy, but, as I before stated, I must have A. T. Smith's troops now as soon as possible. 

I beg you will expedite their return to Vicksburg, if they have notalready started, and I want them if possible to remain in the sameboats they have used up Red River, as it will save the timeotherwise consumed in transfer to other boats. 

All is well in this quarter, and I hope by the time you turnagainst Mobile our forces will again act toward the same end, though from distant points. General Grant, now having lawfulcontrol, will doubtless see that all minor objects are disregarded, and that all the armies act on a common plan. 

Hoping, when this reaches you, that you will be in possession ofShreveport, I am, with great respect, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

Rumors were reaching us thick and fast of defeat and disaster inthat quarter; and I feared then, what afterward actually happened, that neither General Banks nor Admiral Porter could or would sparethose two divisions. On the 23d of April, General Corse returned, bringing full answers to my letters, and I saw that we must go onwithout them. This was a serious loss to the Army of theTennessee, which was also short by two other divisions that were ontheir veteran furlough, and were under orders to rendezvous atCairo, before embarking for Clifton, on the Tennessee River. 

On the 10th of April, 1864, the headquarters of the three Armies ofthe Cumberland, Tennessee, and Ohio, were at Chattanooga. , Huntsville, and Knoxville, and the tables on page 16, et seq. , givetheir exact condition and strength. 

The Department of the Arkansas was then subject to my command, butGeneral Fred Steele, its commander, was at Little Rock, remote fromme, acting in cooperation with General Banks, and had fullemployment for every soldier of his command; so that I neverdepended on him for any men, or for any participation in theGeorgia campaign. Soon after, viz. , May 8th, that department wastransferred to the Military Division of "the Gulf, " or "Southwest, "Major-General E. R. S. Canby commanding, and General Steele servedwith him in the subsequent movement against Mobile. 

In Generals Thomas, McPherson, and Schofield, I had three generalsof education and experience, admirably qualified for the workbefore us. Each has made a history of his own, and I need not heredwell on their respective merits as men, or as commanders ofarmies, except that each possessed special qualities of mind and ofcharacter which fitted them in the highest degree for the work thenin contemplation. 

By the returns of April 10, 1864, it will be seen that theArmy of the Cumberland had on its muster-rolls--

 Men. Present and absent................... 171, 450Present for duty..................... 88, 883

The Army of the Tennessee--Present and absent.................... 134, 763Present for duty...................... 64, 957

The Army of the Ohio--Present and absent ................... 46, 052Present for duty ..................... 26, 242

The department and army commanders had to maintain strong garrisonsin their respective departments, and also to guard their respectivelines of supply. I therefore, in my mind, aimed to prepare out ofthese three armies, by the 1st of May, 1864, a compact army foractive operations in Georgia, of about the following numbers:

Army of the Cumberland................ 50, 000Army of the Tennessee................. 35, 000Army of the Ohio ..................... 15, 000

Total ............................... 100, 000

and, to make these troops as mobile as possible, I made thestrictest possible orders in relation to wagons and all species ofincumbrances and impedimenta whatever. Each officer and soldierwas required to carry on his horse or person food and clothingenough for five days. To each regiment was allowed but one wagonand one ambulance, and to the officers of each company one packhorse or mule. 

Each division and brigade was provided a fair proportion of wagonsfor a supply train, and these were limited in their loads to carryfood, ammunition, and clothing. Tents were forbidden to all savethe sick and wounded, and one tent only was allowed to eachheadquarters for use as an office. These orders were notabsolutely enforced, though in person I set the example, and didnot have a tent, nor did any officer about me have one; but we hadwall tent-flies, without poles, and no tent-furniture of any kind. We usually spread our flies over saplings, or on fence-rails orposts improvised on the spot. Most of the general officers, exceptThomas, followed my example strictly; but he had a regularheadquarters-camp. I frequently called his attention to the orderson this subject, rather jestingly than seriously. He would breakout against his officers for having such luxuries, but, needing atent himself, and being good-natured and slow to act, he neverenforced my orders perfectly. In addition to his regularwagon-train, he had a big wagon which could be converted into anoffice, and this we used to call "Thomas's circus. " Several timesduring the campaign I found quartermasters hid away in somecomfortable nook to the rear, with tents and mess-fixtures whichwere the envy of the passing soldiers; and I frequently broke themup, and distributed the tents to the surgeons of brigades. Yet myorders actually reduced the transportation, so that I doubt if anyarmy ever went forth to battle with fewer impedimenta, and wherethe regular and necessary supplies of food, ammunition, andclothing, were issued, as called for, so regularly and so well. 

My personal staff was then composed of Captain J. C. McCoy, aide-de-camp; Captain L. M. Dayton, aide-de-camp; Captain J. C. Audenried, aide-de-camp; Brigadier-General J. D. Webster, chief ofstaff; Major R. M. Sawyer, assistant adjutant-general; CaptainMontgomery Rochester, assistant adjutant-general. These last threewere left at Nashville in charge of the office, and were empoweredto give orders in my name, communication being generally kept up bytelegraph. 

Subsequently were added to my staff, and accompanied me in thefield, Brigadier-General W. F. Barry, chief of artillery; ColonelO. M. Poe, chief of engineers; Colonel L. C. Easton, chiefquartermaster; Colonel Amos Beckwith, chief commissary; CaptainThos. G. Baylor, chief of ordnance; Surgeon E. D. Kittoe, medicaldirector; Brigadier-General J. M. Corse, inspector-general;Lieutenant-Colonel C. Ewing, inspector-general; and Lieutenant-Colonel Willard Warner, inspector-general. 

These officers constituted my staff proper at the beginning of thecampaign, which remained substantially the same till the close ofthe war, with very few exceptions; viz. : Surgeon John Moore, UnitedStates Army, relieved Surgeon Kittoe of the volunteers (aboutAtlanta) as medical director; Major Henry Hitchcock joined asjudge-advocate, and Captain G. Ward Nichols reported as an extraaide-de-camp (after the fall of Atlanta) at Gaylesville, justbefore we started for Savannah. 

During the whole month of April the preparations for active warwere going on with extreme vigor, and my letter-book shows anactive correspondence with Generals Grant, Halleck, Thomas, McPherson, and Schofield on thousands of matters of detail andarrangement, most of which are embraced in my testimony before theCommittee on the Conduct of the War, vol. I. , Appendix. 

When the time for action approached, viz. , May 1, 1864, the actualarmies prepared to move into Georgia resulted as follows, presentfor battle: Men. Army of the Cumberland, Major-General THOMAS. Infantry ....................... 54, 568Artillery ...................... 2, 377Cavalry......................... 3, 828 Aggregate............... 60, 773Number of field-guns, 130. 

Army of the Tennessee, Major-General McPHERSON. 

Infantry ....................... 22, 437Artillery ...................... 1, 404Cavalry ........................ 624 Aggregate ............. 24, 465Guns, 96

Army of the Ohio, Major-General SCHOFIELD. 

Infantry ....................... 11, 183Artillery....................... 679Cavalry......................... 1, 697 Aggregate .............. 13, 559Guns, 28. 

Grand aggregate, 98, 797 men and 254 guns

These figures do not embrace the cavalry divisions which were stillincomplete, viz. , of General Stoneman, at Lexington, Kentucky, andof General Garrard, at Columbia, Tennessee, who were then rapidlycollecting horses, and joined us in the early stage of thecampaign. General Stoneman, having a division of about fourthousand men and horses, was attached to Schofield's Army of theOhio. General Garrard's division, of about four thousand fivehundred men and horses, was attached to General Thomas's command;and he had another irregular division of cavalry, commanded byBrigadier-General E. McCook. There was also a small brigade ofcavalry, belonging to the Army of the Cumberland, attachedtemporarily to the Army of the Tennessee, which was commanded byBrigadier-General Judson Kilpatrick. These cavalry commandschanged constantly in strength and numbers, and were generally usedon the extreme flanks, or for some special detached service, aswill be herein-after related. The Army of the Tennessee was stillshort by the two divisions detached with General Banks, up RedRiver, and two other divisions on furlough in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, but which were rendezvousing at Cairo, under GeneralsLeggett and Crocker, to form a part of the Seventeenth Corps, whichcorps was to be commanded by Major-General Frank P. Blair, then amember of Congress, in Washington. On the 2d of April I notifiedhim by letter that I wanted him to join and to command these twodivisions, which ought to be ready by the 1st of May. GeneralBlair, with these two divisions, constituting the Seventeenth ArmyCorps, did not actually overtake us until we reached Acworth andBig Shanty, in Georgia, about the 9th of June, 1864. 

In my letter of April 4th to General John A. Rawains, chief ofstaff to General Grant at Washington, I described at length all thepreparations that were in progress for the active campaign thuscontemplated, and therein estimated Schofield at twelve thousand, Thomas at forty-five thousand, and McPherson at thirty thousand. At first I intended to open the campaign about May 1st, by movingSchofield on Dalton from Cleveland, Thomas on the same objectivefrom Chattanooga, and McPherson on Rome and Kingston from Gunter'sLanding. My intention was merely to threaten Dalton in front, andto direct McPherson to act vigorously against the railroad belowResaca, far to the rear of the enemy. But by reason of his beingshort of his estimated strength by the four divisions beforereferred to, and thus being reduced to about twenty-four thousandmen, I did not feel justified in placing him so far away from thesupport of the main body of the army, and therefore subsequentlychanged the plan of campaign, so far as to bring that army up toChattanooga, and to direct it thence through Ship's Gap against therailroad to Johnston's rear, at or near Resaca, distant from Daltononly eighteen miles, and in full communication with the otherarmies by roads behind Rocky face Ridge, of about the same length. 

On the 10th of April I received General Grant's letter of April 4thfrom Washington, which formed the basis of all the campaigns of theyear 1864, and subsequently received another of April 19th, writtenfrom Culpepper, Virginia, both of which are now in my possession, in his own handwriting, and are here given entire. These lettersembrace substantially all the orders he ever made on thisparticular subject, and these, it will be seen, devolved on me thedetails both as to the plan and execution of the campaign by thearmies under my immediate command. These armies were to bedirected against the rebel army commanded by General Joseph E. Johnston, then lying on the defensive, strongly intrenched atDalton, Georgia; and I was required to follow it up closely andpersistently, so that in no event could any part be detached toassist General Lee in Virginia; General Grant undertaking in likemanner to keep Lee so busy that he could not respond to any callsof help by Johnston. Neither Atlanta, nor Augusta, nor Savannah, was the objective, but the "army of Jos. Johnston, " go where itmight. 

[PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL. ]

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESWASHINGTON D. C. , April 4, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: It is my design, if the enemy keep quiet and allow me totake the initiative in the spring campaign, to work all parts ofthe army together, and somewhat toward a common centre. For yourinformation I now write you my programme, as at present determinedupon. 

I have sent orders to Banks, by private messenger, to finish up hispresent expedition against Shreveport with all dispatch; to turnover the defense of Red River to General Steels and the navy, andto return your troops to you, and his own to New Orleans; toabandon all of Texas, except the Rio Grande, and to hold that withnot to exceed four thousand men; to reduce the number of troops onthe Mississippi to the lowest number necessary to hold it, and tocollect from his command not less than twenty-five thousand men. To this I will add five thousand from Missouri. With this force heis to commence operations against Mobile as soon as he can. Itwill be impossible for him to commence too early. 

Gillmore joins Butler with ten thousand men, and the two operateagainst Richmond from the south aide of James River. This willgive Butler thirty-three thousand men to operate with, W. F. Smithcommanding the right wing of his forces, and Gillmore the leftwing. I will stay with the Army of the Potomac, increased byBurnside's corps of not less than twenty-five thousand effectivemen, and operate directly against Lee's army, wherever it may befound. 

Sigel collects all his available force in two columns, one, underOrd and Averill, to start from Beverly, Virginia, and the other, under Crook, to start from Charleston, on the Kanawha, to moveagainst the Virginia & Tennessee Railroad. 

Crook will have all cavalry, and will endeavor to get in aboutSaltville, and move east from there to join Ord. His force will beall cavalry, while Ord will have from ten to twelve thousand men ofall arms. 

You I propose to move against Johnston's army, to break it up, andto get into the interior of the enemy's country as far as you can, inflicting all the damage you can against their war resources. 

I do not propose to lay down for you a plan of campaign, but simplyto lay down the work it is desirable to have done, and leave youfree to execute it in your own way. Submit to me, however, asearly as you can, your plan of operations. 

As stated, Banks is ordered to commence operations as soon as hecan. Gillmore is ordered to report at Fortress Monroe by the 18thinst. , or as soon thereafter as practicable. Sigel isconcentrating now. None will move from their places of rendezvousuntil I direct, except Banks. I want to be ready to move by the25th inst. , if possible; but all I can now direct is that you getready as soon as possible. I know you will have difficulties toencounter in getting through the mountains to where supplies areabundant, but I believe you will accomplish it. 

From the expedition from the Department of West Virginia I do notcalculate on very great results; but it is the only way I can taketroops from there. With the long line of railroad Sigel has toprotect, he can spare no troops, except to move directly to hisfront. In this way he must get through to inflict great damage onthe enemy, or the enemy must detach from one of his armies a largeforce to prevent it. In other words, if Sigel can't skin himself, he can hold a leg while some one else skins. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPINASHVILLE, TENNESSEE, April 10, 1864

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commander-in-Chief, Washington, D. 

DEAR GENERAL: Your two letters of April 4th are now before me, andafford me infinite satisfaction. That we are now all to act on acommon plan, converging on a common centre, looks like enlightenedwar. 

Like yourself, you take the biggest load, and from me you shallhave thorough and hearty cooperation. I will not let side issuesdraw me off from your main plans in which I am to knock Jos. Johnston, and to do as much damage to the resources of the enemy aspossible. I have heretofore written to General Rawlins and toColonel Comstock (of your staff) somewhat of the method in which Ipropose to act. I have seen all my army, corps, and divisioncommanders, and have signified only to the former, viz. , Schofield, Thomas, and McPherson, our general plans, which I inferred from thepurport of our conversation here and at Cincinnati. 

First, I am pushing stores to the front with all possible dispatch, and am completing the army organization according to the ordersfrom Washington, which are ample and perfectly satisfactory. 

It will take us all of April to get in our furloughed veterans, tobring up A. J. Smith's command, and to collect provisions andcattle on the line of the Tennessee. Each of the armies willguard, by detachments of its own, its rear communications. 

At the signal to be given by you, Schofield, leaving a selectgarrison at Knoxville and London, with twelve thousand men willdrop down to the Hiawassee, and march against Johnston's right bythe old Federal road. Stoneman, now in Kentucky, organizing thecavalry forces of the Army of the Ohio, will operate with Schofieldon his left front--it may be, pushing a select body of about twothousand cavalry by Ducktown or Elijah toward Athens, Georgia. 

Thomas will aim to have forty-five thousand men of all arms, andmove straight against Johnston, wherever he may be, fighting himcautiously, persistently, and to the best advantage. He will havetwo divisions of cavalry, to take advantage of any offering. 

McPherson will have nine divisions of the Army of the Tennessee, ifA. J. Smith gets here, in which case he will have full thirtythousand of the best men in America. He will cross the Tennesseeat Decatur and Whitesburg, march toward Rome, and feel for Thomas. If Johnston falls behind the Coosa, then McPherson will push forRome; and if Johnston falls behind the Chattahoochee, as I believehe will, then McPherson will cross over and join Thomas. 

McPherson has no cavalry, but I have taken one of Thomas'sdivisions, viz. , Garrard's, six thousand strong, which is now atColombia, mounting, equipping, and preparing. I design thisdivision to operate on McPherson's right, rear, or front, accordingas the enemy appears. But the moment I detect Johnston fallingbehind the Chattahoochee, I propose to cast off the effective partof this cavalry division, after crossing the Coosa, straight forOpelika, West Point, Columbus, or Wetumpka, to break up the roadbetween Montgomery and Georgia. If Garrard can do this work well, he can return to the Union army; but should a superior forceinterpose, then he will seek safety at Pensacola and join Banks, or, after rest, will act against any force that he can find east ofMobile, till such time as he can reach me. 

Should Johnston fall behind the Chattahoochee, I will feign to theright, but pass to the left and act against Atlanta or its easterncommunications, according to developed facts. 

This is about as far ahead as I feel disposed, to look, but I willever bear in mind that Johnston is at all times to be kept so busythat he cannot in any event send any part of his command againstyou or Banks. 

If Banks can at the same time carry Mobile and open up the AlabamaRiver, he will in a measure solve the most difficult part of myproblem, viz. , "provisions. " But in that I must venture. Georgiahas a million of inhabitants. If they can live, we should notstarve. If the enemy interrupt our communications, I will beabsolved from all obligations to subsist on our own resources, andwill feel perfectly justified in taking whatever and wherever wecan find. I will inspire my command, if successful, with thefeeling that beef and salt are all that is absolutely necessary tolife, and that parched corn once fed General Jackson's army on thatvery ground. As ever, your friend and servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCULPEPPER COURT HOUSE, VIRGINIA, April 19, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Since my letter to you of April 4th I have seen no reasonto change any portion of the general plan of campaign, if the enemyremain still and allow us to take the initiative. Rain hascontinued so uninterruptedly until the last day or two that it willbe impossible to move, however, before the 27th, even if no moreshould fall in the meantime. I think Saturday, the 30th, willprobably be the day for our general move. 

Colonel Comstock, who will take this, can spend a day with you, andfill up many little gaps of information not given in any of myletters. 

What I now want more particularly to say is, that if the two mainattacks, yours and the one from here, should promise great success, the enemy may, in a fit of desperation, abandon one part of theirline of defense, and throw their whole strength upon the other, believing a single defeat without any victory to sustain thembetter than a defeat all along their line, and hoping too, at thesame time, that the army, meeting with no resistance, will restperfectly satisfied with their laurels, having penetrated to agiven point south, thereby enabling them to throw their force firstupon one and then on the other. 

With the majority of military commanders they might do this. 

But you have had too much experience in traveling light, andsubsisting upon the country, to be caught by any such ruse. I hopemy experience has not been thrown away. My directions, then, wouldbe, if the enemy in your front show signs of joining Lee, followhim up to the full extent of your ability. I will prevent theconcentration of Lee upon your front, if it is in the power of thisarmy to do it. 

The Army of the Potomac looks well, and, so far as I can judge, officers and men feel well. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPINASHVILLE, TENNESSEE, April 24, 1864

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commander-in-Chief, Culpepper, Virginia

GENERAL: I now have, at the hands of Colonel Comstock, of yourstaff, the letter of April 19th, and am as far prepared to assumethe offensive as possible. I only ask as much time as you thinkproper, to enable me to get up McPherson's two divisions fromCairo. Their furloughs will expire about this time, and some ofthem should now be in motion for Clifton, whence they will march toDecatur, to join General Dodge. 

McPherson is ordered to assemble the Fifteenth Corps near Larkin's, and to get the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Corps (Dodge and Blair) atDecatur at the earliest possible moment. From these two points hewill direct his forces on Lebanon, Summerville, and Lafayette, where he will act against Johnston, if he accept battle at Dalton;or move in the direction of Rome, if the enemy give up Dalton, andfall behind the Oostenaula or Etowah. I see that there is somerisk in dividing our forces, but Thomas and Schofield will havestrength enough to cover all the valleys as far as Dalton; and, should Johnston turn his whole force against McPherson, the latterwill have his bridge at Larkin's, and the route to Chattanooga viaWilla's Valley and the Chattanooga Creek, open for retreat; and ifJohnston attempt to leave Dalton, Thomas will have force enough topush on through Dalton to Kingston, which will checkmate him. Myown opinion is that Johnston will be compelled to hang to hisrailroad, the only possible avenue of supply to his army, estimatedat from forty-five to sixty thousand men. 

At Lafayette all our armies will be together, and if Johnstonstands at Dalton we must attack him in position. Thomas feelscertain that he has no material increase of force, and that he hasnot sent away Hardee, or any part of his army. Supplies are thegreat question. I have materially increased the number of carsdaily. When I got here, the average was from sixty-five to eightyper day. Yesterday the report was one hundred and ninety-three;to-day, one hundred and thirty-four; and my estimate is that onehundred and forty-five cars per day will give us a day's supply anda day's accumulation. 

McPherson is ordered to carry in wagons twenty day's rations, andto rely on the depot at Ringgold for the renewal of his bread. Beeves are now being driven on the hoof to the front; and thecommissary, Colonel Beckwith, seems fully alive to the importanceof the whole matter. 

Our weakest point will be from the direction of Decatur, and I willbe forced to risk something from that quarter, depending on thefact that the enemy has no force available with which to threatenour communications from that direction. 

Colonel Comstock will explain to you personally much that I cannotcommit to paper. I am, with great respect, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

On the 28th of April I removed my headquarters to Chattanooga, andprepared for taking the field in person. General Grant had firstindicated the 30th of April as the day for the simultaneousadvance, but subsequently changed the day to May 5th. McPhersonstroops were brought forward rapidly to Chattanooga, partly by railand partly by marching. Thomas's troops were already in position(his advance being out as far as Ringgold-eighteen miles), andSchofield was marching down by Cleveland to Red Clay and CatoosaSprings. On the 4th of May, Thomas was in person at Ringgold, hisleft at Catoosa, and his right at Leet's Tan-yard. Schofield wasat Red Clay, closing upon Thomas's left; and McPherson was movingrapidly into Chattanooga, and out toward Gordon's Mill. 

On the 5th I rode out to Ringgold, and on the very day appointed byGeneral Grant from his headquarters in Virginia the great campaignwas begun. To give all the minute details will involve more thanis contemplated, and I will endeavor only to trace the principalevents, or rather to record such as weighed heaviest on my own mindat the time, and which now remain best fixed in my memory. 

My general headquarters and official records remained back atNashville, and I had near me only my personal staff andinspectors-general, with about half a dozen wagons, and a singlecompany of Ohio sharp-shooters (commanded by Lieutenant McCrory) asheadquarters or camp guard. I also had a small company ofirregular Alabama cavalry (commanded by Lieutenant Snelling), usedmostly as orderlies and couriers. No wall-tents were allowed, onlythe flies. Our mess establishment was less in bulk than that ofany of the brigade commanders; nor was this from an indifference tothe ordinary comforts of life, but because I wanted to set theexample, and gradually to convert all parts of that army into amobile machine, willing and able to start at a minute's notice, andto subsist on the scantiest food. To reap absolute success mightinvolve the necessity even of dropping all wagons, and to subsiston the chance food which the country was known to contain. I hadobtained not only the United States census-tables of 1860, but acompilation made by the Controller of the State of Georgia for thepurpose of taxation, containing in considerable detail the"population and statistics" of every county in Georgia. One of myaides (Captain Dayton) acted as assistant adjutant general, with anorder-book, letter-book, and writing-paper, that filled a smallchest not much larger than an ordinary candle-boa. The onlyreports and returns called for were the ordinary tri-monthlyreturns of "effective strength. " As these accumulated they weresent back to Nashville, and afterward were embraced in the archivesof the Military Division of the Mississippi, changed in 1865 to theMilitary Division of the Missouri, and I suppose they were burnedin the Chicago fire of 1870. Still, duplicates remain of allessential papers in the archives of the War Department. 

The 6th of May was given to Schofield and McPherson to get intoposition, and on the 7th General Thomas moved in force againstTunnel Hill, driving off a mere picket-guard of the enemy, and Iwas agreeably surprised to find that no damage had been done to thetunnel or the railroad. From Tunnel Hill I could look into thegorge by which the railroad passed through a straight andwell-defined range of mountains, presenting sharp palisade faces, and known as "Rocky Face. " The gorge itself was called the"Buzzard Roost. " We could plainly see the enemy in this gorge andbehind it, and Mill Creek which formed the gorge, flowing towardDalton, had been dammed up, making a sort of irregular lake, filling the road, thereby obstructing it, and the enemy's batteriescrowned the cliffs on either side. The position was very strong, and I knew that such a general as was my antagonist (Jos. Johnston), who had been there six months, had fortified it to themaximum. Therefore I had no intention to attack the positionseriously in front, but depended on McPherson to capture and holdthe railroad to its rear, which would force Johnston to detachlargely against him, or rather, as I expected, to evacuate hisposition at Dalton altogether. My orders to Generals Thomas andSchofield were merely to press strongly at all points in front, ready to rush in on the first appearance of "let go, " and, ifpossible, to catch our enemy in the confusion of retreat. 

All the movements of the 7th and 8th were made exactly as ordered, and the enemy seemed quiescent, acting purely on the defensive. 

I had constant communication with all parts of the army, and on the9th McPherson's head of column entered and passed through SnakeCreek, perfectly undefended, and accomplished a complete surpriseto the enemy. At its farther debouche he met a cavalry brigade, easily driven, which retreated hastily north toward Dalton, anddoubtless carried to Johnston the first serious intimation that aheavy force of infantry and artillery was to his rear and within afew miles of his railroad. I got a short note from McPherson thatday (written at 2 p. M. , when he was within a mile and a half of therailroad, above and near Resaca), and we all felt jubilant. Irenewed orders to Thomas and Schofield to be ready for the instantpursuit of what I expected to be a broken and disordered army, forced to retreat by roads to the east of Resaca, which were knownto be very rough and impracticable. 

That night I received further notice from McPherson that he hadfound Resaca too strong for a surprise; that in consequence he hadfallen back three miles to the month of Snake Creek Gap, and wasthere fortified. I wrote him the next day the following letters, copies of which are in my letter-book; but his to me were merenotes in pencil, not retained. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, TUNNEL HILL, GEORGIA, May 11, 1864

Major-General McPHERSON, commanding army of the Tennessee, Sugar Valley, Georgia. 

GENERAL: I received by courier (in the night) yours of 5 and 8. 30P. M. Of yesterday. 

You now have your twenty-three thousand men, and General Hooker isin close support, so that you can hold all of Jos. Johnston's armyin check should he abandon Dalton. He cannot afford to abandonDalton, for he has fixed it up on purpose to receive us, and heobserves that we are close at hand, waiting for him to quit. Hecannot afford a detachment strong enough to fight you, as his armywill not admit of it. 

Strengthen your position; fight any thing that comes; and threatenthe safety of the railroad all the time. But, to tell the truth, Iwould rather the enemy would stay in Dalton two more days, when hemay find in his rear a larger party than he expects in an openfield. At all events, we can then choose our own ground, and hewill be forced to move out of his works. I do not intend to put acolumn into Buzzard-Roost Gap at present. 

See that you are in easy communication with me and with allhead-quarters. After to-day the supplies will be at Ringgold. 

Yours, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, TUNNEL HILL, GEORGIA, May 11, 1864-Evening

Major-General McPHERSON, commanding army of the Tennessee, Sugar Valley, Georgia

GENERAL: The indications are that Johnston is evacuating Dalton. In that event, Howard's corps and the cavalry will pursue; all therest will follow your route. I will be down early in the morning. 

Try to strike him if possible about the forks of the road. 

Hooker must be with you now, and you may send General Garrard bySummerville to threaten Rome and that flank. I will cause all thelines to be felt at once. 

W. T. SHERMAN, major-general commanding. 

McPherson had startled Johnston in his fancied security, but hadnot done the full measure of his work. He had in hand twenty-threethousand of the best men of the army, and could have walked intoResaca (then held only by a small brigade), or he could have placedhis whole force astride the railroad above Resaca, and there haveeasily withstood the attack of all of Johnston's army, with theknowledge that Thomas and Schofield were on his heels. Had he doneso, I am certain that Johnston would not have ventured to attackhim in position, but would have retreated eastward by Spring Place, and we should have captured half his army and all his artillery andwagons at the very beginning of the campaign. 

Such an opportunity does not occur twice in a single life, but atthe critical moment McPherson seems to have been a little cautious. Still, he was perfectly justified by his orders, and fell back andassumed an unassailable defensive position in Sugar Valley, on theResaca side of Snake-Creek Gap. As soon as informed of this, Idetermined to pass the whole army through Snake-Creek Gap, and tomove on Resaca with the main army. 

But during the 10th, the enemy showed no signs of evacuatingDalton, and I was waiting for the arrival of Garrard's andStoneman's cavalry, known to be near at hand, so as to secure thefull advantages of victory, of which I felt certain. Hooker'sTwentieth Corps was at once moved down to within easy supportingdistance of McPherson; and on the 11th, perceiving signs ofevacuation of Dalton, I gave all the orders for the generalmovement, leaving the Fourth Corps (Howard) and Stoneman's cavalryin observation in front of Buzzard-Roost Gap, and directing all therest of the army to march through Snake-Creek Gap, straight onResaca. The roads were only such as the country afforded, mererough wagon-ways, and these converged to the single narrow trackthrough Snake-Creek Gap; but during the 12th and 13th the bulk ofThomas's and Schofield's armies were got through, and deployedagainst Resaca, McPherson on the right, Thomas in the centre, andSchofield on the left. Johnston, as I anticipated, had abandonedall his well-prepared defenses at Dalton, and was found inside ofResaca with the bulk of his army, holding his divisions well inhand, acting purely on the defensive, and fighting well at allpoints of conflict. A complete line of intrenchments was foundcovering the place, and this was strongly manned at all points. Onthe 14th we closed in, enveloping the town on its north and west, and during the 15th we had a day of continual battle and skirmish. At the same time I caused two pontoon-bridges to be laid across theOostenaula River at Lay's Ferry, about three miles below the town, by which we could threaten Calhoun, a station on the railroad sevenmiles below Resaca. At the same time, May 14th, I dispatchedGeneral Garrard, with his cavalry division, down the Oostenaula bythe Rome road, with orders to cross over, if possible, and toattack or threaten the railroad at any point below Calhoun andabove Kingston. 

During the 15th, without attempting to assault the fortified works, we pressed at all points, and the sound of cannon and musketry roseall day to the dignity of a battle. Toward evening McPherson movedhis whole line of battle forward, till he had gained a ridgeoverlooking the town, from which his field-artillery could reachthe railroad-bridge across the Oostenaula. The enemy made severalattempts to drive him away, repeating the sallies several times, and extending them into the night; but in every instance he wasrepulsed with bloody loss. 

Hooker's corps had also some heavy and handsome fighting thatafternoon and night on the left, where the Dalton roan entered theintrenchments, capturing a four-gun intrenched battery, with itsmen and guns; and generally all our men showed the finest fightingqualities. 

Howard's corps had followed Johnston down from Dalton, and was inline; Stoneman's division of cavalry had also got up, and was onthe extreme left, beyond the Oostenaula. 

On the night of May 15th Johnston got his army across the bridges, set them on fire, and we entered Resaca at daylight. Our loss upto that time was about six hundred dead and thirty-three hundredand seventy-five wounded--mostly light wounds that did notnecessitate sending the men to the rear for treatment. ThatJohnston had deliberately designed in advance to give up suchstrong positions as Dalton and Resaca, for the purpose of drawingus farther south, is simply absurd. Had he remained in Daltonanother hour, it would have been his total defeat, and he onlyevacuated Resaca because his safety demanded it. The movement byus through Snake-Creek Gap was a total surprise to him. My armyabout doubled his in size, but he had all the advantages of naturalpositions, of artificial forts and roads, and of concentratedaction. We were compelled to grope our way through forests, acrossmountains, with a large army, necessarily more or less dispersed. Of course, I was disappointed not to have crippled his, army moreat that particular stage of the game; but, as it resulted, theserapid successes gave us the initiative, and the usual impulse of aconquering army. 

Johnston having retreated in the night of May 15th, immediatepursuit was begun. A division of infantry (Jeff. C. Davis's) wasat once dispatched down the valley toward Rome, to supportGarrard's cavalry, and the whole army was ordered to pursue, McPherson by Lay's Ferry, on the right, Thomas directly by therailroad, and Schofield by the left, by the old road that crossedthe Oostenaula above Echota or Newtown. 

We hastily repaired the railroad bridge at Resaca, which had beenpartially burned, and built a temporary floating bridge out oftimber and materials found on the spot; so that Thomas got hisadvance corps over during the 16th, and marched as far as Calhoun, where he came into communication with McPherson's troops, which hadcrossed the Oostenaula at Lay's Ferry by our pontoon-bridges, previously laid. Inasmuch as the bridge at Resaca was overtaxed, Hooker's Twentieth Corps was also diverted to cross by the fordsand ferries above Resaca, in the neighborhood of Echota. 

On the 17th, toward evening, the head of Thomas's column, Newton'sdivision, encountered the rear-guard of Johnston's army nearAdairsville. I was near the head of column at the time, trying toget a view of the position of the enemy from an elevation in anopen field. My party attracted the fire of a battery; a shellpassed through the group of staff-officers and burst just beyond, which scattered us promptly. The next morning the enemy haddisappeared, and our pursuit was continued to Kingston, which wereached during Sunday forenoon, the 19th. 

From Resaca the railroad runs nearly due south, but at Kingston itmakes junction with another railroad from Rome, and changesdirection due east. At that time McPherson's head of column wasabout four miles to the west of Kingston, at a country place called"Woodlawn;" Schofield and Hooker were on the direct roads leadingfrom Newtown to Casaville, diagonal to the route followed byThomas. Thomas's head of column, which had followed the countryroads alongside of the railroad, was about four miles east ofKingston, toward Cassville, when about noon I got a message fromhim that he had found the enemy, drawn up in line of battle, onsome extensive, open ground, about half-way between Kingston andCassville, and that appearances indicated a willingness andpreparation for battle. 

Hurriedly sending orders to McPherson to resume the march, tohasten forward by roads leading to the south of Kingston, so as toleave for Thomas's troops and trains the use of the main road, andto come up on his right, I rode forward rapidly, over some roughgravel hills, and about six miles from Kingston found GeneralThomas, with his troops deployed; but he reported that the enemyhad fallen back in echelon of divisions, steadily and in superborder, into Cassville. I knew that the roads by which GeneralsHooker and Schofield were approaching would lead them to a seminarynear Cassville, and that it was all-important to secure the pointof junction of these roads with the main road along which we weremarching. Therefore I ordered General Thomas to push forward hisdeployed lines as rapidly as possible; and, as night wasapproaching, I ordered two field-batteries to close up at a gallopon some woods which lay between us and the town of Cassville. Wecould not see the town by reason of these woods, but a high rangeof hills just back of the town was visible over the tree-tops. Onthese hills could be seen fresh-made parapets, and the movements ofmen, against whom I directed the artillery to fire at long range. The stout resistance made by the enemy along our whole front of acouple of miles indicated a purpose to fight at Cassville; and, asthe night was closing in, General Thomas and I were together, alongwith our skirmish-lines near the seminary, on the edge of the town, where musket-bullets from the enemy were cutting the leaves of thetrees pretty thickly about us. Either Thomas or I remarked thatthat was not the place for the two senior officers of a great army, and we personally went back to the battery, where we passed thenight on the ground. During the night I had reports fromMcPherson, Hooker, and Schofield. The former was about five milesto my right rear, near the "nitre-caves;" Schofield was about sixmiles north, and Hooker between us, within two miles. All wereordered to close down on Cassville at daylight, and to attack theenemy wherever found. Skirmishing was kept up all night, but whenday broke the next morning, May 20th, the enemy was gone, and ourcavalry was sent in pursuit. These reported him beyond the EtowahRiver. We were then well in advance of our railroad-trains, onwhich we depended for supplies; so I determined to pause a few daysto repair the railroad, which had been damaged but little, exceptat the bridge at Resaca, and then to go on. 

Nearly all the people of the country seemed to have fled withJohnston's army; yet some few families remained, and from one ofthem I procured the copy of an order which Johnston had made atAdairsville, in which he recited that he had retreated as far asstrategy required, and that his army must be prepared for battle atCassville. The newspapers of the South, many of which we found, were also loud in denunciation of Johnston's falling back before uswithout a serious battle, simply resisting by his skirmish-linesand by his rear-guard. But his friends proclaimed that it was allstrategic; that he was deliberately drawing us farther and fartherinto the meshes, farther and farther away from our base ofsupplies, and that in due season he would not only halt for battle, but assume the bold offensive. Of course it was to my interest tobring him to battle as soon as possible, when our numericalsuperiority was at the greatest; for he was picking up hisdetachments as he fell back, whereas I was compelled to makesimilar and stronger detachments to repair the railroads as weadvanced, and to guard them. I found at Cassville many evidencesof preparation for a grand battle, among them a long line of freshintrenchments on the hill beyond the town, extending nearly threemiles to the south, embracing the railroad-crossing. I was alsoconvinced that the whole of Polk's corps had joined Johnston fromMississippi, and that he had in hand three full corps, viz. , Hood's, Polk's, and Hardee's, numbering about sixty thousand men, and could not then imagine why he had declined battle, and did notlearn the real reason till after the war was over, and then fromGeneral Johnston himself. 

In the autumn of 1865, when in command of the Military Division ofthe Missouri, I went from St. Louis to Little Rock, Arkansas, andafterward to Memphis. Taking a steamer for Cairo, I found asfellow-passengers Generals Johnston and Frank Blair. We were, ofcourse, on the most friendly terms, and on our way up we talkedover our battles again, played cards, and questioned each other asto particular parts of our mutual conduct in the game of war. Itold Johnston that I had seen his order of preparation, in thenature of an address to his army, announcing his purpose to retreatno more, but to accept battle at Cassville. He answered that suchwas his purpose; that he had left Hardee's corps in the open fieldsto check Thomas, and gain time for his formation on the ridge, justbehind Cassville; and it was this corps which General Thomas hadseen deployed, and whose handsome movement in retreat he hadreported in such complimentary terms. Johnston described how hehad placed Hood's corps on the right, Polk's in the centre, andHardee's on the left. He said he had ridden over the ground, givento each corps commander his position, and orders to throw upparapets during the night; that he was with Hardee on his extremeleft as the night closed in, and as Hardee's troops fell back tothe position assigned them for the intended battle of the next day;and that, after giving Hardee some general instructions, he and hisstaff rode back to Cassville. As he entered the town, or village, he met Generals Hood and Polk. Hood inquired of him if he had hadany thing to eat, and he said no, that he was both hungry andtired, when Hood invited him to go and share a supper which hadbeen prepared for him at a house close by. At the supper theydiscussed the chances of the impending battle, when Hood spoke ofthe ground assigned him as being enfiladed by our (Union)artillery, which Johnston disputed, when General Polk chimed inwith the remark that General Hood was right; that the cannon-shotsfired by us at nightfall had enfiladed their general line ofbattle, and that for this reason he feared they could not holdtheir men. General Johnston was surprised at this, for heunderstood General Hood to be one of those who professed tocriticise his strategy, contending that, instead of retreating, heshould have risked a battle. General Johnston said he wasprovoked, accused them of having been in conference, with beingbeaten before battle, and added that he was unwilling to engage ina critical battle with an army so superior to his own in numbers, with two of his three corps commanders dissatisfied with the groundand positions assigned them. He then and there made up his mind toretreat still farther south, to put the Etowah River and theAllatoona range between us; and he at once gave orders to resumethe retrograde movement. 

This was my recollection of the substance of the conversation, ofwhich I made no note at the time; but, at a meeting of the Societyof the Army of the Cumberland some years after, at Cleveland, Ohio, about 1868, in a short after-dinner speech, I related thisconversation, and it got into print. Subsequently, in the springof 1870, when I was at New Orleans, on route for Texas, GeneralHood called to see me at the St. Charles Hotel, explained that hehad seen my speech reprinted in the newspapers and gave me hisversion of the same event, describing the halt at Cassville, thegeneral orders for battle on that ground, and the meeting at supperwith Generals Johnston and Polk, when the chances of the battle tobe fought the next day were freely and fully discussed; and hestated that he had argued against fighting the battle purely on thedefensive, but had asked General Johnston to permit him with hisown corps and part of Polk's to quit their lines, and to marchrapidly to attack and overwhelm Schofield, who was known to beseparated from Thomas by an interval of nearly five miles, claimingthat he could have defeated Schofield, and got back to his positionin time to meet General Thomas's attack in front. He also statedthat he had then contended with Johnston for the "offensive-defensive" game, instead of the "pure defensive, " as proposed byGeneral Johnston; and he said that it was at this time that GeneralJohnston had taken offense, and that it was for this reason he hadordered the retreat that night. As subsequent events estrangedthese two officers, it is very natural they should now differ onthis point; but it was sufficient for us that the rebel army didretreat that night, leaving us masters of all the country above theEtowah River. 

For the purposes of rest, to give time for the repair of therailroads, and to replenish supplies, we lay by some few days inthat quarter--Schofield with Stoneman's cavalry holding the groundat Cassville Depot, Cartersville, and the Etowah Bridge; Thomasholding his ground near Cassville, and McPherson that nearKingston. The officer intrusted with the repair of the railroadswas Colonel W. W. Wright, a railroad-engineer, who, with about twothousand men, was so industrious and skillful that the bridge atResaca was rebuilt in three days, and cars loaded with stores cameforward to Kingston on the 24th. The telegraph also brought us thenews of the bloody and desperate battles of the Wilderness, inVirginia, and that General Grant was pushing his operations againstLee with terrific energy. I was therefore resolved to give myenemy no rest. 

In early days (1844), when a lieutenant of the Third Artillery, Ihad been sent from Charleston, South Carolina, to Marietta, Georgia, to assist Inspector-General Churchill to take testimonyconcerning certain losses of horses and accoutrements by theGeorgia Volunteers during the Florida War; and after completing thework at Marietta we transferred our party over to Bellefonte, Alabama. I had ridden the distance on horseback, and had notedwell the topography of the country, especially that about Kenesaw, Allatoona, and the Etowah River. On that occasion I had stoppedsome days with a Colonel Tumlin, to see some remarkable Indianmounds on the Etowah River, usually called the "Hightower:" Itherefore knew that the Allatoona Pass was very strong, would behard to force, and resolved not even to attempt it, but to turn theposition, by moving from Kingston to Marietta via. Dallas;accordingly I made orders on the 20th to get ready for the march tobegin on the 23d. The Army of the Cumberland was ordered to marchfor Dallas, by Euharlee and Stilesboro; Davis's division, then inRome, by Van Wert; the Army of the Ohio to keep on the left ofThomas, by a place called Burnt Hickory; and the Army of theTennessee to march for a position a little to the south, so as tobe on the right of the general army, when grouped about Dallas. 

The movement contemplated leaving our railroad, and to depend fortwenty days on the contents of our wagons; and as the country wasvery obscure, mostly in a state of nature, densely wooded, and withfew roads, our movements were necessarily slow. We crossed theEtowah by several bridges and fords, and took as many roads aspossible, keeping up communication by cross-roads, or by couriersthrough the woods. I personally joined General Thomas, who had thecentre, and was consequently the main column, or "column ofdirection. " The several columns followed generally the valley ofthe Euharlee, a tributary coming into the Etowah from the south, and gradually crossed over a ridge of mountains, parts of which hadonce been worked over for gold, and were consequently full of pathsand unused wagon-roads or tracks. A cavalry picket of the enemy atBurnt Hickory was captured, and had on his person an order fromGeneral Johnston, dated at Allatoona, which showed that he haddetected my purpose of turning his position, and it accordinglybecame necessary to use great caution, lest some of the minorcolumns should fall into ambush, but, luckily the enemy was notmuch more familiar with that part of the country than we were. Onthe other side of the Allatoona range, the Pumpkin-Vine Creek, alsoa tributary of the Etowah, flowed north and west; Dallas, the pointaimed at, was a small town on the other or east side of this creek, and was the point of concentration of a great many roads that ledin every direction. Its possession would be a threat to Mariettaand Atlanta, but I could not then venture to attempt either, till Ihad regained the use of the railroad, at least as far down as itsdebouche from the Allatoona range of mountains. Therefore, themovement was chiefly designed to compel Johnston to give upAllatoona. 

On the 25th all the columns were moving steadily on Dallas--McPherson and Davis away off to the right, near Van Wert; Thomas onthe main road in the centre, with Hooker's Twentieth Corps ahead, toward Dallas; and Schofield to the left rear. For the convenienceof march, Hooker had his three divisions on separate roads, allleading toward Dallas, when, in the afternoon, as he approached abridge across Pumpkin-Vine Creek, he found it held by a cavalryforce, which was driven off, but the bridge was on fire. This firewas extinguished, and Hooker's leading division (Geary's) followedthe retreating cavalry on a road leading due east toward Marietta, instead of Dallas. This leading division, about four miles out fromthe bridge, struck a heavy infantry force, which was moving down fromAllatoona toward Dallas, and a sharp battle ensued. I came up inperson soon after, and as my map showed that we were near animportant cross-road called "New Hope, " from a Methodistmeeting-house there of that name, I ordered General Hooker to secureit if possible that night. He asked for a short delay, till he couldbring up his other two divisions, viz. , of Butterfield and Williams, but before these divisions had got up and were deployed, the enemyhad also gained corresponding strength. The woods were so dense, andthe resistance so spirited, that Hooker could not carry the position, though the battle was noisy, and prolonged far into the night. Thispoint, "New Hope, " was the accidental intersection of the roadleading from Allatoona to Dallas with that from Van Wert to Marietta, was four miles northeast of Dallas, and from the bloody fightingthere for the next week was called by the soldiers "Hell-Hole. "

The night was pitch-dark, it rained hard, and the convergence ofour columns toward Dallas produced much confusion. I am suresimilar confusion existed in the army opposed to us, for we wereall mixed up. I slept on the ground, without cover, alongside of alog, got little sleep, resolved at daylight to renew the battle, and to make a lodgment on the Dallas and Allatoona road ifpossible, but the morning revealed a strong line of intrenchmentsfacing us, with a heavy force of infantry and guns. The battle wasrenewed, and without success. McPherson reached Dallas thatmorning, viz. , the 26th, and deployed his troops to the southeastand east of the town, placing Davis's division of the FourteenthCorps, which had joined him on the road from Rome, on his left; butthis still left a gap of at least three miles between Davis andHooker. Meantime, also, General Schofield was closing up onThomas's left. 

Satisfied that Johnston in person was at New Hope with all hisarmy, and that it was so much nearer my "objective;" the railroad, than Dallas, I concluded to draw McPherson from Dallas to Hooker'sright, and gave orders accordingly; but McPherson also wasconfronted with a heavy force, and, as he began to withdrawaccording to his orders, on the morning of the 28th he was fiercelyassailed on his right; a bloody battle ensued, in which he repulsedthe attack, inflicting heavy loss on his assailants, and it was notuntil the 1st of June that he was enabled to withdraw from Dallas, and to effect a close junction with Hooker in front of New Hope. Meantime Thomas and Schofield were completing their deployments, gradually overlapping Johnston on his right, and thus extending ourleft nearer and nearer to the railroad, the nearest point of whichwas Acworth, about eight miles distant. All this time a continualbattle was in progress by strong skirmish-lines, taking advantageof every species of cover, and both parties fortifying each nightby rifle-trenches, with head-logs, many of which grew to be asformidable as first-class works of defense. Occasionally one partyor the other would make a dash in the nature of a sally, butusually it sustained a repulse with great loss of life. I visitedpersonally all parts of our lines nearly every day, was constantlywithin musket-range, and though the fire of musketry and cannonresounded day and night along the whole line, varying from six toten miles, I rarely saw a dozen of the enemy at any one time; andthese were always skirmishers dodging from tree to tree, or behindlogs on the ground, or who occasionally showed their heads abovethe hastily-constructed but remarkably strong rifle-trenches. Onthe occasion of my visit to McPherson on the 30th of May, whilestanding with a group of officers, among whom were GeneralsMcPherson, Logan, Barry, and Colonel Taylor, my former chief ofartillery, a Minie-ball passed through Logan's coat-sleeve, scratching the skin, and struck Colonel Taylor square in thebreast; luckily he had in his pocket a famous memorandum-book, inwhich he kept a sort of diary, about which we used to joke him agood deal; its thickness and size saved his life, breaking theforce of the ball, so that after traversing the book it onlypenetrated the breast to the ribs, but it knocked him down anddisabled him for the rest of the campaign. He was a most competentand worthy officer, and now lives in poverty in Chicago, sustainedin part by his own labor, and in part by a pitiful pension recentlygranted. 

On the 1st of June General McPherson closed in upon the right, and, without attempting further to carry the enemy's strong position atNew Hope Church, I held our general right in close contact with it, gradually, carefully, and steadily working by the left, until ourstrong infantry-lines had reached and secured possession of all thewagon-roads between New Hope, Allatoona, and Acworth, when Idispatched Generals Garrard's and Stoneman's divisions of cavalryinto Allatoona, the first around by the west end of the pass, andthe latter by the direct road. Both reached their destinationwithout opposition, and orders were at once given to repair therailroad forward from Kingston to Allatoona, embracing the bridgeacross the Etowah River. Thus the real object of my move on Dallaswas accomplished, and on the 4th of June I was preparing to drawoff from New Hope Church, and to take position on the railroad infront of Allatoona, when, General Johnston himself having evacuatedhis position, we effected the change without further battle, andmoved to the railroad, occupying it from Allatoona and Acworthforward to Big Shanty, in sight of the famous Kenesaw Mountain. 

Thus, substantially in the month of May, we had steadily driven ourantagonist from the strong positions of Dalton, Resaea, Cassville, Allatoona, and Dallas; had advanced our lines in strong, compactorder from Chattanooga to Big Shanty, nearly a hundred miles of asdifficult country as was ever fought over by civilized armies; andthus stood prepared to go on, anxious to fight, and confident ofsuccess as soon as the railroad communications were complete tobring forward the necessary supplies. It is now impossible tostate accurately our loss of life and men in any one separatebattle; for the fighting was continuous, almost daily, among treesand bushes, on ground where one could rarely see a hundred yardsahead. 

The aggregate loss in the several corps for the month of May isreported-as follows in the usual monthly returns sent to theAdjutant-General's office, which are, therefore, official:

Casualties during the Month of May, 1864(Major-General SHERMAN commanding). 

 Killed and Missing. Wounded. Total. 1, 863 7, 436 9, 299

General Joseph E. Johnston, in his "Narrative of his MilitaryOperations, " just published (March 27, 1874), gives the effectivestrength of his army at and about Dalton on the 1st of May, 1864(page 302), as follows:

Infantry..................... 37, 652Artillery.................... 2, 812Cavalry...................... 2, 392

 Total ................... 42, 856

During May, and prior to reaching Cassville, he was furtherreenforced (page 352)

Polk's corps of three divisions....... 12, 000Martin's division of cavalry.......... 3, 500Jackson's division of cavalry......... 3, 900

And at New Hope Church, May 26th

Brigade of Quarles.................... 2, 200

 Grand-total.................. 64, 456

His losses during the month of May are stated by him, as taken fromthe report of Surgeon Foard (page 325)

 Killed Wounded Total 721 4, 672 5, 393

These figures include only the killed and wounded, whereas mystatement of losses embraces the "missing, " which are usually"prisoners, " and of these we captured, during the whole campaign offour and a half months, exactly 12, 983, whose names, rank, andregiments, were officially reported to the Commissary-General ofPrisoners; and assuming a due proportion for the month of May, viz. , one-fourth, makes 3, 245 to be added to the killed and woundedgiven above, making an aggregate loss in Johnston's army, fromDalton to New Hope, inclusive, of 8, 638, against ours of 9, 299. 

Therefore General Johnston is greatly in error, in his estimates onpage 357, in stating our loss, as compared with his, at six or tento one. 

I always estimated my force at about double his, and could affordto lose two to one without disturbing our relative proportion; butI also reckoned that, in the natural strength of the country, inthe abundance of mountains, streams, and forests, he had a fairoffset to our numerical superiority, and therefore endeavored toact with reasonable caution while moving on the vigorous"offensive. "

With the drawn battle of New Hope Church, and our occupation of thenatural fortress of Allatoona, terminated the month of May, and thefirst stage of the campaign. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

ATLANTA CAMPAIGN--BATTLES ABOUT KENESAW MOUNTAIN. 

JUNE, 1864. 

On the 1st of June our three armies were well in hand, in thebroken and densely-wooded country fronting the enemy intrenched atNew Hope Church, about five miles north of Dallas. GeneralStoneman's division of cavalry had occupied Allatoona, on therailroad, and General Garrard's division was at the western end ofthe pass, about Stilesboro. Colonel W. W. Wright, of theEngineers, was busily employed in repairing the railroad andrebuilding the bridge across the Etowah (or High tower) River, which had been destroyed by the enemy on his retreat; and thearmies were engaged in a general and constant skirmish along afront of about six miles--McPherson the right, Thomas the centre, and Schofield on the left. By gradually covering our front withparapet, and extending to the left, we approached the railroadtoward Acworth and overlapped the enemy's right. By the 4th ofJune we had made such progress that Johnston evacuated his lines inthe night, leaving us masters of the situation, when I deliberatelyshifted McPherson's army to the extreme left, at and in front ofAcworth, with Thomas's about two miles on his right, andSchofield's on his right all facing east. Heavy rains set in aboutthe 1st of June, making the roads infamous; but our marches wereshort, as we needed time for the repair of the railroad, so as tobring supplies forward to Allatoona Station. On the 6th I rodeback to Allatoona, seven miles, found it all that was expected, andgave orders for its fortification and preparation as a "secondarybase. "

General Blair arrived at Acworth on the 8th with his two divisionsof the Seventeenth Corps--the same which had been on veteranfurlough--had come up from Cairo by way of Clifton, on theTennessee River, and had followed our general route to Allatoona, where he had left a garrison of about fifteen hundred men. Hiseffective strength, as reported, was nine thousand. These, withnew regiments and furloughed men who had joined early in the monthof May, equaled our losses from battle, sickness, and bydetachments; so that the three armies still aggregated about onehundred thousand effective men. 

On the 10th of June the whole combined army moved forward sixmiles, to "Big Shanty, " a station on the railroad, whence we had agood view of the enemy's position, which embraced three prominenthills known as Kenesaw, Pine Mountain, and Lost Mountain. On eachof these hills the enemy had signal-stations and fresh lines ofparapets. Heavy masses of infantry could be distinctly seen withthe naked eye, and it was manifest that Johnston had chosen hisground well, and with deliberation had prepared for battle; but hisline was at least ten miles in extent--too long, in my judgment, tobe held successfully by his force, then estimated at sixtythousand. As his position, however, gave him a perfect view overour field, we had to proceed with due caution. McPherson had theleft, following the railroad, which curved around the north base ofKenesaw; Thomas the centre, obliqued to the right, deploying belowKenesaw and facing Pine Hill; and Schofield, somewhat refused, wason the general right, looking south, toward Lost Mountain. 

On the 11th the Etowah bridge was done; the railroad was repairedup to our very skirmish line, close to the base of Kenesaw, and aloaded train of cars came to Big Shanty. The locomotive, detached, was run forward to a water-tank within the range of the enemy'sguns on Kenesaw, whence the enemy opened fire on the locomotive;but the engineer was not afraid, went on to the tank, got water, and returned safely to his train, answering the guns with thescreams of his engine, heightened by the cheers and shouts of ourmen. 

The rains continued to pour, and made our developments slow anddilatory, for there were no roads, and these had to be improvisedby each division for its own supply train from the depot in BigShanty to the camps. Meantime each army was deploying carefullybefore the enemy, intrenching every camp, ready as against a sally. The enemy's cavalry was also busy in our rear, compelling us todetach cavalry all the way back as far as Resaca, and tostrengthen all the infantry posts as far as Nashville. Besides, there was great danger, always in my mind, that Forrest wouldcollect a heavy cavalry command in Mississippi, cross the TennesseeRiver, and break up our railroad below Nashville. In anticipationof this very danger, I had sent General Sturgis to Memphis to takecommand of all the cavalry in that quarter, to go out towardPontotoc, engage Forrest and defeat him; but on the 14th of June Ilearned that General Sturgis had himself been defeated on the 10thof June, and had been driven by Forrest back into Memphis inconsiderable confusion. I expected that this would soon befollowed by a general raid on all our roads in Tennessee. GeneralG. J. Smith, with the two divisions of the Sixteenth andSeventeenth Corps which had been with General Banks up Red River, had returned from that ill-fated expedition, and had been orderedto General Canby at New Orleans, who was making a diversion aboutMobile; but, on hearing of General Sturgis's defeat, I orderedGeneral Smith to go out from Memphis and renew the offensive, so asto keep Forrest off our roads. This he did finally, defeatingForrest at Tupelo, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th days of July; andhe so stirred up matters in North Mississippi that Forrest couldnot leave for Tennessee. This, for a time, left me only the taskof covering the roads against such minor detachments of cavalry asJohnston could spare from his immediate army, and I proposed tokeep these too busy in their own defense to spare detachments. Bythe 14th the rain slackened, and we occupied a continuous line often miles, intrenched, conforming to the irregular position of theenemy, when I reconnoitred, with a view to make a break in theirline between Kenesaw and Pine Mountain. When abreast of PineMountain I noticed a rebel battery on its crest, with a continuousline of fresh rifle-trench about half-way down the hill. Ourskirmishers were at the time engaged in the woods about the base ofthis hill between the lines, and I estimated the distance to thebattery on the crest at about eight hundred yards. Near it, inplain view, stood a group of the enemy, evidently observing us withglasses. General Howard, commanding the Fourth Corps, was near by, and I called his attention to this group, and ordered him to compelit to keep behind its cover. He replied that his orders fromGeneral Thomas were to spare artillery-ammunition. This was right, according to the general policy, but I explained to him that wemust keep up the morale of a bold offensive, that he must use hisartillery, force the enemy to remain on the timid defensive, andordered him to cause a battery close by to fire three volleys. Icontinued to ride down our line, and soon heard, in quicksuccession, the three volleys. The next division in order wasGeary's, and I gave him similar orders. General Polk, in myopinion, was killed by the second volley fired from the firstbattery referred to. 

In a conversation with General Johnston, after the war, heexplained that on that day he had ridden in person from Marietta toPine Mountain, held by Bates's division, and was accompanied byGenerals Hardee and Polk. When on Pine Mountain, reconnoitring, quite a group of soldiers, belonging to the battery close by, clustered about him. He noticed the preparations of our battery tofire, and cautioned these men to scatter. They did so, and helikewise hurried behind the parapet, from which he had an equallygood view of our position but General Polk, who was dignified andcorpulent, walked back slowly, not wishing to appear too hurried orcautious in the presence of the men, and was struck across thebreast by an unexploded shell, which killed him instantly. This ismy memory of the conversation, and it is confirmed by Johnstonhimself in his "Narrative, " page 337, except that he calculated thedistance of our battery at six hundred yards, and says that Polkwas killed by the third shot; I know that our guns fired by volley, and believe that he was hit by a shot of the second volley. It hasbeen asserted that I fired the gun which killed General Polk, andthat I knew it was directed against that general. The fact is, atthat distance we could not even tell that the group were officersat all; I was on horseback, a couple of hundred yards off, beforemy orders to fire were executed, had no idea that our shot hadtaken effect, and continued my ride down along the line toSchofield's extreme flank, returning late in the evening to myhead-quarters at Big Shanty, where I occupied an abandoned house. In a cotton-field back of that house was our signal-station, on theroof of an old gin-house. The signal-officer reported that bystudying the enemy's signals he had learned the key, and that hecould read their signals. He explained to me that he hadtranslated a signal about noon, from Pine Mountain to Marietta, "Send an ambulance for General Polk's body;" and later in the dayanother, "Why don't you send an ambulance for General Polk?" Fromthis we inferred that General Polk had been killed, but how orwhere we knew not; and this inference was confirmed later in thesame day by the report of some prisoners who had been captured. 

On the 15th we advanced our general lines, intending to attack atany weak point discovered between Kenesaw and Pine Mountain; butPine Mountain was found to be abandoned, and Johnston hadcontracted his front somewhat, on a direct line, connecting Kenesawwith Lost Mountain. Thomas and Schofield thereby gained about twomiles of most difficult, country, and McPherson's left lapped wellaround the north end of Kenesaw. We captured a good manyprisoners, among them a whole infantry regiment, the FourteenthAlabama, three hundred and twenty strong. 

On the 16th the general movement was continued, when Lost Mountainwas abandoned by the enemy. Our right naturally swung round, so asto threaten the railroad below Marietta, but Johnston had stillfurther contracted and strengthened his lines, covering Mariettaand all the roads below. 

On the 17th and 18th the rain again fell in torrents, making armymovements impossible, but we devoted the time to strengthening ourpositions, more especially the left and centre, with a viewgradually to draw from the left to add to the right; and we had tohold our lines on the left extremely strong, to guard against asally from Kenesaw against our depot at Big Shanty. Garrard'sdivision of cavalry was kept busy on our left, McPherson hadgradually extended to his right, enabling Thomas to do the samestill farther; but the enemy's position was so very strong, andeverywhere it was covered by intrenchments, that we found it asdangerous to assault as a permanent fort. We in like mannercovered our lines of battle by similar works, and even ourskirmishers learned to cover their bodies by the simplest and bestforms of defensive works, such as rails or logs, piled in the formof a simple lunette, covered on the outside with earth thrown up atnight. 

The enemy and ourselves used the same form of rifle-trench, variedaccording to the nature of the ground, viz. : the trees and busheswere cut away for a hundred yards or more in front, serving as anabatis or entanglement; the parapets varied from four to six feethigh, the dirt taken from a ditch outside and from a covered wayinside, and this parapet was surmounted by a "head-log, " composedof the trunk of a tree from twelve to twenty inches at the butt, lying along the interior crest of the parapet and resting innotches cut in other trunks which extended back, forming aninclined plane, in case the head-log should be knocked inward by acannon-shot. The men of both armies became extremely skillful inthe construction of these works, because each man realized theirvalue and importance to himself, so that it required no orders fortheir construction. As soon as a regiment or brigade gained aposition within easy distance for a sally, it would set to workwith a will, and would construct such a parapet in a single night;but I endeavored to spare the soldiers this hard labor byauthorizing each division commander to organize out of the freedmenwho escaped to us a pioneer corps of two hundred men, who were fedout of the regular army supplies, and I promised them ten dollars amonth, under an existing act of Congress. These pioneerdetachments became very useful to us during the rest of the war, for they could work at night while our men slept; they in turn werenot expected to fight, and could therefore sleep by day. Ourenemies used their slaves for a similar purpose, but usually keptthem out of the range of fire by employing them to fortify andstrengthen the position to their rear next to be occupied in theirgeneral retrograde. During this campaign hundreds if not thousandsof miles of similar intrenchments were built by both armies, and, as a rule, whichever party attacked got the worst of it. 

On the 19th of June the rebel army again fell back on its flanks, to such an extent that for a time I supposed it had retreated tothe Chattahoochee River, fifteen miles distant; but as we pressedforward we were soon undeceived, for we found it still moreconcentrated, covering Marietta and the railroad. These successivecontractions of the enemy's line encouraged us and discouraged him, but were doubtless justified by sound reasons. On the 20thJohnston's position was unusually strong. Kenesaw Mountain was hissalient; his two flanks were refused and covered by parapets and byNoonday and Nose's Creeks. His left flank was his weak point, solong as he acted on the "defensive, " whereas, had he designed tocontract the extent of his line for the purpose of getting inreserve a force with which to strike "offensively" from his right, he would have done a wise act, and I was compelled to presume thatsuch was his object: We were also so far from Nashville andChattanooga that we were naturally sensitive for the safety of ourrailroad and depots, so that the left (McPherson) was held verystrong. 

About this time came reports that a large cavalry force of theenemy had passed around our left flank, evidently to strike thisvery railroad somewhere below Chattanooga. I therefore reenforcedthe cavalry stationed from Resaca to Casaville, and ordered forwardfrom Huntsville, Alabama, the infantry division of General John E. Smith, to hold Kingston securely. 

While we were thus engaged about Kenesaw, General Grant had hishands full with Lee, in Virginia. General Halleck was the chief ofstaff at Washington, and to him I communicated almost daily. Ifind from my letter-book that on the 21st of June I reported to himtersely and truly the condition of facts on that day: "This is thenineteenth day of rain, and the prospect of fair weather is as faroff as ever. The roads are impassable; the fields and woods becomequagmire's after a few wagons have crossed over. Yet we are atwork all the time. The left flank is across Noonday Creek, and theright is across Nose's Creek. The enemy still holds Kenesaw, aconical mountain, with Marietta behind it, and has his flanksretired, to cover that town and the railroad behind. I am allready to attack the moment the weather and roads will permit troopsand artillery to move with any thing like life. "

The weather has a wonderful effect on troops: in action and on themarch, rain is favorable; but in the woods, where all is blind anduncertain, it seems almost impossible for an army covering tenmiles of front to act in concert during wet and stormy weather. Still I pressed operations with the utmost earnestness, aimingalways to keep our fortified lines in absolute contact with theenemy, while with the surplus force we felt forward, from one flankor the other, for his line of communication and retreat. On the22d of June I rode the whole line, and ordered General Thomas inperson to advance his extreme right corps (Hooker's); andinstructed General Schofield, by letter, to keep his entire army, viz. , the Twenty-third Corps, as a strong right flank in closesupport of Hooker's deployed line. During this day the sun cameout, with some promise of clear weather, and I had got back to mybivouac about dark, when a signal message was received, dated--

KULP HOUSE, 5. 30 P. M. 

General SHERMAN:We have repulsed two heavy attacks, and feel confident, our onlyapprehension being from our extreme right flank. Three entirecorps are in front of us. 

Major-General HOOKER. 

Hooker's corps (the Twentieth) belonged to Thomas's army; Thomas'sheadquarters were two miles nearer to Hooker than mine; and Hooker, being an old army officer, knew that he should have reported thisfact to Thomas and not to me; I was, moreover, specially disturbedby the assertion in his report that he was uneasy about his rightflank, when Schofield had been specially ordered to protect that. I first inquired of my adjutant, Dayton, if he were certain thatGeneral Schofield had received his orders, and he answered that theenvelope in which he had sent them was receipted by GeneralSchofield himself. I knew, therefore, that General Schofield mustbe near by, in close support of Hooker's right flank. GeneralThomas had before this occasion complained to me of GeneralHooker's disposition to "switch off, " leaving wide gaps in hisline, so as to be independent, and to make glory on his ownaccount. I therefore resolved not to overlook this breach ofdiscipline and propriety. The rebel army was only composed ofthree corps; I had that very day ridden six miles of their lines, found them everywhere strongly occupied, and therefore Hooker couldnot have encountered "three entire corps. " Both McPherson andSchofield had also complained to me of this same tendency of Hookerto widen the gap between his own corps and his proper army(Thomas's), so as to come into closer contact with one or other ofthe wings, asserting that he was the senior by commission to bothMcPherson and Schofield, and that in the event of battle he shouldassume command over them, by virtue of his older commission. 

They appealed to me to protect them. I had heard during that daysome cannonading and heavy firing down toward the "Kulp House, "which was about five miles southeast of where I was, but this wasnothing unusual, for at the same moment there was firing along ourlines full ten miles in extent. Early the next day (23d) I rodedown to the "Kulp House, " which was on a road leading from PowderSprings to Marietta, about three miles distant from the latter. Onthe way I passed through General Butterfield's division of Hooker'scorps, which I learned had not been engaged at all in the battle ofthe day before; then I rode along Geary's and Williams's divisions, which occupied the field of battle, and the men were engaged inburying the dead. I found General Schofield's corps on the PowderSprings road, its head of column abreast of Hooker's right, therefore constituting "a strong right flank, " and I met GeneraleSchofield and Hooker together. As rain was falling at the moment, we passed into a little church standing by the road-side, and Ithere showed General Schofield Hooker's signal-message of the daybefore. He was very angry, and pretty sharp words passed betweenthem, Schofield saying that his head of column (Hascall's division)had been, at the time of the battle, actually in advance ofHooker's line; that the attack or sally of the enemy struck histroops before it did Hooker's; that General Hooker knew of it atthe time; and he offered to go out and show me that the dead men ofhis advance division (Hascall's) were lying farther out than any ofHooker's. General Hooker pretended not to have known this fact. Ithen asked him why he had called on me for help, until he had usedall of his own troops; asserting that I had just seen Butterfield'sdivision, and had learned from him that he had not been engaged theday before at all; and I asserted that the enemy's sally must havebeen made by one corps (Hood's), in place of three, and that it hadfallen on Geary's and Williams's divisions, which had repulsed theattack handsomely. As we rode away from that church General Hookerwas by my side, and I told him that such a thing must not occuragain; in other words, I reproved him more gently than the occasiondemanded, and from that time he began to sulk. General Hooker hadcome from the East with great fame as a "fighter, " and atChattanooga he was glorified by his "battle above the clouds, "which I fear turned his head. He seemed jealous of all the armycommanders, because in years, former rank, and experience, hethought he was our superior. 

On the 23d of June I telegraphed to General Halleck this summary, which I cannot again better state:

We continue to press forward on the principle of an advance againstfortified positions. The whole country is one vast fort, andJohnston must have at least fifty miles of connected trenches, withabatis and finished batteries. We gain ground daily, fighting allthe time. On the 21st General Stanley gained a position near thesouth end of Kenesaw, from which the enemy attempted in vain todrive him; and the same day General T. J. Wood's division took ahill, which the enemy assaulted three times at night withoutsuccess, leaving more than a hundred dead on the ground. Yesterdaythe extreme right (Hooker and Schofield) advanced on the PowderSprings road to within three miles of Marietta. The enemy made astrong effort to drive them away, but failed signally, leaving morethan two hundred dead on the field. Our lines are now in closecontact, and the fighting is incessant, with a good deal ofartillery-fire. As fast as we gain one position the enemy hasanother all ready, but I think he will soon have to let go Kenesaw, which is the key to the whole country. The weather is now better, and the roads are drying up fast. Our losses are light, and, not-withstanding the repeated breaks of the road to our rear, supplies are ample. 

During the 24th and 25th of June General Schofield extended hisright as far as prudent, so as to compel the enemy to thin out hislines correspondingly, with the intention to make two strongassaults at points where success would give us the greatestadvantage. I had consulted Generals Thomas, McPherson, andSchofield, and we all agreed that we could not with prudencestretch out any more, and therefore there was no alternative but toattack "fortified lines, " a thing carefully avoided up to thattime. I reasoned, if we could make a breach anywhere near therebel centre, and thrust in a strong head of column, that with theone moiety of our army we could hold in check the correspondingwing of the enemy, and with the other sweep in flank and overwhelmthe other half. The 27th of June was fixed as the day for theattempt, and in order to oversee the whole, and to be in closecommunication with all parts of the army, I had a place cleared onthe top of a hill to the rear of Thomas's centre, and had thetelegraph-wires laid to it. The points of attack were chosen, andthe troops were all prepared with as little demonstration aspossible. About 9 A. M. Of the day appointed, the troops moved tothe assault, and all along our lines for ten miles a furious fireof artillery and musketry was kept up. At all points the enemy metus with determined courage and in great force. McPherson'sattacking column fought up the face of the lesser Kenesaw, butcould not reach the summit. About a mile to the right (just belowthe Dallas road) Thomas's assaulting column reached the parapet, where Brigadier-General Barker was shot down mortally wounded, andBrigadier-General Daniel McCook (my old law-partner) wasdesperately wounded, from the effects of which he afterward died. By 11. 30 the assault was in fact over, and had failed. We had notbroken the rebel line at either point, but our assaulting columnsheld their ground within a few yards of the rebel trenches, andthere covered themselves with parapet. McPherson lost about fivehundred men and several valuable officers, and Thomas lost nearlytwo thousand men. This was the hardest fight of the campaign up tothat date, and it is well described by Johnston in his "Narrative"(pages 342, 343), where he admits his loss in killed and woundedas

 Total ............. 808

This, no doubt, is a true and fair statement; but, as usual, Johnston overestimates our loss, putting it at six thousand, whereas our entire loss was about twenty-five hundred, killed andwounded. 

While the battle was in progress at the centre, Schofield crossedOlley's Creek on the right, and gained a position threateningJohnston's line of retreat; and, to increase the effect, I orderedStoneman's cavalry to proceed rapidly still farther to the right, to Sweetwater. Satisfied of the bloody cost of attackingintrenched lines, I at once thought of moving the whole army to therailroad at a point (Fulton) about ten miles below Marietta, or tothe Chattahoochee River itself, a movement similar to the oneafterward so successfully practised at Atlanta. All the orderswere issued to bring forward supplies enough to fill our wagons, intending to strip the railroad back to Allatoona, and leave thatplace as our depot, to be covered as well as possible by Garrard'scavalry. General Thomas, as usual, shook his head, deeming itrisky to leave the railroad; but something had to be done, and Ihad resolved on this move, as reported in my dispatch to GeneralHalleck on July 1st:

General Schofield is now south of Olley's Creek, and on the head ofNickajack. I have been hurrying down provisions and forage, andtomorrow night propose to move McPherson from the left to theextreme right, back of General Thomas. This will bring my rightwithin three miles of the Chattahoochee River, and about five milesfrom the railroad. By this movement I think I can force Johnstonto move his whole army down from Kenesaw to defend his railroad andthe Chattahoochee, when I will (by the left flank) reach therailroad below Marietta; but in this I must cut loose from therailroad with ten days' supplies in wagons. Johnston may come outof his intrenchments to attack Thomas, which is exactly what Iwant, for General Thomas is well intrenched on a line parallel withthe enemy south of Kenesaw. I think that Allatoona and the line ofthe Etowah are strong enough for me to venture on this move. Themovement is substantially down the Sandtown road straight forAtlanta. 

McPherson drew out of his lines during the night of July 2d, leaving Garrard's cavalry, dismounted, occupying his trenches, andmoved to the rear of the Army of the Cumberland, stretching downthe Nickajack; but Johnston detected the movement, and promptlyabandoned Marietta and Kenesaw. I expected as much, for, by theearliest dawn of the 3d of July, I was up at a large spy-glassmounted on a tripod, which Colonel Poe, United States Engineers, had at his bivouac close by our camp. I directed the glass onKenesaw, and saw some of our pickets crawling up the hillcautiously; soon they stood upon the very top, and I could plainlysee their movements as they ran along the crest just abandoned bythe enemy. In a minute I roused my staff, and started them offwith orders in every direction for a pursuit by every possibleroad, hoping to catch Johnston in the confusion of retreat, especially at the crossing of the Chattahoochee River. 

I must close this chapter here, so as to give the actual lossesduring June, which are compiled from the official returns bymonths. These losses, from June 1st to July 3d, were allsubstantially sustained about Kenesaw and Marietta, and it wasreally a continuous battle, lasting from the 10th day of June tillthe 3d of July, when the rebel army fell back from Marietta towardthe Chattahoochee River. Our losses were:

 Killed and Missing Wounded TotalLoss in June Aggregate 1, 790 5, 740 7, 530

Johnston makes his statement of losses from the report of hissurgeon Foard, for pretty much the same period, viz. , from June 4thto July 4th (page 576): Killed Wounded Total Total............ 468 3, 480 3, 948

In the tabular statement the "missing" embraces the prisoners; and, giving two thousand as a fair proportion of prisoners captured byus for the month of June (twelve thousand nine hundred andeighty-three in all the campaign), makes an aggregate loss in therebel army of fifty-nine hundred and forty-eight, to ours ofseventy-five hundred and thirty--a less proportion than in therelative strength of our two armies, viz. , as six to ten, thusmaintaining our relative superiority, which the desperate gameof war justified. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

ATLANTA CAMPAIGN--BATTLES ABOUT ATLANTA

JULY, 1864. 

As before explained, on the 3d of July, by moving McPherson'sentire army from the extreme left, at the base of Kenesaw to theright, below Olley's Creek, and stretching it down the Nickajacktoward Turner's Ferry of the Chattahoochee, we forced Johnston tochoose between a direct assault on Thomas's intrenched position, orto permit us to make a lodgment on his railroad below Marietta, oreven to cross the Chattahoochee. Of course, he chose to let goKenesaw and Marietta, and fall back on an intrenched camp preparedby his orders in advance on the north and west bank of theChattahoochee, covering the railroad-crossing and his severalpontoon-bridges. I confess I had not learned beforehand of theexistence of this strong place, in the nature of a tete-du-pont, and had counted on striking him an effectual blow in the expectedconfusion of his crossing the Chattahoochee, a broad and deep riverthen to his rear. Ordering every part of the army to pursuevigorously on the morning of the 3d of July, I rode into Marietta, just quitted by the rebel rear-guard, and was terribly angry at thecautious pursuit by Garrard's cavalry, and even by the head of ourinfantry columns. But Johnston had in advance cleared andmultiplied his roads, whereas ours had to cross at right anglesfrom the direction of Powder Springs toward Marrietta, producingdelay and confusion. By night Thomas's head of column ran upagainst a strong rear-guard intrenched at Smyrna camp-ground, sixmiles below Marietta, and there on the next day we celebrated ourFourth of July, by a noisy but not a desperate battle, designedchiefly to hold the enemy there till Generals McPherson andSchofield could get well into position below him, near theChattahoochee crossings. 

It was here that General Noyes, late Governor of Ohio, lost hisleg. I came very near being shot myself while reconnoitring in thesecond story of a house on our picket-line, which was struckseveral times by cannon-shot, and perfectly riddled withmusket-balls. 

During the night Johnston drew back all his army and trains insidethe tete-du-pont at the Chattahoochee, which proved one of thestrongest pieces of field-fortification I ever saw. We closed upagainst it, and were promptly met by a heavy and severe fire. Thomas was on the main road in immediate pursuit; next on his rightwas Schofield; and McPherson on the extreme right, reaching theChattahoochee River below Turner's Ferry. Stoneman's cavalry wasstill farther to the right, along down the Chattahoochee River asfar as opposite Sandtown; and on that day I ordered Garrard'sdivision of cavalry up the river eighteen miles, to securepossession of the factories at Roswell, as well as to hold animportant bridge and ford at that place. 

About three miles out from the Chattahoochee the main road forked, the right branch following substantially the railroad, and the leftone leading straight for Atlanta, via Paice's Ferry and Buckhead. We found the latter unoccupied and unguarded, and the Fourth Corps(Howard's) reached the river at Paice's Ferry. The right-hand roadwas perfectly covered by the tete-du-pont before described, wherethe resistance was very severe, and for some time deceived me, forI was pushing Thomas with orders to fiercely assault his enemy, supposing that he was merely opposing us to gain time to get histrains and troops across the Chattahoochee; but, on personallyreconnoitring, I saw the abatis and the strong redoubts, whichsatisfied me of the preparations that had been made by Johnston inanticipation of this very event. While I was with General Jeff. C. Davis, a poor negro came out of the abatis, blanched with fright, said he had been hidden under a log all day, with a perfect stormof shot, shells, and musket-balls, passing over him, till a shortlull had enabled him to creep out and make himself known to ourskirmishers, who in turn had sent him back to where we were. Thisnegro explained that he with about a thousand slaves had been atwork a month or more on these very lines, which, as he explained, extended from the river about a mile above the railroad-bridge toTurner's Ferry below, --being in extent from five to six miles. 

Therefore, on the 5th of July we had driven our enemy to cover inthe valley of the Chattahoochee, and we held possession of theriver above for eighteen miles, as far as Roswell, and below tenmiles to the mouth of the Sweetwater. Moreover, we held the highground and could overlook his movements, instead of his lookingdown on us, as was the case at Kenesaw. 

From a hill just back of Mining's Station I could see the houses inAtlanta, nine miles distant, and the whole intervening valley ofthe Chattahoochee; could observe the preparations for our receptionon the other side, the camps of men and large trains of coveredwagons; and supposed, as a matter of course, that Johnston hadpassed the river with the bulk of his army, and that he had onlyleft on our side a corps to cover his bridges; but in fact he hadonly sent across his cavalry and trains. Between Howard's corps atPaice's Ferry and the rest of Thomas's army pressing up againstthis tete-du-pont, was a space concealed by dense woods, incrossing which I came near riding into a detachment of the enemy'scavalry; and later in the same day Colonel Frank Sherman, ofChicago, then on General Howard's staff, did actually ride straightinto the enemy's camp, supposing that our lines were continuous. He was carried to Atlanta, and for some time the enemy supposedthey were in possession of the commander-in-chief of the opposingarmy. 

I knew that Johnston would not remain long on the west bank of theChattahoochee, for I could easily practise on that ground to betteradvantage our former tactics of intrenching a moiety in his front, and with the rest of our army cross the river and threaten eitherhis rear or the city of Atlanta itself, which city was of vitalimportance to the existence not only of his own army, but of theConfederacy itself. In my dispatch of July 6th to General Halleck, at Washington, I state that:

Johnston (in his retreat from Kenesaw) has left two breaks in therailroad--one above Marietta and one near Mining's Station. Theformer is already repaired, and Johnston's army has heard the soundof our locomotives. The telegraph is finished to Mining's Station, and the field-wire has just reached my bivouac, and will be readyto convey this message as soon as it is written and translated intocipher. 

I propose to study the crossings of the Chattahoochee, and, whenall is ready, to move quickly. As a beginning, I will keep thetroops and wagons well back from the river, and only display to theenemy our picket-line, with a few field-batteries along at random. I have already shifted Schofield to a point in our left rear, whence he can in a single move reach the Chattahoochee at a pointabove the railroad-bridge, where there is a ford. At present thewaters are turbid and swollen from recent rains; but if the presenthot weather lasts, the water will run down very fast. We havepontoons enough for four bridges, but, as our crossing will beresisted, we must manoeuvre some. All the regular crossing-placesare covered by forts, apparently of long construction; but we shallcross in due time, and, instead of attacking Atlanta direct, or anyof its forts, I propose to make a circuit, destroying all itsrailroads. This is a delicate movement, and must be done withcaution. Our army is in good condition and full of confidence; butthe weather is intensely hot, and a good many men have fallen withsunstroke. The country is high and healthy, and the sanitarycondition of the army is good. 

At this time Stoneman was very active on our extreme right, pretending to be searching the river below Turner's Ferry for acrossing, and was watched closely by the enemy's cavalry on theother side, McPherson, on the right, was equally demonstrative atand near Turner's Ferry. Thomas faced substantially the intrenchedtete-du-pont, and had his left on the Chattahoochee River, atPaice's Ferry. Garrard's cavalry was up at Roswell, and McCook'ssmall division of cavalry was intermediate, above Soap's Creek. Meantime, also, the railroad-construction party was hard at work, repairing the railroad up to our camp at Vining's Station. 

Of course, I expected every possible resistance in crossing theChattahoochee River, and had made up my mind to feign on the right, but actually to cross over by the left. We had already secured acrossing place at Roswell, but one nearer was advisable; GeneralSchofield had examined the river well, found a place just below themouth of Soap's Creek which he deemed advantageous, and wasinstructed to effect an early crossing there, and to intrench agood position on the other side, viz. , the east bank. But, preliminary thereto, I had ordered General Rousseau, at Nashville, to collect, out of the scattered detachments of cavalry inTennessee, a force of a couple of thousand men, to rendezvous atDecatur, Alabama, thence to make a rapid march for Opelika, tobreak up the railroad links between Georgia and Alabama, and thento make junction with me about Atlanta; or, if forced, to go on toPensacola, or even to swing across to some of our posts inMississippi. General Rousseau asked leave to command thisexpedition himself, to which I consented, and on the 6th of July hereported that he was all ready at Decatur, and I gave him orders tostart. He moved promptly on the 9th, crossed the Coosa below the"Ten Islands" and the Tallapoosa below "Horseshoe Bend, " havingpassed through Talladega. He struck the railroad west of Opelika, tore it up for twenty miles, then turned north and came to Mariettaon the 22d of July, whence he reported to me. This expedition wasin the nature of a raid, and must have disturbed the enemysomewhat; but, as usual, the cavalry did not work hard, and theirdestruction of the railroad was soon repaired. Rousseau, when hereported to me in person before Atlanta, on the 28d of July, statedhis entire loss to have been only twelve killed and thirty wounded. He brought in four hundred captured mules and three hundred horses, and also told me a good story. He said he was far down in Alabama, below Talladega, one hot, dusty day, when the blue clothing of hismen was gray with dust; he had halted his column along a road, andhe in person, with his staff, had gone to the house of a planter, who met him kindly on the front-porch. He asked for water, whichwas brought, and as the party sat on the porch in conversation hesaw, in a stable-yard across the road, quite a number of goodmules. He remarked to the planter, "My good sir, I fear I must takesome of your mules. " The planter remonstrated, saying he hadalready contributed liberally to the good cause; that it was onlylast week he had given to General Roddy ten mules. Rousseaureplied, "Well, in this war you should be at least neutral--thatis, you should be as liberal to us as to Roddy" (a rebel cavalrygeneral). "Well, ain't you on our side?" "No, " said Rousseau; "Iam General Rousseau, and all these men you see are Yanks. " "GreatGod! is it possible! Are these Yanks! Who ever supposed theywould come away down here in Alabama?" Of course, Rousseau tookhis ten mules. 

Schofield effected his crossing at Soap's Creek very handsomely onthe 9th, capturing the small guard that was watching the crossing. By night he was on the high ground beyond, strongly intrenched, with two good pontoon-bridges finished, and was prepared, ifnecessary, for an assault by the whole Confederate army. The sameday Garrard's cavalry also crossed over at Roswell, drove away thecavalry-pickets, and held its ground till relieved by Newton'sdivision of Howard's corps, which was sent up temporarily, till itin turn was relieved by Dodge's corps (Sixteenth) of the Army ofthe Tennessee, which was the advance of the whole of that army. 

That night Johnston evacuated his trenches, crossed over theChattahoochee, burned the railroad bridge and his pontoon andtrestle bridges, and left us in full possession of the north orwest bank-besides which, we had already secured possession of thetwo good crossings at Roswell and Soap's Creek. I have alwaysthought Johnston neglected his opportunity there, for he had laincomparatively idle while we got control of both banks of the riverabove him. 

On the 13th I ordered McPherson, with the Fifteenth Corps, to moveup to Roswell, to cross over, prepare good bridges, and to make astrong tete-du-pont on the farther side. Stoneman had been sentdown to Campbellton, with orders to cross over and to threaten therailroad below Atlanta, if he could do so without too much risk;and General Blair, with the Seventeenth Corps, was to remain atTurner's Ferry, demonstrating as much as possible, thus keeping upthe feint below while we were actually crossing above. Thomas wasalso ordered to prepare his bridges at Powers's and Paice'sFerries. By crossing the Chattahoochee above the railroad bridge, we were better placed to cover our railroad and depots than below, though a movement across the river below the railroad, to the southof Atlanta, might have been more decisive. But we were already sofar from home, and would be compelled to accept battle wheneveroffered, with the Chattahoochee to our rear, that it becameimperative for me to take all prudential measures the case admittedof, and I therefore determined to pass the river above therailroad-bridge-McPherson on the left, Schofield in the centre, and Thomas on the right. On the 13th I reported to General Halleckas follows:

All is well. I have now accumulated stores at Allatoona andMarietta, both fortified and garrisoned points. Have also threeplaces at which to cross the Chattahoochee in our possession, andonly await General Stoneman's return from a trip down the river, tocross the army in force and move on Atlanta. 

Stoneman is now out two days, and had orders to be back on thefourth or fifth day at furthest. 

From the 10th to the 15th we were all busy in strengthening theseveral points for the proposed passage of the Chattahoochee, inincreasing the number and capacity of the bridges, rearranging thegarrisons to our rear, and in bringing forward supplies. On the15th General Stoneman got back to Powder Springs, and was orderedto replace General Blair at Turner's Ferry, and Blair, with theSeventeenth Corps, was ordered up to Roswell to join McPherson. Onthe 17th we began the general movement against Atlanta, Thomascrossing the Chattahoochee at Powers's and Paice's, by pontoon-bridges; Schofield moving out toward Cross Keys, and McPhersontoward Stone Mountain. We encountered but little opposition exceptby cavalry. On the 18th all the armies moved on a general rightwheel, Thomas to Buckhead, forming line of battle facingPeach-Tree Creek; Schofield was on his left, and McPherson wellover toward the railroad between Stone Mountain and Decatur, whichhe reached at 2 p. M. Of that day, about four miles from StoneMountain, and seven miles east of Decatur, and there he turnedtoward Atlanta, breaking up the railroad as he progressed, hisadvance-guard reaching Ecatur about night, where he came intocommunication with Schofield's troops, which had also reachedDecatur. About 10 A. M. Of that day (July 18th), when the armieswere all in motion, one of General Thomas's staff-officers broughtme a citizen, one of our spies, who had just come out of Atlanta, and had brought a newspaper of the same day, or of the day before, containing Johnston's order relinquishing the command of theConfederate forces in Atlanta, and Hood's order assuming thecommand. I immediately inquired of General Schofield, who was hisclassmate at West Point, about Hood, as to his general character, etc. , and learned that he was bold even to rashness, and courageousin the extreme; I inferred that the change of commanders meant"fight. " Notice of this important change was at once sent to allparts of the army, and every division commander was cautioned to bealways prepared for battle in any shape. This was just what wewanted, viz. , to fight in open ground, on any thing like equalterms, instead of being forced to run up against preparedintrenchments; but, at the same time, the enemy having Atlantabehind him, could choose the time and place of attack, and could atpleasure mass a superior force on our weakest points. Therefore, we had to be constantly ready for sallies. 

On the 19th the three armies were converging toward Atlanta, meeting such feeble resistance that I really thought the enemyintended to evacuate the place. McPherson was moving astride ofthe railroad, near Decatur; Schofield along a road leading towardAtlanta, by Colonel Howard's house and the distillery; and Thomaswas crossing "Peach-Tree" in line of battle, building bridges fornearly every division as deployed. There was quite a gap betweenThomas and Schofield, which I endeavored to close by drawing two ofHoward's divisions nearer Schofield. On the 20th I was withGeneral Schofield near the centre, and soon after noon heard heavyfiring in front of Thomas's right, which lasted an hour or so, andthen ceased. 

I soon learned that the enemy had made a furious sally, the blowfalling on Hooker's corps (the Twentieth), and partially onJohnson's division of the Fourteenth, and Newton's of the Fourth. The troops had crossed Peach-Tree Creek, were deployed, but at thetime were resting for noon, when, without notice, the enemy camepouring out of their trenches down upon them, they becamecommingled, and fought in many places hand to hand. General Thomashappened to be near the rear of Newton's division, and got somefield-batteries in a good position, on the north side of Peach-TreeCreek, from which he directed a furious fire on a mass of theenemy, which was passing around Newton's left and exposed flank. After a couple of hours of hard and close conflict, the enemyretired slowly within his trenches, leaving his dead and manywounded on the field. Johnson's and Newton's losses were light, forthey had partially covered their fronts with light parapet; butHooker's whole corps fought in open ground, and lost about fifteenhundred men. He reported four hundred rebel dead left on theground, and that the rebel wounded would number four thousand; butthis was conjectural, for most of them got back within their ownlines. We had, however, met successfully a bold sally, hadrepelled it handsomely, and were also put on our guard; and theevent illustrated the future tactics of our enemy. This sally camefrom the Peach-Tree line, which General Johnston had carefullyprepared in advance, from which to fight us outside of Atlanta. Wethen advanced our lines in compact order, close up to thesefinished intrenchments, overlapping them on our left. From variousparts of our lines the houses inside of Atlanta were plainlyvisible, though between us were the strong parapets, with ditch, fraise, chevaux-de-frise, and abatis, prepared long in advance byColonel Jeremy F. Gilmer, formerly of the United States Engineers. McPherson had the Fifteenth Corps astride the Augusta Railroad, andthe Seventeenth deployed on its left. Schofield was next on hisright, then came Howard's, Hooker's, and Palmer's corps, on theextreme right. Each corps was deployed with strong reserves, andtheir trains were parked to their rear. McPherson's trains were inDecatur, guarded by a brigade commanded by Colonel Sprague of theSixty-third Ohio. The Sixteenth Corps (Dodge's) was crowded out ofposition on the right of McPherson's line, by the contraction ofthe circle of investment; and, during the previous afternoon, theSeventeenth Corps (Blair's) had pushed its operations on thefarther side of the Augusta Railroad, so as to secure possession ofa hill, known as Leggett's Hill, which Leggett's and Force'sdivisions had carried by assault. Giles A. Smith's division was onLeggett's left, deployed with a weak left flank "in air, " inmilitary phraseology. The evening before General Gresham, a greatfavorite, was badly wounded; and there also Colonel Tom Reynolds, now of Madison, Wisconsin, was shot through the leg. When thesurgeons were debating the propriety of amputating it in hishearing, he begged them to spare the leg, as it was very valuable, being an "imported leg. " He was of Irish birth, and thiswell-timed piece of wit saved his leg, for the surgeons thought, ifhe could perpetrate a joke at such a time, they would trust to hisvitality to save his limb. 

During the night, I had full reports from all parts of our line, most of which was partially intrenched as against a sally, andfinding that McPherson was stretching out too much on his leftflank, I wrote him a note early in the morning not to extend somuch by his left; for we had not troops enough to completely investthe place, and I intended to destroy utterly all parts of theAugusta Railroad to the east of Atlanta, then to withdraw from theleft flank and add to the right. In that letter I orderedMcPherson not to extend any farther to the left, but to employGeneral Dodge's corps (Sixteenth), then forced out of position, todestroy every rail and tie of the railroad, from Decatur up to hisskirmish-line, and I wanted him (McPherson) to be ready, as soon asGeneral Garrard returned from Covington (whither I had sent him), to move to the extreme right of Thomas, so as to reach if possiblethe railroad below Atlanta, viz. , the Macon road. In the morningwe found the strong line of parapet, "Peach-Tree line, " to thefront of Schofield and Thomas, abandoned, and our lines wereadvanced rapidly close up to Atlanta. For some moments I supposedthe enemy intended to evacuate, and in person was on horseback atthe head of Schofield's troops, who had advanced in front of theHoward House to some open ground, from which we could plainly seethe whole rebel line of parapets, and I saw their men dragging upfrom the intervening valley, by the distillery, trees and saplingsfor abatis. Our skirmishers found the enemy down in this valley, and we could see the rebel main line strongly manned, with guns inposition at intervals. Schofield was dressing forward his lines, and I could hear Thomas farther to the right engaged, when GeneralMcPherson and his staff rode up. We went back to the Howard House, a double frame-building with a porch, and sat on the steps, discussing the chances of battle, and of Hood's general character. McPherson had also been of the same class at West Point with Hood, Schofield, and Sheridan. We agreed that we ought to be unusuallycautious and prepared at all times for sallies and for hardfighting, because Hood, though not deemed much of a scholar, or ofgreat mental capacity, was undoubtedly a brave, determined, andrash man; and the change of commanders at that particular crisisargued the displeasure of the Confederate Government with thecautious but prudent conduct of General Jos. Johnston. 

McPherson was in excellent spirits, well pleased at the progress ofevents so far, and had come over purposely to see me about theorder I had given him to use Dodge's corps to break up therailroad, saying that the night before he had gained a position onLeggett's Hill from which he could look over the rebel parapet, andsee the high smoke-stack of a large foundery in Atlanta; thatbefore receiving my order he had diverted Dodge's two divisions(then in motion) from the main road, along a diagonal one that ledto his extreme left flank, then held by Giles A. Smith's division(Seventeenth Corps), for the purpose of strengthening that flank;and that he had sent some intrenching-tools there, to erect somebatteries from which he intended to knock down that foundery, andotherwise to damage the buildings inside of Atlanta. He said hecould put all his pioneers to work, and do with them in the timeindicated all I had proposed to do with General Dodge's twodivisions. Of course I assented at once, and we walked down theroad a short distance, sat down by the foot of a tree where I hadmy map, and on it pointed out to him Thomas's position and his own. I then explained minutely that, after we had sufficiently broken upthe Augusta road, I wanted to shift his whole army around by therear to Thomas's extreme right, and hoped thus to reach the otherrailroad at East Point. While we sat there we could hear livelyskirmishing going on near us (down about the distillery), andoccasionally round-shot from twelve or twenty-four pound guns camethrough the trees in reply to those of Schofield, and we could hearsimilar sounds all along down the lines of Thomas to our right, andhis own to the left; but presently the firing appeared a littlemore brisk (especially over about Giles G. Smith's division), andthen we heard an occasional gun back toward Decatur. I asked himwhat it meant. We took my pocket-compass (which I always carried), and by noting the direction of the sound, we became satisfied thatthe firing was too far to our left rear to be explained by knownfacts, and he hastily called for his horse, his staff, and hisorderlies. 

McPherson was then in his prime (about thirty-four years old), oversix feet high, and a very handsome man in every way, wasuniversally liked, and had many noble qualities. He had on hisboots outside his pantaloons, gauntlets on his hands, had on hismajor-general's uniform, and wore a sword-belt, but no sword. Hehastily gathered his papers (save one, which I now possess) into apocket-book, put it in his breast-pocket, and jumped on his horse, saying he would hurry down his line and send me back word whatthese sounds meant. His adjutant-general, Clark, Inspector-GeneralStrong, and his aides, Captains Steele and Gile, were with him. Although the sound of musketry on our left grew in volume, I wasnot so much disturbed by it as by the sound of artillery backtoward Decatur. I ordered Schofield at once to send a brigade backto Decatur (some five miles) and was walking up and down the porchof the Howard House, listening, when one of McPherson's staff, withhis horse covered with sweat, dashed up to the porch, and reportedthat General McPherson was either "killed or a prisoner. " Heexplained that when they had left me a few minutes before, they hadridden rapidly across to the railroad, the sounds of battleincreasing as they neared the position occupied by General Giles A. Smith's division, and that McPherson had sent first one, thenanother of his staff to bring some of the reserve brigades of theFifteenth Corps over to the exposed left flank; that he had reachedthe head of Dodge's corps (marching by the flank on the diagonalroad as described), and had ordered it to hurry forward to the samepoint; that then, almost if not entirely alone, he had followedthis road leading across the wooded valley behind the SeventeenthCorps, and had disappeared in these woods, doubtless with a senseof absolute security. The sound of musketry was there heard, andMcPherson's horse came back, bleeding, wounded, and riderless. Iordered the staff-officer who brought this message to return atonce, to find General Logan (the senior officer present with theArmy of the Tennessee), to report the same facts to him, and toinstruct him to drive back this supposed small force, which hadevidently got around the Seventeenth Corps through the blind woodsin rear of our left flank. I soon dispatched one of my own staff(McCoy, I think) to General Logan with similar orders, telling himto refuse his left flank, and to fight the battle (holding fast toLeggett's Hill) with the Army of the Tennessee; that I wouldpersonally look to Decatur and to the safety of his rear, and wouldreenforce him if he needed it. I dispatched orders to GeneralThomas on our right, telling him of this strong sally, and myinference that the lines in his front had evidently been weakenedby reason thereof, and that he ought to take advantage of theopportunity to make a lodgment in Atlanta, if possible. 

Meantime the sounds of the battle rose on our extreme left more andmore furious, extending to the place where I stood, at the HowardHouse. Within an hour an ambulance came in (attended by ColonelsClark and Strong, and Captains Steele and Gile), bearingMcPherson's body. I had it carried inside of the Howard House, andlaid on a door wrenched from its hinges. Dr. Hewitt, of the army, was there, and I asked him to examine the wound. He opened thecoat and shirt, saw where the ball had entered and where it cameout, or rather lodged under the skin, and he reported thatMcPherson must have died in a few seconds after being hit; that theball had ranged upward across his body, and passed near the heart. He was dressed just as he left me, with gauntlets and boots on, buthis pocket-book was gone. On further inquiry I learned that hisbody must have been in possession of the enemy some minutes, duringwhich time it was rifled of the pocket-book, and I was muchconcerned lest the letter I had written him that morning shouldhave fallen into the hands of some one who could read andunderstand its meaning. Fortunately the spot in the woods whereMcPherson was shot was regained by our troops in a few minutes, andthe pocket-book found in the haversack of a prisoner of warcaptured at the time, and it and its contents were secured by oneof McPherson's staff. 

While we were examining the body inside the house, the battle wasprogressing outside, and many shots struck the building, which Ifeared would take fire; so I ordered Captains Steele and Gile tocarry the body to Marietta. They reached that place the samenight, and, on application, I ordered his personal staff to go onand escort the body to his home, in Clyde, Ohio, where it wasreceived with great honor, and it is now buried in a smallcemetery, close by his mother's house, which cemetery is composedin part of the family orchard, in which he used to play when a boy. The foundation is ready laid for the equestrian monument now inprogress, under the auspices of the Society of the Army of theTennessee. 

The reports that came to me from all parts of the field revealedclearly what was the game of my antagonist, and the ground somewhatfavored him. The railroad and wagon-road from Decatur to Atlantalie along the summit, from which the waters flow, by short, steepvalleys, into the "Peach-Tree" and Chattahoochee, to the west, andby other valleys, of gentler declivity, toward the east (Ocmulgee). The ridges and level ground were mostly cleared, and had beencultivated as corn or cotton fields; but where the valleys werebroken, they were left in a state of nature--wooded, and full ofundergrowth. McPherson's line of battle was across this railroad, along a general ridge, with a gentle but cleared valley to hisfront, between him and the defenses of Atlanta; and another valley, behind him, was clear of timber in part, but to his left rear thecountry was heavily wooded. Hood, during the night of July 21st, had withdrawn from his Peach-Tree line, had occupied the fortifiedline of Atlanta, facing north and east, with Stewart's--formerlyPolk's--corps and part of Hardee's, and with G. W. Smith's divisionof militia. His own corps, and part of Hardee's, had marched outto the road leading from McDonough to Decatur, and had turned so asto strike the left and, rear of McPherson's line "in air. " At thesame time he had sent Wheeler's division of cavalry against thetrains parked in Decatur. Unluckily for us, I had sent away thewhole of Garrard's division of cavalry during the night of the20th, with orders to proceed to Covington, thirty miles east, toburn two important bridges across the Ulcofauhatchee and YellowRivers, to tear up the railroad, to damage it as much as possiblefrom Stone Mountain eastward, and to be gone four days; so thatMcPherson had no cavalry in hand to guard that flank. 

The enemy was therefore enabled, under cover or the forest, toapproach quite near before he was discovered; indeed, hisskirmish-line had worked through the timber and got into the field tothe rear of Giles A. Smith's division of the Seventeenth Corpsunseen, had captured Murray's battery of regular artillery, movingthrough these woods entirely unguarded, and had got possession ofseveral of the hospital camps. The right of this rebel line struckDodge's troops in motion; but, fortunately, this corps (Sixteenth)had only to halt, face to the left, and was in line of battle; andthis corps not only held in check the enemy, but drove him backthrough the woods. About the same time this same force had struckGeneral Giles A. Smith's left flank, doubled it back, captured fourguns in position and the party engaged in building the very batterywhich was the special object of McPherson's visit to me, and almostenveloped the entire left flank. The men, however, were skillful andbrave, and fought for a time with their backs to Atlanta. Theygradually fell back, compressing their own line, and gaining strengthby making junction with Leggett's division of the Seventeenth Corps, well and strongly posted on the hill. One or two brigades of theFifteenth Corps, ordered by McPherson, came rapidly across the openfield to the rear, from the direction of the railroad, filled up thegap from Blair's new left to the head of Dodge's column--now facingto the general left--thus forming a strong left flank, at rightangles to the original line of battle. The enemy attacked, boldly andrepeatedly, the whole of this flank, but met an equally fierceresistance; and on that ground a bloody battle raged from littleafter noon till into the night. A part of Hood's plan of action wasto sally from Atlanta at the same moment; but this sally was not, forsome reason, simultaneous, for the first attack on our extreme leftflank had been checked and repulsed before the sally came from thedirection of Atlanta. Meantime, Colonel Sprague, in Decatur, had gothis teams harnessed up, and safely conducted his train to the rear ofSchofield's position, holding in check Wheeler's cavalry till he hadgot off all his trains, with the exception of three or four wagons. I remained near the Howard House, receiving reports and sendingorders, urging Generals Thomas and Schofield to take advantage of theabsence from their front of so considerable a body as was evidentlyengaged on our left, and, if possible, to make a lodgment in Atlantaitself; but they reported that the lines to their front, at allaccessible points, were strong, by nature and by art, and were fullymanned. About 4 p. M. The expected, sally came from Atlanta, directedmainly against Leggett's Hill and along the Decatur road. AtLeggett's Hill they were met and bloodily repulsed. Along therailroad they were more successful. Sweeping over a small force withtwo guns, they reached our main line, broke through it, and gotpossession of De Gress's battery of four twenty-pound Parrotts, killing every horse, and turning the guns against us. GeneralCharles R. Wood's division of the Fifteenth Corps was on the extremeright of the Army of the Tennessee, between the railroad and theHoward House, where he connected with Schofield's troops. Hereported to me in person that the line on his left had been sweptback, and that his connection with General Logan, on Leggett's Hill, was broken. I ordered him to wheel his brigades to the left, toadvance in echelon, and to catch the enemy in flank. GeneralSchofield brought forward all his available batteries, to the numberof twenty guns, to a position to the left front of the Howard House, whence we could overlook the field of action, and directed a heavyfire over the heads of General Wood's men against the enemy; and wesaw Wood's troops advance and encounter the enemy, who had securedpossession of the old line of parapet which had been held by our men. His right crossed this parapet, which he swept back, taking it inflank; and, at the same time, the division which had been driven backalong the railroad was rallied by General Logan in person, and foughtfor their former ground. These combined forces drove the enemy intoAtlanta, recovering the twenty pound Parrott guns but one of them wasfound "bursted" while in the possession of the enemy. The twosix-pounders farther in advance were, however, lost, and had beenhauled back by the enemy into Atlanta. Poor Captain de Gress came tome in tears, lamenting the loss of his favorite guns; when they wereregained he had only a few men left, and not a single horse. He askedan order for a reequipment, but I told him he must beg and borrow ofothers till he could restore his battery, now reduced to three guns. How he did so I do not know, but in a short time he did get horses, men, and finally another gun, of the same special pattern, and servedthem with splendid effect till the very close of the war. Thisbattery had also been with me from Shiloh till that time. 

The battle of July 22d is usually called the battle of Atlanta. Itextended from the Howard House to General Giles A. Smith'sposition, about a mile beyond the Augusta Railroad, and then backtoward Decatur, the whole extent of ground being fully seven miles. In part the ground was clear and in part densely wooded. I rodeover the whole of it the next day, and it bore the marks of abloody conflict. The enemy had retired during the night inside ofAtlanta, and we remained masters of the situation outside. Ipurposely allowed the Army of the Tennessee to fight this battlealmost unaided, save by demonstrations on the part of GeneralSchofield and Thomas against the fortified lines to their immediatefronts, and by detaching, as described, one of Schofield's brigadesto Decatur, because I knew that the attacking force could only be apart of Hood's army, and that, if any assistance were rendered byeither of the other armies, the Army of the Tennessee would bejealous. Nobly did they do their work that day, and terrible wasthe slaughter done to our enemy, though at sad cost to ourselves, as shown by the following reports:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD NEAR ATLANTA, July 23, 1864. 

General HALLECK, Washington, D. C. 

Yesterday morning the enemy fell back to the intrenchments properof the city of Atlanta, which are in a general circle, with aradius of one and a half miles, and we closed in. While we wereforming our lines, and selecting positions for our batteries, theenemy appeared suddenly out of the dense woods in heavy masses onour extreme left, and struck the Seventeenth Corps (General Blair)in flank, and was forcing it back, when the Sixteenth Corps(General Dodge) came up and checked the movement, but the enemy'scavalry got well to our rear, and into Decatur, and for some hoursour left flank was completely enveloped. The fight that resultedwas continuous until night, with heavy loss on both sides. Theenemy took one of our batteries (Murray's, of the Regular Army)that was marching in its place in column in the road, unconsciousof danger. About 4 p. M. The enemy sallied against the division ofGeneral Morgan L. Smith, of the Fifteenth Corps, which occupied anabandoned line of rifle-trench near the railroad east of the city, and forced it back some four hundred yards, leaving in his handsfor the time two batteries, but the ground and batteries wereimmediately after recovered by the same troops reenforced. Icannot well approximate our loss, which fell heavily on theFifteenth and Seventeenth Corps, but count it as three thousand; Iknow that, being on the defensive, we have inflicted equally heavyloss on the enemy. 

General McPherson, when arranging his troops about 11. 00 A. M. , andpassing from one column to another, incautiously rode upon anambuscade without apprehension, at some distance ahead of his staffand orderlies, and was shot dead. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD NEAR ATLANTA, July 26, 1864. 

Major-General HALLECK, Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: I find it difficult to make prompt report of results, coupled with some data or information, without occasionally makingmistakes. McPherson's sudden death, and Logan succeeding to thecommand as it were in the midst of battle, made some confusion onour extreme left; but it soon recovered and made sad havoc with theenemy, who had practised one of his favorite games of attacking ourleft when in motion, and before it had time to cover its weakflank. After riding over the ground and hearing the varyingstatements of the actors, I directed General Logan to make anofficial report of the actual result, and I herewith inclose it. 

Though the number of dead rebels seems excessive, I am disposed togive full credit to the report that our loss, though onlythirty-five hundred and twenty-one killed, wounded, and missing, theenemy's dead alone on the field nearly equaled that number, viz. , thirty-two hundred and twenty. Happening at that point of the linewhen a flag of truce was sent in to ask permission for each party tobury its dead, I gave General Logan authority to permit a temporarytruce on that flank alone, while our labors and fighting proceeded atall others. 

I also send you a copy of General Garrard's report of the breakingof the railroad toward Augusta. I am now grouping my command toattack the Macon road, and with that view will intrench a strongline of circumvallation with flanks, so as to have as large aninfantry column as possible, with all the cavalry to swing round tothe south and east, to strike that road at or below East Point. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT AND ARMY OF THE TENNESSEEBEFORE ATLANTA GEORGIA, July 24, 1864

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: I have the honor to report the following general summaryof the result of the attack of the enemy on this army on the 22dinst. 

Total loss, killed, wounded, and missing, thirty-five hundred andtwenty-one, and ten pieces of artillery. 

We have buried and delivered to the enemy, under a flag of trucesent in by them, in front of the Third Division, Seventeenth Corps, one thousand of their killed. 

The number of their dead in front of the Fourth Division of thesame corps, including those on the ground not now occupied by ourtroops, General Blair reports, will swell the number of their deadon his front to two thousand. 

The number of their dead buried in front of the Fifteenth Corps, upto this hour, is three hundred and sixty, and the commandingofficer reports that at least as many more are yet unburied;burying-parties being still at work. 

The number of dead buried in front of the Sixteenth Corps is fourhundred and twenty-two. We have over one thousand of their woundedin our hands, the larger number of the wounded being carried offduring the night, after the engagement, by them. 

We captured eighteen stands of colors, and have them now. We alsocaptured five thousand stands of arms. 

The attack was made on our lines seven times, and was seven timesrepulsed. Hood's and Hardee's corps and Wheeler's cavalry engagedus. 

We have sent to the rear one thousand prisoners, includingthirty-three commissioned officers of high rank. 

We still occupy the field, and the troops are in fine spirits. Adetailed and full report will be furnished as soon as completed. 

Recapitulation. 

Our total loss............................ 3, 521Enemy's dead, thus far reported, buried, and delivered to them..................... 3, 220Total prisoners sent North................ 1, 017Total prisoners, wounded, in our hands.... 1, 000Estimated loss of the enemy, at least.... 10, 000

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Joan A. Logan, Major-General. 

On the 22d of July General Rousseau reached Marietta, havingreturned from his raid on the Alabama road at Opelika, and on thenext day General Garrard also returned from Covington, both havingbeen measurably successful. The former was about twenty-fivehundred strong, the latter about four thousand, and both reportedthat their horses were jaded and tired, needing shoes and rest. But, about this time, I was advised by General Grant (theninvesting Richmond) that the rebel Government had become aroused tothe critical condition of things about Atlanta, and that I mustlook out for Hood being greatly reenforced. I therefore wasresolved to push matters, and at once set about the originalpurpose of transferring the whole of the Army of the Tennessee toour right flank, leaving Schofield to stretch out so as to rest hisleft on the Augusta road, then torn up for thirty miles eastward;and, as auxiliary thereto, I ordered all the cavalry to be ready topass around Atlanta on both flanks, to break up the Macon road atsome point below, so as to cut off all supplies to the rebel armyinside, and thus to force it to evacuate, or come out and fight uson equal terms. 

But it first became necessary to settle the important question ofwho should succeed General McPherson? General Logan had takencommand of the Army of the Tennessee by virtue of his seniority, and had done well; but I did not consider him equal to the commandof three corps. Between him and General Blair there existed anatural rivalry. Both were men of great courage and talent, butwere politicians by nature and experience, and it may be that forthis reason they were mistrusted by regular officers like GeneralsSchofield, Thomas, and myself. It was all-important that thereshould exist a perfect understanding among the army commanders, andat a conference with General George H. Thomas at the headquartersof General Thomas J. Woods, commanding a division in the FourthCorps, he (Thomas) remonstrated warmly against my recommending thatGeneral Logan should be regularly assigned to the command of theArmy of the Tennessee by reason of his accidental seniority. Wediscussed fully the merits and qualities of every officer of highrank in the army, and finally settled on Major-General O. O. Howardas the best officer who was present and available for the purpose;on the 24th of July I telegraphed to General Halleck thispreference, and it was promptly ratified by the President. GeneralHoward's place in command of the Fourth Corps was filled by GeneralStanley, one of his division commanders, on the recommendation ofGeneral Thomas. All these promotions happened to fall uponWest-Pointers, and doubtless Logan and Blair had some reason tobelieve that we intended to monopolize the higher honors of the warfor the regular officers. I remember well my own thoughts andfeelings at the time, and feel sure that I was not intentionallypartial to any class, I wanted to succeed in taking Atlanta, andneeded commanders who were purely and technically soldiers, men whowould obey orders and execute them promptly and on time; for I knewthat we would have to execute some most delicate manoeuvres, requiring the utmost skill, nicety, and precision. I believed thatGeneral Howard would do all these faithfully and well, and I thinkthe result has justified my choice. I regarded both Generals Loganand Blair as "volunteers, " that looked to personal fame and gloryas auxiliary and secondary to their political ambition, and not asprofessional soldiers. 

As soon as it was known that General Howard had been chosen tocommand the Army of the Tennessee; General Hooker applied toGeneral Thomas to be relieved of the command of the TwentiethCorps, and General Thomas forwarded his application to me approvedand heartily recommended. I at once telegraphed to GeneralHalleck, recommending General Slocum (then at Vicksburg) to be hissuccessor, because Slocum had been displaced from the command ofhis corps at the time when the Eleventh and Twelfth were united andmade the Twentieth. 

General Hooker was offended because he was not chosen to succeedMcPherson; but his chances were not even considered; indeed, I hadnever been satisfied with him since his affair at the Gulp House, and had been more than once disposed to relieve him of his corps, because of his repeated attempts to interfere with GeneralsMcPherson and Schofield. I had known Hooker since 1836, and wasintimately associated with him in California, where we servedtogether on the staff of General Persifer F. Smith. He had come tous from the East with a high reputation as a "fighter, " which hehad fully justified at Chattanooga and Peach-Tree Creek; at whichlatter battle I complimented him on the field for specialgallantry, and afterward in official reports. Still, I did feel asense of relief when he left us. We were then two hundred andfifty miles in advance of our base, dependent on a single line ofrailroad for our daily food. We had a bold, determined foe in ourimmediate front, strongly intrenched, with communication open tohis rear for supplies and reenforcements, and every soldierrealized that we had plenty of hard fighting ahead, and that allhonors had to be fairly earned. 

Until General Slocum joined (in the latter part of August), theTwentieth Corps was commanded by General A. S. Williams, the seniordivision commander present. On the 25th of July the army, therefore, stood thus: the Army of the Tennessee (General O. O. Howard commanding) was on the left, pretty much on the same groundit had occupied during the battle of the 22d, all ready to moverapidly by the rear to the extreme right beyond Proctor's Creek;the Army of the Ohio (General Schofield) was next in order, withits left flank reaching the Augusta Railroad; next in order, conforming closely with the rebel intrenchments of Atlanta, wasGeneral Thomas's Army of the Cumberland, in the order of--theFourth Corps (Stanley's), the Twentieth Corps (Williams's), and theFourteenth Corps (Palmer's). Palmer's right division (Jefferson C. Davis's) was strongly refused along Proctor's Creek. This line wasabout five miles long, and was intrenched as against a sally aboutas strong as was our enemy. The cavalry was assembled in twostrong divisions; that of McCook (including the brigade of Harrisonwhich had been brought in from Opelika by General Rousseau)numbered about thirty-five hundred effective cavalry, and wasposted to our right rear, at Turner's Ferry, where we had a goodpontoon-bridge; and to our left rear, at and about Decatur, werethe two cavalry divisions of Stoneman, twenty-five hundred, andGarrard, four thousand, united for the time and occasion under thecommand of Major-General George Stoneman, a cavalry-officer of highrepute. My plan of action was to move the Army of the Tennessee tothe right rapidly and boldly against the railroad below Atlanta, and at the same time to send all the cavalry around by the rightand left to make a lodgment on the Macon road about Jonesboro. 

All the orders were given, and the morning of the 27th was fixedfor commencing the movement. On the 26th I received from GeneralStoneman a note asking permission (after having accomplished hisorders to break up the railroad at Jonesboro) to go on to Macon torescue our prisoners of war known to be held there, and then topush on to Andersonville, where was the great depot of Unionprisoners, in which were penned at one time as many as twenty-threethousand of our men, badly fed and harshly treated. I wrote him ananswer consenting substantially to his proposition, only modifyingit by requiring him to send back General Garrard's division to itsposition on our left flank after he had broken up the railroad atJonesboro. Promptly, and on time, all got off, and General Dodge'scorps (the Sixteenth, of the Army of the Tennessee) reached itsposition across Proctor's Creek the same evening, and early thenext morning (the 28th) Blair's corps (the Seventeenth) deployed onhis right, both corps covering their front with the usual parapet;the Fifteenth Corps (General Logan's) came up that morning on theright of Blair, strongly refused, and began to prepare the usualcover. As General Jeff. C. Davis's division was, as it were, leftout of line, I ordered it on the evening before to march downtoward Turner's Ferry, and then to take a road laid down on ourmaps which led from there toward East Point, ready to engage anyenemy that might attack our general right flank, after the samemanner as had been done to the left flank on the 22d. 

Personally on the morning of the 28th I followed the movement, androde to the extreme right, where we could hear some skirmishing andan occasional cannon-shot. As we approached the ground held by theFifteenth Corps, a cannon-ball passed over my shoulder and killedthe horse of an orderly behind; and seeing that this gun enfiladedthe road by which we were riding, we turned out of it and rode downinto a valley, where we left our horses and walked up to the hillheld by Morgan L. Smith's division of the Fifteenth Corps. Near ahouse I met Generals Howard and Logan, who explained that there wasan intrenched battery to their front, with the appearance of astrong infantry support. I then walked up to the ridge, where Ifound General Morgan L. Smith. His men were deployed and engagedin rolling logs and fence-rails, preparing a hasty cover. Fromthis ridge we could overlook the open fields near a meeting-houseknown as "Ezra Church, " close by the Poor-House. We could see thefresh earth of a parapet covering some guns (that fired anoccasional shot), and there was also an appearance of activitybeyond. General Smith was in the act of sending forward a regimentfrom, his right flank to feel the position of the enemy, when Iexplained to him and to Generals Logan and Howard that they mustlook out for General Jeff. C. Davis's division, which was comingup from the direction of Turner's Ferry. 

As the skirmish-fire warmed up along the front of Blair's corps, aswell as along the Fifteenth Corps (Logan's), I became convincedthat Hood designed to attack this right flank, to prevent, ifpossible, the extension of our line in that direction. I regainedmy horse, and rode rapidly back to see that Davis's division hadbeen dispatched as ordered. I found General Davis in person, whowas unwell, and had sent his division that morning early, under thecommand of his senior brigadier, Morgan; but, as I attached greatimportance to the movement, he mounted his horse, and rode away toovertake and to hurry forward the movement, so as to come up on theleft rear of the enemy, during the expected battle. 

By this time the sound of cannon and musketry denoted a severebattle as in progress, which began seriously at 11. 30 a. M. , andended substantially by 4 p. M. It was a fierce attack by the enemyon our extreme right flank, well posted and partially covered. Themost authentic account of the battle is given by General Logan, whocommanded the Fifteenth Corps, in his official report to theAdjutant-General of the Army of the Tennessee, thus:

HEADQUARTERS FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPSBEFORE ATLANTA, GEORGIA, July 29, 1864

Lieutenant-Colonel WILLIAM T. CLARK, Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of the Tennessee, present. 

COLONEL: I have the honor to report that, in pursuance of orders, Imoved my command into position on the right of the SeventeenthCorps, which was the extreme right of the army in the field, duringthe night of the 27th and morning of the 28th; and, while advancingin line of battle to a more favorable position, we were met by therebel infantry of Hardee's and Lee's corps, who made a determinedand desperate attack on us at 11 A. M. Of the 28th (yesterday). 

My lines were only protected by logs and rails, hastily thrown upin front of them. 

The first onset was received and checked, and the battle commencedand lasted until about three o'clock in the evening. During thattime six successive charges were made, which were six timesgallantly repulsed, each time with fearful loss to the enemy. 

Later in the evening my lines were several times assaultedvigorously, but each time with like result. The worst of thefighting occurred on General Harrow's and Morgan L. Smith's fronts, which formed the centre and right of the corps. The troops couldnot have displayed greater courage, nor greater determination notto give ground; had they shown less, they would have been drivenfrom their position. 

Brigadier-Generals C. R. Woods, Harrow, and Morgan L. Smith, division commanders, are entitled to equal credit for gallantconduct and skill in repelling the assault. My thanks are due toMajor-Generals Blair and Dodge for sending me reenforeements at atime when they were much needed. My losses were fifty killed, fourhundred and forty-nine wounded, and seventy-three missing:aggregate, five hundred and seventy-two. 

The division of General Harrow captured five battle-flags. Therewere about fifteen hundred or two thousand muskets left on theground. One hundred and six prisoners were captured, exclusive ofseventy-three wounded, who were sent to our hospital, and are beingcared for by our surgeons. Five hundred and sixty-five rebels haveup to this time been buried, and about two hundred are supposed tobe yet unburied. A large number of their wounded were undoubtedlycarried away in the night, as the enemy did not withdraw till neardaylight. The enemy's loss could not have been less than six orseven thousand men. A more detailed report will hereafter be made. 

I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, JOHN A. LOGAN, Major-General, commanding Fifteenth Army Corps. 

General Howard, in transmitting this report, added:

I wish to express my high gratification with the conduct of thetroops engaged. I never saw better conduct in battle. GeneralLogan, though ill and much worn out, was indefatigable, and thesuccess of the day is as much attributable to him as to any oneman. 

This was, of coarse, the first fight in which General Howard hadcommanded the Army of the Tennessee, and he evidently aimed toreconcile General Logan in his disappointment, and to gain theheart of his army, to which he was a stranger. He very properlyleft General Logan to fight his own corps, but exposed himselffreely; and, after the firing had ceased, in the afternoon hewalked the lines; the men, as reported to me, gathered about him inthe most affectionate way, and he at once gained their respect andconfidence. To this fact I at the time attached much importance, for it put me at ease as to the future conduct of that mostimportant army. 

At no instant of time did I feel the least uneasiness about theresult on the 28th, but wanted to reap fuller results, hoping thatDavis's division would come up at the instant of defeat, and catchthe enemy in flank; but the woods were dense, the roads obscure, and as usual this division got on the wrong road, and did not comeinto position until about dark. In like manner, I thought thatHood had greatly weakened his main lines inside of Atlanta, andaccordingly sent repeated orders to Schofield and Thomas to make anattempt to break in; but both reported that they found the parapetsvery strong and full manned. 

Our men were unusually encouraged by this day's work, for theyrealized that we could compel Hood to come out from behind hisfortified lines to attack us at a disadvantage. In conversationwith me, the soldiers of the Fifteenth Corps, with whom I was onthe most familiar terms, spoke of the affair of the 28th as theeasiest thing in the world; that, in fact, it was a commonslaughter of the enemy; they pointed out where the rebel lines hadbeen, and how they themselves had fired deliberately, had shot downtheir antagonists, whose bodies still lay unburied, and markedplainly their lines of battle, which must have halted within easymusket-range of our men, who were partially protected by theirimprovised line of logs and fence-rails. All bore willingtestimony to the courage and spirit of the foe, who, thoughrepeatedly repulsed, came back with increased determination somesix or more times. 

The next morning the Fifteenth Corps wheeled forward to the leftover the battle-field of the day before, and Davis's division stillfarther prolonged the line, which reached nearly to theever-to-be-remembered "Sandtown road. "

Then, by further thinning out Thomas's line, which was wellentrenched, I drew another division of Palmer's corps (Baird's)around to the right, to further strengthen that flank. I wasimpatient to hear from the cavalry raid, then four days out, andwas watching for its effect, ready to make a bold push for thepossession of East Point. General Garrard's division returned toDecatur on the 31st, and reported that General Stoneman had postedhim at Flat Rock, while he (Stoneman) went on. The month of Julytherefore closed with our infantry line strongly entrenched, butdrawn out from the Augusta road on the left to the Sandtown road onthe right, a distance of full ten measured miles. 

The enemy, though evidently somewhat intimidated by the results oftheir defeats on the 22d and 28th, still presented a bold front atall points, with fortified lines that defied a direct assault. Ourrailroad was done to the rear of our camps, Colonel W. P. Wrighthaving reconstructed the bridge across the Chattahoochee in sixdays; and our garrisons and detachments to the rear had soeffectually guarded the railroad that the trains from Nashvillearrived daily, and our substantial wants were well supplied. 

The month, though hot in the extreme, had been one of constantconflict, without intermission, and on four several occasions--viz. , July 4th, 20th, 22d, and 28th--these affairs had amounted toreal battles, with casualty lists by the thousands. Assuming thecorrectness of the rebel surgeon Foard's report, on page 577 ofJohnston's "Narrative, " commencing with July 4th and terminatingwith July 31st, we have:

 Aggregate loss of the enemy......... 10, 841

Our losses, as compiled from the official returns for July, 1864, are: Killed and Missing. Wounded. Total. 

Aggregate loss of July....... 3, 804 5, 915 9, 719

In this table the column of "killed and missing" embraces theprisoners that fell into the hands of the enemy, mostly lost in theSeventeenth Corps, on the 22d of July, and does not embrace thelosses in the cavalry divisions of Garrard and McCook, which, however, were small for July. In all other respects the statementis absolutely correct. I am satisfied, however, that Surgeon Foardcould not have been in possession of data sufficiently accurate toenable him to report the losses in actual battle of men who neversaw the hospital. During the whole campaign I had rendered to metri-monthly statements of "effective strength, " from which Icarefully eliminated the figures not essential for my conduct, sothat at all times I knew the exact fighting-strength of each corps, division, and brigade, of the whole army, and also endeavored tobear in mind our losses both on the several fields of battle and bysickness, and well remember that I always estimated that during themonth of July we had inflicted heavier loss on the enemy than wehad sustained ourselves, and the above figures prove itconclusively. Before closing this chapter, I must record one ortwo minor events that occurred about this time, that may prove ofinterest. 

On the 24th of July I received a dispatch from Inspector-GeneralJames A. Hardie, then on duty at the War Department in Washington, to the effect that Generals Osterhaus and Alvan P. Hovey had beenappointed major-generals. Both of these had begun the campaignwith us in command of divisions, but had gone to the rear--theformer by reason of sickness, and the latter dissatisfied withGeneral Schofield and myself about the composition of his divisionof the Twenty-third Corps. Both were esteemed as first-classofficers, who had gained special distinction in the Vicksburgcampaign. But up to that time, when the newspapers announced dailypromotions elsewhere, no prominent officers serving with me hadbeen advanced a peg, and I felt hurt. I answered Hardie on the25th, in a dispatch which has been made public, closing with thislanguage: "If the rear be the post of honor, then we had better allchange front on Washington. " To my amazement, in a few days Ireceived from President Lincoln himself an answer, in which hecaught me fairly. I have not preserved a copy of that dispatch, and suppose it was burned up in the Chicago fire; but it wascharacteristic of Mr. Lincoln, and was dated the 26th or 27th dayof July, contained unequivocal expressions of respect for those whowere fighting hard and unselfishly, offering us a full share of thehonors and rewards of the war, and saying that, in the cases ofHovey and Osterhaus, he was influenced mainly by therecommendations of Generals Grant and Sherman. On the 27th Ireplied direct, apologizing somewhat for my message to GeneralHardie, saying that I did not suppose such messages ever reachedhim personally, explaining that General Grant's and Sherman'srecommendations for Hovey and Osterhaus had been made when theevents of the Vicksburg campaign were fresh with us, and that mydispatch of the 25th to General Hardie had reflected chiefly thefeelings of the officers then present with me before Atlanta. Theresult of all this, however, was good, for another dispatch fromGeneral Hardie, of the 28th, called on me to nominate eightcolonels for promotion as brigadier-generals. I at once sent acircular note to the army-commanders to nominate two colonels fromthe Army of the Ohio and three from each of the others; and theresult was, that on the 29th of July I telegraphed the names of--

Colonel William Gross, Thirty-sixth Indiana; Colonel Charles C. Walcutt, Forty-sixth Ohio; Colonel James W. Riley, One Hundred andFourth Ohio; Colonel L. P. Bradley, Fifty-first Illinois; ColonelJ. W. Sprague, Sixty-third Ohio; Colonel Joseph A. Cooper, SixthEast Tennessee; Colonel John T. Croxton, Fourth Kentucky; ColonelWilliam W. Belknap, Fifteenth Iowa. These were promptly appointedbrigadier-generals, were already in command of brigades ordivisions; and I doubt if eight promotions were ever made fairer, or were more honestly earned, during the whole war. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

CAPTURE OF ATLANTA. 

AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1864

The month of August opened hot and sultry, but our position beforeAtlanta was healthy, with ample supply of wood, water, andprovisions. The troops had become habituated to the slow andsteady progress of the siege; the skirmish-lines were held close upto the enemy, were covered by rifle-trenches or logs, and kept up acontinuous clatter of musketry. The mainlines were held fartherback, adapted to the shape of the ground, with muskets loaded andstacked for instant use. The field-batteries were in selectpositions, covered by handsome parapets, and occasional shots fromthem gave life and animation to the scene. The men loitered aboutthe trenches carelessly, or busied themselves in constructingingenious huts out of the abundant timber, and seemed as snug, comfortable, and happy, as though they were at home. GeneralSchofield was still on the extreme left, Thomas in the centre, andHoward on the right. Two divisions of the Fourteenth Corps(Baird's and Jeff. C. Davis's) were detached to the right rear, and held in reserve. 

I thus awaited the effect of the cavalry movement against therailroad about Jonesboro, and had heard from General Garrard thatStoneman had gone on to Mason; during that day (August 1st) ColonelBrownlow, of a Tennessee cavalry regiment, came in to Marietta fromGeneral McCook, and reported that McCook's whole division had beenoverwhelmed, defeated, and captured at Newnan. Of course, I wasdisturbed by this wild report, though I discredited it, but madeall possible preparations to strengthen our guards along therailroad to the rear, on the theory that the force of cavalry whichhad defeated McCook would at once be on the railroad aboutMarietta. At the same time Garrard was ordered to occupy thetrenches on our left, while Schofield's whole army moved to theextreme right, and extended the line toward East Point. Thomas wasalso ordered still further to thin out his lines, so as to set freethe other division (Johnson's) of the Fourteenth Corps (Palmer's), which was moved to the extreme right rear, and held in reserveready to make a bold push from that flank to secure a footing onthe Mason Railroad at or below East Point. 

These changes were effected during the 2d and 3d days of August, when General McCook came in and reported the actual results of hiscavalry expedition. He had crossed the Chattahoochee River belowCampbellton, by his pontoon-bridge; had then marched rapidly acrossto the Mason Railroad at Lovejoy's Station, where he had reason toexpect General Stoneman; but, not hearing of him, he set to work, tore up two miles of track, burned two trains of cars, and cut awayfive miles of telegraph-wire. He also found the wagon-trainbelonging to the rebel army in Atlanta, burned five hundred wagons, killed eight hundred mules; and captured seventy-two officers andthree hundred and fifty men. Finding his progress eastward, towardMcDonough, barred by a superior force, he turned back to Newnan, where he found himself completely surrounded by infantry andcavalry. He had to drop his prisoners and fight his way out, losing about six hundred men in killed and captured, and thenreturned with the remainder to his position at Turner's Ferry. This was bad enough, but not so bad as had been reported by ColonelBrownlow. Meantime, rumors came that General Stoneman was downabout Mason, on the east bank of the Ocmulgee. On the 4th ofAugust Colonel Adams got to Marietta with his small brigade of ninehundred men belonging to Stoneman's cavalry, reporting, as usual, all the rest lost, and this was partially confirmed by a reportwhich came to me all the way round by General Grant's headquartersbefore Richmond. A few days afterward Colonel Capron also got in, with another small brigade perfectly demoralized, and confirmed thereport that General Stoneman had covered the escape of these twosmall brigades, himself standing with a reserve of seven hundredmen, with which he surrendered to a Colonel Iverson. Thus anotherof my cavalry divisions was badly damaged, and out of the fragmentswe hastily reorganized three small divisions underBrigadier-Generals Garrard, McCook, and Kilpatrick. 

Stoneman had not obeyed his orders to attack the railroad firstbefore going to Macon and Andersonville, but had crossed theOcmulgee River high up near Covington, and had gone down that riveron the east bank. He reached Clinton, and sent out detachmentswhich struck the railroad leading from Macon to Savannah atGriswold Station, where they found and destroyed seventeenlocomotives and over a hundred cars; then went on and burned thebridge across the Oconee, and reunited the division before Macon. Stoneman shelled the town across the river, but could not crossover by the bridge, and returned to Clinton, where he found hisretreat obstructed, as he supposed, by a superior force. There hebecame bewildered, and sacrificed himself for the safety of hiscommand. He occupied the attention of his enemy by a small forceof seven hundred men, giving Colonels Adams and Capron leave, withtheir brigades, to cut their way back to me at Atlanta. The formerreached us entire, but the latter was struck and scattered at someplace farther north, and came in by detachments. Stonemansurrendered, and remained a prisoner until he was exchanged sometime after, late in September, at Rough and Ready. 

I now became satisfied that cavalry could not, or would not, make asufficient lodgment on the railroad below Atlanta, and that nothingwould suffice but for us to reach it with the main army. Thereforethe most urgent efforts to that end were made, and to Schofield, onthe right, was committed the charge of this special object. He hadhis own corps (the Twenty-third), composed of eleven thousand andseventy-five infantry and eight hundred and eighty-five artillery, with McCook's broken division of cavalry, seventeen hundred andfifty-four men and horses. For this purpose I also placed theFourteenth Corps (Palmer) under his orders. This corps numbered atthe time seventeen thousand two hundred and eighty-eight infantryand eight hundred and twenty-six artillery; but General Palmerclaimed to rank General Schofield in the date of his commission asmajor-general, and denied the latter's right to exercise commandover him. General Palmer was a man of ability, but was notenterprising. His three divisions were compact and strong, wellcommanded, admirable on the defensive, but slow to move or to acton the offensive. His corps (the Fourteenth) had sustained, up tothat time, fewer hard knocks than any other corps in the wholearmy, and I was anxious to give it a chance. I always expected tohave a desperate fight to get possession of the Macon road, whichwas then the vital objective of the campaign. Its possession by uswould, in my judgment, result in the capture of Atlanta, and giveus the fruits of victory, although the destruction of Hood's armywas the real object to be desired. Yet Atlanta was known as the"Gate-City of the South, " was full of founderies, arsenals, andmachine-shops, and I knew that its capture would be the death-knellof the Southern Confederacy. 

On the 4th of August I ordered General Schofield to make a boldattack on the railroad, anywhere about East Point, and orderedGeneral Palmer to report to him for duty. He at once deniedGeneral Schofield's right to command him; but, after examining thedates of their respective commissions, and hearing their arguments, I wrote to General Palmer. 

August 4th. -10. 45 p. M. 

From the statements made by yourself and General Schofield to-day, my decision is, that he ranks you as a major-general, being of thesame date of present commission, by reason of his previous superiorrank as brigadier-general. The movements of to-morrow are soimportant that the orders of the superior on that flank must beregarded as military orders, and not in the nature of cooperation. I did hope that there would be no necessity for my making thisdecision; but it is better for all parties interested that noquestion of rank should occur in actual battle. The Sandtown road, and the railroad, if possible, must be gained to-morrow, if itcosts half your command. I regard the loss of time this afternoonas equal to the loss of two thousand men. 

I also communicated the substance of this to General Thomas, towhose army Palmer's corps belonged, who replied on the 5th:

I regret to hear that Palmer has taken the course he has, and Iknow that he intends to offer his resignation as soon as he canproperly do so. I recommend that his application be granted. 

And on the 5th I again wrote to General Palmer, arguing the pointwith him, advising him, as a friend, not to resign at that crisislest his motives might be misconstrued, and because it might damagehis future career in civil life; but, at the same time, I felt itmy duty to say to him that the operations on that flank, during the4th and 5th, had not been satisfactory--not imputing to him, however, any want of energy or skill, but insisting that "theevents did not keep pace with my desires. " General Schofield hadreported to me that night:

I am compelled to acknowledge that I have totally failed to makeany aggressive movement with the Fourteenth Corps. I have orderedGeneral Johnson's division to replace General Hascall's thisevening, and I propose to-morrow to take my own troops(Twenty-third Corps) to the right, and try to recover what has beenlost by two days' delay. The force may likely be too small. 

I sanctioned the movement, and ordered two of Palmers divisions--Davis's and Baird's--to follow en echelon in support of Schofield, and summoned General Palmer to meet me in person: He came on the6th to my headquarters, and insisted on his resignation beingaccepted, for which formal act I referred him to General Thomas. He then rode to General Thomas's camp, where he made a writtenresignation of his office as commander of the Fourteenth Corps, andwas granted the usual leave of absence to go to his home inIllinois, there to await further orders. General Thomasrecommended that the resignation be accepted; that Johnson, thesenior division commander of the corps, should be ordered back toNashville as chief of cavalry, and that Brigadier-General JeffersonC. Davis, the next in order, should be promoted major general, andassigned to command the corps. These changes had to be referred tothe President, in Washington, and were, in due time, approved andexecuted; and thenceforward I had no reason to complain of theslowness or inactivity of that splendid corps. It had beenoriginally formed by General George H. Thomas, had been commandedby him in person, and had imbibed some what his personal character, viz. , steadiness, good order, and deliberation nothing hasty orrash, but always safe, "slow, and sure. " On August 7th Itelegraphed to General Halleck:

Have received to-day the dispatches of the Secretary of War and ofGeneral Grant, which are very satisfactory. We keep hammering awayall the time, and there is no peace, inside or outside of Atlanta. To-day General Schofield got round the line which was assaultedyesterday by General Reilly's brigade, turned it and gained theground where the assault had been made, and got possession of allour dead and wounded. He continued to press on that flank, andbrought on a noisy but not a bloody battle. He drove the enemybehind his main breastworks, which cover the railroad from Atlantato East Point, and captured a good many of the skirmishers, who areof his best troops--for the militia hug the breastworks close. Ido not deem it prudent to extend any more to the right, but willpush forward daily by parallels, and make the inside of Atlanta toohot to be endured. I have sent back to Chattanooga for twothirty-pound Parrotts, with which we can pick out almost any house intown. I am too impatient for a siege, and don't know but this is asgood a place to fight it out on, as farther inland. One thing iscertain, whether we get inside of Atlanta or not, it will be aused-up community when we are done with it. 

In Schofield's extension on the 5th, General Reilly's brigade hadstruck an outwork, which he promptly attacked, but, as usual, gotentangled in the trees and bushes which had been felled, and lostabout five hundred men, in killed and wounded; but, as abovereported, this outwork was found abandoned the next day, and wecould see from it that the rebels were extending their lines, parallel with the railroad, about as fast as we could add to ourline of investment. On the 10th of August the Parrottthirty-pounders were received and placed in Position; for a coupleof days we kept up a sharp fire from all our batteries convergingon Atlanta, and at every available point we advanced ourinfantry-lines, thereby shortening and strengthening theinvestment; but I was not willing to order a direct assault, unlesssome accident or positive neglect on the part of our antagonistshould reveal an opening. However, it was manifest that no suchopening was intended by Hood, who felt secure behind his strongdefenses. He had repelled our cavalry attacks on his railroad, andhad damaged us seriously thereby, so I expected that he wouldattempt the same game against our rear. Therefore I madeextraordinary exertions to recompose our cavalry divisions, whichwere so essential, both for defense and offense. Kilpatrick wasgiven that on our right rear, in support of Schofield's exposedflank; Garrard retained that on our general left; and McCook'sdivision was held somewhat in reserve, about Marietta and therailroad. On the 10th, having occasion to telegraph to GeneralGrant, then in Washington, I used this language:

Since July 28th Hood has not attempted to meet us outside hisparapets. In order to possess and destroy effectually hiscommunications, I may have to leave a corps at the railroad-bridge, well intrenched, and cut loose with the balance to make a circle ofdesolation around Atlanta. I do not propose to assault the works, which are too strong, nor to proceed by regular approaches. I havelost a good many regiments, and will lose more, by the expirationof service; and this is the only reason why I want reenforcements. We have killed, crippled, and captured more of the enemy than wehave lost by his acts. 

On the 12th of August I heard of the success of Admiral Farragut inentering Mobile Bay, which was regarded as a most valuableauxiliary to our operations at Atlanta; and learned that I had beencommissioned a major-general in the regular army, which wasunexpected, and not desired until successful in the capture ofAtlanta. These did not change the fact that we were held in checkby the stubborn defense of the place, and a conviction was forcedon my mind that our enemy would hold fast, even though every housein the town should be battered down by our artillery. It wasevident that we most decoy him out to fight us on something likeequal terms, or else, with the whole army, raise the siege andattack his communications. Accordingly, on the 13th of August, Igave general orders for the Twentieth Corps to draw back to therailroad-bridge at the Chattahoochee, to protect our trains, hospitals, spare artillery, and the railroad-depot, while the restof the army should move bodily to some point on the Macon Railroadbelow East Point. 

Luckily, I learned just then that the enemy's cavalry, underGeneral Wheeler, had made a wide circuit around our left flank, andhad actually reached our railroad at Tilton Station, above Resaca, captured a drove of one thousand of our beef-cattle, and was strongenough to appear before Dalton, and demand of its commander, Colonel Raum, the surrender of the place. General John E. Smith, who was at Kingston, collected together a couple of thousand men, and proceeded in cars to the relief of Dalton when Wheelerretreated northward toward Cleveland. On the 16th anotherdetachment of the enemy's cavalry appeared in force about Allatoonaand the Etowah bridge, when I became fully convinced that Hood hadsent all of his cavalry to raid upon our railroads. For some daysour communication with Nashville was interrupted by the destructionof the telegraph-lines, as well as railroad. I at once orderedstrong reconnoissances forward from our flanks on the left byGarrard, and on the right by Kilpatrick. The former moved with somuch caution that I was displeased; but Kilpatrick, on thecontrary, displayed so much zeal and activity that I was attractedto him at once. He reached Fairburn Station, on the West Pointroad, and tore it up, returning safely to his position on our rightflank. I summoned him to me, and was so pleased with his spiritand confidence, that I concluded to suspend the general movement ofthe main army, and to send him with his small division of cavalryto break up the Macon road about Jonesboro, in the hopes that itwould force Hood to evacuate Atlanta, and that I should thereby notonly secure possession of the city itself, but probably could catchHood in the confusion of retreat; and, further to increase thechances of success. 

I ordered General Thomas to detach two brigades of Garrard'sdivision of cavalry from the left to the right rear, to act as areserve in support of General Kilpatrick. Meantime, also, theutmost activity was ordered along our whole front by the infantryand artillery. Kilpatrick got off during the night of the 18th, and returned to us on the 22d, having made the complete circuit ofAtlanta. He reported that he had destroyed three miles of therailroad about Jonesboro, which he reckoned would take ten days torepair; that he had encountered a division of infantry and abrigade of cavalry (Ross's); that he had captured a battery anddestroyed three of its guns, bringing one in as a trophy, and healso brought in three battle-flags and seventy prisoners. On the23d, however, we saw trains coming into Atlanta from the south, when I became more than ever convinced that cavalry could not orwould not work hard enough to disable a railroad properly, andtherefore resolved at once to proceed to the execution of myoriginal plan. Meantime, the damage done to our own railroad andtelegraph by Wheeler, about Resaca and Dalton, had been repaired, and Wheeler himself was too far away to be of any service to hisown army, and where he could not do us much harm, viz. , up aboutthe Hiawaesee. On the 24th I rode down to the Chattahoocheebridge, to see in person that it could be properly defended by thesingle corps proposed to be left there for that purpose, and foundthat the rebel works, which had been built by Johnston to resistus, could be easily utilized against themselves; and on returningto my camp, at that same evening, I telegraphed to GeneralHalleck as follows:

Heavy fires in Atlanta all day, caused by our artillery. I will beall ready, and will commence the movement around Atlanta by thesouth, tomorrow night, and for some time you will hear little ofus. I will keep open a courier line back to the Chattahoocheebridge, by way of Sandtown. The Twentieth Corps will hold therailroad-bridge, and I will move with the balance of the army, provisioned for twenty days. 

Meantime General Dodge (commanding the Sixteenth Corps) had beenwounded in the forehead, had gone to the rear, and his twodivisions were distributed to the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps. The real movement commenced on the 25th, at night. The TwentiethCorps drew back and took post at the railroad-bridge, and theFourth Corps (Stanley) moved to his right rear, closing up with theFourteenth Corps (Jeff. C. Davis) near Utoy Creek; at the same timeGarrard's cavalry, leaving their horses out of sight, occupied thevacant trenches, so that the enemy did not detect the change atall. The next night (26th) the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps, composing the Army of the Tennessee (Howard), drew out of theirtrenches, made a wide circuit, and came up on the extreme right ofthe Fourth and Fourteenth Corps of the Army of the Cumberland(Thomas) along Utoy Creek, facing south. The enemy seemed tosuspect something that night, using his artillery pretty freely;but I think he supposed we were going to retreat altogether. Anartillery-shot, fired at random, killed one man and woundedanother, and the next morning some of his infantry came out ofAtlanta and found our camps abandoned. It was afterward relatedthat there was great rejoicing in Atlanta "that the Yankees weregone;" the fact was telegraphed all over the South, and severaltrains of cars (with ladies) came up from Macon to assist in thecelebration of their grand victory. 

On the 28th (making a general left-wheel, pivoting on Schofield)both Thomas and Howard reached the West Point Railroad, extendingfrom East Point to Red-Oak Station and Fairburn, where we spent thenext day (29th) in breaking it up thoroughly. The track was heavedup in sections the length of a regiment, then separated rail byrail; bonfires were made of the ties and of fence-rails on whichthe rails were heated, carried to trees or telegraph-poles, wrappedaround and left to cool. Such rails could not be used again; and, to be still more certain, we filled up many deep cuts with trees, brush, and earth, and commingled with them loaded shells, soarranged that they would explode on an attempt to haul out thebushes. The explosion of one such shell would have demoralized agang of negroes, and thus would have prevented even the attempt toclear the road. 

Meantime Schofield, with the Twenty-third Corps, presented a boldfront toward East Point, daring and inviting the enemy to sally outto attack him in position. His first movement was on the 30th, toMount Gilead Church, then to Morrow's Mills, facing Rough andReady. Thomas was on his right, within easy support, moving bycross-roads from Red Oak to the Fayetteville road, extending fromCouch's to Renfrew's; and Howard was aiming for Jonesboro. 

I was with General Thomas that day, which was hot but otherwisevery pleasant. We stopped for a short noon-rest near a littlechurch (marked on our maps as Shoal-Creek Church), which stood backabout a hundred yards from the road, in a grove of native oaks. The infantry column had halted in the road, stacked their arms, andthe men were scattered about--some lying in the shade of the trees, and others were bringing corn-stalks from a large corn-field acrossthe road to feed our horses, while still others had arms full ofthe roasting-ears, then in their prime. Hundreds of fires weresoon started with the fence-rails, and the men were busy roastingthe ears. Thomas and I were walking up and down the road which ledto the church, discussing the chances of the movement, which hethought were extra-hazardous, and our path carried us by a fire atwhich a soldier was roasting his corn. The fire was builtartistically; the man was stripping the ears of their husks, standing them in front of his fire, watching them carefully, andturning each ear little by little, so as to roast it nicely. Hewas down on his knees intent on his business, paying little heed tothe stately and serious deliberations of his leaders. Thomas'smind was running on the fact that we had cut loose from our base ofsupplies, and that seventy thousand men were then dependent fortheir food on the chance supplies of the country (alreadyimpoverished by the requisitions of the enemy), and on the contentsof our wagons. Between Thomas and his men there existed a mostkindly relation, and he frequently talked with them in the mostfamiliar way. Pausing awhile, and watching the operations of thisman roasting his corn, he said, "What are you doing?" The manlooked up smilingly "Why, general, I am laying in a supply ofprovisions. " "That is right, my man, but don't waste yourprovisions. " As we resumed our walk, the man remarked, in a sortof musing way, but loud enough for me to hear: "There he goes, there goes the old man, economizing as usual. " "Economizing" withcorn, which cost only the labor of gathering and roasting!

As we walked, we could hear General Howard's guns at intervals, away off to our right front, but an ominous silence continuedtoward our left, where I was expecting at each moment to hear thesound of battle. That night we reached Renfrew's, and had reportsfrom left to right (from General Schofield, about Morrow's Mills, to General Howard, within a couple of miles of Jonesboro). Thenext morning (August 31st) all moved straight for the railroad. Schofield reached it near Rough and Ready, and Thomas at two pointsbetween there and Jonesboro. Howard found an intrenched foe(Hardee's corps) covering Jonesboro, and his men began at once todig their accustomed rifle-pits. Orders were sent to GeneralsThomas and Schofield to turn straight for Jonesboro, tearing up therailroad-track as they advanced. About 3. 00 p. M. The enemysallied from Jonesboro against the Fifteenth corps, but was easilyrepulsed, and driven back within his lines. All hands were keptbusy tearing up the railroad, and it was not until toward eveningof the 1st day of September that the Fourteenth Corps (Davis)closed down on the north front of Jonesboro, connecting on hisright with Howard, and his left reaching the railroad, along whichGeneral Stanley was moving, followed by Schofield. General Davisformed his divisions in line about 4 p. M. , swept forward over someold cotton-fields in full view, and went over the rebel parapethandsomely, capturing the whole of Govan's brigade, with twofield-batteries of ten guns. Being on the spot, I checked Davis'smovement, and ordered General Howard to send the two divisions ofthe Seventeenth Corps (Blair) round by his right rear, to get belowJonesboro, and to reach the railroad, so as to cut off retreat inthat direction. I also dispatched orders after orders to hurryforward Stanley, so as to lap around Jonesboro on the east, hopingthus to capture the whole of Hardee's corps. I sent first CaptainAudenried (aide-de-camp), then Colonel Poe, of the Engineers, andlastly General Thomas himself (and that is the only time during thecampaign I can recall seeing General Thomas urge his horse into agallop). Night was approaching, and the country on the fartherside of the railroad was densely wooded. General Stanley had comeup on the left of Davis, and was deploying, though there could nothave been on his front more than a skirmish-line. Had he movedstraight on by the flank, or by a slight circuit to his left, hewould have inclosed the whole ground occupied by Hardee's corps, and that corps could not have escaped us; but night came on, andHardee did escape. 

Meantime General Slocum had reached his corps (the Twentieth), stationed at the Chattahoochee bridge, had relieved General A. S. Williams in command, and orders had been sent back to him to feelforward occasionally toward Atlanta, to observe the effect when wehad reached the railroad. That night I was so restless andimpatient that I could not sleep, and about midnight there arosetoward Atlanta sounds of shells exploding, and other sound likethat of musketry. I walked to the house of a farmer close by mybivouac, called him out to listen to the reverberations which camefrom the direction of Atlanta (twenty miles to the north of us), and inquired of him if he had resided there long. He said he had, and that these sounds were just like those of a battle. Aninterval of quiet then ensued, when again, about 4 a. M. , aroseother similar explosions, but I still remained in doubt whether theenemy was engaged in blowing up his own magazines, or whetherGeneral Slocum had not felt forward, and become engaged in a realbattle. 

The next morning General Hardee was gone, and we all pushed forwardalong the railroad south, in close pursuit, till we ran up againsthis lines at a point just above Lovejoy's Station. While bringingforward troops and feeling the new position of our adversary, rumors came from the rear that the enemy had evacuated Atlanta, andthat General Slocum was in the city. Later in the day I received anote in Slocum's own handwriting, stating that he had heard duringthe night the very sounds that I have referred to; that he hadmoved rapidly up from the bridge about daylight, and had enteredAtlanta unopposed. His letter was dated inside the city, so therewas no doubt of the fact. General Thomas's bivouac was but a shortdistance from mine, and, before giving notice to the army ingeneral orders, I sent one of my staff-officers to show him thenote. In a few minutes the officer returned, soon followed byThomas himself, who again examined the note, so as to be perfectlycertain that it was genuine. The news seemed to him too good to betrue. He snapped his fingers, whistled, and almost danced, and, asthe news spread to the army, the shouts that arose from our men, the wild hallooing and glorious laughter, were to us a fullrecompense for the labor and toils and hardships through which wehad passed in the previous three months. 

A courier-line was at once organized, messages were sent back andforth from our camp at Lovejoy's to Atlanta, and to ourtelegraph-station at the Chattahoochee bridge. Of course, the gladtidings flew on the wings of electricity to all parts of the North, where the people had patiently awaited news of their husbands, sons, and brothers, away down in "Dixie Land;" and congratulations camepouring back full of good-will and patriotism. This victory was mostopportune; Mr. Lincoln himself told me afterward that even he hadpreviously felt in doubt, for the summer was fast passing away; thatGeneral Grant seemed to be checkmated about Richmond and Petersburg, and my army seemed to have run up against an impassable barrier, when, suddenly and unexpectedly, came the news that "Atlanta wasours, and fairly won. " On this text many a fine speech was made, butnone more eloquent than that by Edward Everett, in Boston. Apresidential election then agitated the North. Mr. Lincolnrepresented the national cause, and General McClellan had acceptedthe nomination of the Democratic party, whose platform was that thewar was a failure, and that it was better to allow the South to gofree to establish a separate government, whose corner-stone should beslavery. Success to our arms at that instant was therefore apolitical necessity; and it was all-important that somethingstartling in our interest should occur before the election inNovember. The brilliant success at Atlanta filled that requirement, and made the election of Mr. Lincoln certain. Among the many lettersof congratulation received, those of Mr. Lincoln and General Grantseem most important:

EXECUTIVE MANSIONWASHINGTON, D. C. September 3, 1864. 

The national thanks are rendered by the President to Major-GeneralW. T. Sherman and the gallant officers and soldiers of his commandbefore Atlanta, for the distinguished ability and perseverancedisplayed in the campaign in Georgia, which, under Divine favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta. The marches, battles, sieges, and other military operations, that have signalized thecampaign, must render it famous in the annals of war, and haveentitled those who have participated therein to the applause andthanks of the nation. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLNPresident of the United States

CITY POINT VIRGINIA, September 4, 1864-9 P. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:I have just received your dispatch announcing the capture ofAtlanta. In honor of your great victory, I have ordered a saluteto be fired with shotted guns from every battery bearing upon theenemy. The salute will be fired within an hour, amid greatrejoicing. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

These dispatches were communicated to the army in general orders, and we all felt duly encouraged and elated by the praise of thosecompetent to bestow it. 

The army still remained where the news of success had first foundus, viz. , Lovejoy's; but, after due refection, I resolved not toattempt at that time a further pursuit of Hood's army, but slowlyand deliberately to move back, occupy Atlanta, enjoy a short periodof rest, and to think well over the next step required in theprogress of events. Orders for this movement were made on the 5thSeptember, and three days were given for each army to reach theplace assigned it, viz. : the Army of the Cumberland in and aboutAtlanta; the Army of the Tennessee at East Point; and the Army ofthe Ohio at Decatur. 

Personally I rode back to Jonesboro on the 6th, and there inspectedthe rebel hospital, full of wounded officers and men left by Hardeein his retreat. The next night we stopped at Rough and Ready, andon the 8th of September we rode into Atlanta, then occupied by theTwentieth Corps (General Slocum). In the Court-House Square wasencamped a brigade, embracing the Massachusetts Second andThirty-third Regiments, which had two of the finest bands of thearmy, and their music was to us all a source of infinite pleasureduring our sojourn in that city. I took up my headquarters in thehouse of Judge Lyons, which stood opposite one corner of theCourt-House Square, and at once set about a measure already ordered, of which I had thought much and long, viz. , to remove the entirecivil population, and to deny to all civilians from the rear theexpected profits of civil trade. Hundreds of sutlers and traderswere waiting at Nashville and Chattanooga, greedy to reach Atlantawith their wares and goods, with, which to drive a profitable tradewith the inhabitants. I gave positive orders that none of thesetraders, except three (one for each separate army), should bepermitted to come nearer than Chattanooga; and, moreover, Iperemptorily required that all the citizens and families resident inAtlanta should go away, giving to each the option to go south ornorth, as their interests or feelings dictated. I was resolved tomake Atlanta a pure military garrison or depot, with no civilpopulation to influence military measures. I had seen Memphis, Vicksburg, Natchez, and New Orleans, all captured from the enemy, andeach at once was garrisoned by a full division of troops, if notmore; so that success was actually crippling our armies in the fieldby detachments to guard and protect the interests of a hostilepopulation. 

I gave notice of this purpose, as early as the 4th of September, toGeneral Halleck, in a letter concluding with these words:

If the people raise a howl against my barbarity and cruelty, I willanswer that war is war, and not popularity-seeking. If they wantpeace, they and their relatives most stop the war. 

I knew, of course, that such a measure would be stronglycriticised, but made up my mind to do it with the absolutecertainty of its justness, and that time would sanction its wisdom. I knew that the people of the South would read in this measure twoimportant conclusions: one, that we were in earnest; and the other, if they were sincere in their common and popular clamor "to die inthe last ditch, " that the opportunity would soon come. 

Soon after our reaching Atlanta, General Hood had sent in by a flagof truce a proposition, offering a general exchange of prisoners, saying that he was authorized to make such an exchange by theRichmond authorities, out of the vast number of our men then heldcaptive at Andersonville, the same whom General Stoneman had hopedto rescue at the time of his raid. Some of these prisoners hadalready escaped and got in, had described the pitiable condition ofthe remainder, and, although I felt a sympathy for their hardshipsand sufferings as deeply as any man could, yet as nearly all theprisoners who had been captured by us during the campaign had beensent, as fast as taken, to the usual depots North, they were thenbeyond my control. There were still about two thousand, mostlycaptured at Jonesboro, who had been sent back by cars, but had notpassed Chattanooga. These I ordered back, and offered General Hoodto exchange them for Stoneman, Buell, and such of my own army aswould make up the equivalent; but I would not exchange for hisprisoners generally, because I knew these would have to be sent totheir own regiments, away from my army, whereas all we could givehim could at once be put to duty in his immediate army. Quite anangry correspondence grew up between us, which was published at thetime in the newspapers, but it is not to be found in any book ofwhich I have present knowledge, and therefore is given here, asillustrative of the events referred to, and of the feelings of theactors in the game of war at that particular crisis, together withcertain other original letters of Generals Grant and Halleck, neverhitherto published. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, September 12, 1864

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi

GENERAL: I send Lieutenant-Colonel Horace Porter, of my staff, withthis. Colonel Porter will explain to you the exact condition ofaffairs here, better than I can do in the limits of a letter. Although I feel myself strong enough now for offensive operations, I am holding on quietly, to get advantage of recruits andconvalescents, who are coming forward very rapidly. My lines arenecessarily very long, extending from Deep Bottom, north of theJames, across the peninsula formed by the Appomattox and the James, and south of the Appomattox to the Weldon road. This line is verystrongly fortified, and can be held with comparatively few men;but, from its great length, necessarily takes many in theaggregate. I propose, when I do move, to extend my left so as tocontrol what is known as the Southside, or Lynchburg & Petersburgroad; then, if possible, to keep the Danville road out. At thesame time this move is made, I want to send a force of from six toten thousand men against Wilmington. The way I propose to do thisis to land the men north of Fort Fisher, and hold that point. Atthe same time a large naval fleet will be assembled there, and theiron-clads will run the batteries as they did at Mobile. This willgive us the same control of the harbor of Wilmington that we nowhave of the harbor of Mobile. What you are to do with the forcesat your command, I do not exactly see. The difficulties ofsupplying your army, except when they are constantly moving beyondwhere you are, I plainly see. If it had not been for Price'smovement, Canby could have sent twelve thousand more men to Mobile. From your command on the Mississippi, an equal number could havebeen taken. With these forces, my idea would have been to dividethem, sending one-half to Mobile, and the other half to Savannah. You could then move as proposed in your telegram, so as to threatenMacon and Augusta equally. Whichever one should be abandoned bythe enemy, you could take and open up a new base of supplies. Myobject now in sending a staff-officer to you is not so much tosuggest operations for you as to get your views, and to have plansmatured by the time every thing can be got ready. It wouldprobably be the 5th of October before any of the plans hereindicated will be executed. If you have any promotions torecommend, send the names forward, and I will approve them. 

In conclusion, it is hardly necessary for me to say that I feel youhave accomplished the most gigantic undertaking given to anygeneral in this war, and with a skill and ability that will beacknowledged in history as unsurpassed, if not unequaled. It givesme as much pleasure to record this in your favor as it world infavor of any living man, myself included. Truly yours, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 20, 1864. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commander-in-Chief, City Point, Virgina. 

GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge, at the hands ofLieutenant Colonel Porter, of your staff, your letter of September12th, and accept with thanks the honorable and kindly mentionof the services of this army in the great cause in which we are allengaged. 

I send by Colonel Porter all official reports which are completed, and will in a few days submit a list of names which are deemedworthy of promotion. 

I think we owe it to the President to save him the invidious taskof selection among the vast number of worthy applicants, and haveordered my army commanders to prepare their lists with great care, and to express their preferences, based upon claims of actualcapacity and services rendered. 

These I will consolidate, and submit in such a form that, ifmistakes are made, they will at least be sanctioned by the bestcontemporaneous evidence of merit, for I know that vacancies do notexist equal in number to that of the officers who really deservepromotion. 

As to the future, I am pleased to know that your army is beingsteadily reinforced by a good class of men, and I hope it will goon until you have a force that is numerically double that of yourantagonist, so that with one part you can watch him, and with theother push out boldly from your left flank, occupy the SouthsideRailroad, compel him to attack you in position, or accept battle onyour own terms. 

We ought to ask our country for the largest possible armies thatcan be raised, as so important a thing as the self-existence of agreat nation should not be left to the fickle chances of war. 

Now that Mobile is shut out to the commerce of our enemy, it callsfor no further effort on our part, unless the capture of the citycan be followed by the occupation of the Alabama River and therailroad to Columbus, Georgia, when that place would be amagnificent auxiliary to my further progress into Georgia; but, until General Canby is much reinforced, and until he can morethoroughly subdue the scattered armies west of the Mississippi, Isuppose that much cannot be attempted by him against the AlabamaRiver and Columbus, Georgia. 

The utter destruction of Wilmington, North Carolina, is ofimportance only in connection with the necessity of cutting off allforeign trade to our enemy, and if Admiral Farragut can get acrossthe bar, and move quickly, I suppose he will succeed. From myknowledge of the mouth of Cape Fear River, I anticipate moredifficulty in getting the heavy ships across the bar than inreaching the town of Wilmington; but, of course, the soundings ofthe channel are well known at Washington, as well as the draught ofhis iron-clads, so that it must be demonstrated to be feasible, orelse it would not be attempted. If successful, I suppose that FortCaswell will be occupied, and the fleet at once sent to theSavannah River. Then the reduction of that city is the nextquestion. It once in our possession, and the river open to us, Iwould not hesitate to cross the State of Georgia with sixtythousand men, hauling some stores, and depending on the country forthe balance. Where a million of people find subsistence, my armywon't starve; but, as you know, in a country like Georgia, with fewroads and innumerable streams, an inferior force can so delay anarmy and harass it, that it would not be a formidable object; butif the enemy knew that we had our boats in the Savannah River Icould rapidly move to Milledgeville, where there is abundance ofcorn and meat, and could so threaten Macon and Augusta that theenemy world doubtless give up Macon for Augusta; then I would moveso as to interpose between Augusta and Savannah, and force him togive us Augusta, with the only powder-mills and factories remainingin the South, or let us have the use of the Savannah River. Eitherhorn of the dilemma will be worth a battle. I would prefer hisholding Augusta (as the probabilities are); for then, with theSavannah River in our possession, the taking of Augusta would be amere matter of time. This campaign can be made in the winter. 

But the more I study the game, the more am I convinced that itwould be wrong for us to penetrate farther into Georgia without anobjective beyond. It would not be productive of much good. I canstart east and make a circuit south and back, doing vast damage tothe State, but resulting in no permanent good; and by merethreatening to do so, I hold a rod over the Georgians, who are notover-loyal to the South. I will therefore give it as my opinionthat your army and Canby's should be reinforced to the maximum;that, after you get Wilmington, you should strike for Savannah andits river; that General Canby should hold the Mississippi River, and send a force to take Columbus, Georgia, either by way of theAlabama or Appalachicola River; that I should keep Hood employedand put my army in fine order for a march on Augusta, Columbia, andCharleston; and start as soon as Wilmington is sealed to commerce, and the city of Savannah is in our possession. 

I think it will be found that the movements of Price and Shelby, west of the Mississippi, are mere diversions. They cannot hope toenter Missouri except as raiders; and the truth is, that GeneralRosecrans should be ashamed to take my troops for such a purpose. If you will secure Wilmington and the city of Savannah from yourcentre, and let General Canby leave command over the MississippiRiver and country west of it, I will send a force to the Alabamaand Appalachicola, provided you give me one hundred thousand of thedrafted men to fill up my old regiments; and if you will fix a dayto be in Savannah, I will insure our possession of Macon and apoint on the river below Augusta. The possession of the SavannahRiver is more than fatal to the possibility of Southernindependence. They may stand the fall of Richmond, but not of allGeorgia. 

I will have a long talk with Colonel Porter, and tell him everything that may occur to me of interest to you. 

In the mean time, know that I admire your dogged perseverance andpluck more than ever. If you can whip Lee and I can march to theAtlantic, I think Uncle Abe will give us a twenty days' leave ofabsence to see the young folks. 

Yours as ever, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON, September 16, 1864. 

General W. T. SHERMAN, Atlanta, Georgia. 

My DEAR GENERAL: Your very interesting letter of the 4th is justreceived. Its perusal has given me the greatest pleasure. I havenot written before to congratulate you on the capture of Atlanta, the objective point of your brilliant campaign, for the reason thatI have been suffering from my annual attack of "coryza, " orhay-cold. It affects my eyes so much that I can scarcely see towrite. As you suppose, I have watched your movements mostattentively and critically, and I do not hesitate to say that yourcampaign has been the most brilliant of the war. Its results areless striking and less complete than those of General Grant atVicksburg, but then you have had greater difficulties to encounter, a longer line of communications to keep up, and a longer and morecontinuous strain upon yourself and upon your army. 

You must have been very considerably annoyed by the State negrorecruiting-agents. Your letter was a capital one, and did muchgood. The law was a ridiculous one; it was opposed by the WarDepartment, but passed through the influence of Easternmanufacturers, who hoped to escape the draft in that way. Theywere making immense fortunes out of the war, and could well affordto purchase negro recruits, and thus save their employees at home. 

I fully agree with you in regard to the policy of a stringentdraft; but, unfortunately, political influences are against us, andI fear it will not amount to much. Mr. Seward's speech at Auburn, again prophesying, for the twentieth time, that the rebellion wouldbe crushed in a few months, and saying that there would be nodraft, as we now had enough soldiers to end the war, etc. , has donemuch harm, in a military point of view. I have seen enough ofpolitics here to last me for life. You are right in avoiding them. McClellan may possibly reach the White House, but he will lose therespect of all honest, high-minded patriots, by his affiliationwith such traitors and Copperheads as B---, V---, W---, S---, & Co. He would not stand upon the traitorous Chicago platform, but he hadnot the manliness to oppose it. A major-general in the UnitedStates Army, and yet not one word to utter against rebels or therebellion! I had much respect for McClellan before he became apolitician, but very little after reading his letter accepting thenomination. 

Hooker certainly made a mistake in leaving before the capture ofAtlanta. I understand that, when here, he said that you wouldfail; your army was discouraged and dissatisfied, etc. , etc. He ismost unmeasured in his abuse of me. I inclose you a specimen ofwhat he publishes in Northern papers, wherever he goes. They aredictated by himself and written by W. B. And such worthies. Thefunny part of the business is, that I had nothing whatever to dowith his being relieved on either occasion. Moreover, I have neversaid any thing to the President or Secretary of War to injure himin the slightest degree, and he knows that perfectly well. Hisanimosity arises from another source. He is aware that I know somethings about his character and conduct in California, and, fearingthat I may use that information against him, he seeks to ward offits effect by making it appear that I am his personal enemy, amjealous of him, etc. I know of no other reason for his hostilityto me. He is welcome to abuse me as much as he pleases; I don'tthink it will do him much good, or me much harm. I know verylittle of General Howard, but believe him to be a true, honorableman. Thomas is also a noble old war-horse. It is true, as yousay, that he is slow, but he is always sure. 

I have not seen General Grant since the fall of Atlanta, and do notknow what instructions he has sent you. I fear that Canby has notthe means to do much by way of Mobile. The military effects ofBanks's disaster are now showing themselves by the threatenedoperations of Price & Co. Toward Missouri, thus keeping in checkour armies west of the Mississippi. 

With many thanks for your kind letter, and wishes for your futuresuccess, yours truly, H. W. HALLECK. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 20, 1864. 

Major General HALLECK, Chief of Staff, Washington D. C. 

GENERAL: I have the honor herewith to submit copies of acorrespondence between General Hood, of the Confederate Army, theMayor of Atlanta, and myself, touching the removal of theinhabitants of Atlanta. 

In explanation of the tone which marks some of these letters, Iwill only call your attention to the fact that, after I hadannounced my determination, General Hood took upon himself toquestion my motives. I could not tamely submit to suchimpertinence; and I have also seen that, in violation of allofficial usage, he has published in the Macon newspapers such partsof the correspondence as suited his purpose. This could have hadno other object than to create a feeling on the part of the people;but if he expects to resort to such artifices, I think I can meethim there too. 

It is sufficient for my Government to know that the removal of theinhabitants has been made with liberality and fairness, that it hasbeen attended with no force, and that no women or children havesuffered, unless for want of provisions by their natural protectorsand friends. 

My real reasons for this step were:

We want all the houses of Atlanta for military storage andoccupation. 

We want to contract the lines of defense, so as to diminish thegarrison to the limit necessary to defend its narrow and vitalparts, instead of embracing, as the lines now do, the vast suburbs. This contraction of the lines, with the necessary citadels andredoubts, will make it necessary to destroy the very houses used byfamilies as residences. 

Atlanta is a fortified town, was stubbornly defended, and fairlycaptured. As captors, we have a right to it. 

The residence here of a poor population would compel us, sooner orlater, to feed them or to see them starve under our eyes. 

The residence here of the families of our enemies would be atemptation and a means to keep up a correspondence dangerous andhurtful to our cause; a civil population calls for provost-guards, and absorbs the attention of officers in listening to everlastingcomplaints and special grievances that are not military. 

These are my reasons; and, if satisfactory to the Government of theUnited States, it makes no difference whether it pleases GeneralHood and his people or not. I am, with respect, your obedientservant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 7, 1864. 

General HOOD, commanding Confederate Army. 

GENERAL: I have deemed it to the interest of the United States thatthe citizens now residing in Atlanta should remove, those whoprefer it to go south, and the rest north. For the latter I canprovide food and transportation to points of their election inTennessee, Kentucky, or farther north. For the former I canprovide transportation by cars as far as Rough and Ready, and alsowagons; but, that their removal may be made with as littlediscomfort as possible, it will be necessary for you to help thefamilies from Rough and Ready to the care at Lovejoy's. If youconsent, I will undertake to remove all the families in Atlanta whoprefer to go south to Rough and Ready, with all their movableeffects, viz. , clothing, trunks, reasonable furniture, bedding, etc. , with their servants, white and black, with the proviso thatno force shall be used toward the blacks, one way or the other. Ifthey want to go with their masters or mistresses, they may do so;otherwise they will be sent away, unless they be men, when they maybe employed by our quartermaster. Atlanta is no place for familiesor non-combatants, and I have no desire to send them north if youwill assist in conveying them south. If this proposition meetsyour views, I will consent to a truce in the neighborhood of Roughand Ready, stipulating that any wagons, horses, animals, or personssent there for the purposes herein stated, shall in no manner beharmed or molested; you in your turn agreeing that any care, wagons, or carriages, persons or animals sent to the same point, shall not be interfered with. Each of us might send a guard of, say, one hundred men, to maintain order, and limit the truce to, say, two days after a certain time appointed. 

I have authorized the mayor to choose two citizens to convey to youthis letter, with such documents as the mayor may forward inexplanation, and shall await your reply. I have the honor to beyour obedient servant. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

Major General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding United States Forces inGeorgia

GENERAL: Your letter of yesterday's date, borne by James M. Balland James R. Crew, citizens of Atlanta, is received. You saytherein, "I deem it to be to the interest of the United States thatthe citizens now residing in Atlanta should remove, " etc. I do notconsider that I have any alternative in this matter. I thereforeaccept your proposition to declare a truce of two days, or suchtime as may be necessary to accomplish the purpose mentioned, andshall render all assistance in my power to expedite thetransportation of citizens in this direction. I suggest that astaff-officer be appointed by you to superintend the removal fromthe city to Rough and Ready, while I appoint a like officer tocontrol their removal farther south; that a guard of one hundredmen be sent by either party as you propose, to maintain order atthat place, and that the removal begin on Monday next. 

And now, sir, permit me to say that the unprecedented measure youpropose transcends, in studied and ingenious cruelty, all acts everbefore brought to my attention in the dark history of war. 

In the name of God and humanity, I protest, believing that you willfind that you are expelling from their homes and firesides thewives and children of a brave people. I am, general, veryrespectfully, your obedient servant, J. B. HOOD, General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 10, 1864. 

General J. B. HOOD, commanding Army of Tennessee, Confederate Army. 

GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letterof this date, at the hands of Messrs. Ball and Crew, consenting tothe arrangements I had proposed to facilitate the removal south ofthe people of Atlanta, who prefer to go in that direction. Iinclose you a copy of my orders, which will, I am satisfied, accomplish my purpose perfectly. 

You style the measures proposed "unprecedented, " and appeal to thedark history of war for a parallel, as an act of "studied andingenious cruelty. " It is not unprecedented; for General Johnstonhimself very wisely and properly removed the families all the wayfrom Dalton down, and I see no reason why Atlanta should beexcepted. Nor is it necessary to appeal to the dark history ofwar, when recent and modern examples are so handy. You yourselfburned dwelling-houses along your parapet, and I have seen to-dayfifty houses that you have rendered uninhabitable because theystood in the way of your forts and men. You defended Atlanta on aline so close to town that every cannon-shot and many musket-shotsfrom our line of investment, that overshot their mark, went intothe habitations of women and children. General Hardee did the sameat Jonesboro, and General Johnston did the same, last summer, atJackson, Mississippi. I have not accused you of heartless cruelty, but merely instance these cases of very recent occurrence, andcould go on and enumerate hundreds of others, and challenge anyfair man to judge which of us has the heart of pity for thefamilies of a "brave people. "

I say that it is kindness to these families of Atlanta to removethem now, at once, from scenes that women and children should notbe exposed to, and the "brave people" should scorn to commit theirwives and children to the rude barbarians who thus, as you say, violate the laws of war, as illustrated in the pages of its darkhistory. 

In the name of common-sense, I ask you not to appeal to a just Godin such a sacrilegious manner. You who, in the midst of peace andprosperity, have plunged a nation into war--dark and cruel war--whodared and badgered us to battle, insulted our flag, seized ourarsenals and forts that were left in the honorable custody ofpeaceful ordnance-sergeants, seized and made "prisoners of war" thevery garrisons sent to protect your people against negroes andIndians, long before any overt act was committed by the (to you)hated Lincoln Government; tried to force Kentucky and Missouri intorebellion, spite of themselves; falsified the vote of Louisiana;turned loose your privateers to plunder unarmed ships; expelledUnion families by the thousands, burned their houses, and declared, by an act of your Congress, the confiscation of all debts dueNorthern men for goods had and received! Talk thus to the marines, but not to me, who have seen these things, and who will this daymake as much sacrifice for the peace and honor of the South as thebest-born Southerner among you! If we must be enemies, let us bemen, and fight it out as we propose to do, and not deal in archhypocritical appeals to God and humanity. God will judge us in duetime, and he will pronounce whether it be more humane to fight witha town full of women and the families of a brave people at our backor to remove them in time to places of safety among their ownfriends and people. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE TENNESSEESeptember 12, 1864

Major-General W. T, SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letterof the 9th inst. , with its inclosure in reference to the women, children, and others, whom you have thought proper to expel fromtheir homes in the city of Atlanta. Had you seen proper to let thematter rest there, I would gladly have allowed your letter to closethis correspondence, and, without your expressing it in words, would have been willing to believe that, while "the interests ofthe United States, " in your opinion, compelled you to an act ofbarbarous cruelty, you regretted the necessity, and we would havedropped the subject; but you have chosen to indulge in statementswhich I feel compelled to notice, at least so far as to signify mydissent, and not allow silence in regard to them to be construed asacquiescence. 

I see nothing in your communication which induces me to modify thelanguage of condemnation with which I characterized your order. Itbut strengthens me in the opinion that it stands "preeminent in thedark history of war for studied and ingenious cruelty. " Youroriginal order was stripped of all pretenses; you announced theedict for the sole reason that it was "to the interest of theUnited States. " This alone you offered to us and the civilizedworld as an all-sufficient reason for disregarding the laws of Godand man. You say that "General Johnston himself very wisely andproperly removed the families all the way from Dalton down. " It isdue to that gallant soldier and gentleman to say that no act of hisdistinguished career gives the least color to your unfoundedaspersions upon his conduct. He depopulated no villages, nortowns, nor cities, either friendly or hostile. He offered andextended friendly aid to his unfortunate fellow-citizens whodesired to flee from your fraternal embraces. You are equallyunfortunate in your attempt to find a justification for this act ofcruelty, either in the defense of Jonesboro, by General Hardee, orof Atlanta, by myself. General Hardee defended his position infront of Jonesboro at the expense of injury to the houses; anordinary, proper, and justifiable act of war. I defended Atlantaat the same risk and cost. If there was any fault in either case, it was your own, in not giving notice, especially in the case ofAtlanta, of your purpose to shell the town, which is usual in waramong civilized nations. No inhabitant was expelled from his homeand fireside by the orders of General Hardee or myself, andtherefore your recent order can find no support from the conduct ofeither of us. I feel no other emotion other than pain in readingthat portion of your letter which attempts to justify your shellingAtlanta without notice under pretense that I defended Atlanta upona line so close to town that every cannon-shot and manymusket-balls from your line of investment, that overshot their mark, went into the habitations of women and children. I made no complaintof your firing into Atlanta in any way you thought proper. I makenone now, but there are a hundred thousand witnesses that you firedinto the habitations of women and children for weeks, firing farabove and miles beyond my line of defense. I have too good anopinion, founded both upon observation and experience, of the skillof your artillerists, to credit the insinuation that they for severalweeks unintentionally fired too high for my modest field-works, andslaughtered women and children by accident and want of skill. 

The residue of your letter is rather discussion. It opens a widefield for the discussion of questions which I do not feel arecommitted to me. I am only a general of one of the armies of theConfederate States, charged with military operations in the field, under the direction of my superior officers, and I am not calledupon to discuss with you the causes of the present war, or thepolitical questions which led to or resulted from it. These graveand important questions have been committed to far abler hands thanmine, and I shall only refer to them so far as to repel any unjustconclusion which might be drawn from my silence. You charge mycountry with "daring and badgering you to battle. " The truth is, we sent commissioners to you, respectfully offering a peacefulseparation, before the first gun was fired on either aide. You saywe insulted your flag. The truth is, we fired upon it, and thosewho fought under it, when you came to our doors upon the mission ofsubjugation. You say we seized upon your forts and arsenals, andmade prisoners of the garrisons sent to protect us against negroesand Indians. The truth is, we, by force of arms, drove outinsolent intruders and took possession of our own forts andarsenals, to resist your claims to dominion over masters, slaves, and Indians, all of whom are to this day, with a unanimityunexampled in the history of the world, warring against yourattempts to become their masters. You say that we tried to forceMissouri and Kentucky into rebellion in spite of themselves. Thetruth is, my Government, from the beginning of this struggle tothis hour, has again and again offered, before the whole world, toleave it to the unbiased will of these States, and all others, todetermine for themselves whether they will cast their destiny withyour Government or ours; and your Government has resisted thisfundamental principle of free institutions with the bayonet, andlabors daily, by force and fraud, to fasten its hateful tyrannyupon the unfortunate freemen of these States. You say we falsifiedthe vote of Louisiana. The truth is, Louisiana not only separatedherself from your Government by nearly a unanimous vote of herpeople, but has vindicated the act upon every battle-field fromGettysburg to the Sabine, and has exhibited an heroic devotion toher decision which challenges the admiration and respect of everyman capable of feeling sympathy for the oppressed or admiration forheroic valor. You say that we turned loose pirates to plunder yourunarmed ships. The truth is, when you robbed us of our part of thenavy, we built and bought a few vessels, hoisted the flag of ourcountry, and swept the seas, in defiance of your navy, around thewhole circumference of the globe. You say we have expelled Unionfamilies by thousands. The truth is, not a single family has beenexpelled from the Confederate States, that I am aware of; but, onthe contrary, the moderation of our Government toward traitors hasbeen a fruitful theme of denunciation by its enemies andwell-meaning friends of our cause. You say my Government, by actsof Congress, has confiscated "all debts due Northern men for goodssold and delivered. " The truth is, our Congress gave due and ampletime to your merchants and traders to depart from our shores withtheir ships, goods, and effects, and only sequestrated the propertyof our enemies in retaliation for their acts--declaring ustraitors, and confiscating our property wherever their powerextended, either in their country or our own. Such are youraccusations, and such are the facts known of all men to be true. 

You order into exile the whole population of a city; drive men, women and children from their homes at the point of the bayonet, under the plea that it is to the interest of your Government, andon the claim that it is "an act of kindness to these families ofAtlanta. " Butler only banished from New Orleans the registeredenemies of his Government, and acknowledged that he did it as apunishment. You issue a sweeping edict, covering all theinhabitants of a city, and add insult to the injury heaped upon thedefenseless by assuming that you have done them a kindness. Thisyou follow by the assertion that you will "make as much sacrificefor the peace and honor of the South as the best-born Southerner. "And, because I characterize what you call as kindness as being realcruelty, you presume to sit in judgment between me and my God; andyou decide that my earnest prayer to the Almighty Father to saveour women and children from what you call kindness, is a"sacrilegious, hypocritical appeal. "

You came into our country with your army, avowedly for the purposeof subjugating free white men, women, and children, and not onlyintend to rule over them, but you make negroes your allies, anddesire to place over us an inferior race, which we have raised frombarbarism to its present position, which is the highest everattained by that race, in any country, in all time. I must, therefore, decline to accept your statements in reference to yourkindness toward the people of Atlanta, and your willingness tosacrifice every thing for the peace and honor of the South, andrefuse to be governed by your decision in regard to matters betweenmyself, my country, and my God. 

You say, "Let us fight it out like men. " To this my reply is--formyself, and I believe for all the free men, ay, and women andchildren, in my country--we will fight you to the death! Betterdie a thousand deaths than submit to live under you or yourGovernment and your negro allies!

Having answered the points forced upon me by your letter of the 9thof September, I close this correspondence with you; and, notwithstanding your comments upon my appeal to God in the cause ofhumanity, I again humbly and reverently invoke his almighty aid indefense of justice and right. Respectfully, your obedient servant, J. B. HOOD, General. 

ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 11, 1864Major-General W. T. SHERMAN. 

Sir: We the undersigned, Mayor and two of the Council for the cityof Atlanta, for the time being the only legal organ of the peopleof the said city, to express their wants and wishes, ask leave mostearnestly but respectfully to petition you to reconsider the orderrequiring them to leave Atlanta. 

At first view, it struck us that the measure world involveextraordinary hardship and loss, but since we have seen thepractical execution of it so far as it has progressed, and theindividual condition of the people, and heard their statements asto the inconveniences, loss, and suffering attending it, we aresatisfied that the amount of it will involve in the aggregateconsequences appalling and heart-rending. 

Many poor women are in advanced state of pregnancy, others nowhaving young children, and whose husbands for the greater part areeither in the army, prisoners, or dead. Some say: "I have such aone sick at my house; who will wait on them when I am gone?"Others say: "What are we to do? We have no house to go to, and nomeans to buy, build, or rent any; no parents, relatives, orfriends, to go to. " Another says: "I will try and take this orthat article of property, but such and such things I must leavebehind, though I need them much. " We reply to them: "GeneralSherman will carry your property to Rough and Ready, and GeneralHood will take it thence on. " And they will reply to that: "But Iwant to leave the railroad at such a place, and cannot getconveyance from there on. "

We only refer to a few facts, to try to illustrate in part how thismeasure will operate in practice. As you advanced, the peoplenorth of this fell back; and before your arrival here, a largeportion of the people had retired south, so that the country southof this is already crowded, and without houses enough toaccommodate the people, and we are informed that many are nowstaying in churches and other out-buildings. 

This being so, how is it possible for the people still here (mostlywomen and children) to find any shelter? And how can they livethrough the winter in the woods--no shelter or subsistence, in themidst of strangers who know them not, and without the power toassist them much, if they were willing to do so?

This is but a feeble picture of the consequences of this measure. You know the woe, the horrors, and the suffering, cannot bedescribed by words; imagination can only conceive of it, and we askyou to take these things into consideration. 

We know your mind and time are constantly occupied with the dutiesof your command, which almost deters us from asking your attentionto this matter, but thought it might be that you had not consideredthis subject in all of its awful consequences, and that on morereflection you, we hope, would not make this people an exception toall mankind, for we know of no such instance ever having occurred--surely never in the United States--and what has this helplesspeople done, that they should be driven from their homes, to wanderstrangers and outcasts, and exiles, and to subsist on charity?

We do not know as yet the number of people still here; of those whoare here, we are satisfied a respectable number, if allowed toremain at home, could subsist for several months withoutassistance, and a respectable number for a much longer time, andwho might not need assistance at any time. 

In conclusion, we most earnestly and solemnly petition you toreconsider this order, or modify it, and suffer this unfortunatepeople to remain at home, and enjoy what little means they have. Respectfully submittedJAMES M. CALHOUN, Mayor. E. E. RAWSON, Councilman. S. C. Warns, Councilman. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 12, 1864. 

JAMES M. CALHOUN, Mayor, E. E. RAWSON and S. C. Wares, representingCity Council of Atlanta. 

GENTLEMEN: I have your letter of the 11th, in the nature of apetition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants fromAtlanta. I have read it carefully, and give full credit to yourstatements of the distress that will be occasioned, and yet shallnot revoke my orders, because they were not designed to meet thehumanities of the case, but to prepare for the future struggles inwhich millions of good people outside of Atlanta have a deepinterest. We must have peace, not only at Atlanta, but in allAmerica. To secure this, we must stop the war that now desolatesour once happy and favored country. To stop war, we must defeatthe rebel armies which are arrayed against the laws andConstitution that all must respect and obey. To defeat thosearmies, we must prepare the way to reach them in their recesses, provided with the arms and instruments which enable us toaccomplish our purpose. Now, I know the vindictive nature of ourenemy, that we may have many years of military operations from thisquarter; and, therefore, deem it wise and prudent to prepare intime. The use of Atlanta for warlike purposes is inconsistent withits character as a home for families. There will be nomanufactures, commerce, or agriculture here, for the maintenance offamilies, and sooner or later want will compel the inhabitants togo. Why not go now, when all the arrangements are completed forthe transfer, --instead of waiting till the plunging shot ofcontending armies will renew the scenes of the past months. Ofcourse, I do not apprehend any such thing at this moment, but youdo not suppose this army will be here until the war is over. Icannot discuss this subject with you fairly, because I cannotimpart to you what we propose to do, but I assert that our militaryplans make it necessary for the inhabitants to go away, and I canonly renew my offer of services to make their exodus in anydirection as easy and comfortable as possible. 

You cannot qualify war in harsher terms than I will. War iscruelty, and you cannot refine it; and those who brought war intoour country deserve all the curses and maledictions a people canpour out. I know I had no hand in making this war, and I know Iwill make more sacrifices to-day than any of you to secure peace. But you cannot have peace and a division of our country. If theUnited States submits to a division now, it will not stop, but willgo on until we reap the fate of Mexico, which is eternal war. TheUnited States does and must assert its authority, wherever it oncehad power; for, if it relaxes one bit to pressure, it is gone, andI believe that such is the national feeling. This feeling assumesvarious shapes, but always comes back to that of Union. Once admitthe Union, once more acknowledge the authority of the nationalGovernment, and, instead of devoting your houses and streets androads to the dread uses of war, I and this army become at once yourprotectors and supporters, shielding you from danger, let it comefrom what quarter it may. I know that a few individuals cannotresist a torrent of error and passion, such as swept the South intorebellion, but you can point out, so that we may know those whodesire a government, and those who insist on war and itsdesolation. 

You might as well appeal against the thunder-storm as against theseterrible hardships of war. They are inevitable, and the only waythe people of Atlanta can hope once more to live in peace and quietat home, is to stop the war, which can only be done by admittingthat it began in error and is perpetuated in pride. 

We don't want your negroes, or your horses, or your houses, or yourlands, or any thing you have, but we do want and will have a justobedience to the laws of the United States. That we will have, and, if it involves the destruction of your improvements, we cannothelp it. 

You have heretofore read public sentiment in your newspapers, thatlive by falsehood and excitement; and the quicker you seek fortruth in other quarters, the better. I repeat then that, by theoriginal compact of Government, the United States had certainrights in Georgia, which have never been relinquished and neverwill be; that the South began war by seizing forts, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, etc. , etc. , long before Mr. Lincoln wasinstalled, and before the South had one jot or tittle ofprovocation. I myself have seen in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi, hundreds and thousands of women and childrenfleeing from your armies and desperadoes, hungry and with bleedingfeet. In Memphis, Vicksburg, and Mississippi, we fed thousandsupon thousands of the families of rebel soldiers left on our hands, and whom we could not see starve. Now that war comes home to you;you feel very different. You deprecate its horrors, but did notfeel them when you sent car-loads of soldiers and ammunition, andmoulded shells and shot, to carry war into Kentucky and Tennessee, to desolate the homes of hundreds and thousands of good people whoonly asked to live in peace at their old homes, and under theGovernment of their inheritance. But these comparisons are idle. I want peace, and believe it can only be reached through union andwar, and I will ever conduct war with a view to perfect and earlysuccess. 

But, my dear sirs, when peace does come, you may call on me for anything. Then will I share with you the last cracker, and watch withyou to shield your homes and families against danger from everyquarter. 

Now you must go, and take with you the old and feeble, feed andnurse them, and build for them, in more quiet places, properhabitations to shield them against the weather until the madpassions of men cool down, and allow the Union and peace once moreto settle over your old homes at Atlanta. Yours in haste, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 14, 1864. 

General J. B. HOOD, commanding Army of the Tennessee, ConfederateArmy. 

GENERAL: Yours of September 12th is received, and has beencarefully perused. I agree with you that this discussion by twosoldiers is out of place, and profitless; but you must admit thatyou began the controversy by characterizing an official act of minein unfair and improper terms. I reiterate my former answer, and tothe only new matter contained in your rejoinder add: We have no"negro allies" in this army; not a single negro soldier leftChattanooga with this army, or is with it now. There are a fewguarding Chattanooga, which General Steedman sent at one time todrive Wheeler out of Dalton. 

I was not bound by the laws of war to give notice of the shellingof Atlanta, a "fortified town, with magazines, arsenals, founderies, and public stores;" you were bound to take notice. Seethe books. 

This is the conclusion of our correspondence, which I did notbegin, and terminate with satisfaction. I am, with respect, yourobedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, September 28, 1864, Major-General SHERMAN, Atlanta, Georgia. 

GENERAL: Your communications of the 20th in regard to the removalof families from Atlanta, and the exchange of prisoners, and alsothe official report of your campaign, are just received. I havenot had time as yet to examine your report. The course which youhave pursued in removing rebel families from Atlanta, and in theexchange of prisoners, is fully approved by the War Department. Not only are you justified by the laws and usages of war inremoving these people, but I think it was your duty to your ownarmy to do so. Moreover, I am fully of opinion that the nature ofyour position, the character of the war, the conduct of the enemy(and especially of non-combatants and women of the territory whichwe have heretofore conquered and occupied), will justify you ingathering up all the forage and provisions which your army mayrequire, both for a siege of Atlanta and for your supply in yourmarch farther into the enemy's country. Let the disloyal familiesof the country, thus stripped, go to their husbands, fathers, andnatural protectors, in the rebel ranks; we have tried three yearsof conciliation and kindness without any reciprocation; on thecontrary, those thus treated have acted as spies and guerrillas inour rear and within our lines. The safety of our armies, and aproper regard for the lives of our soldiers, require that we applyto our inexorable foes the severe rules of war. We certainly arenot required to treat the so-called non-combatant rebels betterthan they themselves treat each other. Even herein Virginia, within fifty miles of Washington, they strip their own families ofprovisions, leaving them, as our army advances, to be fed by us, orto starve within our lines. We have fed this class of people longenough. Let them go with their husbands and fathers in the rebelranks; and if they won't go, we must send them to their friends andnatural protectors. I would destroy every mill and factory withinreach which I did not want for my own use. This the rebels havedone, not only in Maryland and Pennsylvania, but also in Virginiaand other rebel States, when compelled to fall back before ourarmies. In many sections of the country they have not left a millto grind grain for their own suffering families, lest we might usethem to supply our armies. We most do the same. 

I have endeavored to impress these views upon our commanders forthe last two years. You are almost the only one who has properlyapplied them. I do not approve of General Hunter's course inburning private homes or uselessly destroying private property. That is barbarous. But I approve of taking or destroying whatevermay serve as supplies to us or to the enemy's army. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK, Major-General, Chief of Staff

In order to effect the exchange of prisoners, to facilitate theexodus of the people of Atlanta, and to keep open communicationwith the South, we established a neutral camp, at and about therailroad-station next south of Atlanta, known as "Rough and Ready, "to which point I dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Willard Warner, ofmy staff, with a guard of one hundred men, and General Hood sentColonel Clare, of his staff, with a similar guard; these officersand men harmonized perfectly, and parted good friends when theirwork was done. In the mean time I also had reconnoitred the entirerebel lines about Atlanta, which were well built, but were entirelytoo extensive to be held by a single corps or division of troops, so I instructed Colonel Poe, United States Engineers, on my staff, to lay off an inner and shorter line, susceptible of defense by asmaller garrison. 

By the middle of September all these matters were in progress, thereports of the past campaign were written up and dispatched toWashington, and our thoughts began to turn toward the future. Admiral Farragut had boldly and successfully run the forts at theentrance to Mobile Bay, which resulted in the capture of FortMorgan, so that General Canby was enabled to begin his regularoperations against Mobile City, with a view to open the AlabamaRiver to navigation. My first thoughts were to concert operationswith him, either by way of Montgomery, Alabama, or by theAppalachicula; but so long a line, to be used as a base for furtheroperations eastward, was not advisable, and I concluded to awaitthe initiative of the enemy, supposing that he would be forced toresort to some desperate campaign by the clamor raised at the Southon account of the great loss to them of the city of Atlanta. 

General Thomas occupied a house on Marietta Streets which had averanda with high pillars. We were sitting there one evening, talking about things generally, when General Thomas asked leave tosend his trains back to Chattanooga, for the convenience andeconomy of forage. I inquired of him if he supposed we would beallowed much rest at Atlanta, and he said he thought we would, orthat at all events it would not be prudent for us to go muchfarther into Georgia because of our already long line ofcommunication, viz. , three hundred miles from Nashville. This wastrue; but there we were, and we could not afford to remain on thedefensive, simply holding Atlanta and fighting for the safety ofits railroad. I insisted on his retaining all trains, and onkeeping all his divisions ready to move at a moment's warning. Allthe army, officers and men, seemed to relax more or less, and sinkinto a condition of idleness. General Schofield was permitted togo to Knoxville, to look after matters in his Department of theOhio; and Generals Blair and Logan went home to look afterpolitics. Many of the regiments were entitled to, and claimed, their discharge, by reason of the expiration of their term ofservice; so that with victory and success came also many causes ofdisintegration. 

The rebel General Wheeler was still in Middle Tennessee, threatening our railroads, and rumors came that Forrest was on hisway from Mississippi to the same theatre, for the avowed purpose ofbreaking up our railroads and compelling us to fall back from ourconquest. To prepare for this, or any other emergency, I orderedNewton's division of the Fourth Corps back to Chattanooga, andCorse's division of the Seventeenth Corps to Rome, and instructedGeneral Rousseau at Nashville, Granger at Decatur, and Steadman atChattanooga, to adopt the most active measures to protect andinsure the safety of our roads. 

Hood still remained about Lovejoy's Station, and, up to the 15th ofSeptember, had given no signs of his future plans; so that withthis date I close the campaign of Atlanta, with the followingreview of our relative losses during the months of August andSeptember, with a summary of those for the whole campaign, beginning May 6 and ending September 15, 1864. The losses forAugust and September are added together, so as to include thoseabout Jonesboro:

 Killed and Missing Wounded Total Grand Aggregate..... 1, 408 3, 731 5, 139

Hood's losses, as reported for the same period, page 577, Johnston's "Narrative:"

 Killed Wounded Total 482 3, 223 3, 705

To which should be added:

 Prisoners captured by us:............ 3, 738

 Giving his total loss ............... 7, 440

On recapitulating the entire losses of each army during the entirecampaign, from May to September, inclusive, we have, in the Unionarmy, as per table appended:

Killed ........................ 4, 423Wounded ....................... 22, 822Missing........................ 4, 442 Aggregate Loss ......... 31, 627

In the Southern army, according to the reports of Surgeon Foard(pp. 576, 577, Johnston's "Narrative ")

 Total killed ................ 3, 044 Total killed and wounded..... 21, 996 Prisoners captured by us .... 12, 983

 Aggregate loss to the Southern Army .......... 34, 979

The foregoing figures are official, and are very nearly correct. Isee no room for error save in the cavalry, which was very muchscattered, and whose reports are much less reliable than of theinfantry and artillery; but as Surgeon Foard's tables do notembrace Wheeler's, Jackson's, and Martin's divisions of cavalry, Iinfer that the comparison, as to cavalry losses, is a "stand-off. "

I have no doubt that the Southern officers flattered themselvesthat they had filled and crippled of us two and even six to one, asstated by Johnston; but they were simply mistaken, and I herewithsubmit official tabular statements made up from the archives of theWar Department, in proof thereof. 

I have also had a careful tabular statement compiled from officialrecords in the adjutant-general's office, giving the "effectivestrength" of the army under my command for each of the months ofMay, June, July, August, and September, 1864, which enumerate everyman (infantry, artillery, and cavalry) for duty. Therecapitulation clearly exhibits the actual truth. We opened thecampaign with 98, 797 (ninety-eight thousand seven hundred andninety-seven) men. Blair's two divisions joined us early in June, giving 112, 819 (one hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred andnineteen), which number gradually became reduced to 106, 070 (onehundred and six thousand and seventy men), 91, 675 (ninety-onethousand six hundred and seventy-five), and 81, 758 (eighty-onethousand seven hundred and fifty-eight) at the end of the campaign. This gradual reduction was not altogether owing to death andwounds, but to the expiration of service, or by detachments sent topoints at the rear. 

CHAPTER XX

ATLANTA AND AFTER--PURSUIT OF HOOD. 

SEPTEMBER AND OCTOBER, 1864. 

By the middle of September, matters and things had settled down inAtlanta, so that we felt perfectly at home. The telegraph andrailroads were repaired, and we had uninterrupted communication tothe rear. The trains arrived with regularity and dispatch, andbrought us ample supplies. General Wheeler had been driven out ofMiddle Tennessee, escaping south across the Tennessee River atBainbridge; and things looked as though we were to have a period ofrepose. 

One day, two citizens, Messrs. Hill and Foster, came into our linesat Decatur, and were sent to my headquarters. They representedthemselves as former members of Congress, and particular friends ofmy brother John Sherman; that Mr. Hill had a son killed in therebel army as it fell back before us somewhere near Cassville, andthey wanted to obtain the body, having learned from a comrade whereit was buried. I gave them permission to go by rail to the rear, with a note to the commanding officer, General John E. Smith, atCartersville, requiring him to furnish them an escort and anambulance for the purpose. I invited them to take dinner with ourmess, and we naturally ran into a general conversation aboutpolitics and the devastation and ruin caused by the war. They hadseen a part of the country over which the army had passed, andcould easily apply its measure of desolation to the remainder ofthe State, if necessity should compel us to go ahead. 

Mr. Hill resided at Madison, on the main road to Augusta, andseemed to realize fully the danger; said that further resistance onthe part of the South was madness, that he hoped Governor Brown, ofGeorgia, would so proclaim it, and withdraw his people from therebellion, in pursuance of what was known as the policy of"separate State action. " I told him, if he saw Governor Brown, todescribe to him fully what he had seen, and to say that if heremained inert, I would be compelled to go ahead, devastating theState in its whole length and breadth; that there was no adequateforce to stop us, etc. ; but if he would issue his proclamationwithdrawing his State troops from the armies of the Confederacy, Iwould spare the State, and in our passage across it confine thetroops to the main roads, and would, moreover, pay for all the cornand food we needed. I also told Mr. Hill that he might, in myname, invite Governor Brown to visit Atlanta; that I would give hima safeguard, and that if he wanted to make a speech, I wouldguarantee him as full and respectable an audience as any he hadever spoken to. I believe that Mr. Hill, after reaching his homeat Madison, went to Milledgeville, the capital of the State, anddelivered the message to Governor Brown. I had also sent similarmessages by Judge Wright of Rome, Georgia, and by Mr. King, ofMarietta. On the 15th of September I telegraphed to GeneralHalleck as follows:

My report is done, and will be forwarded as soon as I get in a fewmore of the subordinate reports. I am awaiting a courier fromGeneral Grant. All well; the troops are in good, healthy camps, and supplies are coming forward finely. Governor Brown hasdisbanded his militia, to gather the corn and sorghum of the State. I have reason to believe that he and Stephens want to visit me, andhave sent them hearty invitation. I will exchange two thousandprisoners with Hood, but no more. 

Governor Brown's action at that time is fully explained by thefollowing letter, since made public, which was then only known tous in part by hearsay:

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTMILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, September 10, 1864

General J. B. HOOD, commanding army of Tennessee. 

GENERAL: As the militia of the State were called out for thedefense of Atlanta during the campaign against it, which hasterminated by the fall of the city into the hands of the enemy, andas many of these left their homes without preparation (expecting tobe gone but a few weeks), who have remained in service over threemonths (most of the time in the trenches), justice requires thatthey be permitted, while the enemy are preparing for the wintercampaign, to return to their homes, and look for a time afterimportant interests, and prepare themselves for such service as maybe required when another campaign commences against other importantpoints in the State. I therefore hereby withdraw said organizationfrom your command . . . . 

JOSEPH C. BROWN

This militia had composed a division under command of Major-GeneralGustavus W. Smith, and were thus dispersed to their homes, togather the corn and sorghum, then ripe and ready for theharvesters. 

On the 17th I received by telegraph from President Lincoln thisdispatch:

WASHINGTON, D. C. , September 17, 1864

Major-General SHERMAN:

I feel great interest in the subjects of your dispatch, mentioningcorn and sorghum, and the contemplated visit to you. 

A. LINCOLN, President of the United States. 

I replied at once:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 17, 1864. 

President LINCOLN, Washington. , D. C. :

I will keep the department fully advised of all developmentsconnected with the subject in which you feel interested. 

Mr. Wright, former member of Congress from Rome, Georgia, and Mr. King, of Marietta, are now going between Governor Brown and myself. I have said to them that some of the people of Georgia are engagedin rebellion, began in error and perpetuated in pride, but thatGeorgia can now save herself from the devastations of war preparingfor her, only by withdrawing her quota out of the Confederate Army, and aiding me to expel Hood from the borders of the State; in whichevent, instead of desolating the land as we progress, I will keepour men to the high-roads and commons, and pay for the corn andmeat we need and take. 

I am fully conscious of the delicate nature of such assertions, butit would be a magnificent stroke of policy if we could, withoutsurrendering principle or a foot of ground, arouse the latentenmity of Georgia against Davis. 

The people do not hesitate to say that Mr. Stephens was and is aUnion man at heart; and they say that Davis will not trust him orlet him have a share in his Government. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

I have not the least doubt that Governor Brown, at that time, seriously entertained the proposition; but he hardly felt ready toact, and simply gave a furlough to the militia, and called aspecial session of the Legislature, to meet at Milledgeville, totake into consideration the critical condition of affairs in theState. 

On the 20th of September Colonel Horace Porter arrived from GeneralGrant, at City Point, bringing me the letter of September 12th, asking my general views as to what should next be done. He staidseveral days at Atlanta, and on his return carried back toWashington my full reports of the past campaign, and my letter ofSeptember 20th to General Grant in answer to his of the 12th. 

About this time we detected signs of activity on the part of theenemy. On the 21st Hood shifted his army across from the Masonroad, at Lovejoy's, to the West Point road, at Palmetto Station, and his cavalry appeared on the west side of the Chattahoochee, toward Powder Springs; thus, as it were, stepping aside, andopening wide the door for us to enter Central Georgia. I inferred, however, that his real purpose was to assume the offensive againstour railroads, and on the 24th a heavy force of cavalry fromMississippi, under General Forrest, made its appearance at Athena, Alabama, and captured its garrison. 

General Newton's division (of the Fourth Corps), and Corse's (ofthe Seventeenth), were sent back by rail, the former toChattanooga, and the latter to Rome. On the 25th I telegraphed toGeneral Halleck:

Hood seems to be moving, as it were, to the Alabama line, leavingopen the road to Mason, as also to Augusta; but his cavalry is busyon all our roads. A force, number estimated as high as eightthousand, are reported to have captured Athena, Alabama; and aregiment of three hundred and fifty men sent to its relief. I havesent Newton's division up to Chattanooga in cars, and will sendanother division to Rome. If I were sure that Savannah would soonbe in our possession, I should be tempted to march forMilledgeville and Augusta; but I must first secure what I have. Jeff. Davis is at Macon. 

On the next day I telegraphed further that Jeff. Davis was withHood at Palmetto Station. One of our spies was there at the time, who came in the next night, and reported to me the substance of hisspeech to the soldiers. It was a repetition of those he had madeat Colombia, South Carolina, and Mason, Georgia, on his way out, which I had seen in the newspapers. Davis seemed to be perfectlyupset by the fall of Atlanta, and to have lost all sense andreason. He denounced General Jos. Johnston and Governor Brown aslittle better than traitors; attributed to them personally the manymisfortunes which had befallen their cause, and informed thesoldiers that now the tables were to be turned; that GeneralForrest was already on our roads in Middle Tennessee; and thatHood's army would soon be there. He asserted that the Yankee armywould have to retreat or starve, and that the retreat would provemore disastrous than was that of Napoleon from Moscow. He promisedhis Tennessee and Kentucky soldiers that their feet should soontread their "native soil, " etc. , etc. He made no concealment ofthese vainglorious boasts, and thus gave us the full key to hisfuture designs. To be forewarned was to be forearmed, and I thinkwe took full advantage of the occasion. 

On the 26th I received this dispatch. 

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, September 26, 1864-10 a. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN, AtlantaIt will be better to drive Forrest out of Middle Tennessee as afirst step, and do any thing else you may feel your forcesufficient for. When a movement is made on any part of thesea-coast, I will advise you. If Hood goes to the Alabama line, will it not be impossible for him to subsist his army?U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

Answer:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 26, 1864. 

GENERAL: I have your dispatch of to-day. I have already sent onedivision (Newton's) to Chattanooga, and another (Corse's) to Rome. 

Our armies are much reduced, and if I send back any more, I willnot be able to threaten Georgia much. There are men enough to therear to whip Forrest, but they are necessarily scattered to defendthe roads. 

Can you expedite the sending to Nashville of the recruits that arein Indiana and Ohio? They could occupy the forts. 

Hood is now on the West Point road, twenty-four miles south ofthis, and draws his supplies by that road. Jefferson Davis isthere to-day, and superhuman efforts will be made to break my road. 

Forrest is now lieutenant-general, and commands all the enemy'scavalry. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

General Grant first thought I was in error in supposing that Jeff. Davis was at Macon and Palmetto, but on the 27th I received aprinted copy of his speech made at Macon on the 22d, which was sosignificant that I ordered it to be telegraphed entire as far asLouisville, to be sent thence by mail to Washington, and on thesame day received this dispatch:

WASHINGTON, D. C. , September 27, 1864-9 a. M. Major-General SHERMAN, Atlanta:You say Jeff Davis is on a visit to General Hood. I judge thatBrown and Stephens are the objects of his visit. A. LINCOLN, President of the United States. 

To which I replied:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, September 28, 1864. 

President LINCOLN, Washington, D. C. :

I have positive knowledge that Mr. Davis made a speech at Macon, onthe 22d, which I mailed to General Halleck yesterday. It wasbitter against General Jos. Johnston and Governor Brown. Themilitia are on furlough. Brown is at Milledgeville, trying to geta Legislature to meet next month, but he is afraid to act unless inconcert with other Governors, Judge Wright, of Rome, has been here, and Messrs. Hill and Nelson, former members of Congress, are herenow, and will go to meet Wright at Rome, and then go back toMadison and Milledgeville. 

Great efforts are being made to reenforce Hood's army, and to breakup my railroads, and I should have at once a good reserve force atNashville. It would have a bad effect, if I were forced to sendback any considerable part of my army to guard roads, so as toweaken me to an extent that I could not act offensively if theoccasion calls for it. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

All this time Hood and I were carrying on the foregoingcorrespondence relating to the exchange of prisoners, the removalof the people from Atlanta, and the relief of our prisoners of warat Andersonville. Notwithstanding the severity of theirimprisonment, some of these men escaped from Andersonville, and gotto me at Atlanta. They described their sad condition: more thantwenty-five thousand prisoners confined in a stockade designed foronly ten thousand; debarred the privilege of gathering wood out ofwhich to make huts; deprived of sufficient healthy food, and thelittle stream that ran through their prison pen poisoned andpolluted by the offal from their cooking and butchering housesabove. On the 22d of September I wrote to General Hood, describingthe condition of our men at Andersonville, purposely refrainingfrom casting odium on him or his associates for the treatment ofthese men, but asking his consent for me to procure from ourgenerous friends at the North the articles of clothing and comfortwhich they wanted, viz. , under-clothing, soap, combs, scissors, etc. --all needed to keep them in health--and to send these storeswith a train, and an officer to issue them. General Hood, on the24th, promptly consented, and I telegraphed to my friend Mr. JamesE. Yeatman, Vice-President of the Sanitary Commission at St. Louis, to send us all the under-clothing and soap he could spare, specifying twelve hundred fine-tooth combs, and four hundred pairsof shears to cut hair. These articles indicate the plague thatmost afflicted our prisoners at Andersonville. 

Mr. Yeatman promptly responded to my request, expressed thearticles, but they did not reach Andersonville in time, for theprisoners were soon after removed; these supplies did, however, finally overtake them at Jacksonville, Florida, just before the warclosed. 

On the 28th I received from General Grant two dispatches

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA; September 27, 1864-8. 30 a. M. Major-General SHERMAN:It is evident, from the tone of the Richmond press and from othersources of information, that the enemy intend making a desperateeffort to drive you from where you are. I have directed all newtroops from the West, and from the East too, if necessary, in casenone are ready in the West, to be sent to you. If GeneralBurbridge is not too far on his way to Abingdon, I think he hadbetter be recalled and his surplus troops sent into Tennessee. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA; September 27, 1864-10. 30 a. M. Major-General SHERMAN:I have directed all recruits and new troops from all the WesternStates to be sent to Nashville, to receive their further ordersfrom you. I was mistaken about Jeff. Davis being in Richmond onThursday last. He was then on his way to Macon. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

Forrest having already made his appearance in Middle Tennessee, andHood evidently edging off in that direction, satisfied me that thegeneral movement against our roads had begun. I thereforedetermined to send General Thomas back to Chattanooga, with anotherdivision (Morgan's, of the Fourteenth Corps), to meet the danger inTennessee. General Thomas went up on the 29th, and Morgan'sdivision followed the same day, also by rail. And I telegraphed toGeneral Halleck

I take it for granted that Forrest will cut our road, but think wecan prevent him from making a serious lodgment. His cavalry willtravel a hundred miles where ours will ten. I have sent twodivisions up to Chattanooga and one to Rome, and General Thomasstarted to-day to drive Forrest out of Tennessee. Our roads shouldbe watched from the rear, and I am glad that General Grant hasordered reserves to Nashville. I prefer for the future to make themovement on Milledgeville, Millen, and Savannah. Hood now reststwenty-four miles south, on the Chattahoochee, with his right onthe West Point road. He is removing the iron of the Macon road. Ican whip his infantry, but his cavalry is to be feared. 

There was great difficulty in obtaining correct information aboutHood's movements from Palmetto Station. I could not get spies topenetrate his camps, but on the 1st of October I was satisfied thatthe bulk of his infantry was at and across the Chattahoochee River, near Campbellton, and that his cavalry was on the west side, atPowder Springs. On that day I telegraphed to General Grant:

Hood is evidently across the Chattahoochee, below Sweetwater. Ifhe tries to get on our road, this side of the Etowah, I shallattack him; but if he goes to the Selma & Talladega road, why willit not do to leave Tennessee to the forces which Thomas has, andthe reserves soon to come to Nashville, and for me to destroyAtlanta and march across Georgia to Savannah or Charleston, breaking roads and doing irreparable damage? We cannot remain onthe defensive. 

The Selma & Talladega road herein referred to was an unfinishedrailroad from Selma, Alabama, through Talladega, to Blue Mountain, a terminus sixty-five miles southwest of Rome and about fifteenmiles southeast of Gadsden, where the rebel army could be suppliedfrom the direction of Montgomery and Mobile, and from which pointHood could easily threaten Middle Tennessee. My first impressionwas, that Hood would make for that point; but by the 3d of Octoberthe indications were that he would strike our railroad nearer us, viz. , about Kingston or Marietta. 

Orders were at once made for the Twentieth Corps (Slocum's) to holdAtlanta and the bridges of the Chattahoochee, and the other corpswere put in motion for Marietta. 

The army had undergone many changes since the capture of Atlanta. General Schofield had gone to the rear, leaving General J. D. Cogin command of the Army of the Ohio (Twenty-third Corps). GeneralThomas, also, had been dispatched to Chattanooga, with Newton'sdivision of the Fourth Corps and Morgan's of the Fourteenth Corps, leaving General D. S. Stanley, the senior major-general of the twocorps of his Army of the Cumberland, remaining and available forthis movement, viz. , the Fourth and Fourteenth, commanded byhimself and Major-General Jeff. C. Davis; and after General Dodgewas wounded, his corps (the Sixteenth) had been broken up, and itstwo divisions were added to the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps, constituting the Army of the Tennessee, commanded by Major-GeneralO. O. Howard. Generals Logan and Blair had gone home to assist inthe political canvass, leaving their corps, viz. , the Fifteenth andSeventeenth, under the command of Major-Generals Osterhaus and T. E. G. Ransom. 

These five corps were very much reduced in strength, by detachmentsand by discharges, so that for the purpose of fighting Hood I hadonly about sixty thousand infantry and artillery, with two smalldivisions of cavalry (Kilpatrick's and Garrard's). General Elliottwas the chief of cavalry to the Army of the Cumberland, and was thesenior officer of that arm of service present for duty with me. 

We had strong railroad guards at Marietta and Kenesaw, Allatoona, Etowah Bridge, Kingston, Rome, Resaca, Dalton, Ringgold, andChattanooga. All the important bridges were likewise protected bygood block-houses, admirably constructed, and capable of a strongdefense against cavalry or infantry; and at nearly all the regularrailroad-stations we had smaller detachments intrenched. I hadlittle fear of the enemy's cavalry damaging our roads seriously, for they rarely made a break which could not be repaired in a fewdays; but it was absolutely necessary to keep General Hood'sinfantry off our main route of communication and supply. Forresthad with him in Middle Tennessee about eight thousand cavalry, andHood's army was estimated at from thirty-five to forty thousandmen, infantry and artillery, including Wheeler's cavalry, thenabout three thousand strong. 

We crossed the Chattahoochee River during the 3d and 4th ofOctober, rendezvoused at the old battle-field of Smyrna Camp, andthe next day reached Marietta and Kenesaw. The telegraph-wires hadbeen cut above Marietta, and learning that heavy masses ofinfantry, artillery, and cavalry, had been seen from Kenesaw(marching north), I inferred that Allatoona was their objectivepoint; and on the 4th of October I signaled from Mining's Stationto Kenesaw, and from Kenesaw to Allatoona, over the heads of theenemy, a message for General Corse, at Rome, to hurry back to theassistance of the garrison at Allatoona. Allatoona was held by, asmall brigade, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tourtellotte, mypresent aide-de-camp. He had two small redoubts on either side ofthe railroad, overlooking the village of Allatoona, and thewarehouses, in which were stored over a million rations of bread. 

Reaching Kenesaw Mountain about 8 a. M. Of October 5th (a beautifulday), I had a superb view of the vast panorama to the north andwest. To the southwest, about Dallas, could be seen the smoke ofcamp-fires, indicating the presence of a large force of the enemy, and the whole line of railroad from Big Shanty up to Allatoona(full fifteen miles) was marked by the fires of the burningrailroad. We could plainly see the smoke of battle about, Allatoona, and hear the faint reverberation of the cannon. 

From Kenesaw I ordered the Twenty-third Corps (General Cox) tomarch due west on the Burnt Hickory road, and to burn houses orpiles of brush as it progressed, to indicate the head of column, hoping to interpose this corps between Hood's main army at Dallasand the detachment then assailing Allatoona. The rest of the armywas directed straight for Allatoona, northwest, distant eighteenmiles. The signal-officer on Kenesaw reported that since daylighthe had failed to obtain any answer to his call for Allatoona; but, while I was with him, he caught a faint glimpse of the tell-taleflag through an embrasure, and after much time he made out theseletters-" C. , " "R. , " "S. , " "E. , " "H. , " "E. , " "R. , " and translatedthe message--"Corse is here. " It was a source of great relief, forit gave me the first assurance that General Corse had received hisorders, and that the place was adequately garrisoned. 

I watched with painful suspense the indications of the battleraging there, and was dreadfully impatient at the slow progress ofthe relieving column, whose advance was marked by the smokes whichwere made according to orders, but about 2 p. M. I noticed withsatisfaction that the smoke of battle about Allatoona grew less andless, and ceased altogether about 4 p. M. For a time I attributedthis result to the effect of General Cog's march, but later in theafternoon the signal-flag announced the welcome tidings that theattack had been fairly repulsed, but that General Corse waswounded. The next day my aide, Colonel Dayton, received thischaracteristic dispatch:

ALLATOONA, GEORGIA, October 6, 1884-2 P. M. Captain L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp:I am short a cheek-bone and an ear, but am able to whip all h--lyet! My losses are very heavy. A force moving from Stilesboro' toKingston gives me some anxiety. Tell me where Sherman is. JOHN M. CORSE, Brigadier-General. 

Inasmuch as the enemy had retreated southwest, and would probablynext appear at Rome, I answered General Corse with orders to getback to Rome with his troops as quickly as possible. 

General Corse's report of this fight at Allatoona is very full andgraphic. It is dated Rome, October 27, 1864; recites the fact thathe received his orders by signal to go to the assistance ofAllatoona on the 4th, when he telegraphed to Kingston for cars, anda train of thirty empty cars was started for him, but about ten ofthem got off the track and caused delay. By 7 p. M. He had at Romea train of twenty cars, which he loaded up with Colonel Rowett'sbrigade, and part of the Twelfth Illinois Infantry; started at 8p. M. , reached Allatoona (distant thirty-five miles) at 1 a. M. Ofthe 5th, and sent the train back for more men; but the road was inbad order, and no more men came in time. He found ColonelTourtellotte's garrison composed of eight hundred and ninety men;his reenforcement was one thousand and fifty-four: total for thedefense, nineteen hundred and forty-four. The outposts werealready engaged, and as soon as daylight came he drew back the menfrom the village to the ridge on which the redoubts were built. 

The enemy was composed of French's division of three brigades, variously reported from four to five thousand strong. This forcegradually surrounded the place by 8 a. M. , when General French sentin by flag of truce this note:

AROUND ALLATOONA, October 5, 1884. 

Commanding Officer, United States Forces, Allatoona:

I have placed the forces under my command in such positions thatyou are surrounded, and to avoid a needless effusion of blood Icall on you to surrender your forces at once, and unconditionally. 

Five minutes will be allowed you to decide. Should you accede tothis, you will be treated in the most honorable manner as prisonersof war. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully yours, S. G. FRENCH, Major-General commanding forces Confederate States. 

General Corse answered immediately:

HEADQUARTERS FOURTH DIVISION, FIFTEENTH CORPSALLATOONA, GEORGIA, October 5, 1864. 

Major-General S. G. FRENCH, Confederate States, etc:

Your communication demanding surrender of my command I acknowledgereceipt of, and respectfully reply that we are prepared for the"needless effusion of blood" whenever it is agreeable to you. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN M. CORSE, Brigadier-General commanding forces United States. 

Of course the attack began at once, coming from front, flank, andrear. There were two small redoubts, with slight parapets andditches, one on each side of the deep railroad-cut. These redoubtshad been located by Colonel Poe, United States Engineers, at thetime of our advance on Kenesaw, the previous June. Each redoubtoverlooked the storehouses close by the railroad, and each couldaid the other defensively by catching in flank the attacking forceof the other. Our troops at first endeavored to hold some groundoutside the redoubts, but were soon driven inside, when the enemymade repeated assaults, but were always driven back. About 11 a. M. , Colonel Redfield, of the Thirty-ninth Iowa, was killed, and ColonelRowett was wounded, but never ceased to fight and encourage hismen. Colonel Tourtellotte was shot through the hips, but continuedto command. General Corse was, at 1 p. M. , shot across the face, the ball cutting his ear, which stunned him, but he continued toencourage his men and to give orders. The enemy (about 1. 30 p. M. )made a last and desperate effort to carry one of the redoubts, butwas badly cut to pieces by the artillery and infantry fire from theother, when he began to draw off, leaving his dead and wounded onthe ground. 

Before finally withdrawing, General French converged a heavy fireof his cannon on the block-house at Allatoona Creek, about twomiles from the depot, set it on fire, and captured its garrison, consisting of four officers and eighty-five men. By 4 p. M. He wasin full retreat south, on the Dallas road, and got by before thehead of General Cox's column had reached it; still severalambulances and stragglers were picked up by this command on thatroad. General Corse reported two hundred and thirty-one rebeldead, four hundred and eleven prisoners, three regimental colors, and eight hundred muskets captured. 

Among the prisoners was a Brigadier-General Young, who thought thatFrench's aggregate loss would reach two thousand. ColonelTourtellotte says that, for days after General Corse had returnedto Rome, his men found and buried at least a hundred more deadrebels, who had doubtless been wounded, and died in the woods nearAllatoona. I know that when I reached Allatoona, on the 9th, I sawa good many dead men, which had been collected for burial. 

Corse's entire loss, officially reported, was:

 Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 142 353 212 707

I esteemed this defense of Allatoona so handsome and important, that I made it the subject of a general order, viz. , No. 86, ofOctober 7, 1864:

The general commanding avails himself of the opportunity, in thehandsome defense made of Allatoona, to illustrate the mostimportant principle in war, that fortified posts should be defendedto the last, regardless of the relative numbers of the partyattacking and attacked . . . . The thanks of this army are dueand are hereby accorded to General Corse, Colonel Tourtellotte, Colonel Rowett, officers, and men, for their determined and gallantdefense of Allatoona, and it is made an example to illustrate theimportance of preparing in time, and meeting the danger, whenpresent, boldly, manfully, and well. 

Commanders and garrisons of the posts along our railroad are herebyinstructed that they must hold their posts to the last minute, surethat the time gained is valuable and necessary to their comrades atthe front. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-A-Camp. 

The rebels had struck our railroad a heavy blow, burning every tie, bending the rails for eight miles, from Big Shanty to aboveAcworth, so that the estimate for repairs called for thirty-fivethousand new ties, and six miles of iron. Ten thousand men weredistributed along the break to replace the ties, and to prepare theroad-bed, while the regular repair-party, under Colonel W. W. Wright, came down from Chattanooga with iron, spikes, etc. , and inabout seven days the road was all right again. It was by such actsof extraordinary energy that we discouraged our adversaries, forthe rebel soldiers felt that it was a waste of labor for them tomarch hurriedly, on wide circuits, day and night, to burn a bridgeand tear up a mile or so of track, when they knew that we could layit back so quickly. They supposed that we had men and moneywithout limit, and that we always kept on hand, distributed alongthe road, duplicates of every bridge and culvert of any importance. 

A good story is told of one who was on Kenesaw Mountain during ouradvance in the previous June or July. A group of rebels lay in theshade of a tree, one hot day, overlooking our camps about BigShanty. One soldier remarked to his fellows:

"Well, the Yanks will have to git up and git now, for I heardGeneral Johnston himself say that General Wheeler had blown up thetunnel near Dalton, and that the Yanks would have to retreat, because they could get no more rations. "

"Oh, hell!" said a listener, "don't you know that old Shermancarries a duplicate tunnel along?"

After the war was over, General Johnston inquired of me who was ourchief railroad-engineer. When I told him that it was Colonel W. W. Wright, a civilian, he was much surprised, said that our feats ofbridge-building and repairs of roads had excited his admiration;and he instanced the occasion at Kenesaw in June, when an officerfrom Wheeler's cavalry had reported to him in person that he hadcome from General Wheeler, who had made a bad break in our roadabout Triton Station, which he said would take at least a fortnightto repair; and, while they were talking, a train was seen comingdown the road which had passed that very break, and had reached meat Big Shanty as soon as the fleet horseman had reached him(General Johnston) at Marietta

I doubt whether the history of war can furnish more examples ofskill and bravery than attended the defense of the railroad fromNashville to Atlanta during the year 1864. 

In person I reached Allatoona on the 9th of October, still in doubtas to Hood's immediate intentions. Our cavalry could do littleagainst his infantry in the rough and wooded country about Dallas, which masked the enemy's movements; but General Corse, at Rome, with Spencer's First Alabama Cavalry and a mounted regiment ofIllinois Infantry, could feel the country south of Rome aboutCedartown and Villa Rica; and reported the enemy to be in force atboth places. On the 9th I telegraphed to General Thomas, atNashville, as follows:

I came up here to relieve our road. The Twentieth Corps remains atAtlanta. Hood reached the road and broke it up between Big Shantyand Acworth. He attacked Allatoona, but was repulsed. We haveplenty of bread and meat, but forage is scarce. I want to destroyall the road below Chattanooga, including Atlanta, and to make forthe sea-coast. We cannot defend this long line of road. 

And on the same day I telegraphed to General Grant, at City Point:

It will be a physical impossibility to protect the roads, now thatHood, Forrest, Wheeler, and the whole batch of devils, are turnedloose without home or habitation. I think Hood's movementsindicate a diversion to the end of the Selma & Talladega road, atBlue Mountain, about sixty miles southwest of Rome, from which hewill threaten Kingston, Bridgeport, and Decatur, Alabama. Ipropose that we break up the railroad from Ohattanooga forward, andthat we strike out with our wagons for Milledgeville, Millen, andSavannah. Until we can repopulate Georgia, it is useless for us tooccupy it; but the utter destruction of its roads, houses, andpeople, will cripple their military resources. By attempting tohold the roads, we will lose a thousand men each month, and willgain no result. I can make this march, and make Georgia howl! Wehave on hand over eight thousand head of cattle and three millionrations of bread, but no corn. We can find plenty of forage in theinterior of the State. 

Meantime the rebel General Forrest had made a bold circuit inMiddle Tennessee, avoiding all fortified points, and breaking upthe railroad at several places; but, as usual, he did his work sohastily and carelessly that our engineers soon repaired thedamage--then, retreating before General Rousseau, he left the Stateof Tennessee, crossing the river near Florence, Alabama, and gotoff unharmed. 

On the 10th of October the enemy appeared south of the Etowah Riverat Rome, when I ordered all the armies to march to Kingston, rodemyself to Cartersville with the Twenty-third Corps (General Cox), and telegraphed from there to General Thomas at Nashville:

It looks to me as though Hood was bound for Tuscumbia. He is nowcrossing the Coosa River below Rome, looking west. Let me know ifyou can hold him with your forces now in Tennessee and the expectedreenforeements, as, in that event, you know what I propose to do. 

I will be at Kingston to-morrow. I think Rome is strong enough toresist any attack, and the rivers are all high. If he turns up bySummerville, I will get in behind him. 

And on the same day to General Grant, at City Point:

Hood is now crossing the Coosa, twelve miles below Rome, boundwest. If he passes over to the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, had I notbetter execute the plan of my letter sent you by Colonel Porter, and leave General Thomas, with the troops now in Tennessee, todefend the State? He will have an ample force when thereenforcements ordered reach Nashville. 

I found General John E. Smith at Cartersville, and on the 11throde on to Kingston, where I had telegraphic communications in alldirections. 

From General Corse, at Rome, I learned that Hood's army haddisappeared, but in what direction he was still in doubt; and I wasso strongly convinced of the wisdom of my proposition to change thewhole tactics of the campaign, to leave Hood to General Thomas, andto march across Georgia for Savannah or Charleston, that I againtelegraphed to General Grant:

We cannot now remain on the defensive. With twenty-five thousandinfantry and the bold cavalry he has, Hood can constantly break myroad. I would infinitely prefer to make a wreck of the road and ofthe country from Chattanooga to Atlanta, including the latter city;send back all my wounded and unserviceable men, and with myeffective army move through Georgia, smashing things to the sea. Hood may turn into Tennessee and Kentucky, but I believe he will beforced to follow me. Instead of being on the defensive, I will beon the offensive. Instead of my guessing at what he means to do, he will have to guess at my plans. The difference in war would befully twenty-five per pent. I can make Savannah, Charleston, orthe month of the Chattahoochee (Appalachicola). Answer quick, as Iknow we will not have the telegraph long. 

I received no answer to this at the time, and the next day went onto Rome, where the news came that Hood had made his appearance atResaca, and had demanded the surrender of the place, which wascommanded by Colonel Weaver, reenforced by Brevet Brigadier-GeneralRaum. General Hood had evidently marched with rapidity up theChattooga Valley, by Summerville, Lafayette, Ship's Gap, andSnake-Creek Gap, and had with him his whole army, except a smallforce left behind to watch Rome. I ordered Resaca to be furtherreenforced by rail from Kingston, and ordered General Cox to make abold reconnoissance down the Coosa Valley, which captured andbrought into Rome some cavalrymen and a couple of field-guns, withtheir horses and men. At first I thought of interposing my wholearmy in the Chattooga Valley, so as to prevent Hood's escape south;but I saw at a glance that he did not mean to fight, and in thatevent, after damaging the road all he could, he would be likely toretreat eastward by Spring Place, which I did not want him to do;and, hearing from General Raum that he still held Resaca safe, andthat General Edward McCook had also got there with some cavalryreenforcements, I turned all the heads of columns for Resaca, viz. , General Cox's, from Rome; General Stanley's, from McGuire's; andGeneral Howard's, from Kingston. We all reached Resaca during thatnight, and the next morning (13th) learned that Hood's whole armyhad passed up the valley toward Dalton, burning the railroad anddoing all the damage possible. 

On the 12th he had demanded the surrender of Resaca in thefollowing letter:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF TENNESSEEIN THE FIELD, October 12, 1861. 

To the officer commanding the United Stales Forces at Resaca, Georgia. 

SIR: I demand the immediate and unconditional surrender of the postand garrison under your command, and, should this be acceded to, all white officers and soldiers will be parolled in a few days. Ifthe place is carried by assault, no prisoners will be taken. Mostrespectfully, your obedient servant, J. B. HOOD, General. 

To this Colonel Weaver, then in command, replied:

HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, THIRD DIVISION, FIFTEENTH CORPSRESACA, GEORGIA, October 12, 1884. 

To General J. B. HOOD

Your communication of this date just received. In reply, I have tostate that I am somewhat surprised at the concluding paragraph, tothe effect that, if the place is carried by assault, no prisonerswill be taken. In my opinion I can hold this post. If you want it, come and take it. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, CLARK R. WEAVER, Commanding Officer. 

This brigade was very small, and as Hood's investment extendedonly from the Oostenaula, below the town, to the Connesauga above, he left open the approach from the south, which enabled GeneralRaum and the cavalry of Generals McCook and Watkins to reenforcefrom Kingston. In fact, Hood, admonished by his losses atAllatoona, did not attempt an assault at all, but limited hisattack to the above threat, and to some skirmishing, giving hisattention chiefly to the destruction of the railroad, which heaccomplished all the way up to Tunnel Hill, nearly twenty miles, capturing en route the regiment of black troops at Dalton(Johnson's Forty-fourth United States colored). On the 14th, Iturned General Howard through Snake-Creek Gap, and sent GeneralStanley around by Tilton, with orders to cross the mountain to thewest, so as to capture, if possible, the force left by the enemy inSnake-Creek Gap. We found this gap very badly obstructed by fallentimber, but got through that night, and the next day the main armywas at Villanow. On the morning of the 16th, the leading divisionof General Howard's column, commanded by General Charles R. Woods, carried Ship's Gap, taking prisoners part of the Twenty-fourthSouth Carolina Regiment, which had been left there to hold us incheck. 

The best information there obtained located Hood's army atLafayette, near which place I hoped to catch him and force him tobattle; but, by the time we had got enough troops across themountain at Ship's Gap, Hood had escaped down the valley of theChattooga, and all we could do was to follow him as closely aspossible. From Ship's Gap I dispatched couriers to Chattanooga, and received word back that General Schofield was there, endeavoring to cooperate with me, but Hood had broken up thetelegraph, and thus had prevented quick communication. GeneralSchofield did not reach me till the army had got down toGaylesville, about the 21st of October. 

It was at Ship's Gap that a courier brought me the cipher messagefrom General Halleck which intimated that the authorities inWashington were willing I should undertake the march across Georgiato the sea. The translated dispatch named "Horse-i-bar Sound" asthe point where the fleet would await my arrival. After much timeI construed it to mean, "Ossabaw Sound, " below Savannah, which wascorrect. 

On the 16th I telegraphed to General Thomas, at Nashville:

Send me Morgan's and Newton's old divisions. Reestablish the road, and I will follow Hood wherever he may go. I think he will move toBlue Mountain. We can maintain our men and animals on the country. 

General Thomas's reply was:

NASHVILLE, October 17, 1864--10. 30 a. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:

Your dispatch from Ship's Gap, 5 p. M. Of the 16th, just received. Schofield, whom I placed in command of the two divisions (Wagner'sand Morgan's), was to move up Lookout Valley this A. M. , tointercept Hood, should he be marching for Bridgeport. I will orderhim to join you with the two divisions, and will reconstruct theroad as soon as possible. Will also reorganize the guards forposts and block-houses .... Mower and Wilson have arrived, and areon their way to join you. I hope you will adopt Grant's idea ofturning Wilson loose, rather than undertake the plan of a marchwith the whole force through Georgia to the sea, inasmuch asGeneral Grant cannot cooperate with you as at first arranged. 

GEORGE H. THOMAS, Major-General. 

So it is clear that at that date neither General Grant nor GeneralThomas heartily favored my proposed plan of campaign. On the sameday, I wrote to General Schofield at Chattanooga:

Hood is not at Dear Head Cove. We occupy Ship's Gap and Lafayette. Hood is moving south via Summerville, Alpine, and Gadsden. If heenters Tennessee, it will be to the west of Huntsville, but I thinkhe has given up all such idea. I want the road repaired toAtlanta; the sick and wounded men sent north of the Tennessee; myarmy recomposed; and I will then make the interior of Georgia feelthe weight of war. It is folly for us to be moving our armies onthe reports of scouts and citizens. We must maintain theoffensive. Your first move on Trenton and Valley Head was right--the move to defend Caperton's Ferry is wrong. Notify GeneralThomas of these my views. We must follow Hood till he is beyondthe reach of mischief, and then resume the offensive. 

The correspondence between me and the authorities at Washington, aswell as with the several army commanders, given at length in thereport of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, is full on allthese points. 

After striking our road at Dalton, Hood was compelled to go on toChattanooga and Bridgeport, or to pass around by Decatur andabandon altogether his attempt to make us let go our hold ofAtlanta by attacking our communications. It was clear to me thathe had no intention to meet us in open battle, and the lightnessand celerity of his army convinced me that I could not possiblycatch him on a stern-chase. We therefore quietly followed him downthe Chattooga Valley to the neighborhood of Gadsden, but halted themain armies near the Coosa River, at the mouth of the Chattooga, drawing our supplies of corn and meat from the farms of thatcomparatively rich valley and of the neighborhood. 

General Slocum, in Atlanta, had likewise sent out, under strongescort, large trains of wagons to the east, and brought back corn, bacon, and all kinds of provisions, so that Hood's efforts to cutoff our supplies only reacted on his own people. So long as therailroads were in good order, our supplies came full and regularfrom the North; but when the enemy broke our railroads we wereperfectly justified in stripping the inhabitants of all they had. I remember well the appeal of a very respectable farmer against ourmen driving away his fine flock of sheep. I explained to him thatGeneral Hood had broken our railroad; that we were a strong, hungrycrowd, and needed plenty of food; that Uncle Sam was deeplyinterested in our continued health and would soon repair theseroads, but meantime we must eat; we preferred Illinois beef, butmutton would have to answer. Poor fellow! I don't believe he wasconvinced of the wisdom or wit of my explanation. Very soon afterreaching Lafayette we organized a line of supply from Chattanoogato Ringgold by rail, and thence by wagons to our camps aboutGaylesville. Meantime, also, Hood had reached the neighborhood ofGadsden, and drew his supplies from the railroad at Blue Mountain. 

On the 19th of October I telegraphed to General Halleck, atWashington:

Hood has retreated rapidly by all the roads leading south. Ouradvance columns are now at Alpine and Melville Post-Office. Ishall pursue him as far as Gaylesville. The enemy will not venturetoward Tennessee except around by Decatur. I propose to send theFourth Corps back to General Thomas, and leave him, with thatcorps, the garrisons, and new troops, to defend the line of theTennessee River; and with the rest I will push into the heart ofGeorgia and come out at Savannah, destroying all the railroads ofthe State. The break in our railroad at Big Shanty is almostrepaired, and that about Dalton should be done in ten days. Wefind abundance of forage in the country. 

On the same day I telegraphed to General L. C. Easton, chief-quartermaster, who had been absent on a visit to Missouri, but had got back to Chattanooga:

Go in person to superintend the repairs of the railroad, and makeall orders in my name that will expedite its completion. I want itfinished, to bring back from Atlanta to Chattanooga the sick andwounded men and surplus stores. On the 1st of November I wantnothing in front of Chattanooga except what we can use as food andclothing and haul in our wagons. There is plenty of corn in thecountry, and we only want forage for the posts. I allow ten daysfor all this to be done, by which time I expect to be at or nearAtlanta. 

I telegraphed also to General Amos Beckwith, chief-commissary inAtlanta, who was acting as chief-quartermaster during the absenceof General Easton:

Hood will escape me. I want to prepare for my big raid. On the1st of November I want nothing in Atlanta but what is necessary forwar. Send all trash to the rear at once, and have on hand thirtydays' food and but little forage. I propose to abandon Atlanta, and the railroad back to Chattanooga, to sally forth to ruinGeorgia and bring up on the seashore. Make all dispositionsaccordingly. I will go down the Coosa until I am sure that Hoodhas gone to Blue Mountain. 

On the 21st of October I reached Gaylesville, had my bivouac in anopen field back of the village, and remained there till the 28th. During that time General Schofield arrived, with the two divisionsof Generals Wagner (formerly Newton's) and Morgan, which werereturned to their respective corps (the Fourth and Fourteenth), andGeneral Schofield resumed his own command of the Army of the Ohio, then on the Coosa River, near Cedar Bluff. General Joseph A. Moweralso arrived, and was assigned to command a division in theSeventeenth Corps; and General J. H. Wilson came, having been sentfrom Virginia by General Grant, for the purpose of commanding allmy cavalry. I first intended to organize this cavalry into a corpsof three small divisions, to be commanded by General Wilson; butthe horses were well run down, and, at Wilson's instance, Iconcluded to retain only one division of four thousand five hundredmen, with selected horses, under General Kilpatrick, and to sendGeneral Wilson back with all the rest to Nashville, to bereorganized and to act under General Thomas in the defense ofTennessee. Orders to this effect were made on the 24th of October. 

General Grant, in designating General Wilson to command my cavalry, predicted that he would, by his personal activity, increase theeffect of that arm "fifty per cent. , " and he advised that he shouldbe sent south, to accomplish all that I had proposed to do with themain army; but I had not so much faith in cavalry as he had, andpreferred to adhere to my original intention of going myself with acompetent force. 

About this time I learned that General Beauregard had reachedHood's army at Gadsden; that, without assuming direct command ofthat army, he had authority from the Confederate Government todirect all its movements, and to call to his assistance the wholestrength of the South. His orders, on assuming command, were fullof alarm and desperation, dated:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE WESTOctober 17, 1864

In assuming command, at this critical juncture, of the MilitaryDivision of the West, I appeal to my countrymen, of all classes andsections, for their generous support. In assigning me to thisresponsible position, the President of the Confederate States hasextended to me the assurance of his earnest support. TheExecutives of your States meet me with similar expressions of theirdevotion to our cause. The noble army in the field, composed ofbrave men and gallant officers, are strangers to me, but I knowthey will do all that patriots can achieve..... 

The army of Sherman still defiantly holds Atlanta. He can and mustbe driven from it. It is only for the good people of Georgia andsurrounding states to speak the word, and the work is done, we haveabundant provisions. There are men enough in the country, liableto and able for service, to accomplish the result..... 

My countrymen, respond to this call as you have done in days thatare past, and, with the blessing of a kind and overrulingProvidence, the enemy shall be driven from your soil. The securityof your wives and daughters from the insults and outrages of abrutal foe shall be established soon, and be followed by apermanent and honorable peace. The claims of home and country, wife and children, uniting with the demands of honor andpatriotism, summon us to the field. We cannot, dare not, will notfail to respond. Full of hope and confidence, I come to join youin your struggles, sharing your privations, and, with your braveand true men, to strike the blow that shall bring success to ourarms, triumph to our cause, and peace to our country! . . . 

G. T. BEAUREGARD, General. 

Notwithstanding this somewhat boastful order or appeal, GeneralBeauregard did not actually accompany General Hood on hisdisastrous march to Nashville, but took post at Corinth, Mississippi, to control the movement of his supplies and to watchme. 

At Gaylesville the pursuit of Hood by the army under my immediatecommand may be said to have ceased. During this pursuit, theFifteenth Corps was commanded by its senior major-general present, P. J. Osterhaus, in the absence of General John A. Logan; and theSeventeenth Corps was commanded by Brigadier-General T. E. G. Ransom, the senior officer present, in the absence of General FrankP. Blair. 

General Ransom was a young, most gallant, and promising officer, son of the Colonel Ransom who was killed at Chapultepec, in theMexican War. He had served with the Army of the Tennessee in 1862and 1863, at Vicksburg, where he was severely wounded. He was notwell at the time we started from Atlanta, but he insisted on goingalong with his command. His symptoms became more aggravated on themarch, and when we were encamped near Gaylesville, I visited him incompany with Surgeon John Moors, United States Army, who said thatthe case was one of typhoid fever, which would likely prove fatal. A few days after, viz. , the 28th, he was being carried on a littertoward Rome; and as I rode from Gaylesville to Rome, I passed himby the way, stopped, and spoke with him, but did not then supposehe was so near his end. The next day, however, his escort reachedRome, bearing his dead body. The officer in charge reported that, shortly after I had passed, his symptoms became so much worse thatthey stopped at a farmhouse by the road-side, where he died thatevening. His body was at once sent to Chicago for burial, and amonument has been ordered by the Society of the Army of theTennessee to be erected in his memory. 

On the 26th of October I learned that Hood's whole army had madeits appearance about Decatur, Alabama, and at once caused a strongreconnoissance to be made down the Coosa to near Gadsden, whichrevealed the truth that the enemy was gone except a small force ofcavalry, commanded by General Wheeler, which had been left to watchus. I then finally resolved on my future course, which was toleave Hood to be encountered by General Thomas, while I shouldcarry into full effect the long-contemplated project of marchingfor the sea-coast, and thence to operate toward Richmond. But itwas all-important to me and to our cause that General Thomas shouldhave an ample force, equal to any and every emergency. 

He then had at Nashville about eight or ten thousand new troops, and as many more civil employs of the Quartermaster's Department, which were not suited for the field, but would be most useful inmanning the excellent forts that already covered Nashville. AtChattanooga, he had General Steedman's division, about fivethousand men, besides garrisons for Chattanooga, Bridgeport, andStevenson; at Murfreesboro' he also had General Rousseau'sdivision, which was full five thousand strong, independent of thenecessary garrisons for the railroad. At Decatur and Huntsville, Alabama, was the infantry division of General R. S. Granger, estimated at four thousand; and near Florence, Alabama, watchingthe crossings of the Tennessee, were General Edward Hatch'sdivision of cavalry, four thousand; General Croxton's brigade, twenty-five hundred; and Colonel Capron's brigade, twelve hundred;besides which, General J. H. Wilson had collected in Nashvilleabout ten thousand dismounted cavalry, for which he was rapidlycollecting the necessary horses for a remount. All theseaggregated about forty-five thousand men. General A. J. Smith atthat time was in Missouri, with the two divisions of the SixteenthCorps which had been diverted to that quarter to assist GeneralRosecrans in driving the rebel General Price out of Missouri. Thisobject had been accomplished, and these troops, numbering fromeight to ten thousand, had been ordered to Nashville. To these Iproposed at first to add only the Fourth Corps (General Stanley), fifteen thousand; and that corps was ordered from Gaylesville tomarch to Chattanooga, and thence report for orders to GeneralThomas; but subsequently, on the 30th of October, at Rome, Georgia, learning from General Thomas that the new troops promised byGeneral Grant were coming forward very slowly, I concluded tofurther reenforce him by General Schofield's corps (Twenty-third), twelve thousand, which corps accordingly marched for Resaca, andthere took the cars for Chattanooga. I then knew that GeneralThomas would have an ample force with which to encounter GeneralHood anywhere in the open field, besides garrisons to secure therailroad to his rear and as far forward as Chattanooga. And, moreover, I was more than convinced that he would have ample timefor preparation; for, on that very day, General R. S. Granger hadtelegraphed me from Decatur, Alabama:

I omitted to mention another reason why Hood will go to Tusomnbiabefore crossing the Tennessee River. He was evidently out ofsupplies. His men were all grumbling; the first thing theprisoners asked for was something to eat. Hood could not get anything if he should cross this side of Rogersville. 

I knew that the country about Decatur and Tuscumbia, Alabama, wasbare of provisions, and inferred that General Hood would have todraw his supplies, not only of food, but of stores, clothing, andammunition, from Mobile, Montgomery, and Selma, Alabama, by therailroad around by Meridian and Corinth, Mississippi, which we hadmost effectually disabled the previous winter. 

General Hood did not make a serious attack on Decatur, but hungaround it from October 26th to the 30th, when he drew off andmarched for a point on the south side of the Tennessee River, opposite Florence, where he was compelled to remain nearly a month, to collect the necessary supplies for his contemplated invasion ofTennessee and Kentucky. 

The Fourth Corps (Stanley) had already reached Chattanooga, and hadbeen transported by rail to Pulaski, Tennessee; and General Thomasordered General Schofield, with the Twenty-third Corps, toColumbia, Tennessee, a place intermediate between Hood (then on theTennessee River, opposite Florence) and Forrest, oppositeJohnsonville. 

On the 31st of October General Croxton, of the cavalry, reportedthat the enemy had crossed the Tennessee River four miles aboveFlorence, and that he had endeavored to stop him, but withoutsuccess. Still, I was convinced that Hood's army was in nocondition to march for Nashville, and that a good deal of furtherdelay might reasonably be counted on. I also rested with muchconfidence on the fact that the Tennessee River below Muscle Shoalswas strongly patrolled by gunboats, and that the reach of the riverabove Muscle Shoals, from Decatur as high up as our railroad atBridgeport, was also guarded by gunboats, so that Hood, to crossover, would be compelled to select a point inaccessible to thesegunboats. He actually did choose such a place, at the oldrailroad-piers, four miles above Florence, Alabama, which is belowMuscle Shoals and above Colbert Shoals. 

On the 31st of October Forrest made his appearance on the TennesseeRiver opposite Johnsonville (whence a new railroad led toNashville), and with his cavalry and field pieces actually crippledand captured two gunboats with five of our transports, a feat ofarms which, I confess, excited my admiration. 

There is no doubt that the month of October closed to us lookingdecidedly squally; but, somehow, I was sustained in the belief thatin a very few days the tide would turn. 

On the 1st of November I telegraphed very fully to General Grant, at City Point, who must have been disturbed by the wild rumors thatfilled the country, and on the 2d of November received (at Rome)this dispatch:

CITY POINT, November 1, 1864--6 P. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:

Do you not think it advisable, now that Hood has gone so far north, to entirely ruin him before starting on your proposed campaign?With Hood's army destroyed, you can go where you please withimpunity. I believed and still believe, if you had started southwhile Hood was in the neighborhood of you, he would have beenforced to go after you. Now that he is far away he might look uponthe chase as useless, and he will go in one direction while you arepushing in the other. If you can see a chance of destroying Hood'sarmy, attend to that first, and make your other move secondary. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

My answer is dated

ROME, GEORGIA, November 2, 1864. Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia:

Your dispatch is received. If I could hope to overhaul Hood, Iwould turn against him with my whole force; then he would retreatto the south west, drawing me as a decoy away from Georgia, whichis his chief object. If he ventures north of the Tennessee River, Imay turn in that direction, and endeavor to get below him on hisline of retreat; but thus far he has not gone above the TennesseeRiver. General Thomas will have a force strong enough to preventhis reaching any country in which we have an interest; and he hasorders, if Hood turns to follow me, to push for Selma, Alabama. Nosingle army can catch Hood, and I am convinced the best resultswill follow from our defeating Jeff. Davis's cherished plea ofmaking me leave Georgia by manoeuvring. Thus far I have confinedmy efforts to thwart this plan, and have reduced baggage so that Ican pick up and start in any direction; but I regard the pursuit ofHood as useless. Still, if he attempts to invade Middle Tennessee, I will hold Decatur, and be prepared to move in that direction;but, unless I let go of Atlanta, my force will not be equal to his. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

By this date, under the intelligent and energetic action of ColonelW. W. Wright, and with the labor of fifteen hundred men, therailroad break of fifteen miles about Dalton was repaired so far asto admit of the passage of cars, and I transferred my headquartersto Kingston as more central; and from that place, on the same day(November 2d), again telegraphed to General Grant:

KINGSTON, GEORGIA, November 2, 1884. Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia:If I turn back, the whole effect of my campaign will be lost. By mymovements I have thrown Beauregard (Hood) well to the west, andThomas will have ample time and sufficient troops to hold him untilthe reenforcements from Missouri reach him. We have now amplesupplies at Chattanooga and Atlanta, and can stand a month'sinterruption to our communications. I do not believe theConfederate army can reach our railroad-lines except bycavalry-raids, and Wilson will have cavalry enough to checkmatethem. I am clearly of opinion that the best results will follow mycontemplated movement through Georgia. W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

That same day I received, in answer to the Rome dispatch, thefollowing:

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, November 2, 1864--11. 30 a. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:

Your dispatch of 9 A. M. Yesterday is just received. I dispatchedyou the same date, advising that Hood's army, now that it hadworked so far north, ought to be looked upon now as the "object. "With the force, however, that you have left with General Thomas, hemust be able to take care of Hood and destroy him. 

I do not see that you can withdraw from where you are to followHood, without giving up all we have gained in territory. I say, then, go on as you propose. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General, This was the first time that General Grant ordered the "march tothe sea, " and, although many of his warm friends and admirersinsist that he was the author and projector of that march, and thatI simply executed his plans, General Grant has never, in myopinion, thought so or said so. The truth is fully given in anoriginal letter of President Lincoln, which I received at Savannah, Georgia, and have at this instant before me, every word of which isin his own familiar handwriting. It is dated--

WASHINGTON, December 26, 1864. 

When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I wasanxious, if not fearful; but, feeling that you were the betterjudge, and remembering "nothing risked, nothing gained, " I did notinterfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is allyours; for I believe none of us went further than to acquiesce;and, taking the work of General Thomas into account, as it shouldbe taken, it is indeed a great success. Not only does it affordthe obvious and immediate military advantages, but, in showing tothe world that your army could be divided, putting the strongerpart to an important new service, and yet leaving enough tovanquish the old opposing force of the whole, Hood's army, itbrings those who sat in darkness to see a great light. But whatnext? I suppose it will be safer if I leave General Grant andyourself to decide. 

A. LINCOLN

Of course, this judgment; made after the event, was extremelyflattering and was all I ever expected, a recognition of the truthand of its importance. I have often been asked, by well-meaningfriends, when the thought of that march first entered my mind. Iknew that an army which had penetrated Georgia as far as Atlantacould not turn back. It must go ahead, but when, how, and where, depended on many considerations. As soon as Hood had shiftedacross from Lovejoy's to Palmetto, I saw the move in my "mind'seye;" and, after Jeff. Davis's speech at Palmetto, of September26th, I was more positive in my conviction, but was in doubt as tothe time and manner. When General Hood first struck our railroadabove Marietta, we were not ready, and I was forced to watch hismovements further, till he had "carromed" off to the west ofDecatur. Then I was perfectly convinced, and had no longer ashadow of doubt. The only possible question was as to Thomas'sstrength and ability to meet Hood in the open field. I did notsuppose that General Hood, though rash, would venture to attackfortified places like Allatoona, Resaca, Decatur, and Nashville;but he did so, and in so doing he played into our hands perfectly. 

On the 2d of November I was at Kingston, Georgia, and my fourcorps--the Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Fourteenth, and Twentieth--withone division of cavalry, were strung from Rome to Atlanta. Ourrailroads and telegraph had been repaired, and I deliberatelyprepared for the march to Savannah, distant three hundred milesfrom Atlanta. All the sick and wounded men had been sent back byrail to Chattanooga; all our wagon-trains had been carefullyoverhauled and loaded, so as to be ready to start on an hour'snotice, and there was no serious enemy in our front. 

General Hood remained still at Florence, Alabama, occupying bothbanks of the Tennessee River, busy in collecting shoes and clothingfor his men, and the necessary ammunition and stores with which toinvade Tennessee, most of which had to come from Mobile, Selma, andMontgomery, Alabama, over railroads that were still broken. Beauregard was at Corinth, hastening forward these necessarypreparations. 

General Thomas was at Nashville, with Wilson's dismounted cavalryand a mass of new troops and quartermaster's employs amplysufficient to defend the place. The Fourth and Twenty-third Corps, under Generals Stanley and Schofield were posted at Pulaski, Tennessee, and the cavalry of Hatch, Croxton, and Capron, wereabout Florence, watching Hood. Smith's (A. J. ) two divisions ofthe Sixteenth Corps were still in Missouri, but were reported asready to embark at Lexington for the Cumberland River andNashville. Of course, General Thomas saw that on him would likelyfall the real blow, and was naturally anxious. He still keptGranger's division at Decatur, Rousseau's at Murfreesboro', andSteedman's at Chattanooga, with strong railroad guards at all theessential points intermediate, confident that by means of this veryrailroad he could make his concentration sooner than Hood couldpossibly march up from Florence. 

Meantime, General F. P. Blair had rejoined his corps (Seventeenth), and we were receiving at Kingston recruits and returnedfurlough-men, distributing them to their proper companies. Paymasters had come down to pay off our men before their departure toa new sphere of action, and commissioners were also on hand from theseveral States to take the vote of our men in the presidentialelection then agitating the country. 

On the 6th of November, at Kingston, I wrote and telegraphed toGeneral Grant, reviewing the whole situation, gave him my full planof action, stated that I was ready to march as soon as the electionwas over, and appointed November 10th as the day for starting. Onthe 8th I received this dispatch:

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, November 7, 1864-10. 30 P. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:

Your dispatch of this evening received. I see no present reasonfor changing your plan. Should any arise, you will see it, or if Ido I will inform you. I think everything here is favorable now. Great good fortune attend you! I believe you will be eminentlysuccessful, and, at worst, can only make a march less fruitful ofresults than hoped for. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

Meantime trains of cars were whirling by, carrying to the rear animmense amount of stores which had accumulated at Atlanta, and atthe other stations along the railroad; and General Steedman hadcome down to Kingston, to take charge of the final evacuation andwithdrawal of the several garrisons below Chattanooga. 

On the 10th of November the movement may be said to have fairlybegun. All the troops designed for the campaign were ordered tomarch for Atlanta, and General Corse, before evacuating his post atRome, was ordered to burn all the mills, factories, etc. , etc. , that could be useful to the enemy, should he undertake to pursueus, or resume military possession of the country. This was done onthe night of the 10th, and next day Corse reached Kingston. On the11th General Thomas and I interchanged full dispatches. He hadheard of the arrival of General A. J. Smith's two divisions atPaducah, which would surely reach Nashville much sooner thanGeneral Hood could possibly do from Florence, so that he wasperfectly satisfied with his share of the army. 

On the 12th, with a full staff, I started from Kingston forAtlanta; and about noon of that day we reached Cartersville, andsat on the edge of a porch to rest, when the telegraph operator, Mr. Van Valkenburg, or Eddy, got the wire down from the poles tohis lap, in which he held a small pocket instrument. Calling"Chattanooga, " he received this message from General Thomas, dated--

NASHVILLE, November 12, 1884--8. 80 A. M. 

Major-General SHERMAN:

Your dispatch of twelve o'clock last night is received. I have nofears that Beauregard can do us any harm now, and, if he attemptsto follow you, I will follow him as far as possible. If he doesnot follow you, I will then thoroughly organize my troops, andbelieve I shall have men enough to ruin him unless he gets out ofthe way very rapidly. 

The country of Middle Alabama, I learn, is teeming with suppliesthis year, which will be greatly to our advantage. I have noadditional news to report from the direction of Florence. I am now convinced that the greater part of Beauregard's army isnear Florence and Tuscumbia, and that you will have at least aclear road before you for several days, and that your success willfully equal your expectations. 

George H. THOMAS, Major-General. 

I answered simply: "Dispatch received--all right. " About thatinstant of time, some of our men burnt a bridge, which severed thetelegraph-wire, and all communication with the rear ceasedthenceforth. 

As we rode on toward Atlanta that night, I remember the railroad-trains going to the rear with a furious speed; the engineers andthe few men about the trains waving us an affectionate adieu. Itsurely was a strange event--two hostile armies marching in oppositedirections, each in the full belief that it was achieving a finaland conclusive result in a great war; and I was strongly inspiredwith the feeling that the movement on our part was a direct attackupon the rebel army and the rebel capital at Richmond, though afull thousand miles of hostile country intervened, and that, forbetter or worse, it would end the war. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE MARCH TO THE SEA FROM ATLANTA TO SAVANNAH. 

NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER, 1864. 

On the 12th of November the railroad and telegraph communicationswith the rear were broken, and the army stood detached from allfriends, dependent on its own resources and supplies. No time wasto be lost; all the detachments were ordered to march rapidly forAtlanta, breaking up the railroad en route, and generally to sodamage the country as to make it untenable to the enemy. By the14th all the troops had arrived at or near Atlanta, and were, according to orders, grouped into two wings, the right and left, commanded respectively by Major-Generals O. O. Howard and H. W. Slocum, both comparatively young men, but educated and experiencedofficers, fully competent to their command. 

The right wing was composed of the Fifteenth Corps, Major-GeneralP. J. Osterhaus commanding, and the Seventeenth Corps, Major-General Frank P. Blair commanding. 

The left wing was composed of the Fourteenth Corps, Major-GeneralJefferson C. Davis commanding, and the Twentieth Corps, Brigadier-General A. S. Williams commanding. 

The Fifteenth Corps had four divisions, commanded byBrigadier-Generals Charles R. Woods, W. B. Hazen, John E. Smith, and John M. Gorse. 

The Seventeenth Corps had three divisions, commanded byMajor-General J. A. Mower, and Brigadier-Generals M. D. Leggettand Giles A. Smith. 

The Fourteenth Corps had three divisions, commanded byBrigadier-Generals W. P. Carlin, James D. Morgan, and A. Baird. 

The Twentieth Corps had also three divisions, commanded byBrigadier-Generals N. J. Jackson, John W. Geary, and W. T. Ward. 

The cavalry division was held separate, subject to my own orders. It was commanded by Brigadier-General Judson Kilpatrick, and wascomposed of two brigades, commanded by Colonels Eli H. Murray, ofKentucky, and Smith D. Atkins, of Illinois. 

The strength of the army, as officially reported, is given in thefollowing tables, and shows an aggregate of fifty-five thousandthree hundred and twenty-nine infantry, five thousand andsixty-three cavalry, and eighteen hundred and twelve artillery inall, sixty-two thousand two hundred and four officers and men. 

The most extraordinary efforts had been made to purge this army ofnon-combatants and of sick men, for we knew well that there was tobe no place of safety save with the army itself; our wagons wereloaded with ammunition, provisions, and forage, and we could illafford to haul even sick men in the ambulances, so that all on thisexhibit may be assumed to have been able-bodied, experiencedsoldiers, well armed, well equipped and provided, as far as humanforesight could, with all the essentials of life, strength, andvigorous action. 

The two general orders made for this march appear to me, even atthis late day, so clear, emphatic, and well-digested, that noaccount of that historic event is perfect without them, and I givethem entire, even at the seeming appearance of repetition; and, though they called for great sacrifice and labor on the part of theofficers and men, I insist that these orders were obeyed as well asany similar orders ever were, by an army operating wholly in anenemy's country, and dispersed, as we necessarily were, during thesubsequent period of nearly six months. 

[Special Field Orders, No. 119. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, KINGSTON, GEORGIA, November 8, 1864

The general commanding deems it proper at this time to inform theofficers and men of the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, andTwentieth Corps, that he has organized them into an army for aspecial purpose, well known to the War Department and to GeneralGrant. It is sufficient for you to know that it involves adeparture from our present base, and a long and difficult march toa new one. All the chances of war have been considered andprovided for, as far as human sagacity can. All he asks of you isto maintain that discipline, patience, and courage, which havecharacterized you in the past; and he hopes, through you, to strikea blow at our enemy that will have a material effect in producingwhat we all so much desire, his complete overthrow. Of all things, the most important is, that the men, during marches and in camp, keep their places and do not scatter about as stragglers orforagers, to be picked up by a hostile people in detail. It isalso of the utmost importance that our wagons should not be loadedwith any thing but provisions and ammunition. All surplusservants, noncombatants, and refugees, should now go to the rear, and none should be encouraged to encumber us on the march. At somefuture time we will be able to provide for the poor whites andblacks who seek to escape the bondage under which they are nowsuffering. With these few simple cautions, he hopes to lead you toachievements equal in importance to those of the past. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

[Special Field Orders, No. 120. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, KINGSTON, GEORGIA, November 9, 1864

1. For the purpose of military operations, this army is dividedinto two wings viz. :

The right wing, Major-General O. O. Howard commanding, composed ofthe Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps; the left wing, Major-GeneralH. W. Slocum commanding, composed of the Fourteenth and TwentiethCorps. 

2. The habitual order of march will be, wherever practicable, byfour roads, as nearly parallel as possible, and converging atpoints hereafter to be indicated in orders. The cavalry, Brigadier-General Kilpatrick commanding, will receive specialorders from the commander-in-chief. 

3. There will be no general train of supplies, but each corps willhave its ammunition-train and provision-train, distributedhabitually as follows: Behind each regiment should follow one wagonand one ambulance; behind each brigade should follow a dueproportion of ammunition-wagons, provision-wagons, and ambulances. In case of danger, each corps commander should change this order ofmarch, by having his advance and rear brigades unencumbered bywheels. The separate columns will start habitually at 7 a. M. , andmake about fifteen miles per day, unless otherwise fixed in orders. 

4. The army will forage liberally on the country during the march. To this end, each brigade commander will organize a good andsufficient foraging party, under the command of one or morediscreet officers, who will gather, near the route traveled, cornor forage of any kind, meat of any kind, vegetables, corn-meal, orwhatever is needed by the command, aiming at all times to keep inthe wagons at least ten days' provisions for his command, and threedays' forage. Soldiers must not enter the dwellings of theinhabitants, or commit any trespass; but, during a halt or camp, they may be permitted to gather turnips, potatoes, and othervegetables, and to drive in stock in sight of their camp. Toregular foraging-parties must be intrusted the gathering ofprovisions and forage, at any distance from the road traveled. 

6. To corps commanders alone is intrusted the power to destroymills, houses, cotton-gins, etc. ; and for them this generalprinciple is laid down:

In districts and neighborhoods where the army is unmolested, nodestruction of each property should be permitted; but shouldguerrillas or bushwhackers molest our march, or should theinhabitants burn bridges, obstruct roads, or otherwise manifestlocal hostility, then army commanders should order and enforce adevastation more or less relentless, according to the measure ofsuch hostility. 

6. As for horses, mules, wagons, etc. , belonging to theinhabitants, the cavalry and artillery may appropriate freely andwithout limit; discriminating, however, between the rich, who areusually hostile, and the poor and industrious, usually neutral orfriendly. Foraging-parties may also take mules or horses, toreplace the jaded animals of their trains, or to serve aspack-mules for the regiments or brigades. In all foraging, ofwhatever kind, the parties engaged will refrain from abusive orthreatening language, and may, where the officer in command thinksproper, give written certificates of the facts, but no receipts;and they will endeavor to leave with each family a reasonableportion for their maintenance, 7. Negroes who are able-bodied and can be of service to theseveral columns may be taken along; but each army commander willbear in mind that the question of supplies is a very important one, and that his first duty is to see to those who bear arms. 

8. The organization, at once, of a good pioneer battalion for eacharmy corps, composed if possible of negroes, should be attended to. This battalion should follow the advance-guard, repair roads anddouble them if possible, so that the columns will not be delayedafter reaching bad places. Also, army commanders should practisethe habit of giving the artillery and wagons the road, marchingtheir troops on one side, and instruct their troops to assistwagons at steep hills or bad crossings of streams. 

9. Captain O. M. Poe, chief-engineer, will assign to each wing ofthe army a pontoon-train, fully equipped and organized; and thecommanders thereof will see to their being properly protected atall times. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

The greatest possible attention had been given to the artillery andwagon trains. The number of guns had been reduced to sixty-five, or about one gun to each thousand men, and these were generally inbatteries of four guns each. 

Each gun, caisson, and forges was drawn by four teams of horses. We had in all about twenty-five hundred wagons, with teams of sixmules to each, and six hundred ambulances, with two horses to each. The loads were made comparatively light, about twenty-five hundredpounds net; each wagon carrying in addition the forage needed byits own team: Each soldier carried on his person forty rounds ofammunition, and in the wagons were enough cartridges to make upabout two hundred rounds per man, and in like manner two hundredrounds of assorted ammunition were carried for each gun. 

The wagon-trains were divided equally between the four corps, sothat each had about eight hundred wagons, and these usually on themarch occupied five miles or more of road. Each corps commandermanaged his own train; and habitually the artillery and wagons hadthe road, while the men, with the exception of the advance and rearguards, pursued paths improvised by the aide of the wagons, unlessthey were forced to use a bridge or causeway in common. 

I reached Atlanta during the afternoon of the 14th, and found thatall preparations had been made-Colonel Beckwith, chief commissary, reporting one million two hundred thousand rations in possession ofthe troops, which was about twenty days' supply, and he had on handa good supply of beef-cattle to be driven along on the hoof. Offorage, the supply was limited, being of oats and corn enough forfive days, but I knew that within that time we would reach acountry well stocked with corn, which had been gathered and storedin cribs, seemingly for our use, by Governor Brown's militia. 

Colonel Poe, United States Engineers, of my staff, had been busy inhis special task of destruction. He had a large force at work, hadleveled the great depot, round house, and the machine-shops of theGeorgia Railroad, and had applied fire to the wreck. One of thesemachine-shops had been used by the rebels as an arsenal, and in itwere stored piles of shot and shell, some of which proved to beloaded, and that night was made hideous by the bursting of shells, whose fragments came uncomfortably, near Judge Lyon's house, inwhich I was quartered. The fire also reached the block of storesnear the depot, and the heart of the city was in flames all night, but the fire did not reach the parts of Atlanta where thecourt-house was, or the great mass of dwelling houses. 

The march from Atlanta began on the morning of November 15th, theright wing and cavalry following the railroad southeast towardJonesboro', and General Slocum with the Twentieth Corps leading offto the east by Decatur and Stone Mountain, toward Madison. Thesewere divergent lines, designed to threaten both Mason and Augustaat the same time, so as to prevent a concentration at our intendeddestination, or "objective, " Milledgeville, the capital of Georgia, distant southeast about one hundred miles. The time allowed eachcolumn for reaching Milledgeville was seven days. I remained inAtlanta during the 15th with the Fourteenth Corps, and therear-guard of the right wing, to complete the loading of the trains, and the destruction of the buildings of Atlanta which could beconverted to hostile uses, and on the morning of the 16th startedwith my personal staff, a company of Alabama cavalry, commanded byLieutenant Snelling, and an infantry company, commanded by LieutenantMcCrory, which guarded our small train of wagons. 

My staff was then composed of Major L. M. Dayton, aide-de-camp andacting adjutant-general, Major J. C. McCoy, and Major J. C. Audenried, aides. Major Ward Nichols had joined some weeks beforeat Gaylesville, Alabama, and was attached as an actingaide-de-camp. Also Major Henry Hitchcock had joined at the sametime as judge-advocate. Colonel Charles Ewing wasinspector-general, and Surgeon John Moore medical director. Theseconstituted our mess. We had no tents, only the flies, with whichwe nightly made bivouacs with the assistance of the abundantpine-boughs, which made excellent shelter, as well as beds. 

Colonel L. C. Easton was chief-quartermaster; Colonel AmosBeckwith, chief-commissary; Colonel O. M. Poe, chief-engineer; andColonel T. G. Baylor, chief of ordnance. These invariably rodewith us during the day, but they had a separate camp and mess atnight. 

General William F. Barry had been chief of artillery in theprevious campaign, but at Kingston his face was so swollen witherysipelas that he was reluctantly compelled to leave us for therear; and he could not, on recovering, rejoin us till we hadreached Savannah. 

About 7 a. M. Of November 16th we rode out of Atlanta by the Decaturroad, filled by the marching troops and wagons of the FourteenthCorps; and reaching the hill, just outside of the old rebel works, we naturally paused to look back upon the scenes of our pastbattles. We stood upon the very ground whereon was fought thebloody battle of July 22d, and could see the copse of wood whereMcPherson fell. Behind us lay Atlanta, smouldering and in ruins, the black smoke rising high in air, and hanging like a pall overthe ruined city. Away off in the distance, on the McDonough road, was the rear of Howard's column, the gun-barrels glistening in thesun, the white-topped wagons stretching away to the south; andright before us the Fourteenth Corps, marching steadily andrapidly, with a cheery look and swinging pace, that made light ofthe thousand miles that lay between us and Richmond. Some band, byaccident, struck up the anthem of "John Brown's soul goes marchingon;" the men caught up the strain, and never before or since have Iheard the chorus of "Glory, glory, hallelujah!" done with morespirit, or in better harmony of time and place. 

Then we turned our horses' heads to the east; Atlanta was soon lostbehind the screen of trees, and became a thing of the past. Aroundit clings many a thought of desperate battle, of hope and fear, that now seem like the memory of a dream; and I have never seen theplace since. The day was extremely beautiful, clear sunlight, withbracing air, and an unusual feeling of exhilaration seemed topervade all minds--a feeling of something to come, vague andundefined, still full of venture and intense interest. Even thecommon soldiers caught the inspiration, and many a group called outto me as I worked my way past them, "Uncle Billy, I guess Grant iswaiting for us at Richmond!" Indeed, the general sentiment wasthat we were marching for Richmond, and that there we should endthe war, but how and when they seemed to care not; nor did theymeasure the distance, or count the cost in life, or bother theirbrains about the great rivers to be crossed, and the food requiredfor man and beast, that had to be gathered by the way. There was a"devil-may-care" feeling pervading officers and men, that made mefeel the full load of responsibility, for success would be acceptedas a matter of course, whereas, should we fail, this "march" wouldbe adjudged the wild adventure of a crazy fool. I had no purposeto march direct for Richmond by way of Augusta and Charlotte, butalways designed to reach the sea-coast first at Savannah or PortRoyal, South Carolina, and even kept in mind the alternative ofPensacola. 

The first night out we camped by the road-side near Lithonia. Stone Mountain, a mass of granite, was in plain view, cut out inclear outline against the blue sky; the whole horizon was luridwith the bonfires of rail-ties, and groups of men all night werecarrying the heated rails to the nearest trees, and bending themaround the trunks. Colonel Poe had provided tools for ripping upthe rails and twisting them when hot; but the best and easiest wayis the one I have described, of heating the middle of theiron-rails on bonfires made of the cross-ties, and then windingthem around a telegraph-pole or the trunk of some convenientsapling. I attached much importance to this destruction of therailroad, gave it my own personal attention, and made reiteratedorders to others on the subject. 

The next day we passed through the handsome town of Covington, thesoldiers closing up their ranks, the color-bearers unfurling theirflags, and the bands striking up patriotic airs. The white peoplecame out of their houses to behold the sight, spite of their deephatred of the invaders, and the negroes were simply frantic withjoy. Whenever they heard my name, they clustered about my horse, shouted and prayed in their peculiar style, which had a naturaleloquence that would have moved a stone. I have witnessedhundreds, if not thousands, of such scenes; and can now see a poorgirl, in the very ecstasy of the Methodist "shout, " hugging thebanner of one of the regiments, and jumping up to the "feet ofJesus. "

I remember, when riding around by a by-street in Covington, toavoid the crowd that followed the marching column, that some onebrought me an invitation to dine with a sister of Sam. Anderson, who was a cadet at West Point with me; but the messenger reached meafter we had passed the main part of the town. I asked to beexcused, and rode on to a place designated for camp, at thecrossing of the Ulcofauhachee River, about four miles to the eastof the town. Here we made our bivouac, and I walked up to aplantation-house close by, where were assembled many negroes, amongthem an old, gray-haired man, of as fine a head as I ever saw. Iasked him if he understood about the war and its progress. He saidhe did; that he had been looking for the "angel of the Lord" eversince he was knee-high, and, though we professed to be fighting forthe Union, he supposed that slavery was the cause, and that oursuccess was to be his freedom. I asked him if all the negro slavescomprehended this fact, and he said they surely did. I thenexplained to him that we wanted the slaves to remain where theywere, and not to load us down with useless mouths, which would eatup the food needed for our fighting men; that our success was theirassured freedom; that we could receive a few of their young, heartymen as pioneers; but that, if they followed us in swarms of old andyoung, feeble and helpless, it would simply load us down andcripple us in our great task. I think Major Henry Hitchcock waswith me on that occasion, and made a note of the conversation, andI believe that old man spread this message to the slaves, which wascarried from mouth to mouth, to the very end of our journey, andthat it in part saved us from the great danger we incurred ofswelling our numbers so that famine would have attended ourprogress. It was at this very plantation that a soldier passed mewith a ham on his musket, a jug of sorghum-molasses under his arm, and a big piece of honey in his hand, from which he was eating, and, catching my eye, he remarked sotto voce and carelessly to acomrade, "Forage liberally on the country, " quoting from my generalorders. On this occasion, as on many others that fell under mypersonal observation, I reproved the man, explained that foragingmust be limited to the regular parties properly detailed, and thatall provisions thus obtained must be delivered to the regularcommissaries, to be fairly distributed to the men who kept theirranks. 

From Covington the Fourteenth Corps (Davis's), with which I wastraveling, turned to the right for Milledgeville, via Shady Dale. General Slocum was ahead at Madison, with the Twentieth Corps, having torn up the railroad as far as that place, and thence hadsent Geary's division on to the Oconee, to burn the bridges acrossthat stream, when this corps turned south by Eatonton, forMilledgeville, the common "objective" for the first stage of the"march. " We found abundance of corn, molasses, meal, bacon, andsweet-potatoes. We also took a good many cows and oxen, and alarge number of mules. In all these the country was quite rich, never before having been visited by a hostile army; the recent crophad been excellent, had been just gathered and laid by for thewinter. As a rule, we destroyed none, but kept our wagons full, and fed our teams bountifully. 

The skill and success of the men in collecting forage was one ofthe features of this march. Each brigade commander had authorityto detail a company of foragers, usually about fifty men, with oneor two commissioned officers selected for their boldness andenterprise. This party would be dispatched before daylight with aknowledge of the intended day's march and camp; would proceed onfoot five or six miles from the route traveled by their brigade, and then visit every plantation and farm within range. They wouldusually procure a wagon or family carriage, load it with bacon, corn-meal, turkeys, chickens, ducks, and every thing that could beused as food or forage, and would then regain the main road, usually in advance of their train. When this came up, they woulddeliver to the brigade commissary the supplies thus gathered by theway. Often would I pass these foraging-parties at the roadside, waiting for their wagons to come up, and was amused at theirstrange collections--mules, horses, even cattle, packed with oldsaddles and loaded with hams, bacon, bags of cornmeal, and poultryof every character and description. Although this foraging wasattended with great danger and hard work, there seemed to be acharm about it that attracted the soldiers, and it was a privilegeto be detailed on such a party. Daily they returned mounted on allsorts of beasts, which were at once taken from them andappropriated to the general use; but the next day they would startout again on foot, only to repeat the experience of the day before. No doubt, many acts of pillage, robbery, and violence, werecommitted by these parties of foragers, usually called "bummers;"for I have since heard of jewelry taken from women, and the plunderof articles that never reached the commissary; but these acts wereexceptional and incidental. I never heard of any cases of murderor rape; and no army could have carried along sufficient food andforage for a march of three hundred miles; so that foraging in someshape was necessary. The country was sparsely settled, with nomagistrates or civil authorities who could respond to requisitions, as is done in all the wars of Europe; so that this system offoraging was simply indispensable to our success. By it our menwere well supplied with all the essentials of life and health, while the wagons retained enough in case of unexpected delay, andour animals were well fed. Indeed, when we reached Savannah, thetrains were pronounced by experts to be the finest in flesh andappearance ever seen with any army. 

Habitually each corps followed some main road, and the foragers, being kept out on the exposed flank, served all the military usesof flankers. The main columns gathered, by the roads traveled, much forage and food, chiefly meat, corn, and sweet-potatoes, andit was the duty of each division and brigade quartermaster to fillhis wagons as fast as the contents were issued to the troops. Thewagon-trains had the right to the road always, but each wagon wasrequired to keep closed up, so as to leave no gaps in the column. If for any purpose any wagon or group of wagons dropped out ofplace, they had to wait for the rear. And this was always dreaded, for each brigade commander wanted his train up at camp as soonafter reaching it with his men as possible. 

I have seen much skill and industry displayed by thesequarter-masters on the march, in trying to load their wagons withcorn and fodder by the way without losing their place in column. They would, while marching, shift the loads of wagons, so as to havesix or ten of them empty. Then, riding well ahead, they would securepossession of certain stacks of fodder near the road, or cribs ofcorn, leave some men in charge, then open fences and a road back fora couple of miles, return to their trains, divert the empty wagonsout of column, and conduct them rapidly to their forage, load up andregain their place in column without losing distance. On one occasionI remember to have seen ten or a dozen wagons thus loaded with cornfrom two or three full cribs, almost without halting. These cribswere built of logs, and roofed. The train-guard, by a lever, hadraised the whole side of the crib a foot or two; the wagons droveclose alongside, and the men in the cribs, lying on their backs, kicked out a wagon-load of corn in the time I have taken to describeit. 

In a well-ordered and well-disciplined army, these things might bedeemed irregular, but I am convinced that the ingenuity of theseyounger officers accomplished many things far better than I couldhave ordered, and the marches were thus made, and the distanceswere accomplished, in the most admirable way. Habitually westarted from camp at the earliest break of dawn, and usuallyreached camp soon after noon. The marches varied from ten tofifteen miles a day, though sometimes on extreme flanks it wasnecessary to make as much as twenty, but the rate of travel wasregulated by the wagons; and, considering the nature of the roads, fifteen miles per day was deemed the limit. 

The pontoon-trains were in like manner distributed in about equalproportions to the four corps, giving each a section of about ninehundred feet. The pontoons were of the skeleton pattern, withcotton-canvas covers, each boat, with its proportion of balks andcheeses, constituting a load for one wagon. By uniting two suchsections together, we could make a bridge of eighteen hundred feet, enough for any river we had to traverse; but habitually the leadingbrigade would, out of the abundant timber, improvise a bridgebefore the pontoon-train could come up, unless in the cases ofrivers of considerable magnitude, such as the Ocmulgee, Oconee, Ogeechee, Savannah, etc. 

On the 20th of November I was still with the Fourteenth Corps, nearEatonton Factory, waiting to hear of the Twentieth Corps; and onthe 21st we camped near the house of a man named Mann; the nextday, about 4 p. M. , General Davis had halted his head of column on awooded ridge, overlooking an extensive slope of cultivated country, about ten miles short of Milledgeville, and was deploying histroops for camp when I got up. There was a high, raw wind blowing, and I asked him why he had chosen so cold and bleak a position. Heexplained that he had accomplished his full distance for the day, and had there an abundance of wood and water. He explained furtherthat his advance-guard was a mile or so ahead; so I rode on, askinghim to let his rear division, as it came up, move some distanceahead into the depression or valley beyond. Riding on somedistance to the border of a plantation, I turned out of the mainroad into a cluster of wild-plum bushes, that broke the force ofthe cold November wind, dismounted, and instructed the staff topick out the place for our camp. 

The afternoon was unusually raw and cold. My orderly was at handwith his invariable saddle-bags, which contained a change ofunder-clothing, my maps, a flask of whiskey, and bunch of cigars. Taking a drink and lighting a cigar, I walked to a row ofnegro-huts close by, entered one and found a soldier or two warmingthemselves by a wood-fire. I took their place by the fire, intending to wait there till our wagons had got up, and a camp madefor the night. I was talking to the old negro woman, when some onecame and explained to me that, if I would come farther down theroad, I could find a better place. So I started on foot, and foundon the main road a good double-hewed-log house, in one room ofwhich Colonel Poe, Dr. Moore, and others, had started a fire. Isent back orders to the "plum-bushes" to bring our horses andsaddles up to this house, and an orderly to conduct our headquarterwagons to the same place. In looking around the room, I saw asmall box, like a candle-box, marked "Howell Cobb, " and, oninquiring of a negro, found that we were at the plantation ofGeneral Howell Cobb, of Georgia, one of the leading rebels of theSouth, then a general in the Southern army, and who had beenSecretary of the United States Treasury in Mr. Buchanan's time. Ofcourse, we confiscated his property, and found it rich in corn, beans, pea-nuts, and sorghum-molasses. Extensive fields were allround the house; I sent word back to General David to explain whoseplantation it was, and instructed him to spare nothing. That nighthuge bonfires consumed the fence-rails, kept our soldiers warm, andthe teamsters and men, as well as the slaves, carried off animmense quantity of corn and provisions of all sorts. 

In due season the headquarter wagons came up, and we got supper. After supper I sat on a chair astride, with my back to a good fire, musing, and became conscious that an old negro, with atallow-candle in his hand, was scanning my face closely. I inquired, "What do you want, old man!" He answered, "Dey say you is MassaSherman. " I answered that such was the case, and inquired what hewanted. He only wanted to look at me, and kept muttering, "Disnigger can't sleep dis night. " I asked him why he trembled so, andhe said that he wanted to be sure that we were in fact "Yankees, "for on a former occasion some rebel cavalry had put on light-blueovercoats, personating Yankee troops, and many of the negroes weredeceived thereby, himself among the number had shown them sympathy, and had in consequence been unmercifully beaten therefor. Thistime he wanted to be certain before committing himself; so I toldhim to go out on the porch, from which he could see the wholehorizon lit up with camp-fires, and he could then judge whether hehad ever seen any thing like it before. The old man becameconvinced that the "Yankees" had come at last, about whom he hadbeen dreaming all his life; and some of the staff officers gave hima strong drink of whiskey, which set his tongue going. LieutenantSpelling, who commanded my escort, was a Georgian, and recognizedin this old negro a favorite slave of his uncle, who resided aboutsix miles off; but the old slave did not at first recognize hisyoung master in our uniform. One of my staff-officers asked himwhat had become of his young master, George. He did not know, onlythat he had gone off to the war, and he supposed him killed, as amatter of course. His attention was then drawn to Spelling's face, when he fell on his knees and thanked God that he had found hisyoung master alive and along with the Yankees. Spelling inquiredall about his uncle and the family, asked my permission to go andpay his uncle a visit, which I granted, of course, and the nextmorning he described to me his visit. The uncle was not cordial, by any means, to find his nephew in the ranks of the host that wasdesolating the land, and Spelling came back, having exchanged histired horse for a fresher one out of his uncle's stables, explaining that surely some of the "bummers" would have got thehorse had he not. 

The next morning, November 23d, we rode into Milledgeville, thecapital of the State, whither the Twentieth Corps had preceded us;and during that day the left wing was all united, in and aroundMilledgeville. From the inhabitants we learned that some ofKilpatrick's cavalry had preceded us by a couple of days, and thatall of the right wing was at and near Gordon, twelve miles off, viz. , the place where the branch railroad came to Milledgevillefrom the Mason & Savannah road. The first stage of the journeywas, therefore, complete, and absolutely successful. 

General Howard soon reported by letter the operations of his rightwing, which, on leaving Atlanta, had substantially followed the tworoads toward Mason, by Jonesboro' and McDonough, and reached theOcmulgee at Planters' Factory, which they crossed, by the aid ofthe pontoon-train, during the 18th and 19th of November. Thence, with the Seventeenth Corps (General Blair's) he (General Howard)had marched via Monticello toward Gordon, having dispatchedKilpatrick's cavalry, supported by the Fifteenth Corps(Osterhaus's), to feign on Mason. Kilpatrick met the enemy'scavalry about four miles out of Mason, and drove them rapidly backinto the bridge-defenses held by infantry. Kilpatrick chargedthese, got inside the parapet, but could not hold it, and retiredto his infantry supports, near Griswold Station. The FifteenthCorps tore up the railroad-track eastward from Griswold, leavingCharles R. Wood's division behind as a rear-guard-one brigade ofwhich was intrenched across the road, with some of Kilpatrick'scavalry on the flanks. On the 22d of November General G. W. Smith, with a division of troops, came out of Mason, attacked this brigade(Walcutt's) in position, and was handsomely repulsed and drivenback into Mason. This brigade was in part armed with Spencerrepeating-rifles, and its fire was so rapid that General Smithinsists to this day that he encountered a whole division; but he ismistaken; he was beaten by one brigade (Walcutt's), and made nofurther effort to molest our operations from that direction. General Walcutt was wounded in the leg, and had to ride the rest ofthe distance to Savannah in a carriage. 

Therefore, by the 23d, I was in Milledgeville with the left wing, and was in full communication with the right wing at Gordon. Thepeople of Milledgeville remained at home, except the Governor(Brown), the State officers, and Legislature, who had ignominiouslyfled, in the utmost disorder and confusion; standing not on theorder of their going, but going at once--some by rail, some bycarriages, and many on foot. Some of the citizens who remainedbehind described this flight of the "brave and patriotic" GovernorBrown. He had occupied a public building known as the "Governor'sMansion, " and had hastily stripped it of carpets, curtains, andfurniture of all sorts, which were removed to a train offreight-cars, which carried away these things--even the cabbages andvegetables from his kitchen and cellar--leaving behind muskets, ammunition, and the public archives. On arrival at Milledgeville Ioccupied the same public mansion, and was soon overwhelmed withappeals for protection. General Slocum had previously arrived withthe Twentieth Corps, had taken up his quarters at the MilledgevilleHotel, established a good provost-guard, and excellent order wasmaintained. The most frantic appeals had been made by the Governorand Legislature for help from every quarter, and the people of theState had been called out en masse to resist and destroy the invadersof their homes and firesides. Even the prisoners and convicts of thepenitentiary were released on condition of serving as soldiers, andthe cadets were taken from their military college for the samepurpose. These constituted a small battalion, under General HarryWayne, a former officer of the United States Army, and son of thethen Justice Wayne of the Supreme Court. But these hastily retreatedeast across the Oconee River, leaving us a good bridge, which wepromptly secured. 

At Milledgeville we found newspapers from all the South, andlearned the consternation which had filled the Southern mind at ourtemerity; many charging that we were actually fleeing for our livesand seeking safety at the hands of our fleet on the sea-coast. Alldemanded that we should be assailed, "front, flank, and rear;" thatprovisions should be destroyed in advance, so that we would starve;that bridges should be burned, roads obstructed, and no mercy shownus. Judging from the tone of the Southern press of that day, theoutside world must have supposed us ruined and lost. I give a fewof these appeals as samples, which to-day must sound strange to theparties who made them:

Corinth, Mississippi, November 18, 1884. 

To the People of Georgia:

Arise for the defense of your native soil! Rally around yourpatriotic Governor and gallant soldiers! Obstruct and destroy allthe roads in Sherman's front, flank, and rear, and his army willsoon starve in your midst. Be confident. Be resolute. Trust in anoverruling Providence, and success will soon crown your efforts. Ihasten to join you in the defense of your homes and firesides. 

G. T. BEAUREGARD. 

RICHMOND, November 18, 1884. 

To the People of Georgia:

You have now the best opportunity ever yet presented to destroy theenemy. Put every thing at the disposal of our generals; remove allprovisions from the path of the invader, and put all obstructionsin his path. 

Every citizen with his gun, and every negro with his spade and axe, can do the work of a soldier. You can destroy the enemy byretarding his march. 

Georgians, be firm! Act promptly, and fear not!

B. H. Hill, Senator. 

I most cordially approve the above. James A. SEDDON, Secretary of War. 

Richmond, November 19, 1864. 

To the People of Georgia:

We have had a special conference with President Davis and theSecretary of War, and are able to assure you that they have doneand are still doing all that can be done to meet the emergency thatpresses upon you. Let every man fly to arms! Remove your negroes, horses, cattle, and provisions from Sherman's army, and burn whatyou cannot carry. Burn all bridges, and block up the roads in hisroute. Assail the invader in front, flank, and rear, by night andby day. Let him have no rest. 

JULIAN HARTRIDGEMARK BLANDFORD, J. H. ECHOLSGEO. N. LESTERJOHN T. SHUEMAKERJAS. M. SMITH, Members of Congress. 

Of course, we were rather amused than alarmed at these threats, andmade light of the feeble opposition offered to our progress. Someof the officers (in the spirit of mischief) gathered together inthe vacant hall of Representatives, elected a Speaker, andconstituted themselves the Legislature of the State of Georgia! Aproposition was made to repeal the ordinance of secession, whichwas well debated, and resulted in its repeal by a fair vote! I wasnot present at these frolics, but heard of them at the time, andenjoyed the joke. 

Meantime orders were made for the total destruction of the arsenaland its contents, and of such public buildings as could be easilyconverted to hostile uses. But little or no damage was done toprivate property, and General Slocum, with my approval, sparedseveral mills, and many thousands of bales of cotton, taking whathe knew to be worthless bonds, that the cotton should not be usedfor the Confederacy. Meantime the right wing continued itsmovement along the railroad toward Savannah, tearing up the trackand destroying its iron. At the Oconee was met a feeble resistancefrom Harry Wayne's troops, but soon the pontoon-bridge was laid, and that wing crossed over. Gilpatrick's cavalry was brought intoMilledgeville, and crossed the Oconee by the bridge near the town;and on the 23d I made the general orders for the next stage of themarch as far as Millen. These were, substantially, for the rightwing to follow the Savannah Railroad, by roads on its south; theleft wing was to move to Sandersville, by Davisboro' andLouisville, while the cavalry was ordered by a circuit to thenorth, and to march rapidly for Millen, to rescue our prisoners ofwar confined there. The distance was about a hundred miles. 

General Wheeler, with his division of rebel cavalry, had succeededin getting ahead of us between Milledgeville and Augusta, andGeneral P. J. Hardee had been dispatched by General Beauregard fromHood's army to oppose our progress directly in front. He had, however, brought with him no troops, but relied on his influencewith the Georgians (of whose State he was a native) to arouse thepeople, and with them to annihilate Sherman's army!

On the 24th we renewed the march, and I accompanied the TwentiethCorps, which took the direct road to Sandersville, which we reachedsimultaneously with the Fourteenth Corps, on the 26th. A brigadeof rebel cavalry was deployed before the town, and was driven inand through it by our skirmish-line. I myself saw the rebel cavalryapply fire to stacks of fodder standing in the fields atSandersville, and gave orders to burn some unoccupied dwellingsclose by. On entering the town, I told certain citizens (who wouldbe sure to spread the report) that, if the enemy attempted to carryout their threat to burn their food, corn, and fodder, in ourroute, I would most undoubtedly execute to the letter the generalorders of devastation made at the outset of the campaign. Withthis exception, and one or two minor cases near Savannah, thepeople did not destroy food, for they saw clearly that it would beruin to themselves. 

At Sandersville I halted the left wing until I heard that the rightwing was abreast of us on the railroad. During the evening a negrowas brought to me, who had that day been to the station (Tenille), about six miles south of the town. I inquired of him if there wereany Yankees there, and he answered, "Yes. " He described in his ownway what he had seen. 

"First, there come along some cavalry-men, and they burned thedepot; then come along some infantry-men, and they tore up thetrack, and burned it;" and just before he left they had "sot fireto the well. "

The next morning, viz. , the 27th, I rode down to the station, andfound General Corse's division (of the Fifteenth Corps) engaged indestroying the railroad, and saw the well which my negro informanthad seen "burnt. " It was a square pit about twenty-five feet deep, boarded up, with wooden steps leading to the bottom, wherein was afine copper pump, to lift the water to a tank above. The soldiershad broken up the pump, heaved in the steps and lining, and setfire to the mass of lumber in the bottom of the well, whichcorroborated the negro's description. 

From this point Blair's corps, the Seventeenth, took up the work ofdestroying the railroad, the Fifteenth Corps following another roadleading eastward, farther to the south of the railroad. While theleft wing was marching toward Louisville, north of the railroad, General Kilpatrick had, with his cavalry division, moved rapidlytoward Waynesboro', on the branch railroad leading from Millen toAugusta. He found Wheeler's division of rebel cavalry there, andhad considerable skirmishing with it; but, learning that ourprisoners had been removed two days before from Millen, he returnedto Louisville on the 29th, where he found the left wing. Here heremained a couple of days to rest his horses, and, receiving ordersfrom me to engage Wheeler and give him all the fighting he wanted, he procured from General Slocum the assistance of the infantrydivision of General Baird, and moved back for Waynesboro' on the 2dof December, the remainder of the left wing continuing its march ontoward Millers. Near Waynesboro' Wheeler was again encountered, and driven through the town and beyond Brier Creek, toward Augusta, thus keeping up the delusion that the main army was moving towardAugusta. General Kilpatrick's fighting and movements aboutWaynesboro' and Brier Creek were spirited, and produced a goodeffect by relieving the infantry column and the wagon-trains of allmolestation during their march on Millen. Having thus covered thatflank, he turned south and followed the movement of the FourteenthCorps to Buckhead Church, north of Millen and near it. 

On the 3d of December I entered Millen with the Seventeenth Corps(General Frank P. Blair), and there paused one day, to communicatewith all parts of the army. General Howard was south of theOgeechee River, with the Fifteenth Corps, opposite Scarboro'. General Slocum was at Buckhead Church, four miles north of Millen, with the Twentieth Corps. The Fourteenth (General Davis) was atLumpkin's Station, on the Augusta road, about ten miles north ofMillen, and the cavalry division was within easy support of thiswing. Thus the whole army was in good position and in goodcondition. We had largely subsisted on the country; our wagonswere full of forage and provisions; but, as we approached thesea-coast, the country became more sandy and barren, and foodbecame more scarce; still, with little or no loss, we had traveledtwo-thirds of our distance, and I concluded to push on forSavannah. At Millen I learned that General Bragg was in Augusta, and that General Wade Hampton had been ordered there from Richmond, to organize a large cavalry force with which to resist ourprogress. 

General Hardee was ahead, between us and Savannah, with McLaw'sdivision, and other irregular troops, that could not, I feltassured, exceed ten thousand men. I caused the fine depot atMillen to be destroyed, and other damage done, and then resumed themarch directly on Savannah, by the four main roads. The SeventeenthCorps (General Blair) followed substantially the railroad, and, along with it, on the 5th of December, I reached OgeecheeChurch, about fifty miles from Savannah, and found there freshearthworks, which had been thrown up by McLaw's division; but hemust have seen that both his flanks were being turned, andprudently retreated to Savannah without a fight. All the columnsthen pursued leisurely their march toward Savannah, corn and foragebecoming more and more scarce, but rice-fields beginning to occuralong the Savannah and Ogeechee Rivers, which proved a goodsubstitute, both as food and forage. The weather was fine, theroads good, and every thing seemed to favor us. Never do I recalla more agreeable sensation than the sight of our camps by night, lit up by the fires of fragrant pine-knots. The trains were all ingood order, and the men seemed to march their fifteen miles a dayas though it were nothing. No enemy opposed us, and we could onlyoccasionally hear the faint reverberation of a gun to our leftrear, where we knew that General Kilpatrick was skirmishing withWheeler's cavalry, which persistently followed him. But theinfantry columns had met with no opposition whatsoever. McLaw'sdivision was falling back before us, and we occasionally picked upa few of his men as prisoners, who insisted that we would meet withstrong opposition at Savannah. 

On the 8th, as I rode along, I found the column turned out of themain road, marching through the fields. Close by, in the corner ofa fence, was a group of men standing around a handsome youngofficer, whose foot had been blown to pieces by a torpedo plantedin the road. He was waiting for a surgeon to amputate his leg, andtold me that he was riding along with the rest of his brigade-staffof the Seventeenth Corps, when a torpedo trodden on by his horsehad exploded, killing the horse and literally blowing off all theflesh from one of his legs. I saw the terrible wound, and madefull inquiry into the facts. There had been no resistance at thatpoint, nothing to give warning of danger, and the rebels hadplanted eight-inch shells in the road, with friction-matches toexplode them by being trodden on. This was not war, but murder, and it made me very angry. I immediately ordered a lot of rebelprisoners to be brought from the provost-guard, armed with picksand spades, and made them march in close order along the road, soas to explode their own torpedoes, or to discover and dig them up. They begged hard, but I reiterated the order, and could hardly helplaughing at their stepping so gingerly along the road, where it wassupposed sunken torpedoes might explode at each step, but theyfound no other torpedoes till near Fort McAllister. That night wereached Pooler's Station, eight miles from Savannah, and during thenext two days, December 9th and 10th, the several corps reached thedefenses of Savannah--the Fourteenth Corps on the left, touchingthe river; the Twentieth Corps next; then the Seventeenth; and theFifteenth on the extreme right; thus completely investing the city. Wishing to reconnoitre the place in person, I rode forward by theLouisville road, into a dense wood of oak, pine, and cypress, leftthe horses, and walked down to the railroad-track, at a place wherethere was a side-track, and a cut about four feet deep. From thatpoint the railroad was straight, leading into Savannah, and abouteight hundred yards off were a rebel parapet and battery. I couldsee the cannoneers preparing to fire, and cautioned the officersnear me to scatter, as we would likely attract a shot. Very soon Isaw the white puff of smoke, and, watching close, caught sight ofthe ball as it rose in its flight, and, finding it coming prettystraight, I stepped a short distance to one side, but noticed anegro very near me in the act of crossing the track at rightangles. Some one called to him to look out; but, before the poorfellow understood his danger, the ball (a thirty-two-pound roundshot) struck the ground, and rose in its first ricochet, caught thenegro under the right jaw, and literally carried away his head, scattering blood and brains about. A soldier close by spread anovercoat over the body, and we all concluded to get out of thatrailroad-cut. Meantime, General Mower's division of the SeventeenthCorps had crossed the canal to the right of the Louisvilleroad, and had found the line of parapet continuous; so at Savannahwe had again run up against the old familiar parapet, with its deepditches, canals, and bayous, full of water; and it looked as thoughanother siege was inevitable. I accordingly made a camp or bivouacnear the Louisville road, about five miles from Savannah, andproceeded to invest the place closely, pushing forwardreconnoissances at every available point. 

As soon as it was demonstrated that Savannah was well fortified, with a good garrison, commanded by General William J. Hardee, acompetent soldier, I saw that the first step was to opencommunication with our fleet, supposed to be waiting for us withsupplies and clothing in Ossabaw Sound. 

General Howard had, some nights previously, sent one of his bestscouts, Captain Duncan, with two men, in a canoe, to drift pastFort McAllister, and to convey to the fleet a knowledge of ourapproach. General Kilpatrick's cavalry had also been transferredto the south bank of the Ogeechee, with orders to opencommunication with the fleet. Leaving orders with General Slocumto press the siege, I instructed General Howard to send a divisionwith all his engineers to Grog's Bridge, fourteen and a half milessouthwest from Savannah, to rebuild it. On the evening of the 12thI rode over myself, and spent the night at Mr. King's house, whereI found General Howard, with General Hazen's division of theFifteenth Corps. His engineers were hard at work on the bridge, which they finished that night, and at sunrise Hazen's divisionpassed over. I gave General Hazen, in person, his orders to marchrapidly down the right bank of the Ogeechee, and without hesitationto assault and carry Fort McAllister by storm. I knew it to bestrong in heavy artillery, as against an approach from the sea, butbelieved it open and weak to the rear. I explained to GeneralHazen, fully, that on his action depended the safety of the wholearmy, and the success of the campaign. Kilpatrick had already feltthe fort, and had gone farther down the coast to Kilkenny Bluff, orSt. Catharine's Sound, where, on the same day, he had communicationwith a vessel belonging to the blockading fleet; but, at the time, I was not aware of this fact, and trusted entirely to General Hazenand his division of infantry, the Second of the Fifteenth Corps, the same old division which I had commanded at Shiloh andVicksburg, in which I felt a special pride and confidence. 

Having seen General Hazen fairly off, accompanied by GeneralHoward, I rode with my staff down the left bank of the Ogeechee, ten miles to the rice-plantation of a Mr. Cheevea, where GeneralHoward had established a signal-station to overlook the lowerriver, and to watch for any vessel of the blockading squadron, which the negroes reported to be expecting us, because they nightlysent up rockets, and daily dispatched a steamboat up the Ogeecheeas near to Fort McAllister as it was safe. 

On reaching the rice-mill at Cheevea's, I found a guard and acouple of twenty-pound Parrott gone, of De Gres's battery, whichfired an occasional shot toward Fort McAllister, plainly seen overthe salt-marsh, about three miles distant. Fort McAllister had therebel flag flying, and occasionally sent a heavy shot back acrossthe marsh to where we were, but otherwise every thing about theplace looked as peaceable and quiet as on the Sabbath. 

The signal-officer had built a platform on the ridge-pole ofthe rice-mill. Leaving our horses behind the stacks of rice-straw, we all got on the roof of a shed attached to the mill, wherefrom Icould communicate with the signal-officer above, and at the sametime look out toward Ossabaw Sound, and across the Ogeechee Riverat Fort McAllister. About 2 p. M. We observed signs of commotionin the fort, and noticed one or two guns fired inland, and somemusket-skirmishing in the woods close by. 

This betokened the approach of Hazen's division, which had beenanxiously expected, and soon thereafter the signal-officerdiscovered about three miles above the fort a signal-flag, withwhich he conversed, and found it to belong to General Hazen, whowas preparing to assault the fort, and wanted to know if I werethere. On being assured of this fact, and that I expected the fortto be carried before night, I received by signal the assurance ofGeneral Hazen that he was making his preparations, and would soonattempt the assault. The sun was rapidly declining, and I wasdreadfully impatient. At that very moment some one discovered afaint cloud of smoke, and an object gliding, as it were, along thehorizon above the tops of the sedge toward the sea, which little bylittle grew till it was pronounced to be the smoke-stack of asteamer coming up the river. "It must be one of our squadron!"Soon the flag of the United States was plainly visible, and ourattention was divided between this approaching steamer and theexpected assault. When the sun was about an hour high, anothersignal-message came from General Hazen that he was all ready, and Ireplied to go ahead, as a friendly steamer was approaching frombelow. Soon we made out a group of officers on the deck of thisvessel, signaling with a flag, "Who are you!" The answer went backpromptly, "General Sherman. " Then followed the question, "Is FortMcAllister taken?" "Not yet, but it will be in a minute!" Almostat that instant of time, we saw Hazen's troops come out of the darkfringe of woods that encompassed the fort, the lines dressed as onparade, with colors flying, and moving forward with a quick, steadypace. Fort McAllister was then all alive, its big guns belchingforth dense clouds of smoke, which soon enveloped our assaultinglines. One color went down, but was up in a moment. On the linesadvanced, faintly seen in the white, sulphurous smoke; there was apause, a cessation of fire; the smoke cleared away, and theparapets were blue with our men, who fired their muskets in theair, and shouted so that we actually heard them, or felt that wedid. Fort McAllister was taken, and the good news was instantlysent by the signal-officer to our navy friends on the approachinggunboat, for a point of timber had shut out Fort McAllister fromtheir view, and they had not seen the action at all, but must haveheard the cannonading. 

During the progress of the assault, our little group on Cheeves'smill hardly breathed; but no sooner did we see our flags on theparapet than I exclaimed, in the language of the poor negro atCobb's plantation, "This nigger will have no sleep this night!"

I was resolved to communicate with our fleet that night, whichhappened to be a beautiful moonlight one. At the wharf belongingto Cheeves's mill was a small skiff, that had been used by our menin fishing or in gathering oysters. I was there in a minute, called for a volunteer crew, when several young officers, Nicholsand Merritt among the number; said they were good oarsmen, andvolunteered to pull the boat down to Fort McAllister. GeneralHoward asked to accompany me; so we took seats in the stern of theboat, and our crew of officers pulled out with a will. The tidewas setting in strong, and they had a hard pull, for, though thedistance was but three miles in an air-line, the river was socrooked that the actual distance was fully six miles. On the waydown we passed the wreck of a steamer which had been sunk someyears before, during a naval attack on Fort McAllister. 

Night had fairly set in when we discovered a soldier on the beach. I hailed him, and inquired if he knew where General Hazen was. Heanswered that the general was at the house of the overseer of theplantation (McAllister's), and that he could guide me to it. Weaccordingly landed, tied our boat to a driftlog, and followed ourguide through bushes to a frame-house, standing in a grove oflive-oaks, near a row of negro quarters. 

General Hazen was there with his staff, in the act of gettingsupper; he invited us to join them, which we accepted promptly, forwe were really very hungry. Of course, I congratulated Hazen mostheartily on his brilliant success, and praised its execution veryhighly, as it deserved, and he explained to me more in detail theexact results. The fort was an inclosed work, and its land-frontwas in the nature of a bastion and curtains, with good parapet, ditch, fraise, and chevaux-de-frise, made out of the large branchesof live-oaks. Luckily, the rebels had left the larger and unwieldytrunks on the ground, which served as a good cover for theskirmish-line, which crept behind these logs, and from them keptthe artillerists from loading and firing their guns accurately. 

The assault had been made by three parties in line, one from below, one from above the fort, and the third directly in rear, along thecapital. All were simultaneous, and had to pass a good abatis andline of torpedoes, which actually killed more of the assailantsthan the heavy guns of the fort, which generally overshot the mark. Hazen's entire loss was reported, killed and wounded, ninety-two. Each party reached the parapet about the same time, and thegarrison inside, of about two hundred and fifty men (about fifty ofthem killed or wounded), were in his power. The commandingofficer, Major Anderson, was at that moment a prisoner, andGeneral Hazen invited him in to take supper with us, which he did. 

Up to this time General Hazen did not know that a gunboat was inthe river below the fort; for it was shut off from sight by a pointof timber, and I was determined to board her that night, atwhatever risk or cost, as I wanted some news of what was going onin the outer world. Accordingly, after supper, we all walked downto the fort, nearly a mile from the house where we had been, entered Fort McAllister, held by a regiment of Hazen's troops, andthe sentinel cautioned us to be very careful, as the ground outsidethe fort was full of torpedoes. Indeed, while we were there, atorpedo exploded, tearing to pieces a poor fellow who was huntingfor a dead comrade. Inside the fort lay the dead as they hadfallen, and they could hardly be distinguished from their livingcomrades, sleeping soundly side by side in the pale moonlight. Inthe river, close by the fort, was a good yawl tied to a stake, butthe tide was high, and it required some time to get it in to thebank; the commanding officer, whose name I cannot recall, mannedthe boat with a good crew of his men, and, with General Howard, Ientered, and pulled down-stream, regardless of the warnings allabout the torpedoes. 

The night was unusually bright, and we expected to find the gunboatwithin a mile or so; but, after pulling down the river fully threemiles, and not seeing the gunboat, I began to think she had turnedand gone back to the sound; but we kept on, following the bends ofthe river, and about six miles below McAllister we saw her light, and soon were hailed by the vessel at anchor. Pulling alongside, we announced ourselves, and were received with great warmth andenthusiasm on deck by half a dozen naval officers, among themCaptain Williamson, United States Navy. She proved to be theDandelion, a tender of the regular gunboat Flag, posted at themouth of the Ogeechee. All sorts of questions were made andanswered, and we learned that Captain Duncan had safely reached thesquadron, had communicated the good news of our approach, and theyhad been expecting us for some days. They explained that AdmiralDahlgren commanded the South-Atlantic Squadron, which was thenengaged in blockading the coast from Charleston south, and was onhis flag-ship, the Harvest Moon, lying in Wassaw Sound; thatGeneral J. G. Foster was in command of the Department of the South, with his headquarters at Hilton Head; and that several ships loadedwith stores for the army were lying in Tybee Roads and in PortRoyal Sound. From these officers I also learned that General Grantwas still besieging Petersburg and Richmond, and that matters andthings generally remained pretty much the same as when we had leftAtlanta. All thoughts seemed to have been turned to us in Georgia, cut off from all communication with our friends; and the rebelpapers had reported us to be harassed, defeated, starving, andfleeing for safety to the coast. I then asked for pen and paper, and wrote several hasty notes to General Foster, Admiral Dahlgren, General Grant, and the Secretary of War, giving in general termsthe actual state of affairs, the fact of the capture of FortMcAllister, and of my desire that means should be taken toestablish a line of supply from the vessels in port up the Ogeecheeto the rear of the army. As a sample, I give one of these notes, addressed to the Secretary of War, intended for publication torelieve the anxiety of our friends at the North generally:

ON BOARD DANDELION, OSSABAW SOUND, December 13, 1864--11. 50 p. M. 

To Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. :

To-day, at 6 p. M. , General Hazen's division of the Fifteenth Corpscarried Fort McAllister by assault, capturing its entire garrisonand stores. This opened to us Ossabaw Sound, and I pushed down tothis gunboat to communicate with the fleet. Before openingcommunication we had completely destroyed all the railroads leadinginto Savannah, and invested the city. The left of the army is onthe Savannah River three miles above the city, and the right on theOgeechee, at King's Bridge. The army is in splendid order, andequal to any thing. The weather has been fine, and supplies wereabundant. Our march was most agreeable, and we were not at allmolested by guerrillas. 

We reached Savannah three days ago, but, owing to Fort McAllister, could not communicate; but, now that we have McAllister, we can goahead. 

We have already captured two boats on the Savannah river andprevented their gunboats from coming down. 

I estimate the population of Savannah at twenty-five thousand, andthe garrison at fifteen thousand. General Hardee commands. 

We have not lost a wagon on the trip; but have gathered a largesupply of negroes, mules, horses, etc. , and our teams are in farbetter condition than when we started. 

My first duty will be to clear the army of surplus negroes, mules, and horses. We have utterly destroyed over two hundred miles ofrails, and consumed stores and provisions that were essential toLee's and Hood's armies. 

The quick work made with McAllister, the opening of communicationwith our fleet, and our consequent independence as to supplies, dissipate all their boasted threats to head us off and starve thearmy. 

I regard Savannah as already gained. Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

By this time the night was well advanced, and the tide was runningebb-strong; so I asked. Captain Williamson to tow us up as nearFort McAllister as he would venture for the torpedoes, of which thenavy-officers had a wholesome dread. The Dandelion steamed up somethree or four miles, till the lights of Fort McAllister could beseen, when she anchored, and we pulled to the fort in our own boat. General Howard and I then walked up to the McAllister House, wherewe found General Hazen and his officers asleep on the floor of oneof the rooms. Lying down on the floor, I was soon fast asleep, butshortly became conscious that some one in the room was inquiringfor me among the sleepers. Calling out, I was told that an officerof General Fosters staff had just arrived from a steamboat anchoredbelow McAllister; that the general was extremely anxious to see meon important business, but that he was lame from an old Mexican-Warwound, and could not possibly come to me. I was extremely wearyfrom the incessant labor of the day and night before, but got up, and again walked down the sandy road to McAllister, where I found aboat awaiting us, which carried us some three miles down the river, to the steamer W. W. Coit (I think), on board of which we foundGeneral Foster. He had just come from Port Royal, expecting tofind Admiral Dahlgren in Ossabaw Sound, and, hearing of the captureof Fort McAllister, he had come up to see me. He described fullythe condition of affairs with his own command in South Carolina. He had made several serious efforts to effect a lodgment on therailroad which connects Savannah with Charleston near Pocotaligo, but had not succeeded in reaching the railroad itself, though hehad a full division of troops, strongly intrenched, near BroadRiver, within cannon-range of the railroad. He explained, moreover, that there were at Port Royal abundant supplies of breadand provisions, as well as of clothing, designed for our use. Westill had in our wagons and in camp abundance of meat, but weneeded bread, sugar, and coffee, and it was all-important that aroute of supply should at once be opened, for which purpose theassistance of the navy were indispensable. We accordinglysteamed down the Ogeechee River to Ossabaw Sound, in hopes to meetAdmiral Dahlgren, but he was not there, and we continued on by theinland channel to Warsaw Sound, where we found the Harvest Moon, and Admiral Dahlgren. I was not personally acquainted with him atthe time, but he was so extremely kind and courteous that I was atonce attracted to him. There was nothing in his power, he said, which he would not do to assist us, to make our campaign absolutelysuccessful. He undertook at once to find vessels of light draughtto carry our supplies from Port Royal to Cheeves's Mill, or toGrog's Bridge above, whence they could be hauled by wagons to ourseveral camps; he offered to return with me to Fort McAllister, tosuperintend the removal of the torpedoes, and to relieve me of allthe details of this most difficult work. General Foster thenconcluded to go on to Port Royal, to send back to us six hundredthousand rations, and all the rifled guns of heavy calibre, andammunition on hand, with which I thought we could reach the city ofSavannah, from the positions already secured. Admiral Dahlgrenthen returned with me in the Harvest Moon to Fort McAllister. Thisconsumed all of the 14th of December; and by the 15th I had againreached Cheeves's Mill, where my horse awaited me, and rode on toGeneral Howard's headquarters at Anderson's plantation, on theplank-road, about eight miles back of Savannah. I reached thisplace about noon, and immediately sent orders to my ownhead-quarters, on the Louisville road, to have them brought over tothe plank-road, as a place more central and convenient; gave writtennotice to Generals Slocum and Howard of all the steps taken, andordered them to get ready to receive the siege-guns, to put them inposition to bombard Savannah, and to prepare for the general assault. The country back of Savannah is very low, and intersected withinnumerable saltwater creeks, swamps, and rice-fields. Fortunatelythe weather was good and the roads were passable, but, should thewinter rains set in, I knew that we would be much embarrassed. Therefore, heavy details of men were at once put to work to prepare awharf and depot at Grog's Bridge, and the roads leading thereto werecorduroyed in advance. The Ogeechee Canal was also cleared out foruse; and boats, such as were common on the river plantations, werecollected, in which to float stores from our proposed base on theOgeechee to the points most convenient to the several camps. 

Slocum's wing extended from the Savannah River to the canal, andHoward's wing from the canal to the extreme right, along down theLittle Ogeechee. The enemy occupied not only the city itself, withits long line of outer works, but the many forts which had beenbuilt to guard the approaches from the sea-such as at Beaulieu, Rosedew, White Bluff, Bonaventura, Thunderbolt, Cansten's Bluff, Forts Tatnall, Boggs, etc. , etc. I knew that General Hardee couldnot have a garrison strong enough for all these purposes, and I wastherefore anxious to break his lines before he could receivereenforcements from Virginia or Augusta. General Slocum hadalready captured a couple of steamboats trying to pass down theSavannah River from Augusta, and had established some of his men onArgyle and Hutchinson Islands above the city, and wanted totransfer a whole corps to the South Carolina bank; but, as theenemy had iron-clad gunboats in the river, I did not deem itprudent, because the same result could be better accomplished fromGeneral Fosters position at Broad River. 

Fort McAllister was captured as described, late in the evening ofDecember 13th, and by the 16th many steamboats had passed up ashigh as King's Bridge; among them one which General Grant haddispatched with the mails for the army, which had accumulated sinceour departure from Atlanta, under charge of Colonel A. H. Markland. These mails were most welcome to all the officers and soldiers ofthe army, which had been cut off from friends and the world for twomonths, and this prompt receipt of letters from home had anexcellent effect, making us feel that home was near. By thisvessel also came Lieutenant Dune, aide-de-camp, with the followingletter of December 3d, from General Grant, and on the next dayColonel Babcock, United States Engineers, arrived with the letterof December 6th, both of which are in General Grant's ownhandwriting, and are given entire:

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, December 3, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Armies near Savannah, Georgia. 

GENERAL: The little information gleaned from the Southern pressindicating no great obstacle to your progress, I have directed yourmails (which had been previously collected in Baltimore by ColonelMarkland, special-agent of the Post-Office Department) to be sentas far as the blockading squadron off Savannah, to be forwarded toyou as soon as heard from on the coast. 

Not liking to rejoice before the victory is assured, I abstain fromcongratulating you and those under your command, until bottom hasbeen struck. I have never had a fear, however, for the result. 

Since you left Atlanta no very great progress has been made here. The enemy has been closely watched, though, and prevented fromdetaching against you. I think not one man has gone from here, except some twelve or fifteen hundred dismounted cavalry. Bragghas gone from Wilmington. I am trying to take advantage of hisabsence to get possession of that place. Owing to somepreparations Admiral Porter and General Butler are making to blowup Fort Fisher (which, while hoping for the best, I do not believea particle in), there is a delay in getting this expedition off. Ihope they will be ready to start by the 7th, and that Bragg willnot have started back by that time. 

In this letter I do not intend to give you any thing likedirections for future action, but will state a general idea I have, and will get your views after you have established yourself on thesea-coast. With your veteran army I hope to get control of the onlytwo through routes from east to west possessed by the enemy beforethe fall of Atlanta. The condition will be filled by holdingSavannah and Augusta, or by holding any other port to the east ofSavannah and Branchville. If Wilmington falls, a force from therecan cooperate with you. 

Thomas has got back into the defenses of Nashville, with Hood closeupon him. Decatur has been abandoned, and so have all the roads, except the main one leading to Chattanooga. Part of this fallingback was undoubtedly necessary, and all of it may have been. Itdid not look so, however, to me. In my opinion, Thomas faroutnumbers Hood in infantry. In cavalry Hood has the advantage inmorale and numbers. I hope yet that Hood will be badly crippled, if not destroyed. The general news you will learn from the papersbetter than I can give it. 

After all becomes quiet, and roads become so bad up here that thereis likely to be a week or two when nothing can be done, I will rundown the coast to see you. If you desire it, I will ask Mrs. Sherman to go with me. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES. CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, December 6, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi

GENERAL: On reflection since sending my letter by the hands ofLieutenant Dunn, I have concluded that the most important operationtoward closing out the rebellion will be to close out Lee and hisarmy. 

You have now destroyed the roads of the South so that it willprobably take them three months without interruption to reestablisha through line from east to west. In that time I think the job herewill be effectually completed. 

My idea now is that you establish a base on the sea-coast, fortifyand leave in it all your artillery and cavalry, and enough infantryto protect them, and at the same time so threaten the interior thatthe militia of the South will have to be kept at home. With thebalance of your command come here by water with all dispatch. Select yourself the officer to leave in command, but you I want inperson. Unless you see objections to this plan which I cannot see, use every vessel going to you for purposes of transportation. 

Hood has Thomas close in Nashville. I have said all I can to forcehim to attack, without giving the positive order until to-day. To-day, however, I could stand it no longer, and gave the orderwithout any reserve. I think the battle will take place to-morrow. The result will probably be known in New York before ColonelBabcock (the bearer of this) will leave it. Colonel Babcock willgive you full information of all operations now in progress. Very respectfully your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

The contents of these letters gave me great uneasiness, for I hadset my heart on the capture of Savannah, which I believed to bepracticable, and to be near; for me to embark for Virginia by seawas so complete a change from what I had supposed would be thecourse of events that I was very much concerned. I supposed, as amatter of course, that a fleet of vessels would soon pour in, readyto convey the army to Virginia, and as General Grant's orderscontemplated my leaving the cavalry, trains, and artillery, behind, I judged Fort McAllister to be the best place for the purpose, andsent my chief-engineer, Colonel Poe, to that fort, to reconnoitrethe ground, and to prepare it so as to make a fortified camp largeenough to accommodate the vast herd of mules and horses that wouldthus be left behind. And as some time might be required to collectthe necessary shipping, which I estimated at little less than ahundred steamers and sailing-vessels, I determined to pushoperations, in hopes to secure the city of Savannah before thenecessary fleet could be available. All these ideas are given inmy answer to General Grant's letters (dated December 16, 1864)herewith, which is a little more full than the one printed in thereport of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, because in thatcopy I omitted the matter concerning General Thomas, which now needno longer be withheld:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, December 16, 1864. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commander-in-Chief, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: I received, day before yesterday, at the hands ofLieutenant Dunn, your letter of December 8d, and last night, at thehands of Colonel Babcock, that of December 6th. I had previouslymade you a hasty scrawl from the tugboat Dandelion, in OgeecheeRiver, advising you that the army had reached the sea-coast, destroying all the railroads across the State of Georgia, investingclosely the city of Savannah, and had made connection with thefleet. 

Since writing that note, I have in person met and conferred withGeneral Foster and Admiral Dahlgren, and made all the arrangementswhich were deemed essential for reducing the city of Savannah toour possession. But, since the receipt of yours of the 6th, I haveinitiated measures looking principally to coming to you with fiftyor Sixty thousand infantry, and incidentally to capture Savannah, if time will allow. 

At the time we carried Fort McAllister by assault so handsomely, with its twenty-two guns and entire garrison, I was hardly awareof its importance; but, since passing down the river with GeneralFoster and up with Admiral Dahlgren, I realize how admirablyadapted are Ossabaw Sound and Ogeechee River to supply an armyoperating against Savannah. Seagoing vessels can easily come toKing's Bridge, a point on Ogeechee River, fourteen and a half milesdue west of Savannah, from which point we have roads leading to allour camps. The country is low and sandy, and cut up with marshes, which in wet weather will be very bad, but we have been so favoredwith weather that they are all now comparatively good, and heavydetails are constantly employed in double-corduroying the marshes, so that I have no fears even of bad weather. Fortunately, also, byliberal and judicious foraging, we reached the sea-coast abundantlysupplied with forage and provisions, needing nothing on arrivalexcept bread. Of this we started from Atlanta, with from eight totwenty days' supply per corps and some of the troops only had oneday's issue of bread during the trip of thirty days; yet they didnot want, for sweet-potatoes were very abundant, as well ascorn-meal, and our soldiers took to them naturally. We startedwith about five thousand head of cattle, and arrived with over tenthousand, of course consuming mostly turkeys, chickens, sheep, hogs, and the cattle of the country. As to our mules and horses, we left Atlanta with about twenty-five hundred wagons, many ofwhich were drawn by mules which had not recovered from theChattanooga starvation, all of which were replaced, the poor mulesshot, and our transportation is now in superb condition. I have nodoubt the State of Georgia has lost, by our operations, fifteenthousand first-rate mules. As to horses, Kilpatrick collected allhis remounts, and it looks to me, in riding along ourcolumns, as though every officer had three or four led horses, andeach regiment seems to be followed by at least fifty negroes andfoot-sore soldiers, riding on horses and mules. The custom was foreach brigade to send out daily a foraging-party of about fifty men, on foot, who invariably returned mounted, with several wagonsloaded with poultry, potatoes, etc. , and as the army is composed ofabout forty brigades, you can estimate approximately the number ofhorses collected. Great numbers of these were shot by my order, because of the disorganizing effect on our infantry of having toomany idlers mounted. General Euston is now engaged in collectingstatistics on this subject, but I know the Government will neverreceive full accounts of our captures, although the result aimed atwas fully attained, viz. , to deprive our enemy of them. All theseanimals I will have sent to Port Royal, or collected behind FortMcAllister, to be used by General Saxton in his farming operations, or by the Quartermaster's Department, after they are systematicallyaccounted for. While General Easton is collecting transportationfor my troops to James River, I will throw to Port Royal Island allour means of transportation I can, and collect the rest near FortMcAllister, covered by the Ogeeehee River and intrenchments to beerected, and for which Captain Poe, my chief-engineer, is nowreconnoitring the ground, but in the mean time will act as I havebegun, as though the city of Savannah were my objective: namely, the troops will continue to invest Savannah closely, making attacksand feints wherever we have fair ground to stand upon, and I willplace some thirty-pound Parrotts, which I have got from GeneralFoster, in position, near enough to reach the centre of the city, and then will demand its surrender. If General Hardee is alarmed, or fears starvation, he may surrender; otherwise I will bombard thecity, but not risk the lives of our men by assaults across thenarrow causeways, by which alone I can now reach it. 

If I had time, Savannah, with all its dependent fortifications, would surely fall into our possession, for we hold all its avenuesof supply. 

The enemy has made two desperate efforts to get boats from above tothe city, in both of which he has been foiled-General Slocum (whoseleft flank rests on the river) capturing and burning the firstboat, and in the second instance driving back two gunboats andcapturing the steamer Resolute, with seven naval officers and acrew of twenty-five seamen. General Slocum occupies Argyle Islandand the upper end of Hutchinson Inland, and has a brigade on theSouth Carolina shore opposite, and is very urgent to pass one ofhis corps over to that shore. But, in view of the change of planmade necessary by your order of the 6th, I will maintain things instatu quo till I have got all my transportation to the rear and outof the way, and until I have sea-transportation for the troops yourequire at James River, which I will accompany and command inperson. Of course, I will leave Kilpatrick, with his cavalry (sayfive thousand three hundred), and, it may be, a division of theFifteenth Corps; but, before determining on this, I must seeGeneral Foster, and may arrange to shift his force (now over abovethe Charleston Railroad, at the head of Broad River) to theOgeeohee, where, in cooperation with Kilpatrick's cavalry, he canbetter threaten the State of Georgia than from the direction ofPort Royal. Besides, I would much prefer not to detach from myregular corps any of its veteran divisions, and would even preferthat other less valuable troops should be sent to reenforce Fosterfrom some other quarter. My four corps, full of experience andfull of ardor, coming to you en masse, equal to sixty thousandfighting men, will be a reenforcement that Lee cannot disregard. Indeed, with my present command, I had expected, after reducingSavannah, instantly to march to Columbia, South Carolina; thence toRaleigh, and thence to report to you. But this would consume, itmay be, six weeks' time after the fall of Savannah; whereas, bysea, I can probably reach you with my men and arms before themiddle of January. 

I myself am somewhat astonished at the attitude of things inTennessee. I purposely delayed at Kingston until General Thomasassured me that he was all ready, and my last dispatch from him ofthe 12th of November was full of confidence, in which he promisedme that he would ruin Hood if he dared to advance from Florence, urging me to go ahead, and give myself no concern about Hood's armyin Tennessee. 

Why he did not turn on him at Franklin, after checking anddiscomfiting him, surpasses my understanding. Indeed, I do notapprove of his evacuating Decatur, but think he should have assumedthe offensive against Hood from Pulaski, in the direction ofWaynesburg. I know full well that General Thomas is slow in mind and in action;but he is judicious and brave and the troops feel great confidencein him. I still hope he will out-manoeuvre and destroy Hood. 

As to matters in the Southeast, I think Hardee, in Savannah, hasgood artillerists, some five or six thousand good infantry, and, it may be, a mongrel mass of eight to ten thousand militia. In allour marching through Georgia, he has not forced us to use any thingbut a skirmish-line, though at several points he had erectedfortifications and tried to alarm us by bombastic threats. InSavannah he has taken refuge in a line constructed behind swampsand overflowed rice-fields, extending from a point on the SavannahRiver about three miles above the city, around by a branch of theLittle Ogeechee, which stream is impassable from its salt-marshesand boggy swamps, crossed only by narrow causeways or commoncorduroy-roads. 

There must be twenty-five thousand citizens, men, women, andchildren, in Savannah, that must also be fed, and how he is to feedthem beyond a few days I cannot imagine. I know that hisrequisitions for corn on the interior counties were not filled, andwe are in possession of the rice-fields and mills, which couldalone be of service to him in this neighborhood. He can drawnothing from South Carolina, save from a small corner down in thesoutheast, and that by a disused wagon-road. I could easily getpossession of this, but hardly deem it worth the risk of making adetachment, which would be in danger by its isolation from the mainarmy. Our whole army is in fine condition as to health, and theweather is splendid. For that reason alone I feel a personaldislike to turning northward. I will keep Lieutenant Dunn hereuntil I know the result of my demand for the surrender of Savannah, but, whether successful or not, shall not delay my execution ofyour order of the 6th, which will depend alone upon the time itwill require to obtain transportation by sea. 

I am, with respect, etc. , your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General United States Army. 

Having concluded all needful preparations, I rode from myheadquarters, on the plank-road, over to General Slocum'sheadquarters, on the Macon road, and thence dispatched (by flag oftruce) into Savannah, by the hands of Colonel Ewing, inspector-general, a demand for the surrender of the place. Thefollowing letters give the result. General Hardee refused tosurrender, and I then resolved to make the attempt to break hisline of defense at several places, trusting that some one wouldsucceed. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, December 17, 1864. 

General WILLIAM J. HARDEE, commanding Confederate Forces inSavannah. 

GENERAL: You have doubtless observed, from your station at Rosedewthat sea-going vessels now come through Ossabaw Sound and up theOgeechee to the rear of my army, giving me abundant supplies of allkinds, and more especially heavy ordnance necessary for thereduction of Savannah. I have already received guns that can castheavy and destructive shot as far as the heart of your city; also, I have for some days held and controlled every avenue by which thepeople and garrison of Savannah can be supplied, and I am thereforejustified in demanding the surrender of the city of Savannah, andits dependent forts, and shall wait a reasonable time for youranswer, before opening with heavy ordnance. Should you entertainthe proposition, I am prepared to grant liberal terms to theinhabitants and garrison; but should I be forced to resort toassault, or the slower and surer process of starvation, I shallthen feel justified in resorting to the harshest measures, andshall make little effort to restrain my army--burning to avenge thenational wrong which they attach to Savannah and other large citieswhich have been so prominent in dragging our country into civilwar. I inclose you a copy of General Hood's demand for thesurrender of the town of Resaoa, to be used by you for what it isworth. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT SOUTH CAROLINA, GEORGIA AND FLORIDASAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 17, 1864

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Federal Forces nearSavannah, Georgia. 

GENERAL: I have to acknowledge the receipt of a communication fromyou of this date, in which you demand "the surrender of Savannahand its dependent forts, " on the ground that you "have receivedguns that can cast heavy and destructive shot into the heart of thecity, " and for the further reason that you "have, for some days, held and controlled every avenue by which the people and garrisoncan be supplied. " You add that, should you be "forced to resort toassault, or to the slower and surer process of starvation, you willthen feel justified in resorting to the harshest measures, and willmake little effort to restrain your army, " etc. , etc. The positionof your forces (a half-mile beyond the outer line for theland-defense of Savannah) is, at the nearest point, at least fourmiles from the heart of the city. That and the interior line areboth intact. 

Your statement that you have, for some days, held and controlledevery avenue by which the people and garrison can be supplied, isincorrect. I am in free and constant communication with mydepartment. 

Your demand for the surrender of Savannah and its dependent fortsis refused. 

With respect to the threats conveyed in the closing paragraphs ofyour letter (of what may be expected in case your demand is notcomplied with), I have to say that I have hitherto conducted themilitary operations intrusted to my direction in strict accordancewith the rules of civilized warfare, and I should deeply regret theadoption of any course by you that may force me to deviate fromthem in future. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, yourobedient servant, W. J. HARDEE, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, December 18, 1864 8 p. M. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: I wrote you at length (by Colonel Babcock) on the 16thinstant. As I therein explained my purpose, yesterday I made ademand on General Hardee for the surrender of the city of Savannah, and to-day received his answer--refusing; copies of both lettersare herewith inclosed. You will notice that I claim that my linesare within easy cannon-range of the heart of Savannah; but GeneralHardee asserts that we are four and a half miles distant. But Imyself have been to the intersection of the Charleston and GeorgiaCentral Railroads, and the three-mile post is but a few yardsbeyond, within the line of our pickets. The enemy has no picketsoutside of his fortified line (which is a full quarter of a milewithin the three-mile post), and I have the evidence of Mr. R. R. Cuyler, President of the Georgia Central Railroad (who was aprisoner in our hands), that the mile-posts are measured from theExchange, which is but two squares back from the river. Byto-morrow morning I will have six thirty-pound Parrotts inposition, and General Hardee will learn whether I am right or not. From the left of our line, which is on the Savannah River, thespires can be plainly seen; but the country is so densely woodedwith pine and live-oak, and lies so flat, that we can see nothingfrom any other portion of our lines. General Slocum feelsconfident that he can make a successful assault at one or twopoints in front of General Davis's (Fourteenth) corps. All ofGeneral Howard's troops (the right wing) lie behind the LittleOgeechee, and I doubt if it can be passed by troops in the face ofan enemy. Still, we can make strong feints, and if I can get asufficient number of boats, I shall make a cooperativedemonstration up Vernon River or Wassaw Sound. I should like verymuch indeed to take Savannah before coming to you; but, as I wroteto you before, I will do nothing rash or hasty, and will embark forthe James River as soon as General Easton (who is gone to PortRoyal for that purpose) reports to me that he has an approximatenumber of vessels for the transportation of the contemplated force. I fear even this will cost more delay than you anticipate, foralready the movement of our transports and the gunboats hasrequired more time than I had expected. We have had dense fogs;there are more mud-banks in the Ogeechee than were reported, andthere are no pilots whatever. Admiral Dahlgren promised to havethe channel buoyed and staked, but it is not done yet. We findonly six feet of water up to King's Bridge at low tide, about tenfeet up to the rice-mill, and sixteen to Fort McAllister. Allthese points may be used by us, and we have a good, strong bridgeacross Ogeechee at King's, by which our wagons can go to FortMcAllister, to which point I am sending all wagons not absolutelynecessary for daily use, the negroes, prisoners of war, sick, etc. , en route for Port Royal. In relation to Savannah, you will remarkthat General Hardee refers to his still being in communication withhis department. This language he thought would deceive me; but Iam confirmed in the belief that the route to which he refers (theUnion Plank-road on the South Carolina shore) is inadequate to feedhis army and the people of Savannah, and General Foster assures methat he has his force on that very road, near the head of BroadRiver, so that cars no longer run between Charleston and Savannah. We hold this end of the Charleston Railroad, and have destroyed itfrom the three-mile post back to the bridge (about twelve miles). In anticipation of leaving this country, I am continuing thedestruction of their railroads, and at this moment have twodivisions and the cavalry at work breaking up the Gulf Railroadfrom the Ogeechee to the Altamaha; so that, even if I do not takeSavannah, I will leave it in a bad way. But I still hope thatevents will give me time to take Savannah, even if I have toassault with some loss. I am satisfied that, unless we take it, the gunboats never will, for they can make no impression upon thebatteries which guard every approach from the sea. I have a faintbelief that, when Colonel Babcock reaches you, you will delayoperations long enough to enable me to succeed here. With Savannahin our possession, at some future time if not now, we can punishSouth Carolina as she deserves, and as thousands of the people inGeorgia hoped we would do. I do sincerely believe that the wholeUnited States, North and South, would rejoice to have this armyturned loose on South Carolina, to devastate that State in themanner we have done in Georgia, and it would have a direst andimmediate bearing on your campaign in Virginia. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General United States Army. 

As soon as the army had reached Savannah, and had openedcommunication with the fleet, I endeavored to ascertain what hadtranspired in Tennessee since our departure. We received ourletters and files of newspapers, which contained full accounts ofall the events there up to about the 1st of December. As beforedescribed, General Hood had three full corps of infantry--S. D. Lee's, A. P. Stewart's, and Cheatham's, at Florence, Alabama--withForrest's corps of cavalry, numbering in the aggregate aboutforty-five thousand men. General Thomas was in Nashville, Tennessee, quietly engaged in reorganizing his army out of the somewhat brokenforces at his disposal. He had posted his only two regular corps, the Fourth and Twenty-third, under the general command ofMajor-General J. M. Schofield, at Pulaski, directly in front ofFlorence, with the three brigades of cavalry (Hatch, Croxton, andCapron), commanded by Major-General Wilson, watching closely forHood's initiative. 

This force aggregated about thirty thousand men, was thereforeinferior to the enemy; and General Schofield was instructed, incase the enemy made a general advance, to fall back slowly towardNashville, fighting, till he should be reenforced by General Thomasin person. Hood's movement was probably hurried by reason of myadvance into Georgia; for on the 17th his infantry columns marchedfrom Florence in the direction of Waynesboro', turning, Schofield'sposition at Pulaski. The latter at once sent his trains to therear, and on the 21st fell back to Columbia, Tennessee. GeneralHood followed up this movement, skirmished lightly with Schofieldat Columbia, began the passage of Duck River, below the town, andCheatham's corps reached the vicinity of Spring Hill, whitherGeneral Schofield had sent General Stanley, with two of hisdivisions, to cover the movement of his trains. During the nightof November 29th General Schofield passed Spring Hill with histrains and army, and took post at Franklin, on the south aide ofHarpeth River. General Hood now attaches serious blame to GeneralCheatham for not attacking General Schofield in flank while inmotion at Spring Hill, for he was bivouacked within eight hundredyards of the road at the time of the passage of our army. GeneralSchofield reached Franklin on the morning of November 30th, andposted his army in front of the town, where somerifle-intrenchments had been constructed in advance. He had thetwo corps of Stanley and Cox (Fourth and Twenty-third), withWilson's cavalry on his flanks, and sent his trains behind theHarpeth. 

General Hood closed upon him the same day, and assaulted hisposition with vehemence, at one time breaking the line and woundingGeneral Stanley seriously; but our men were veterans, cool anddetermined, and fought magnificently. The rebel officers led theirmen in person to the several persistent assaults, continuing thebattle far into the night, when they drew off, beaten anddiscomfited. 

Their loss was very severe, especially in general officers; amongthem Generals Cleburn and Adams, division commanders. Hood's losson that day was afterward ascertained to be (Thomas's report):Buried on the field, seventeen hundred and fifty; left in hospitalat Franklin, thirty-eight hundred; and seven hundred and twoprisoners captured and held: aggregate, six thousand two hundredand fifty-two. General Schofields lose, reported officially, wasone hundred and eighty-nine killed, one thousand and thirty-threewounded, and eleven hundred and four prisoners or missing:aggregate, twenty-three hundred and twenty-six. The next dayGeneral Schofield crossed the Harpeth without trouble, and fellback to the defenses of Nashville. 

Meantime General Thomas had organized the employees of theQuartermaster's Department into a corps, commanded by thechief-quartermaster, General J. Z. Donaldson, and placed them in thefortifications of Nashville, under the general direction ofMajor-General Z. B. Tower, now of the United States Engineers. Hehad also received the two veteran divisions of the Sixteenth Corps, under General A. J. Smith, long absent and long expected; and hehad drawn from Chattanooga and Decatur (Alabama) the divisions ofSteedman and of R. S. Granger. These, with General Schofields armyand about ten thousand good cavalry, under General J. H. Wilson, constituted a strong army, capable not only of defending Nashville, but of beating Hood in the open field. Yet Thomas remained insideof Nashville, seemingly passive, until General Hood had closed uponhim and had entrenched his position. 

General Thomas had furthermore held fast to the railroad leadingfrom Nashville to Chattanooga, leaving strong guards at itsprincipal points, as at Murfreesboro', Deckerd, Stevenson, Bridgeport, Whitesides, and Chattanooga. At Murfreesboro' thedivision of Rousseau was reenforced and strengthened up to abouteight thousand men. 

At that time the weather was cold and sleety, the ground wascovered with ice and snow, and both parties for a time rested onthe defensive. Those matters stood at Nashville, while we wereclosing down on Savannah, in the early part of December, 1864; andthe country, as well as General Grant, was alarmed at the seemingpassive conduct of General Thomas; and General Grant at one timeconsidered the situation so dangerous that he thought of going toNashville in person, but General John A. Logan, happening to be atCity Point, was sent out to supersede General Thomas; luckily forthe latter, he acted in time, gained a magnificent victory, andthus escaped so terrible a fate. 

On the 18th of December, at my camp by the side of the plank-road, eight miles back of Savannah, I received General Hardee's letterdeclining to surrender, when nothing remained but to assault. Theground was difficult, and, as all former assaults had proved sobloody, I concluded to make one more effort to completely surroundSavannah on all aides, so as further to excite Hardee's fears, and, in case of success, to capture the whole of his army. We hadalready completely invested the place on the north, west, andsouth, but there remained to the enemy, on the east, the use of theold dike or plank-road leading into South Carolina, and I knew thatHardee would have a pontoon-bridge across the river. On examiningmy maps, I thought that the division of John P. Hatch, belonging toGeneral Fosters command, might be moved from its then position atBroad River, by water, down to Bluffton, from which it could reachthis plank-road, fortify and hold it--at some risk, of course, because Hardee could avail himself of his central position to fallon this detachment with his whole army. I did not want to make amistake like "Ball's Bluff" at that period of the war; so, takingone or two of my personal staff, I rode back to Grog's Bridge, leaving with Generals Howard and Slocum orders to make allpossible preparations, but not to attack, during my two or threedays' absence; and there I took a boat for Wassaw Sound, whenceAdmiral Dahlgren conveyed me in his own boat (the Harvest Moon) toHilton Head, where I represented the matter to General Foster, andhe promptly agreed to give his personal attention to it. Duringthe night of the 20th we started back, the wind blowing strong, Admiral Dahlgren ordered the pilot of the Harvest Moon to run intoTybee, and to work his way through to Wassaw Sound and the OgeecheeRiver by the Romney Marshes. We were caught by a low tide andstuck in the mud. After laboring some time, the admiral orderedout his barge; in it we pulled through this intricate and shallowchannel, and toward evening of December 21st we discovered, comingtoward us, a tug, called the Red Legs, belonging to theQuarter-master's Department, with a staff-officer on board, bearingletters from Colonel Dayton to myself and the admiral, reporting thatthe city of Savannah had been found evacuated on the morning ofDecember 21st, and was then in our possession. General Hardee hadcrossed the Savannah River by a pontoon-bridge, carrying off his menand light artillery, blowing up his iron-clads and navy-yard, butleaving for us all the heavy guns, stores, cotton, railway-cars, steamboats, and an immense amount of public and private property. Admiral Dahlgren concluded to go toward a vessel (the Sonoma) of hisblockading fleet, which lay at anchor near Beaulieu, and Itransferred to the Red Legs, and hastened up the Ogeechee River toGrog's Bridge, whence I rode to my camp that same night. I therelearned that, early on the morning of December 21st, the skirmishershad detected the absence of the enemy, and had occupied his linessimultaneously along their whole extent; but the left flank (Slocum), especially Geary's division of the Twentieth Corps, claimed to havebeen the first to reach the heart of the city. 

Generals Slocum and Howard moved their headquarters at once intothe city, leaving the bulk of their troops in camps outside. Onthe morning of December 22d I followed with my own headquarters, and rode down Bull Street to the custom-house, from the roof ofwhich we had an extensive view over the city, the river, and thevast extent of marsh and rice-fields on the South Carolina side. The navy-yard, and the wreck of the iron-clad ram Savannah, werestill smouldering, but all else looked quiet enough. Turning back, we rode to the Pulaski Hotel, which I had known in years long gone, and found it kept by a Vermont man with a lame leg, who used to bea clerk in the St. Louis Hotel, New Orleans, and I inquired aboutthe capacity of his hotel for headquarters. He was very anxious tohave us for boarders, but I soon explained to him that we had afull mess equipment along, and that we were not in the habit ofpaying board; that one wing of the building would suffice for ouruse, while I would allow him to keep an hotel for the accommodationof officers and gentlemen in the remainder. I then dispatched anofficer to look around for a livery-stable that could accommodateour horses, and, while waiting there, an English gentleman, Mr. Charles Green, came and said that he had a fine house completelyfurnished, for which he had no use, and offered it as headquarters. He explained, moreover, that General Howard had informed him, theday before, that I would want his house for headquarters. At firstI felt strongly disinclined to make use of any private dwelling, lest complaints should arise of damage and lose of furniture, andso expressed myself to Mr. Green; but, after riding about the city, and finding his house so spacious, so convenient, with large yardand stabling, I accepted his offer, and occupied that house duringour stay in Savannah. He only reserved for himself the use of acouple of rooms above the dining-room, and we had all else, and amost excellent house it was in all respects. 

I was disappointed that Hardee had escaped with his army, but onthe whole we had reason to be content with the substantial fruitsof victory. The Savannah River was found to be badly obstructed bytorpedoes, and by log piers stretched across the channel below thecity, which piers were filled with the cobble stones that formerlypaved the streets. Admiral Dahlgren was extremely active, visitedme repeatedly in the city, while his fleet still watchedCharleston, and all the avenues, for the blockade-runners thatinfested the coast, which were notoriously owned and managed byEnglishmen, who used the island of New Providence (Nassau) as asort of entrepot. One of these small blockade-runners came intoSavannah after we were in full possession, and the master did notdiscover his mistake till he came ashore to visit the custom-house. Of coarse his vessel fell a prize to the navy. A heavy force wasat once set to work to remove the torpedoes and obstructions in themain channel of the river, and, from that time forth, Savannahbecame the great depot of supply for the troops operating in thatquarter. 

Meantime, on the 15th and 16th of December, were fought, in frontof Nashville, the great battles in which General Thomas so noblyfulfilled his promise to ruin Hood, the details of which are fullygiven in his own official reports, long-since published. Rumors ofthese great victories reached us at Savannah by piecemeal, but hisofficial report came on the 24th of December, with a letter fromGeneral Grant, giving in general terms the events up to the 18th, and I wrote at once through my chief of staff, General Webster, toGeneral Thomas, complimenting him in the highest terms. Hisbrilliant victory at Nashville was necessary to mine at Savannah tomake a complete whole, and this fact was perfectly comprehended byMr. Lincoln, who recognized it fully in his personal letter ofDecember 26th, hereinbefore quoted at length, and which is alsoclaimed at the time, in my Special Field Order No. 6, of January 8, 1865, here given:

(Special Field Order No. 6. )

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 8, 1864. 

The general commanding announces to the troops composing theMilitary Division of the Mississippi that he has received from thePresident of the United States, and from Lieutenant-General Grant, letters conveying their high sense and appreciation of the campaignjust closed, resulting in the capture of Savannah and the defeat ofHood's army in Tennessee. 

In order that all may understand the importance of events, it isproper to revert to the situation of affairs in September last. Weheld Atlanta, a city of little value to us, but so important to theenemy that Mr. Davis, the head of the rebellious faction in theSouth, visited his army near Palmetto, and commanded it to regainthe place and also to ruin and destroy us, by a series of measureswhich he thought would be effectual. That army, by a rapid march, gained our railroad near Big Shanty, and afterward about Dalton. We pursued it, but it moved so rapidly that we could not overtakeit, and General Hood led his army successfully far over towardMississippi, in hope to decoy us out of Georgia. But we were notthus to be led away by him, and preferred to lead and controlevents ourselves. Generals Thomas and Schofield, commanding thedepartments to our rear, returned to their posts and prepared todecoy General Hood into their meshes, while we came on to completethe original journey. We quietly and deliberately destroyedAtlanta, and all the railroads which the enemy had used to carry onwar against us, occupied his State capital, and then captured hiscommercial capital, which had been so strongly fortified from thesea as to defy approach from that quarter. Almost at the moment ofour victorious entry into Savannah came the welcome and expectednews that our comrades in Tennessee had also fulfilled nobly andwell their part, had decoyed General Hood to Nashville and thenturned on him, defeating his army thoroughly, capturing all hisartillery, great numbers of prisoners, and were still pursuing thefragments down in Alabama. So complete success in militaryoperations, extending over half a continent, is an achievement thatentitles it to a place in the military history of the world. Thearmies serving in Georgia and Tennessee, as well as the localgarrisons of Decatur, Bridgeport, Chattanooga, and Murfreesboro', are alike entitled to the common honors, and each regiment mayinscribe on its colors, at pleasure, the word "Savannah" or"Nashville. " The general commanding embraces, in the same generalsuccess, the operations of the cavalry under Generals Stoneman, Burbridge, and Gillem, that penetrated into Southwest Virginia, andparalyzed the efforts of the enemy to disturb the peace and safetyof East Tennessee. Instead of being put on the defensive, we haveat all points assumed the bold offensive, and have completelythwarted the designs of the enemies of our country. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

Here terminated the "March to the Sea, " and I only add a fewletters, selected out of many, to illustrate the general feeling ofrejoicing throughout the country at the time. I only regarded themarch from Atlanta to Savannah as a "shift of base, " as thetransfer of a strong army, which had no opponent, and had finishedits then work, from the interior to a point on the sea-coast, fromwhich it could achieve other important results. I considered thismarch as a means to an end, and not as an essential act of war. Still, then, as now, the march to the sea was generally regarded assomething extraordinary, something anomalous, something out of theusual order of events; whereas, in fact, I simply moved fromAtlanta to Savannah, as one step in the direction of Richmond, amovement that had to be met and defeated, or the war wasnecessarily at an end. 

Were I to express my measure of the relative importance of themarch to the sea, and of that from Savannah northward, I wouldplace the former at one, and the latter at ten, or the maximum. 

I now close this long chapter by giving a tabular statement of thelosses during the march, and the number of prisoners captured. Theproperty captured consisted of horses and mules by the thousand, and of quantities of subsistence stores that aggregate very large, but may be measured with sufficient accuracy by assuming thatsixty-five thousand men obtained abundant food for about fortydays, and thirty-five thousand animals were fed for a like period, so as to reach Savannah in splendid flesh and condition. I alsoadd a few of the more important letters that passed betweenGenerals Grant, Halleck, and myself, which illustrate our opinionsat that stage of the war:

STATEMENT OF CASUALTIES AND PRISONERS CAPTURED BY THE ARMY IN THEFIELD, CAMPAIGN OF GEORGIA. 

 Killed Wounded Missing CapturedOfficers/Men Officers/Men Officers/Men Officers/Men 10 93 24 404 1 277 77 1, 261

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, December 16, 1864

Major-General SHERMAN (via Hilton Head). 

GENERAL: Lieutenant-General Grant informs me that, in his lastdispatch sent to you, he suggested the transfer of your infantry toRichmond. He now wishes me to say that you will retain your entireforce, at least for the present, and, with such assistance as maybe given you by General Foster and Admiral Dahlgren, operate fromsuch base as you may establish on the coast. General Foster willobey such instructions as may be given by you. 

Should you have captured Savannah, it is thought that bytransferring the water-batteries to the land side that place may bemade a good depot and base of operations on Augusta, Branchville, or Charleston. If Savannah should not be captured, or if capturedand not deemed suitable for this purpose, perhaps Beaufort wouldserve as a depot. As the rebels have probably removed their mostvaluable property from Augusta, perhaps Branchville would be themost important point at which to strike in order to sever allconnection between Virginia and the Southwestern Railroad. 

General Grant's wishes, however, are, that this whole matter ofyour future actions should be entirely left to your discretion. 

We can send you from here a number of complete batteries offield-artillery, with or without horses, as you may desire; also, assoon as General Thomas can spare them, all the fragments, convalescents, and furloughed men of your army. It is reported thatThomas defeated Hood yesterday, near Nashville, but we have noparticulars nor official reports, telegraphic communication beinginterrupted by a heavy storm. 

Our last advises from you was General Howard's note, announcing hisapproach to Savannah. Yours truly, H. W. HALLECK, Major-General, Chief-of-Staff. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, December 18, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, Savannah (via Hilton Head). 

My DEAR GENERAL: Yours of the 13th, by Major Anderson, is justreceived. I congratulate you on your splendid success, and shallvery soon expect to hear of the crowning work of your campaign--thecapture of Savannah. Your march will stand out prominently as thegreat one of this great war. When Savannah falls, then for anotherwide swath through the centre of the Confederacy. But I will notanticipate. General Grant is expected here this morning, and willprobably write you his own views. 

I do not learn from your letter, or from Major Anderson, that youare in want of any thing which we have not provided at Hilton Head. Thinking it probable that you might want more field-artillery, Ihad prepared several batteries, but the great difficulty offoraging horses on the sea-coast will prevent our sending anyunless you actually need them. The hay-crop this year is short, and the Quartermaster's Department has great difficulty inprocuring a supply for our animals. 

General Thomas has defeated Hood, near Nashville, and it is hopedthat he will completely, crush his army. Breckenridge, at lastaccounts, was trying to form a junction near Murfreesboro', but, asThomas is between them, Breckenridge must either retreat or bedefeated. 

General Rosecrans made very bad work of it in Missouri, allowingPrice with a small force to overrun the State and destroy millionsof property. 

Orders have been issued for all officers and detachments havingthree months or more to serve, to rejoin your army via Savannah. Those having less than three months to serve, will be retained byGeneral Thomas. 

Should you capture Charleston, I hope that by some accident theplace may be destroyed, and, if a little salt should be sown uponits site, it may prevent the growth of future crops ofnullification and secession. Yours truly, H. W. HALLECK, Major-General, Chief-of-Staff. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, December 18, 1864. 

To Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

My DEAR GENERAL: I have just received and read, I need not tell youwith how mush gratification, your letter to General Halleck. Icongratulate you and the brave officers and men under your commandon the successful termination of your most brilliant campaign. Inever had a doubt of the result. When apprehensions for yoursafety were expressed by the President, I assured him with the armyyou had, and you in command of it, there was no danger but youwould strike bottom on salt-water some place; that I would not feelthe same security--in fact, would not have intrusted the expeditionto any other living commander. 

It has been very hard work to get Thomas to attack Hood. I gavehim the most peremptory order, and had started to go there myself, before he got off. He has done magnificently, however, since hestarted. Up to last night, five thousand prisoners and forty-ninepieces of captured artillery, besides many wagons and innumerablesmall-arms, had been received in Nashville. This is exclusive ofthe enemy's loss at Franklin, which amounted to thirteen generalofficers killed, wounded, and captured. The enemy probably lostfive thousand men at Franklin, and ten thousand in the last threedays' operations. Breckenridge is said to be making forMurfreesboro'. 

I think he is in a most excellent place. Stoneman has nearly wipedout John Morgan's old command, and five days ago entered Bristol. I did think the best thing to do was to bring the greater part ofyour army here, and wipe out Lee. The turn affairs now seem to betaking has shaken me in that opinion. I doubt whether you may notaccomplish more toward that result where you are than if broughthere, especially as I am informed, since my arrival in the city, that it would take about two months to get you here with all theother calls there are for ocean transportation. 

I want to get your views about what ought to be done, and what canbe done. If you capture the garrison of Savannah, it certainlywill compel Lee to detach from Richmond, or give us nearly thewhole South. My own opinion is that Lee is averse to going out ofVirginia, and if the cause of the South is lost he wants Richmondto be the last place surrendered. If he has such views, it may bewell to indulge him until we get every thing else in our hands. 

Congratulating you and the army again upon the splendid results ofyour campaign, the like of which is not read of in past history, Isubscribe myself, more than ever, if possible, your friend, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, December 26, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, Savannah, Georgia. 

GENERAL: Your very interesting letter of the 22d inst. , brought byMajor Grey of General Foster's staff; is fast at hand. As themajor starts back at once, I can do no more at present than simplyacknowledge its receipt. The capture of Savannah, with all itsimmense stores, must tell upon the people of the South. All wellhere. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPISAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 24, 1864. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: Your letter of December 18th is just received. I feelvery much gratified at receiving the handsome commendation you paymy army. I will, in general orders, convey to the officers and menthe substance of your note. 

I am also pleased that you have modified your former orders, for Ifeared that the transportation by sea would very much disturb theunity and morale of my army, now so perfect. 

The occupation of Savannah, which I have heretofore reported, completes the first part of our game, and fulfills a great part ofyour instructions; and we are now engaged in dismantling the rebelforts which bear upon the sea-channels, and transferring the heavyordnance and ammunition to Fort Pulaski and Hilton Head, where theycan be more easily guarded than if left in the city. 

The rebel inner lines are well adapted to our purpose, and withslight modifications can be held by a comparatively small force;and in about ten days I expect to be ready to sally forth again. Ifeel no doubt whatever as to our future plans. I have thought themover so long and well that they appear as clear as daylight. Ileft Augusta untouched on purpose, because the enemy will be indoubt as to my objective point, after we cross the Savannah River, whether it be Augusta or Charleston, and will naturally divide hisforces. I will then move either on Branchville or Colombia, by anycurved line that gives us the best supplies, breaking up in ourcourse as much railroad as possible; then, ignoring Charleston andAugusta both, I would occupy Columbia and Camden, pausing therelong enough to observe the effect. I would then strike for theCharleston & Wilmington Railroad, somewhere between the Santee andCape Fear Rivers, and, if possible, communicate with the fleetunder Admiral Dahlgren (whom I find a most agreeable gentleman, accommodating himself to our wishes and plans). Then I would favoran attack on Wilmington, in the belief that Porter and Butler willfail in their present undertaking. Charleston is now a meredesolated wreck, and is hardly worth the time it would take tostarve it out. Still, I am aware that, historically andpolitically, much importance is attached to the place, and it maybe that, apart from its military importance, both you and theAdministration may prefer I should give it more attention; and itwould be well for you to give me some general idea on that subject, for otherwise I would treat it as I have expressed, as a point oflittle importance, after all its railroads leading into theinterior have been destroyed or occupied by us. But, on thehypothesis of ignoring Charleston and taking Wilmington, I wouldthen favor a movement direct on Raleigh. The game is then up withLee, unless he comes out of Richmond, avoids you and fights me; inwhich case I should reckon on your being on his heels. Now thatHood is used up by Thomas, I feel disposed to bring the matter toan issue as quick as possible. I feel confident that I can breakup the whole railroad system of South Carolina and North Carolina, and be on the Roanoke, either at Raleigh or Weldon, by the timespring fairly opens; and, if you feel confident that you can whipLee outside of his intrenchments, I feel equally confident that Ican handle him in the open country. 

One reason why I would ignore Charleston is this: that I believeHardee will reduce the garrison to a small force, with plenty ofprovisions; I know that the neck back of Charleston can be madeimpregnable to assault, and we will hardly have time for siegeoperations. 

I will have to leave in Savannah a garrison, and, if Thomas canspare them, I would like to have all detachments, convalescents, etc. , belonging to these four corps, sent forward at once. I donot want to cripple Thomas, because I regard his operations asall-important, and I have ordered him to pursue Hood down intoAlabama, trusting to the country for supplies. 

I reviewed one of my corps to-day, and shall continue to review thewhole army. I do not like to boast, but believe this army has aconfidence in itself that makes it almost invincible. I wish youcould run down and see us; it would have a good effect, and show toboth armies that they are acting on a common plan. The weather isnow cool and pleasant, and the general health very good. Your truefriend, W. T. SHERMAN Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 24, 1864. 

Major-General H. W. HALLECK, Chief-of-Staff; Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: I had the pleasure of receiving your two letters of the16th and 18th instant to-day, and feel more than usually flatteredby the high encomiums you have passed on our recent campaign, whichis now complete by the occupation of Savannah. 

I am also very glad that General Grant has changed his mind aboutembarking my troops for James River, leaving me free to make thebroad swath you describe through South and North Carolina; andstill more gratified at the news from Thomas, in Tennessee, becauseit fulfills my plans, which contemplated his being able to disposeof Hood, in case he ventured north of the Tennessee River. So, Ithink, on the whole, I can chuckle over Jeff. Davis'sdisappointment in not turning my Atlanta campaign into a "Moscowdisaster. "

I have just finished a long letter to General Grant, and haveexplained to him that we are engaged in shifting our base from theOgeeohee to the Savannah River, dismantling all the forts made bythe enemy to bear upon the salt-water channels, transferring theheavy ordnance, etc. , to Fort Pulaski and Hilton Head, and inremodeling the enemy's interior lines to suit our future plans andpurposes. I have also laid down the programme for a campaign whichI can make this winter, and which will put me in the spring on theRoanoke, in direct communication with General Grant on James River. In general terms, my plan is to turn over to General Foster thecity of Savannah, to sally forth with my army resupplied, cross theSavannah, feign on Charleston and Augusta, but strike between, breaking en route the Charleston & Augusta Railroad, also a largepart of that from Branchville and Camden toward North Carolina, andthen rapidly to move for some point of the railroad from Charlestonto Wilmington, between the Santee and Cape Fear Rivers; then, communicating with the fleet in the neighborhood of Georgetown, Iwould turn upon Wilmington or Charleston, according to theimportance of either. I rather prefer Wilmington, as a live place, over Charleston, which is dead and unimportant when its railroadcommunications are broken. I take it for granted that the presentmovement on Wilmington will fail. If I should determine to takeCharleston, I would turn across the country (which I have huntedover many a time) from Santee to Mount Pleasant, throwing one wingon the peninsula between the Ashley and Cooper. Afteraccomplishing one or other of these ends, I would make a bee-linefor Raleigh or Weldon, when Lee world be forced to come out ofRichmond, or acknowledge himself beaten. He would, I think, by theuse of the Danville Railroad, throw himself rapidly between me andGrant, leaving Richmond in the hands of the latter. This would notalarm me, for I have an army which I think can maneuver, and Iworld force him to attack me at a disadvantage, always under thesupposition that Grant would be on his heels; and, if the worstcome to the worst, I can fight my way down to Albermarle Sound, orNewbern. 

I think the time has come now when we should attempt the boldestmoves, and my experience is, that they are easier of execution thanmore timid ones, because the enemy is disconcerted by them--as, forinstance, my recent campaign. 

I also doubt the wisdom of concentration beyond a certain extent, for the roads of this country limit the amount of men that can bebrought to bear in any one battle, and I do not believe that anyone general can handle more than sixty thousand men in battle. 

I think our campaign of the last month, as well as every step Itake from this point northward, is as much a direct attack uponLee's army as though we were operating within the sound of hisartillery. 

I am very anxious that Thomas should follow up his success to thevery utmost point. My orders to him before I left Kingston were, after beating Hood, to follow him as far as Columbus, Mississippi, or Selma, Alabama, both of which lie in districts of country whichare rich in corn and meat. 

I attach more importance to these deep incisions into the enemy'scountry, because this war differs from European wars in thisparticular: we are not only fighting hostile armies, but a hostilepeople, and must make old and young, rich and poor, feel the hardhand of war, as well as their organized armies. I know that thisrecent movement of mine through Georgia has had a wonderful effectin this respect. Thousands who had been deceived by their lyingnewspapers to believe that we were being whipped all the time nowrealize the truth, and have no appetite for a repetition of thesame experience. To be sure, Jeff. Davis has his people underpretty good discipline, but I think faith in him is much shaken inGeorgia, and before we have done with her South Carolina will notbe quite so tempestuous. 

I will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not think"salt" will be necessary. When I move, the Fifteenth Corps will beon the right of the right wing, and their position will naturallybring them into Charleston first; and, if you have watched thehistory of that corps, you will have remarked that they generallydo their work pretty well. The truth is, the whole army is burningwith an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance upon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all thatseems in store for her. 

Many and many a person in Georgia asked me why we did not go toSouth Carolina; and, when I answered that we were enroute for thatState, the invariable reply was, "Well, if you will make thosepeople feel the utmost severities of war, we will pardon you foryour desolation of Georgia. "

I look upon Colombia as quite as bad as Charleston, and I doubt ifwe shall spare the public buildings there as we did atMilledgeville. 

I have been so busy lately that I have not yet made my officialreport, and I think I had better wait until I get my subordinatereports before attempting it, as I am anxious to explain clearlynot only the reasons for every step, but the amount of executiondone, and this I cannot do until I get the subordinate reports; forwe marched the whole distance in four or more columns, and, ofcourse, I could only be present with one, and generally that oneengaged in destroying railroads. This work of destruction wasperformed better than usual, because I had an engineer-regiment, provided with claws to twist the bars after being heated. Suchbars can never be used again, and the only way in which a railroadline can be reconstructed across Georgia is, to make a new roadfrom Fairburn Station (twenty-four miles southwest of Atlanta) toMadison, a distance of one hundred miles; and, before that can bedone, I propose to be on the road from Augusta to Charleston, whichis a continuation of the same. I felt somewhat disappointed atHardee's escape, but really am not to blame. I moved as quickly aspossible to close up the "Union Causeway, " but interveningobstacles were such that, before I could get troops on the road, Hardee had slipped out. Still, I know that the men that were inSavannah will be lost in a measure to Jeff. Davis, for the Georgiatroops, under G. W. Smith, declared they would not fight in SouthCarolina, and they have gone north, en route for Augusta, and Ihave reason to believe the North Carolina troops have gone toWilmington; in other words, they are scattered. I have reason tobelieve that Beauregard was present in Savannah at the time of itsevacuation, and think that he and Hardee are now in Charleston, making preparations for what they suppose will be my next step. 

Please say to the President that I have received his kind message(through Colonel Markland), and feel thankful for his high favor. If I disappoint him in the future, it shall not be from want ofzeal or love to the cause. 

From you I expect a full and frank criticism of my plans for thefuture, which may enable me to correct errors before it is toolate. I do not wish to be rash, but want to give my rebel friendsno chance to accuse us of want of enterprise or courage. 

Assuring you of my high personal respect, I remain, as ever, yourfriend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

[General Order No. 3. ]

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICEWASHINGTON, January 14, 1865. 

The following resolution of the Senate and House of Representativesis published to the army:

[PUBLIC RESOLUTION--No. 4. ]

Joint resolution tendering the thanks of the people and of Congressto Major-General William T. Sherman, and the officers and soldiersof his command, for their gallant conduct in their late brilliantmovement through Georgia. 

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks ofthe people and of the Congress of the United States are due and arehereby tendered to Major-General William T. Sherman, and throughhim to the officers and men under his command, for their gallantryand good conduct in their late campaign from Chattanooga toAtlanta, and the triumphal march thence through Georgia toSavannah, terminating in the capture and occupation of that city;and that the President cause a copy of this joint resolution to beengrossed and forwarded to Major-General Sherman. 

Approved, January 10, 1865. 

By order of the Secretary of War, W. A. NICHOLS, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

SAVANNAH AND POCOTALIGO. 

DECEMBER, 1884, AND JANUARY, 1885. 

The city of Savannah was an old place, and usually accounted ahandsome one. Its houses were of brick or frame, with large yards, ornamented with shrubbery and flowers; its streets perfectlyregular, crossing each other at right angles; and at many of theintersections were small inclosures in the nature of parks. Thesestreets and parks were lined with the handsomest shade-trees ofwhich I have knowledge, viz. , the Willow-leaf live-oak, evergreensof exquisite beauty; and these certainly entitled Savannah to itsreputation as a handsome town more than the houses, which, thoughcomfortable, would hardly make a display on Fifth Avenue or theBoulevard Haussmann of Paris. The city was built on a plateau ofsand about forty feet above the level of the sea, abutting againstthe river, leaving room along its margin for a street of stores andwarehouses. The customhouse, court-house, post-office, etc. , wereon the plateau above. In rear of Savannah was a large park, with afountain, and between it and the court-house was a handsomemonument, erected to the memory of Count Pulaski, who fell in 1779in the assault made on the city at the time it was held by theEnglish during the Revolutionary War. Outside of Savannah therewas very little to interest a stranger, except the cemetery ofBonaventura, and the ride along the Wilmington Channel by way ofThunderbolt, where might be seen some groves of the majesticlive-oak trees, covered with gray and funereal moss, which weretruly sublime in grandeur, but gloomy after a few days' campingunder them:

Within an hour of taking up my quarters in Mr. Green's house, Mr. A. G. Browne, of Salem, Massachusetts, United States Treasury agentfor the Department of the South, made his appearance to claimpossession, in the name of the Treasury Department, of all capturedcotton, rice, buildings, etc. Having use for these articlesourselves, and having fairly earned them, I did not feel inclinedto surrender possession, and explained to him that thequartermaster and commissary could manage them more to my likingthan he; but I agreed, after the proper inventories had beenprepared, if there remained any thing for which we had no specialuse, I would turn it over to him. It was then known that in thewarehouses were stored at least twenty-five thousand bales ofcotton, and in the forts one hundred and fifty large, heavysea-coast guns: although afterward, on a more careful count, thereproved to be more than two hundred and fifty sea-coast or siegeguns, and thirty-one thousand bales of cotton. At that interviewMr. Browne, who was a shrewd, clever Yankee, told me that a vesselwas on the point of starting for Old Point Comfort, and, if she hadgood weather off Cape Hatteras, would reach Fortress Monroe byChristmas-day, and he suggested that I might make it the occasionof sending a welcome Christmas gift to the President, Mr. Lincoln, who peculiarly enjoyed such pleasantry. I accordingly sat down andwrote on a slip of paper, to be left at the telegraph-office atFortress Monroe for transmission, the following:

SAVANNAH GEORGIA, December 22, 1884. To His Excellency President Lincoln, Washington, D. C. :

I beg to present you as a Christmas-gift the city of Savannah, withone hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, alsoabout twenty five thousand bales of cotton. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

This message actually reached him on Christmas-eve, was extensivelypublished in the newspapers, and made many a household unusuallyhappy on that festive day; and it was in the answer to thisdispatch that Mr. Lincoln wrote me the letter of December 28th, already given, beginning with the words, "many, many thanks, " etc. , which he sent at the hands of General John A. Logan, who happenedto be in Washington, and was coming to Savannah, to rejoin hiscommand. 

On the 23d of December were made the following general orders forthe disposition of the troops in and about Savannah:

[Special Field Order No. 139. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 23, 1864. 

Savannah, being now in our possession, the river partially clearedout, and measures having been taken to remove all obstructions, will at once be made a grand depot for future operations:

1. The chief-quartermaster, General Euston, will, after giving thenecessary orders touching the transports in Ogeechee River andOasabaw Sound, come in person to Savannah, and take possession ofall public buildings, vacant storerooms, warehouses, etc. , that maybe now or hereafter needed for any department of the army. Norents will be paid by the Government of the United States duringthe war, and all buildings must be distributed according to theaccustomed rates of the Quartermaster's Department, as though theywere public property. 

2. The chief commissary of subsistence, Colonel A. Beckwith, willtransfer the grand depot of the army to the city of Savannah, secure possession of the needful buildings and offices, and givethe necessary orders, to the end that the army may be suppliedabundantly and well. 

S. The chief-engineer, Captain Poe, will at once direct which ofthe enemy's forts are to be retained for our use, and whichdismantled and destroyed. The chief ordnance-officer, CaptainBaylor, will in like manner take possession of all propertypertaining to his department captured from the enemy, and cause thesame to be collected and conveyed to points of security; all theheavy coast-guns will be dismounted and carried to Fort Pulaski. 

4. The troops, for the present, will be grouped about the city ofSavannah, looking to convenience of camps; General Slocum takingfrom the Savannah River around to the seven-mile post on the Canal, and General Howard thence to the sea; General Kilpatrick will holdKing's Bridge until Fort McAllister is dismantled, and the troopswithdrawn from the south side of the Ogeechee, when he will takepost about Anderson's plantation, on the plank-road, and picket allthe roads leading from the north and west. 

5. General Howard will keep a small guard at Forts Rosedale, Beaulieu, Wimberley, Thunderbolt, and Bonaventura, and he willcause that shore and Skidaway Island to be examined very closely, with a view to finding many and convenient points for theembarkation of troops and wagons on seagoing vessels. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

[Special Field Order No. 143. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 26, 1864. 

The city of Savannah and surrounding country will be held as amilitary post, and adapted to future military uses, but, as itcontains a population of some twenty thousand people, who must beprovided for, and as other citizens may come, it is proper to laydown certain general principles, that all within its militaryjurisdiction may understand their relative duties and obligations. 

1. During war, the military is superior to civil authority, and, where interests clash, the civil must give way; yet, where there isno conflict, every encouragement should be given to well-disposedand peaceful inhabitants to resume their usual pursuits. Familiesshould be disturbed as little as possible in their residences, andtradesmen allowed the free use of their shops, tools, etc. ;churches, schools, and all places of amusement and recreation, should be encouraged, and streets and roads made perfectly safe topersons in their pursuits. Passes should not be exacted within theline of outer pickets, but if any person shall abuse theseprivileges by communicating with the enemy, or doing any act ofhostility to the Government of the United States, he or she will bepunished with the utmost rigor of the law. Commerce with the outerworld will be resumed to an extent commensurate with the wants ofthe citizens, governed by the restrictions and rules of theTreasury Department. 

2. The chief quartermaster and commissary of the army may givesuitable employment to the people, white and black, or transportthem to such points as they may choose where employment can be had;and may extend temporary relief in the way of provisions and vacanthouses to the worthy and needy, until such time as they can helpthemselves. They will select first the buildings for the necessaryuses of the army; next, a sufficient number of stores, to be turnedover to the Treasury agent for trade-stores. All vacantstore-houses or dwellings, and all buildings belonging to absentrebels, will be construed and used as belonging to the United States, until such time as their titles can be settled by the courts of theUnited States. 

8. The Mayor and City Council of Savannah will continue toexercise their functions, and will, in concert with the commandingofficer of the post and the chief-quartermaster, see that thefire-companies are kept in organization, the streets cleaned andlighted, and keep up a good understanding between the citizens andsoldiers. They will ascertain and report to the chief commissaryof subsistence, as soon as possible, the names and number of worthyfamilies that need assistance and support. The mayor will forthwith give public notice that the time has come when all must choosetheir course, viz. , remain within our lines, and conduct themselvesas good citizens, or depart in peace. He will ascertain the namesof all who choose to leave Savannah, and report their names andresidence to the chief-quartermaster, that measures may be taken totransport them beyond our lines. 

4. Not more than two newspapers will be published in Savannah;their editors and proprietors will be held to the strictestaccountability, and will be punished severely, in person andproperty, for any libelous publication, mischievous matter, premature news, exaggerated statements, or any comments whateverupon the acts of the constituted authorities; they will be heldaccountable for such articles, even though copied from otherpapers. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

It was estimated that there were about twenty thousand inhabitantsin Savannah, all of whom had participated more or less in the war, and had no special claims to our favor, but I regarded the war asrapidly drawing to a close, and it was becoming a politicalquestion as to what was to be done with the people of the South, both white and black, when the war was actually over. I concludedto give them the option to remain or to join their friends inCharleston or Augusta, and so announced in general orders. Themayor, Dr. Arnold, was completely "subjugated, " and, afterconsulting with him, I authorized him to assemble his City Councilto take charge generally of the interests of the people; but warnedall who remained that they must be strictly subordinate to themilitary law, and to the interests of the General Government. About two hundred persona, mostly the families of men in theConfederate army, prepared to follow the fortunes of their husbandsand fathers, and these were sent in a steamboat under a flag oftruce, in charge of my aide Captain Audenried, to Charlestonharbor, and there delivered to an officer of the Confederate army. But the great bulk of the inhabitants chose to remain in Savannah, generally behaved with propriety, and good social relations at oncearose between them and the army. Shortly after our occupation ofSavannah, a lady was announced at my headquarters by the orderly orsentinel at the front-door, who was ushered into the parlor, andproved to be the wife of General G. W. Smith, whom I had knownabout 1850, when Smith was on duty at West Point. She was a nativeof New London, Connecticut, and very handsome. She began herinterview by presenting me a letter from her husband, who thencommanded a division of the Georgia militia in the rebel army, which had just quitted Savannah, which letter began, "DEAR SHERMAN:The fortunes of war, etc-. , compel me to leave my wife in Savannah, and I beg for her your courteous protection, " etc. , etc. Iinquired where she lived, and if anybody was troubling her. Shesaid she was boarding with a lady whose husband had, in like mannerwith her own, gone off with Hardee's army; that a part of the househad been taken for the use of Major-General Ward, of Kentucky; thather landlady was approaching her confinement, and was nervous atthe noise which the younger staff-officers made at night; etc. Iexplained to her that I could give but little personal attention tosuch matters, and referred her to General Slocum, whose troopsoccupied the city. I afterward visited her house, and saw, personally, that she had no reason to complain. Shortly afterwardMr. Hardee, a merchant of Savannah, came to me and presented aletter from his brother, the general, to the same effect, allegingthat his brother was a civilian, had never taken up arms, and askedof me protection for his family, his cotton, etc. To him I gavethe general assurance that no harm was designed to any of thepeople of Savannah who would remain quiet and peaceable, but that Icould give him no guarantee as to his cotton, for over it I had noabsolute control; and yet still later I received a note from thewife of General A. P. Stewart (who commanded a corps in Hood'sarmy), asking me to come to see her. This I did, and found her tobe a native of Cincinnati, Ohio, wanting protection, and who wasnaturally anxious about the fate of her husband, known to be withGeneral Hood, in Tennessee, retreating before General Thomas. Iremember that I was able to assure her that he had not been killedor captured, up to that date, and think that I advised her, insteadof attempting to go in pursuit of her husband, to go to Cincinnati, to her uncle, Judge Storer, there await the issue of events. 

Before I had reached Savannah, and during our stay there, the rebelofficers and newspapers represented the conduct of the men of ourarmy as simply infamous; that we respected neither age nor sex;that we burned every thing we came across--barns, stables, cotton-gins, and even dwelling-houses; that we ravished the womenand killed the men, and perpetrated all manner of outrages on theinhabitants. Therefore it struck me as strange that GeneralsHardee and Smith should commit their, families to our custody, andeven bespeak our personal care and attention. These officers knewwell that these reports were exaggerated in the extreme, and yettacitly assented to these publications, to arouse the droopingenergies of the people of the South. 

As the division of Major-General John W. Geary, of the TwentiethCorps, was the first to enter Savannah, that officer was appointedto command the place, or to act as a sort of governor. He verysoon established a good police, maintained admirable order, and Idoubt if Savannah, either before or since, has had a bettergovernment than during our stay. The guard-mountings and parades, as well as the greater reviews, became the daily resorts of theladies, to hear the music of our excellent bands; schools wereopened, and the churches every Sunday were well filled with mostdevout and respectful congregations; stores were reopened, andmarkets for provisions, meat, wood, etc. , were established, so thateach family, regardless of race, color, or opinion, could procureall the necessaries and even luxuries of life, provided they hadmoney. Of course, many families were actually destitute of this, and to these were issued stores from our own stock of supplies. Iremember to have given to Dr. Arnold, the mayor, an order for thecontents of a large warehouse of rice, which he confided to acommittee of gentlemen, who went North (to Boston), and soonreturned with one or more cargoes of flour, hams, sugar, coffee, etc. , for gratuitous distribution, which relieved the most pressingwants until the revival of trade and business enabled the people toprovide for themselves. 

A lady, whom I had known in former years as Miss Josephine Goodwin, told me that, with a barrel of flour and some sugar which she hadreceived gratuitously from the commissary, she had baked cakes andpies, in the sale of which she realized a profit of fifty-sixdollars. 

Meantime Colonel Poe had reconnoitred and laid off new lines ofparapet, which would enable a comparatively small garrison to holdthe place, and a heavy detail of soldiers was put to work thereon;Generals Easton and Beckwith had organized a complete depot ofsupplies; and, though vessels arrived almost daily with mails andprovisions, we were hardly ready to initiate a new and hazardouscampaign. I had not yet received from General Grant or GeneralHalleck any modification of the orders of December 6, 1864, toembark my command for Virginia by sea; but on the 2d of January, 1865, General J. G. Barnard, United States Engineers, arriveddirect from General Grant's headquarters, bearing the followingletter, in the general's own handwriting, which, with my answer, ishere given:

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, December 27, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Before writing you definite instructions for the nextcampaign, I wanted to receive your answer to my letter written fromWashington. Your confidence in being able to march up and jointhis army pleases me, and I believe it can be done. The effect ofsuch a campaign will be to disorganize the South, and prevent theorganization of new armies from their broken fragments. Hood isnow retreating, with his army broken and demoralized. His loss inmen has probably not been far from twenty thousand, besidesdeserters. If time is given, the fragments may be collectedtogether and many of the deserters reassembled. If we can, weshould act to prevent this. Your spare army, as it were, moving asproposed, will do it. 

In addition to holding Savannah, it looks to me that an intrenchedcamp ought to be held on the railroad between Savannah andCharleston. Your movement toward Branchville will probably enableFoster to reach this with his own force. This will give us aposition in the South from which we can threaten the interiorwithout marching over long, narrow causeways, easily defended, aswe have heretofore been compelled to do. Could not such a camp beestablished about Pocotaligo or Coosawhatchie?

I have thought that, Hood being so completely wiped out for presentharm, I might bring A. J. Smith here, with fourteen to fifteenthousand men. With this increase I could hold my lines, and moveout with a greater force than Lee has. It would compel Lee toretain all his present force in the defenses of Richmond or abandonthem entirely. This latter contingency is probably the only dangerto the easy success of your expedition. In the event you shouldmeet Lee's army, you would be compelled to beat it or find thesea-coast. Of course, I shall not let Lee's army escape if I canhelp it, and will not let it go without following to the best of myability. 

Without waiting further directions, than, you may make yourpreparations to start on your northern expedition without delay. Break up the railroads in South and North Carolina, and join thearmies operating against Richmond as soon as you can. I will leaveout all suggestions about the route you should take, knowing thatyour information, gained daily in the course of events, will bebetter than any that can be obtained now. 

It may not be possible for you to march to the rear of Petersburg;but, failing in this, you could strike either of the sea-coastports in North Carolina held by us. From there you could takeshipping. It would be decidedly preferable, however, if you couldmarch the whole distance. 

From the best information I have, you will find no difficulty insupplying your army until you cross the Roanoke. From there hereis but a few days' march, and supplies could be collected south ofthe river to bring you through. I shall establish communicationwith you there, by steamboat and gunboat. By this means your wantscan be partially supplied. I shall hope to hear from you soon, andto hear your plan, and about the time of starting. 

Please instruct Foster to hold on to all the property in Savannah, and especially the cotton. Do not turn it over to citizens orTreasury agents, without orders of the War Department. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 2, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point. 

GENERAL: I have received, by the hands of General Barnard, yournote of 26th and letter of 27th December. 

I herewith inclose to you a copy of a projet which I have thismorning, in strict confidence, discussed with my immediatecommanders. 

I shall need, however, larger supplies of stores, especially grain. I will inclose to you, with this, letters from General Easton, quartermaster, and Colonel Beckwith, commissary of subsistence, setting forth what will be required, and trust you will forwardthem to Washington with your sanction, so that the necessary stepsmay be taken at once to enable me to carry out this plan on time. 

I wrote you very fully on the 24th, and have nothing to add. Everything here is quiet, and if I can get the necessary supplies in ourwagons, shall be ready to start at the time indicated in my projet(January 15th). But, until those supplies are in hand, I can donothing; after they are, I shall be ready to move with greatrapidity. 

I have heard of the affair at Cape Fear. It has turned out as youwill remember I expected. 

I have furnished General Easton a copy of the dispatch from theSecretary of War. He will retain possession of all cotton here, and ship it as fast as vessels can be had to New York. 

I shall immediately send the Seventeenth Corps over to Port Royal, by boats, to be furnished by Admiral Dahlgren and General Foster(without interfering with General Easton's vessels), to make alodgment on the railroad at Pocotaligo. 

General Barnard will remain with me a few days, and I send this bya staff-officer, who can return on one of the vessels of thesupply-fleet. I suppose that, now that General Butler has gotthrough with them, you can spare them to us. 

My report of recent operations is nearly ready, and will be sentyou in a day or two, as soon as some farther subordinate reportscome in. 

I am, with great respect, very truly, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

[Entirely confidential]

PROJET FOR JANUARY. 

1. Right wing to move men and artillery by transports to head ofBroad River and Beaufort; reestablish Port Royal Ferry, and massthe wing at or in the neighborhood of Pocotaligo. 

Left wing and cavalry to work slowly across the causeway towardHardeeville, to open a road by which wagons can reach their corpsabout Broad River; also, by a rapid movement of the left, to secureSister's Ferry, and Augusta road out to Robertsville. 

In the mean time, all guns, shot, shell, cotton, etc. , to be movedto a safe place, easy to guard, and provisions and wagons got readyfor another swath, aiming to have our army in hand about the headof Broad River, say Pocotaligo, Robertsville, and Coosawhatchie, bythe 15th January. 

2. The whole army to move with loaded wagons by the roads leadingin the direction of Columbia, which afford the best chance offorage and provisions. Howard to be at Pocotaligo by the 15thJanuary, and Slocum to be at Robertsville, and Kilpatrick at ornear Coosawhatchie about the same date. General Fosters troops tooccupy Savannah, and gunboats to protect the rivers as soon asHoward gets Pocotaligo. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

Therefore, on the 2d of January, I was authorized to march with myentire army north by land, and concluded at once to secure afoothold or starting-point on the South Carolina side, selectingPocotaligo and Hardeeville as the points of rendezvous for the twowings; but I still remained in doubt as to the wishes of theAdministration, whether I should take Charleston en route, orconfine my whole attention to the incidental advantages of breakingup the railways of South and North Carolina, and the greater objectof uniting my army with that of General Grant before Richmond. 

General Barnard remained with me several days, and was regardedthen, as now, one of the first engineers of the age, perfectlycompetent to advise me on the strategy and objects of the newcampaign. He expressed himself delighted with the high spirit ofthe army, the steps already taken, by which we had capturedSavannah, and he personally inspected some of the forts, such asThunderbolt and Causten's Bluff, by which the enemy had so longheld at bay the whole of our navy, and had defeated the previousattempts made in April, 1862, by the army of General Gillmore, which had bombarded and captured Fort Pulaski, but had failed toreach the city of Savannah. I think General Barnard expected me toinvite him to accompany us northward in his official capacity; butColonel Poe, of my staff, had done so well, and was so perfectlycompetent, that I thought it unjust to supersede him by a senior inhis own corps. I therefore said nothing of this to GeneralBarnard, and soon after he returned to his post with General Grant, at City Point, bearing letters and full personal messages of oursituation and wants. 

We were very much in want of light-draught steamers for navigatingthe shallow waters of the coast, so that it took the SeventeenthCorps more than a week to transfer from Thunderbolt to Beaufort, South Carolina. Admiral Dahlgren had supplied the Harvest Moon andthe Pontiac, and General Foster gave us a couple of hired steamers;I was really amused at the effect this short sea-voyage had on ourmen, most of whom had never before looked upon the ocean. Ofcourse, they were fit subjects for sea-sickness, and afterward theybegged me never again to send them to sea, saying they would rathermarch a thousand miles on the worst roads of the South than tospend a single night on the ocean. By the 10th General Howard hadcollected the bulk of the Seventeenth Corps (General Blair) onBeaufort Island, and began his march for Pocotaligo, twenty-fivemiles inland. They crossed the channel between the island andmain-land during Saturday, the 14th of January, by a pontoon-bridge, and marched out to Garden's Corners, where there was somelight skirmishing; the next day, Sunday, they continued on toPocotaligo, finding the strong fort there abandoned, andaccordingly made a lodgment on the railroad, having lost only twoofficers and eight men. 

About the same time General Slocum crossed two divisions of theTwentieth Corps over the Savannah River, above the city, occupiedHardeeville by one division and Purysburg by another. Thus, by themiddle of January, we had effected a lodgment in South Carolina, and were ready to resume the march northward; but we had not yetaccumulated enough provisions and forage to fill the wagons, andother causes of delay occurred, of which I will make mention in dueorder. 

On the last day of December, 1864, Captain Breese, United StatesNavy, flag-officer to Admiral Porter, reached Savannah, bringingthe first news of General Butler's failure at Fort Fisher, and thatthe general had returned to James River with his land-forces, leaving Admiral Porter's fleet anchored off Cape Fear, in thattempestuous season. Captain Breese brought me a letter from theadmiral, dated December 29th, asking me to send him from Savannahone of my old divisions, with which he said he would make shortwork of Fort Fisher; that he had already bombarded and silenced itsguns, and that General Butler had failed because he was afraid toattack, or even give the order to attack, after (as Porterinsisted) the guns of Fort Fisher had been actually silenced by thenavy. 

I answered him promptly on the 31st of December, that I proposed tomarch north inland, and that I would prefer to leave the rebelgarrisons on the coast, instead of dislodging and piling them up inmy front as we progressed. From the chances, as I then understoodthem, I supposed that Fort Fisher was garrisoned by a comparativelysmall force, while the whole division of General Hoke remainedabout the city of Wilmington; and that, if Fort Fisher werecaptured, it would leave General Hoke free to join the larger forcethat would naturally be collected to oppose my progress northward. I accordingly answered Admiral Porter to this effect, declining toloan him the use of one of my divisions. It subsequentlytranspired, however, that, as soon as General Butler reached CityPoint, General Grant was unwilling to rest under a sense offailure, and accordingly dispatched back the same troops, reenforced and commanded by General A. H. Terry, who, on the 15thday of January, successfully assaulted and captured Fort Fisher, with its entire garrison. After the war was over, about the 20thof May, when I was giving my testimony before the CongressionalCommittee on the Conduct of the War, the chairman of the committee, Senator B. F. Wade, of Ohio, told me that General Butler had beensummoned before that committee during the previous January, and hadjust finished his demonstration to their entire satisfaction thatFort Fisher could not be carried by assault, when they heard thenewsboy in the hall crying out an "extra" Calling him in, theyinquired the news, and he answered, "Fort Fisher done took!" Ofcourse, they all laughed, and none more heartily than GeneralButler himself. 

On the 11th of January there arrived at Savannah a revenue-cutter, having on board Simeon Draper, Esq. , of New York City, the Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Quartermaster-General Meigs, Adjutant-General Townsend, and a retinue of civilians, who had comedown from the North to regulate the civil affairs of Savannah.... 

I was instructed by Mr. Stanton to transfer to Mr. Draper thecustom house, post-office, and such other public buildings as thesecivilians needed in the execution of their office, and to cause tobe delivered into their custody the captured cotton. This wasaccomplished by--

[Special Field Orders, No. 10. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 12, 1865. 

1. Brevet Brigadier-General Euston, chief-quartermaster, will turnover to Simeon Draper, Esq. , agent of the United States TreasuryDepartment, all cotton now in the city of Savannah, prize of war, taking his receipt for the same in gross, and returning for it tothe quartermaster-general. He will also afford Mr. Draper all thefacilities in his power in the way of transportation, labor, etc. , to enable him to handle the cotton with expedition. 

2. General Euston will also turn over to Mr. Draper thecustom-house, and such other buildings in the city of Savannah ashe may need in the execution of his office. 

By order of General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp. 

Up to this time all the cotton had been carefully guarded, withorders to General Euston to ship it by the return-vessels to NewYork, for the adjudication of the nearest prize-court, accompaniedwith invoices and all evidence of title to ownership. Marks, numbers, and other figures, were carefully preserved on the bales, so that the court might know the history of each bale. But Mr. Stanton, who surely was an able lawyer, changed all this, andordered the obliteration of all the marks; so that no man, friendor foe, could trace his identical cotton. I thought it strange atthe time, and think it more so now; for I am assured that claims, real and fictitious, have been proved up against this identicalcotton of three times the quantity actually captured, and thatreclamations on the Treasury have been allowed for more than theactual quantity captured, viz. , thirty-one thousand bales. 

Mr. Stanton staid in Savannah several days, and seemed very curiousabout matters and things in general. I walked with him through thecity, especially the bivouacs of the several regiments thatoccupied the vacant squares, and he seemed particularly pleased atthe ingenuity of the men in constructing their temporary huts. Four of the "dog-tents, " or tentes d'abri, buttoned together, served for a roof, and the sides were made of clapboards, or roughboards brought from demolished houses or fences. I remember hismarked admiration for the hut of a soldier who had made his doorout of a handsome parlor mirror, the glass gone and its gilt frameserving for his door. 

He talked to me a great deal about the negroes, the former slaves, and I told him of many interesting incidents, illustrating theirsimple character and faith in our arms and progress. He inquiredparticularly about General Jeff. C. Davis, who, he said, was aDemocrat, and hostile to the negro. I assured him that GeneralDavis was an excellent soldier, and I did not believe he had anyhostility to the negro; that in our army we had no negro soldiers, and, as a rule, we preferred white soldiers, but that we employed alarge force of them as servants, teamsters, and pioneers, who hadrendered admirable service. He then showed me a newspaper accountof General Davis taking up his pontoon-bridge across EbenezerCreek, leaving sleeping negro men, women, and children, on theother side, to be slaughtered by Wheeler's cavalry. I had heardsuch a rumor, and advised Mr. Stanton, before becoming prejudiced, to allow me to send for General Davis, which he did, and GeneralDavis explained the matter to his entire satisfaction. The truthwas, that, as we approached the seaboard, the freedmen in droves, old and young, followed the several columns to reach a place ofsafety. It so happened that General Davis's route into Savannahfollowed what was known as the "River-road, " and he had to makeconstant use of his pontoon-train--the head of his column reachingsome deep, impassable creek before the rear was fairly overanother. He had occasionally to use the pontoons both day andnight. On the occasion referred to, the bridge was taken up fromEbenezer Creek while some of the camp-followers remained asleep onthe farther side, and these were picked up by Wheeler's cavalry. Some of them, in their fright, were drowned in trying to swim over, and others may have been cruelly killed by Wheeler's men, but thiswas a mere supposition. At all events, the same thing might haveresulted to General Howard, or to any other of the many most humanecommanders who filled the army. General Jeff. C. Davis wasstrictly a soldier, and doubtless hated to have his wagons andcolumns encumbered by these poor negroes, for whom we all feltsympathy, but a sympathy of a different sort from that of Mr. Stanton, which was not of pure humanity, but of politics. Thenegro question was beginning to loom up among the politicaleventualities of the day, and many foresaw that not only would theslaves secure their freedom, but that they would also have votes. I did not dream of such a result then, but knew that slavery, assuch, was dead forever, and did not suppose that the former slaveswould be suddenly, without preparation, manufactured into voters, equal to all others, politically and socially. Mr. Stanton seemeddesirous of coming into contact with the negroes to confer withthem, and he asked me to arrange an interview for him. Iaccordingly sent out and invited the most intelligent of thenegroes, mostly Baptist and Methodist preachers, to come to myrooms to meet the Secretary of War. Twenty responded, and werereceived in my room up-stairs in Mr. Green's house, where Mr. Stanton and Adjutant-General Townsend took down the conversation inthe form of questions and answers. Each of the twenty gave hisname and partial history, and then selected Garrison Frazier astheir spokesman:

First Question. State what your understanding is in regard to theacts of Congress and President Lincoln's proclamation touching thecolored people in the rebel States?

Answer. So far as I understand President Lincoln's proclamation tothe rebel States, it is, that if they will lay down their arms andsubmit to the laws of the United States, before the 1st of January, 1863, all should be well; but if they did not, then all the slavesin the Southern States should be free, henceforth and forever. That is what I understood. 

Second Question. State what you understand by slavery, and thefreedom that was to be given by the President's proclamation?

Answer. Slavery is receiving by irresistible power the work ofanother man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understandit, promised by the proclamation, is taking us from under the yokeof bondage and placing us where we can reap the fruit of our ownlabor, and take care of ourselves and assist the Government inmaintaining our freedom. 

Fourth Question. State in what manner you would rather live--whether scattered among the whites, or in colonies by yourselves?

Answer. I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is aprejudice against us in the South that will take years to get over;but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren. 

(All but Mr. Lynch, a missionary from the North, agreed withFrazier, but he thought they ought to live together, along with thewhites. )

Eighth Question. If the rebel leaders were to arm the slaves, whatwould be its effect?

Answer. I think they would fight as long as they were before the"bayonet, " and just as soon as they could get away they woulddesert, in my opinion. 

Tenth Question. Do you understand the mode of enlistment ofcolored persons in the rebel States by State agents, under the actof Congress; if yea, what is your understanding?

Answer. My understanding is, that colored persons enlisted byState agents are enlisted as substitutes, and give credit to theState and do not swell the army, because every black man enlistedby a State agent leaves a white man at home; and also that largerbounties are given, or promised, by the State agents than are givenby the United States. The great object should be to push throughthis rebellion the shortest way; and there seems to be somethingwanting in the enlistment by State agents, for it don't strengthenthe army, but takes one away for every colored man enlisted. 

Eleventh Question. State what, in your opinion, is the best way toenlist colored men as soldiers?

Answer. I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be puta stop to. The ministers would talk to them, and the young menwould enlist. It is my opinion that it world be far better for theState agents to stay at home and the enlistments be made for theUnited States under the direction of General Sherman. 

Up to this time I was present, and, on Mr. Stanton's intimatingthat he wanted to ask some questions affecting me, I withdrew, andthen he put the twelfth and last question. 

Twelfth Question. State what is the feeling of the colored peopletoward General Sherman, and how far do they regard his sentimentsand actions as friendly to their rights and interests, orotherwise. 

Answer. We looked upon General Sherman, prior to his arrival, as aman, in the providence of God, specially set apart to accomplishthis work, and we unanimously felt inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a man who should be honored for the faithfulperformance of his duty. Some of us called upon him immediatelyupon his arrival, and it is probable he did not meet the secretarywith more courtesy than he did us. His conduct and deportmenttoward us characterized him as a friend and gentleman. We haveconfidence in General Sherman, and think what concerns us could notbe in better hands. This is our opinion now, from the shortacquaintance and intercourse we have had. 

It certainly was a strange fact that the great War Secretary shouldhave catechized negroes concerning the character of a general whohad commanded a hundred thousand men in battle, had captured citiesconducted sixty-five thousand men successfully across four hundredmiles of hostile territory, and had just brought tens of thousandsof freedmen to a place of security; but because I had not loadeddown my army by other hundreds of thousands of poor negroes, I wasconstrued by others as hostile to the black race. I had receivedfrom General Halleck, at Washington, a letter warning me that therewere certain influential parties near the President who weretorturing him with suspicions of my fidelity to him and his negropolicy; but I shall always believe that Mr. Lincoln, though acivilian, knew better, and appreciated my motives and character. Though this letter of General Halleck has always been treated by meas confidential, I now insert it here at length:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, D. C. , December 30, 1864. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, Savannah. 

MY DEAR GENERAL: I take the liberty of calling your attention, inthis private and friendly way, to a matter which may possiblyhereafter be of more importance to you than either of us may nowanticipate. 

While almost every one is praising your great march throughGeorgia, and the capture of Savannah, there is a certain classhaving now great influence with the President, and very probablyanticipating still more on a change of cabinet, who are decidedlydisposed to make a point against you. I mean in regard to"inevitable Sambo. " They say that you have manifested an almostcriminal dislike to the negro, and that you are not willing tocarry out the wishes of the Government in regard to him, butrepulse him with contempt! They say you might have brought with youto Savannah more than fifty thousand, thus stripping Georgia ofthat number of laborers, and opening a road by which as many morecould have escaped from their masters; but that, instead of this, you drove them from your ranks, prevented their following you bycutting the bridges in your rear, and thus caused the massacre oflarge numbers by Wheeler's cavalry. 

To those who know you as I do, such accusation will pass as theidle winds, for we presume that you discouraged the negroes fromfollowing you because you had not the means of supporting them, andfeared they might seriously embarrass your march. But there areothers, and among them some in high authority, who think or pretendto think otherwise, and they are decidedly disposed to make a pointagainst you. 

I do not write this to induce you to conciliate this class of menby doing any thing which you do not deem right and proper, and forthe interest of the Government and the country; but simply to callyour attention to certain things which are viewed here somewhatdifferently than from your stand-point. I will explain as brieflyas possible:

Some here think that, in view of the scarcity of labor in theSouth, and the probability that a part, at least, of theable-bodied slaves will be called into the military service of therebels, it is of the greatest importance to open outlets by whichthese slaves can escape into our lines, and they say that the routeyou have passed over should be made the route of escape, andSavannah the great place of refuge. These, I know, are the viewsof some of the leading men in the Administration, and they nowexpress dissatisfaction that you did not carry them out in yourgreat raid. 

Now that you are in possession of Savannah, and there can be nofurther fears about supplies, would it not be possible for you toreopen these avenues of escape for the negroes, without interferingwith your military operations? Could not such escaped slaves findat least a partial supply of food in the rice-fields aboutSavannah, and cotton plantations on the coast?

I merely throw out these suggestions. I know that such a coursewould be approved by the Government, and I believe that amanifestation on your part of a desire to bring the slaves withinour lines will do much to silence your opponents. You willappreciate my motives in writing this private letter. Yours truly, H. W. HALLECK. 

There is no doubt that Mr. Stanton, when he reached Savannah, shared these thoughts, but luckily the negroes themselves convincedhim that he was in error, and that they understood their owninterests far better than did the men in Washington, who tried tomake political capital out of this negro question. The idea thatsuch men should have been permitted to hang around Mr. Lincoln, totorture his life by suspicions of the officers who were toilingwith the single purpose to bring the war to a successful end, andthereby to liberate all slaves, is a fair illustration of theinfluences that poison a political capital. 

My aim then was, to whip the rebels, to humble their pride, tofollow them to their inmost recesses, and make them fear and dreadus. "Fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. " I did not wantthem to cast in our teeth what General Hood had once done inAtlanta, that we had to call on their slaves to help us to subduethem. But, as regards kindness to the race, encouraging them topatience and forbearance, procuring them food and clothing, andproviding them with land whereon to labor, I assert that no armyever did more for that race than the one I commanded in Savannah. When we reached Savannah, we were beset by ravenous State agentsfrom Hilton Head, who enticed and carried away our servants, andthe corps of pioneers which we had organized, and which had donesuch excellent service. On one occasion, my own aide-de-camp, Colonel Audenried, found at least a hundred poor negroes shut up ina house and pen, waiting for the night, to be conveyed stealthilyto Hilton Head. They appealed to him for protection, alleging thatthey had been told that they must be soldiers, that "Massa Lincoln"wanted them, etc. I never denied the slaves a full opportunity forvoluntary enlistment, but I did prohibit force to be used, for Iknew that the State agents were more influenced by the profit theyderived from the large bounties then being paid than by any love ofcountry or of the colored race. In the language of Mr. Frazier, the enlistment of every black man "did not strengthen the army, buttook away one white man from the ranks. "

During Mr. Stanton's stay in Savannah we discussed this negroquestion very fully; he asked me to draft an order on the subject, in accordance with my own views, that would meet the pressingnecessities of the case, and I did so. We went over this order, No. 15, of January 16, 1865, very carefully. The secretary madesome verbal modifications, when it was approved by him in all itsdetails, I published it, and it went into operation at once. Itprovided fully for the enlistment of colored troops, and gave thefreedmen certain possessory rights to land, which afterward becamematters of judicial inquiry and decision. Of course, the militaryauthorities at that day, when war prevailed, had a perfect right togrant the possession of any vacant land to which they could extendmilitary protection, but we did not undertake to give a fee-simpletitle; and all that was designed by these special field orders wasto make temporary provisions for the freedmen and their familiesduring the rest of the war, or until Congress should take action inthe premises. All that I now propose to assert is, that Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War, saw these orders in the rough, andapproved every paragraph thereof, before they were made public:

[Special Field Orders, No. 15. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 16, 1865. 

1. The islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice-fieldsalong the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and thecountry bordering the St. John's River, Florida, are reserved andset apart for the settlement of the negroes now made free by theacts of war and the proclamation of the President of the UnitedStates. 

2. At Beaufort, Hilton Head, Savannah, Fernandina, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville, the blacks may remain in their chosen oraccustomed vocations; but on the islands, and in the settlementshereafter to be established, no white person whatever, unlessmilitary officers and soldiers detailed for duty, will be permittedto reside; and the sole and exclusive management of affairs will beleft to the freed people themselves, subject only to the UnitedStates military authority, and the acts of Congress. By the lawsof war, and orders of the President of the United States, the negrois free, and must be dealt with as such. He cannot be subjected toconscription, or forced military service, save by the writtenorders of the highest military authority of the department, undersuch regulations as the President or Congress may prescribe. Domestic servants, blacksmiths, carpenters, and other mechanics, will be free to select their own work and residence, but the youngand able-bodied negroes must be encouraged to enlist as soldiery inthe service of the United States, to contribute their share towardmaintaining their own freedom, and securing their rights ascitizens of the United States. 

Negroes so enlisted will be organized into companies, battalions, and regiments, under the orders of the United States militaryauthorities, and will be paid, fed, and clothed; according to law. The bounties paid on enlistment may, with the consent of therecruit, go to assist his family and settlement in procuringagricultural implements, seed, tools, boots, clothing, and otherarticles necessary for their livelihood. 

8. Whenever three respectable negroes, heads of families, shalldesire to settle on land, and shall have selected for that purposean island or a locality clearly defined within the limits abovedesignated, the Inspector of Settlements and Plantations willhimself, or, by such subordinate officer as he may appoint, givethem a license to settle such island or district, and afford themsuch assistance as he can to enable them to establish a peaceableagricultural settlement. The three parties named will subdividethe land, under the supervision of the inspector, among themselves, and such others as may choose to settle near them, so that eachfamily shall have a plot of not more than forty acres of tillableground, and, when it borders on some water-channel, with not morethan eight hundred feet water-front, in the possession of whichland the military authorities will afford them protection untilsuch time as they can protect themselves, or until Congress shallregulate their title. The quartermaster may, on the requisition ofthe Inspector of Settlements and Plantations, place at the disposalof the inspector one or more of the captured steamers to plybetween the settlements and one or more of the commercial pointsheretofore named, in order to afford the settlers the opportunityto supply their necessary wants, and to sell the products of theirland and labor. 

4. Whenever a negro has enlisted in the military service of theUnited States, he may locate his family in any one of thesettlements at pleasure, and acquire a homestead, and all otherrights and privileges of a settler, as though present in person. In like manner, negroes may settle their families and engage onboard the gunboats, or in fishing, or in the navigation of theinland waters, without losing any claim to land or other advantagesderived from this system. But no one, unless an actual settler asabove defined, or unless absent on Government service, will beentitled to claim any right to land or property in any settlementby virtue of these orders. 

5. In order to carry out this system of settlement, a generalofficer will be detailed as Inspector of Settlements andPlantations, whose duty it shall be to visit the settlements, toregulate their police and general arrangement, and who will furnishpersonally to each head of a family, subject to the approval of thePresident of the United States, a possessory title in writing, giving as near as possible the description of boundaries; and whoshall adjust all claims or conflicts that may arise under the same, subject to the like approval, treating such titles altogether aspossessory. The same general officer will also be charged with theenlistment and organization of the negro recruits, and protectingtheir interests while absent from their settlements; and will begoverned by the rules and regulations prescribed by the WarDepartment for such purposes. 

6. Brigadier-General R. Saxton is hereby appointed Inspector ofSettlements and Plantations, and will at once enter on theperformance of his duties. No change is intended or desired in thesettlement now on Beaufort Island, nor will any rights to propertyheretofore acquired be affected thereby. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

I saw a good deal of the secretary socially, during the time of hisvisit to Savannah. He kept his quarters on the revenue-cutter withSimeon Draper, Esq. , which cutter lay at a wharf in the river, buthe came very often to my quarters at Mr. Green's house. Thoughappearing robust and strong, he complained a good deal of internalpains, which he said threatened his life, and would compel him soonto quit public office. He professed to have come from Washingtonpurposely for rest and recreation, and he spoke unreservedly of thebickerings and jealousies at the national capital; of theinterminable quarrels of the State Governors about their quotas, and more particularly of the financial troubles that threatened thevery existence of the Government itself. He said that the price ofevery thing had so risen in comparison with the depreciated money, that there was danger of national bankruptcy, and he appealed tome, as a soldier and patriot, to hurry up matters so as to bringthe war to a close. 

He left for Port Royal about the 15th of January, and promised togo North without delay, so as to hurry back to me the supplies Ihad called for, as indispensable for the prosecution of the nextstage of the campaign. I was quite impatient to get off myself, for a city-life had become dull and tame, and we were all anxiousto get into the pine-woods again, free from the importunities ofrebel women asking for protection, and of the civilians from theNorth who were coming to Savannah for cotton and all sorts ofprofit. 

On the 18th of January General Slocum was ordered to turn over thecity of Savannah to General J. G. Foster, commanding the Departmentof the South, who proposed to retain his own headquarters at HiltonHead, and to occupy Savannah by General Grovers division of theNineteenth Corps, just arrived from James River; and on the nextday, viz. , January 19th, I made the first general orders for themove. 

These were substantially to group the right wing of the army atPocotaligo, already held by the Seventeenth Corps, and the leftwing and cavalry at or near Robertsville, in South Carolina. Thearmy remained substantially the same as during the march fromAtlanta, with the exception of a few changes in the commanders ofbrigades and divisions, the addition of some men who had joinedfrom furlough, and the loss of others from the expiration of theirterm of service. My own personal staff remained the same, with theexception that General W. F. Barry had rejoined us at Savannah, perfectly recovered from his attack of erysipelas, and continuedwith us to the end of the war. Generals Easton and Beckwithremained at Savannah, in charge of their respective depots, withorders to follow and meet us by sea with supplies when we shouldreach the coast at Wilmington or Newbern, North Carolina. 

Of course, I gave out with some ostentation, especially among therebels, that we were going to Charleston or Augusta; but I had longbefore made up my mind to waste no time on either, further than toplay off on their fears, thus to retain for their protection aforce of the enemy which would otherwise concentrate in our front, and make the passage of some of the great rivers that crossed ourroute more difficult and bloody. 

Having accomplished all that seemed necessary, on the 21st ofJanuary, with my entire headquarters, officers, clerks, orderlies, etc. , with wagons and horses, I embarked in a steamer for Beaufort, South Carolina, touching at Hilton Head, to see General Foster. The weather was rainy and bad, but we reached Beaufort safely onthe 23d, and found some of General Blair's troops there. The pinkof his corps (Seventeenth) was, however, up on the railroad aboutPocotaligo, near the head of Broad River, to which their supplieswere carried from Hilton Head by steamboats. General Hatch'sdivision (of General Foster's command) was still at Coosawhatchieor Tullafinny, where the Charleston & Savannah Railroad crosses theriver of that name. All the country between Beaufort andPocotaligo was low alluvial land, cut up by an infinite number ofsalt-water sloughs and freshwater creeks, easily susceptible ofdefense by a small force; and why the enemy had allowed us to makea lodgment at Pocotaligo so easily I did not understand, unless itresulted from fear or ignorance. It seemed to me then that theterrible energy they had displayed in the earlier stages of the warwas beginning to yield to the slower but more certain industry anddiscipline of our Northern men. It was to me manifest that thesoldiers and people of the South entertained an undue fear of ourWestern men, and, like children, they had invented such ghostlikestories of our prowess in Georgia, that they were scared by theirown inventions. Still, this was a power, and I intended to utilizeit. Somehow, our men had got the idea that South Carolina was thecause of all our troubles; her people were the first to fire onFort Sumter, had been in a great hurry to precipitate the countryinto civil war; and therefore on them should fall the scourge ofwar in its worst form. Taunting messages had also come to us, whenin Georgia, to the effect that, when we should reach SouthCarolina, we would find a people less passive, who would fight usto the bitter end, daring us to come over, etc. ; so that I saw andfelt that we would not be able longer to restrain our men as we haddone in Georgia. 

Personally I had many friends in Charleston, to whom I would gladlyhave extended protection and mercy, but they were beyond mypersonal reach, and I would not restrain the army lest its vigorand energy should be impaired; and I had every reason to expectbold and strong resistance at the many broad and deep rivers thatlay across our path. 

General Foster's Department of the South had been enlarged toembrace the coast of North Carolina, so that the few troops servingthere, under the command of General Innis N. Palmer, at Newbern, became subject to my command. General A. H. Terry held FortFisher, and a rumor came that he had taken the city of Wilmington;but this was premature. He had about eight thousand men. GeneralSchofield was also known to be en route from Nashville for NorthCarolina, with the entire Twenty-third Corps, so that I had everyreason to be satisfied that I would receive additional strength aswe progressed northward, and before I should need it. 

General W. J. Hardee commanded the Confederate forces inCharleston, with the Salkiehatchie River as his line of defense. It was also known that General Beauregard had come from thedirection of Tennessee, and had assumed the general command of allthe troops designed to resist our progress. 

The heavy winter rains had begun early in January, rendered theroads execrable, and the Savannah River became so swollen that itfilled its many channels, overflowing the vast extent ofrice-fields that lay on the east bank. This flood delayed ourdeparture two weeks; for it swept away our pontoon-bridge atSavannah, and came near drowning John E. Smith's division of theFifteenth Corps, with several heavy trains of wagons that were enroute from Savannah to Pocotaligo by the old causeway. 

General Slocum had already ferried two of his divisions across theriver, when Sister's Ferry, about forty miles above Savannah, wasselected for the passage of the rest of his wing and ofKilpatrick's cavalry. The troops were in motion for that pointbefore I quitted Savannah, and Captain S. B. Luce, United StatesNavy, had reported to me with a gunboat (the Pontiac) and a coupleof transports, which I requested him to use in protecting Sister'sFerry during the passage of Slocum's wing, and to facilitate thepassage of the troops all he could. The utmost activity prevailedat all points, but it was manifest we could not get off much beforethe 1st day of February; so I determined to go in person toPocotaligo, and there act as though we were bound for Charleston. On the 24th of January I started from Beaufort with a part of mystaff, leaving the rest to follow at leisure, rode across theisland to a pontoon-bridge that spanned the channel between it andthe main-land, and thence rode by Garden's Corners to a plantationnot far from Pocotaligo, occupied by General Blair. There we founda house, with a majestic avenue of live-oaks, whose limbs had beencut away by the troops for firewood, and desolation marked one ofthose splendid South Carolina estates where the proprietorsformerly had dispensed a hospitality that distinguished the oldregime of that proud State. I slept on the floor of the house, butthe night was so bitter cold that I got up by the fire severaltimes, and when it burned low I rekindled it with an oldmantel-clock and the wreck of a bedstead which stood in a corner ofthe room--the only act of vandalism that I recall done by myselfpersonally during the war. 

The next morning I rode to Pocotaligo, and thence reconnoitred ourentire line down to Coosawhatchie. Pocotaligo Fort was on low, alluvial ground, and near it began the sandy pine-land whichconnected with the firm ground extending inland, constituting thechief reason for its capture at the very first stage of thecampaign. Hatch's division was ordered to that point fromCoosawhatchie, and the whole of Howard's right wing was broughtnear by, ready to start by the 1st of February. I alsoreconnoitred the point of the Salkiehatchie River, where theCharleston Railroad crossed it, found the bridge protected by arebel battery on the farther side, and could see a few men aboutit; but the stream itself was absolutely impassable, for the wholebottom was overflowed by its swollen waters to the breadth of afull mile. Nevertheless, Force's and Mower's divisions of theSeventeenth Corps were kept active, seemingly with the intention tocross over in the direction of Charleston, and thus to keep up thedelusion that that city was our immediate "objective. " Meantime, Ihad reports from General Slocum of the terrible difficulties he hadencountered about Sister's Ferry, where the Savannah River wasreported nearly three miles wide, and it seemed for a time almostimpossible for him to span it at all with his frail pontoons. About this time (January 25th), the weather cleared away bright andcold, and I inferred that the river would soon run down, and enableSlocum to pass the river before February 1st. One of the divisionsof the Fifteenth Corps (Corse's) had also been cut off by the lossof the pontoon-bridge at Savannah, so that General Slocum had withhim, not only his own two corps, but Corse's division andKilpatrick's cavalry, without which it was not prudent for me toinaugurate the campaign. We therefore rested quietly aboutPocotaligo, collecting stores and making final preparations, untilthe 1st of February, when I learned that the cavalry and twodivisions of the Twentieth Corps were fairly across the river, andthen gave the necessary orders for the march northward. 

Before closing this chapter, I will add a few original letters thatbear directly on the subject, and tend to illustrate it:

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESWASHINGTON, D. C. January 21, 1866. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Your letters brought by General Barnard were received atCity Point, and read with interest. Not having them with me, however, I cannot say that in this I will be able to satisfy you onall points of recommendation. As I arrived here at 1 p. M. , andmust leave at 6 p. M. , having in the mean time spent over threehours with the secretary and General Halleck, I must be brief. Before your last request to have Thomas make a campaign into theheart of Alabama, I had ordered Schofield to Annapolis, Maryland, with his corps. The advance (six thousand) will reach the seaboardby the 23d, the remainder following as rapidly as railroadtransportation can be procured from Cincinnati. The corps numbersover twenty-one thousand men. 

Thomas is still left with a sufficient force, surplus to go toSelma under an energetic leader. He has been telegraphed to, toknow whether he could go, and, if so, by which of several routes hewould select. No reply is yet received. Canby has been ordered toset offensively from the seacoast to the interior, towardMontgomery and Selma. Thomas's forces will move from the north atan early day, or some of his troops will be sent to Canby. Withoutfurther reenforcement Canby will have a moving column of twentythousand men. 

Fort Fisher, you are aware, has been captured. We have a forcethere of eight thousand effective. At Newbern about half thenumber. It is rumored, through deserters, that Wilmington also hasfallen. I am inclined to believe the rumor, because on the 17th weknew the enemy were blowing up their works about Fort Caswell, andthat on the 18th Terry moved on Wilmington. 

If Wilmington is captured, Schofield will go there. If not, hewill be sent to Newbern. In either event, all the surplus forcesat the two points will move to the interior, toward Goldsboro', incooperation with your movements. From either point, railroadcommunications can be run out, there being here abundance ofrolling-stock suited to the gauge of those roads. 

There have been about sixteen thousand men sent from Lee's armysouth. Of these, you will have fourteen thousand against you, ifWilmington is not held by the enemy, casualties at Fort Fisherhaving overtaken about two thousand. 

All other troops are subject to your orders as you come incommunication with them. They will be so instructed. From aboutRichmond I will watch Lee closely, and if he detaches many men, orattempts to evacuate, will pitch in. In the meantime, should yoube brought to a halt anywhere, I can send two corps of thirtythousand effective men to your support, from the troops aboutRichmond. 

To resume: Canby is ordered to operate to the interior from theGulf. A. J. Smith may go from the north, but I think it doubtful. A force of twenty-eight or thirty thousand will cooperate with youfrom Newbern or Wilmington, or both. You can call forreenforcements. 

This will be handed you by Captain Hudson, of my staff, who willreturn with any message you may have for me. If there is any thingI can do for you in the way of having supplies on shipboard, at anypoint on the seacoast, ready for you, let me know it. 

Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 29, 1885. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia. 

DEAR GENERAL: Captain Hudson has this moment arrived with yourletter of January 21st, which I have read with interest. 

The capture of Fort Fisher has a most important bearing on mycampaign, and I rejoice in it for many reasons, because of itsintrinsic importance, and because it gives me another point ofsecurity on the seaboard. I hope General Terry will follow it upby the capture of Wilmington, although I do not look for it, fromAdmiral Porter's dispatch to me. I rejoice that Terry was not aWest-Pointer, that he belonged to your army, and that he had thesame troops with which Butler feared to make the attempt. 

Admiral Dahlgren, whose fleet is reenforced by some more ironclads, wants to make an assault a la Fisher on Fort Moultrie, but Iwithhold my consent, for the reason that the capture of allSullivan's Island is not conclusive as to Charleston; the captureof James Island would be, but all pronounce that impossible at thistime. Therefore, I am moving (as hitherto designed) for therailroad west of Branchville, then will swing across to Orangeburg, which will interpose my army between Charleston and the interior. Contemporaneous with this, Foster will demonstrate up the Edisto, and afterward make a lodgment at Bull's Bay, and occupy the commonroad which leads from Mount Pleasant toward Georgetown. When I getto Columbia, I think I shall move straight for Goldsboro', viaFayetteville. By this circuit I cut all roads, and devastate theland; and the forces along the coast, commanded by Foster, willfollow my movement, taking any thing the enemy lets go, or sooccupy his attention that he cannot detach all his forces againstme. I feel sure of getting Wilmington, and may be Charleston, andbeing at Goldsboro', with its railroads finished back to MoreheadCity and Wilmington, I can easily take Raleigh, when it seems thatLee must come out. If Schofield comes to Beaufort, he should bepushed out to Kinston, on the Neuse, and may be Goldsboro' (or, rather, a point on the Wilmington road, south of Goldsboro'). Itis not necessary to storm Goldsboro', because it is in a distantregion, of no importance in itself, and, if its garrison is forcedto draw supplies from its north, it, will be eating up the samestores on which Lee depends for his command. 

I have no doubt Hood will bring his army to Augusta. Canby andThomas should penetrate Alabama as far as possible, to keepemployed at least a part of Hood's army; or, what would accomplishthe same thing, Thomas might reoccupy the railroad from Chattanoogaforward to the Etowah, viz. , Rome, Kingston, and Allatoona, therebythreatening Georgia. I know that the Georgia troops aredisaffected. At Savannah I met delegates from several counties ofthe southwest, who manifested a decidedly hostile spirit to theConfederate cause. I nursed the feeling as far as possible, andinstructed Grower to keep it up. 

My left wing must now be at Sister's Ferry, crossing the SavannahRiver to the east bank. Slocum has orders to be at Robertsvilleto-morrow, prepared to move on Barnwell. Howard is here, all readyto start for the Augusta Railroad at Midway. 

We find the enemy on the east aide of the Salkiehatchie, andcavalry in our front; but all give ground on our approach, and seemto be merely watching us. If we start on Tuesday, in one week weshall be near Orangeburg, having broken up the Augusta road fromthe Edisto westward twenty or twenty-five miles. I will be surethat every rail is twisted. Should we encounter too muchopposition near Orangeburg, then I will for a time neglect thatbranch, and rapidly move on Columbia, and fill up the triangleformed by the Congaree and Wateree (tributaries of the Santee), breaking up that great centre of the Carolina roads. Up to thatpoint I feel full confidence, but from there may have to manoeuvresome, and will be guided by the questions of weather and supplies. 

You remember we had fine weather last February for our Meridiantrip, and my memory of the weather at Charleston is, that Februaryis usually a fine month. Before the March storms come we should bewithin striking distance of the coast. The months of April and Maywill be the best for operations from Goldsboro' to Raleigh and theRoanoke. You may rest assured that I will keep my troops well inhand, and, if I get worsted, will aim to make the enemy pay sodearly that you will have less to do. I know that this trip isnecessary; it must be made sooner or later; I am on time, and inthe right position for it. My army is large enough for thepurpose, and I ask no reinforcement, but simply wish the utmostactivity to be kept up at all other points, so that concentrationagainst me may not be universal. 

I suspect that Jeff. Davis will move heaven and earth to catch me, for success to this column is fatal to his dream of empire. Richmond is not more vital to his cause than Columbia and the heartof South Carolina. 

If Thomas will not move on Selma, order him to occupy Rome, Kingston, and Allatoona, and again threaten Georgia in thedirection of Athena. 

I think the "poor white trash" of the South are falling out oftheir ranks by sickness, desertion, and every available means; butthere is a large class of vindictive Southerners who will fight tothe last. The squabbles in Richmond, the howls in Charleston, andthe disintegration elsewhere, are all good omens for us; we mustnot relax one iota, but, on the contrary, pile up our efforts: Iworld, ere this, have been off, but we had terrific rains, whichcaught us in motion, and nearly drowned some of the troops in therice-fields of the Savannah, swept away our causeway (which hadbeen carefully corduroyed), and made the swamps hereabout merelakes of slimy mud. The weather is now good, and I have the armyon terra firma. Supplies, too, came for a long time by dailydriblets instead of in bulk; this is now all remedied, and I hopeto start on Tuesday. 

I will issue instructions to General Foster, based on thereenforcements of North Carolina; but if Schofield comes, you hadbetter relieve Foster, who cannot take the field, and needs anoperation on his leg. Let Schofield take command, with hisheadquarters at Beaufort, North Carolina, and with orders to secureGoldsboro' (with its railroad communication back to Beaufort andWilmington). If Lee lets us get that position, he is gone up. 

I will start with my Atlanta army (sixty thousand), supplied asbefore, depending on the country for all food in excess of thirtydays. I will have less cattle on the hoof, but I hear of hogs, cows, and calves, in Barnwell and the Colombia districts. Evenhere we have found some forage. Of course, the enemy will carryoff and destroy some forage, but I will burn the houses where thepeople burn their forage, and they will get tired of it. 

I must risk Hood, and trust to you to hold Lee or be on his heelsif he comes south. I observe that the enemy has some respect formy name, for they gave up Pocotaligo without a fight when theyheard that the attacking force belonged to my army. I will try andkeep up that feeling, which is a real power. With respect, yourfriend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-general commanding. 

P. S. --I leave my chief-quartermaster and commissary behind tofollow coastwise. W. T. S. 

[Dispatch No. 6. ]

FLAG-STEAMER PHILADELPHIASAVANNAH RIVER, January 4, 1865. 

HON. GIDEON WELLS, Secretary of the Navy. 

SIR: I have already apprised the Department that the army ofGeneral Sherman occupied the city of Savannah on the 21st ofDecember. 

The rebel army, hardly respectable in numbers or condition, escapedby crossing the river and taking the Union Causeway toward therailroad. 

I have walked about the city several times, and can affirm that itstranquillity is undisturbed. The Union soldiers who are stationedwithin its limits are as orderly as if they were in New York orBoston.... One effect of the march of General Sherman throughGeorgia has been to satisfy the people that their credulity hasbeen imposed upon by the lying assertions of the rebel Government, affirming the inability of the United States Government towithstand the armies of rebeldom. They have seen the old flag ofthe United States carried by its victorious legions through theirState, almost unopposed, and placed in their principal city withouta blow. 

Since the occupation of the city General Sherman has been occupiedin making arrangements for its security after he leaves it for themarch that he meditates. My attention has been directed to suchmeasures of cooperation as the number and quality of my forcepermit. 

On the 2d I arrived here from Charleston, whither, as I stated inmy dispatch of the 29th of December, I had gone in consequence ofinformation from the senior officer there that the rebelscontemplated issuing from the harbor, and his request for mypresence. Having placed a force there of seven monitors, sufficient to meet each an emergency, and not perceiving any signof the expected raid, I returned to Savannah, to keep incommunication with General Sherman and be ready to render anyassistance that might be desired. General Sherman has fullyinformed me of his plans, and, so far as my means permit, theyshall not lack assistance by water. 

On the 3d the transfer of the right wing to Beaufort was began, andthe only suitable vessel I had at hand (the Harvest Moon) was sentto Thunderbolt to receive the first embarkation. This took placeabout 3 p. M. , and was witnessed by General Sherman and GeneralBernard (United States Engineers) and myself. The Pontiac isordered around to assist, and the army transports also followed thefirst move by the Harvest Moon. 

I could not help remarking the unbroken silence that prevailed inthe large array of troops; not a voice was to be heard, as theygathered in masses on the bluff to look at the vessels. The notesof a solitary bugle alone came from their midst. 

General Barnard made a brief visit to one of the rebel works(Cansten's Bluff) that dominated this water-course--the bestapproach of the kind to Savannah. 

I am collecting data that will fully exhibit to the Department thepowerful character of the defenses of the city and its approaches. General Sherman will not retain the extended limits they embrace. But will contract the line very much. 

General Foster still holds the position near the Tullifinny. Withhis concurrence I have detached the fleet brigade, and the menbelonging to it have returned to their vessels. The excellentservice performed by this detachment has fully realized my wishes, and exemplified the efficiency of the organization--infantry andlight artillery handled as skirmishers. The howitzers were alwayslanded as quickly as the men, and were brought into action beforethe light pieces of the land-service could be got ashore. 

I regret very much that the reduced complements of the vesselsprevent me from maintaining the force in constant organization. With three hundred more marines and five hundred seamen I couldfrequently operate to great advantage, at the present time, whenthe attention of the rebels is so engrossed by General Sherman. 

It is said that they have a force at Hardeeville, the pickets ofwhich were retained on the Union Causeway until a few days since, when some of our troops crossed the river and pushed them back. Concurrently with this, I caused the Sonoma to anchor so as tosweep the ground in the direction of the causeway. 

The transfer of the right-wing (thirty thousand men) to Beaufortwill so imperil the rebel force at Hardeeville that it will be cutoff or dispersed, if not moved in season. 

Meanwhile I will send the Dai-Ching to St. Helena, to meet any wantthat may arise in that quarter, while the Mingo and Pontiac will beready to act from Broad River. 

The general route of the army will be northward; but the exactdirection must be decided more or less by circumstances which itmay not be possible to foresee.... 

My cooperation will be confined to assistance in attackingCharleston, or in establishing communication at Georgetown, in casethe army pushes on without attacking Charleston, and time alonewill show which of these will eventuate. 

The weather of the winter first, and the condition of the ground inspring, would permit little advantage to be derived from thepresence of the army at Richmond until the middle of May. So thatGeneral Sherman has no reason to move in haste, but can choose suchobjects as he prefers, and take as much time as their attainmentmay demand. The Department will learn the objects in view ofGeneral Sherman more precisely from a letter addressed by him toGeneral Halleck, which he read to me a few days since. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. A. DAHLGREN, Rear-Admiral, commanding South-Atlantic Blockading Squadron. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 29, 1885. 

Major-General J. G. FOSTER, commanding Department of the South. 

GENERAL: I have just received dispatches from General Grant, stating that Schofield's corps (the Twenty-third), twenty-onethousand strong, is ordered east from Tennessee, and will be sentto Beaufort, North Carolina. That is well; I want that force tosecure a point on the railroad about Goldsboro', and then to buildthe railroad out to that point. If Goldsboro' be too strong tocarry by a rapid movement, then a point near the Neuse, south ofGoldsboro', will answer, but the bridge and position about Kinston, should be held and fortified strong. The movement should be maskedby the troops already at Newbern. Please notify General Palmerthat these troops are coming, and to be prepared to receive them. Major-General Schofield will command in person, and is admirablyadapted for the work. If it is possible, I want him to secureGoldsboro', with the railroad back to Morehead City and Wilmington. As soon as General Schofield reaches Fort Macon, have him to meetsome one of your staff, to explain in full the details of thesituation of affairs with me; and you can give him the chiefcommand of all troops at Cape Fear and in North Carolina. If hefinds the enemy has all turned south against me, he need notfollow, but turn his attention against Raleigh; if he can secureGoldsboro' and Wilmington, it will be as much as I expect before Ihave passed the Santee. Send him all detachments of men that havecome to join my army. They can be so organized and officered as tobe efficient, for they are nearly all old soldiers who have beendetached or on furlough. Until I pass the Santee, you can betteruse these detachments at Bull's Bay, Georgetown, etc. 

I will instruct General McCallum, of the Railroad Department, totake his men up to Beaufort, North Carolina, and employ them on theroad out. I do not know that he can use them on any road here. Idid instruct him, while awaiting information from North Carolina, to have them build a good trestle-bridge across Port Royal ferry;but I now suppose the pontoon-bridge will do. If you move thepontoons, be sure to make a good road out to Garden's Corners, andmark it with sign-boards--obstructing the old road, so that, shouldI send back any detachments, they would not be misled. 

I prefer that Hatch's force should not be materially weakened untilI am near Columbia, when you may be governed by the situation ofaffairs about Charleston. If you can break the railroad betweenthis and Charleston, then this force could be reduced. 

I am, with respect, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 18, 1865. 

Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

SIR: When you left Savannah a few days ago, you forgot the mapwhich General Geary had prepared for you, showing the route bywhich his division entered the city of Savannah, being the firsttroops to occupy that city. I now send it to you. 

I avail myself of the opportunity also to inclose you copies of allmy official orders touching trade and intercourse with the peopleof Georgia, as well as for the establishment of the negrosettlements. 

Delegations of the people of Georgia continue to come in, and I amsatisfied that, by judicious handling and by a little respect shownto their prejudices, we can create a schism in Jeff. Davis'sdominions. All that I have conversed with realize the truth thatslavery as an institution is defunct, and the only questions thatremain are what disposition shall be made of the negroesthemselves. I confess myself unable to offer a complete solutionfor these questions, and prefer to leave it to the sloweroperations of time. We have given the initiative, and can affordto await the working of the experiment. 

As to trade-matters, I also think it is to our interest to keep theSouthern people somewhat dependent on the articles of commerce towhich they have hitherto been accustomed. General Grover is nowhere, and will, I think, be able to handle this matter judiciously, and may gradually relax, and invite cotton to come in in largequantities. But at first we should manifest no undue anxiety onthat score; for the rebels would at once make use of it as a poweragainst us. We should assume, a tone of perfect contempt forcotton and every thing else in comparison with the great object ofthe war--the restoration of the Union, with all its rights andpower. It the rebels burn cotton as a war measure, they simplyplay into our hands by taking away the only product of value theyhave to exchange in foreign ports for war-ships and munitions. Bysuch a course, also, they alienate the feelings of a large class ofsmall farmers who look to their little parcels of cotton toexchange for food and clothing for their families. I hope theGovernment will not manifest too much anxiety to obtain cotton inlarge quantities, and especially that the President will notindorse the contracts for the purchase of large quantities ofcotton. Several contracts, involving from six to ten thousandbales, indorsed by Mr. Lincoln, have been shown me, but were not insuch a form as to amount to an order to compel me to facilitatetheir execution. 

As to Treasury agents, and agents to take charge of confiscated andabandoned property, whose salaries depend on their fees, I can onlysay that, as a general rule, they are mischievous and disturbingelements to a military government, and it is almost impossible forus to study the law and regulations so as to understand fully theirpowers and duties. I rather think the Quartermaster's Departmentof the army could better fulfill all their duties and accomplishall that is aimed at by the law. Yet on this subject I will leaveGenerals Foster and Grover to do the best they can. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 2, 1865. 

Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

SIR: I have just received from Lieutenant-General Grant a copy ofthat part of your telegram to him of December 26th relating tocotton, a copy of which has been immediately furnished to GeneralEaston, chief-quartermaster, who will be strictly governed by it. 

I had already been approached by all the consuls and half thepeople of Savannah on this cotton question, and my invariableanswer was that all the cotton in Savannah was prize of war, belonged to the United States, and nobody should recover a bale ofit with my consent; that, as cotton had been one of the chiefcauses of this war, it should help to pay its expenses; that allcotton became tainted with treason from the hour the first act ofhostility was committed against the United States some time inDecember, 1860; and that no bill of sale subsequent to that datecould convey title. 

My orders were that an officer of the Quartermaster's Department, United States Army, might furnish the holder, agent, or attorney, amere certificate of the fact of seizure, with description of thebales' marks, etc. , the cotton then to be turned over to the agentof the Treasury Department, to be shipped to New York for sale. But, since the receipt of your dispatch, I have ordered GeneralEaston to make the shipment himself to the quartermaster at NewYork, where you can dispose of it at pleasure. I do not think theTreasury Department ought to bother itself with the prizes orcaptures of war. 

Mr. Barclay, former consul at New York, representing Mr. Molyneux, former consul here, but absent a long time, called on me withreference to cotton claimed by English subjects. He seemed amazedwhen I told him I should pay no respect to consular certificates, that in no event would I treat an English subject with more favorthan one of our own deluded citizens, and that for my part I wasunwilling to fight for cotton for the benefit of Englishmen openlyengaged in smuggling arms and instruments of war to kill us; that, on the contrary, it would afford me great satisfaction to conductmy army to Nassau, and wipe out that nest of pirates. I explainedto him, however, that I was not a diplomatic agent of the GeneralGovernment of the United States, but that my opinion, so franklyexpressed, was that of a soldier, which it would be well for him toheed. It appeared, also, that he owned a plantation on the line ofinvestment of Savannah, which, of course, was pillaged, and forwhich he expected me to give some certificate entitling him toindemnification, which I declined emphatically. 

I have adopted in Savannah rules concerning property--severe butjust--founded upon the laws of nations and the practice ofcivilized governments, and am clearly of opinion that we shouldclaim all the belligerent rights over conquered countries, that thepeople may realize the truth that war is no child's play. 

I embrace in this a copy of a letter, dated December 31, 1864, inanswer to one from Solomon Cohen (a rich lawyer) to General Blair, his personal friend, as follows:

Major-General F. P. BLAIR, commanding Seventeenth Army Corps. 

GENERAL: Your note, inclosing Mr. Cohen's of this date, isreceived, and I answer frankly through you his inquiries. 

1. No one can practise law as an attorney in the United Stateswithout acknowledging the supremacy of our Government. If I am notin error, an attorney is as much an officer of the court as theclerk, and it would be a novel thing in a government to have acourt to administer law which denied the supremacy of thegovernment itself. 

2. No one will be allowed the privileges of a merchant, or, rather, to trade is a privilege which no one should seek of theGovernment without in like manner acknowledging its supremacy. 

3. If Mr. Cohen remains in Savannah as a denizen, his property, real and personal, will not be disturbed unless its temporary usebe necessary for the military authorities of the city. The titleto property will not be disturbed in any event, until adjudicatedby the courts of the United States. 

4. If Mr. Cohen leaves Savannah under my Special Order No. 148, itis a public acknowledgment that he "adheres to the enemies of theUnited States, " and all his property becomes forfeited to theUnited States. But, as a matter of favor, he will be allowed tocarry with him clothing and furniture for the use of himself, hisfamily, and servants, and will be trans ported within the enemy'slines, but not by way of Port Royal. 

These rules will apply to all parties, and from them no exceptionwill be made. 

I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

This letter was in answer to specific inquiries; it is clear, andcovers all the points, and, should I leave before my orders areexecuted, I will endeavor to impress upon my successor, GeneralFoster, their wisdom and propriety. 

I hope the course I have taken in these matters will meet yourapprobation, and that the President will not refund to partiesclaiming cotton or other property, without the strongest evidenceof loyalty and friendship on the part of the claimant, or unlesssome other positive end is to be gained. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS. 

FEBRUARY AND MARCH, 1865. 

On the 1st day of February, as before explained, the army designedfor the active campaign from Savannah northward was composed of twowings, commanded respectively by Major-Generals Howard and Slocum, and was substantially the same that had marched from Atlanta toSavannah. The same general orders were in force, and this campaignmay properly be classed as a continuance of the former. 

The right wing, less Corse's division, Fifteenth Corps, was groupedat or near Pocotaligo, South Carolina, with its wagons filled withfood, ammunition, and forage, all ready to start, and only waitingfor the left wing, which was detained by the flood in the SavannahRiver. It was composed as follows:

Fifteenth Corps, Major-General JOHN A. LOGAN. 

First Division, Brigadier-General Charles R. Woods;Second Division, Major-General W. B. Hazen;Third Division, Brigadier-General John E. Smith;Fourth Division, Brigadier-General John M. Corse. Artillery brigade, eighteen guns, Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. Ross, First Michigan Artillery. 

Seventeenth. Corps, Major-General FRANK P. BLAIR, JR. 

First Division, Major-General Joseph A. Mower;Second Division, Brigadier-General M. F. Force;Fourth Division, Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith. Artillery brigade, fourteen guns, Major A. C. Waterhouse, FirstIllinois Artillery. 

The left wing, with Corse's division and Kilpatrick's cavalry, was at and near Sister's Ferry, forty miles above the city ofSavannah, engaged in crossing the river, then much swollen. It was composed as follows:

Fourteenth Corps, Major-General JEFF. C. DAVIS. 

First Division, Brigadier-General W. P. Carlin;Second Division, Brigadier-General John D. Morgan;Third Division, Brigadier-General A. Baird. Artillery brigade, sixteen guns, Major Charles Houghtaling, FirstIllinois Artillery. 

Twentieth Corps, Brigadier-General A. S. WILLIAMS. 

First Division, Brigadier-General N. I. Jackson;Second Division, Brigadier-General J. W. Geary;Third Division, Brigadier-General W. T. Ward. Artillery brigade, Sixteen gnus, Major J. A. Reynolds, First NewYork Artillery. 

Cavalry Division, Brigadier-General JUDSON KILPATRICK. 

First Brigade, Colonel T. J. Jordan, Ninth Pennsylvania Cavalry;Second Brigade, Colonel S. D. Atkins, Ninety-second Illinois Vol. ;Third Brigade, Colonel George E. Spencer, First Alabama Cavalry. One battery of four guns. 

The actual strength of the army, as given in the following officialtabular statements, was at the time sixty thousand and seventy-ninemen, and sixty-eight guns. The trains were made up of abouttwenty-five hundred wagons, with six mules to each wagon, and aboutsix hundred ambulances, with two horses each. The contents of thewagons embraced an ample supply of ammunition for a great battle;forage for about seven days, and provisions for twenty days, mostlyof bread, sugar, coffee, and salt, depending largely for fresh meaton beeves driven on the hoof and such cattle, hogs, and poultry, aswe expected to gather along our line of march. 

RECAPITULATION-CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS. 

 February 1. March 1. April 1. April 10Pers: 60, 079 57, 676 81, 150 88, 948

The enemy occupied the cities of Charleston and Augusta, withgarrisons capable of making a respectable if not successfuldefense, but utterly unable to meet our veteran columns in the openfield. To resist or delay our progress north, General Wheeler hadhis division of cavalry (reduced to the size of a brigade by hishard and persistent fighting ever since the beginning of theAtlanta campaign), and General Wade Hampton had been dispatchedfrom the Army of Virginia to his native State of South Carolina, with a great flourish of trumpets, and extraordinary powers toraise men, money, and horses, with which "to stay the progress ofthe invader, " and "to punish us for our insolent attempt to invadethe glorious State of South Carolina!" He was supposed at the timeto have, at and near Columbia, two small divisions of cavalrycommanded by himself and General Butler. 

Of course, I had a species of contempt for these scattered andinconsiderable forces, knew that they could hardly delay us anhour; and the only serious question that occurred to me was, wouldGeneral Lee sit down in Richmond (besieged by General Grant), andpermit us, almost unopposed, to pass through the States of Southand North Carolina, cutting off and consuming the very supplies onwhich he depended to feed his army in Virginia, or would he make aneffort to escape from General Grant, and endeavor to catch usinland somewhere between Columbia and Raleigh? I knew full well atthe time that the broken fragments of Hood's army (which hadescaped from Tennessee) were being hurried rapidly across Georgia, by Augusta, to make junction in my front; estimating them at themaximum twenty-five thousand men, and Hardee's, Wheeler's, andHampton's forces at fifteen thousand, made forty thousand; which, if handled with spirit and energy, would constitute a formidableforce, and might make the passage of such rivers as the Santee andCape Fear a difficult undertaking. Therefore, I took all possibleprecautions, and arranged with Admiral Dahlgren and General Fosterto watch our progress inland by all the means possible, and toprovide for us points of security along the coast; as, at Bull'sBay, Georgetown, and the mouth of Cape Fear River. Still, it wasextremely desirable in one march to reach Goldsboro' in the Stateof North Carolina (distant four hundred and twenty-five miles), apoint of great convenience for ulterior operations, by reason ofthe two railroads which meet there, coming from the seacoast atWilmington and Newbern. Before leaving Savannah I had sent toNewbern Colonel W. W. Wright, of the Engineers, with orders to lookto these railroads, to collect rolling-stock, and to have the roadsrepaired out as far as possible in six weeks--the time estimated asnecessary for us to march that distance. 

The question of supplies remained still the one of vitalimportance, and I reasoned that we might safely rely on the countryfor a considerable quantity of forage and provisions, and that, ifthe worst came to the worst, we could live several months on themules and horses of our trains. Nevertheless, time was equallymaterial, and the moment I heard that General Slocum had finishedhis pontoon-bridge at Sister's Ferry, and that Kilpatrick's cavalrywas over the river, I gave the general orders to march, andinstructed all the columns to aim for the South Carolina Railroadto the west of Branchville, about Blackville and Midway. 

The right wing moved up the Salkiehatchie, the Seventeenth Corps onthe right, with orders on reaching Rivers's Bridge to cross over, and the Fifteenth Corps by Hickory Hill to Beaufort's Bridge. Kilpatrick was instructed to march by way of Barnwell; Corse'sdivision and the Twentieth Corps to take such roads as would bringthem into communication with the Fifteenth Corps about Beaufort'sBridge. All these columns started promptly on the 1st of February. We encountered Wheeler's cavalry, which had obstructed the road byfelling trees, but our men picked these up and threw them aside, sothat this obstruction hardly delayed us an hour. In person Iaccompanied the Fifteenth Corps (General Logan) by McPhersonvilleand Hickory Hill, and kept couriers going to and fro to GeneralSlocum with instructions to hurry as much as possible, so as tomake a junction of the whole army on the South Carolina Railroadabout Blackville. 

I spent the night of February 1st at Hickory Hill Post-Office, andthat of the 2d at Duck Branch Post-Office, thirty-one miles outfrom Pocotaligo. On the 3d the Seventeenth Corps was oppositeRivers's Bridge, and the Fifteenth approached Beaufort's Bridge. The Salkiehatchie was still over its banks, and presented a mostformidable obstacle. The enemy appeared in some force on theopposite bank, had cut away all the bridges which spanned the manydeep channels of the swollen river, and the only available passageseemed to be along the narrow causeways which constituted thecommon roads. At Rivers's Bridge Generals Mower and Giles A. Smith led, their heads of column through this swamp, the water upto their shoulders, crossed over to the pine-land, turned upon therebel brigade which defended the passage, and routed it in utterdisorder. It was in this attack that General Wager Swayne lost hisleg, and he had to be conveyed back to Pocotaligo. Still, the lossof life was very small, in proportion to the advantages gained, forthe enemy at once abandoned the whole line of the Salkiehatchie, and the Fifteenth Corps passed over at Beaufort's Bridge, withoutopposition. 

On the 5th of February I was at Beaufort's Bridge, by which timeGeneral A. S. Williams had got up with five brigades' of theTwentieth Corps; I also heard of General Kilpatrick's being abreastof us, at Barnwell, and then gave orders for the march straight forthe railroad at Midway. I still remained with the Fifteenth Corps, which, on the 6th of February, was five miles from Bamberg. As amatter of course, I expected severe resistance at this railroad, for its loss would sever all the communications of the enemy inCharleston with those in Augusta. 

Early on the 7th, in the midst of a rain-storm, we reached therailroad; almost unopposed, striking it at several points. GeneralHoward told me a good story concerning this, which will bearrepeating: He was with the Seventeenth Corps, marching straight forMidway, and when about five miles distant he began to deploy theleading division, so as to be ready for battle. Sitting on hishorse by the road-side, while the deployment was making, he saw aman coming down the road, riding as hard as he could, and as heapproached he recognized him as one of his own "foragers, " mountedon a white horse, with a rope bridle and a blanket for saddle. Ashe came near he called out, "Hurry up, general; we have got therailroad!" So, while we, the generals, were proceedingdeliberately to prepare for a serious battle, a parcel of ourforagers, in search of plunder, had got ahead and actually capturedthe South Carolina Railroad, a line of vital importance to therebel Government. 

As soon as we struck the railroad, details of men were set to workto tear up the rails, to burn the ties and twist the bars. Thiswas a most important railroad, and I proposed to destroy itcompletely for fifty miles, partly to prevent a possibility of itsrestoration and partly to utilize the time necessary for GeneralSlocum to get up. 

The country thereabouts was very poor, but the inhabitants mostlyremained at home. Indeed, they knew not where to go. The enemy'scavalry had retreated before us, but his infantry was reported insome strength at Branchville, on the farther side of the Edisto;yet on the appearance of a mere squad of our men they burned theirown bridges the very thing I wanted, for we had no use for them, and they had. 

We all remained strung along this railroad till the 9th ofFebruary--the Seventeenth Corps on the right, then the Fifteenth, Twentieth, and cavalry, at Blackville. General Slocum reachedBlackville that day, with Geary's division of the Twentieth Corps, and reported the Fourteenth Corps (General Jeff. C. Davis's) to befollowing by way of Barnwell. On the 10th I rode up to Blackville, where I conferred with Generals Slocum and Kilpatrick, becamesatisfied that the whole army would be ready within a day, andaccordingly made orders for the next movement north to Columbia, the right wing to strike Orangeburg en route. Kilpatrick wasordered to demonstrate strongly toward Aiken, to keep up thedelusion that we might turn to Augusta; but he was notified thatColumbia was the next objective, and that he should cover the leftflank against Wheeler, who hung around it. I wanted to reachColumbia before any part of Hood's army could possibly get there. Some of them were reported as having reached Augusta, under thecommand of General Dick Taylor. 

Having sufficiently damaged the railroad, and effected the junctionof the entire army, the general march was resumed on the 11th, eachcorps crossing the South Edisto by separate bridges, with orders topause on the road leading from Orangeberg to Augusta, till it wascertain that the Seventeenth Corps had got possession ofOrangeburg. This place was simply important as its occupationwould sever the communications between Charleston and Columbia. All the heads of column reached this road, known as the Edgefieldroad, during the 12th, and the Seventeenth Corps turned to theright, against Orangeburg. When I reached the head of columnopposite Orangeburg, I found Giles A. Smith's division halted, witha battery unlimbered, exchanging shots with a party on the oppositeside of the Edisto. He reported that the bridge was gone, and thatthe river was deep and impassable. I then directed General Blairto send a strong division below the town, some four or five miles, to effect a crossing there. He laid his pontoon-bridge, but thebottom on the other side was overflowed, and the men had to wadethrough it, in places as deep as their waists. I was with thisdivision at the time, on foot, trying to pick my way across theoverflowed bottom; but, as soon as the head of column reached thesand-hills, I knew that the enemy would not long remain inOrangeburg, and accordingly returned to my horse, on the west bank, and rode rapidly up to where I had left Giles A. Smith. I foundhim in possession of the broken bridge, abreast of the town, whichhe was repairing, and I was among the first to cross over and enterthe town. By and before the time either Force's or Giles A. Smith's skirmishers entered the place, several stores were on fire, and I am sure that some of the towns-people told me that a Jewmerchant had set fire to his own cotton and store, and from thisthe fire had spread. This, however, was soon put out, and theSeventeenth Corps (General Blair) occupied the place during thatnight. I remember to have visited a large hospital, on the hillnear the railroad depot, which was occupied by the orphan childrenwho had been removed from the asylum in Charleston. We gave themprotection, and, I think, some provisions. The railroad and depotwere destroyed by order, and no doubt a good deal of cotton wasburned, for we all regarded cotton as hostile property, a thing tobe destroyed. General Blair was ordered to break up this railroad, forward to the point where it crossed the Santee, and then to turnfor Columbia. On the morning of the 13th I again joined theFifteenth Corps, which crossed the North Edisto by Snilling'sBridge, and moved straight for Columbia, around the head of Caw-CawSwamp. Orders were sent to all the columns to turn for Columbia, where it was supposed the enemy had concentrated all the men theycould from Charleston, Augusta, and even from Virginia. That nightI was with the Fifteenth Corps, twenty-one miles from Columbia, where my aide, Colonel Audenried, picked up a rebel officer on theroad, who, supposing him to be of the same service with himself, answered all his questions frankly, and revealed the truth thatthere was nothing in Columbia except Hampton's cavalry. The factwas, that General Hardee, in Charleston, took it for granted thatwe were after Charleston; the rebel troops in Augusta supposed theywere "our objective;" so they abandoned poor Columbia to the careof Hampton's cavalry, which was confused by the rumors that pouredin on it, so that both Beauregard and Wade Hampton, who were inColumbia, seem to have lost their heads. 

On the 14th the head of the Fifteenth Corps, Charles R. Woods'sdivision, approached the Little Congaree, a broad, deep stream, tributary to the Main Congaree; six or eight miles below Columbia. On the opposite side of this stream was a newly-constructed fort, and on our side--a wide extent of old cotton-fields, which, had beenoverflowed, and was covered with a deep slime. General Woods haddeployed his leading brigade, which was skirmishing forward, but hereported that the bridge was gone, and that a considerable force ofthe enemy was on the other side. I directed General Howard orLogan to send a brigade by a circuit to the left, to see if thisstream could not be crossed higher up, but at the same time knewthat General Slocum's route world bring him to Colombia behind thisstream, and that his approach would uncover it. Therefore, therewas no need of exposing much life. The brigade, however, foundmeans to cross the Little Congaree, and thus uncovered the passageby the main road, so that General Woods's skirmishers at oncepassed over, and a party was set to work to repair the bridge, which occupied less than an hour, when I passed over with my wholestaff. I found the new fort unfinished and unoccupied, but fromits parapet could see over some old fields bounded to the north andwest by hills skirted with timber. There was a plantation to ourleft, about half a mile, and on the edge of the timber was drawn upa force of rebel cavalry of about a regiment, which advanced, andcharged upon some, of our foragers, who were plundering theplantation; my aide, Colonel Audenried, who had ridden forward, came back somewhat hurt and bruised, for, observing this charge ofcavalry, he had turned for us, and his horse fell with him inattempting to leap a ditch. General Woods's skirmish-line met thischarge of cavalry, and drove it back into the woods and beyond. Weremained on that ground during the night of the 15th, and I campedon the nearest dry ground behind the Little Congaree, where on thenext morning were made the written' orders for the government ofthe troops while occupying Columbia. These are dated February 16, 1865, in these words:

General Howard will cross the Saluda and Broad Rivers as near theirmouths as possible, occupy Columbia, destroy the public buildings, railroad property, manufacturing and machine shops; but will sparelibraries, asylums, and private dwellings. He will then move toWinnsboro', destroying en route utterly that section of therailroad. He will also cause all bridges, trestles, water-tanks, and depots on the railroad back to the Wateree to be burned, switches broken, and such other destruction as he can find time toaccomplish consistent with proper celerity. 

These instructions were embraced in General Order No. 26, whichprescribed the routes of march for the several columns as far asFayetteville, North Carolina, and is conclusive that I thenregarded Columbia as simply one point on our general route ofmarch, and not as an important conquest. 

During the 16th of February the Fifteenth Corps reached the pointopposite Columbia, and pushed on for the Saluda Factory three milesabove, crossed that stream, and the head of column reached BroadRiver just in time to find its bridge in flames, Butler's cavalryhaving just passed over into Columbia. The head of Slocum's columnalso reached the point opposite Columbia the same morning, but thebulk of his army was back at Lexington. I reached this place earlyin the morning of the 16th, met General Slocum there; and explainedto him the purport of General Order No. 26, which contemplated thepassage of his army across Broad River at Alston, fifteen milesabove Columbia. Riding down to the river-bank, I saw the wreck ofthe large bridge which had been burned by the enemy, with its manystone piers still standing, but the superstructure gone. Acrossthe Congaree River lay the city of Columbia, in plain, easy view. I could see the unfinished State-House, a handsome granitestructure, and the ruins of the railroad depot, which were stillsmouldering. Occasionally a few citizens or cavalry could be seenrunning across the streets, and quite a number of negroes wereseemingly busy in carrying off bags of grain or meal, which werepiled up near the burned depot. 

Captain De Gres had a section of his twenty-pound Parrott gunsunlimbered, firing into the town. I asked him what he was firingfor; he said he could see some rebel cavalry occasionally at theintersections of the streets, and he had an idea that there was alarge force of infantry concealed on the opposite bank, lying low, in case we should attempt to cross over directly into the town. Iinstructed him not to fire any more into the town, but consented tohis bursting a few shells near the depot, to scare away the negroeswho were appropriating the bags of corn and meal which we wanted, also to fire three shots at the unoccupied State-House. I stood byand saw these fired, and then all firing ceased. Although thismatter of firing into Columbia has been the subject of much abuseand investigation, I have yet to hear of any single person havingbeen killed in Columbia by our cannon. On the other hand, thenight before, when Woods's division was in camp in the open fieldsat Little Congaree, it was shelled all night by a rebel batteryfrom the other aide of the river. This provoked me much at thetime, for it was wanton mischief, as Generals Beauregard andHampton must have been convinced that they could not prevent ourentrance into Columbia. I have always contended that I would havebeen justified in retaliating for this unnecessary act of war, butdid not, though I always characterized it as it deserved. 

The night of the 16th I camped near an old prison bivouac oppositeColumbia, known to our prisoners of war as "Camp Sorghum, " whereremained the mud-hovels and holes in the ground which our prisonershad made to shelter themselves from the winter's cold and thesummer's heat. The Fifteenth Corps was then ahead, reaching toBroad River, about four miles above Columbia; the Seventeenth Corpswas behind, on the river-bank opposite Columbia; and the left wingand cavalry had turned north toward Alston. 

The next morning, viz. , February 17th, I rode to the head ofGeneral Howard's column, and found that during the night he hadferried Stone's brigade of Woods's division of the FifteenthCorps across by rafts made of the pontoons, and that brigade wasthen deployed on the opposite bank to cover the construction of apontoon-bridge nearly finished. 

I sat with General Howard on a log, watching the men lay thisbridge; and about 9 or 10 A. M. A messenger came from Colonel Stoneon the other aide, saying that the Mayor of Columbia had come outof the city to surrender the place, and asking for orders. Isimply remarked to General Howard that he had his orders, to letColonel Stone go on into the city, and that we would follow as soonas the bridge was ready. By this same messenger I received a notein pencil from the Lady Superioress of a convent or school inColumbia, in which she claimed to have been a teacher in a conventin Brown County, Ohio, at the time my daughter Minnie was a pupilthere, and therefore asking special protection. My recollectionis, that I gave the note to my brother-in-law, Colonel Ewing, theninspector-general on my staff, with instructions to see this lady, and assure her that we contemplated no destruction of any privateproperty in Columbia at all. 

As soon as the bridge was done, I led my horse over it, followed bymy whole staff. General Howard accompanied me with his, andGeneral Logan was next in order, followed by General C. R. Woods, and the whole of the Fifteenth Corps. Ascending the hill, we soonemerged into a broad road leading into Columbia, between old fieldsof corn and cotton, and, entering the city, we found seemingly allits population, white and black, in the streets. A high andboisterous wind was prevailing from the north, and flakes of cottonwere flying about in the air and lodging in the limbs of the trees, reminding us of a Northern snow-storm. Near the market-square wefound Stone's brigade halted, with arms stacked, and a large detailof his men, along with some citizens, engaged with an oldfire-engine, trying to put out the fire in a long pile of burningcotton-bales, which I was told had been fired by the rebel cavalryon withdrawing from the city that morning. I know that, to avoidthis row of burning cotton-bales, I had to ride my horse on thesidewalk. In the market-square had collected a large crowd ofwhites and blacks, among whom was the mayor of the city, Dr. Goodwin, quite a respectable old gentleman, who was extremelyanxious to protect the interests of the citizens. He was on foot, and I on horseback, and it is probable I told him then not to beuneasy, that we did not intend to stay long, and had no purpose toinjure the private citizens or private property. About this time Inoticed several men trying to get through the crowd to speak withme, and called to some black people to make room for them; whenthey reached me, they explained that they were officers of ourarmy, who had been prisoners, had escaped from the rebel prison andguard, and were of course overjoyed to find themselves safe withus. I told them that, as soon as things settled down, they shouldreport to General Howard, who would provide for their safety, andenable them to travel with us. One of them handed me a paper, asking me to read it at my leisure; I put it in my breast-pocketand rode on. General Howard was still with me, and, riding downthe street which led by the right to the Charleston depot, we foundit and a large storehouse burned to the ground, but there were, onthe platform and ground near by, piles of cotton bags filled withcorn and corn-meal, partially burned. 

A detachment of Stone's brigade was guarding this, and separatingthe good from the bad. We rode along the railroad-track, somethree or four hundred yards, to a large foundery, when some manrode up and said the rebel cavalry were close by, and he warned usthat we might get shot. We accordingly turned back to themarket-square, and en route noticed that, several of the men wereevidently in liquor, when I called General Howard's attention toit. He left me and rode toward General Woods's head of column, which was defiling through the town. On reaching themarket-square, I again met Dr. Goodwin, and inquired where heproposed to quarter me, and he said that he had selected the houseof Blanton Duncan, Esq. , a citizen of Louisville, Kentucky, then aresident there, who had the contract for manufacturing theConfederate money, and had fled with Hampton's cavalry. We allrode some six or eight squares back from the new State-House, andfound a very good modern house, completely furnished, with stablingand a large yard, took it as our headquarters, and occupied itduring our stay. I considered General Howard as in command of theplace, and referred the many applicants for guards and protectionto him. Before our headquarters-wagons had got up, I strolledthrough the streets of Columbia, found sentinels posted at theprincipal intersections, and generally good order prevailing, butdid not again return to the main street, because it was filled witha crowd of citizens watching the soldiers marching by. 

During the afternoon of that day, February 17th, the whole of theFifteenth Corps passed through the town and out on the Camden andWinnsboro' roads. The Seventeenth Corps did not enter the city atall, but crossed directly over to the Winnsboro' road from thepontoon bridge at Broad River, which was about four miles above thecity. 

After we had got, as it were, settled in Blanton Duncan's house, say about 2 p. M. , I overhauled my pocket according to custom, toread more carefully the various notes and memoranda received duringthe day, and found the paper which had been given me, as described, by one of our escaped prisoners. It proved to be the song of"Sherman's March to the Sea, " which had been composed by AdjutantS. H. M. Byers, of the Fifth Iowa Infantry, when a prisoner in theasylum at Columbia, which had been beautifully written off by afellow-prisoner, and handed to me in person. This appeared to meso good that I at once sent for Byers, attached him to my staff, provided him with horse and equipment, and took him as far asFayetteville, North Carolina, whence he was sent to Washington asbearer of dispatches. He is now United States consul at Zurich, Switzerland, where I have since been his guest. I insert the songhere for convenient reference and preservation. Byers said thatthere was an excellent glee-club among the prisoners in Columbia, who used to sing it well, with an audience often of rebel ladies:

SHERMAN'S MARCH TO THE SEA. 

Composed by Adjutant Byers, Fifth Iowa Infantry. Arranged and sungby the Prisoners in Columbia Prison. 

I

Our camp-fires shone bright on the mountainThat frowned on the river below, As we stood by our guns in the morning, And eagerly watched for the foe;When a rider came out of the darknessThat hung over mountain and tree, And shouted, "Boys, up and be ready!For Sherman will march to the sea!"

CHORUS:

Then sang we a song of our chieftain, That echoed over river and lea;And the stars of our banner shone brighterWhen Sherman marched down to the sea!

II

Then cheer upon cheer for bold ShermanWent up from each valley and glen, And the bugles reechoed the musicThat came from the lips of the men;For we knew that the stars in our bannerMore bright in their splendor would be, And that blessings from Northland world greet us, When Sherman marched down to the sea! Then sang we a song, etc. 

III

Then forward, boys! forward to battle!We marched on our wearisome way, We stormed the wild hills of ResacarGod bless those who fell on that day!Then Kenesaw frowned in its glory, Frowned down on the flag of the free;But the East and the West bore our standard, And Sherman marched on to the sea! Then sang we a song, etc. 

IV

Still onward we pressed, till our bannersSwept out from Atlanta's grim walls, And the blood of the patriot dampenedThe soil where the traitor-flag falls;But we paused not to weep for the fallen, Who slept by each river and tree, Yet we twined them a wreath of the laurel, As Sherman marched down to the sea! Then sang we a song, etc. 

V

Oh, proud was our army that morning, That stood where the pine darkly towers, When Sherman said, "Boys, you are weary, But to-day fair Savannah is ours!"Then sang we the song of our chieftain, That echoed over river and lea, And the stars in our banner shone brighterWhen Sherman camped down by the sea!

Toward evening of February 17th, the mayor, Dr. Goodwin, came to myquarters at Duncan's house, and remarked that there was a lady inColumbia who professed to be a special friend of mine. On hisgiving her name, I could not recall it, but inquired as to hermaiden or family name. He answered Poyas. It so happened that, when I was a lieutenant at Fort Moultrie, in 1842-'46, I used veryoften to visit a family of that name on the east branch of CooperRiver, about forty miles from Fort Moultrie, and to hunt with theson, Mr. James Poyas, an elegant young fellow and a fine sportsman. His father, mother, and several sisters, composed the family, andwere extremely hospitable. One of the ladies was very fond ofpainting in water-colors, which was one of my weaknesses, and onone occasion I had presented her with a volume treating ofwater-colors. Of course, I was glad to renew the acquaintance, andproposed to Dr. Goodwin that we should walk to her house and visitthis lady, which we did. The house stood beyond the Charlottedepot, in a large lot, was of frame, with a high porch, which wasreached by a set of steps outside. Entering this yard, I noticedducks and chickens, and a general air of peace and comfort that wasreally pleasant to behold at that time of universal desolation; thelady in question met us at the head of the steps and invited usinto a parlor which was perfectly neat and well furnished. Afterinquiring about her father, mother, sisters, and especially herbrother James, my special friend, I could not help saying that Iwas pleased to notice that our men had not handled her house andpremises as roughly as was their wont. "I owe it to you, general, "she answered. "Not at all. I did not know you were here till afew minutes ago. " She reiterated that she was indebted to me forthe perfect safety of her house and property, and added, "Youremember, when you were at our house on Cooper River in 1845, yougave me a book;" and she handed me the book in question, on the flyleaf of which was written: "To Miss Poyas, with the compliments ofW. T. Sherman, First-lieutenant Third Artillery. " She thenexplained that, as our army approached Columbia, there was a doubtin her mind whether the terrible Sherman who was devastating theland were W. T. Sherman or T. W. Sherman, both known to be generalsin the Northern army; but, on the supposition that he was her oldacquaintance, when Wade Hampton's cavalry drew out of the city, calling out that the Yankees were coming, she armed herself withthis book, and awaited the crisis. Soon the shouts about themarkethouse announced that the Yankees had come; very soon men wereseen running up and down the streets; a parcel of them poured overthe fence, began to chase the chickens and ducks, and to enter herhouse. She observed one large man, with full beard, who exercisedsome authority, and to him she appealed in the name of "hisgeneral. " "What do you know of Uncle Billy?" "Why, " she said, "when he was a young man he used to be our friend in Charleston, and here is a book he gave me. " The officer or soldier took thebook, looked at the inscription, and, turning to his fellows, said:"Boys, that's so; that's Uncle Billy's writing, for I have seen itoften before. " He at once commanded the party to stop pillaging, and left a man in charge of the house, to protect her until theregular provost-guard should be established. I then asked her ifthe regular guard or sentinel had been as good to her. She assuredme that he was a very nice young man; that he had been telling herall about his family in Iowa; and that at that very instant of timehe was in another room minding her baby. Now, this lady had goodsense and tact, and had thus turned aside a party who, in fiveminutes more, would have rifled her premises of all that was goodto eat or wear. I made her a long social visit, and, beforeleaving Columbia, gave her a half-tierce of rice and about onehundred pounds of ham from our own mess-stores. 

In like manner, that same evening I found in Mrs. Simons anotheracquaintance--the wife of the brother of Hon. James Simons, ofCharleston, who had been Miss Wragg. When Columbia was on firethat night, and her house in danger, I had her family and effectscarried to my own headquarters, gave them my own room and bed, and, on leaving Columbia the next day, supplied her with a half-barrelof hams and a half-tierce of rice. I mention these specific factsto show that, personally, I had no malice or desire to destroy thatcity or its inhabitants, as is generally believed at the South. 

Having walked over much of the suburbs of Columbia in theafternoon, and being tired, I lay down on a bed in Blanton Duncan'shouse to rest. Soon after dark I became conscious that a brightlight was shining on the walls; and, calling some one of my staff(Major Nichols, I think) to inquire the cause, he said there seemedto be a house on fire down about the market-house. The same highwind still prevailed, and, fearing the consequences, I bade him goin person to see if the provost-guard were doing its duty. He soonreturned, and reported that the block of buildings directlyopposite the burning cotton of that morning was on fire, and thatit was spreading; but he had found General Woods on the ground, with plenty of men trying to put the fire out, or, at least, toprevent its extension. The fire continued to increase, and thewhole heavens became lurid. I dispatched messenger after messengerto Generals Howard, Logan, and Woods, and received from themrepeated assurances that all was being done that could be done, butthat the high wind was spreading the flames beyond all control. These general officers were on the ground all night, and Hazen'sdivision had been brought into the city to assist Woods's division, already there. About eleven o'clock at night I went down-townmyself, Colonel Dayton with me; we walked to Mr. Simons's house, from which I could see the flames rising high in the air, and couldhear the roaring of the fire. I advised the ladies to move to myheadquarters, had our own headquarter-wagons hitched up, and theireffects carried there, as a place of greater safety. The whole airwas full of sparks and of flying masses of cotton, shingles, etc. , some of which were carried four or five blocks, and started newfires. The men seemed generally under good control, and certainlylabored hard to girdle the fire, to prevent its spreading; but, solong as the high wind prevailed, it was simply beyond humanpossibility. Fortunately, about 3 or 4 a. M. , the wind moderated, and gradually the fire was got under control; but it had burned outthe very heart of the city, embracing several churches, the oldState-House, and the school or asylum of that very Sister ofCharity who had appealed for my personal protection. Nickerson'sHotel, in which several of my staff were quartered, was burneddown, but the houses occupied by myself, Generals Howard and Logan, were not burned at all. Many of the people thought that this firewas deliberately planned and executed. This is not true. It wasaccidental, and in my judgment began with the cotton which GeneralHampton's men had set fire to on leaving the city (whether by hisorders or not is not material), which fire was partially subduedearly in the day by our men; but, when night came, the high windfanned it again into full blaze, carried it against theframe-houses, which caught like tinder, and soon spread beyond ourcontrol. 

This whole subject has since been thoroughly and judiciallyinvestigated, in some cotton cases, by the mixed commission onAmerican and British claims, under the Treaty of Washington, whichcommission failed to award a verdict in favor of the Englishclaimants, and thereby settled the fact that the destruction ofproperty in Columbia, during that night, did not result from theacts of the General Government of the United States--that is tosay, from my army. In my official report of this conflagration, Idistinctly charged it to General Wade Hampton, and confess I did sopointedly, to shake the faith of his people in him, for he was inmy opinion boastful, and professed to be the special champion ofSouth Carolina. 

The morning sun of February 18th rose bright and clear over aruined city. About half of it was in ashes and in smoulderingheaps. Many of the people were houseless, and gathered in groupsin the suburbs, or in the open parks and spaces, around theirscanty piles of furniture. General Howard, in concert with themayor, did all that was possible to provide other houses for them;and by my authority he turned over to the Sisters of Charity theMethodist College, and to the mayor five hundred beef-cattle; tohelp feed the people; I also gave the mayor (Dr. Goodwin) onehundred muskets, with which to arm a guard to maintain order afterwe should leave the neighborhood. During the 18th and 19th weremained in Columbia, General Howard's troops engaged in tearing upand destroying the railroad, back toward the Wateree, while astrong detail, under the immediate supervision of Colonel O. M. Poe, United States Engineers, destroyed the State Arsenal, whichwas found to be well supplied with shot, shell, and ammunition. These were hauled in wagons to the Saluda River, under thesupervision of Colonel Baylor, chief of ordnance, and emptied intodeep water, causing a very serious accident by the bursting of apercussion-shell, as it struck another on the margin of the water. The flame followed back a train of powder which had sifted out, reached the wagons, still partially loaded, and exploded them, killing sixteen men and destroying several wagons and teams ofmules. We also destroyed several valuable founderies and thefactory of Confederate money. The dies had been carried away, butabout sixty handpresses remained. There was also found an immensequantity of money, in various stages of manufacture, which our menspent and gambled with in the most lavish manner. 

Having utterly ruined Columbia, the right wing began its marchnorthward, toward Winnsboro', on the 20th, which we reached on the21st, and found General Slocum, with the left wing, who had come bythe way of Alston. Thence the right wing was turned eastward, toward Cheraw, and Fayetteville, North Carolina, to cross theCatawba River at Peay's Ferry. The cavalry was ordered to followthe railroad north as far as Chester, and then to turn east toRocky Mount, the point indicated for the passage of the left wing. In person I reached Rocky Mount on the 22d, with the TwentiethCorps, which laid its pontoon-bridge and crossed over during the23d. Kilpatrick arrived the next day, in the midst of heavy rain, and was instructed to cross the Catawba at once, by night, and tomove up to Lancaster, to make believe we were bound for Charlotte, to which point I heard that Beauregard had directed all hisdetachments, including a corps of Hood's old army, which had beenmarching parallel with us, but had failed to make junction with, the forces immediately opposing us. Of course, I had no purpose ofgoing to Charlotte, for the right wing was already moving rapidlytoward Fayetteville, North Carolina. The rain was so heavy andpersistent that the Catawba, River rose fast, and soon after I hadcrossed the pontoon bridge at Rocky Mount it was carried away, leaving General Davis, with the Fourteenth Corps, on the west bank. The roads were infamous, so I halted the Twentieth Corps at HangingRock for some days, to allow time for the Fourteenth to get over. 

General Davis had infinite difficulty in reconstructing his bridge, and was compelled to use the fifth chains of his wagons foranchor-chains, so that we were delayed nearly a week in thatneighborhood. While in camp at Hanging Rock two prisoners werebrought to me--one a chaplain, the other a boy, son of Richard Bacot, of Charleston, whom I had known as a cadet at West Point. They werejust from Charleston, and had been sent away by General Hardee inadvance, because he was, they said, evacuating Charleston. Rumors tothe same effect had reached me through the negroes, and it was, moreover, reported that Wilmington, North Carolina, was in possessionof the Yankee troops; so that I had every reason to be satisfied thatour march was fully reaping all the fruits we could possibly ask for. Charleston was, in fact, evacuated by General Hardee on the 18th ofFebruary, and was taken possession of by a brigade of General Fosterstroops, commanded by General Schimmelpfennig, the same day. Hardeehad availed himself of his only remaining railroad, by Florence toCheraw; had sent there much of his ammunition and stores, and reachedit with the effective part of the garrison in time to escape acrossthe Pedee River before our arrival. Wilmington was captured byGeneral Terry on the 22d of February; but of this important event weonly knew by the vague rumors which reached us through rebel sources. 

General Jeff. C. Davis got across the Catawba during the 27th, andthe general march was resumed on Cheraw. Kilpatrick remained nearLancaster, skirmishing with Wheeler's and Hampton's cavalry, keeping up the delusion that we proposed to move on Charlotte andSalisbury, but with orders to watch the progress of the FourteenthCorps, and to act in concert with it, on its left rear. On the 1stof March I was at Finlay's Bridge across Lynch's Creek, the roadsso bad that we had to corduroy nearly every foot of the way; but Iwas in communication with all parts of the army, which had met noserious opposition from the enemy. On the 2d of March we enteredthe village of Chesterfield, skirmishing with Butler's cavalry, which gave ground rapidly. There I received a message from GeneralHoward, who, reported that he was already in Cheraw with theSeventeenth Corps, and that the Fifteenth was near at hand. 

General Hardee had retreated eastward across the Pedee, burning thebridge. I therefore directed the left wing to march forSneedsboro', about ten miles above Cheraw, to cross the Pedeethere, while I in person proposed to cross over and join the rightwing in Cheraw. Early in the morning of the 3d of March I rode outof Chesterfield along with the Twentieth Corps, which filled theroad, forded Thompson's Creek, and, at the top of the hill beyond, found a road branching off to the right, which corresponded withthe one, on my map leading to Cheraw. Seeing a negro standing bythe roadside, looking at the troops passing, I inquired of him whatroad that was. "Him lead to Cheraw, master!" "Is it a good road, and how far?" "A very good road, and eight or ten miles. " "Anyguerrillas?"

"Oh! no, master, dey is gone two days ago; you could have playedcards on der coat-tails, dey was in sich a hurry!" I was on myLexington horse, who was very handsome and restive, so I madesignal to my staff to follow, as I proposed to go without escort. I turned my horse down the road, and the rest of the stafffollowed. General Barry took up the questions about the road, andasked the same negro what he was doing there. He answered, "Deysay Massa Sherman will be along soon!" "Why, " said General Barry, "that was General Sherman you were talking to. " The poor negro, almost in the attitude of prayer, exclaimed: "De great God! justlook at his horse!" He ran up and trotted by my side for a mile orso, and gave me all the information he possessed, but he seemed toadmire the horse more than the rider. 

We reached Cheraw in a couple of hours in a drizzling rain, and, while waiting for our wagons to come up, I staid with General Blairin a large house, the property of a blockade-runner, whose familyremained. General Howard occupied another house farther down-town. He had already ordered his pontoon-bridge to be laid across thePedee, there a large, deep, navigable stream, and Mower's divisionwas already across, skirmishing with the enemy about two miles out. Cheraw was found to be full of stores which had been sent up fromCharleston prior to its evacuation, and which could not be removed. I was satisfied, from inquiries, that General Hardee had with himonly the Charleston garrison, that the enemy had not divined ourmovements, and that consequently they were still scattered fromCharlotte around to Florence, then behind us. Having thus securedthe passage of the Pedee, I felt no uneasiness about the future, because there remained no further great impediment between us andCape Fear River, which I felt assured was by that time inpossession of our friends. The day was so wet that we all keptin-doors; and about noon General Blair invited us to take lunchwith him. We passed down into the basement dining-room, where theregular family table was spread with an excellent meal; and duringits progress I was asked to take some wine, which stood upon thetable in venerable bottles. It was so very good that I inquiredwhere it came from. General Blair simply asked, "Do you like it?"but I insisted upon knowing where he had got it; he only replied byasking if I liked it, and wanted some. He afterward sent to mybivouac a case containing a dozen bottles of the finest madeira Iever tasted; and I learned that he had captured, in Cheraw, thewine of some of the old aristocratic families of Charleston, whohad sent it up to Cheraw for safety, and heard afterward that Blairhad found about eight wagon-loads of this wine, which hedistributed to the army generally, in very fair proportions. 

After finishing our lunch, as we passed out of the dining room, General Blair asked me, if I did not want some saddle-blankets, ora rug for my tent, and, leading me into the hall to a space underthe stairway, he pointed out a pile of carpets which had also beensent up from Charleston for safety. After our headquarter-wagonsgot up, and our bivouac was established in a field near by, I sentmy orderly (Walter) over to General Blair, and he came backstaggering under a load of carpets, out of which the officers andescort made excellent tent-rugs, saddle-cloths, and blankets. There was an immense amount of stores in Cheraw, which were used ordestroyed; among them twenty-four guns, two thousand muskets, andthirty-six hundred barrels of gunpowder. By the carelessness of asoldier, an immense pile of this powder was exploded, which shookthe town badly; and killed and maimed several of our men. 

We remained in or near Cheraw till the 6th of March, by which timethe army was mostly across the Pedee River, and was prepared toresume the march on Fayetteville. In a house where General Hardeehad been, I found a late New York Tribune, of fully a month laterdate than any I had seen. It contained a mass of news of greatinterest to us, and one short paragraph which I thought extremelymischievous. I think it was an editorial, to the effect that atlast the editor had the satisfaction to inform his readers thatGeneral Sherman would next be heard from about Goldsboro', becausehis supply-vessels from Savannah were known to be rendezvousing atMorehead City:--Now, I knew that General Hardee had read that samepaper, and that he would be perfectly able to draw his owninferences. Up to, that moment I had endeavored so to feign to ourleft that we had completely, misled our antagonists; but this wasno longer possible, and I concluded that we must be ready, for theconcentration in our front of all the force subject to General Jos. Johnston's orders, for I was there also informed that he had beenrestored to the full command of the Confederate forces in South andNorth Carolina. 

On the 6th of March I crossed the Pedee, and all the army marchedfor Fayetteville: the Seventeenth Corps kept well to the right, tomake room; the Fifteenth Corps marched by a direct road; theFourteenth Corps also followed a direct road from Sneedsboro', where it had crossed the Pedee; and the Twentieth Corps, which hadcome into Cheraw for the convenience of the pontoon-bridge, diverged to the left, so as to enter Fayetteville next after theFourteenth Corps, which was appointed to lead into Fayetteville. Kilpatrick held his cavalry still farther to the left rear on theroads from Lancaster, by way of Wadesboro' and New Gilead, so as tocover our trains from Hampton's and Wheeler's cavalry, who hadfirst retreated toward the north. I traveled with the FifteenthCorps, and on the 8th of March reached Laurel Hill, North Carolina. Satisfied that our troops must be at Wilmington, I determined tosend a message there; I called for my man, Corporal Pike, whom Ihad rescued as before described, at Columbia, who was thentraveling with our escort, and instructed him in disguise to workhis way to the Cape Fear River, secure a boat, and float down toWilmington to convey a letter, and to report our approach. I alsocalled on General Howard for another volunteer, and he brought me avery clever young sergeant, who is now a commissioned officer inthe regular army. Each of these got off during the night byseparate routes, bearing the following message, reduced to the samecipher we used in telegraphic messages:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, LAUREL HILL, Wednesday, March 8, 1865. 

Commanding Officer, Wilmington, North Carolina:

We are marching for Fayetteville, will be there Saturday, Sunday, and Monday, and will then march for Goldsboro'. 

If possible, send a boat up Cape Fear River, and have word conveyedto General Schofield that I expect to meet him about Goldsboro'. We are all well and have done finely. The rains make our roadsdifficult, and may delay us about Fayetteville, in which case Iwould like to have some bread, sugar, and coffee. We haveabundance of all else. I expect to reach Goldsboro' by the 20thinstant. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

On the 9th I was with the Fifteenth Corps, and toward eveningreached a little church called Bethel, in the woods, in which wetook refuge in a terrible storm of rain, which poured all night, making the roads awful. All the men were at work corduroying theroads, using fence-rails and split saplings, and every foot of theway had thus to be corduroyed to enable the artillery and wagons topass. On the 10th we made some little progress; on the 11th Ireached Fayetteville, and found that General Hardee, followed byWade Hampton's cavalry, had barely escaped across Cape Fear River, burning the bridge which I had hoped to save. On reachingFayetteville I found General Slocum already in possession with theFourteenth Corps, and all the rest of the army was near at hand. Aday or two before, General Kilpatrick, to our left rear, haddivided his force into two parts, occupying roads behind theTwentieth Corps, interposing between our infantry columns and WadeHampton's cavalry. The latter, doubtless to make junction withGeneral Hardee, in Fayetteville, broke across this line, capturedthe house in which General Kilpatrick and the brigade-commander, General Spencer, were, and for a time held possession of the campand artillery of the brigade. However, General Kilpatrick and mostof his men escaped into a swamp with their arms, reorganized andreturned, catching Hampton's men--in turn, scattered and drove themaway, recovering most of his camp and artillery; but Hampton gotoff with Kilpatrick's private horses and a couple hundredprisoners, of which he boasted much in passing throughFayetteville. 

It was also reported that, in the morning after Hardee's army wasall across the bridge at Cape Fear River, Hampton, with a smallbodyguard, had remained in town, ready to retreat and burn thebridge as soon as our forces made their appearance. He was gettingbreakfast at the hotel when the alarm was given, when he and hisescort took saddle, but soon realized that the alarm came from aset of our foragers, who, as usual, were extremely bold and rash. On these he turned, scattered them, killing some and making othersprisoners; among them General Howard's favorite scout, CaptainDuncan. Hampton then crossed the bridge and burned it. 

I took up my quarters at the old United States Arsenal, which wasin fine order, and had been much enlarged by the Confederateauthorities, who never dreamed that an invading army would reach itfrom the west; and I also found in Fayetteville the widow anddaughter of my first captain (General Childs), of the ThirdArtillery, learned that her son Fred had been the ordnance-officerin charge of the arsenal, and had of course fled with Hardee'sarmy. 

During the 11th. The whole army closed down upon Fayetteville, andimmediate preparations were made to lay two pontoon bridges, onenear the burned bridge, and another about four miles lower down. 

Sunday, March 12th, was a day of Sabbath stillness in Fayetteville. The people generally attended their churches, for they were a verypious people, descended in a large measure from the old ScotchCovenanters, and our men too were resting from the toils and laborsof six weeks of as hard marching as ever fell to the lot ofsoldiers. Shortly after noon was heard in the distance the shrillwhistle of a steamboat, which came nearer and nearer, and soon ashout, long and continuous, was raised down by the river, whichspread farther and farther, and we all felt that it meant amessenger from home. The effect was electric, and no one canrealize the feeling unless, like us, he has been for months cut offfrom all communication with friends, and compelled to listen to thecroakings and prognostications of open enemies. But in a very fewminutes came up through the town to the arsenal on the plateaubehind a group of officers, among whom was a large, floridseafaring man, named Ainsworth, bearing a small mail-bag fromGeneral Terry, at Wilmington, having left at 2 p. M. The daybefore. Our couriers had got through safe from Laurel Hill, andthis was the prompt reply. 

As in the case of our former march from Atlanta, intense anxietyhad been felt for our safety, and General Terry had been prompt toopen communication. After a few minutes' conference with CaptainAinsworth about the capacity of his boat, and the state of factsalong the river, I instructed him to be ready to start back at 6p. M. , and ordered Captain Byers to get ready to carry dispatches toWashington. I also authorized General Howard to send back by thisopportunity some of the fugitives who had traveled with his armyall the way from Columbia, among whom were Mrs. Feaster and her twobeautiful daughters. 

I immediately prepared letters for Secretary Stanton, GeneralsHalleck and Grant, and Generals Schofield, Foster, Easton, andBeckwith, all of which have been published, but I include here onlythose to the Secretary of War, and Generals Grant and Terry, assamples of the whole:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, FAYETTVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, Sunday, March. 12, 1885. 

Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

DEAR SIR: I know you will be pleased to hear that my army hasreached this point, and has opened communication with Wilmington. A tug-boat came up this morning, and will start back at 6 P. M. 

I have written a letter to General Grant, the substance of which hewill doubtless communicate, and it must suffice for me to tell youwhat I know will give you pleasure--that I have done all that Iproposed, and the fruits seem to me ample for the time employed. Charleston, Georgetown, and Wilmington, are incidents, while theutter demolition of the railroad system of South Carolina, and theutter destruction of the enemy's arsenals of Columbia, Cheraw, andFayetteville, are the principals of the movement. These pointswere regarded as inaccessible to us, and now no place in theConfederacy is safe against the army of the West. Let Lee hold onto Richmond, and we will destroy his country; and then of what useis Richmond. He must come out and fight us on open ground, and forthat we must ever be ready. Let him stick behind his parapets, andhe will perish. 

I remember well what you asked me, and think I am on the rightroad, though a long one. My army is as united and cheerful asever, and as full of confidence in itself and its leaders. It isutterly impossible for me to enumerate what we have done, but Iinclose a slip just handed me, which is but partial. At Columbiaand Cheraw we destroyed nearly all the gunpowder and cartridgeswhich the Confederacy had in this part of the country. Thisarsenal is in fine order, and has been much enlarged. I cannotleave a detachment to hold it, therefore shall burn it, blow it upwith gunpowder, and then with rams knock down its walls. I take itfor granted the United States will never again trust North Carolinawith an arsenal to appropriate at her pleasure. 

Hoping that good fortune may still attend my army. I remain yourservant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, FAYETTVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, Sunday, March. 12, 1885. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, commanding United States Army, City Point, Virginia. 

DEAR GENERAL: We reached this place yesterday at noon; Hardee, asusual, retreating across the Cape Fear, burning his bridges; butour pontoons will be up to-day, and, with as little delay aspossible, I will be after him toward Goldsboro'. 

A tug has just come up from Wilmington, and before I get off fromhere, I hope to get from Wilmington some shoes and stockings, sugar, coffee, and flour. We are abundantly supplied with allelse, having in a measure lived off the country. 

The army is in splendid health, condition, and spirits, though wehave had foul weather, and roads that would have stopped travel toalmost any other body of men I ever heard of. 

Our march, was substantially what I designed--straight on Columbia, feigning on Branchville and Augusta. We destroyed, in passing, therailroad from the Edisto nearly up to Aiken; again, from Orangeburgto the Congaree; again, from Colombia down to Kingsville on theWateree, and up toward Charlotte as far as the Chester line; thencewe turned east on Cheraw and Fayetteville. At Colombia wedestroyed immense arsenals and railroad establishments, among whichwore forty-three cannon. At Cheraw we found also machinery andmaterial of war sent from Charleston, among which were twenty-fiveguns and thirty-six hundred barrels of powder; and here we findabout twenty guns and a magnificent United States' arsenal. 

We cannot afford to leave detachments, and I shall thereforedestroy this valuable arsenal, so the enemy shall not have its use;and the United States should never again confide such valuableproperty to a people who have betrayed a trust. 

I could leave here to-morrow, but want to clear my columns of thevast crowd of refugees and negroes that encumber us. Some I willsend down the river in boats, and the rest to Wilmington by land, under small escort, as soon as we are across Cape Fear River. 

I hope you have not been uneasy about us, and that the fruits ofthis march will be appreciated. It had to be made not only todestroy the valuable depots by the way, but for its incidents inthe necessary fall of Charleston, Georgetown, and Wilmington. If Ican now add Goldsboro' without too much cost, I will be in aposition to aid you materially in the spring campaign. 

Jos. Johnston may try to interpose between me here and Schofieldabout Newbern; but I think he will not try that, but concentratehis scattered armies at Raleigh, and I will go straight at him assoon as I get our men reclothed and our wagons reloaded. 

Keep everybody busy, and let Stoneman push toward Greensboro' orCharlotte from Knoxville; even a feint in that quarter will be mostimportant. 

The railroad from Charlotte to Danville is all that is left to theenemy, and it will not do for me to go there, on account of thered-clay hills which are impassable to wheels in wet weather. 

I expect to make a junction with General Schofield in ten days. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, FAYETTVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, Sunday, March. 12, 1885. 

Major-General TERRY, commanding United States Forces, Wilmington, North Carolina. 

GENERAL: I have just received your message by the tug which leftWilmington at 2 p. M. Yesterday, which arrived here withouttrouble. The scout who brought me your cipher-message started backlast night with my answers, which are superseded by the fact ofyour opening the river. 

General Howard just reports that he has secured one of the enemy'ssteamboats below the city, General Slocum will try to secure twoothers known to be above, and we will load them with refugees(white and black) who have clung to our skirts, impeded ourmovements, and consumed our food. 

We have swept the country well from Savannah to here, and the menand animals are in fine condition. Had it not been for the foulweather, I would have caught Hardee at Cheraw or here; but atColumbia, Cheraw, and here, we have captured immense stores, anddestroyed machinery, guns, ammunition, and property, of inestimablevalue to our enemy. At all points he has fled from us, "standingnot on the order of his going. "

The people of South Carolina, instead of feeding Lee's army, willnow call on Lee to feed them. 

I want you to send me all the shoes, stockings, drawers, sugar, coffee, and flour, you can spare; finish the loads with oats orcorn: Have the boats escorted, and let them run at night at anyrisk. We must not give time for Jos. Johnston to concentrate atGoldsboro'. We cannot prevent his concentrating at Raleigh, but heshall have no rest. I want General Schofield to go on with hisrailroad from Newbern as far as he can, and you should do the samefrom Wilmington. If we can get the roads to and secure Goldsboro'by April 10th, it will be soon enough; but every day now is worth amillion of dollars. I can whip Jos. Johnston provided he does notcatch one of my corps in flank, and I will see that the armymarches hence to Goldsboro' in compact form. 

I must rid our army of from twenty to thirty thousand uselessmouths; as many to go down Cape Fear as possible, and the rest togo in vehicles or on captured horses via Clinton to Wilmington. 

I thank you for the energetic action that has marked your course, and shall be most happy to meet you. I am, truly your friend, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

In quick succession I received other messages from General Terry, of older date, and therefore superseded by that brought by the tugDavidson, viz. , by two naval officers, who had come up partly bycanoes and partly by land; General Terry had also sent theThirteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry to search for us, under ColonelKerwin, who had dispatched Major Berks with fifty men, who reachedus at Fayetteville; so that, by March 12th, I was in fullcommunication with General Terry and the outside world. Still, Iwas anxious to reach Goldsboro', there to make junction withGeneral Schofield, so as to be ready for the next and last stage ofthe war. I then knew that my special antagonist, General Jos. E. Johnston, was back, with part of his old army; that he would not bemisled by feints and false reports, and would somehow compel me toexercise more caution than I had hitherto done. I thenover-estimated his force at thirty-seven thousand infantry, supposed to be made up of S. D. Lee's corps, four thousand;Cheatham's, five thousand; Hoke's, eight thousand; Hardee's, tenthousand; and other detachments, ten thousand; with Hampton's, Wheeler's, and Butler's cavalry, about eight thousand. Of these, only Hardee and the cavalry were immediately in our front, whilethe bulk of Johnston's army was supposed to be collecting at ornear Raleigh. I was determined, however, to give him as littletime for organization as possible, and accordingly crossed CapeFear River, with all the army, during the 13th and 14th, leavingone division as a rearguard, until the arsenal could be completelydestroyed. This was deliberately and completely leveled on the14th, when fire was applied to the wreck. Little other damage wasdone at Fayetteville. 

On the 14th the tug Davidson again arrived from Wilmington, withGeneral Dodge, quartermaster, on board, reporting that there was noclothing to be had at Wilmington; but he brought up some sugar andcoffee, which were most welcome, and some oats. He was followed bya couple of gunboats, under command of Captain Young, United StatesNavy, who reached Fayetteville after I had left, and undertook topatrol the river as long as the stage of water would permit; andGeneral Dodge also promised to use the captured steamboats for alike purpose. Meantime, also, I had sent orders to GeneralSchofield, at Newbern, and to General Terry, at Wilmington, to movewith their effective forces straight for Goldsboro', where Iexpected to meet them by the 20th of March. 

On the 15th of March the whole army was across Cape Fear River, andat once began its march for Goldsboro'; the Seventeenth Corps stillon the right, the Fifteenth next in order, then the Fourteenth andTwentieth on the extreme left; the cavalry, acting in close concertwith the left flank. With almost a certainty of being attacked onthis flank, I had instructed General Slocum to send hiscorps-trains under strong escort by an interior road, holding fourdivisions ready for immediate battle. General Howard was in likemanner ordered to keep his trains well to his right, and to havefour divisions unencumbered, about six miles ahead of GeneralSlocum, within easy support. 

In the mean time, I had dispatched by land to Wilmington a train ofrefugees who had followed the army all the way from Columbia, SouthCarolina, under an escort of two hundred men, commanded by MajorJohn A. Winson (One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois Infantry), sothat we were disencumbered, and prepared for instant battle on ourleft and exposed flank. 

In person I accompanied General Slocum, and during the night ofMarch 15th was thirteen miles out on the Raleigh road. This flankfollowed substantially a road along Cape Fear River north, encountered pretty stubborn resistance by Hardee's infantry, artillery, and cavalry, and the ground favored our enemy; for thedeep river, Cape Fear, was on his right, and North River on hisleft, forcing us to attack him square in front. I proposed todrive Hardee well beyond Averysboro', and then to turn to the rightby Bentonville for Goldsboro'. During the day it rained veryhard, and I had taken refuge in an old cooper-shop, where aprisoner of war was brought to me (sent back from the skirmish-lineby General Kilpatrick), who proved to be Colonel Albert Rhett, former commander of Fort Sumter. He was a tall, slender, andhandsome young man, dressed in the most approved rebel uniform, with high jackboots beautifully stitched, and was dreadfullymortified to find himself a prisoner in our hands. General FrankBlair happened to be with me at the moment, and we were much amusedat Rhett's outspoken disgust at having been captured without afight. He said he was a brigade commander, and that his brigadethat day was Hardee's rear-guard; that his command was composedmostly of the recent garrisons of the batteries of CharlestonHarbor, and had little experience in woodcraft; that he was givingground to us as fast as Hardee's army to his rear moved back, andduring this operation he was with a single aide in the woods, andwas captured by two men of Kilpatrick's skirmish-line that wasfollowing up his retrograde movement. These men called on him tosurrender, and ordered him, in language more forcible than polite, to turn and ride back. He first supposed these men to be ofHampton's cavalry, and threatened to report them to General Hamptonfor disrespectful language; but he was soon undeceived, and wasconducted to Kilpatrick, who sent him back to General Slocum'sguard. 

The rain was falling heavily, and, our wagons coming up, we wentinto camp there, and had Rhett and General Blair to take supperwith us, and our conversation was full and quite interesting. Indue time, however, Rhett was passed over by General Slocum to hisprovost-guard, with orders to be treated with due respect, --and wasfurnished with a horse to ride. 

The next day (the 16th) the opposition continued stubborn, and nearAverysboro' Hardee had taken up a strong position, before whichGeneral Slocum deployed Jackson's division (of the TwentiethCorps), with part of Ward's. Kilpatrick was on his right front. Coming up, I advised that a brigade should make a wide circuit bythe left, and, if possible, catch this line in flank. The movementwas completely successful, the first line of the enemy was sweptaway, and we captured the larger part of Rhett's brigade, twohundred and seventeen men, including Captain Macbeth's battery ofthree guns, and buried one hundred and eight dead. 

The deployed lines (Ward's and Jackson's) pressed on, and foundHardee again intrenched; but the next morning he was gone, in fullretreat toward Smithfield. In this action, called the battle ofAverysboro', we lost twelve officers and sixty-five men killed, andfour hundred and seventy-seven men wounded; a serious loss, becauseevery wounded man had to be carried in an ambulance. The rebelwounded (sixty-eight) were carried to a house near by, all surgicaloperations necessary were performed by our surgeons, and then thesewounded men were left in care of an officer and four men of therebel prisoners, with a scanty supply of food, which was the bestwe could do for them. In person I visited this house while thesurgeons were at work, with arms and legs lying around loose, inthe yard and on the porch; and in a room on a bed lay a pale, handsome young fellow, whose left arm had just been cut off nearthe shoulder. Some one used my name, when he asked, in a feeblevoice, if I were General Sherman. He then announced himself asCaptain Macbeth, whose battery had just been captured; and saidthat he remembered me when I used to visit his father's house, inCharleston. I inquired about his family, and enabled him to writea note to his mother, which was sent her afterward from Goldsboro'. I have seen that same young gentleman since in St. Louis, where hewas a clerk in an insurance-office. 

While the battle of Averysboro' was in progress, and I was sittingon my horse, I was approached by a man on foot, without shoes orcoat, and his head bandaged by a handkerchief. He announcedhimself as the Captain Duncan who had been captured by Wade Hamptonin Fayetteville, but had escaped; and, on my inquiring how hehappened to be in that plight, he explained that when he was aprisoner Wade Hampton's men had made him "get out of his coat, hat, and shoes, " which they appropriated to themselves. He said WadeHampton had seen them do it, and he had appealed to him personallyfor protection, as an officer, but Hampton answered him with acurse. I sent Duncan to General Kilpatrick, and heard afterwardthat Kilpatrick had applied to General Slocum for his prisoner, Colonel Rhett, whom he made march on foot the rest of the way toGoldsboro', in retaliation. There was a story afloat thatKilpatrick made him get out of those fine boots, but restored thembecause none of his own officers had feet delicate enough to wearthem. Of course, I know nothing of this personally, and have neverseen Rhett since that night by the cooper-shop; and suppose that heis the editor who recently fought a duel in New Orleans. 

From Averysboro' the left wing turned east, toward Goldsboro', theFourteenth Corps leading. I remained with this wing until thenight of the 18th, when we were within twenty-seven miles ofGoldsboro' and five from Bentonsville; and, supposing that alldanger was over, I crossed over to join Howard's column, to theright, so as to be nearer to Generals Schofield and Terry, known tobe approaching Goldsboro'. I overtook General Howard atFalling-Creek Church, and found his column well drawn out, by reasonof the bad roads. I had heard some cannonading over about Slocum'shead of column, and supposed it to indicate about the same measure ofopposition by Hardee's troops and Hampton's cavalry beforeexperienced; but during the day a messenger overtook me, and notifiedme that near Bentonsville General Slocum had run up againstJohnston's whole army. I sent back orders for him to fightdefensively to save time, and that I would come up withreenforcements from the direction of Cog's Bridge, by the road whichwe had reached near Falling-Creek Church. The country was veryobscure, and the maps extremely defective. 

By this movement I hoped General Slocum would hold Johnston's armyfacing west, while I would come on his rear from the east. TheFifteenth Corps, less one division (Hazen's), still well to therear, was turned at once toward Bentonsville; Hazen's division wasordered to Slocum's flank, and orders were also sent for GeneralBlair, with the Seventeenth Corps, to come to the same destination. Meantime the sound of cannon came from the direction ofBentonsville. 

The night of the 19th caught us near Falling-Creek Church; butearly the next morning the Fifteenth Corps, General C. R. Woods'sdivision leading, closed down on Bentonsville, near which it wasbrought up by encountering a line of fresh parapet, crossing theroad and extending north, toward Mill Creek. 

After deploying, I ordered General Howard to proceed with duecaution, using skirmishers alone, till he had made junction withGeneral Slocum, on his left. These deployments occupied all day, during which two divisions of the Seventeenth Corps also got up. At that time General Johnston's army occupied the form of a V, theangle reaching the road leading from Averysboro' to Goldsboro', andthe flanks resting on Mill Creek, his lines embracing the villageof Bentonsville. 

General Slocum's wing faced one of these lines and General Howard'sthe other; and, in the uncertainty of General Johnston's strength, I did not feel disposed to invite a general battle, for we had beenout from Savannah since the latter part of January, and ourwagon-trains contained but little food. I had also received messagesduring the day from General Schofield, at Kinston, and GeneralTerry, at Faison's Depot, approaching Goldsboro', both expecting toreach it by March 21st. During the 20th we simply held our groundand started our trains back to Kinston for provisions, which wouldbe needed in the event of being forced to fight a general battle atBentonsville. The next day (21st) it began to rain again, and weremained quiet till about noon, when General Mower, ever rash, broke through the rebel line on his extreme left flank, and waspushing straight for Bentonsville and the bridge across Mill Creek. I ordered him back to connect with his own corps; and, lest theenemy should concentrate on him, ordered the whole rebel line to beengaged with a strong skirmish-fire. 

I think I made a mistake there, and should rapidly have followedMower's lead with the whole of the right wing, which would havebrought on a general battle, and it could not have resultedotherwise than successfully to us, by reason of our vastly superiornumbers; but at the moment, for the reasons given, I preferred tomake junction with Generals Terry and Schofield, before engagingJohnston's army, the strength of which was utterly unknown. Thenext day he was gone, and had retreated on Smithfield; and, theroads all being clear, our army moved to Goldsboro'. The heaviestfighting at Bentonsville was on the first day, viz. , the 19th, whenJohnston's army struck the head of Slocum's columns, knocking backCarlin's division; but, as soon as General Slocum had brought upthe rest of the Fourteenth Corps into line, and afterward theTwentieth on its left, he received and repulsed all attacks, andheld his ground as ordered, to await the coming back of the rightwing. His loss, as reported, was nine officers and one hundred andforty-five men killed, eight hundred and sixteen wounded, and twohundred and twenty-six missing. He reported having buried of therebel dead one hundred and sixty-seven, and captured three hundredand thirty-eight prisoners. 

The loss of the right wing was two officers and thirty-five menkilled, twelve officers and two hundred and eighty-nine menwounded, and seventy missing. General Howard reported that he hadburied one hundred of the rebel dead, and had captured twelvehundred and eighty-seven prisoners. 

Our total loss, therefore, at Bentonsville was: 1, 604

General Johnston, in his "Narrative" (p. 392), asserts that hisentire force at Bentonsville, omitting Wheeler's and Butler'scavalry, only amounted to fourteen thousand one hundred infantryand artillery; and (p. 393) states his losses as: 2, 343

Wide discrepancies exist in these figures: for instance, GeneralSlocum accounts for three hundred and thirty-eight prisonerscaptured, and General Howard for twelve hundred and eighty-seven, making sixteen hundred and twenty-five in all, to Johnston's sixhundred and fifty three--a difference of eight hundred andseventy-two. I have always accorded to General Johnston due creditfor boldness in his attack on our exposed flank at Bentonville, but I think he understates his strength, and doubt whether at thetime he had accurate returns from his miscellaneous army, collectedfrom Hoke, Bragg, Hardee, Lee, etc. After the first attack onCarlin's division, I doubt if the fighting was as desperate asdescribed by him, p. 385, et seq. I was close up with theFifteenth Corps, on the 20th and 21st, considered the fighting asmere skirmishing, and know that my orders were to avoid a generalbattle, till we could be sure of Goldsboro', and of opening up anew base of supply. With the knowledge now possessed of his smallforce, of course I committed an error in not overwhelmingJohnston's army on the 21st of March, 1865. But I was content thento let him go, and on the 22d of March rode to Cog's Bridge, whereI met General Terry, with his two divisions of the Tenth Corps; andthe next day we rode into Goldsboro', where I found GeneralSchofield with the Twenty-third Corps, thus effecting a perfectjunction of all the army at that point, as originally contemplated. During the 23d and 24th the whole army was assembled at Goldsboro';General Terry's two divisions encamped at Faison's Depot to thesouth, and General Kilpatrick's cavalry at Mount Olive Station, near him, and there we all rested, while I directed my specialattention to replenishing the army for the next and last stage ofthe campaign. Colonel W. W. Wright had been so indefatigable, thatthe Newbern Railroad was done, and a locomotive arrived inGoldsboro' on the 25th of March. 

Thus was concluded one of the longest and most important marchesever made by an organized army in a civilized country. Thedistance from Savannah to Goldsboro' is four hundred andtwenty-five miles, and the route traversed embraced five largenavigable rivers, viz. , the Edisto, Broad, Catawba, Pedee, and CapeFear, at either of which a comparatively small force, well-handled, should have made the passage most difficult, if not impossible. The country generally was in a state of nature, with innumerableswamps, with simply mud roads, nearly every mile of which had to becorduroyed. In our route we had captured Columbia, Cheraw, andFayetteville, important cities and depots of supplies, hadcompelled the evacuation of Charleston City and Harbor, had utterlybroken up all the railroads of South Carolina, and had consumed avast amount of food and forage, essential to the enemy for thesupport of his own armies. We had in mid-winter accomplished thewhole journey of four hundred and twenty-five miles in fifty days, averaging ten miles per day, allowing ten lay-days, and had reachedGoldsboro' with the army in superb order, and the trains almost asfresh as when we had started from Atlanta. 

It was manifest to me that we could resume our march, and comewithin the theatre of General Grant's field of operations in allApril, and that there was no force in existence that could delayour progress, unless General Lee should succeed in eluding GeneralGrant at Petersburg, make junction with General Johnston, and thusunited meet me alone; and now that we had effected a junction withGenerals Terry and Schofield, I had no fear even of that event. Onreaching Goldsboro, I learned from General Schofield all thedetails of his operations about Wilmington and Newbern; also of thefight of the Twenty-third Corps about Kinston, with General Bragg. I also found Lieutenant Dunn, of General Grant's staff, awaitingme, with the general's letter of February 7th, coveringinstructions to Generals Schofield and Thomas; and his letter ofMarch 16th, in answer to mine of the 12th, from Fayetteville. 

These are all given here to explain the full reasons for the eventsof the war then in progress, with two or three letters from myself, to fill out the picture. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, February 7, 1865

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Without much expectation of it reaching you in time to beof any service, I have mailed to you copies of instructions toSchofield and Thomas. I had informed Schofield by telegraph of thedeparture of Mahone's division, south from the Petersburg front. These troops marched down the Weldon road, and, as they apparentlywent without baggage, it is doubtful whether they have notreturned. I was absent from here when they left. Just returnedyesterday morning from Cape Fear River. I went there to determinewhere Schofield's corps had better go to operate against Wilmingtonand Goldsboro'. The instructions with this will inform you of theconclusion arrived at. 

Schofield was with me, and the plan of the movement againstWilmington fully determined before we started back; hence theabsence of more detailed instructions to him. He will land onedivision at Smithville, and move rapidly up the south side of theriver, and secure the Wilmington & Charlotte Railroad, and with hispontoon train cross over to the island south of the city, if hecan. With the aid of the gunboats, there is no doubt but this movewill drive the enemy from their position eight miles east of thecity, either back to their line or away altogether. There will bea large force on the north bank of Cape Fear River, ready to followup and invest the garrison, if they should go inside. 

The railroads of North Carolina are four feet eight and one-halfinches gauge. I have sent large parties of railroad-men there tobuild them up, and have ordered stock to run them. We haveabundance of it idle from the non-use of the Virginia roads. Ihave taken every precaution to have supplies ready for you whereveryou may turn up. I did this before when you left Atlanta, andregret that they did not reach you promptly when you reachedsalt-water.... 

Alexander Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and Judge Campbell, are now atmy headquarters, very desirous of going to Washington to see Mr. Lincoln, informally, on the subject of peace. The peace feelingwithin the rebel lines is gaining ground rapidly. This, however, should not relax our energies in the least, but should stimulate usto greater activity. 

I have received your very kind letters, in which you say you woulddecline, or are opposed to, promotion. No one world be morepleased at your advancement than I, and if you should be placed inmy position, and I put subordinate, it would not change ourpersonal relations in the least. I would make the same exertions tosupport you that you have ever done to support me, and would do allin my power to make our cause win. 

Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, January 81, 1865. 

Major-General G. H. THOMAS, commanding Army of the Cumberland. 

GENERAL: With this I send you a letter from General Sherman. Atthe time of writing it, General Sherman was not informed of thedepletion of your command by my orders. It will, be impossible atpresent for you to move south as he contemplated, with the force ofinfantry indicated. General Slocum is advised before this of thechanges made, and that for the winter you will be on the defensive. I think, however, an expedition from East Tennessee, under GeneralStoneman might penetrate South Carolina, well down toward Columbia, destroying the railroad and military resources of the country, thusvisiting a portion of the State which will not be reached bySherman's forces. He might also be able to return to EastTennessee by way of Salisbury, North Carolina, thus releasing homeour prisoners of war in rebel hands. 

Of the practicability of doing this, General Stoneman will have tobe the judge, making up his mind from information obtained whileexecuting the first part of his instructions. Sherman's movementswill attract the attention of all the force the enemy can collect, thus facilitating the execution of this. 

Three thousand cavalry would be a sufficient force to take. Thisprobably can be raised in the old Department of the Ohio, withouttaking any now under General Wilson. It would require, though, thereorganization of the two regiments of Kentucky Cavalry, whichStoneman had in his very successful raid into SouthwesternVirginia. 

It will be necessary, probably, for you to send, in addition to theforce now in East Tennessee, a small division of infantry, toenable General Gillem to hold the upper end of Holston Valley, andthe mountain-passes in rear of Stevenson. 

You may order such an expedition. To save time, I will send a copyof this to General Stoneman, so that he can begin his preparationswithout loss of time, and can commence his correspondence with youas to these preparations. 

As this expedition goes to destroy and not to fight battles, but toavoid them when practicable, particularly against any thing likeequal forces, or where a great object is to be gained, it should goas light as possible. Stoneman's experience, in raiding will teachhim in this matter better than he can be directed. 

Let there be no delay in the preparations for this expedition, andkeep me advised of its progress. Very respectfully, your obedientservant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, January 81, 1865. 

Major-General J. M. SCHOFIELD, commanding army of the Ohio. 

GENERAL: I have requested by telegraph that, for present purposes, North Carolina be erected into a department, and that you be placedin command of it, subject to Major-General Sherman's orders. Ofcourse, you will receive orders from me direct until such time asGeneral Sherman gets within communicating distance of you. Thisobviates the necessity of my publishing the order which I informedyou would meet you at Fortress Monroe. If the order referred toshould not be published from the Adjutant-General's office, youwill read these instructions as your authority to assume command ofall the troops in North Carolina, dating all officialcommunications, "Headquarters Army of the Ohio. " Your headquarterswill be in the field, and with the portion of the army where youfeel yourself most needed. In the first move you will go to CapeFear River. 

Your movements are intended as cooperative with Sherman's movementthrough the States of South and North Carolina. The first point tobe obtained is to secure Wilmington. Goldsboro' will then be yourobjective point, moving either from Wilmington or Newbern, or both, as you may deem best. Should you not be able to reach Goldsboro', you will advance on the line or lines of railway connecting thatplace with the sea-coast, as near to it as you can, building theroad behind you. The enterprise under you has two objects: thefirst is, to give General Sherman material aid, if needed, in hismarch north; the second, to open a base of supplies for him on theline of his march. As soon, therefore, as you can determine whichof the two points, Wilmington or Newbern, you can best use forthrowing supplies from to the interior, you will commence theaccumulation of twenty days rations and forage for sixty thousandmen and twenty thousand animals. You will get of these as many asyou can house and protect, to such point in the interior as you maybe able to occupy. 

I believe General Innis N. Palmer has received some instructionsdirectly from General Sherman, on the subject of securing suppliesfor his army. You can learn what steps he has taken, and begoverned in your requisitions accordingly. A supply ofordnance-stores will also be necessary. 

Make all your requisitions upon the chiefs of their respectivedepartments, in the field, with me at City Point. Communicate withme by every opportunity, and, should you deem it necessary at anytime, send a special boat to Fortress Monroe, from which point youcan communicate by telegraph. 

The supplies referred to in these instructions are exclusive ofthose required by your own command. 

The movements of the enemy may justify you, or even make it yourimperative duty, to cut loose from your base and strike for theinterior, to aid Sherman. In such case you will act on your ownjudgment, without waiting for instructions. You will report, however, what you propose doing. The details for carrying outthese instructions are necessarily left to you. I would urge, however, if I did not know that you are already fully alive to theimportance of it, prompt action. Sherman may be looked for in theneighborhood of Goldsboro' any time from the 22d to the 28th ofFebruary. This limits your time very materially. 

If rolling-stock is not secured in the capture of Wilmington, itcan be supplied from Washington: A large force of railroad-men hasalready been sent to Beaufort, and other mechanics will go to FortFisher in a day or two. On this point I have informed you bytelegraph. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 16, 1865. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Your interesting letter of the 12th inst. Is justreceived. I have never felt any uneasiness for your safety, but Ihave felt great anxiety to know just how you were progressing. Iknew, or thought I did, that, with the magnificent army with you, you would come out safely somewhere. 

To secure certain success, I deemed the capture of Wilmington ofthe greatest importance. Butler came near losing that prize to us. But Terry and Schofield have since retrieved his blunders, and I donot know but the first failure has been as valuable a success forthe country as the capture of Fort Fisher. Butler may not see itin that light. 

Ever since you started on the last campaign, and before, I havebeen attempting to get something done in the West, both tocooperate with you and to take advantage of the enemy's weaknessthere--to accomplish results favorable to us. Knowing Thomas to beslow beyond excuse, I depleted his army to reinforce Canby, so thathe might act from Mobile Bay on the interior. With all I havesaid, he has not moved at last advices. Canby was sending acavalry force, of about seven thousand, from Vicksburg towardSelma. I ordered Thomas to send Wilson from Eastport toward thesame point, and to get him off as soon after the 20th of Februaryas possible. He telegraphed me that he would be off by that date. He has not yet started, or had not at last advices. I ordered himto send Stoneman from East Tennessee into Northwest South Carolina, to be there about the time you would reach Columbia. He wouldeither have drawn off the enemy's cavalry from you, or would havesucceeded in destroying railroads, supplies, and other material, which you could not reach. At that time the Richmond papers werefull of the accounts of your movements, and gave daily accounts ofmovements in West North Carolina. I supposed all the time it wasStoneman. You may judge my surprise when I afterward learned thatStoneman was still in Louisville, Kentucky, and that the troops inNorth Carolina were Kirk's forces! In order that Stoneman mightget off without delay, I told Thomas that three thousand men wouldbe sufficient for him to take. In the mean time I had directedSheridan to get his cavalry ready, and, as soon as the snow in themountains melted sufficiently, to start for Staunton, and go on anddestroy the Virginia Central Railroad and canal. Time advanced, until he set the 28th of February for starting. I informed Thomas, and directed him to change the course of Stoneman toward Lynchburg, to destroy the road in Virginia up as near to that place aspossible. Not hearing from Thomas, I telegraphed to him about the12th, to know if Stoneman was yet off. He replied not, but that he(Thomas) would start that day for Knoxville, to get him off as soonas possible. 

Sheridan has made his raid, and with splendid success, so far asheard. I am looking for him at "White House" to-day. Since aboutthe 20th of last month the Richmond papers have been prohibitedfrom publishing accounts of army movements. We are left to our ownresources, therefore, for information. You will see from thepapers what Sheridan has done; if you do not, the officer who bearsthis will tell you all. 

Lee has depleted his army but very little recently, and I learn ofnone going south. Some regiments may have been detached, but Ithink no division or brigade. The determination seems to be tohold Richmond as long as possible. I have a force sufficient toleave enough to hold our lines (all that is necessary of them), andmove out with plenty to whip his whole army. But the roads areentirely impassable. Until they improve, I shall content myselfwith watching Lee, and be prepared to pitch into him if he attemptsto evacuate the place. I may bring Sheridan over--think I will--and break up the Danville and Southside Railroads. These are thelast avenues left to the enemy. 

Recruits have come in so rapidly at the West that Thomas has nowabout as much force as he had when he attacked Hood. I havestopped all who, under previous orders, would go to him, exceptthose from Illinois. 

Fearing the possibility of the enemy falling back to Lynchburg, andafterward attempting to go into East Tennessee or Kentucky, I haveordered Thomas to move the Fourth Corps to Bull's Gap, and tofortify there, and to hold out to the Virginia line, if he can. Hehas accumulated a large amount of supplies in Knoxville, and hasbeen ordered not to destroy any of the railroad west of theVirginia Hue. I told him to get ready for a campaign towardLynchburg, if it became necessary. He never can make one there orelsewhere; but the steps taken will prepare for any one else totake his troops and come east or go toward Rome, whichever may benecessary. I do not believe either will. 

When I hear that you and Schofield are together, with your backupon the coast, I shall feel that you are entirely safe against anything the enemy can do. Lee may evacuate Richmond, but he cannotget there with force enough to touch you. His army is nowdemoralized and deserting very fast, both to us and to their homes. A retrograde movement would cost him thousands of men, even if wedid not follow. 

Five thousand men, belonging to the corps with you, are now ontheir way to join you. If more reenforcements are necessary, Iwill send them. My notion is, that you should get Raleigh as soonas possible, and hold the railroad from there back. This may takemore force than you now have. 

From that point all North Carolina roads can be made useless to theenemy, without keeping up communications with the rear. 

Hoping to hear soon of your junction with the forces fromWilmington and Newborn, I remain, very respectfully, your obedientservant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD, COX'S BRIGADE, NEUSE RIVER, NORTH CAROLINA, March 22, 1865

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, Commander-in-Chief, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: I wrote you from Fayetteville, North Carolina, on Tuesday, the 14th instant, that I was all ready to start for Goldsboro', towhich point I had also ordered General Schofield, from Newborn, andGeneral Terry, from Wilmington. I knew that General Jos. Johnstonwas supreme in command against me, and that he would have time toconcentrate a respectable army to oppose the last stage of thismarch. Accordingly, General Slocum was ordered to send his mainsupply-train, under escort of two divisions, straight forBentonsville, while he, with his other four divisions, disencumbered of all unnecessary wagons, should march towardRaleigh, by way of threat, as far as Averysboro'. General Howard, in like manner, sent his trains with the Seventeenth Corps, well tothe right, and, with the four divisions of the Fifteenth Corps, took roads which would enable him to come promptly to the exposedleft flank. We started on the 16th, but again the rains set in, and the roads, already bad enough, became horrible. 

On Tuesday, the 16th, General Slocum found Hardee's army, fromCharleston, which had retreated before us from Cheraw, in positionacross the narrow, swampy neck between Cape Fear and North Rivers, where the road branches off to Goldsboro'. There a pretty severefight occurred, in which General Slocum's troops carried handsomelythe advanced line, held by a South Carolina brigade, commanded by aColonel Butler. Its Commander, Colonel Rhett, of Fort Sumternotoriety, with one of his staff, had the night before beencaptured, by Kilpatrick's scouts, from his very skirmish-line. Thenext morning Hardee was found gone, and was pursued through andbeyond Averysboro'. General Slocum buried one hundred and eightdead rebels, and captured and destroyed three guns. Some eightywounded rebels were left in our hands, and, after dressing theirwounds, we left them in a house, attended by a Confederate officerand four privates, detailed out of our prisoners and paroled forthe purpose. 

We resumed the march toward Goldsboro'. I was with the left winguntil I supposed all danger had passed; but, when General Slocum'shead of column was within four miles of Bentonsville, afterskirmishing as usual with cavalry, he became aware that there wasinfantry in his front. He deployed a couple of brigades, which, onadvancing, sustained a partial repulse, but soon rallied, when heformed a line of the two leading divisions (Morgan's and Carlin's)of Jeff. C. Davis's corps. The enemy attacked these with violence, but was repulsed. This was in the forenoon of Sunday, the 19th. General Slocum brought forward the two divisions of the TwentiethCorps, hastily disposed of them for defense, and General Kilpatrickmassed his cavalry on the left. 

General Jos. Johnston had, the night before, marched his whole army(Bragg, Cheatham, S. D. Lee, Hardee, and all the troops he haddrawn from every quarter), determined, as he told his men, to crashone of our corps, and then defeat us in detail. He attackedGeneral Slocum in position from 3 P. M. On the 19th till dark; butwas everywhere repulsed, and lost heavily. At the time, I was withthe Fifteenth Corps, marching on a road more to the right; but, onhearing of General Slocum's danger, directed that corps towardCox's Bridge, in the night brought Blair's corps over, and on the20th marched rapidly on Johnston's flank and rear. We struck himabout noon, forced him to assume the defensive, and to fortify. Yesterday we pushed him hard, and came very near crushing him, theright division of the Seventeenth Corps (Mower's) having broken into within a hundred yards of where Johnston himself was, at thebridge across Mill Creek. Last night he retreated, leaving us inpossession of the field, dead, and wounded. We have over twothousand prisoners from this affair and the one at Averysboro', andI am satisfied that Johnston's army was so roughly handledyesterday that we could march right on to Raleigh; but we have nowbeen out six weeks, living precariously upon the collections of ourforagers, our men dirty, ragged, and saucy, and we must rest andfix up a little. Our entire losses thus far (killed, wounded, andprisoners) will be covered by twenty-five hundred, a great part ofwhich are, as usual, slight wounds. The enemy has lost more thandouble as many, and we have in prisoners alone full two thousand. 

I limited the pursuit, this morning, to Mill Creek, and willforthwith march the army to Goldsboro', there to rest, reclothe, and get some rations. 

Our combinations were such that General Schofield enteredGoldsboro' from Newborn; General Terry got Cox's Bridge, withpontoons laid, and a brigade across Neuse River intrenched; and wewhipped Jos. Johnston--all on the same day. 

After riding over the field of battle to-day, near Bentonsville, and making the necessary orders, I have ridden down to this place(Cox's Bridge) to see General Terry, and to-morrow shall ride intoGoldsboro. 

I propose to collect there my army proper; shall post General Terryabout Faison's Depot, and General Schofield about Kinston, partlyto protect the road, but more to collect such food and forage asthe country affords, until the railroads are repaired leading intoGoldsboro'. 

I fear these have not been pushed with the vigor I had expected;but I will soon have them both going. I shall proceed at once toorganize three armies of twenty-five thousand men each, and willtry and be all ready to march to Raleigh or Weldon, as we maydetermine, by or before April 10th. 

I inclose you a copy of my orders of to-day. I would like to bemore specific, but have not the data. We have lost no generalofficers nor any organization. General Slocum took three guns atAverysboro', and lost three others at the first dash on him atBentonsville. We have all our wagons and trains in good order. 

Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD, COX'S BRIGADE, GOLDSBORO', NORTH CAROLINA, March 23, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, commanding the Armies of the UnitedStates, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: On reaching Goldsboro' this morning, I found LieutenantDunn awaiting me with your letter of March 18th and dispatch of the17th. I wrote you fully from Cox's Bridge yesterday, and sincereaching Goldsboro' have learned that my letter was sent punctuallyto Newborn, whence it will be dispatched to you. 

I am very glad to hear that General Sheridan did such good servicebetween Richmond and Lynchburg, and hope he will keep the ballmoving, I know that these raids and dashes disconcert our enemy anddiscourage him much. 

General Slocum's two corps (Fourteenth and Twentieth) are nowcoming in. I will dispose of them north of Goldsboro', between theWeldon road and Little River. General Howard to-day is marchingsouth of the Nenae, and to-morrow will come in and occupy groundnorth of Goldsboro', extending from the Weldon Railroad to thatleading to Kinston. 

I have ordered all the provisional divisions, made up of troopsbelonging to the regular corps, to be broken up, and the men tojoin their proper regiments and organizations; and have orderedGeneral Schofield to guard the railroads back to Newborn andWilmington, and to make up a movable column equal to twenty-fivethousand men, with which to take the field. His army will be thecentre, as on the Atlanta campaign. I do not think I want any moretroops (other than absentees and recruits) to fill up the presentregiments, and I can make up an army of eighty thousand men byApril 10th. I will post General Kilpatrick at Mount Olive Stationon the Wilmington road, and then allow the army some rest. 

We have sent all our empty wagons, under escort, with the properstaff-officers, to bring up from Kinston clothing and provisions. As long as we move we can gather food and forage; but, the momentwe stop, trouble begins. 

I feel sadly disappointed that our railroads are not done. I donot like to say there has been any neglect until I make inquiries;but it does seem to me the repairs should have been made ere this, and the road properly stocked. I can only hear of one locomotive(besides the four old ones) on the Newbern road, and two damagedlocomotives (found by General Terry) on the Wilmington road. Ileft Generals Easton and Beckwith purposely to make arrangements inanticipation of my arrival, and have heard from neither, though Isuppose them both to be at Morehead City. 

At all events, we have now made a junction of all the armies, andif we can maintain them, will, in a short time, be in a position tomarch against Raleigh, Gaston, Weldon, or even Richmond, as you maydetermine. 

If I get the troops all well planed, and the supplies working well, I may run up to see you for a day or two before diving again intothe bowels of the country. 

I will make, in a very short time, accurate reports of ouroperations for the past two months. Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD, COX'S BRIGADE, GOLDSBORO', NORTH CAROLINA, March 24, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia. 

GENERAL: I have kept Lieutenant Dunn over to-day that I mightreport farther. All the army is now in, save the cavalry (which Ihave posted at Mount Olive Station, south of the Nenae) and GeneralTerry's command (which--to-morrow will move from Cog's Ferry toFaison's Depot, also on the Wilmington road). I send you a copy ofmy orders of this morning, the operation of which will, I think, soon complete our roads. The telegraph is now done to MoreheadCity, and by it I learn that stores have been sent to Kinston inboats, and that our wagons are loading with rations and clothing. By using the Neuse as high up as Kinston, hauling from theretwenty-six miles, and by equipping the two roads to Morehead Cityand Wilmington, I feel certain we can not only feed and equip thearmy, but in a short time fill our wagons for another start. Ifeel certain, from the character of the fighting, that we have gotJohnston's army afraid of us. He himself acts with timidity andcaution. His cavalry alone manifests spirit, but limits itsoperations to our stragglers and foraging-parties. My marchingcolumns of infantry do not pay the cavalry any attention, but walkright through it. 

I think I see pretty clearly how, in one more move, we cancheckmate Lee, forcing him to unite Johnston with him in the defenseof Richmond, or to abandon the cause. I feel certain, if he leavesRichmond, Virginia leaves the Confederacy. I will study my maps alittle more before giving my positive views. I want all possibleinformation of the Roanoke as to navigability, how far up, and withwhat draught. 

We find the country sandy, dry, with good roads, and more corn andforage than I had expected. The families remain, but I willgradually push them all out to Raleigh or Wilmington. We will needevery house in the town. Lieutenant Dunn can tell you of manythings of which I need not write. Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD, COX'S BRIGADE, GOLDSBORO', NORTH CAROLINA, April 5, 1865

Major-General George H. Thomas, commanding Department of theCumberland. 

DEAR GENERAL: I can hardly help smiling when I contemplate mycommand--it is decidedly mixed. I believe, but am not certain, that you are in my jurisdiction, but I certainly cannot help you inthe way of orders or men; nor do I think you need either. GeneralCruft has just arrived with his provisional division, which will atonce be broken up and the men sent to their proper regiments, asthat of Meagher was on my arrival here. 

You may have some feeling about my asking that General Slocumshould have command of the two corps that properly belong to you, viz. , the Fourteenth and Twentieth, but you can recall that he wasbut a corps commander, and could not legally make orders ofdischarge, transfer, etc. , which was imperatively necessary. Itherefore asked that General Slocum should be assigned to command"an army in the field, " called the Army of Georgia, composed of theFourteenth and Twentieth Corps. The order is not yet made by thePresident, though I have recognized it because both, General Grantand the President have sanctioned it, and promised to have theorder made. 

My army is now here, pretty well clad and provided, divided intothree parts, of two corps each--much as our old Atlanta army was. 

I expect to move on in a few days, and propose (if Lee remains inRichmond) to pass the Roanoke, and open communication with theChowan and Norfolk. This will bring me in direct communicationwith General Grant. 

This is an admirable point--country open, and the two railroads ingood order back to Wilmington and Beaufort. We have alreadybrought up stores enough to fill our wagons, and only await somefew articles, and the arrival of some men who are marching up fromthe coast, to be off. 

General Grant explained to me his orders to you, which, of course, are all right. You can make reports direct to Washington or toGeneral Grant, but keep me advised occasionally of the generalstate of affairs, that I may know what is happening. I must givemy undivided attention to matters here. You will hear from athousand sources pretty fair accounts of our next march. Yourstruly, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

[LETTER FROM ADMIRAL DAHLGREN]

SOUTH ATLANTIC SQUADRONFLAG-SHIP PHILADELPHIA, CHARLESTON, April 20, 1865

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Armies of the Tennessee, Georgia, and Mississippi. 

Mr DEAR GENERAL: I was much gratified by a sight of yourhandwriting, which has just reached me from Goldsboro'; it was verysuggestive of a past to me, when these regions were the scene ofyour operations. 

As you progressed through South Carolina, there was nomanifestation of weakness or of an intention to abandon Charleston, until within a few hours of the fact. On the 11th of February Iwas at Stono, and a spirited demonstration was made by GeneralSchimmel-pfennig and the vessels. He drove the rebels from theirrifle-pits in front of the lines, extending from Fort Pringle, andpushed them vigorously. The next day I was at Bull's Bay, with adozen steamers, among them the finest of the squadron. GeneralPotter had twelve to fifteen hundred men, the object being to carryout your views. We made as much fuss as possible, and with bettersuccess than I anticipated, for it seems that the rebs conceivedStono to be a feint, and the real object at Bull's Bay, supposing, from the number of steamers and boats, that we had several thousandmen. Now came an aide from General Gillmore, at Port Royal, withyour cipher-dispatch from Midway, so I steamed down to Port Royalto see him. Next day was spent in vain efforts to decipher-finallyit was accomplished. You thought that the state of the roads mightforce you to turn upon Charleston; so I went there on the 15th, butthere was no sign yet of flinching. Then I went to Bull's Bay nextday (16th), and found that the troops were not yet ashore, owing tothe difficulties of shoal water. One of the gunboats had contrivedto get up to within shelling range, and both soldiers and sailorswere working hard. On the evening of the 18th I steamed down toStono to see how matters were going there. Passing Charleston, Inoticed two large fires, well inside--probably preparing to leave. On the 17th, in Stono, rumors were flying about loose ofevacuation. In course of the morning, General Schimmelpfennigtelegraphed me, from Morris Island, that there were symptoms ofleaving; that he would again make a push at Stono, and asked formonitors. General Schimmelpfennig came down in the afternoon, andwe met in the Folly Branch, near Secessionville. He was sore thatthe rebs would be off that night, so he was to assault them infront, while a monitor and gunboats stung their flanks both sides. I also sent an aide to order my battery of five eleven-inch guns, at Cumming's Point, to fire steadily all night on Sullivan'sIsland, and two monitors to close up to the island for the sameobject. Next morning (18th) the rascals were found to be off, andwe broke in from all directions, by land and water. The mainbodies had left at eight or nine in the evening, leavingdetachments to keep up a fire from the batteries. I steamed roundquickly, and soon got into the city, threading the streets with alarge group of naval captains who had joined me. All was silent asthe grave. No one to be seen but a few firemen. 

No one can question the excellence of your judgment in taking thetrack you did, and I never had any misgivings, but it was naturalto desire to go into the place with a strong hand, for, if any onespot in the land was foremost in the trouble, it was Charleston. 

Your campaign was the final blow, grand in conception, complete inexecution; and now it is yours to secure the last army whichrebeldom possesses. I hear of your being in motion by the 9th, andhope that the result may be all that you wish. 

Tidings of the murder of the President have just come, and shockedevery mind. Can it be that such a resort finds root in any stratumof American opinion? Evidently it has not been the act of one man, nor of a madman. Who have prompted him?

I am grateful for your remembrance of my boy; the thought of him isever nearest to my heart. Generous, brave, and noble, as I everknew him to be, that he should close his young life so early, evenunder the accepted conditions of a soldier's life, as a son of theUnion, would have been grief sufficient for me to bear; but thathis precious remains should have been so treated by the brutes intowhose hands they fell, adds even to the bitterness of death. I amnow awaiting the hour when I can pay my last duties to his memory. 

With my best and sincere wishes, my dear general, for your successand happiness, I am, most truly, your friend, J. A. DAHLGREN. 

[General Order No. 50. ]

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICEWASHINGTON, March 27, 1865

Ordered--1. That at the hour of noon, on the 14th day of April, 1885, Brevet Major-General Anderson will raise and plant upon theruins of Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, the same United Statesflag which floated over the battlements of that fort during therebel assault, and which was lowered and saluted by him and thesmall force of his command when the works were evacuated on the14th day of April, 1861. 

2. That the flag, when raised, be saluted by one hundred guns fromFort Sumter, and by a national salute from every fort and rebelbattery that fired upon Fort Sumter. 

3. That suitable ceremonies be had upon the occasion, under thedirection of Major-General William T. Sherman, whose militaryoperations compelled the rebels to evacuate Charleston, or, in hisabsence, under the charge of Major-General Q. A. Gilmore, commanding the department. Among the ceremonies will be thedelivery of a public address by the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher. 

4. That the naval forces at Charleston, and their commander onthat station, be invited to participate in the ceremonies of theoccasion. 

By order of the President of the United States, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

[General Order No. 41. ]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTHHILTON HEAD, SOUTH CAROLINA, April 10, 1865

Friday next, the 14th inst. , will be the fourth anniversary of thecapture of Fort Sumter by the rebels. A befitting celebration onthat day, in honor of its reoccupation by the national forces, hasbeen ordered by the President, in pursuance of which Brevet Major-General Robert Anderson, United States Army, will restore to itsoriginal place on the fort the identical flag which, after anhonorable and gallant defense, he was compelled to lower to theinsurgents in South Carolina, in April, 1861. 

The ceremonies for the occasion will commence with prayer, atthirty minutes past eleven o'clock a. M. 

At noon precisely, the flag will be raised and saluted with onehundred guns from Fort Sumter, and with a national salute from FortMoultrie and Battery Bee on Sullivan's Island, Fort Putnam onMorris Island, and Fort Johnson on James's Island; it beingeminently appropriate that the places which were so conspicuous inthe inauguration of the rebellion should take a part not lessprominent in this national rejoicing over the restoration of thenational authority. 

After the salutes, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher will deliver anaddress. 

The ceremonies will close with prayer and a benediction. 

Colonel Stewart L. Woodford, chief of staff, under such verbalinstructions as he may receive, is hereby charged with the detailsof the celebration, comprising all the arrangements that it may benecessary to make for the accommodation of the orator of the day, and the comfort and safety of the invited guests from the army andnavy, and from civil life. 

By command of Major-General Q. A. Gillmore, W. L. M. BURGER, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Copy of Major ANDERSON's Dispatch, announcing the Surrender of FortSumter, April 14, 1861. 

STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOKApril 10, 1861, 10. 30 a. M. Via New York

Honorable S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington

Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until thequarters were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge-walls seriously injured, the magazine surrounded byflames, and its door closed from the effect of heat, four barrelsand three cartridges of powder only being available, and noprovisions remaining but pork, I accepted terms of evacuationoffered by General Beauregard, being the same offered by him on the11th inst. , prior to the commencement of hostilities, and marchedout of the fort, Sunday afternoon, the 14th inst. , with colorsflying and drums beating, bringing away company and privateproperty, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. 

ROBERT ANDERSON, Major First Artillery, commanding. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

END OF THE WAR--FROM GOLDSBORO' TO RALEIGH AND WASHINGTON. 

APRIL AND MAY, 1865. 

As before described, the armies commanded respectively by GeneralsJ. M. Schofield, A. H. Terry, and myself, effected a junction inand about Goldsboro', North Carolina, during the 22d and 23d ofMarch, 1865, but it required a few days for all the troops andtrains of wagons to reach their respective camps. In person Ireached Goldsboro' on the 23d, and met General Schofield, whodescribed fully his operations in North Carolina up to that date;and I also found Lieutenant Dunn, aide-de-camp to General Grant, with a letter from him of March 16th, giving a general descriptionof the state of facts about City Point. The next day I receivedanother letter, more full, dated the 22d, which I give herewith. 

Nevertheless, I deemed it of great importance that I should have apersonal interview with the general, and determined to go in personto City Point as soon as the repairs of the railroad, then inprogress under the personal direction of Colonel W. W. Wright, would permit:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESCITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 22, 1865

Major-General SHERMAN, Commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: Although the Richmond papers do not communicate the fact, yet I saw enough in them to satisfy me that you occupied Goldsboro'on the 19th inst. I congratulate you and the army on what may beregarded as the successful termination of the third campaign sinceleaving the Tennessee River, less than one year ago. 

Since Sheridan's very successful raid north of the James, the enemyare left dependent on the Southside and Danville roads for alltheir supplies. These I hope to cut next week. Sheridan is atWhite House, "shoeing up" and resting his cavalry. I expect him tofinish by Friday night and to start the following morning, raidLong Bridge, Newmarket, Bermuda Hundred, and the extreme left ofthe army around Petersburg. He will make no halt with the armiesoperating here, but will be joined by a division of cavalry, fivethousand five hundred strong, from the Army of the Potomac, andwill proceed directly to the Southside and Danville roads. Hisinstructions will be to strike the Southside road as nearPetersburg as he can, and destroy it so that it cannot be repairedfor three or four days, and push on to the Danville road, as nearto the Appomattox as he can get. Then I want him to destroy theroad toward Burkesville as far as he can; then push on to theSouthside road, west of Burkesville, and destroy it effectually. From that point I shall probably leave it to his discretion eitherto return to this army, crossing the Danville road south ofBurkesville, or go and join you, passing between Danville andGreensboro'. When this movement commences I shall move out by myleft, with all the force I can, holding present intrenched lines. I shall start with no distinct view, further than holding Lee'sforces from following Sheridan. But I shall be along myself, andwill take advantage of any thing that turns up. If Lee detaches, Iwill attack; or if he comes out of his lines I will endeavor torepulse him, and follow it up to the best advantage. 

It is most difficult to understand what the rebels intend to do; sofar but few troops have been detached from Lee's army. Muchmachinery has been removed, and material has been sent toLynchburg, showing a disposition to go there. Points, too, havebeen fortified on the Danville road. 

Lee's army is much demoralized, and great numbers are deserting. Probably, from returned prisoners, and such conscripts as can bepicked up, his numbers may be kept up. I estimate his force now atabout sixty-five thousand men. 

Wilson started on Monday, with twelve thousand cavalry, fromEastport. Stoneman started on the same day, from East Tennessee, toward Lynchburg. Thomas is moving the Fourth Corps to Bull's Gap. Canby is moving with a formidable force on Mobile and the interiorof Alabama. 

I ordered Gilmore, as soon as the fall of Charleston was known, tohold all important posts on the sea-coast, and to send toWilmington all surplus forces. Thomas was also directed to forwardto Newbern all troops belonging to the corps with you. Iunderstand this will give you about five thousand men, besidesthose brought east by Meagher. 

I have been telegraphing General Meigs to hasten up locomotives andcars for you. General McCallum, he informs me, is attending to it. I fear they are not going forward as fast as I world like. 

Let me know if you want more troops, or any thing else. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

The railroad was repaired to Goldsboro' by the evening of March25th, when, leaving General Schofield in chief command, with acouple of staff-officers I started for City Point, Virginia, in alocomotive, in company with Colonel Wright, the constructingengineer. We reached Newbern that evening, which was passed in thecompany of General Palmer and his accomplished lady, and early thenext morning we continued on to Morehead City, where General Eastonhad provided for us the small captured steamer Russia, CaptainSmith. We put to sea at once and steamed up the coast, reachingFortress Monroe on the morning of the 27th, where I landed andtelegraphed to my brother, Senator Sherman, at Washington, invitinghim to come down and return with me to Goldsboro. We proceeded onup James River to City Point, which we reached the same afternoon. I found General Grant, with his family and staff, occupying apretty group of huts on the bank of James River, overlooking theharbor, which was full of vessels of all classes, both war andmerchant, with wharves and warehouses on an extensive scale. Thegeneral received me most heartily, and we talked over matters veryfully. After I had been with him an hour or so, he remarked thatthe President, Mr. Lincoln, was then on board the steamer RiverQueen, lying at the wharf, and he proposed that we should call andsee him. We walked down to the wharf, went on board, and found Mr. Lincoln alone, in the after-cabin. He remembered me perfectly, andat once engaged in a most interesting conversation. He was full ofcuriosity about the many incidents of our great march, which hadreached him officially and through the newspapers, and seemed toenjoy very much the more ludicrous parts-about the "bummers, " andtheir devices to collect food and forage when the outside worldsupposed us to be starving; but at the same time he expressed agood deal of anxiety lest some accident might happen to the army inNorth Carolina during my absence. I explained to him that thatarmy was snug and comfortable, in good camps, at Goldsboro'; thatit would require some days to collect forage and food for anothermarch; and that General Schofield was fully competent to command itin my absence. Having made a good, long, social visit, we took ourleave and returned to General Grant's quarters, where Mrs. Granthad provided tea. While at the table, Mrs. Grant inquired if wehad seen Mrs. Lincoln. "No, " said the general, "I did not ask forher;" and I added that I did not even know that she was on board. Mrs. Grant then exclaimed, "Well, you are a pretty pair!" and addedthat our neglect was unpardonable; when the general said we wouldcall again the next day, and make amends for the unintended slight. 

Early the next day, March 28th, all the principal officers of thearmy and navy called to see me, Generals Meade, Ord, Ingalls, etc. , and Admiral Porter. At this time the River Queen was at anchor outin the river, abreast of the wharf, and we again started to visitMr. And Mrs. Lincoln. Admiral Porter accompanied us. We took asmall, tug at the wharf, which conveyed us on board, where we wereagain received most courteously by the President, who conducted usto the after-cabin. After the general compliments, General Grantinquired after Mrs. Lincoln, when the President went to her state-room, returned, and begged us to excuse her, as she was not well. We then again entered upon a general conversation, during whichGeneral Grant explained to the President that at that very instantof time General Sheridan was crossing James River from the north, by a pontoon-bridge below City Point; that he had a large, well-appointed force of cavalry, with which he proposed to strikethe Southside and Danville Railroads, by which alone General Lee, in Richmond, supplied his army; and that, in his judgment, matterswere drawing to a crisis, his only apprehension being that GeneralLee would not wait long enough. I also explained that my army atGoldsboro' was strong enough to fight Lee's army and Johnston'scombined, provided that General Grant could come up within a day orso; that if Lee would only remain in Richmond another fortnight, Icould march up to Burkesville, when Lee would have to starve insideof his lines, or come out from his intrenchments and fight us onequal terms. 

Both General Grant and myself supposed that one or the other of uswould have to fight one more bloody battle, and that it would bethe last. Mr. Lincoln exclaimed, more than once, that there hadbeen blood enough shed, and asked us if another battle could not beavoided. I remember well to have said that we could not controlthat event; that this necessarily rested with our enemy; and Iinferred that both Jeff. Davis and General Lee would be forced tofight one more desperate and bloody battle. I rather supposed itwould fall on me, somewhere near Raleigh; and General Grant addedthat, if Lee would only wait a few more days, he would have hisarmy so disposed that if the enemy should abandon Richmond, andattempt to make junction with General Jos. Johnston in NorthCarolina, he (General Grant) would be on his heels. Mr. Lincolnmore than once expressed uneasiness that I was not with my army atGoldsboro', when I again assured him that General Schofield wasfully competent to command in my absence; that I was going to startback that very day, and that Admiral Porter had kindly provided forme the steamer Bat, which he said was much swifter than my ownvessel, the Russia. During this interview I inquired of thePresident if he was all ready for the end of the war. What was tobe done with the rebel armies when defeated? And what should bedone with the political leaders, such as Jeff. Davis, etc. ? Shouldwe allow them to escape, etc. ? He said he was all ready; all hewanted of us was to defeat the opposing armies, and to get the mencomposing the Confederate armies back to their homes, at work ontheir farms and in their shops. As to Jeff. Davis, he was hardlyat liberty to speak his mind fully, but intimated that he ought toclear out, "escape the country, " only it would not do for him tosay so openly. As usual, he illustrated his meaning by a story:

A man once had taken the total-abstinence pledge. When visiting afriend, he was invited to take a drink, but declined, on the scoreof his pledge; when his friend suggested lemonade, which wasaccepted. In preparing the lemonade, the friend pointed to thebrandy-bottle, and said the lemonade would be more palatable if hewere to pour in a little brandy; when his guest said, if he coulddo so "unbeknown" to him, he would "not object. " From whichillustration I inferred that Mr. Lincoln wanted Davis to escape, "unbeknown" to him. 

I made no notes of this conversation at the time, but AdmiralPorter, who was present, did, and in 1866 he furnished me anaccount thereof, which I insert below, but the admiral describesthe first visit, of the 27th, whereas my memory puts AdmiralPorter's presence on the following day. Still he may be right, andhe may have been with us the day before, as I write this chieflyfrom memory. There were two distinct interviews; the first waslate in the afternoon of March 27th, and the other about noon ofthe 28th, both in the after-cabin of the steamer River Queen; onboth occasions Mr. Lincoln was full and frank in his conversation, assuring me that in his mind he was all ready for the civilreorganization of affairs at the South as soon as the war was over;and he distinctly authorized me to assure Governor Vance and thepeople of North Carolina that, as soon as the rebel armies laiddown their arms, and resumed their civil pursuits, they would atonce be guaranteed all their rights as citizens of a commoncountry; and that to avoid anarchy the State governments then inexistence, with their civil functionaries, would be recognized byhim as the government de facto till Congress could provide others. 

I know, when I left him, that I was more than ever impressed by hiskindly nature, his deep and earnest sympathy with the afflictionsof the whole people, resulting from the war, and by the march ofhostile armies through the South; and that his earnest desireseemed to be to end the war speedily, without more bloodshed ordevastation, and to restore all the men of both sections to theirhomes. In the language of his second inaugural address, he seemedto have "charity for all, malice toward none, " and, above all, anabsolute faith in the courage, manliness, and integrity of thearmies in the field. When at rest or listening, his legs and armsseemed to hang almost lifeless, and his face was care-worn andhaggard; but, the moment he began to talk, his face lightened up, his tall form, as it were, unfolded, and he was the veryimpersonation of good-humor and fellowship. The last words Irecall as addressed to me were that he would feel better when I wasback at Goldsboro'. We parted at the gangway of the River Queen, about noon of March 28th, and I never saw him again. Of all themen I ever met, he seemed to possess more of the elements ofgreatness, combined with goodness, than any other. 

ADMIRAL PORTER'S ACCOUNT OF THE INTERVIEW WITHMr. LINCOLN. 

The day of General Sherman's arrival at City Point (I think the27th of March, 1866), I accompanied him and General Grant on boardthe President's flagship, the Queen, where the President receivedus in the upper saloon, no one but ourselves being present. 

The President was in an exceedingly pleasant mood, and delighted tomeet General Sherman, whom he cordially greeted. 

It seems that this was the first time he had met Sherman, toremember him, since the beginning of the war, and did not rememberwhen he had seen him before, until the general reminded him of thecircumstances of their first meeting. 

This was rather singular on the part of Mr. Lincoln, who was, Ithink, remarkable for remembering people, having that kinglyquality in an eminent degree. Indeed, such was the power of hismemory, that he seemed never to forget the most minutecircumstance. 

The conversation soon turned on the events of Sherman's campaignthrough the South, with every movement of which the Presidentseemed familiar. 

He laughed over some of the stories Sherman told of his "bummers, "and told others in return, which illustrated in a striking mannerthe ideas he wanted to convey. For example, he would often expresshis wishes by telling an apt story, which was quite a habit withhim, and one that I think he adopted to prevent his committinghimself seriously. 

The interview between the two generals and the President lastedabout an hour and a half, and, as it was a remarkable one, I jotteddown what I remembered of the conversation, as I have made apractice of doing during the rebellion, when any thing interestingoccurred. 

I don't regret having done so, as circumstances afterward occurred(Stanton's ill conduct toward Sherman) which tended to cast odiumon General Sherman for allowing such liberal terms to Jos. Johnston. 

Could the conversation that occurred on board the Queen, betweenthe President and General Sherman, have been known, Sherman wouldnot, and could not, have been censored. Mr. Lincoln, had he lived, would have acquitted the general of any blame, for he was onlycarrying out the President's wishes. 

My opinion is, that Mr. Lincoln came down to City Point with themost liberal views toward the rebels. He felt confident that wewould be successful, and was willing that the enemy shouldcapitulate on the most favorable terms. 

I don't know what the President would have done had he been left tohimself, and had our army been unsuccessful, but he was thanwrought up to a high state of excitement. He wanted peace onalmost any terms, and there is no knowing what proposals he mighthave been willing to listen to. His heart was tendernessthroughout, and, as long as the rebels laid down their arms, he didnot care how it was done. I do not know how far he was influencedby General Grant, but I presume, from their long conferences, thatthey must have understood each other perfectly, and that the termsgiven to Lee after his surrender were authorized by Mr. Lincoln. Iknow that the latter was delighted when he heard that they had beengiven, and exclaimed, a dozen times, "Good!" "All right!""Exactly the thing!" and other similar expressions. Indeed, thePresident more than once told me what he supposed the terms wouldbe: if Lee and Johnston surrendered, he considered the war ended, and that all the other rebel forces world lay down their arms atonce. 

In this he proved to be right. Grant and Sherman were both of thesame opinion, and so was everyone else who knew anything about thematter. 

What signified the terms to them, so long as we obtained the actualsurrender of people who only wanted a good opportunity to give upgracefully? The rebels had fought "to the last ditch, " and allthat they had left them was the hope of being handed down inhistory as having received honorable terms. 

After hearing General Sherman's account of his own position, andthat of Johnston, at that time, the President expressed fears thatthe rebel general would escape south again by the railroads, andthat General Sherman would have to chase him anew, over the sameground; but the general pronounced this to be impracticable. Heremarked: "I have him where he cannot move without breaking up hisarmy, which, once disbanded, can never again be got together; and Ihave destroyed the Southern railroads, so that they cannot be usedagain for a long time. " General Grant remarked, "What is toprevent their laying the rails again?" "Why, " said GeneralSherman, "my bummers don't do things by halves. Every rail, afterhaving been placed over a hot fire, has been twisted as crooked asa ram's-horn, and they never can be used again. "

This was the only remark made by General Grant during theinterview, as he sat smoking a short distance from the President, intent, no doubt, on his own plans, which were being brought to asuccessful termination. 

The conversation between the President and General Sherman, aboutthe terms of surrender to be allowed Jos. Johnston, continued. Sherman energetically insisted that he could command his own terms, and that Johnston would have to yield to his demands; but thePresident was very decided about the matter, and insisted that thesurrender of Johnston's army most be obtained on any terms. 

General Grant was evidently of the same way of thinking, for, although he did not join in the conversation to any extent, yet hemade no objections, and I presume had made up his mind to allow thebest terms himself. 

He was also anxious that Johnston should not be driven intoRichmond, to reenforce the rebels there, who, from behind theirstrong intrenchments, would have given us incalculable trouble. 

Sherman, as a subordinate officer, yielded his views to those ofthe President, and the terms of capitulation between himself andJohnston were exactly in accordance with Mr. Lincoln's wishes. Hecould not have done any thing which would have pleased thePresident better. 

Mr. Lincoln did, in fact, arrange the (so considered) liberal termsoffered General Jos. Johnston, and, whatever may have been GeneralSherman's private views, I feel sure that he yielded to the wishesof the President in every respect. It was Mr. Lincoln's policythat was carried out, and, had he lived long enough, he would havebeen but too glad to have acknowledged it. Had Mr. Lincoln lived, Secretary Stanton would have issued no false telegraphicdispatches, in the hope of killing off another general in theregular army, one who by his success had placed himself in the wayof his own succession. 

The disbanding of Jos. Johnston's army was so complete, that thepens and ink used in the discussion of the matter were all wasted. 

It was asserted, by the rabid ones, that General Sherman had givenup all that we had been fighting for, had conceded every thing toJos. Johnston, and had, as the boys say, "knocked the fat into thefire;" but sober reflection soon overruled these harsh expressions, and, with those who knew General Sherman, and appreciated him, hewas still the great soldier, patriot, and gentleman. In futuretimes this matter will be looked at more calmly anddispassionately. The bitter animosities that have been engenderedduring the rebellion will have died out for want of food on whichto live, and the very course Grant, Sherman, and others pursued, ingranting liberal terms to the defeated rebels, will be applauded. The fact is, they met an old beggar in the road, whose crutches hadbroken from under him: they let him have only the broken crutchesto get home with!

I sent General Sherman back to Newbern, North Carolina, in thesteamer Bat. 

While he was absent from his command he was losing no time, for hewas getting his army fully equipped with stores and clothing; and, when he returned, he had a rested and regenerated army, ready toswallow up Jos. Johnston and all his ragamuffins. 

Johnston was cornered, could not move without leaving every thingbehind him, and could not go to Richmond without bringing on afamine in that destitute city. 

I was with Mr. Lincoln all the time he was at City Point, and untilhe left for Washington. He was more than delighted with thesurrender of Lee, and with the terms Grant gave the rebel general;and would have given Jos. Johnston twice as much, had the latterasked for it, and could he have been certain that the rebel worldhave surrendered without a fight. I again repeat that, had Mr. Lincoln lived, he would have shouldered all the responsibility. 

One thing is certain: had Jos. Johnston escaped and got intoRichmond, and caused a larger list of killed and wounded than wehad, General Sherman would have been blamed. Then why not give himthe full credit of capturing on the best terms the enemy's lastimportant army and its best general, and putting an end to therebellion. 

It was a finale worthy of Sherman's great march through the swampsand deserts of the South, a march not excelled by any thing we readof in modern military history. 

D. D. PORTER, Vice-Admiral. 

(Written by the admiral in 1866, at the United States Naval Academyat Annapolis, Md. , and mailed to General Sherman at St. Louis, Mo. )

As soon as possible, I arranged with General Grant for certainchanges in the organization of my army; and the general alsoundertook to send to North Carolina some tug-boat and barges tocarry stores from Newbern up as far as Kinston, whence they couldbe hauled in wagons to our camps, thus relieving our railroads tothat extent. I undertook to be ready to march north by April 10th, and then embarked on the steamer Bat, Captain Barnes, for NorthCarolina. We steamed down James River, and at Old Point Comforttook on board my brother, Senator Sherman, and Mr. Edwin Stanton, son of the Secretary of War, and proceeded at once to ourdestination. On our way down the river, Captain Barnes expressedhimself extremely obliged to me for taking his vessel, as it hadrelieved him of a most painful dilemma. He explained that he hadbeen detailed by Admiral Porter to escort the President's unarmedboat, the River Queen, in which capacity it became his special dutyto look after Mrs. Lincoln. The day before my arrival at CityPoint, there had been a grand review of a part of the Army of theJames, then commanded by General Ord. The President rode out fromCity Point with General Grant on horseback, accompanied by anumerous staff, including Captain Barnes and Mrs. Ord; but Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Grant had followed in a carriage. 

The cavalcade reached the review-ground some five or six miles outfrom City Point, found the troops all ready, drawn up in line, andafter the usual presentation of arms, the President and party, followed by Mrs. Ord and Captain Barnes on horseback, rode thelines, and returned to the reviewing stand, which meantime had beenreached by Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Grant in their carriage, which hadbeen delayed by the driver taking a wrong road. Mrs. Lincoln, seeing Mrs. Ord and Captain Barnes riding with the retinue, andsupposing that Mrs. Ord had personated her, turned on CaptainBarnes and gave him a fearful scolding; and even indulged in somepretty sharp upbraidings to Mrs. Ord. 

This made Barne's position very unpleasant, so that he felt muchrelieved when he was sent with me to North Carolina. The Bat wasvery fast, and on the morning of the 29th we were near CapeHatteras; Captain Barnes, noticing a propeller coming out ofHatteras Inlet, made her turn back and pilot us in. We enteredsafely, steamed up Pamlico Sound into Neuse River, and the nextmorning, --by reason of some derangement of machinery, we anchoredabout seven miles below Newbern, whence we went up in CaptainBarnes's barge. As soon as we arrived at Newbern, I telegraphed upto General Schofield at Goldsboro' the fact of my return, and thatI had arranged with General Grant for the changes made necessary inthe reorganization of the army, and for the boats necessary tocarry up the provisions and stores we needed, prior to the renewalof our march northward. 

These changes amounted to constituting the left wing a distinctarmy, under the title of "the Army of Georgia, " under command ofGeneral Slocum, with his two corps commanded by General Jeff. C. Davis and General Joseph A. Mower; the Tenth and Twenty-third Corpsalready constituted another army, "of the Ohio, " under the commandof Major-General Schofield, and his two corps were commanded byGenerals J. D. Cox and A. H. Terry. These changes were necessary, because army commanders only could order courts-martial, grantdischarges, and perform many other matters of discipline andadministration which were indispensable; but my chief purpose wasto prepare the whole army for what seemed among the probabilitiesof the time--to fight both Lee's and Johnston's armies combined, incase their junction could be formed before General Grant couldpossibly follow Lee to North Carolina. 

General George H. Thomas, who still remained at Nashville, was notpleased with these changes, for the two corps with General Slocum, viz. , the Fourteenth and Twentieth, up to that time, had remainedtechnically a part of his "Army of the Cumberland;" but he was sofar away, that I had to act to the best advantage with the troopsand general officers actually present. I had specially asked forGeneral Mower to command the Twentieth Corps, because I regardedhim as one of the boldest and best fighting generals in the wholearmy. His predecessor, General A. S. Williams, the senior divisioncommander present, had commanded the corps well from Atlanta toGoldsboro', and it may have seemed unjust to replace him at thatprecise moment; but I was resolved to be prepared for a mostdesperate and, as then expected, a final battle, should it fall onme. 

I returned to Goldsboro' from Newbern by rail the evening of March30th, and at once addressed myself to the task of reorganizationand replenishment of stores, so as to be ready to march by April10th, the day agreed on with General Grant. 

The army was divided into the usual three parts, right and leftwings, and centre. The tabular statements herewith will give theexact composition of these separate armies, which by the 10th ofApril gave the following effective strength:

 Infantry ................... 80, 968 Artillery .................. 2, 448 Cavalry .................... 5, 587

 Aggregate ............ 88, 948 Total number of guns, 91

The railroads to our rear had also been repaired, so that storeswere arriving very fast, both from Morehead City and Wilmington. The country was so level that a single locomotive could haultwenty-five and thirty cars to a train, instead of only ten, as wasthe case in Tennessee and Upper Georgia. 

By the 5th of April such progress had been made, that I issued thefollowing Special Field Orders, No. 48, prescribing the time andmanner of the next march

[Special Field Orders, No. 48. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, GOLDSBORO', NORTH CAROLINA, April 5, 1865. 

Confidential to Army Commanders, Corps Commanders, and Chiefs ofStaff Departments:

The next grand objective is to place this army (with its fullequipment) north of Roanoke River, facing west, with a base forsupplies at Norfolk, and at Winton or Murfreesboro' on the Chowan, and in full communication with the Army of the Potomac, aboutPetersburg; and also to do the enemy as much harm as possible enroute:

1. To accomplish this result the following general plan will befollowed, or modified only by written orders from theseheadquarters, should events require a change:

(1. ) On Monday, the 10th of April, all preparations are presumed tobe complete, and the outlying detachments will be called in, orgiven directions to meet on the next march. All preparations willalso be complete to place the railroad-stock back of Kinston on theone road, and below the Northeast Branch on the other. 

(2. ) On Tuesday, the 11th, the columns will draw out on their linesof march, say, about seven miles, and close up. 

(3. ) On Wednesday the march will begin in earnest, and will be keptup at the rate, say, of about twelve miles a day, or according tothe amount of resistance. All the columns will dress to the left(which is the exposed flank), and commanders will study always tofind roads by which they can, if necessary, perform a general leftwheel, the wagons to be escorted to some place of security on thedirect route of march. Foraging and other details may continue asheretofore, only more caution and prudence should be observed; andforagers should not go in advance of the advance-guard, but lookmore to our right rear for corn, bacon, and meal. 

2. The left wing (Major-General Slocum commanding) will aimstraight for the railroad-bridge near Smithfield; thence along upthe Neuse River to the railroad-bridge over Neuse River, northeastof Raleigh (Powell's); thence to Warrenton, the general point ofconcentration. 

The centre (Major-General Schofield commanding) will move toWhitley's Mill, ready to support the left until it is pastSmithfield, when it will follow up (substantially) Little River toabout Rolesville, ready at all times to move to the support of theleft; after passing Tar River, to move to Warrenton. 

The right wing (Major-General Howard commanding), preceded by thecavalry, will move rapidly on Pikeville and Nahunta, then swingacross to Bulah to Folk's Bridge, ready to make junction with theother armies in case the enemy offers battle this side of NeuseRiver, about Smithfield; thence, in case of no serious oppositionon the left, will work up toward Earpsboro', Andrews, B----, andWarrenton. 

The cavalry (General Kilpatrick commanding), leaving itsencumbrances with the right wing, will push as though straight forWeldon, until the enemy is across Tar River, and that bridgeburned; then it will deflect toward Nashville and Warrenton, keeping up communication with general headquarters. 

3. As soon as the army starts, the chief-quartermaster andcommissary will prepare a resupply of stores at some point onPamlico or Albemarle Sounds, ready to be conveyed to Kinston orWinton and Murfreesboro', according to developments. As soon asthey have satisfactory information that the army is north of theRoanoke, they will forthwith establish a depot at Winton, with asub-depot at Murfreesboro'. Major-General Schofield will hold, asheretofore, Wilmington (with the bridge across Northern Branch asan outpost), Newborn (and Kinston as its outpost), and will beprepared to hold Winton and Murfreesboro' as soon as the timearrives for that move. The navy has instructions from AdmiralPorter to cooperate, and any commanding officer is authorized tocall on the navy for assistance and cooperation, always in writing, setting forth the reasons, of which necessarily the navalcommander must be the judge. 

4. The general-in-chief will be with the centre habitually, butmay in person shift to either flank where his presence may beneeded, leaving a staff-officer to receive reports. He requires, absolutely, a report of each army or grand detachment each night, whether any thing material has occurred or not, for often theabsence of an enemy is a very important fact in militaryprognostication. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

But the whole problem became suddenly changed by the news of thefall of Richmond and Petersburg, which reached as at Goldsboro', onthe 6th of April. The Confederate Government, with Lee's army, hadhastily abandoned Richmond, fled in great disorder toward Danville, and General Grant's whole army was in close pursuit. Of course, Iinferred that General Lee would succeed in making junction withGeneral Johnston, with at least a fraction of his army, somewhereto my front. I at once altered the foregoing orders, and preparedon the day appointed, viz. , April 10th, to move straight onRaleigh, against the army of General Johnston, known to be atSmithfield, and supposed to have about thirty-five thousand men. Wade Hampton's cavalry was on his left front and Wheeler's on hisright front, simply watching us and awaiting our initiative. Meantime the details of the great victories in Virginia came thickand fast, and on the 8th I received from General Grant thiscommunication, in the form of a cipher-dispatch:

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESWILSON'S STATION, April 5, 1865

Major-General SHERMAN, Goldsboro', North Carolina:

All indications now are that Lee will attempt to reach Danvillewith the remnant of his force. Sheridan, who was up with him lastnight, reports all that is left with him--horse, foot, anddragoons--at twenty thousand, much demoralized. We hope to reducethis number one-half. I will push on to Burkesville, and, if astand is made at Danville, will, in a very few days, go there. Ifyou can possibly do so, push on from where you are, and let us seeif we cannot finish the job with Lee's and Johnston's armies. Whether it will be better for you to strike for Greensboro' ornearer to Danville, you will be better able to judge when youreceive this. Rebel armies now are the only strategic points tostrike at. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

I answered immediately that we would move on the 10th, prepared tofollow Johnston wherever he might go. Promptly on Monday morning, April 10th, the army moved straight on Smithfield; the right wingmaking a circuit by the right, and the left wing, supported by thecentre, moving on the two direct roads toward Raleigh, distantfifty miles. General Terry's and General Kilpatrick's troops movedfrom their positions on the south or west bank of the Neuse Riverin the same general direction, by Cox's Bridge. On the 11th wereached Smithfield, and found it abandoned by Johnston's army, which had retreated hastily on Raleigh, burning the bridges. Torestore these consumed the remainder of the day, and during thatnight I received a message from General Grant, at Appomattox, thatGeneral Lee had surrendered to him his whole army, which I at onceannounced to the troops in orders:

[Special Field Orders, No. 54]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, SMITHFIELD, NORTH CAROLINA, April 12, 1865. 

The general commanding announces to the army that he has officialnotice from General Grant that General Lee surrendered to him hisentire army, on the 9th inst. , at Appomattox Court-House, Virginia. 

Glory to God and our country, and all honor to our comrades inarms, toward whom we are marching!

A little more labor, a little more toil on our part, the great raceis won, and our Government stands regenerated, after four longyears of war. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

Of course, this created a perfect furore, of rejoicing, and we allregarded the war as over, for I knew well that General Johnston hadno army with which to oppose mine. So that the only questions thatremained were, would he surrender at Raleigh? or would he allowhis army to disperse into guerrilla bands, to "die in the lastditch, " and entail on his country an indefinite and prolongedmilitary occupation, and of consequent desolation? I knew wellthat Johnston's army could not be caught; the country was too open;and, without wagons, the men could escape us, disperse, andassemble again at some place agreed on, and thus the war might beprolonged indefinitely. 

I then remembered Mr. Lincoln's repeated expression that he wantedthe rebel soldiers not only defeated, but "back at their homes, engaged in their civil pursuits. " On the evening of the 12th I waswith the head of Slocum's column, at Gulley's, and GeneralKilpatrick's cavalry was still ahead, fighting Wade Hampton'srear-guard, with orders to push it through Raleigh, while I wouldgive a more southerly course to the infantry columns, so as, ifpossible, to prevent a retreat southward. On the 13th, early, Ientered Raleigh, and ordered the several heads of column towardAshville in the direction of Salisbury or Charlotte. Beforereaching Raleigh, a locomotive came down the road to meet me, passing through both Wade Hampton's and Kilpatrick's cavalry, bringing four gentlemen, with a letter from Governor Vance to me, asking protection for the citizens of Raleigh. These gentlemenwere, of course, dreadfully excited at the dangers through whichthey had passed. Among them were ex-Senator Graham, Mr. Swain, president of Chapel Hill University, and a Surgeon Warren, of theConfederate army. They had come with a flag of truce, to whichthey were not entitled; still, in the interest of peace, Irespected it, and permitted them to return to Raleigh with theirlocomotive, to assure the Governor and the people that the war wassubstantially over, and that I wanted the civil authorities toremain in the execution of their office till the pleasure of thePresident could be ascertained. On reaching Raleigh I found thesesame gentlemen, with Messrs. Badger, Bragg, Holden, and others, butGovernor Vance had fled, and could not be prevailed on to return, because he feared an arrest and imprisonment. From the Raleighnewspapers of the 10th I learned that General Stoneman, with hisdivision of cavalry, had come across the mountains from EastTennessee, had destroyed the railroad at Salisbury, and was thensupposed to be approaching Greensboro'. I also learned thatGeneral Wilson's cavalry corps was "smashing things" down aboutSelma and Montgomery, Alabama, and was pushing for Columbus andMacon, Georgia; and I also had reason to expect that GeneralSheridan would come down from Appomattox to join us at Raleigh withhis superb cavalry corps. I needed more cavalry to checkJohnston's retreat, so that I could come up to him with myinfantry, and therefore had good reason to delay. I ordered therailroad to be finished up to Raleigh, so that I could operate fromit as a base, and then made:

[Special Field Orders, No. 55]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 14, 1865. 

The next movement will be on Ashboro', to turn the position of theenemy at the "Company's Shops" in rear of Haw River Bridge, and atGreensboro', and to cut off his only available line of retreat bySalisbury and Charlotte:

1. General Kilpatrick will keep up a show of pursuit in thedirection of Hillsboro' and Graham, but be ready to cross Haw Riveron General Howard's bridge, near Pittsboro', and thence willoperate toward Greensboro', on the right front of the right wing. 

2. The right wing, Major-General Howard commanding, will move outon the Chapel Hill road, and send a light division up in thedirection of Chapel Hill University to act in connection with thecavalry; but the main columns and trains will move via Hackney'sCross-Roads, and Trader's Hill, Pittsboro', St. Lawrence, etc. , tobe followed by the cavalry and light division, as soon as thebridge is laid over Haw River. 

8. The centre, Major-General Schofield commanding, will move viaHolly Springs, New Hill, Haywood, and Moffitt's Mills. 

4. The left wing, Major-General Slocum commanding, will moverapidly by the Aven's Ferry road, Carthage, Caledonia, and Cox'sMills. 

5. All the troops will draw well out on the roads designatedduring today and to-morrow, and on the following day will move withall possible rapidity for Ashboro'. No further destruction ofrailroads, mills, cotton, and produce, will be made without thespecific orders of an army commander, and the inhabitants will bedealt with kindly, looking to an early reconciliation. The troopswill be permitted, however, to gather forage and provisions asheretofore; only more care should be taken not to strip the poorerclasses too closely. 

By order of General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Thus matters stood, when on the morning of the 14th GeneralKilpatrick reported from Durham's Station, twenty-six miles up therailroad toward Hillsboro', that a flag of truce had come in fromthe enemy with a package from General Johnston addressed to me. Taking it for granted that this was preliminary to a surrender, Iordered the message to be sent me at Raleigh, and on the 14threceived from General Johnston a letter dated April 13, 1865, inthese words:

The results of the recent campaign in Virginia have changed therelative military condition of the belligerents. I am, therefore, induced to address you in this form the inquiry whether, to stopthe further effusion of blood and devastation of property, you arewilling to make a temporary suspension of active operations, and tocommunicate to Lieutenant-General Grant, commanding the armies ofthe United States, the request that he will take like action inregard to other armies, the object being to permit the civilauthorities to enter into the needful arrangements to terminate theexisting war. 

To which I replied as follows:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 14, 1865. 

General J. E. JOHNSTON, commanding Confederate Army. 

GENERAL: I have this moment received your communication of thisdate. I am fully empowered to arrange with you any terms for thesuspension of farther hostilities between the armies commanded byyou and those commanded by myself, and will be willing to conferwith you to that end. I will limit the advance of my main column, to-morrow, to Morrisville, and the cavalry to the university, andexpect that you will also maintain the present position of yourforces until each has notice of a failure to agree. 

That a basis of action may be had, I undertake to abide by the sameterms and conditions as were made by Generals Grant and Lee atAppomattox Court-House, on the 9th instant, relative to our twoarmies; and, furthermore, to obtain from General Grant an order tosuspend the movements of any troops from the direction of Virginia. General Stoneman is under my command, and my order will suspend anydevastation or destruction contemplated by him. I will add that Ireally desire to save the people of North Carolina the damage theywould sustain by the march of this army through the central orwestern parts of the State. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

I sent my aide-de-camp, Colonel McCoy, up to Durham's Station withthis letter, with instructions to receive the answer, to telegraphits contents back to me at Raleigh, and to arrange for aninterview. On the 16th I received a reply from General Johnston, agreeing to meet me the next day at a point midway between ouradvance at Durham and his rear at Hillsboro'. I ordered a car andlocomotive to be prepared to convey me up to Durham's at eighto'clock of the morning of April 17th. Just as we were entering thecar, the telegraph-operator, whose office was up-stairs in thedepot-building, ran down to me and said that he was at that instantof time receiving a most important dispatch in cipher from MoreheadCity, which I ought to see. I held the train for nearly half anhour, when he returned with the message translated and written out. It was from Mr. Stanton, announcing the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, the attempt on the life of Mr. Seward and son, and asuspicion that a like fate was designed for General Grant and allthe principal officers of the Government. Dreading the effect ofsuch a message at that critical instant of time, I asked theoperator if any one besides himself had seen it; he answered No!I then bade him not to reveal the contents by word or look till Icame back, which I proposed to do the same afternoon. The trainthen started, and, as we passed Morris's Station, General Logan, commanding the Fifteenth Corps, came into my car, and I told him Iwanted to see him on my return, as I had something very importantto communicate. He knew I was going to meet General Johnston, andvolunteered to say that he hoped I would succeed in obtaining hissurrender, as the whole army dreaded the long march to Charlotte(one hundred and seventy-five miles), already begun, but which hadbeen interrupted by the receipt of General Johnston's letter of the13th. We reached Durham's, twenty-six miles, about 10 a. M. , whereGeneral Kilpatrick had a squadron of cavalry drawn up to receiveme. We passed into the house in which he had his headquarters, andsoon after mounted some led horses, which he had prepared formyself and staff. General Kilpatrick sent a man ahead with a whiteflag, followed by a small platoon, behind which we rode, and werefollowed by the rest of the escort. We rode up the Hillsboro' roadfor about five miles, when our flag bearer discovered anothercoming to meet him: They met, and word was passed back to us thatGeneral Johnston was near at hand, when we rode forward and metGeneral Johnston on horseback, riding side by side with GeneralWade Hampton. We shook hands, and introduced our respectiveattendants. I asked if there was a place convenient where we couldbe private, and General Johnston said he had passed a smallfarmhouse a short distance back, when we rode back to it togetherside by side, our staff-officers and escorts following. We hadnever met before, though we had been in the regular army togetherfor thirteen years; but it so happened that we had never beforecometogether. He was some twelve or more years my senior; but we knewenough of each other to be well acquainted at once. We soonreached the house of a Mr. Bennett, dismounted, and left our horseswith orderlies in the road. Our officers, on foot, passed into theyard, and General Johnston and I entered the small frame-house. Weasked the farmer if we could have the use of his house for a fewminutes, and he and his wife withdrew into a smaller log-house, which stood close by. 

As soon as we were alone together I showed him the dispatchannouncing Mr. Lincoln's assassination, and watched him closely. The perspiration came out in large drops on his forehead, and hedid not attempt to conceal his distress. He denounced the act as adisgrace to the age, and hoped I did not charge it to theConfederate Government. I told him I could not believe that he orGeneral Lee, or the officers of the Confederate army, couldpossibly be privy to acts of assassination; but I would not say asmuch for Jeff. Davis, George Sanders, and men of that stripe. Wetalked about the effect of this act on the country at large and onthe armies, and he realized that it made my situation extremelydelicate. I explained to him that I had not yet revealed the newsto my own personal staff or to the army, and that I dreaded theeffect when made known in Raleigh. Mr. Lincoln was peculiarlyendeared to the soldiers, and I feared that some foolish woman orman in Raleigh might say something or do something that wouldmadden our men, and that a fate worse than that of Columbia wouldbefall the place. 

I then told Johnston that he must be convinced that he could notoppose my army, and that, since Lee had surrendered, he could dothe same with honor and propriety. He plainly and repeatedlyadmitted this, and added that any further fighting would be"murder;" but he thought that, instead of surrendering piecemeal, we might arrange terms that would embrace all the Confederatearmies. I asked him if he could control other armies than his own;he said, not then, but intimated that he could procure authorityfrom Mr. Davis. I then told him that I had recently had aninterview with General Grant and President Lincoln, and that I waspossessed of their views; that with them and the people North thereseemed to be no vindictive feeling against the Confederate armies, but there was against Davis and his political adherents; and thatthe terms that General Grant had given to General Lee's army werecertainly most generous and liberal. All this he admitted, butalways recurred to the idea of a universal surrender, embracing hisown army, that of Dick Taylor in Louisiana and Texas, and of Maury, Forrest, and others, in Alabama and Georgia. General Johnston'saccount of our interview in his "Narrative" (page 402, et seq. ) isquite accurate and correct, only I do not recall his naming thecapitulation of Loeben, to which he refers. Our conversation wasvery general and extremely cordial, satisfying me that it couldhave but one result, and that which we all desired, viz. , to endthe war as quickly as possible; and, being anxious to return toRaleigh before the news of Mr. Lincoln's assassination could bedivulged, on General Johnston's saying that he thought that, duringthe night, he could procure authority to act in the name of all theConfederate armies in existence we agreed to meet again the nextday at noon at the same place, and parted, he for Hillsboro' and Ifor Raleigh. 

We rode back to Durham's Station in the order we had come, and thenI showed the dispatch announcing Mr. Lincoln's death. I cautionedthe officers to watch the soldiers closely, to prevent any violentretaliation by them, leaving that to the Government at Washington;and on our way back to Raleigh in the cars I showed the samedispatch to General Logan and to several of the officers of theFifteenth Corps that were posted at Morrisville and Jones'sStation, all of whom were deeply impressed by it; but all gavetheir opinion that this sad news should not change our generalcourse of action. 

As soon as I reached Raleigh I published the following orders tothe army, announcing the assassination of the President, and Idoubt if, in the whole land, there were more sincere mourners overhis sad fate than were then in and about Raleigh. I watched theeffect closely, and was gratified that there was no single act ofretaliation; though I saw and felt that one single word by me wouldhave laid the city in ashes, and turned its whole populationhouseless upon the country, if not worse:

[Special Field Orders, No. 56. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 17, 1865. 

The general commanding announces, with pain and sorrow, that on theevening of the 14th instant, at the theatre in Washington city, hisExcellency the President of the United States, Mr. Lincoln, wasassassinated by one who uttered the State motto of Virginia. Atthe same time, the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, while sufferingfrom a broken arm, was also stabbed by another murderer in his ownhouse, but still survives, and his son was wounded, supposedfatally. It is believed, by persons capable of judging, that otherhigh officers were designed to share the same fate. Thus it seemsthat our enemy, despairing of meeting us in open, manly warfare, begins to resort to the assassin's tools. 

Your general does not wish you to infer that this is universal, forhe knows that the great mass of the Confederate army world scorn tosanction each acts, but he believes it the legitimate consequenceof rebellion against rightful authority. 

We have met every phase which this war has assumed, and must now beprepared for it in its last and worst shape, that of assassins andguerrillas; but woe onto the people who seek to expend their wildpassions in such a manner, for there is but one dread result!

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

During the evening of the 17th and morning of the 18th I saw nearlyall the general officers of the army (Schofield, Slocum, Howard, Logan, Blair), and we talked over the matter of the conference atBennett's house of the day before, and, without exception, alladvised me to agree to some terms, for they all dreaded the longand harassing march in pursuit of a dissolving and fleeing army--a march that might carry us back again over the thousand miles thatwe had just accomplished. We all knew that if we could bringJohnston's army to bay, we could destroy it in an hour, but thatwas simply impossible in the country in which we found ourselves. We discussed all the probabilities, among which was, whether, ifJohnston made a point of it, I should assent to the escape from thecountry of Jeff. Davis and his fugitive cabinet; and some one of mygeneral officers, either Logan or Blair, insisted that, if askedfor, we should even provide a vessel to carry them to Nassau fromCharleston. 

The next morning I again started in the cars to Durham's Station, accompanied by most of my personal staff, and by Generals Blair, Barry, Howard, etc. , and, reaching General Kilpatrick'sheadquarters at Durham's, we again mounted, and rode, with the sameescort of the day, before, to Bennett's house, reaching therepunctually at noon. General Johnston had not yet arrived, but acourier shortly came, and reported him as on the way. It must havebeen nearly 2 p. M. When he arrived, as before, with General WadeHampton. He had halted his escort out of sight, and we againentered Bennett's house, and I closed the door. General Johnstonthen assured me that he had authority over all the Confederatearmies, so that they would obey his orders to surrender on the sameterms with his own, but he argued that, to obtain so cheaply thisdesirable result, I ought to give his men and officers someassurance of their political rights after their surrender. Iexplained to him that Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of amnesty, ofDecember 8, 1863, still in force; enabled every Confederate soldierand officer, below the rank of colonel, to obtain an absolutepardon, by simply laying down his arms, and taking the common oathof allegiance, and that General Grant, in accepting the surrenderof General Lee's army, had extended the same principle to all theofficers, General Lee included; such a pardon, I understood, wouldrestore to them all their rights of citizenship. But he insistedthat the officers and men of the Confederate army wereunnecessarily alarmed about this matter, as a sort of bugbear. Hethen said that Mr. Breckenridge was near at hand, and he thoughtthat it would be well for him to be present. I objected, on thescore that he was then in Davis's cabinet, and our negotiationsshould be confined strictly to belligerents. He then saidBreckenridge was a major-general in the Confederate army, and mightsink his character of Secretary of War. I consented, and he sentone of his staff-officers back, who soon returned withBreckenridge, and he entered the room. General Johnston and I thenagain went over the whole ground, and Breckenridge confirmed whathe had said as to the uneasiness of the Southern officers andsoldiers about their political rights in case of surrender. Whilewe were in consultation, a messenger came with a parcel of papers, which General Johnston said were from Mr. Reagan, Postmaster-General. He and Breckenridge looked over them, and, after some side conversation, he handed one of the papers to me. It was in Reagan's handwriting, and began with a long preamble andterms, so general and verbose, that I said they were inadmissible. Then recalling the conversation of Mr. Lincoln, at City Point, Isat down at the table, and wrote off the terms, which I thoughtconcisely expressed his views and wishes, and explained that I waswilling to submit these terms to the new President, Mr. Johnson, provided that both armies should remain in statu quo until thetruce therein declared should expire. I had full faith thatGeneral Johnston would religiously respect the truce, which he did;and that I would be the gainer, for in the few days it would taketo send the papers to Washington, and receive an answer, I couldfinish the railroad up to Raleigh, and be the better prepared for along chase. 

Neither Mr. Breckenridge nor General Johnston wrote one word ofthat paper. I wrote it myself, and announced it as the best Icould do, and they readily assented. 

While copies of this paper were being made for signature, theofficers of our staffs commingled in the yard at Bennett's house, and were all presented to Generals Johnston and Breckenridge. Allwithout exception were rejoiced that the war was over, and that ina very few days we could turn our faces toward home. I remembertelling Breckenridge that he had better get away, as the feeling ofour people was utterly hostile to the political element of theSouth, and to him especially, because he was the Vice-President ofthe United States, who had as such announced Mr. Lincoln, ofIllinois, duly and properly elected the President of the UnitedStates, and yet that he had afterward openly rebelled and taken uparms against the Government. He answered me that he surely wouldgive us no more trouble, and intimated that he would speedily leavethe country forever. I may have also advised him that Mr. Davistoo should get abroad as soon as possible. 

The papers were duly signed; we parted about dark, and my partyreturned to Raleigh. Early the next morning, April 19th, Idispatched by telegraph to Morehead City to prepare a fleet-steamerto carry a messenger to Washington, and sent Major Henry Hitchcockdown by rail, bearing the following letters, and agreement withGeneral Johnston, with instructions to be very careful to letnothing escape him to the greedy newspaper correspondents, but tosubmit his papers to General Halleck, General Grant, or theSecretary of War, and to bring me back with all expedition theirorders and instructions. 

On their face they recited that I had no authority to make finalterms involving civil or political questions, but that I submittedthem to the proper quarter in Washington for their action; and theletters fully explained that the military situation was such thatthe delay was an advantage to us. I cared little whether they wereapproved, modified, or disapproved in toto; only I wantedinstructions. Many of my general officers, among whom, I am almostpositive, were Generals Logan and Blair, urged me to accept the"terms, " without reference at all to Washington, but I preferredthe latter course:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 18, 1886. 

General H. W. HALLECK, Chief of Staff, Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: I received your dispatch describing the man Clark, detailed to assassinate me. He had better be in a hurry, or hewill be too late. 

The news of Mr. Lincoln's death produced a most intense effect onour troops. At first I feared it would lead to excesses; but nowit has softened down, and can easily be guided. None evinced morefeeling than General Johnston, who admitted that the act wascalculated to stain his cause with a dark hue; and he contendedthat the loss was most serious to the South, who had begun torealize that Mr. Lincoln was the best friend they had. 

I cannot believe that even Mr. Davis was privy to the diabolicalplot, but think it the emanation of a set of young men of theSouth, who are very devils. I want to throw upon the South thecare of this class of men, who will soon be as obnoxious to theirindustrial classes as to us. 

Had I pushed Johnston's army to an extremity, it would havedispersed, and done infinite mischief. Johnston informed me thatGeneral Stoneman had been at Salisbury, and was now at Statesville. I have sent him orders to come to me. 

General Johnston also informed me that General Wilson was atColumbia, Georgia, and he wanted me to arrest his progress. I leavethat to you. 

Indeed, if the President sanctions my agreement with Johnston, ourinterest is to cease all destruction. 

Please give all orders necessary according to the views theExecutive may take, and influence him, if possible, not to vary theterms at all, for I have considered every thing, and believe that, the Confederate armies once dispersed, we can adjust all elsefairly and well. I am, yours, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 18, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, or Major-General HALLECK, Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: I inclose herewith a copy of an agreement made this daybetween General Joseph E. Johnston and myself, which, if approvedby the President of the United States, will produce peace from thePotomac to the Rio Grande. Mr. Breckenridge was present at ourconference, in the capacity of major-general, and satisfied me ofthe ability of General Johnston to carry out to their full extentthe terms of this agreement; and if you will get the President tosimply indorse the copy, and commission me to carry out the terms, I will follow them to the conclusion. 

You will observe that it is an absolute submission of the enemy tothe lawful authority of the United States, and disperses his armiesabsolutely; and the point to which I attach most importance is, that the dispersion and disbandment of these armies is done in sucha manner as to prevent their breaking up into guerrilla bands. Onthe other hand, we can retain just as much of an army as we please. I agreed to the mode and manner of the surrender of arms set forth, as it gives the States the means of repressing guerrillas, which wecould not expect them to do if we stripped them of all arms. 

Both Generals Johnston and Breckenridge admitted that slavery wasdead, and I could not insist on embracing it in such a paper, because it can be made with the States in detail. I know that allthe men of substance South sincerely want peace, and I do notbelieve they will resort to war again during this century. I haveno doubt that they will in the future be perfectly subordinate tothe laws of the United States. The moment my action in this matteris approved, I can spare five corps, and will ask for orders toleave General Schofield here with the Tenth Corps, and to marchmyself with the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Twentieth, andTwenty-third Corps via Burkesville and Gordonsville to Frederick orHagerstown, Maryland, there to be paid and mustered out. 

The question of finance is now the chief one, and every soldier andofficer not needed should be got home at work. I would like to beable to begin the march north by May 1st. 

I urge, on the part of the President, speedy action, as it isimportant to get the Confederate armies to their homes as well asour own. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

Memorandum, or Basis of agreement, made this 18th day of April, A. D. 1865, near Durham's Station, in the State of North Carolina, byand between General Joseph E. JOHNSTON, commanding the ConfederateArmy, and Major-General William T. SHERMAN, commanding the army ofthe United States in North Carolina, both present:

1. The contending armies now in the field to maintain the statuquo until notice is given by the commanding general of any one toits opponent, and reasonable time--say, forty-eight hours--allowed. 

2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded andconducted to their several State capitals, there to deposit theirarms and public property in the State Arsenal; and each officer andman to execute and file an agreement to cease from acts of war, andto abide the action of the State and Federal authority. The numberof arms and munitions of war to be reported to the Chief ofOrdnance at Washington City, subject to the future action of theCongress of the United States, and, in the mean time, to be neededsolely to maintain peace and order within the borders of the Statesrespectively. 

3. The recognition, by the Executive of the United States, of theseveral State governments, on their officers and Legislaturestaking the oaths prescribed by the Constitution of the UnitedStates, and, where conflicting State governments have resulted fromthe war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the SupremeCourt of the United States. 

4. The reestablishment of all the Federal Courts in the severalStates, with powers as defined by the Constitution of the UnitedStates and of the States respectively. 

5. The people and inhabitants of all the States to be guaranteed, so far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as well as their rights of person sad property, as defined by theConstitution of the United States and of the States respectively. 

6. The Executive authority of the Government of the United Statesnot to disturb any of the people by reason of the late war, so longas they live in peace and quiet, abstain from acts of armedhostility, and obey the laws in existence at the place of theirresidence. 

7. In general terms--the war to cease; a general amnesty, so faras the Executive of the United States can command, on condition ofthe disbandment of the Confederate armies, the distribution of thearms, and the resumption of peaceful pursuits by the officers andmen hitherto composing said armies. 

Not being fully empowered by our respective principals to fulfillthese terms, we individually and officially pledge ourselves topromptly obtain the necessary authority, and to carry out the aboveprogramme. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General, Commanding Army of the United States in North Carolina. 

J. E. JOHNSTON, General, Commanding Confederate States Army in North Carolina. 

Major Hitchcock got off on the morning of the 20th, and I reckonedthat it would take him four or five days to go to Washington andback. During that time the repairs on all the railroads andtelegraph-lines were pushed with energy, and we also got possessionof the railroad and telegraph from Raleigh to Weldon, in thedirection of Norfolk. Meantime the troops remained statu quo, ourcavalry occupying Durham's Station and Chapel Hill. GeneralSlocum's head of column was at Aven's Ferry on Cape Fear River, andGeneral Howard's was strung along the railroad toward Hillsboro';the rest of the army was in and about Raleigh. 

On the 20th I reviewed the Tenth Corps, and was much pleased at theappearance of General Paines's division of black troops, the firstI had ever seen as a part of an organized army; and on the 21st Ireviewed the Twenty-third Corps, which had been with me to Atlanta, but had returned to Nashville had formed an essential part of thearmy which fought at Franklin, and with which General Thomas haddefeated General Hood in Tennessee. It had then been transferredrapidly by rail to Baltimore and Washington by General Grant'sorders, and thence by sea to North Carolina. Nothing of interesthappened at Raleigh till the evening of April 23d, when MajorHitchcock reported by telegraph his return to Morehead City, andthat he would come up by rail during the night. He arrived at 6a. M. , April 24th, accompanied by General Grant and one or twoofficers of his staff, who had not telegraphed the fact of theirbeing on the train, for prudential reasons. Of course, I was bothsurprised and pleased to see the general, soon learned that myterms with Johnston had been disapproved, was instructed by him togive the forty-eight hours' notice required by the terms of thetruce, and afterward to proceed to attack or follow him. Iimmediately telegraphed to General Kilpatrick, at Durham's, to havea mounted courier ready to carry the following message, then on itsway up by rail, to the rebel lines:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 24, 1865 6 A. M. 

General JOHNSTON, commanding Confederate Army, Greensboro':

You will take notice that the truce or suspension of hostilitiesagreed to between us will cease in forty-eight hours after this isreceived at your lines, under the first of the articles ofagreement. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General. 

At the same time I wrote another short note to General Johnston, ofthe same date:

I have replies from Washington to my communications of April 18th. I am instructed to limit my operations to your immediate command, and not to attempt civil negotiations. I therefore demand thesurrender of your army on the same terms as were given to GeneralLee at Appomattox, April 9th instant, purely and simply. 

Of course, both these papers were shown to General Grant at thetime, before they were sent, and he approved of them. 

At the same time orders were sent to all parts of the army to beready to resume the pursuit of the enemy on the expiration of theforty-eight hours' truce, and messages were sent to GeneralGillmore (at Hilton Head) to the same effect, with instructions toget a similar message through to General Wilson, at Macon, by somemeans. 

General Grant had brought with him, from Washington, writtenanswers from the Secretary of War, and of himself, to mycommunications of the 18th, which I still possess, and here givethe originals. They embrace the copy of a dispatch made by Mr. Stanton to General Grant, when he was pressing Lee at Appomattox, which dispatch, if sent me at the same time (as should have beendone), would have saved a world of trouble. I did not understandthat General Grant had come down to supersede me in command, nordid he intimate it, nor did I receive these communications as aserious reproof, but promptly acted on them, as is already shown;and in this connection I give my answer made to General Grant, atRaleigh, before I had received any answer from General Johnston tothe demand for the surrender of his own army, as well as my answerto Mr. Stanton's letter, of the same date, both written on thesupposition that I might have to start suddenly in pursuit ofJohnston, and have no other chance to explain. 

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 21, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General GRANT. 

GENERAL: The memorandum or basis agreed upon between GeneralSherman and General Johnston having been submitted to thePresident, they are disapproved. You will give notice of thedisapproval to General Sherman, and direct him to resumehostilities at the earliest moment. 

The instructions given to you by the late President, AbrahamLincoln, on the 3d of March, by my telegraph of that date, addressed to you, express substantially the views of PresidentAndrew Johnson, and will be observed by General Sherman. A copy isherewith appended. 

The President desires that you proceed immediately to theheadquarters of Major-General Sherman, and direct operationsagainst the enemy. 

Yours truly, EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

The following telegram was received 2 p. M. , City Point, March 4, 1865 (from Washington, 12 M. , March 3, 1865)

[CIPHER]

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to haveno conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitulationof Lee's army or on solely minor and purely military matters. 

He instructs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, orconfer upon any political question; such questions the Presidentholds in his own hands, and will submit them to no militaryconferences or conventions. 

Meantime you are to press to the utmost your military advantages. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATESWASHINGTON, D. C. April 21, 1865. 

Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of theMississippi. 

GENERAL: The basis of agreement entered into between yourself andGeneral J. E. Johnston, for the disbandment of the Southern army, and the extension of the authority of the General Government overall the territory belonging to it, sent for the approval of thePresident, is received. 

I read it carefully myself before submitting it to the Presidentand Secretary of War, and felt satisfied that it could not possiblybe approved. My reason for these views I will give you at anothertime, in a more extended letter. 

Your agreement touches upon questions of such vital importancethat, as soon as read, I addressed a note to the Secretary of War, notifying him of their receipt, and the importance of immediateaction by the President; and suggested, in view of theirimportance, that the entire Cabinet be called together, that allmight give an expression of their opinions upon the matter. Theresult was a disapproval by the President of the basis laid down; adisapproval of the negotiations altogether except for the surrenderof the army commanded by General Johnston, and directions to me tonotify you of this decision. I cannot do no better than by sendingyou the inclosed copy of a dispatch (penned by the late President, though signed by the Secretary of War) in answer to me, on sendinga letter received from General Lee, proposing to meet me for thepurpose of submitting the question of peace to a convention ofofficers. 

Please notify General Johnston, immediately on receipt of this, ofthe termination of the truce, and resume hostilities against hisarmy at the earliest moment you can, acting in good faith. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 25, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, present. 

GENERAL: I had the honor to receive your letter of April 21st, withinclosures, yesterday, and was well pleased that you came along, asyou must have observed that I held the military control so as toadapt it to any phase the case might assume. 

It is but just I should record the fact that I made my terms withGeneral Johnston under the influence of the liberal terms youextended to the army of General Lee at Appomattox Court-House onthe 9th, and the seeming policy of our Government, as evinced bythe call of the Virginia Legislature and Governor back to Richmond, under yours and President Lincoln's very eyes. 

It now appears this last act was done without any consultation withyou or any knowledge of Mr. Lincoln, but rather in opposition to aprevious policy well considered. 

I have not the least desire to interfere in the civil policy of ourGovernment, but would shun it as something not to my liking; butoccasions do arise when a prompt seizure of results is forced onmilitary commanders not in immediate communication with the properauthority. It is probable that the terms signed by GeneralJohnston and myself were not clear enough on the point, wellunderstood between us, that our negotiations did not apply to anyparties outside the officers and men of the Confederate armies, which could easily have been remedied. 

No surrender of any army not actually at the mercy of an antagonistwas ever made without "terms, " and these always define the militarystatus of the surrendered. Thus you stipulated that the officersand men of Lee's army should not be molested at their homes so longas they obeyed the laws at the place of their residence. 

I do not wish to discuss these points involved in our recognitionof the State governments in actual existence, but will merely statemy conclusions, to await the solution of the future. 

Such action on our part in no manner recognizes for a moment theso-called Confederate Government, or makes us liable for its debtsor acts. 

The laws and acts done by the several States during the period ofrebellion are void, because done without the oath prescribed by ourConstitution of the United States, which is a "conditionprecedent. "

We have a right to, use any sort of machinery to produce militaryresults; and it is the commonest thing for military commanders touse the civil governments in actual existence as a means to an end. I do believe we could and can use the present State governmentslawfully, constitutionally, and as the very best possible means toproduce the object desired, viz. , entire and complete submission tothe lawful authority of the United States. 

As to punishment for past crimes, that is for the judiciary, andcan in no manner of way be disturbed by our acts; and, so far as Ican, I will use my influence that rebels shall suffer all thepersonal punishment prescribed by law, as also the civilliabilities arising from their past acts. 

What we now want is the new form of law by which common men mayregain the positions of industry, so long disturbed by the war. 

I now apprehend that the rebel armies will disperse; and, insteadof dealing with six or seven States, we will have to deal withnumberless bands of desperadoes, headed by such men as Mosby, Forrest, Red Jackson, and others, who know not and care not fordanger and its consequences. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 25, 1865. 

Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington. 

DEAR SIR: I have been furnished a copy of your letter of April 21stto General Grant, signifying your disapproval of the terms on whichGeneral Johnston proposed to disarm and disperse the insurgents, oncondition of amnesty, etc. I admit my folly in embracing in amilitary convention any civil matters; but, unfortunately, such isthe nature of our situation that they seem inextricably united, andI understood from you at Savannah that the financial state of thecountry demanded military success, and would warrant a littlebending to policy. 

When I had my conference with General Johnston I had the publicexamples before me of General Grant's terms to Lee's army, andGeneral Weitzel's invitation to the Virginia Legislature toassemble at Richmond. 

I still believe the General Government of the United States hasmade a mistake; but that is none of my business--mine is adifferent task; and I had flattered myself that, by four years ofpatient, unremitting, and successful labor, I deserved no remindersuch as is contained in the last paragraph of your letter toGeneral Grant. You may assure the President that I heed hissuggestion. I am truly, etc. , W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

On the same day, but later, I received an answer from GeneralJohnston, agreeing to meet me again at Bennett's house the nextday, April 26th, at noon. He did not even know that General Grantwas in Raleigh. 

General Grant advised me to meet him, and to accept his surrenderon the same terms as his with General Lee; and on the 26th I againwent up to Durham's Station by rail, and rode out to Bennett'shouse, where we again met, and General Johnston, withouthesitation, agreed to, and we executed, the following final terms:

Terms of a Military Convention, entered into this 26th day ofApril, 1865, at Bennett's House, near Durham's Station. , NorthCarolina, between General JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON, commanding theConfederate Army, and Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding theUnited States Army in North Carolina:

1. All acts of war on the part of the troops under GeneralJohnston's command to cease from this date. 

2. All arms and public property to be deposited at Greensboro', and delivered to an ordnance-officer of the United States Army. 

3. Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate; onecopy to be retained by the commander of the troops, and the otherto be given to an officer to be designated by General Sherman. Each officer and man to give his individual obligation in writingnot to take up arms against the Government of the United States, until properly released from this obligation. 

4. The side-arms of officers, and their private horses andbaggage, to be retained by them. 

5. This being done, all the officers and men will be permitted toreturn to their homes, not to be disturbed by the United Statesauthorities, so long as they observe their obligation and the lawsin force where they may reside. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General, Commanding United States Forces in North Carolina. 

J. E. JOHNSTON, General, Commanding Confederate States Forces in North Carolina. 

Approved:

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

I returned to Raleigh the same evening, and, at my request, GeneralGrant wrote on these terms his approval, and then I thought thematter was surely at an end. He took the original copy, on the27th returned to Newbern, and thence went back to Washington. 

I immediately made all the orders necessary to carry into effectthe terms of this convention, devolving on General Schofield thedetails of granting the parole and making the muster-rolls ofprisoners, inventories of property, etc. , of General Johnston'sarmy at and about Greensboro', North Carolina, and on GeneralWilson the same duties in Georgia; but, thus far, I had beencompelled to communicate with the latter through rebel sources, andGeneral Wilson was necessarily confused by the conflict of ordersand information. I deemed it of the utmost importance to establishfor him a more reliable base of information and supply, andaccordingly resolved to go in person to Savannah for that purpose. But, before starting, I received a New York Times, of April 24th, containing the following extraordinary communications:

[First Bulletin]

WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON, April 22, 1885. 

Yesterday evening a bearer of dispatches arrived from GeneralSherman. An agreement for a suspension of hostilities, and amemorandum of what is called a basis for peace, had been enteredinto on the 18th inst. By General Sherman, with the rebel GeneralJohnston. Brigadier-General Breckenridge was present at theconference. 

A cabinet meeting was held at eight o'clock in the evening, atwhich the action of General Sherman was disapproved by thePresident, by the Secretary of War, by General Grant, and by everymember of the cabinet. General Sherman was ordered to resumehostilities immediately, and was directed that the instructionsgiven by the late President, in the following telegram, which waspenned by Mr. Lincoln himself, at the Capitol, on the night of the3d of March, were approved by President Andrew Johnson, and werereiterated to govern the action of military commanders. 

On the night of the 3d of March, while President Lincoln and hiscabinet were at the Capitol, a telegram from General Grant wasbrought to the Secretary of War, informing him that General Lee hadrequested an interview or conference, to make an arrangement forterms of peace. The letter of General Lee was published in aletter to Davis and to the rebel Congress. General Grant'stelegram was submitted to Mr. Lincoln, who, after pondering a fewminutes, took up his pen and wrote with his own hand the followingreply, which he submitted to the Secretary of State and Secretaryof War. It was then dated, addressed, and signed, by the Secretaryof War, and telegraphed to General Grant:

WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865-12 P. M. 

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to haveno conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitulationof General Lee's army, or on some minor or purely military matter. He instructs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, orconfer upon any political questions. Such questions the Presidentholds in his own hands, and will submit them to no militaryconferences or conventions. 

Meantime you are to press to the utmost your military advantages. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

The orders of General Sherman to General Stoneman to withdraw fromSalisbury and join him will probably open the way for Davis toescape to Mexico or Europe with his plunder, which is reported tobe very large, including not only the plunder of the Richmondbanks, but previous accumulations. 

A dispatch received by this department from Richmond says: "It isstated here, by respectable parties, that the amount of specietaken south by Jeff. Davis and his partisans is very large, including not only the plunder of the Richmond banks, but previousaccumulations. They hope, it is said, to make terms with GeneralSherman, or some other commander, by which they will be permitted, with their effects, including this gold plunder, to go to Mexico orEurope. Johnston's negotiations look to this end. "

After the cabinet meeting last night, General Grant started forNorth Carolina, to direct operations against Johnston's army. 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

Here followed the terms, and Mr. Stanton's ten reasons forrejecting them. 

The publication of this bulletin by authority was an outrage on me, for Mr. Stanton had failed to communicate to me in advance, as washis duty, the purpose of the Administration to limit ournegotiations to purely military matters; but, on the contrary, atSavannah he had authorized me to control all matters, civil andmilitary. 

By this bulletin, he implied that I had previously been furnishedwith a copy of his dispatch of March 3d to General Grant, which wasnot so; and he gave warrant to the impression, which was sownbroadcast, that I might be bribed by banker's gold to permit Davisto escape. Under the influence of this, I wrote General Grant thefollowing letter of April 28th, which has been published in theProceedings of the Committee on the Conduct of the War. 

I regarded this bulletin of Mr. Stanton as a personal and officialinsult, which I afterward publicly resented. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPIIN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 28, 1865. 

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, General-in-Chief, Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: Since you left me yesterday, I have seen the New YorkTimes of the 24th, containing a budget of military news, authenticated by the signature of the Secretary of War, Hon. E. M. Stanton, which is grouped in such a way as to give the public veryerroneous impressions. It embraces a copy of the basis ofagreement between myself and General Johnston, of April 18th, withcomments, which it will be time enough to discuss two or threeyears hence, after the Government has experimented a little more inthe machinery by which power reaches the scattered people of thevast country known as the "South. "

In the mean time, however, I did think that my rank (if not pastservices) entitled me at least to trust that the Secretary of Warwould keep secret what was communicated for the use of none but thecabinet, until further inquiry could be made, instead of givingpublicity to it along with documents which I never saw, and drawingtherefrom inferences wide of the truth. I never saw or hadfurnished me a copy of President Lincoln's dispatch to you of the3d of March, nor did Mr. Stanton or any human being ever convey tome its substance, or any thing like it. On the contrary, I hadseen General Weitzel's invitation to the Virginia Legislature, madein Mr. Lincoln's very presence, and failed to discover any otherofficial hint of a plan of reconstruction, or any ideas calculatedto allay the fears of the people of the South, after thedestruction of their armies and civil authorities would leave themwithout any government whatever. 

We should not drive a people into anarchy, and it is simplyimpossible for our military power to reach all the masses of theirunhappy country. 

I confess I did not desire to drive General Johnston's army intobands of armed men, going about without purpose, and capable onlyof infinite mischief. But you saw, on your arrival here, that Ihad my army so disposed that his escape was only possible in adisorganized shape; and as you did not choose to "direct militaryoperations in this quarter, " I inferred that you were satisfiedwith the military situation; at all events, the instant I learnedwhat was proper enough, the disapproval of the President, I actedin such a manner as to compel the surrender of General Johnston'swhole army on the same terms which you had prescribed to GeneralLee's army, when you had it surrounded and in your absolute power. 

Mr. Stanton, in stating that my orders to General Stoneman werelikely to result in the escape of "Mr. Davis to Mexico or Europe, "is in deep error. General Stoneman was not at "Salisbury, " but hadgone back to "Statesville. " Davis was between us, and thereforeStoneman was beyond him. By turning toward me he was approachingDavis, and, had he joined me as ordered, I would have had a mountedforce greatly needed for Davis's capture, and for other purposes. Even now I don't know that Mr. Stanton wants Davis caught, and asmy official papers, deemed sacred, are hastily published to theworld, it will be imprudent for me to state what has been done inthat regard. 

As the editor of the Times has (it may be) logically and fairlydrawn from this singular document the conclusion that I aminsubordinate, I can only deny the intention. 

I have never in my life questioned or disobeyed an order, thoughmany and many a time have I risked my life, health, and reputation, in obeying orders, or even hints to execute plans and purposes, notto my liking. It is not fair to withhold from me the plans andpolicy of Government (if any there be), and expect me to guess atthem; for facts and events appear quite different from differentstand-points. For four years I have been in camp dealing withsoldiers, and I can assure you that the conclusion at which thecabinet arrived with such singular unanimity differs from mine. I conferred freely with the best officers in this army as to thepoints involved in this controversy, and, strange to say, they weresingularly unanimous in the other conclusion. They will learn withpain and amazement that I am deemed insubordinate, and wanting incommonsense; that I, who for four years have labored day and night, winter and summer, who have brought an army of seventy thousand menin magnificent condition across a country hitherto deemedimpassable, and placed it just where it was wanted, on the dayappointed, have brought discredit on our Government! I do not wishto boast of this, but I do say that it entitled me to the courtesyof being consulted, before publishing to the world a propositionrightfully submitted to higher authority for adjudication, and thenaccompanied by statements which invited the dogs of the press to belet loose upon me. It is true that non-combatants, men who sleepin comfort and security while we watch on the distant lines, arebetter able to judge than we poor soldiers, who rarely see anewspaper, hardly hear from our families, or stop long enough todraw our pay. I envy not the task of "reconstruction, " and amdelighted that the Secretary of War has relieved me of it. 

As you did not undertake to assume the management of the affairs ofthis army, I infer that, on personal inspection, your mind arrivedat a different conclusion from that of the Secretary of War. Iwill therefore go on to execute your orders to the conclusion, and, when done, will with intense satisfaction leave to the civilauthorities the execution of the task of which they seem sojealous. But, as an honest man and soldier, I invite them to goback to Nashville and follow my path, for they will see some thingsand hear some things that may disturb their philosophy. 

With sincere respect, W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding. 

P. S. --As Mr. Stanton's most singular paper has been published, Idemand that this also be made public, though I am in no mannerresponsible to the press, but to the law, and my proper superiors. W. T. S. , Major-General. 

On the 28th I summoned all the army and corps commanders togetherat my quarters in the Governor's mansion at Raleigh, where everything was explained to them, and all orders for the future werecompleted. Generals Schofield, Terry, and Kilpatrick, were toremain on duty in the Department of North Carolina, alreadycommanded by General Schofield, and the right and left wings wereordered to march under their respective commanding generals Northby easy stages to Richmond, Virginia, there to await my returnfrom the South. 

On the 29th of April, with a part of my personal staff, I proceededby rail to Wilmington, North Carolina, where I found GeneralsHawley and Potter, and the little steamer Russia, Captain Smith, awaiting me. After a short pause in Wilmington, we embarked, andproceeded down the coast to Port Royal and the Savannah River, which we reached on the 1st of May. There Captain Hoses, who hadjust come from General Wilson at Macon, met us, bearing letters forme and General Grant, in which General Wilson gave a brief summaryof his operations up to date. He had marched from Eastport, Mississippi, five hundred miles in thirty days, took six thousandthree hundred prisoners, twenty-three colors, and one hundred andfifty-six guns, defeating Forrest, scattering the militia, anddestroying every railroad, iron establishment, and factory, inNorth Alabama and Georgia. 

He spoke in the highest terms of his cavalry, as "cavalry, "claiming that it could not be excelled, and he regarded his corpsas a model for modern cavalry in organization, armament, anddiscipline. Its strength was given at thirteen thousand fivehundred men and horses on reaching Macon. Of course I wasextremely gratified at his just confidence, and saw that all hewanted for efficient action was a sure base of supply, so that heneed no longer depend for clothing, ammunition, food, and forage, on the country, which, now that war had ceased, it was our solemnduty to protect, instead of plunder. I accordingly ordered thecaptured steamer Jeff. Davis to be loaded with stores, to proceedat once up the Savannah River to Augusta, with a small detachmentof troops to occupy the arsenal, and to open communication withGeneral Wilson at Macon; and on the next day, May 2d, this steamerwas followed by another with a fall cargo of clothing, sugar, coffee, and bread, sent from Hilton Head by the departmentcommander, General Gillmore, with a stronger guard commanded byGeneral Molineux. Leaving to General Gillmore, who was present, and in whose department General Wilson was, to keep up the suppliesat Augusta, and to facilitate as far as possible General Wilson'soperations inland, I began my return on the 2d of May. We wentinto Charleston Harbor, passing the ruins of old Forts Moultrie andSumter without landing. We reached the city of Charleston, whichwas held by part of the division of General John P. Hatch, thesame that we had left at Pocotaligo. We walked the old familiarstreets--Broad, King, Meeting, etc. --but desolation and ruin wereeverywhere. The heart of the city had been burned during thebombardment, and the rebel garrison at the time of its finalevacuation had fired the railroad-depots, which fire had spread, and was only subdued by our troops after they had reached the city. 

I inquired for many of my old friends, but they were dead or gone, and of them all I only saw a part of the family of Mrs. Pettigru. I doubt whether any city was ever more terribly punished thanCharleston, but, as her people had for years been agitating for warand discord, and had finally inaugurated the civil war by an attackon the small and devoted garrison of Major Anderson, sent there bythe General Government to defend them, the judgment of the worldwill be, that Charleston deserved the fate that befell her. Resuming our voyage, we passed into Cape Fear River by its mouth atFort Caswell and Smithville, and out by the new channel at FortFisher, and reached Morehead City on the 4th of May. We foundthere the revenue-cutter Wayanda, on board of which were the Chief-Justice, Mr. Chase, and his daughter Nettie, now Mrs. Hoyt. TheChief-Justice at that moment was absent on a visit to Newbern, butcame back the next day. Meantime, by means of the telegraph, I wasagain in correspondence with General Schofield at Raleigh. He hadmade great progress in paroling the officers and men of Johnston'sarmy at Greensboro', but was embarrassed by the utter confusion andanarchy that had resulted from a want of understanding on manyminor points, and on the political questions that had to be met atthe instant. In order to facilitate the return to their homes ofthe Confederate officers and men, he had been forced to make withGeneral Johnston the following supplemental terms, which were ofcourse ratified and approved:

MILITARY CONVENTION OF APRIL 26, 1865. SUPPLEMENTAL TERMS. 

1. The field transportation to be loaned to the troops for theirmarch to their homes, and for subsequent use in their industrialpursuits. Artillery-horses may be used in field-transportation, ifnecessary. 

2. Each brigade or separate body to retain a number of arms equalto one-seventh of its effective strength, which, when the troopsreach the capitals of their states, will be disposed of as thegeneral commanding the department may direct. 

3. Private horses, and other private property of both officers andmen, to be retained by them. 

4. The commanding general of the Military Division of WestMississippi, Major-General Canby, will be requested to givetransportation by water, from Mobile or New Orleans, to the troopsfrom Arkansas and Texas. 

5. The obligations of officers and soldiers to be signed by theirimmediate commanders. 

6. Naval forces within the limits of General Johnston's command tobe included in the terms of this convention. 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, Major-General, Commanding United States Forces in North Carolina. 

J. E. JOHNSTON, General, Commanding Confederate States Forces in North Carolina. 

The total number of prisoners of war parolled byGeneral Schofield, at Greensboro', North Carolina, as afterward officially reported, amounted to ........ 38, 817

And the total number who surrendered in Georgiaand Florida, as reported by General J. H. Wilson, was .................................................. 52, 458

Aggregate surrendered under the capitulation ofGeneral J. E. Johnston ............................... 89, 270

On the morning of the 5th I also received from General Schofieldthis dispatch:

RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, May 5, 1866. 

To Major-General W: T. SHERMAN, Morehead City:

When General Grant was here, as you doubtless recollect, he saidthe lines (for trade and intercourse) had been extended to embracethis and other States south. The order, it seems, has beenmodified so as to include only Virginia and Tennessee. I think itwould be an act of wisdom to open this State to trade at once. 

I hope the Government will make known its policy as to the organsof State government without delay. Affairs must necessarily be ina very unsettled state until that is done. The people are now in amood to accept almost anything which promises a definitesettlement. "What is to be done with the freedmen?" is thequestion of all, and it is the all important question. It requiresprompt and wise notion to prevent the negroes from becoming a hugeelephant on our hands. If I am to govern this State, it isimportant for me to know it at once. If another is to be senthere, it cannot be done too soon, for he probably will undo themost that I shall have done. I shall be glad to hear from youfully, when you have time to write. I will send your message toGeneral Wilson at once. 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, Major-General. 

I was utterly without instructions from any source on the points ofGeneral Schofield's inquiry, and under the existing state of factscould not even advise him, for by this time I was in possession ofthe second bulletin of Mr. Stanton, published in all the Northernpapers, with comments that assumed that I was a common traitor anda public enemy; and high officials had even instructed my ownsubordinates to disobey my lawful orders. General Halleck, who hadso long been in Washington as the chief of staff, had been sent onthe 21st of April to Richmond, to command the armies of the Potomacand James, in place of General Grant, who had transferred hisheadquarters to the national capital, and he (General Halleck) wastherefore in supreme command in Virginia, while my command overNorth Carolina had never been revoked or modified. 

[Second Bulletin. ]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, April 27 9. 30 a. M. 

To Major-General DIX:

The department has received the following dispatch from Major-General Halleck, commanding the Military Division of the James. Generals Canby and Thomas were instructed some days ago thatSherman's arrangements with Johnston were disapproved by thePresident, and they were ordered to disregard it and push the enemyin every direction. 

E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, April 26-9. 30 p. M. 

HON. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

Generals Meade, Sheridan, and Wright, are acting under orders topay no regard to any truce or orders of General Sherman respectinghostilities, on the ground that Sherman's agreement could bind hiscommand only, and no other. 

They are directed to push forward, regardless of orders from anyone except from General Grant, and cut off Johnston's retreat. 

Beauregard has telegraphed to Danville that a new arrangement hasbeen made with Sherman, and that the advance of the Sixth Corps wasto be suspended until further orders. 

I have telegraphed back to obey no orders of Sherman, but to pushforward as rapidly as possible. 

The bankers here have information to-day that Jeff. Davis's specieis moving south from Goldsboro', in wagons, as fast as possible. 

I suggest that orders be telegraphed, through General Thomas, thatWilson obey no orders from Sherman, and notifying him and Canby, and all commanders on the Mississippi, to take measures tointercept the rebel chiefs and their plunder. 

The specie taken with them is estimated here at from six tothirteen million dollars. 

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General commanding. 

Subsequently, before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, inWashington, on the 22d of May, I testified fully on this wholematter, and will abide the judgment of the country on thepatriotism and wisdom of my public conduct in this connection. General Halleck's measures to capture General Johnston's army, actually surrendered to me at the time, at Greensboro', on the 26thof April, simply excited my contempt for a judgment such as he wassupposed to possess. The assertion that Jeff. Davis's specie-train, of six to thirteen million dollars, was reported to bemoving south from Goldsboro' in wagons as fast as possible, foundplenty of willing ears, though my army of eighty thousand men hadbeen at Goldsboro' from March 22d to the date of his dispatch, April 26th; and such a train would have been composed of fromfifteen to thirty-two six-mule teams to have hauled this specie, even if it all were in gold. I suppose the exact amount oftreasure which Davis had with him is now known to a cent; some ofit was paid to his escort, when it disbanded at and nearWashington, Georgia, and at the time of his capture he had a smallparcel of gold and silver coin, not to exceed ten thousand dollars, which is now retained in the United States Treasury-vault atWashington, and shown to the curious. 

The thirteen millions of treasure, with which Jeff. Davis was tocorrupt our armies and buy his escape, dwindled down to thecontents of a hand-valise!

To say that I was merely angry at the tone and substance of thesepublished bulletins of the War Department, would hardly express thestate of my feelings. I was outraged beyond measure, and wasresolved to resent the insult, cost what it might. I went to theWayanda and showed them to Mr. Chase, with whom I had a long andfrank conversation, during which he explained to me the confusioncaused in Washington by the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, thesudden accession to power of Mr. Johnson, who was then supposed tobe bitter and vindictive in his feelings toward the South, and thewild pressure of every class of politicians to enforce on the newPresident their pet schemes. He showed me a letter of his own, which was in print, dated Baltimore, April 11th, and another ofApril 12th, addressed to the President, urging him to recognize thefreedmen as equal in all respects to the whites. He was the firstman, of any authority or station, who ever informed me that theGovernment of the United States would insist on extending to theformer slaves of the South the elective franchise, and he gave as areason the fact that the slaves, grateful for their freedom, forwhich they were indebted to the armies and Government of the North, would, by their votes, offset the disaffected and rebel element ofthe white population of the South. At that time quite a storm wasprevailing at sea, outside, and our two vessels lay snug at thewharf at Morehead City. I saw a good deal of Mr. Chase, andseveral notes passed between us, of which I have the originals yet. Always claiming that the South had herself freed all her slaves byrebellion, and that Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of freedom (ofSeptember 22, 1862) was binding on all officers of the GeneralGovernment, I doubted the wisdom of at once clothing them with theelective franchise, without some previous preparation andqualification; and then realized the national loss in the death atthat critical moment of Mr. Lincoln, who had long pondered over thedifficult questions involved, who, at all events, would have beenhonest and frank, and would not have withheld from his armycommanders at least a hint that would have been to them a guide. It was plain to me, therefore, that the manner of his assassinationhad stampeded the civil authorities in Washington, had unnervedthem, and that they were then undecided as to the measuresindispensably necessary to prevent anarchy at the South. 

On the 7th of May the storm subsided, and we put to sea, Mr. Chaseto the south, on his proposed tour as far as New Orleans, and I forJames River. I reached Fortress Monroe on the 8th, and thencetelegraphed my arrival to General Grant, asking for orders. Ifound at Fortress Monroe a dispatch from General Halleck, professing great friendship, and inviting me to accept hishospitality at Richmond. I answered by a cipher-dispatch that Ihad seen his dispatch to Mr. Stanton, of April 26th, embraced inthe second bulletin, which I regarded as insulting, declined hishospitality, and added that I preferred we should not meet as Ipassed through Richmond. I thence proceeded to City Point in theRussia, and on to Manchester, opposite Richmond, via Petersburg, byrail. I found that both wings of the army had arrived fromRaleigh, and were in camp in and around Manchester, whence I againtelegraphed General Grant, an the 9th of May, for orders, and alsoreported my arrival to General Halleck by letter. I found thatGeneral Halleck had ordered General Davis's corps (the Fourteenth)for review by himself. This I forbade. All the army knew of theinsult that had been made me by the Secretary of War and GeneralHalleck, and watched me closely to see if I would tamely submit. During the 9th I made a full and complete report of all theseevents, from the last report made at Goldsboro' up to date, and thenext day received orders to continue the march to Alexandria, nearWashington. 

On the morning of the 11th we crossed the pontoon-bridge atRichmond, marched through that city, and out on the HanoverCourt House road, General Slocum's left wing leading. The right wing(General Logan) followed the next day, viz. , the 12th. Meantime, General O. O. Howard had been summoned to Washington to take chargeof the new Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, and, from that time till the army was finally disbanded, General John A. Logan was in command of the right wing, and of the Army of theTennessee. The left wing marched through Hanover Court House, andthence took roads well to the left by Chilesburg; the FourteenthCorps by New Market and Culpepper, Manassas, etc. ; the TwentiethCorps by Spotsylvania Court-House and Chancellorsville. The rightwing followed the more direct road by Fredericksburg. On my waynorth I endeavored to see as much of the battle-fields of the Armyof the Potomac as I could, and therefore shifted from one column tothe other, visiting en route Hanover Court-House, Spotsylvania, Fredericksburg, Dumfries, etc. , reaching Alexandria during theafternoon of May 19th, and pitched my camp by the road side, abouthalf-way between Alexandria and the Long Bridge. During the sameand next day the whole army reached Alexandria, and camped roundabout it; General Meade's Army of the Potomac had possession of thecamps above, opposite Washington and Georgetown. The next day (byinvitation) I went over to Washington and met many friends--amongthem General Grant and President Johnson. The latter occupiedrooms in the house on the corner of Fifteenth and H Streets, belonging to Mr. Hooper. He was extremely cordial to me, andknowing that I was chafing under the censures of the WarDepartment, especially of the two war bulletins of Mr. Stanton, hevolunteered to say that he knew of neither of them till seen in thenewspapers, and that Mr. Stanton had shown neither to him nor toany of his associates in the cabinet till they were published. Nearly all the members of the cabinet made similar assurances to meafterward, and, as Mr. Stanton made no friendly advances, andoffered no word of explanation or apology, I declined GeneralGrant's friendly offices for a reconciliation, but, on thecontrary, resolved to resent what I considered an insult, aspublicly as it was made. My brother, Senator Sherman, who was Mr. Stanton's neighbor, always insisted that Mr. Stanton had beenfrightened by the intended assassination of himself, and had becomeembittered thereby. At all events, I found strong military guardsaround his house, as well as all the houses occupied by the cabinetand by the principal officers of Government; and a sense ofinsecurity pervaded Washington, for which no reason existed. 

On the 19th I received a copy of War Department Special Order No. 239, Adjutant-General's office, of May 18th, ordering a grandreview, by the President and cabinet, of all the armies then nearWashington; General Meade's to occur on Tuesday, May 23d, mine onWednesday, the 24th; and on the 20th I made the necessary ordersfor my part. Meantime I had also arranged (with General Grant'sapproval) to remove after the review, my armies from the south sideof the Potomac to the north; both for convenience and because ourmen had found that the grounds assigned them had been used so longfor camps that they were foul and unfit. 

By invitation I was on the reviewing-stand, and witnessed thereview of the Army of the Potomac (on the 23d), commanded byGeneral Meade in person. The day was beautiful, and the pageantwas superb. Washington was full of strangers, who filled thestreets in holiday-dress, and every house was decorated with flags. The army marched by divisions in close column around the Capitol, down Pennsylvania Avenue, past the President and cabinet, whooccupied a large stand prepared for the occasion, directly in frontof the White House. 

I had telegraphed to Lancaster for Mrs. Sherman, who arrived thatday, accompanied by her father, the Hon. Thomas Ewing, and my sonTom, then eight years old. 

During the afternoon and night of the 23d, the Fifteenth, Seventeenth, and Twentieth Corps, crossed Long Bridge, bivouacked in thestreets about the Capitol, and the Fourteenth Corps closed up tothe bridge. The morning of the 24th was extremely beautiful, andthe ground was in splendid order for our review. The streets werefilled with people to see the pageant, armed with bouquets offlowers for their favorite regiments or heroes, and every thing waspropitious. Punctually at 9 A. M. The signal-gun was fired, when inperson, attended by General Howard and all my staff, I rode slowlydown Pennsylvania Avenue, the crowds of men, women, and children, densely lining the sidewalks, and almost obstructing the way. Wewere followed close by General Logan and the head of the FifteenthCorps. When I reached the Treasury-building, and looked back, thesight was simply magnificent. The column was compact, and theglittering muskets looked like a solid mass of steel, moving withthe regularity of a pendulum. We passed the Treasury building, infront of which and of the White House was an immense throng ofpeople, for whom extensive stands had been prepared on both sidesof the avenue. As I neared the brick-house opposite the lowercorner of Lafayette Square, some one asked me to notice Mr. Seward, who, still feeble and bandaged for his wounds, had been removedthere that he might behold the troops. I moved in that directionand took off my hat to Mr. Seward, who sat at an upper window. Herecognized the salute, returned it, and then we rode on steadilypast the President, saluting with our swords. All on his standarose and acknowledged the salute. Then, turning into the gate ofthe presidential grounds, we left our horses with orderlies, andwent upon the stand, where I found Mrs. Sherman, with her fatherand son. Passing them, I shook hands with the President, GeneralGrant, and each member of the cabinet. As I approached Mr. Stanton, he offered me his hand, but I declined it publicly, andthe fact was universally noticed. I then took my post on the leftof the President, and for six hours and a half stood, while thearmy passed in the order of the Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Twentieth, and Fourteenth Corps. It was, in my judgment, the most magnificentarmy in existence--sixty-five thousand men, in splendid physique, who had just completed a march of nearly two thousand miles in ahostile country, in good drill, and who realized that they werebeing closely scrutinized by thousands of their fellow-countrymenand by foreigners. Division after division passed, each commanderof an army corps or division coming on the stand during the passageof his command, to be presented to the President, cabinet, andspectators. The steadiness and firmness of the tread, the carefuldress on the guides, the uniform intervals between the companies, all eyes directly to the front, and the tattered and bullet-riddenflags, festooned with flowers, all attracted universal notice. Many good people, up to that time, had looked upon our Western armyas a sort of mob; but the world then saw, and recognized the fact, that it was an army in the proper sense, well organized, wellcommanded and disciplined; and there was no wonder that it hadswept through the South like a tornado. For six hours and a halfthat strong tread of the Army of the West resounded alongPennsylvania Avenue; not a soul of that vast crowd of spectatorsleft his place; and, when the rear of the column had passed by, thousands of the spectators still lingered to express their senseof confidence in the strength of a Government which could claimsuch an army. 

Some little scenes enlivened the day, and called for the laughterand cheers of the crowd. Each division was followed by sixambulances, as a representative of its baggage-train. Some of thedivision commanders had added, by way of variety, goats, milch-cows, and pack-mules, whose loads consisted of game-cocks, poultry, hams, etc. , and some of them had the families of freed slavesalong, with the women leading their children. Each division waspreceded by its corps of black pioneers, armed with picks andspades. These marched abreast in double ranks, keeping perfectdress and step, and added much to the interest of the occasion. Onthe whole, the grand review was a splendid success, and was afitting conclusion to the campaign and the war. 

I will now conclude by a copy of my general orders taking leave ofthe army, which ended my connection with the war, though Iafterward visited and took a more formal leave of the officers andmen on July 4, 1865, at Louisville, Kentucky:

[SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS NO. 76]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, WASHINGTON, D. C. May 30, 1865

The general commanding announces to the Armies of the Tennessee andGeorgia that the time has come for us to part. Our work is done, and armed enemies no longer defy us. Some of you will go to yourhomes, and others will be retained in military service till furtherorders. 

And now that we are all about to separate, to mingle with the civilworld, it becomes a pleasing duty to recall to mind the situationof national affairs when, but little more than a year ago, we weregathered about the cliffs of Lookout Mountain, and all the futurewas wrapped in doubt and uncertainty. 

Three armies had come together from distant fields, with separatehistories, yet bound by one common cause--the union of our country, and the perpetuation of the Government of our inheritance. Thereis no need to recall to your memories Tunnel Hill, with Rocky-FaceMountain and Buzzard-Roost Gap, and the ugly forts of Daltonbehind. 

We were in earnest, and paused not for danger and difficulty, butdashed through Snake-Creek Gap and fell on Resaca; then on to theEtowah, to Dallas, Kenesaw; and the heats of summer found us on thebanks of the Chattahoochee, far from home, and dependent on asingle road for supplies. Again we were not to be held back by anyobstacle, and crossed over and fought four hard battles for thepossession of the citadel of Atlanta. That was the crisis of ourhistory. A doubt still clouded our future, but we solved theproblem, destroyed Atlanta, struck boldly across the State ofGeorgia, severed all the main arteries of life to our enemy, andChristmas found us at Savannah. 

Waiting there only long enough to fill our wagons, we again began amarch which, for peril, labor, and results, will compare with anyever made by an organized army. The floods of the Savannah, theswamps of the Combahee and Edisto, the "high hills" and rocks ofthe Santee, the flat quagmires of the Pedee and Cape Fear Rivers, were all passed in midwinter, with its floods and rains, in theface of an accumulating enemy; and, after the battles ofAverysboro' and Bentonsville, we once more came out of thewilderness, to meet our friends at Goldsboro'. Even then we pausedonly long enough to get new clothing, to reload our wagons, againpushed on to Raleigh and beyond, until we met our enemy suing forpeace, instead of war, and offering to submit to the injured lawsof his and our country. As long as that enemy was defiant, normountains nor rivers, nor swamps, nor hunger, nor cold, had checkedus; but when he, who had fought us hard and persistently, offeredsubmission, your general thought it wrong to pursue him farther, and negotiations followed, which resulted, as you all know, in hissurrender. 

How far the operations of this army contributed to the finaloverthrow of the Confederacy and the peace which now dawns upon us, must be judged by others, not by us; but that you have done allthat men could do has been admitted by those in authority, and wehave a right to join in the universal joy that fills our landbecause the war is over, and our Government stands vindicatedbefore the world by the joint action of the volunteer armies andnavy of the United States. 

To such as remain in the service, your general need only remind youthat success in the past was due to hard work and discipline, andthat the same work and discipline are equally important in thefuture. To such as go home, he will only say that our favoredcountry is so grand, so extensive, so diversified in climate, soil, and productions, that every man may find a home and occupationsuited to his taste; none should yield to the natural impatiencesure to result from our past life of excitement and adventure. Youwill be invited to seek new adventures abroad; do not yield to thetemptation, for it will lead only to death and disappointment. 

Your general now bids you farewell, with the full belief that, asin war you have been good soldiers, so in peace you will make goodcitizens; and if, unfortunately, new war should arise in ourcountry, "Sherman's army" will be the first to buckle on its oldarmor, and come forth to defend and maintain the Government of ourinheritance. 

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

List of the Average Number of Miles marched by the Different ArmyCorps of the United States Forces under Command of Major-General W. T. SHERMAN, United States Army, during his Campaigns: 1863-'64-'65. 

 4th 14th 15th 16th 17th 20th Corps. Corps. Corps. Corps Corps. Corps. 

Miles: 110 1, 586 2, 289 508 2, 076 1, 525

CHAPTER XXV. 

CONCLUSION--MILITARY LESSONS OF THE WAR. 

Having thus recorded a summary of events, mostly under my ownpersonal supervision, during the years from 1846 to 1865, it seemsproper that I should add an opinion of some of the useful militarylessons to be derived therefrom. 

That civil war, by reason of the existence of slavery, wasapprehended by most of the leading statesmen of the half-centurypreceding its outbreak, is a matter of notoriety. General Scotttold me on my arrival at New York, as early as 1850, that thecountry was on the eve of civil war; and the Southern politiciansopenly asserted that it was their purpose to accept as a casusbelli the election of General Fremont in 1856; but, fortunately orunfortunately, he was beaten by Mr. Buchanan, which simplypostponed its occurrence for four years. Mr. Seward had alsopublicly declared that no government could possibly exist halfslave and half free; yet the Government made no militarypreparation, and the Northern people generally paid no attention, took no warning of its coming, and would not realize its existencetill Fort Sumter was fired on by batteries of artillery, handled bydeclared enemies, from the surrounding islands and from the city ofCharleston. 

General Bragg, who certainly was a man of intelligence, and who, inearly life, ridiculed a thousand times, in my hearing, the threatsof the people of South Carolina to secede from the Federal Union, said to me in New Orleans, in February, 1861, that he was convincedthat the feeling between the slave and free States had become soembittered that it was better to part in peace; better to partanyhow; and, as a separation was inevitable, that the South shouldbegin at once, because the possibility of a successful effort wasyearly lessened by the rapid and increasing inequality between thetwo sections, from the fact that all the European immigrants werecoming to the Northern States and Territories, and none to theSouthern. 

The slave population m 1860 was near four millions, and the moneyvalue thereof not far from twenty-five hundred million dollars. Now, ignoring the moral side of the question, a cause thatendangered so vast a moneyed interest was an adequate cause ofanxiety and preparation, and the Northern leaders surely ought tohave foreseen the danger and prepared for it. After the electionof Mr. Lincoln in 1860, there was no concealment of the declarationand preparation for war in the South. In Louisiana, as I haverelated, men were openly enlisted, officers were appointed, and warwas actually begun, in January, 1861. The forts at the mouth ofthe Mississippi were seized, and occupied by garrisons that hauleddown the United States flag and hoisted that of the State. TheUnited States Arsenal at Baton Rouge was captured by New Orleansmilitia, its garrison ignominiously sent off, and the contents ofthe arsenal distributed. These were as much acts of war as was thesubsequent firing on Fort Sumter, yet no public notice was takenthereof; and when, months afterward, I came North, I found not onesingle sign of preparation. It was for this reason, somewhat, thatthe people of the South became convinced that those of the Northwere pusillanimous and cowardly, and the Southern leaders werethereby enabled to commit their people to the war, nominally indefense of their slave property. Up to the hour of the firing onFort Sumter, in April, 1861, it does seem to me that our publicmen, our politicians, were blamable for not sounding the note ofalarm. 

Then, when war was actually begun, it was by a call for seventy-five thousand "ninety-day" men, I suppose to fulfill Mr. Seward'sprophecy that the war would last but ninety days. 

The earlier steps by our political Government were extremelywavering and weak, for which an excuse can be found in the factthat many of the Southern representatives remained in Congress, sharing in the public councils, and influencing legislation. Butas soon as Mr. Lincoln was installed, there was no longer anyreason why Congress and the cabinet should have hesitated. Theyshould have measured the cause, provided the means, and left theExecutive to apply the remedy. 

At the time of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, viz. , March 4, 1861, theRegular Army, by law, consisted of two regiments of dragoons, tworegiments of cavalry, one regiment of mounted rifles, fourregiments of artillery, and ten regiments of infantry, admitting ofan aggregate strength of thirteen thousand and twenty-four officersand men. On the subsequent 4th of May the President, by his ownorders (afterward sanctioned by Congress), added a regiment ofcavalry, a regiment of artillery, and eight regiments of infantry, which, with the former army, admitted of a strength of thirty-ninethousand nine hundred and seventy-three; but at no time during thewar did the Regular Army attain a strength of twenty-five thousandmen. 

To the new regiments of infantry was given an organizationdiffering from any that had heretofore prevailed in this country--of three battalions of eight companies each; but at no time didmore than one of these regiments attain its full standard; nor inthe vast army of volunteers that was raised during the war were anyof the regiments of infantry formed on the three-battalion system, but these were universally single battalions of ten companies; sothat, on the reorganization of the Regular Army at the close of thewar, Congress adopted the form of twelve companies for theregiments of cavalry and artillery, and that of ten companies forthe infantry, which is the present standard. 

Inasmuch as the Regular Army will naturally form the standard oforganization for any increase or for new regiments of volunteers, it becomes important to study this subject in the light of pastexperience, and to select that form which is best for peace as wellas war. 

A cavalry regiment is now composed of twelve companies, usuallydivided into six squadrons, of two companies each, or bettersubdivided into three battalions of four companies each. This isan excellent form, easily admitting of subdivision as well as unioninto larger masses. 

A single battalion of four companies, with a field-officer, willcompose a good body for a garrison, for a separate expedition, orfor a detachment; and, in war, three regiments would compose a goodbrigade, three brigades a division, and three divisions a strongcavalry corps, such as was formed and fought by Generals Sheridanand Wilson during the war. 

In the artillery arm, the officers differ widely in their opinionof the true organization. A single company forms a battery, andhabitually each battery acts separately, though sometimes severalare united or "massed;" but these always act in concert withcavalry or infantry. 

Nevertheless, the regimental organization for artillery has alwaysbeen maintained in this country for classification and promotion. Twelve companies compose a regiment, and, though probably nocolonel ever commanded his full regiment in the form of twelvebatteries, yet in peace they occupy our heavy sea-coast forts oract as infantry; then the regimental organization is both necessaryand convenient. 

But the infantry composes the great mass of all armies, and thetrue form of the regiment or unit has been the subject of infinitediscussion; and, as I have stated, during the civil war theregiment was a single battalion of ten companies. In olden timesthe regiment was composed of eight battalion companies and twoflank companies. The first and tenth companies were armed withrifles, and were styled and used as "skirmishers;" but during 'thewar they were never used exclusively for that special purpose, andin fact no distinction existed between them and the other eightcompanies. 

The ten-company organization is awkward in practice, and I amsatisfied that the infantry regiment should have the same identicalorganization as exists for the cavalry and artillery, viz. , twelvecompanies, so as to be susceptible of division into threebattalions of four companies each. 

These companies should habitually be about a hundred one menstrong, giving twelve hundred to a regiment, which in practicewould settle down to about one thousand men. 

Three such regiments would compose a brigade, three brigades adivision, and three divisions a corps. Then, by allowing to aninfantry corps a brigade of cavalry and six batteries offield-artillery, we would have an efficient corps d'armee ofthirty thousand men, whose organization would be simple and mostefficient, and whose strength should never be allowed to fall belowtwenty-five thousand men. 

The corps is the true unit for grand campaigns and battle, shouldhave a full and perfect staff, and every thing requisite forseparate action, ready at all times to be detached and sent off forany nature of service. The general in command should have the rankof lieutenant-general, and should be, by experience and education, equal to any thing in war. Habitually with us he was a major-general, specially selected and assigned to the command by an orderof the President, constituting, in fact, a separate grade. 

The division is the unit of administration, and is the legitimatecommand of a major general. 

The brigade is the next subdivision, and is commanded by abrigadier-general. 

The regiment is the family. The colonel, as the father, shouldhave a personal acquaintance with every officer and man, and shouldinstill a feeling of pride and affection for himself, so that hisofficers and men would naturally look to him for personal adviceand instruction. In war the regiment should never be subdivided, but should always be maintained entire. In peace this isimpossible. 

The company is the true unit of discipline, and the captain is thecompany. A good captain makes a good company, and he should havethe power to reward as well as punish. The fact that soldiersworld naturally like to have a good fellow for their captain is thebest reason why he should be appointed by the colonel, or by somesuperior authority, instead of being elected by the men. 

In the United States the people are the "sovereign, " all poweroriginally proceeds from them, and therefore the election ofofficers by the men is the common rule. This is wrong, because anarmy is not a popular organization, but an animated machine, aninstrument in the hands of the Executive for enforcing the law, andmaintaining the honor and dignity of the nation; and the President, as the constitutional commander-in-chief of the army and navy, should exercise the power of appointment (subject to theconfirmation of the Senate) of the officers of "volunteers, " aswell as of "regulars. "

No army can be efficient unless it be a unit for action; and thepower must come from above, not from below: the President usuallydelegates his power to the commander-in-chief, and he to the next, and so on down to the lowest actual commander of troops, howeversmall the detachment. No matter how troops come together, whenonce united, the highest officer in rank is held responsible, andshould be consequently armed with the fullest power of theExecutive, subject only to law and existing orders. The moresimple the principle, the greater the likelihood of determinedaction; and the less a commanding officer is circumscribed bybounds or by precedent, the greater is the probability that he willmake the best use of his command and achieve the best results. 

The Regular Army and the Military Academy at West Point have in thepast provided, and doubtless will in the future provide an amplesupply of good officers for future wars; but, should their numbersbe insufficient, we can always safely rely on the great number ofyoung men of education and force of character throughout thecountry, to supplement them. At the close of our civil war, lasting four years, some of our best corps and division generals, as well as staff-officers, were from civil life; but I cannotrecall any of the most successful who did not express a regret thathe had not received in early life instruction in the elementaryprinciples of the art of war, instead of being forced to acquirethis knowledge in the dangerous and expensive school of actual war. 

But the vital difficulty was, and will be again, to obtain anadequate number of good soldiers. We tried almost every systemknown to modern nations, all with more or less success--voluntaryenlistments, the draft, and bought substitutes--and I think that allofficers of experience will confirm my assertion that the men whovoluntarily enlisted at the outbreak of the war were the best, better than the conscript, and far better than the boughtsubstitute. When a regiment is once organized in a State, andmustered into the service of the United States, the officers andmen become subject to the same laws of discipline and government asthe regular troops. They are in no sense "militia, " but composea part of the Army of the United States, only retain their Statetitle for convenience, and yet may be principally recruited fromthe neighborhood of their original organization: Once organized, the regiment should be kept full by recruits, and when it becomesdifficult to obtain more recruits the pay should be raised byCongress, instead of tempting new men by exaggerated bounties. Ibelieve it would have been more economical to have raised the payof the soldier to thirty or even fifty dollars a month than to haveheld out the promise of three hundred and even six hundred dollarsin the form of bounty. Toward the close of the war, I have oftenheard the soldiers complain that the "stay at-home" men got betterpay, bounties, and food, than they who were exposed to all thedangers and vicissitudes of the battles and marches at the front. The feeling of the soldier should be that, in every event, thesympathy and preference of his government is for him who fights, rather than for him who is on provost or guard duty to the rear, and, like most men, he measures this by the amount of pay. Ofcourse, the soldier must be trained to obedience, and should be"content with his wages;" but whoever has commanded an army in thefield knows the difference between a willing, contented mass ofmen, and one that feels a cause of grievance. There is a soul toan army as well as to the individual man, and no general canaccomplish the full work of his army unless he commands the soul ofhis men, as well as their bodies and legs. 

The greatest mistake made in our civil war was in the mode ofrecruitment and promotion. When a regiment became reduced by thenecessary wear and tear of service, instead of being filled up atthe bottom, and the vacancies among the officers filled from thebest noncommissioned officers and men, the habit was to raise newregiments, with new colonels, captains, and men, leaving the oldand experienced battalions to dwindle away into mere skeletonorganizations. I believe with the volunteers this matter was leftto the States exclusively, and I remember that Wisconsin kept herregiments filled with recruits, whereas other States generallyfilled their quotas by new regiments, and the result was that weestimated a Wisconsin regiment equal to an ordinary brigade. Ibelieve that five hundred new men added to an old and experiencedregiment were more valuable than a thousand men in the form of anew regiment, for the former by association with good, experiencedcaptains, lieutenants, and non-commissioned officers, soon becameveterans, whereas the latter were generally unavailable for a year. The German method of recruitment is simply perfect, and there is nogood reason why we should not follow it substantially. 

On a road, marching by the flank, it would be considered "goodorder" to have five thousand men to a mile, so that a full corps ofthirty thousand men would extend six miles, but with the averagetrains and batteries of artillery the probabilities are that itwould draw out to ten miles. On a long and regular march thedivisions and brigades should alternate in the lead, the leadingdivision should be on the road by the earliest dawn, and march atthe rate of about two miles, or, at most, two and a half miles anhour, so as to reach camp by noon. Even then the rear divisionsand trains will hardly reach camp much before night. Theoretically, a marching column should preserve such order that by simply haltingand facing to the right or left, it would be in line of battle; butthis is rarely the case, and generally deployments are made"forward, " by conducting each brigade by the flank obliquely to theright or left to its approximate position in line of battle, andthere deployed. In such a line of battle, a brigade of threethousand infantry would occupy a mile of "front;" but for a strongline of battle five-thousand men with two batteries should beallowed to each mile, or a division would habitually constitute adouble line with skirmishers and a reserve on a mile of "front. "

The "feeding" of an army is a matter of the most vital importance, and demands the earliest attention of the general intrusted with acampaign. To be strong, healthy, and capable of the largestmeasure of physical effort, the soldier needs about three poundsgross of food per day, and the horse or mule about twenty pounds. When a general first estimates the quantity of food and forageneeded for an army of fifty or one hundred thousand men, he is aptto be dismayed, and here a good staff is indispensable, though thegeneral cannot throw off on them the responsibility. He must givethe subject his personal attention, for the army reposes in himalone, and should never doubt the fact that their existenceoverrides in importance all other considerations. Once satisfiedof this, and that all has been done that can be, the soldiers arealways willing to bear the largest measure of privation. Probablyno army ever had a more varied experience in this regard than theone I commanded in 1864'65. 

Our base of supply was at Nashville, supplied by railways and theCumberland River, thence by rail to Chattanooga, a "secondarybase, " and thence forward a single-track railroad. The stores cameforward daily, but I endeavored to have on hand a full supply fortwenty days in advance. These stores were habitually in thewagon-trains, distributed to corps, divisions, and regiments, incharge of experienced quartermasters and commissaries, and becamesubject to the orders of the generals commanding these bodies. They were generally issued on provision returns, but these had tobe closely scrutinized, for too often the colonels would makerequisitions for provisions for more men than they reported forbattle. Of course, there are always a good many non-combatantswith an army, but, after careful study, I limited their amount totwenty-five per cent. Of the "effective strength, " and that wasfound to be liberal. An ordinary army-wagon drawn by six mules maybe counted on to carry three thousand pounds net, equal to the foodof a full regiment for one day, but, by driving along beef-cattle, a commissary may safely count the contents of one wagon assufficient for two days' food for a regiment of a thousand men; andas a corps should have food on hand for twenty days ready fordetachment, it should have three hundred such wagons, as aprovision-train; and for forage, ammunition, clothing, and othernecessary stores, it was found necessary to have three hundred morewagons, or six hundred wagons in all, for a corps d'armee. 

These should be absolutely under the immediate control of the corpscommander, who will, however, find it economical to distribute themin due proportion to his divisions, brigades, and even regiments. Each regiment ought usually to have at least one wagon forconvenience to distribute stores, and each company two pack-mules, so that the regiment may always be certain of a meal on reachingcamp without waiting for the larger trains. 

On long marches the artillery and wagon-trains should always havethe right of way, and the troops should improvise roads to oneside, unless forced to use a bridge in common, and all trainsshould have escorts to protect them, and to assist them in badplaces. To this end there is nothing like actual experience, only, unless the officers in command give the subject their personalattention, they will find their wagon-trains loaded down withtents, personal baggage, and even the arms and knapsacks of theescort. Each soldier should, if not actually "sick or wounded, "carry his musket and equipments containing from forty to sixtyrounds of ammunition, his shelter-tent, a blanket or overcoat, andan extra pair of pants, socks, and drawers, in the form of a scarf, worn from the left shoulder to the right side in lieu of knapsack, and in his haversack he should carry some bread, cooked meat, salt, and coffee. I do not believe a soldier should be loaded down toomuch, but, including his clothing, arms, and equipment, he cancarry about fifty pounds without impairing his health or activity. A simple calculation will show that by such a distribution a corpswill-thus carry the equivalent of five hundred wagon-loads--animmense relief to the trains. 

Where an army is near one of our many large navigable rivers, orhas the safe use of a railway, it can usually be supplied with thefull army ration, which is by far the best furnished to any army inAmerica or Europe; but when it is compelled to operate away fromsuch a base, and is dependent on its own train of wagons, thecommanding officer must exercise a wise discretion in the selectionof his stores. In my opinion, there is no better food for man thanbeef-cattle driven on the hoof, issued liberally, with salt, bacon, and bread. Coffee has also become almost indispensable, thoughmany substitutes were found for it, such as Indian-corn, roasted, ground, and boiled as coffee; the sweet-potato, and the seed of theokra plant prepared in the same way. All these were used by thepeople of the South, who for years could procure no coffee, but Inoticed that the women always begged of us some real coffee, whichseems to satisfy a natural yearning or craving more powerful thancan be accounted for on the theory of habit. Therefore I wouldalways advise that the coffee and sugar ration be carried along, even at the expense of bread, for which there are many substitutes. Of these, Indian-corn is the best and most abundant. Parched in afrying-pan, it is excellent food, or if ground, or pounded andboiled with meat of any sort, it makes a most nutritious meal. Thepotato, both Irish and sweet, forms an excellent substitute forbread, and at Savannah we found that rice (was) also suitable, both formen and animals. For the former it should be cleaned of its huskin a hominy block, easily prepared out of a log, and sifted with acoarse corn bag; but for horses it should be fed in the straw. During the Atlanta campaign we were supplied by our regularcommissaries with all sorts of patent compounds, such as desiccatedvegetables, and concentrated milk, meat-biscuit, and sausages, butsomehow the men preferred the simpler and more familiar forms offood, and usually styled these "desecrated vegetables andconsecrated milk. " We were also supplied liberally withlime-juice, sauerkraut, and pickles, as an antidote to scurvy, andI now recall the extreme anxiety of my medical director, Dr. Kittoe, about the scurvy, which he reported at one time as spreading andimperiling the army. This occurred at a crisis about Kenesaw, whenthe railroad was taxed to its utmost capacity to provide thenecessary ammunition, food, and forage, and could not possiblybring us an adequate supply of potatoes and cabbage, the usualanti-scorbutics, when providentially the black berries ripened andproved an admirable antidote, and I have known the skirmish-line, without orders, to fight a respectable battle for the possession ofsome old fields that were full of blackberries. Soon, thereafter, the green corn or roasting-ear came into season, and I heard nomore of the scurvy. Our country abounds with plants which can beutilized for a prevention to the scurvy; besides the above are thepersimmon, the sassafras root and bud, the wild-mustard, the"agave, " turnip tops, the dandelion cooked as greens, and adecoction of the ordinary pine-leaf. 

For the more delicate and costly articles of food for the sick werelied mostly on the agents of the Sanitary Commission. I do notwish to doubt the value of these organizations, which gained somuch applause during our civil war, for no one can question themotives of these charitable and generous people; but to be honest Imust record an opinion that the Sanitary Commission should limitits operations to the hospitals at the rear, and should neverappear at the front. They were generally local in feeling, aimedto furnish their personal friends and neighbors with a better classof food than the Government supplied, and the consequence was, thatone regiment of a brigade would receive potatoes and fruit whichwould be denied another regiment close by: Jealousy would be theinevitable result, and in an army all parts should be equal; thereshould be no "partiality, favor, or affection. " The Governmentshould supply all essential wants, and in the hospitals to the rearwill be found abundant opportunities for the exercise of allpossible charity and generosity. During the war I several timesgained the ill-will of the agents of the Sanitary Commissionbecause I forbade their coming to the front unless they wouldconsent to distribute their stores equally among all, regardless ofthe parties who had contributed them. 

The sick, wounded, and dead of an army are the subjects of thegreatest possible anxiety, and add an immense amount of labor tothe well men. Each regiment in an active campaign should have asurgeon and two assistants always close at hand, and each brigadeand division should have an experienced surgeon as a medicaldirector. The great majority of wounds and of sickness should betreated by the regimental surgeon, on the ground, under the eye ofthe colonel. As few should be sent to the brigade or divisionhospital as possible, for the men always receive better care withtheir own regiment than with strangers, and as a rule the cure ismore certain; but when men receive disabling wounds, or havesickness likely to become permanent, the sooner they go far to therear the better for all. The tent or the shelter of a tree is abetter hospital than a house, whose walls absorb fetid andpoisonous emanations, and then give them back to the atmosphere. To men accustomed to the open air, who live on the plainest food, wounds seem to give less pain, and are attended with less danger tolife than to ordinary soldiers in barracks. 

Wounds which, in 1861, would have sent a man to the hospital formonths, in 1865 were regarded as mere scratches, rather the subjectof a joke than of sorrow. To new soldiers the sight of blood anddeath always has a sickening effect, but soon men become accustomedto it, and I have heard them exclaim on seeing a dead comrade borneto the rear, "Well, Bill has turned up his toes to the daisies. "Of course, during a skirmish or battle, armed men should neverleave their ranks to attend a dead or wounded comrade--this shouldbe seen to in advance by the colonel, who should designate hismusicians or company cooks as hospital attendants, with a white ragon their arm to indicate their office. A wounded man should gohimself (if able) to the surgeon near at hand, or, if he need help, he should receive it from one of the attendants and not a comrade. It is wonderful how soon the men accustom themselves to thesesimple rules. In great battles these matters call for a moreenlarged attention, and then it becomes the duty of the divisiongeneral to see that proper stretchers and field hospitals are readyfor the wounded, and trenches are dug for the dead. There shouldbe no real neglect of the dead, because it has a bad effect on theliving; for each soldier values himself and comrade as highly asthough he were living in a good house at home. 

The regimental chaplain, if any, usually attends the burials fromthe hospital, should make notes and communicate details to thecaptain of the company, and to the family at home. Of course it isusually impossible to mark the grave with names, dates, etc. , andconsequently the names of the "unknown" in our national cemeteriesequal about one-half of all the dead. 

Very few of the battles in which I have participated were fought asdescribed in European text-books, viz. , in great masses, in perfectorder, manoeuvring by corps, divisions, and brigades. We weregenerally in a wooded country, and, though our lines were deployedaccording to tactics, the men generally fought in strongskirmish-lines, taking advantage of the shape of ground, and ofevery cover. We were generally the assailants, and in wooded andbroken countries the "defensive" had a positive advantage over us, for they were always ready, had cover, and always knew the groundto their immediate front; whereas we, their assailants, had togrope our way over unknown ground, and generally found a clearedfield or prepared entanglements that held us for a time under aclose and withering fire. Rarely did the opposing lines in compactorder come into actual contact, but when, as at Peach-Tree Creekand Atlanta, the lines did become commingled, the men foughtindividually in every possible style, more frequently with themusket clubbed than with the bayonet, and in some instances the menclinched like wrestlers, and went to the ground together. Europeans frequently criticised our war, because we did not alwaystake full advantage of a victory; the true reason was, thathabitually the woods served as a screen, and we often did notrealize the fact that our enemy had retreated till he was alreadymiles away and was again intrenched, having left a mereskirmish-line to cover the movement, in turn to fall back to thenew position. 

Our war was fought with the muzzle-loading rifle. Toward the closeI had one brigade (Walcutt's) armed with breech-loading "Spencer's;"the cavalry generally had breach-loading carbines, "Spencer's" and"Sharp's, " both of which were good arms. 

The only change that breech-loading arms will probably make in theart and practice of war will be to increase the amount ofammunition to be expended, and necessarily to be carried along; tostill further "thin out" the lines of attack, and to reduce battlesto short, quick, decisive conflicts. It does not in the leastaffect the grand strategy, or the necessity for perfectorganization, drill, and discipline. The companies and battalionswill be more dispersed, and the men will be less under theimmediate eye of their officers, and therefore a higher order ofintelligence and courage on the part of the individual soldier willbe an element of strength. 

When a regiment is deployed as skirmishers, and crosses an openfield or woods, under heavy fire, if each man runs forward fromtree to tree, or stump to stump, and yet preserves a good generalalignment, it gives great confidence to the men themselves, forthey always keep their eyes well to the right and left, and watchtheir comrades; but when some few hold back, stick too close or toolong to a comfortable log, it often stops the line and defeats thewhole object. Therefore, the more we improve the fire-arm the morewill be the necessity for good organization, good discipline andintelligence on the part of the individual soldier and officer. There is, of course, such a thing as individual courage, which hasa value in war, but familiarity with danger, experience in war andits common attendants, and personal habit, are equally valuabletraits, and these are the qualities with which we usually have todeal in war. All men naturally shrink from pain and danger, andonly incur their risk from some higher motive, or from habit; sothat I would define true courage to be a perfect sensibility of themeasure of danger, and a mental willingness to incur it, ratherthan that insensibility to danger of which I have heard far morethan I have seen. The most courageous men are generallyunconscious of possessing the quality; therefore, when oneprofesses it too openly, by words or bearing, there is reason tomistrust it. I would further illustrate my meaning by describing aman of true courage to be one who possesses all his faculties andsenses perfectly when serious danger is actually present. 

Modern wars have not materially changed the relative values orproportions of the several arms of service: infantry, artillery, cavalry, and engineers. If any thing, the infantry has beenincreased in value. The danger of cavalry attempting to chargeinfantry armed with breech-loading rifles was fully illustrated atSedan, and with us very frequently. So improbable has such a thingbecome that we have omitted the infantry-square from our recenttactics. Still, cavalry against cavalry, and as auxiliary toinfantry, will always be valuable, while all great wars will, asheretofore, depend chiefly on the infantry. Artillery is morevaluable with new and inexperienced troops than with veterans. Inthe early stages of the war the field-guns often bore theproportion of six to a thousand men; but toward the close of thewar one gun; or at most two, to a thousand men, was deemed enough. Sieges; such as characterized the wars of the last century, are tooslow for this period of the world, and the Prussians recentlyalmost ignored them altogether, penetrated France between theforts, and left a superior force "in observation, " to watch thegarrison and accept its surrender when the greater events of thewar ahead made further resistance useless; but earth-forts, andespecially field-works, will hereafter play an important part inwar, because they enable a minor force to hold a superior one incheck for a time, and time is a most valuable element in all wars. It was one of Prof. Mahan's maxims that the spade was as useful inwar as the musket, and to this I will add the axe. The habit ofintrenching certainly does have the effect of making new troopstimid. When a line of battle is once covered by a good parapet, made by the engineers or by the labor of the men themselves, itdoes require an effort to make them leave it in the face of danger;but when the enemy is intrenched, it becomes absolutely necessaryto permit each brigade and division of the troops immediatelyopposed to throw up a corresponding trench for their own protectionin case of a sudden sally. We invariably did this in all ourrecent campaigns, and it had no ill effect, though sometimes ourtroops were a little too slow in leaving their well-covered linesto assail the enemy in position or on retreat. Even ourskirmishers were in the habit of rolling logs together, or ofmaking a lunette of rails, with dirt in front, to cover theirbodies; and, though it revealed their position, I cannot say thatit worked a bad effect; so that, as a rule, it may safely be leftto the men themselves: On the "defensive, " there is no doubt of thepropriety of fortifying; but in the assailing army the general mustwatch closely to see that his men do not neglect an opportunity todrop his precautionary defenses, and act promptly on the"offensive" at every chance. 

I have many a time crept forward to the skirmish-line to availmyself of the cover of the pickets "little fort, " to observe moreclosely some expected result; and always talked familiarly with themen, and was astonished to see how well they comprehended thegeneral object, and how accurately they were informed of the sateof facts existing miles away from their particular corps. Soldiersare very quick to catch the general drift and purpose of acampaign, and are always sensible when they are well commanded orwell cared for. Once impressed with this fact, and that they aremaking progress, they bear cheerfully any amount of labor andprivation. 

In camp, and especially in the presence of an active enemy, it ismuch easier to maintain discipline than in barracks in time ofpeace. Crime and breaches of discipline are much less frequent, and the necessity for courts-martial far less. The captain canusually inflict all the punishment necessary, and the colonelshould always. The field-officers' court is the best form for war, viz. , one of the field-officers-the lieutenant-colonel or major--can examine the case and report his verdict, and the colonelshould execute it. Of course, there are statutory offenses whichdemand a general court-martial, and these must be ordered by thedivision or corps commander; but, the presence of one of ourregular civilian judge-advocates in an army in the field would be afirst-class nuisance, for technical courts always work mischief. Too many courts-martial in any command are evidence of poordiscipline and inefficient officers. 

For the rapid transmission of orders in an army covering a largespace of ground, the magnetic telegraph is by far the best, thoughhabitually the paper and pencil, with good mounted orderlies, answer every purpose. I have little faith in the signal-service byflags and torches, though we always used them; because, almostinvariably when they were most needed, the view was cut off byintervening trees, or by mists and fogs. There was one notableinstance in my experience, when the signal-flags carried a message. Of vital importance over the heads of Hood's army, which hadinterposed between me and Allatoona, and had broken thetelegraph-wires--as recorded in Chapter XIX. ; but the value of themagnetic telegraph in war cannot be exaggerated, as was illustratedby the perfect concert of action between the armies in Virginia andGeorgia during 1864. Hardly a day intervened when General Grantdid not know the exact state of facts with me, more than fifteenhundred miles away as the wires ran. So on the field a thininsulated wire may be run on improvised stakes or from tree to treefor six or more miles in a couple of hours, and I have seenoperators so skillful, that by cutting the wire they would receivea message with their tongues from a distant station. As a matterof course, the ordinary commercial wires along the railways formthe usual telegraph-lines for an army, and these are easilyrepaired and extended as the army advances, but each army and wingshould have a small party of skilled men to put up the field-wire, and take it down when done. This is far better than thesignal-flags and torches. Our commercial telegraph-lines willalways supply for war enough skillful operators. 

The value of railways is also fully recognized in war quite as muchas, if not more so than, in peace. The Atlanta campaign wouldsimply have been impossible without the use of the railroads fromLouisville to Nashville--one hundred and eighty-five miles--fromNashville to Chattanooga--one hundred and fifty-one miles--and fromChattanooga to Atlanta--one hundred and thirty-seven miles. Everymile of this "single track" was so delicate, that one man could ina minute have broken or moved a rail, but our trains usuallycarried along the tools and means to repair such a break. We had, however, to maintain strong guards and garrisons at each importantbridge or trestle--the destruction of which would have necessitatedtime for rebuilding. For the protection of a bridge, one or twolog block houses, two stories high, with a piece of ordnance and asmall infantry guard, usually sufficed. The block-house had asmall parapet and ditch about it, and the roof was made shot proofby earth piled on. These points could usually be reached only by adash of the enemy's cavalry, and many of these block housessuccessfully resisted serious attacks by both cavalry andartillery. The only block-house that was actually captured on themain was the one described near Allatoona. Our trains fromNashville forward were operated under military rules, and ran aboutten miles an hour in gangs of four trains of ten cars each. Foursuch groups of trains daily made one hundred and sixty cars, of tentons each, carrying sixteen hundred tons, which exceeded theabsolute necessity of the army, and allowed for the accidents thatwere common and inevitable. But, as I have recorded, that singlestem of railroad, four hundred and seventy-three miles long, supplied an army of one hundred thousand men and thirty-fivethousand animals for the period of one hundred and ninety-six days, viz. , from May 1 to November 12, 1864. To have delivered regularlythat amount of food and forage by ordinary wagons would haverequired thirty-six thousand eight hundred wagons of six muleseach, allowing each wagon to have hauled two tons twenty miles eachday, a simple impossibility in roads such as then existed in thatregion of country. Therefore, I reiterate that the Atlantacampaign was an impossibility without these railroads; and onlythen, because we had the men and means to maintain and defend them, in addition to what were necessary to overcome the enemy. Habitually, a passenger-car will carry fifty men with theirnecessary baggage. Box-cars, and even platform-cars, answer thepurpose well enough, but they, should always have roughboard-seats. For sick and wounded men, box-cars filled with strawor bushes were usually employed. Personally, I saw but little ofthe practical working of the railroads, for I only turned back onceas far as Resaca; but I had daily reports from the engineer incharge, and officers who came from the rear often explained to methe whole thing, with a description of the wrecked trains all theway from Nashville to Atlanta. I am convinced that the risk tolife to the engineers and men on that railroad fully equaled thaton the skirmish-line, called for as high an order of courage, andfully equaled it in importance. Still, I doubt if there be anynecessity in time of peace to organize a corps specially to workthe military railroads in time of war, because in peace these samemen gain all the necessary experience, possess all the daring andcourage of soldiers, and only need the occasional protection andassistance of the necessary train-guard, which may be composed ofthe furloughed men coming and going, or of details made from thelocal garrisons to the rear. 

For the transfer of large armies by rail, from one theatre ofaction to another by the rear--the cases of the transfer of theEleventh and Twelfth Corps--General Hooker, twenty-three thousandmen--from the East to Chattanooga, eleven hundred and ninety-twomiles in seven days, in the fall of 1863; and that of the Army ofthe Ohio--General Schofield, fifteen thousand men--from the valleyof the Tennessee to Washington, fourteen hundred miles in elevendays, en route to North Carolina in January, 1865, are the bestexamples of which I have any knowledge, and reference to these ismade in the report of the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, datedNovember 22, 1865. 

Engineer troops attached to an army are habitually employed insupervising the construction of forts or field works of a naturemore permanent than the lines need by the troops in motion, and inrepairing roads and making bridges. I had several regiments ofthis kind that were most useful, but as a rule we used theinfantry, or employed parties of freedmen, who worked on thetrenches at night while the soldiers slept, and these in turnrested by day. Habitually the repair of the railroad and itsbridges was committed to hired laborers, like the English navies, under the supervision of Colonel W. W. Wright, a railroad-engineer, who was in the military service at the time, and his successfullabors were frequently referred to in the official reports of thecampaign. 

For the passage of rivers, each army corps had a pontoon-train witha detachment of engineers, and, on reaching a river, the leadinginfantry division was charged with the labor of putting it down. Generally the single pontoon-train could provide for nine hundredfeet of bridge, which sufficed; but when the rivers were very widetwo such trains would be brought together, or the single train wassupplemented by a trestle-bridge, or bridges made on crib-work, outof timber found near the place. The pontoons in general use wereskeleton frames, made with a hinge, so as to fold back andconstitute a wagon-body. In this same wagon were carried thecotton canvas cover, the anchor and chains, and a due proportion ofthe balks, cheeses, and lashings. All the troops became veryfamiliar with their mechanism and use, and we were rarely delayedby reason of a river, however broad. I saw, recently, inAldershot, England, a very complete pontoon-train; the boats weresheathed with wood and felt, made very light; but I think thesewere more liable to chafing and damage in rough handling than wereour less expensive and rougher boats. On the whole, I would preferthe skeleton frame and canvas cover to any style of pontoon that Ihave ever seen. 

In relation to guards, pickets, and vedettes, I doubt if anydiscoveries or improvements were made during our war, or in any ofthe modern wars in Europe. These precautions vary with the natureof the country and the situation of each army. When advancing orretreating in line of battle, the usual skirmish-line constitutesthe picket-line, and may have "reserves, " but usually the main lineof battle constitutes the reserve; and in this connection I willstate that the recent innovation introduced into the new infantrytactics by General Upton is admirable, for by it each regiment, brigade, and division deployed, sends forward as "skirmishers" theone man of each set of fours, to cover its own front, and these canbe recalled or reenforced at pleasure by the bugle-signal. 

For flank-guards and rear-guards, one or more companies should bedetached under their own officers, instead of making up the guardby detailing men from the several companies. 

For regimental or camp guards, the details should be made accordingto existing army regulations; and all the guards should be postedearly in the evening, so as to afford each sentinel or vedette achance to study his ground before it becomes too dark. 

In like manner as to the staff. The more intimately it comes intocontact with the troops, the more useful and valuable it becomes. The almost entire separation of the staff from the line, as nowpractised by us, and hitherto by the French, has provedmischievous, and the great retinues of staff-officers with whichsome of our earlier generals began the war were simply ridiculous. I don't believe in a chief of staff at all, and any generalcommanding an army, corps, or division, that has a staff-officerwho professes to know more than his chief, is to be pitied. Eachregiment should have a competent adjutant, quartermaster, andcommissary, with two or three medical officers. Each brigadecommander should have the same staff, with the addition of a coupleof young aides-de-camp, habitually selected from the subalterns ofthe brigade, who should be good riders, and intelligent enough togive and explain the orders of their general. 

The same staff will answer for a division. The general in commandof a separate army, and of a corps d'armee, should have the sameprofessional assistance, with two or more good engineers, and hisadjutant-general should exercise all the functions usually ascribedto a chief of staff, viz. , he should possess the ability tocomprehend the scope of operations, and to make verbally and inwriting all the orders and details necessary to carry into effectthe views of his general, as well as to keep the returns andrecords of events for the information of the next higher authority, and for history. A bulky staff implies a division ofresponsibility, slowness of action, and indecision, whereas a smallstaff implies activity and concentration of purpose. The smallnessof General Grant's staff throughout the civil war forms the bestmodel for future imitation. So of tents, officers furniture, etc. , etc. In real war these should all be discarded, and an army isefficient for action and motion exactly in the inverse ratio of itsimpedimenta. Tents should be omitted altogether, save one to aregiment for an office, and a few for the division hospital. Officers should be content with a tent fly, improvising poles andshelter out of bushes. The tents d'abri, or shelter-tent, carriedby the soldier himself, is all-sufficient. Officers should neverseek for houses, but share the condition of their men. 

A recent message (July 18, 1874) made to the French Assembly byMarshal MacMahon, President of the French Republic, submits aprojet de loi, with a report prepared by a board of French generalson "army administration, " which is full of information, and is asapplicable to us as to the French. I quote from its verybeginning: "The misfortunes of the campaign of 1870 havedemonstrated the inferiority of our system.... Two separateorganizations existed with parallel functions--the 'general' moreoccupied in giving direction to his troops than in providing fortheir material wants, which he regarded as the special province ofthe staff, and the 'intendant' (staff) often working at random, taking on his shoulders a crushing burden of functions and duties, exhausting himself with useless efforts, and aiming to accomplishan insufficient service, to the disappointment of everybody. Thisseparation of the administration and command, this coexistence oftwo wills, each independent of the other, which paralyzed both andannulled the dualism, was condemned. It was decided by the boardthat this error should be "proscribed" in the new military system. The report then goes on at great length discussing the provisions. Of the "new law, " which is described to be a radical change fromthe old one on the same subject. While conceding to the Ministerof War in Paris the general control and supervision of the entiremilitary establishment primarily, especially of the annualestimates or budget, and the great depots of supply, it distributesto the commanders of the corps d'armee in time of peace, and to allarmy commanders generally in time of war, the absolute command ofthe money, provisions, and stores, with the necessary staff-officers to receive, issue, and account for them. I quote further:"The object of this law is to confer on the commander of troopswhatever liberty of action the case demands. He has the power evento go beyond the regulations, in circumstances of urgency andpressing necessity. The extraordinary measures he may take onthese occasions may require their execution without delay. Thestaff-officer has but one duty before obeying, and that is tosubmit his observations to the general, and to ask his orders inwriting. 

With this formality his responsibility ceases, and theresponsibility for the extraordinary act falls solely on thegeneral who gives the order. The officers and agents charged withsupplies are placed under the orders of the general in command ofthe troops, that is, they are obliged both in war and peace toobey, with the single qualification above named, of first makingtheir observations and securing the written order of the general. 

With us, to-day, the law and regulations are that, no matter whatmay be the emergency, the commanding general in Texas, New Mexico, and the remote frontiers, cannot draw from the arsenals a pistol-cartridge, or any sort of ordnance-stores, without first procuringan order of the Secretary of War in Washington. The commandinggeneral--though intrusted with the lives of his soldiers and withthe safety of a frontier in a condition of chronic war--cannottouch or be trusted with ordnance-stores or property, and that isdeclared to be the law! Every officer of the old army remembershow, in 1861, we were hampered with the old blue army regulations, which tied our hands, and that to do any thing positive andnecessary we had to tear it all to pieces--cut the red-tape, as itwas called, a dangerous thing for an army to do, for it wascalculated to bring the law and authority into contempt; but warwas upon us, and overwhelming necessity overrides all law. 

This French report is well worth the study of our army-officers, ofall grades and classes, and I will only refer again, casually, toanother part, wherein it discusses the subject of militarycorrespondence: whether the staff-officer should corresponddirectly with his chief in Paris, submitting to his general copies, or whether he should be required to carry on his correspondencethrough his general, so that the latter could promptly forward thecommunication, indorsed with his own remarks and opinions. Thelatter is declared by the board to be the only safe role, because"the general should never be ignorant of any thing that istranspiring that concerns his command. "

In this country, as in France, Congress controls the greatquestions of war and peace, makes all laws for the creation andgovernment of armies, and votes the necessary supplies, leaving tothe President to execute and apply these laws, especially theharder task of limiting the expenditure of public money to theamount of the annual appropriations. The executive power isfurther subdivided into the seven great departments, and to theSecretary of War is confided the general care of the militaryestablishment, and his powers are further subdivided into tendistinct and separate bureaus. 

The chiefs of these bureaus are under the immediate orders of theSecretary of War, who, through them, in fact commands the army from"his office, " but cannot do so "in the field"--an absurdity inmilitary if not civil law. 

The subordinates of these staff-corps and departments are selectedand chosen from the army itself, or fresh from West Point, and toocommonly construe themselves into the elite, as made of better claythan the common soldier. Thus they separate themselves more andmore from their comrades of the line, and in process of timerealize the condition of that old officer of artillery who thoughtthe army would be a delightful place for a gentleman if it were notfor the d-d soldier; or, better still, the conclusion of the younglord in "Henry IV. , " who told Harry Percy (Hotspur) that "but forthese vile guns he would himself have been a soldier. " This is allwrong; utterly at variance with our democratic form of governmentand of universal experience; and now that the French, from whom wehad copied the system, have utterly "proscribed" it, I hope thatour Congress will follow suit. I admit, in its fullest force, thestrength of the maxim that the civil law should be superior to themilitary in time of peace; that the army should be at all timessubject to the direct control of Congress; and I assert that, fromthe formation of our Government to the present day, the RegularArmy has set the highest example of obedience to law and authority;but, for the very reason that our army is comparatively so verysmall, I hold that it should be the best possible, organized andgoverned on true military principles, and that in time of peace weshould preserve the "habits and usages of war, " so that, when wardoes come, we may not again be compelled to suffer the disgrace, confusion, and disorder of 1861. 

The commanding officers of divisions, departments, and posts, should have the amplest powers, not only to command their troops, but all the stores designed for their use, and the officers of thestaff necessary to administer them, within the area of theircommand; and then with fairness they could be held to the mostperfect responsibility. The President and Secretary of War cancommand the army quite as well through these generals as throughthe subordinate staff-officers. Of course, the Secretary would, asnow, distribute the funds according to the appropriation bills, andreserve to himself the absolute control and supervision of thelarger arsenals and depots of supply. The error lies in the law, or in the judicial interpretation thereof, and no code of armyregulations can be made that meets the case, until Congress, likethe French Corps Legislatif, utterly annihilates and "proscribes"the old law and the system which has grown up under it. 

It is related of Napoleon that his last words were, "Tete d'armee!"Doubtless, as the shadow of death obscured his memory, the lastthought that remained for speech was of some event when he wasdirecting an important "head of column. " I believe that everygeneral who has handled armies in battle most recall from his ownexperience the intensity of thought on some similar occasion, whenby a single command he had given the finishing stroke to somecomplicated action; but to me recurs another thought that is worthyof record, and may encourage others who are to follow us in ourprofession. I never saw the rear of an army engaged in battle butI feared that some calamity had happened at the front the apparentconfusion, broken wagons, crippled horses, men lying about dead andmaimed, parties hastening to and fro in seeming disorder, and ageneral apprehension of something dreadful about to ensue; allthese signs, however, lessened as I neared the front, and there thecontrast was complete--perfect order, men and horses--full ofconfidence, and it was not unusual for general hilarity, laughing, and cheering. Although cannon might be firing, the musketryclattering, and the enemy's shot hitting close, there reigned ageneral feeling of strength and security that bore a markedcontrast to the bloody signs that had drifted rapidly to the rear;therefore, for comfort and safety, I surely would rather be at thefront than the rear line of battle. So also on the march, the headof a column moves on steadily, while the rear is alternatelyhalting and then rushing forward to close up the gap; and all sortsof rumors, especially the worst, float back to the rear. Oldtroops invariably deem it a special privilege to be in the front--to be at the "head of column"--because experience has taught themthat it is the easiest and most comfortable place, and danger onlyadds zest and stimulus to this fact. 

The hardest task in war is to lie in support of some position orbattery, under fire without the privilege of returning it; or toguard some train left in the rear, within hearing but out ofdanger; or to provide for the wounded and dead of some corps whichis too busy ahead to care for its own. 

To be at the head of a strong column of troops, in the execution ofsome task that requires brain, is the highest pleasure of war--agrim one and terrible, but which leaves on the mind and memory thestrongest mark; to detect the weak point of an enemy's line; tobreak through with vehemence and thus lead to victory; or todiscover some key-point and hold it with tenacity; or to do someother distinct act which is afterward recognized as the real causeof success. These all become matters that are never forgotten. Other great difficulties, experienced by every general, are tomeasure truly the thousand-and-one reports that come to him in themidst of conflict; to preserve a clear and well-defined purpose atevery instant of time, and to cause all efforts to converge to thatend. 

To do these things he must know perfectly the strength and qualityof each part of his own army, as well as that of his opponent, andmust be where he can personally see and observe with his own eyes, and judge with his own mind. No man can properly command an armyfrom the rear, he must be "at its front;" and when a detachment ismade, the commander thereof should be informed of the object to beaccomplished, and left as free as possible to execute it in his ownway; and when an army is divided up into several parts, thesuperior should always attend that one which he regards as mostimportant. Some men think that modern armies may be so regulatedthat a general can sit in an office and play on his several columnsas on the keys of a piano; this is a fearful mistake. Thedirecting mind must be at the very head of the army--must be seenthere, and the effect of his mind and personal energy must be feltby every officer and man present with it, to secure the bestresults. Every attempt to make war easy and safe will result inhumiliation and disaster. 

Lastly, mail facilities should be kept up with an army if possible, that officers and men may receive and send letters to theirfriends, thus maintaining the home influence of infinite assistanceto discipline. Newspaper correspondents with an army, as a rule, are mischievous. They are the world's gossips, pick up and retailthe camp scandal, and gradually drift to the headquarters of somegeneral, who finds it easier to make reputation at home than withhis own corps or division. They are also tempted to prophesyevents and state facts which, to an enemy, reveal a purpose in timeto guard against it. Moreover, they are always bound to see factscolored by the partisan or political character of their ownpatrons, and thus bring army officers into the politicalcontroversies of the day, which are always mischievous and wrong. Yet, so greedy are the people at large for war news, that it isdoubtful whether any army commander can exclude all reporters, without bringing down on himself a clamor that may imperil his ownsafety. Time and moderation must bring a just solution to thismodern difficulty. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

AFTER THE WAR

In the foregoing pages I have endeavored to describe the publicevents in which I was an actor or spectator before and during thecivil war of 1861-'65, and it now only remains for me to treat ofsimilar matters of general interest subsequent to the civil war. Within a few days of the grand review of May 24, 1865, I took leaveof the army at Washington, and with my family went to Chicago toattend a fair held in the interest of the families of soldiersimpoverished by the war. I remained there about two weeks; on the22d of June was at South Bend, Indiana, where two of my childrenwere at school, and reached my native place, Lancaster, Ohio, onthe 24th. On the 4th of July I visited at Louisville, Kentucky, the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Army Corps, which had come from Washington, under the command of General JohnA. Logan, for "muster out, " or "further orders. " I then made ashort visit to General George H. Thomas at Nashville, and returnedto Lancaster, where I remained with the family till the receipt ofGeneral Orders No. 118 of June 27, 1865, which divided the wholeterritory of the United States into nineteen departments and fivemilitary divisions, the second of which was the military divisionof the "Mississippi, " afterward changed to "Missouri, " Major-General W. T. Sherman to command, with, headquarters at St. Louis, to embrace the Departments of the Ohio, Missouri, and Arkansas. 

This territorial command included the States north of the OhioRiver, and the States and Territories north of Texas, as far westas the Rocky Mountains, including Montana, Utah, and New Mexico, but the part east of the Mississippi was soon transferred toanother division. The department commanders were General E. O. C. Ord, at Detroit; General John Pope, at Fort Leavenworth; andGeneral J. J. Reynolds, at Little Rock, but these also were soonchanged. I at once assumed command, and ordered my staff andheadquarters from Washington to St. Louis, Missouri, going there inperson on the 16th of July. 

My thoughts and feelings at once reverted to the construction ofthe great Pacific Railway, which had been chartered by Congress inthe midst of war, and was then in progress. I put myself incommunication with the parties engaged in the work, visiting themin person, and assured them that I would afford them all possibleassistance and encouragement. Dr. Durant, the leading man of theUnion Pacific, seemed to me a person of ardent nature, of greatability and energy, enthusiastic in his undertaking, and determinedto build the road from Omaha to San Francisco. He had an ablecorps of assistants, collecting materials, letting out contractsfor ties, grading, etc. , and I attended the celebration of thefirst completed division of sixteen and a half miles, from Omaha toPapillon. When the orators spoke so confidently of thedetermination to build two thousand miles of railway across theplains, mountains, and desert, devoid of timber, with nopopulation, but on the contrary raided by the bold and bloody Siouxand Cheyennes, who had almost successfully defied our power forhalf a century, I was disposed to treat it jocularly, because Icould not help recall our California experience of 1855-'56, whenwe celebrated the completion of twenty-two and a half miles of thesame road eastward of Sacramento; on which occasion Edward Bakerhad electrified us by his unequalled oratory, painting the gloriousthings which would result from uniting the Western coast with theEast by bands of iron. Baker then, with a poet's imagination, sawthe vision of the mighty future, but not the gulf which meantimewas destined to swallow up half a million of the brightest and bestyouth of our land, and that he himself would be one of the firstvictims far away on the banks of the Potomac (he was killed inbattle at Balls Bluff, October 21, 1861). 

The Kansas Pacific was designed to unite with the main branch aboutthe 100 deg. Meridian, near Fort Kearney. Mr. Shoemaker was itsgeneral superintendent and building contractor, and this branch in1865 was finished about forty miles to a point near Lawrence, Kansas. I may not be able to refer to these roads again exceptincidentally, and will, therefore, record here that the location ofthis branch afterward was changed from the Republican to the SmokyHill Fork of the Kansas River, and is now the main line to Denver. The Union and Central Railroads from the beginning were pushed witha skill, vigor, and courage which always commanded my admiration, the two meeting at Promontory Point, Utah, July 15, 1869, and in myjudgment constitute one of the greatest and most beneficentachievements of man on earth. 

The construction of the Union Pacific Railroad was deemed soimportant that the President, at my suggestion, constituted on the5th of March, 1866, the new Department of the Platte, General P. St. George Cooke commanding, succeeded by General C. C. Augur, headquarters at Omaha, with orders to give ample protection to theworking-parties, and to afford every possible assistance in theconstruction of the road; and subsequently in like manner theDepartment of Dakota was constituted, General A. H. Terrycommanding, with headquarters at St. Paul, to give similarprotection and encouragement to the Northern Pacific Railroad. These departments, with changed commanders, have continued up tothe present day, and have fulfilled perfectly the uses for whichthey were designed. 

During the years 1865 and 1866 the great plains remained almost ina state of nature, being the pasture-fields of about ten millionbuffalo, deer, elk, and antelope, and were in full possession ofthe Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, and Kiowas, a race of boldIndians, who saw plainly that the construction of two parallelrailroads right through their country would prove destructive tothe game on which they subsisted, and consequently fatal tothemselves. 

The troops were posted to the best advantage to protect the partiesengaged in building these roads, and in person I reconnoitred wellto the front, traversing the buffalo regions from south to north, and from east to west, often with a very small escort, minglingwith the Indians whenever safe, and thereby gained personalknowledge of matters which enabled me to use the troops to the bestadvantage. I am sure that without the courage and activity of thedepartment commanders with the small bodies of regular troops onthe plains during the years 1866-'69, the Pacific Railroads couldnot have been built; but once built and in full operation the fateof the buffalo and Indian was settled for all time to come. 

At the close of the civil war there were one million five hundredand sixteen names on the muster-rolls, of which seven hundred andninety-seven thousand eight hundred and seven were present, and twohundred and two thousand seven hundred and nine absent, of whichtwenty-two thousand nine hundred and twenty-nine were regulars, theothers were volunteers, colored troops, and veteran reserves. Theregulars consisted of six regiments of cavalry, five of artillery, and nineteen of infantry. By the act of July 28, 1866, the peaceestablishment was fixed at one general (Grant), one lieutenant-general (Sherman), five major-generals (Halleck, Meade, Sheridan, Thomas, and Hancock), ten brigadiers (McDowell, Cooke, Pope, Hooker, Schofield, Howard, Terry, Ord, Canby, and Rousseau), tenregiments of cavalry, five of artillery, and forty-five ofinfantry, admitting of an aggregate force of fifty-four thousandsix hundred and forty-one men. 

All others were mustered out, and thus were remanded to their homesnearly a million of strong, vigorous men who had imbibed thesomewhat erratic habits of the soldier; these were of everyprofession and trade in life, who, on regaining their homes, foundtheir places occupied by others, that their friends and neighborswere different, and that they themselves had changed. Theynaturally looked for new homes to the great West, to the newTerritories and States as far as the Pacific coast, and we realizeto-day that the vigorous men who control Kansas, Nebraska, Dakota, Montana, Colorado, etc. , etc. , were soldiers of the civil war. These men flocked to the plains, and were rather stimulated thanretarded by the danger of an Indian war. This was another potentagency in producing the result we enjoy to-day, in having in soshort a time replaced the wild buffaloes by more numerous herds oftame cattle, and by substituting for the useless Indians theintelligent owners of productive farms and cattle-ranches. 

While these great changes were being wrought at the West, in theEast politics had resumed full sway, and all the methods ofanti-war times had been renewed. President Johnson had differedwith his party as to the best method of reconstructing the Stategovernments of the South, which had been destroyed and impoverishedby the war, and the press began to agitate the question of the nextPresident. Of course, all Union men naturally turned to GeneralGrant, and the result was jealousy of him by the personal friendsof President Johnson and some of his cabinet. Mr. Johnson alwaysseemed very patriotic and friendly, and I believed him honest andsincere in his declared purpose to follow strictly the Constitutionof the United States in restoring the Southern States to theirnormal place in the Union; but the same cordial friendshipsubsisted between General Grant and myself, which was the outgrowthof personal relations dating back to 1839. So I resolved to keepout of this conflict. In September, 1866, I was in the mountainsof New Mexico, when a message reached me that I was wanted atWashington. I had with me a couple of officers and half a dozensoldiers as escort, and traveled down the Arkansas, through theKiowas, Comanches, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes, all more or lessdisaffected, but reached St. Louis in safety, and proceeded toWashington, where I reported to General Grant. 

He explained to me that President Johnson wanted to see me. He didnot know the why or wherefore, but supposed it had some connectionwith an order he (General Grant) had received to escort the newlyappointed Minister, Hon. Lew Campbell, of Ohio, to the court ofJuarez, the President-elect of Mexico, which country was still inpossession of the Emperor Maximilian, supported by a corps ofFrench troops commanded by General Bazaine. General Grant deniedthe right of the President to order him on a diplomatic missionunattended by troops; said that he had thought the matter over, world disobey the order, and stand the consequences. He manifestedmuch feeling; and said it was a plot to get rid of him. I thenwent to President Johnson, who treated me with great cordiality, and said that he was very glad I had come; that General Grant wasabout to go to Mexico on business of importance, and he wanted meat Washington to command the army in General Grant's absence. Ithen informed him that General Grant would not go, and he seemedamazed; said that it was generally understood that General Grantconstrued the occupation of the territories of our neighbor, Mexico, by French troops, and the establishment of an empiretherein, with an Austrian prince at its head, as hostile torepublican America, and that the Administration had arranged withthe French Government for the withdrawal of Bazaine's troops, whichwould leave the country free for the President-elect Juarez toreoccupy the city of Mexico, etc. , etc. ; that Mr. Campbell had beenaccredited to Juarez, and the fact that he was accompanied by sodistinguished a soldier as General Grant would emphasize the act ofthe United States. I simply reiterated that General Grant wouldnot go, and that he, Mr. Johnson, could not afford to quarrel withhim at that time. I further argued that General Grant was at themoment engaged on the most delicate and difficult task ofreorganizing the army under the act of July 28, 1866; that if thereal object was to put Mr. Campbell in official communication withPresident Juarez, supposed to be at El Paso or Monterey, eitherGeneral Hancock, whose command embraced New Mexico, or GeneralSheridan, whose command included Texas, could fulfill the objectperfectly; or, in the event of neither of these alternates provingsatisfactory to the Secretary of State, that I could be easierspared than General Grant. "Certainly, " answered the President, "if you will go, that will answer perfectly. "

The instructions of the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, to Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, Minister to Mexico, dated October 25, 1866; aletter from President Johnson to Secretary of War Stanton, datedOctober 26, 1866; and the letter of Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary ofWar, to General Grant, dated October 27th, had been alreadyprepared and printed, and the originals or copies were furnishedme; but on the 30th of October, 1866, the following letter passed

EXECUTIVE MANSION

WASHINGTON, D. C. , October 30, 1866. 

SIR: General Ulysses S. Grant having found it inconvenient toassume the duties specified in my letter to you of the 26th inst. , you will please relieve him, and assign them in all respects toWilliam T. Sherman, Lieutenant-General of the Army of the UnitedStates. By way of guiding General Sherman in the performance ofhis duties, you will furnish him with a copy of your special ordersto General Grant made in compliance with my letter of the 26thinst. , together with a copy of the instructions of the Secretary ofState to Lewis D. Campbell, Esq. , therein mentioned. 

The lieutenant-general will proceed to the execution of his dutieswithout delay. 

Very respectfully yours, ANDREW JOHNSONTo the Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

At the Navy Department I learned that the United States shipSusquehanna, Captain Alden, was fitting out in New York for the useof this mission, and that there would be time for me to return toSt. Louis to make arrangements for a prolonged absence, as also tocommunicate with Mr. Campbell, who was still at his home inHamilton, Ohio. By correspondence we agreed to meet in New York, November 8th, he accompanied by Mr. Plumb, secretary of legation, and I by my aide, Colonel Audenried. 

We embarked November 10th, and went to sea next day, making forHavana and Vera Cruz, and, as soon as we were outside of SandyHook, I explained to Captain Alden that my mission was ended, because I believed by substituting myself for General Grant I hadprevented a serious quarrel between him and the Administration, which was unnecessary. We reached Havana on the 18th, with nothingto vary the monotony of an ordinary sea-voyage, except off Hatteraswe picked up one woman and twenty men from open boats, who had justabandoned a propeller bound from Baltimore to Charleston whichfoundered. The sea was very rough, but by the personal skill andsupervision of Captain Alden every soul reached our deck safely, and was carried to our consul at Havana. At Havana we were veryhandsomely entertained, especially by Senor Aldama, who took us byrail to his sugar-estates at Santa Ross, and back by Matanzas. 

We took our departure thence on the 25th, and anchored under IslaVerde, off Vera Cruz, on the 29th. 

Everything about Vera Cruz indicated the purpose of the French towithdraw, and also that the Emperor Maximilian would precede them, for the Austrian frigate Dandolo was in port, and an Austrian bark, on which were received, according to the report of our consul, Mr. Lane, as many as eleven hundred packages of private furniture to betransferred to Miramar, Maximilian's home; and Lieutenant Clarin, of the French navy, who visited the Susquehanna from the Frenchcommodore, Clouet, told me, without reserve, that, if we haddelayed eight days more, we would have found Maximilian gone. General Bazaine was reported to be in the city of Mexico with abouttwenty-eight thousand French troops; but instead of leaving Mexicoin three detachments, viz. , November, 1866, March, 1867, andNovember, 1867, as described in Mr. Seward's letter to Mr. Campbell, of October 25, 1866, it looked to me that, as a soldier, he would evacuate at some time before November, 1867, all at once, and not by detachments. Lieutenant Clarin telegraphed Bazaine atthe city of Mexico the fact of our arrival, and he sent me a mostcourteous and pressing invitation to come up to the city; but, aswe were accredited to the government of Juarez, it was consideredundiplomatic to establish friendly relations with the existingauthorities. Meantime we could not hear a word of Juarez, andconcluded to search for him along the coast northward. When I wasin Versailles, France, July, 1872, learning that General Bazainewas in arrest for the surrender of his army and post at Metz, in1870, I wanted to call on him to thank him for his courteousinvitation to me at Vera Cruz in 1866. I inquired of PresidentThiera if I could with propriety call on the marshal. He answeredthat it would be very acceptable, no doubt, but suggested forform's sake that I should consult the Minister of War, General deCissey, which I did, and he promptly assented. Accordingly, Icalled with my aide, Colonel Audenried, on Marshal Bazaine, whooccupied a small, two-story stone house at Versailles, in aninclosure with a high garden wall, at the front gate or door ofwhich was a lodge, in which was a military guard. We were shown toa good room on the second floor, where was seated the marshal inmilitary half-dress, with large head, full face, short neck, andevidently a man of strong physique. He did not speak English, butspoke Spanish perfectly. We managed to carry on a conversation inwhich I endeavored to convey my sense of his politeness in invitingme so cordially up to the city of Mexico, and my regret that thepeculiar duty on which I was engaged did not admit of a compliance, or even of an intelligent explanation, at the time. He spoke ofthe whole Mexican business as a "sad affair, " that the empirenecessarily fell with the result of our civil war, and that poorMaximilian was sacrificed to his own high sense of honor. 

While on board the Susquehanna, on the 1st day of December, 1866, we received the proclamation made by the Emperor Maximilian atOrizaba, in which, notwithstanding the near withdrawal of theFrench troops, he declared his purpose to remain and "shed the lastdrop of his blood in defense of his dear country. " Undoubtedlymany of the most substantial people of Mexico, having lost allfaith in the stability of the native government, had committedthemselves to what they considered the more stable government ofMaximilian, and Maximilian, a man of honor, concluded at the lastmoment he could not abandon them; the consequence was his death. 

Failing to hear of Juarez, we steamed up the coast to the Island ofLobos, and on to Tampico, off which we found the United Statessteamer Paul Jones, which, drawing less water than the Susquehanna, carried us over the bar to the city, then in possession of theLiberal party, which recognized Juarez as their constitutionalPresident, but of Juarez and his whereabout we could hear not aword; so we continued up the coast and anchored off BrazosSantiago, December 7th. Going ashore in small boats, we found arailroad, under the management of General J. R. West, now one ofthe commissioners of the city of Washington, who sent us up toBrownsville, Texas. We met on the way General Sheridan, returningfrom a tour of inspection of the Rio Grande frontier. On Sunday, December 9th, we were all at Matamoras, Mexico, where we metGeneral Escobedo, one of Juarez's trusty lieutenants, who developedto us the general plan agreed on for the overthrow of the empire, and the reestablishment of the republican government of Mexico. Heasked of us no assistance, except the loan of some arms, ammunition, clothing, and camp-equipage. It was agreed that Mr. Campbell should, as soon as he could get his baggage off theSusquehanna, return to Matamoras, and thence proceed to Monterey, to be received by Juarez in person as, the accredited Minister ofthe United States to the Republic of Mexico. Meantime the weatheroff the coast was stormy, and the Susquehanna parted a cable, sothat we were delayed some days at Brazos; but in due time Mr. Campbell got his baggage, and we regained the deck of theSusquehanna, which got up steam and started for New Orleans. Wereached New Orleans December 20th, whence I reported fullyeverything to General Grant, and on the 21st received the followingdispatch:

WASHINGTON, December 21, 1866. Lieutenant-General SHERMAN, New Orleans. 

Your telegram of yesterday has been submitted to the President. You are authorized to proceed to St. Louis at your convenience. Your proceedings in the special and delicate duties assigned youare cordially approved by the President and Cabinet and thisdepartment. EDWIN M. STANTON. 

And on the same day I received this dispatch

GALVESTON, December 21, 1866. To General SHERMAN, or General SHERIDAN. 

Will be in New Orleans to-morrow. Wish to see you both on arrival, on matters of importance. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, Minister to Mexico. 

Mr. Campbell arrived on the 22d, but had nothing to tell of theleast importance, save that he was generally disgusted with thewhole thing, and had not found Juarez at all. I am sure this wholemovement was got up for the purpose of getting General Grant awayfrom Washington, on the pretext of his known antagonism to theFrench occupation of Mexico, because he was looming up as acandidate for President, and nobody understood the animus andpurpose better than did Mr. Stanton. He himself was not then ongood terms with President Johnson, and with several of hisassociates in the Cabinet. By Christmas I was back in St. Louis. 

By this time the conflict between President Johnson and Congresshad become open and unconcealed. Congress passed the bill known asthe "Tenure of Civil Office" on the 2d of March, 1867 (over thePresident's veto), the first clause of which, now section 1767 ofthe Revised Statutes, reads thus: "Every person who holds any civiloffice to which he has been or hereafter may be appointed, by andwith the advice and consent of the Senate, and who shall havebecome duly qualified to act therein, shall be entitled to holdsuch office during the term for which he was appointed, unlesssooner removed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, orby the appointment with the like advice and consent of a successorin his place, except as herein otherwise provided. "

General E. D. Townsend, in his "Anecdotes of the Civil War, " statestersely and correctly the preliminary circumstances of which I musttreat. He says: "On Monday morning, August 5, 1867, PresidentJohnson invited Mr. Stanton to resign as Secretary of War. Underthe tenure-of-civil-office law, Mr. Stanton declined. The Presidenta week after suspended him, and appointed General Grant, General-in-Chief of the Army, to exercise the functions. This continueduntil January 13, 1868, when according to the law the Senate passeda resolution not sustaining the President's action. The nextmorning General Grant came to my office and handed me the key ofthe Secretary's room, saying: 'I am to be found over at my officeat army headquarters. I was served with a copy of the Senateresolution last evening. ' I then went up-stairs and delivered thekey of his room to Mr. Stanton. "

The mode and manner of Mr. Stanton's regaining his office, and ofGeneral Grant's surrendering it, were at the time subjects ofbitter controversy. Unhappily I was involved, and must beartestimony. In all January, 1868, I was a member of a board orderedto compile a code of articles of war and army regulations, of whichMajor-General Sheridan and Brigadier-General C. C. Augur wereassociate members. Our place of meeting was in the room of the oldWar Department, second floor, next to the corner room occupied bythe Secretary of War, with a door of communication. While we wereat work it was common for General Grant and, afterward, for Mr. Stanton to drop in and chat with us on the social gossip of thetime. 

On Saturday, January 11th, General Grant said that he had morecarefully read the law (tenure of civil office), and it wasdifferent from what he had supposed; that in case the Senate didnot consent to the removal of Secretary of War Stanton, and he(Grant) should hold on, he should incur a liability of ten thousanddollars and five years' imprisonment. We all expected theresolution of Senator Howard, of Michigan, virtually restoring Mr. Stanton to his office, would pass the Senate, and knowing that thePresident expected General Grant to hold on, I inquired if he hadgiven notice of his change of purpose; he answered that there wasno hurry, because he supposed Mr. Stanton would pursue toward him(Grant) the same course which he (Stanton) had required of him thepreceding August, viz. , would address him a letter claiming theoffice, and allow him a couple of days for the change. Still, hesaid he would go to the White House the same day and notify thePresident of his intended action. 

That afternoon I went over to the White House to present GeneralPope, who was on a visit to Washington, and we found the Presidentand General Grant together. We made our visit and withdrew, leaving them still together, and I always supposed the subject ofthis conference was the expected decision of the Senate, whichwould in effect restore Mr. Stanton to his civil office ofSecretary of War. That evening I dined with the Hon. ReverdyJohnson, Senator from Maryland, and suggested to him that the bestway to escape a conflict was for the President to nominate somegood man as Secretary of War whose confirmation by the Senate wouldfall within the provisions of the law, and named General J. D. Cox, then Governor of Ohio, whose term of office was drawing to a close, who would, I knew, be acceptable to General Grant and the armygenerally. Mr. Johnson was most favorably impressed with thissuggestion, and promised to call on the President the next day(Sunday), which he did, but President Johnson had made up his mindto meet the conflict boldly. I saw General Grant that afternoon athis house on I Street, and told him what I had done, and so anxiouswas he about it that he came to our room at the War Department thenext morning (Monday), the 13th, and asked me to go in person tothe White House to urge the President to send in the name ofGeneral Cox. I did so, saw the President, and inquired if he hadseen Mr. Reverdy Johnson the day before about General Cox. Heanswered that he had, and thought well of General Cox, but wouldsay no further. 

Tuesday, January 14, 1868, came, and with it Mr. Stanton. Heresumed possession of his former office; came into that whereGeneral Sheridan, General Augur, and I were at work, and greeted usvery cordially. He said he wanted to see me when at leisure, andat half-past 10 A. M. I went into his office and found him andGeneral Grant together. Supposing they had some special matters ofbusiness, I withdrew, with the remark that I was close at hand, andcould come in at any moment. In the afternoon I went again intoMr. Stanton's office, and we had a long and most friendlyconversation; but not one word was spoken about the"tenure-of-office" matter. I then crossed over Seventeenth Streetto the headquarters of the army, where I found General Grant, whoexpressed himself as by no means pleased with the manner in whichMr. Stanton had regained his office, saying that he had sent amessenger for him that morning as of old, with word that "he wantedto see him. " We then arranged to meet at his office the nextmorning at half-past nine, and go together to see the President. 

That morning the National Intelligencer published an articleaccusing General Grant of acting in bad faith to the President, andof having prevaricated in making his personal explanation to theCabinet, so that General Grant at first felt unwilling to go, butwe went. The President received us promptly and kindly. Beingseated, General Grant said, "Mr. President, whoever gave the factsfor the article of the Intelligencer of this morning has made someserious mistakes. " The President: "General Grant, let me interruptyou just there. I have not seen the Intelligencer of this morning, and have no knowledge of the contents of any article therein"General Grant then went on: "Well, the idea is given there that Ihave not kept faith with you. Now, Mr. President, I remember, whenyou spoke to me on this subject last summer, I did say that, likethe case of the Baltimore police commissioners, I did suppose Mr. Stanton could not regain his office except by a process through thecourts. " To this the President assented, saying he "remembered thereference to the case of the Baltimore commissioners, " when GeneralGrant resumed: "I said if I changed my opinion I would give younotice, and put things as they were before my appointment asSecretary of War ad interim. "

We then entered into a general friendly conversation, both partiesprofessing to be satisfied, the President claiming that he hadalways been most friendly to General Grant, and the latterinsisting that he had taken the office, not for honor or profit, but in the general interests of the army. 

As we withdrew, at the very door, General Grant said, "Mr. President, you should make some order that we of the army are notbound to obey the orders of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, " whichthe President intimated he would do. 

No such "orders" were ever made; many conferences were held, andthe following letters are selected out of a great mass to show thegeneral feeling at the time:

1321 K STREET, WASHINGTON, January 28, 1868, Saturday. 

To the President:

I neglected this morning to say that I had agreed to go down toAnnapolis to spend Sunday with Admiral Porter. General Grant alsohas to leave for Richmond on Monday morning at 6 A. M. 

At a conversation with the General after our interview, wherein Ioffered to go with him on Monday morning to Mr. Stanton, and to saythat it was our joint opinion be should resign, it was foundimpossible by reason of his (General Grant) going to Richmond andmy going to Annapolis. The General proposed this course: He willcall on you to-morrow, and offer to go to Mr. Stanton to say, forthe good of the Army and of the country, he ought to resign. Thison Sunday. On Monday I will again call on you, and, if you thinkit necessary, I will do the same, viz. , go to Mr. Stanton and tellhim he should resign. 

If he will not, then it will be time to contrive ulterior measures. In the mean time it so happens that no necessity exists forprecipitating matters. Yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

DEAR GENERAL: On the point of starting, I have written the above, and will send a fair copy of it to the President. Please retainthis, that in case of necessity I may have a copy. The Presidentclearly stated to me that he relied on us in this category. 

Think of the propriety of your putting in writing what you have tosay tomorrow, even if you have to put it in the form of a letter tohand him in person, retaining a copy. I'm afraid that acting as ago-between for three persons, I may share the usual fate ofmeddlers, at last get kinks from all. We ought not to be involvedin politics, but for the sake of the Army we are justified intrying at least to cut this Gordian knot, which they do not appearto have any practicable plan to do. In haste as usual, W. T. SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, January 29, 1888. 

DEAR SHERMAN: I called on the President and Mr. Stanton to-day, butwithout any effect. 

I soon found that to recommend resignation to Mr. Stanton wouldhave no effect, unless it was to incur further his displeasure;and, therefore, did not directly suggest it to him. I explained tohim, however, the course I supposed he would pursue, and what Iexpected to do in that case, namely, to notify the President of hisintentions, and thus leave him to violate the "Tenure-of-OfficeBill" if he chose, instead of having me do it. 

I would advise that you say nothing to Mr. Stanton on the subjectunless he asks your advice. It will do no good, and may embarrassyou. I did not mention your name to him, at least not inconnection with his position, or what you thought upon it. 

All that Mr. Johnson said was pacific and compromising. While Ithink he wanted the constitutionality of the "Tenure Bill" tested, I think now he would be glad either to get the vacancy of Secretaryof War, or have the office just where it was during suspension. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT. 

WASHINGTON D. C. , January 27, 1868. 

To the President. 

DEAR SIR: As I promised, I saw Mr. Ewing yesterday, and after along conversation asked him to put down his opinion in writing, which he has done and which I now inclose. 

I am now at work on these Army Regulations, and in the course ofpreparation have laid down the Constitution and laws now in force, clearer than I find them elsewhere; and beg leave herewith toinclose you three pages of printed matter for your perusal. Myopinion is, if you will adopt these rules and make them anexecutive order to General Grant, they will so clearly define theduties of all concerned that no conflict can arise. I hope to getthrough this task in the course of this week, and want very much togo to St. Louis. For eleven years I have been tossed about so muchthat I really do want to rest, study, and make the acquaintance ofmy family. I do not think, since 1857, I have averaged thirty daysout of three hundred and sixty-five at home. 

Next summer also, in fulfillment of our promise to the Sioux, Imust go to Fort Phil Kearney early in the spring, so that, unless Ican spend the next two months at home, I might as well break up myhouse at St. Louis, and give up all prospect of taking care of myfamily. 

For these reasons especially I shall soon ask leave to go to St. Louis, to resume my proper and legitimate command. With greatrespect, W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

[Inclosure]

WASHINGTON, D. C. , January 25, 1868. 

MY DEAR GENERAL: I am quite clear in the opinion that it is notexpedient for the President to take any action now in the case ofStanton. So far as he and his interests are concerned, things arein the best possible condition. Stanton is in the Department, gothis secretary, but the secretary of the Senate, who have taken uponthemselves his sins, and who place him there under a large salaryto annoy and obstruct the operations of the Executive. This thepeople well enough understand, and he is a stench in the nostrilsof their own party. 

I thought the nomination of Cox at the proper juncture would havebeen wise as a peace-offering, but perhaps it would have let offthe Senate too easily from the effect of their arbitrary act. Nowthe dislodging of Stanton and filling the office even temporarilywithout the consent of the Senate would raise a question as to thelegality of the President's acts, and he would belong to theattacked instead of the attacking party. If the war betweenCongress and the President is to go on, as I suppose it is, Stantonshould be ignored by the President, left to perform his clericalduties which the law requires him to perform, and let the partybear the odium which is already upon them for placing him where heis. So much for the President. 

As to yourself, I wish you as far as possible to keep clear ofpolitical complications. I do not think the President will requireyou to do an act of doubtful legality. Certainly he will notwithout sanction of the opinion of his Attorney-General; and youshould have time, in a questionable case, to consult with me beforecalled upon to act. The office of Secretary of War is a civiloffice, as completely so as that of Secretary of State; and you asa military officer cannot, I think, be required to assume orexercise it. This may, if necessary, be a subject for furtherconsideration. Such, however, will not, I think, be the case. The appeal is to the people, and it is better for the President topersist in the course he has for some time pursued--let theaggressions all come from the other side; and I think there is nodoubt he will do so. Affectionately, T. EWING. 

To--Lieutenant-General SHERMAN. 

LIBRARY ROOM, WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C. , January 31, 1868. 

To the President:

Since our interview of yesterday I have given the subject of ourconversation all my thoughts, and I beg you will pardon my reducingthe same to writing. 

My personal preferences, as expressed, were to be allowed to returnto St. Louis to resume my present command, because my command wasimportant, large, suited to my rank and inclination, and because myfamily was well provided for there in house, facilities, schools, living, and agreeable society; while, on the other hand, Washingtonwas for many (to me) good reasons highly objectionable, especiallybecause it is the political capital of the country; and focus ofintrigue, gossip, and slander. Your personal preferences were, asexpressed, to make a new department East, adequate to my rank, withheadquarters at Washington, and assign me to its command, to removemy family here, and to avail myself of its schools, etc. ; to removeMr. Stanton from his office as Secretary of War, and have me todischarge the duties. 

To effect this removal two modes were indicated: to simply causehim to quit the War-Office Building, and notify the TreasuryDepartment and the Army Staff Departments no longer to respect himas Secretary of War; or to remove him and submit my name to theSenate for confirmation. 

Permit me to discuss these points a little, and I will premise bysaying that I have spoken to no one on the subject, and have noteven seen Mr. Ewing, Mr. Stanbery, or General Grant, since I waswith you. 

It has been the rule and custom of our army, since the organizationof the government, that the second officer of the army should be atthe second (in importance) command, and remote from generalheadquarters. To bring me to Washington world put three heads toan army, yourself, General Grant, and myself, and we would be morethan human if we were not to differ. In my judgment it world ruinthe army, and would be fatal to one or two of us. 

Generals Scott and Taylor proved themselves soldiers and patriotsin the field, but Washington was fatal to both. This city, and theinfluences that centre here, defeated every army that had itsheadquarters here from 1861 to 1864, and would have overwhelmedGeneral Grant at Spottsylvania and Petersburg, had he not beenfortified by a strong reputation, already hard-earned, and becauseno one then living coveted the place; whereas, in the West, we madeprogress from the start, because there was no political capitalnear enough to poison our minds, and kindle into life that craving, itching for fame which has killed more good men than bullets. Ihave been with General Grant in the midst of death and slaughterwhen the howls of people reached him after Shiloh; when messengerswere speeding to and from his army to Washington, bearing slanders, to induce his removal before he took Vicksburg; in Chattanooga, when the soldiers were stealing the corn of the starving mules tosatisfy their own hunger; at Nashville, when he was ordered to the"forlorn hope" to command the Army of the Potomac, so oftendefeated--and yet I never saw him more troubled than since he hasbeen in Washington, and been compelled to read himself a "sneak anddeceiver, " based on reports of four of the Cabinet, and apparentlywith your knowledge. If this political atmosphere can disturb theequanimity of one so guarded and so prudent as he is, what will bethe result with me, so careless, so outspoken as I am? Therefore, with my consent, Washington never. 

As to the Secretary of War, his office is twofold. As a Cabinetofficer he should not be there without your hearty, cheerfulassent, and I believe that is the judgment and opinion of everyfair-minded man. As the holder of a civil office, having thesupervision of moneys appropriated by Congress and of contracts forarmy supplies, I do think Congress, or the Senate by delegationfrom Congress, has a lawful right to be consulted. At all events, I would not risk a suit or contest on that phase of the question. The law of Congress, of March 2, 1867, prescribing the manner inwhich orders and instructions relating to "military movements"shall reach the army, gives you as constitutional Commander-in-Chief the very power you want to exercise, and enables you toprevent the Secretary from making any such orders and instructions;and consequently he cannot control the army, but is limited andrestricted to a duty that an Auditor of the Treasury could perform. You certainly can afford to await the result. The Executive poweris not weakened, but rather strengthened. Surely he is not such anobstruction as would warrant violence, or even s show of force, which would produce the very reaction and clamor that he hopes forto save him from the absurdity of holding an empty office "for thesafety of the country. "

This is so much as I ought to say, and more too, but if it producesthe result I will be more than satisfied, viz. , that I be simplyallowed to resume my proper post and duties in St. Louis. Withgreat respect, yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

On the 1st of February, the board of which I was the presidentsubmitted to the adjutant-general our draft of the "Articles of Warand Army Regulations, " condensed to a small compass, the result ofour war experience. But they did not suit the powers that were, and have ever since slept the sleep that knows no waking, to makeroom for the ponderous document now in vogue, which will not standthe strain of a week's campaign in real war. 

I hurried back to St. Louis to escape the political storm I sawbrewing. The President repeatedly said to me that he wanted me inWashington, and I as often answered that nothing could tempt me tolive in that center of intrigue and excitement; but soon came thefollowing:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, February 10, 1868. 

DEAR GENERAL: I have received at last the President's reply to mylast, letter. He attempts to substantiate his statements by hisCabinet. In this view it is important that I should have a letterfrom you, if you are willing to give it, of what I said to youabout the effect of the "Tenure-of-Office Bill, " and my object ingoing to see the President on Saturday before the installment ofMr. Stanton. What occurred after the meeting of the Cabinet on theTuesday following is not a subject under controversy now;therefore, if you choose to write down your recollection (and Iwould like to have it) on Wednesday, when you and I called on thePresident, and your conversation with him the last time you sawhim, make that a separate communication. 

Your order to come East was received several days ago, but thePresident withdrew it, I supposed to make some alteration, but ithas not been returned. Yours truly, U. S. GRANT. 

[TELEGRAM. ]

WASHINGTON, D. C. , February 18, 1868. 

Lieutenant-General W. T. SHERMAN, St. Louis. 

The order is issued ordering you to Atlantic Division. 

U. S. GRANT, General. 

[TELEGRAM]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, St. Louis, February 14, 1868. 

General U. S. GRANT, Washington, D. C. 

Your dispatch is received informing me that the order for theAtlantic Division has been issued, and that I am assigned to itscommand. I was in hopes I had escaped the danger, and now were Iprepared I should resign on the spot, as it requires no foresightto predict such must be the inevitable result in the end. I willmake one more desperate effort by mail, which please await. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

[TELEGRAM. ]

WASHINGTON, February 14, 1868. Lieutenant-General W. T. SHERMAN, St. Louis. 

I think it due to you that your letter of January 31st to thePresident of the United States should be published, to correctmisapprehension in the public mind about your willingness to cometo Washington. It will not be published against your will. 

(Sent in cipher. )

[TELEGRAM. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, St. Louis, MISSOURI, February 14, 1868. 

General U. S. GRANT, Washington, D. C. 

Dispatch of to-day received. Please await a letter I address thisday through you to the President, which will in due time reach thepublic, covering the very point you make. 

I don't want to come to Washington at all. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

[TELEGRAM. ]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, St. Loins, MISSOURI, February 14, 1868. 

Hon. John SHERMAN, United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Oppose confirmation of myself as brevet general, on ground that itis unprecedented, and that it is better not to extend the system ofbrevets above major-general. If I can't avoid coming toWashington, I may have to resign. 

W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON, D. C. , February 12, 1868. 

The following orders are published for the information and guidanceof all concerned:

U. S. GRANT, General. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C. , February 12, 1868. 

GENERAL: You will please issue an order creating a militarydivision to be styled the Military Division of the Atlantic, to becomposed of the Department of the Lakes, the Department of theEast, and the Department of Washington, to be commanded byLieutenant-General W. T. Sherman, with his headquarters atWashington. Until further orders from the President, you willassign no officer to the permanent command of the Military Divisionof the Missouri. 

Respectfully yours, ANDREW JOHNSON. 

GENERAL U. S. GRANT, Commanding Armies of The United States, Washington, D. C. 

Major-General P. H. Sheridan, the senior officer in the MilitaryDivision of the Missouri, will temporarily perform the duties ofcommander of the Military Division of the Missouri in addition tohis duties of department commander. By command of General Grant:

E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

This order, if carried into effect, would have grouped inWashington:

1. The President, constitutional Commander-in-Chief. 

2. The Secretary of War, congressional Commander-in-Chief. 

3. The General of the Armies of the United States. 

4. The Lieutenant-General of the Army. 

5. The Commanding General of the Department of Washington. 

6. The commander of the post-of Washington. 

At that date the garrison of Washington was a brigade of infantryand a battery of artillery. I never doubted Mr. Johnson'ssincerity in wishing to befriend me, but this was the broadest kindof a farce, or meant mischief. I therefore appealed to him byletter to allow me to remain where I was, and where I could doservice, real service, and received his most satisfactory answer. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, St. Louis, MISSOURI, February 14, 1868. 

General U. S. GRANT, Washington, D. C. 

DEAR GENERAL: Last evening, just before leaving my office, Ireceived your note of the 10th, and had intended answering itaccording to your request; but, after I got home, I got yourdispatch of yesterday, announcing that the order I dreaded so muchwas issued. I never felt so troubled in my life. Were it an orderto go to Sitka, to the devil, to battle with rebels or Indians, Ithink you would not hear a whimper from me, but it comes in such aquestionable form that, like Hamlet's ghost, it curdles my bloodand mars my judgment. My first thoughts were of resignation, and Ihad almost made up my mind to ask Dodge for some place on thePacific road, or on one of the Iowa roads, and then again variouscolleges ran through my memory, but hard times and an expensivefamily have brought me back to staring the proposition square inthe face, and I have just written a letter to the President, whichI herewith transmit through you, on which I will hang a hope ofrespite till you telegraph me its effect. The uncertainties aheadare too great to warrant my incurring the expense of breaking up myhouse and family here, and therefore in no event will I do thistill I can be assured of some permanence elsewhere. If it were atall certain that you would accept the nomination of President inMay, I would try and kill the intervening time, and then judge ofthe chances, but I do not want you to reveal your plans to me tillyou choose to do so. 

I have telegraphed to John Sherman to oppose the nomination whichthe papers announce has been made of me for brevet general. 

I have this minute received your cipher dispatch of to-day, which Ihave just answered and sent down to the telegraph-office, and theclerk is just engaged in copying my letter to the President to gowith this. If the President or his friends pretend that I seek togo to Washington, it will be fully rebutted by letters I havewritten to the President, to you, to John Sherman, to Mr. Ewing, and to Mr. Stanbery. You remember that in our last talk yousuggested I should write again to the President. I thought of it, and concluded my letter of January 31st, already delivered, wasfull and emphatic. Still, I did write again to Mr. Stanbery, asking him as a friend to interpose in my behalf. There are plentyof people who know my wishes, and I would avoid, if possible, thepublication of a letter so confidential as that of January 31st, inwhich I notice I allude to the President's purpose of removing Mr. Stanton by force, a fact that ought not to be drawn out through meif it be possible to avoid it. In the letter herewith I confinemyself to purely private matters, and will not object if it reachesthe public in any proper way. My opinion is, the President thinksMrs. Sherman would like to come to Washington by reason of herfather and brothers being there. This is true, for Mrs. Shermanhas an idea that St. Louis is unhealthy for our children, andbecause most of the Catholics here are tainted with the old seceshfeeling. But I know better what is to our common interest, andprefer to judge of the proprieties myself. What I do object to isthe false position I would occupy as between you and the President. Were there an actual army at or near Washington, I could bewithdrawn from the most unpleasant attitude of a "go-between, " butthere is no army there, nor any military duties which you with ahost of subordinates can not perform. Therefore I would be therewith naked, informal, and sinecure duties, and utterly out ofplace. This you understand well enough, and the army too, but thePresident and the politicians, who flatter themselves they aresaving the country, cannot and will not understand. My opinion is, the country is doctored to death, and if President and Congresswould go to sleep like Rip Van Winkle, the country would go onunder natural influences, and recover far faster than under theirjoint and several treatment. This doctrine would be accounted byCongress, and by the President too, as high treason, and thereforeI don't care about saying so to either of them, but I know you canhear anything, and give it just what thought or action it merits. 

Excuse this long letter, and telegraph me the result of my letterto the President as early as you can. If he holds my letter solong as to make it improper for me to await his answer, alsotelegraph me. 

The order, when received, will, I suppose, direct me as to whom andhow I am to turn over this command, which should, in my judgment, not be broken up, as the three departments composing the divisionshould be under one head. 

I expect my staff-officers to be making for me within the hour tolearn their fate, so advise me all you can as quick as possible. 

With great respect, yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

To the President. 

DEAR SIR: It is hard for me to conceive you would purposely do mean unkindness unless under the pressure of a sense of public duty, or because you do not believe me sincere. I was in hopes, since myletter to you of the 31st of January, that you had concluded topass over that purpose of yours expressed more than once inconversation--to organize a new command for me in the East, withheadquarters in Washington; but a telegram from General Grant ofyesterday says that "the order was issued ordering you" (me) "toAtlantic Division"; and the newspapers of this morning contain thesame information, with the addition that I have been nominated asbrevet general. I have telegraphed my own brother in the Senate tooppose my confirmation, on the ground that the two higher grades inthe army ought not to be complicated with brevets, and I trust youwill conceive my motives aright. If I could see my way clear tomaintain my family, I should not hesitate a moment to resign mypresent commission, and seek some business wherein I would be freefrom these unhappy complications that seem to be closing about me, spite of my earnest efforts to avoid them; but necessity ties myhands, and I must submit with the best grace I can till I makeother arrangements. 

In Washington are already the headquarters of a department, and ofthe army itself, and it is hard for me to see wherein I can rendermilitary service there. Any staff-officer with the rank of majorcould surely fill any gap left between these two military officers;and, by being placed in Washington, I will be universally construedas a rival to the General-in-Chief, a position damaging to me inthe highest degree. Our relations have always been mostconfidential and friendly, and if, unhappily, any cloud ofdifferences should arise between us, my sense of personal dignityand duty would leave me no alternative but resignation. For this Iam not yet prepared, but I shall proceed to arrange for it asrapidly as possible, so that when the time does come (as it surelywill if this plan is carried into effect) I may act promptly. 

Inasmuch as the order is now issued, I cannot expect a fullrevocation of it, but I beg the privilege of taking post at NewYork, or any point you may name within the new military divisionother than Washington. This privilege is generally granted to allmilitary commanders, and I see no good reason why I too may not askfor it, and this simple concession, involving no public interest, will much soften the blow, which, right or wrong, I construe as oneof the hardest I have sustained in a life somewhat checkered withadversity. With great respects yours truly, W. T. SHERMAN, Lieutenant-General. 

WASHINGTON, D. C. , 2 p. M. , February 19, 1888. Lieutenant-General W. T. SHERMAN, St. Louis, Missouri:

I have just received, with General Grant's indorsement ofreference, your letter to me of the fourteenth (14th) inst. 

The order to which you refer was made in good faith, and with aview to the best interests of the country and the service; as, however, your assignment to a new military division seems soobjectionable, you will retain your present command. 

ANDREW JOHNSON. 

On that same 19th of February he appointed Adjutant, GeneralLorenzo Thomas to be Secretary of War ad interim, which finallyresulted in the articles of impeachment and trial of PresidentJohnson before the Senate. I was a witness on that trial, but ofcourse the lawyers would not allow me to express any opinion of thePresident's motives or intentions, and restricted me to the factsset forth in the articles of impeachment, of which I was glad toknow nothing. The final test vote revealed less than two thirds, and the President was consequently acquitted. Mr. Stantonresigned. General Schofield, previously nominated, was confirmedas Secretary of War, thus putting an end to what ought never tohave happened at all. 

INDIAN PEACE COMMISSION. 

On the 20th of July, 1867, President Johnson approved an act toestablish peace with certain hostile Indian tribes, the firstsection of which reads as follows: "Be it enacted, etc. , that thePresident of the United States be and is hereby authorized toappoint a commission to consist of three (3) officers of the armynot below the rank of brigadier-general, who, together with N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, John B. Henderson, chairman of the Committee of Indian Affairs of the Senate, S. F. Tappan, and John B. Sanborn, shall have power and authority tocall together the chiefs and head men of such bands or tribes ofIndians as are now waging war against the United States, orcommitting depredations on the people thereof, to ascertain thealleged reasons for their acts of hostility, and in theirdiscretion, under the direction of the President, to make andconclude with said bands or tribes such treaty stipulations, subject to the action of the Senate, as may remove all just causesof complaint on their part, and at the same time establish securityfor person and property along the lines of railroad now beingconstructed to the Pacific and other thoroughfares of travel to theWestern Territories, and such as will most likely insurecivilization for the Indians, and peace and safety for the whites. "

The President named as the military members Lieutenant-GeneralSherman, Brigadier-Generals A. H. Terry and W. S. Harney. Subsequently, to insure a full attendance, Brigadier-General C. C. Augur was added to the commission, and his name will be found onmost of the treaties. The commissioners met at St. Louis andelected N. G. Taylor, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, president; J. B. Sanborn, treasurer; and A. S. H. White, Esq. , ofWashington, D. C. , secretary. The year 1867 was too far advancedto complete the task assigned during that season, and it was agreedthat a steamboat (St. John's) should be chartered to convey thecommission up the Missouri River, and we adjourned to meet atOmaha. In the St. John's the commission proceeded up the MissouriRiver, holding informal "talks" with the Santees at their agencynear the Niobrara, the Yanktonnais at Fort Thompson, and theOgallallas, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, etc. , at Fort Sully. Fromthis point runners were sent out to the Sioux occupying the countrywest of the Missouri River, to meet us in council at the Forks ofthe Platte that fall, and to Sitting Bull's band of outlaw Sioux, and the Crows on the upper Yellowstone, to meet us in May, 1868, atFort Laramie. We proceeded up the river to the mouth of theCheyenne and turned back to Omaha, having ample time on thissteamboat to discuss and deliberate on the problems submitted toour charge. 

We all agreed that the nomad Indians should be removed from thevicinity of the two great railroads then in rapid construction, andbe localized on one or other of the two great reservations south ofKansas and north of Nebraska; that agreements not treaties, shouldbe made for their liberal maintenance as to food, clothing, schools, and farming implements for ten years, during which time webelieved that these Indians should become self-supporting. To thenorth we proposed to remove the various bands of Sioux, with suchothers as could be induced to locate near them; and to the south, on the Indian Territory already established, we proposed to removethe Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas, Comanches, and such others as wecould prevail on to move thither. 

At that date the Union Pacific construction had reached the RockyMountains at Cheyenne, and the Kansas Pacific to about FortWallace. We held council with the Ogallallas at the Forks of thePlatte, and arranged to meet them all the next spring, 1868. Inthe spring of 1868 we met the Crows in council at Fort Laramie, theSioux at the North Platte, the Shoshones or Snakes at Fort Hall, the Navajos at Fort Sumner, on the Pecos, and the Cheyennes andArapahoes at Medicine Lodge. To accomplish these results thecommission divided up into committees, General Augur going to theShoshones, Mr. Tappan and I to the Navajos, and the remainder toMedicine Lodge. In that year we made treaties or arrangements withall the tribes which before had followed the buffalo in theirannual migrations, and which brought them into constant conflictwith the whites. 

Mr. Tappan and I found it impossible to prevail on the Navajos toremove to the Indian Territory, and had to consent to their returnto their former home, restricted to a limited reservation west ofSanta Fe, about old Fort Defiance, and there they continue untothis day, rich in the possession of herds of sheep and goats, withsome cattle and horses; and they have remained at peace ever since. 

A part of our general plan was to organize the two greatreservations into regular Territorial governments, with Governor, Council, courts, and civil officers. General Harney wastemporarily assigned to that of the Sioux at the north, and GeneralHazen to that of the Kiowas, Comanches, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, etc. , etc. , at the south, but the patronage of the Indian Bureau was toostrong for us, and that part of our labor failed. Still, theIndian Peace Commission of 1867-'68 did prepare the way for thegreat Pacific Railroads, which, for better or worse, have settledthe fate of the buffalo and Indian forever. There have been warsand conflicts since with these Indians up to a recent period toonumerous and complicated in their detail for me to unravel andrecord, but they have been the dying struggles of a singular raceof brave men fighting against destiny, each less and less violent, till now the wild game is gone, the whites too numerous andpowerful; so that the Indian question has become one of sentimentand charity, but not of war. 

The peace, or "Quaker" policy, of which so much has been said, originated about thus: By the act of Congress, approved March3, 1869, the forty-five regiments of infantry were reduced totwenty-five, and provision was made for the "muster out" of many ofthe surplus officers, and for retaining others to be absorbed bythe usual promotions and casualties. On the 7th of May of thatyear, by authority of an act of Congress approved June 30, 1834, nine field-officers and fifty-nine captains and subalterns weredetached and ordered to report to the Commissioner of IndianAffairs, to serve as Indian superintendents and agents. Thus by anold law surplus army officers were made to displace the usual civilappointees, undoubtedly a change for the better, but mostdistasteful to members of Congress, who looked to theseappointments as part of their proper patronage. The consequencewas the law of July 15, 1870, which vacated the military commissionof any officer who accepted or exercised the functions of a civilofficer. I was then told that certain politicians called onPresident Grant, informing him that this law was chiefly designedto prevent his using army officers for Indian agents, "civiloffices, " which he believed to be both judicious and wise; armyofficers, as a rule, being better qualified to deal with Indiansthan the average political appointees. The President then quietlyreplied: "Gentlemen, you have defeated my plan of Indianmanagement; but you shall not succeed in your purpose, for I willdivide these appointments up among the religious churches, withwhich you dare not contend. " The army officers were consequentlyrelieved of their "civil offices, " and the Indian agencies wereapportioned to the several religious churches in about theproportion of their--supposed strength--some to the Quakers, someto the Methodists, to the Catholics, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, etc. , etc. --and thus it remains to the present time, thesereligious communities selecting the agents to be appointed by theSecretary of the Interior. The Quakers, being first named, gavename to the policy, and it is called the "Quaker" policy to-day. Meantime railroads and settlements by hardy, bold pioneers havemade the character of Indian agents of small concern, and itmatters little who are the beneficiaries. 

As was clearly foreseen, General U. S. Grant was duly nominated, and on the 7th of November, 1868, was elected President of theUnited States for the four years beginning with March 4, 1869. 

On the 15th and 16th of December, 1868, the four societies of theArmies of the Cumberland, Tennessee, Ohio, and Georgia, held ajoint reunion at Chicago, at which were present over two thousandof the surviving officers and soldiers of the war. The ceremoniesconsisted of the joint meeting in Crosby's magnificent opera-house, at which General George H. Thomas presided. General W. W. Belknapwas the orator for the Army of the Tennessee, General Charles Cruftfor the Army of the Cumberland, General J. D. Cox for the Army ofthe Ohio, and General William Cogswell for the Army of Georgia. The banquet was held in the vast Chamber of Commerce, at which Ipresided. General Grant, President-elect, General J. M. Schofield, Secretary of War, General H. W. Slocum, and nearly every generalofficer of note was present except General Sheridan, who at themoment was fighting the Cheyennes in Southern Kansas and the Indiancountry. 

At that time we discussed the army changes which would necessarilyoccur in the following March, and it was generally understood thatI was to succeed General Grant as general-in-chief, but as to mysuccessor, Meade, Thomas, and Sheridan were candidates. And here Iwill remark that General Grant, afterward famous as the "silentman, " used to be very gossipy, and no one was ever more fond thanhe of telling anecdotes of our West Point and early army life. Atthe Chicago reunion he told me that I would have to come toWashington, that he wanted me to effect a change as to the generalstaff, which he had long contemplated, and which was outlined inhis letter to Mr. Stanton of January 29, 1866, given hereafter, which had been repeatedly published, and was well known to themilitary world; that on being inaugurated President on the 4th ofMarch he would retain General Schofield as his Secretary of Waruntil the change had become habitual; that the modern custom of theSecretary of War giving military orders to the adjutant-general andother staff officers was positively wrong and should be stopped. Speaking of General Grant's personal characteristics at that periodof his life, I recall a conversation in his carriage, when, ridingdown Pennsylvania Avenue, he, inquired of me in a humorous way, "Sherman, what special hobby do you intend to adopt?" I inquiredwhat he meant, and he explained that all men had their specialweakness or vanity, and that it was wiser to choose one's own thanto leave the newspapers to affix one less acceptable, and that forhis part he had chosen the "horse, " so that when anyone tried topump him he would turn the conversation to his "horse. " I answeredthat I would stick to the "theatre and balls, " for I was alwaysfond of seeing young people happy, and did actually acquire areputation for "dancing, " though I had not attempted the waltz, oranything more than the ordinary cotillon, since the war. 

On the 24th of February, 1869, I was summoned to Washington, arriving on the 26th, taking along my aides, Lieutenant-ColonelsDayton and Audenried. 

On the 4th of March General Grant was duly inaugurated President ofthe United States, and I was nominated and confirmed as General ofthe Army. 

Major-General P. H. Sheridan was at the same time nominated andconfirmed as lieutenant-general, with orders to command theMilitary Division of the Missouri, which he did, moving theheadquarters from St. Louis to Chicago; and General Meade wasassigned to command the Military Division of the Atlantic, withheadquarters at Philadelphia. 

At that moment General Meade was in Atlanta, Georgia, commandingthe Third Military District under the "Reconstruction Act;" andGeneral Thomas, whose post was in Nashville, was in Washington on acourt of inquiry investigating certain allegations against GeneralA. B. Dyer, Chief of Ordnance. He occupied the room of the secondfloor in the building on the corner of H and Fifteenth Streets, since become Wormley's Hotel. I at the time was staying with mybrother, Senator Sherman, at his residence, 1321 K Street, and itwas my habit each morning to stop at Thomas's room on my way to theoffice in the War Department to tell him the military news, and totalk over matters of common interest. We had been intimatelyassociated as "man and boy" for thirty-odd years, and I profess tohave had better opportunities to know him than any man then living. His fame as the "Rock of Chickamauga" was perfect, and by the worldat large he was considered as the embodiment of strength, calmness, and imperturbability. Yet of all my acquaintances Thomas worriedand fretted over what he construed neglects or acts of favoritismmore than any other. 

At that time he was much worried by what he supposed was injusticein the promotion of General Sheridan, and still more that GeneralMeade should have an Eastern station, which compelled him to remainat Nashville or go to the Pacific. General Thomas claimed that allhis life he had been stationed in the South or remote West, and hadnot had a fair share of Eastern posts, whereas that General Meadehad always been there. I tried to get him to go with me to seePresident Grant and talk the matter over frankly, but he would not, and I had to act as a friendly mediator. General Grant assured meat the time that he not only admired and respected General Thomas, but actually loved him as a man, and he authorized me in making upcommands for the general officers to do anything and everything tofavor him, only he could not recede from his former action inrespect to Generals Sheridan and Meade. 

Prior to General Grant's inauguration the army register showed asmajor-generals Halleck, Meade, Sheridan, Thomas, and Hancock. Therefore, the promotion of General Sheridan to be lieutenant-general did not "overslaugh" Thomas, but it did Meade and Halleck. The latter did not expect promotion; General Meade did, but waspartially, not wholly, reconciled by being stationed atPhiladelphia, the home of his family; and President Grant assuredme that he knew of his own knowledge that General Sheridan had beennominated major-general before General Meade, but had waived datesout of respect for his age and longer service, and that he hadnominated him as lieutenant-general by reason of his specialfitness to command the Military Division of the Missouri, embracingall the wild Indians, at that very moment in a state of hostility. I gave General Thomas the choice of every other command in thearmy, and of his own choice he went to San Francisco, California, where he died, March 28, 1870. The truth is, Congress should haveprovided by law for three lieutenant-generals for these threepre-eminent soldiers, and should have dated their commissions with"Gettysburg, " "Winchester, " and "Nashville. " It would have been agraceful act, and might have prolonged the lives of two mostpopular officers, who died soon after, feeling that they hadexperienced ingratitude and neglect. 

Soon after General Grant's inauguration as President, and, as Isupposed, in fulfilment of his plan divulged in Chicago theprevious December, were made the following:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON, March 8, 1869. 

General Orders No. 11:

The following orders of the President of the United States arepublished for the information and government of all concerned:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, March 5, 1869. 

By direction of the President, General William T. Sherman willassume command of the Army of the United States. 

The chiefs of staff corps, departments, and bureaus will report toand act under the immediate orders of the general commanding thearmy. 

Any official business which by law or regulation requires theaction of the President or Secretary of War will be submitted bythe General of the Army to the Secretary of War, and in general allorders from the President or Secretary of War to any portion of thearmy, line or staff, will be transmitted through the General of theArmy. 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, Secretary of War. 

By command of the General of the Army. 

E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

On the same day I issued my General Orders No. 12, assuming commandand naming all the heads of staff departments and bureaus asmembers of my staff, adding to my then three aides, Colonels McCoy, Dayton, and Audenried, the names of Colonels Comstock, HoracePorter, and Dent, agreeing with President Grant that the two lattercould remain with him till I should need their personal services orask their resignations. 

I was soon made aware that the heads of several of the staff corpswere restive under this new order of things, for by long usage theyhad grown to believe themselves not officers of the army in atechnical sense, but a part of the War Department, the civil branchof the Government which connects the army with the President andCongress. 

In a short time General John A. Rawlins, General Grant's formerchief of staff, was nominated and confirmed as Secretary of War;and soon appeared this order:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, March 27, 1869. 

General Orders No. 28:

The following orders received for the War Department are publishedfor the government of all concerned:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, March 26, 1869. 

By direction of the President, the order of the Secretary of War, dated War Department, March 5, 1869, and published in GeneralOrders No. 11, headquarters of the army, Adjutant-General's Office, dated March 8, 1869, except so much as directs General W. T. Sherman to assume command of the Army of the United States, ishereby rescinded. 

All official business which by law or regulations requires theaction of the President or Secretary of War will be submitted bythe chiefs of staff corps, departments, and bureaus to theSecretary of War. 

All orders and instructions relating to military operations issuedby the President or Secretary of War will be issued through theGeneral of the Army. 

JOHN A. RAWLINS, Secretary of War. 

By command of General SHERMAN:

E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Thus we were thrown back on the old method in having a double--ifnot a treble-headed machine. Each head of a bureau in dailyconsultation with the Secretary of War, and the general to commandwithout an adjutant, quartermaster, commissary, or any staff excepthis own aides, often reading in the newspapers of military eventsand orders before he could be consulted or informed. This was thevery reverse of what General Grant, after four years' experience inWashington as general-in-chief, seemed to want, different from whathe had explained to me in Chicago, and totally different from thedemand he had made on Secretary of War Stanton in his completeletter of January 29, 1866. I went to him to know the cause: Hesaid he had been informed by members of Congress that his action, as defined by his order of March 5th, was regarded as a violationof laws making provision for the bureaus of the War Department;that he had repealed his own orders, but not mine, and that he hadno doubt that General Rawlins and I could draw the line ofseparation satisfactorily to us both. General Rawlins was veryconscientious, but a very sick man when appointed Secretary of War. Several times he made orders through the adjutant-general toindividuals of the army without notifying me, but always when hisattention was called to it he apologized, and repeatedly said to methat he understood from his experience on General Grant's staff howalmost insulting it was for orders to go to individuals of aregiment, brigade, division, or an army of any kind without thecommanding officer being consulted or even advised. This habit ismore common at Washington than any place on earth, unless it be inLondon, where nearly the same condition of facts exists. Membersof Congress daily appeal to the Secretary of War for the dischargeof some soldier on the application of a mother, or some youngofficer has to be dry-nursed, withdrawn from his company on theplains to be stationed near home. The Secretary of War, sometimesmoved by private reasons, or more likely to oblige the member ofCongress, grants the order, of which the commanding general knowsnothing till he reads it in the newspapers. Also, an Indian tribe, goaded by the pressure of white neighbors, breaks out in revolt. The general-in-chief must reenforce the local garrisons not onlywith men, but horses, wagons, ammunition, and food. All thenecessary information is in the staff bureaus in Washington, butthe general has no right to call for it, and generally finds itmore practicable to ask by telegraph of the distant division ordepartment commanders for the information before making the formalorders. The general in actual command of the army should have afull staff, subject to his own command. If not, he cannot be heldresponsible for results. 

General Rawlins sank away visibly, rapidly, and died in Washington, September 6, 1869, and I was appointed to perform the duties of hisoffice till a successor could be selected. I realized how mucheasier and better it was to have both offices conjoined. 

The army then had one constitutional commander-in-chief of botharmy and navy, and one actual commanding general, bringing allparts into real harmony. An army to be useful must be a unit, andout of this has grown the saying, attributed to Napoleon, butdoubtless spoken before the days of Alexander, that an army with aninefficient commander was better than one with two able heads. Ourpolitical system and methods, however, demanded a separateSecretary of War, and in October President Grant asked me to scanthe list of the volunteer generals of good record who had served inthe civil war, preferably from the "West. " I did so, and submittedto him in writing the names of W. W. Belknap, of Iowa; G. M. Dodge, the Chief Engineer of the Union Pacific Railroad; and LuciusFairchild, of Madison, Wisconsin. I also named General John W. Sprague, then employed by the Northern Pacific Railroad inWashington Territory. General Grant knew them all personally, andsaid if General Dodge were not connected with the Union PacificRailroad, with which the Secretary of War must necessarily havelarge transactions, he would choose him, but as the case stood, andremembering the very excellent speech made by General Belknap atthe Chicago reunion of December, 1868, he authorized me tocommunicate with him to ascertain if he were willing to come toWashington as Secretary of War. General Belknap was then thecollector of internal revenue at Keokuk, Iowa. I telegraphed himand received a prompt and favorable answer. His name was sent tothe Senate, promptly confirmed, and he entered on his dutiesOctober 25, 1869. General Belknap surely had at that date as fair afame as any officer of volunteers of my personal acquaintance. Hetook up the business where it was left off, and gradually fell intothe current which led to the command of the army itself as of thelegal and financial matters which properly pertain to the WarDepartment. Orders granting leaves of absence to officers, transfers, discharges of soldiers for favor, and all the oldabuses, which had embittered the life of General Scott in the daysof Secretaries of War Marcy and Davis, were renewed. I called hisattention to these facts, but without sensible effect. My officewas under his in the old War Department, and one day I sent myaide-de-camp, Colonel Audenried, up to him with some message, andwhen he returned red as a beet, very much agitated, he asked me asa personal favor never again to send him to General Belknap. Iinquired his reason, and he explained that he had been treated witha rudeness and discourtesy he had never seen displayed by anyofficer to a soldier. Colonel Audenried was one of the mostpolished gentlemen in the army, noted for his personal bearing anddeportment, and I had some trouble to impress on him the patiencenecessary for the occasion, but I promised on future occasions tosend some other or go myself. Things went on from bad to worse, till in 1870 I received from Mr. Hugh Campbell, of St. Louis, apersonal friend and an honorable gentleman, a telegraphic messagecomplaining that I had removed from his position Mr. Ward, posttrader at Fort Laramie, with only a month in which to dispose ofhis large stock of goods, to make room for his successor. 

It so happened that we of the Indian Peace Commission had been muchindebted to this same trader, Ward, for advances of flour, sugar, and coffee, to provide for the Crow Indians, who had come down fromtheir reservation on the Yellowstone to meet us in 1868, before ourown supplies had been received. For a time I could not-comprehendthe nature of Mr. Campbell's complaint, so I telegraphed to thedepartment commander, General C. C. Augur, at Omaha, to know if anysuch occurrence had happened, and the reasons therefor. I receiveda prompt answer that it was substantially true, and had beenordered by The Secretary of War. It so happened that duringGeneral Grant's command of the army Congress had given to thegeneral of the army the appointment of "post-traders. " He hadnaturally devolved it on the subordinate division and departmentcommanders, but the legal power remained with the general of thearmy. I went up to the Secretary of War, showed him thetelegraphic correspondence, and pointed out the existing law in theRevised Statutes. General Belknap was visibly taken aback, andexplained that he had supposed the right of appointment rested withhim, that Ward was an old rebel Democrat, etc. ; whereas Ward hadbeen in fact the sutler of Fort Laramie, a United States militarypost, throughout the civil war. I told him that I should revokehis orders, and leave the matter where it belonged, to the localcouncil of administration and commanding officers. Ward wasunanimously reelected and reinstated. He remained the trader ofthe post until Congress repealed the law, and gave back the powerof appointment to the Secretary of War, when of course he had togo. But meantime he was able to make the necessary businessarrangements which saved him and his partners the sacrifice whichwould have been necessary in the first instance. I never had anyknowledge whatever of General Belknap's transactions with thetraders at Fort Sill and Fort Lincoln which resulted in hisdownfall. I have never sought to ascertain his motives forbreaking with me, because he knew I had always befriended him whileunder my military command, and in securing him his office ofSecretary of War. I spoke frequently to President Grant of thegrowing tendency of his Secretary of War to usurp all the powers ofthe commanding general, which would surely result in driving meaway. He as frequently promised to bring us together to agree upona just line of separation of our respective offices, but never did. 

Determined to bring the matter to an issue, I wrote the followingletter:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, D. C. , August 17, 1870. 

General W. W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War. 

GENERAL: I must urgently and respectfully invite your attentionwhen at leisure to a matter of deep interest to future commandinggenerals of the army more than to myself, of the imperativenecessity of fixing and clearly defining the limits of the powersand duties of the general of the army or of whomsoever may succeedto the place of commander-in-chief. 

The case is well stated by General Grant in his letter of January29, 1866, to the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, hereto appended, and though I find no official answer recorded, I remember thatGeneral Grant told me that the Secretary of War had promptlyassured him in conversation that he fully approved of his views asexpressed in this letter. 

At that time the subject was much discussed, and soon afterCongress enacted the bill reviving the grade of general, which billwas approved July 25, 1866, and provided that the general, whencommissioned, may be authorized under the direction and during thepleasure of the President to command the armies of the UnitedStates; and a few days after, viz. , July 28, 1866, was enacted thelaw which defined the military peace establishment. The enactingclause reads: "That the military peace establishment of the UnitedStates shall hereafter consist of five regiments of artillery, tenregiments of cavalry, forty-five regiments of infantry, theprofessors and Corps of Cadets of the United States MilitaryAcademy, and such other forces as shall be provided for by thisact, to be known as the army of the United States. "

The act then recites in great detail all the parts of the army, making no distinction between the line and staff, but clearly makeseach and every part an element of the whole. 

Section 37 provides for a board to revise the army regulations andreport; and declares that the regulations then in force, viz. , those of 1863, should remain until Congress "shall act on saidreport;" and section 38 and last enacts that all laws and parts oflaws inconsistent with the provisions of this act be and the sameare hereby repealed. 

Under the provisions of this law my predecessor, General Grant, didnot hesitate to command and make orders to all parts of the army, the Military Academy, and staff, and it was under his advice thatthe new regulations were compiled in 1868 that drew the line moreclearly between the high and responsible duties of the Secretary ofWar and the general of the army. He assured me many a time beforeI was called here to succeed him that he wanted me to perfect thedistinction, and it was by his express orders that on assuming thecommand of the army I specifically placed the heads of the staffcorps here in Washington in the exact relation to the army whichthey would bear to an army in the field. 

I am aware that subsequently, in his orders of March 26th, hemodified his former orders of March 5th, but only as to the headsof bureaus in Washington, who have, he told me, certain functionsof office imposed on them by special laws of Congress, which laws, of course, override all orders and regulations, but I did noteither understand from him in person, or from General Rawlins, atwhose instance this order was made, that it was designed in any wayto modify, alter, or change his purposes that division anddepartment commanders, as well as the general of the army, shouldexercise the same command of the staff as they did of the line ofthe army. 

I need not remind the Secretary that orders and reports are made toand from the Military Academy which the general does not even see, though the Military Academy is specifically named as a part of thatarmy which he is required to command. Leaves of absence aregranted, the stations of officers are changed, and other orders arenow made directly to the army, not through the general, but directthrough other officials and the adjutant-general. 

So long as this is the case I surely do not command the army of theUnited States, and am not responsible for it. 

I am aware that the confusion results from the fact that thethirty-seventh section of the act of July 28, 1866, clothes thearmy regulations of 1863 with the sanction of law, but the nextsection repeals all laws and parts of laws inconsistent with theprovisions of this act. The regulations of 1863 are but acompilation of orders made prior to the war, when such men as Davisand Floyd took pleasure in stripping General Scott of even thesemblance of power, and purposely reduced him to a cipher in thecommand of the army. 

Not one word can be found in those regulations speaking of theduties of the lieutenant-general commanding the army, or defining asingle act of authority rightfully devolving on him. Not a singlemention is made of the rights and duties of a commander-in-chief ofthe army. He is ignored, and purposely, too, as a part of theprogramme resulting in the rebellion, that the army without alegitimate head should pass into the anarchy which these men wereshaping for the whole country. 

I invite your attention to the army regulations of 1847, when ourbest soldiers lived, among whom was your own father, and seeparagraphs 48 and 49, page 8, and they are so important that Iquote them entire:

"48. The military establishment is placed under the orders of themajor-general commanding in chief in all that regards itsdiscipline and military control. Its fiscal arrangements properlybelong to the administrative departments of the staff and to theTreasury Department under the direction of the Secretary of War. 

"49. The general of the army will watch over the economy of theservice in all that relates to the expenditure of money, supply ofarms, ordnance and ordnance stores, clothing, equipments, camp-equipage, medical and hospital stores, barracks, quarters, transportation, Military Academy, pay, and subsistence: in short, everything which enters into the expenses of the militaryestablishment, whether personal or material. He will also see thatthe estimates for the military service are based on proper data, and made for the objects contemplated by law, and necessary to thedue support and useful employment of the army. In carrying intoeffect these important duties, he will call to his counsel andassistance the staff, and those officers proper, in his opinion, tobe employed in verifying and inspecting all the objects which mayrequire attention. The rules and regulations established for thegovernment of the army, and the laws relating to the militaryestablishment, are the guides to the commanding general in theperformance of his duties. "

Why was this, or why was all mention of any field of duty for thehead of the army left out of the army regulations? Simply becauseJefferson Davis had a purpose, and absorbed to himself, asSecretary of War, as General Grant well says, all the powers ofcommander-in-chief. Floyd succeeded him, and the last regulationsof 1863 were but a new compilation of their orders, hastilycollected and published to supply a vast army with a new edition. 

I contend that all parts of these regulations inconsistent with thelaw of July 28, 1866, are repealed. 

I surely do not ask for any power myself, but I hope and trust, nowwhen we have a military President and a military Secretary of War, that in the new regulations to be laid before Congress next sessionthe functions and duties of the commander-in-chief will be soclearly marked out and defined that they may be understood byhimself and the army at large. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, General. 

[Inclosure. ]

WASHINGTON, January 29, 1866. 

Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

From the period of the difficulties between Major-General (nowLieutenant-General) Scott with Secretary Marcy, during theadministration of President Polk, the command of the army virtuallypassed into the hands of the Secretary of War. 

From that day to the breaking out of the rebellion the general-in-chief never kept his headquarters in Washington, and could not, consequently, with propriety resume his proper functions. Toadminister the affairs of the army properly, headquarters and theadjutant-general's office must be in the same place. 

During the war, while in the field, my functions as commander ofall the armies was never impaired, but were facilitated in allessential matters by the Administration and by the War Department. Now, however, that the war is over, and I have brought my head-quarters to the city, I find my present position embarrassing and, I think, out of place. I have been intending, or did intend, tomake the beginning of the New Year the time to bring this matterbefore you, with the view of asking to have the old condition ofaffairs restored, but from diffidence about mentioning the matterhave delayed. In a few words I will state what I conceive to be myduties and my place, and ask respectfully to be restored to themand it. 

The entire adjutant-general's office should be under the entirecontrol of the general-in-chief of the army. No orders should goto the army, or the adjutant-general, except through the general-in-chief. Such as require the action of the President would belaid before the Secretary of War, whose actions would be regardedas those of the President. In short, in my opinion, the general-in-chief stands between the President and the army in all officialmatters, and the Secretary of War is between the army (through thegeneral-in-chief) and the President. 

I can very well conceive that a rule so long disregarded could not, or would not, be restored without the subject being presented, andI now do so respectfully for your consideration. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

General Belknap never answered that letter. 

In August, 1870, was held at Des Moines, Iowa, an encampment of oldsoldiers which I attended, en route to the Pacific, and at Omahareceived this letter:

LONG BRANCH, New Jersey, August 18, 1870. 

General W. T. SHERMAN. 

DEAR GENERAL: Your letter of the 7th inst. Did not reach LongBranch until after I had left for St. Louis, and consequently isjust before me for the first time. I do not know what changesrecent laws, particularly the last army bill passed, make in therelations between the general of the army and the Secretary of War. 

Not having this law or other statutes here, I cannot examine thesubject now, nor would I want to without consultation with theSecretary of War. On our return to Washington I have no doubt butthat the relations between the Secretary and yourself can be madepleasant, and the duties of each be so clearly defined as to leaveno doubt where the authority of one leaves off and the othercommences. 

My own views, when commanding the army, were that orders to thearmy should go through the general. No changes should be made, however, either of the location of troops or officers, without theknowledge of the Secretary of War. 

In peace, the general commanded them without reporting to theSecretary farther than he chose the specific orders he gave fromtime to time, but subjected himself to orders from the Secretary, the latter deriving his authority to give orders from thePresident. As Congress has the right, however, to make rules andregulations for the government of the army, rules made by themwhether they are as they should be or not, will have to govern. Asbefore stated, I have not examined the recent law. 

Yours truly, U. S. GRANT. 

To which I replied:

OMAHA, NEBRASKA, September 2, 1870. 

General U. S. GRANT, Washington, D. C. 

DEAR GENERAL: I have received your most acceptable letter of August18th, and assure you that I am perfectly willing to abide by anydecision you may make. We had a most enthusiastic meeting at DesMoines, and General Bellknap gave us a fine, finished address. Ihave concluded to go over to San Francisco to attend the annualcelebration of the Pioneers, to be held on the 9th instant; fromthere I will make a short tour, aiming to get back to St. Louis bythe 1st of October, and so on to Washington without unnecessarydelay. 

Conscious of the heavy burdens already on you, I should refrainfrom adding one ounce to your load of care, but it seems to me nowis the time to fix clearly and plainly the field of duty for theSecretary of War and the commanding general of the army, so that wemay escape the unpleasant controversy that gave so much scandal inGeneral Scott's time, and leave to our successors a clear field. 

No matter what the result, I promise to submit to whatever decisionyou may make. I also feel certain that General Belknap thinks heis simply executing the law as it now stands, but I am equallycertain that he does not interpret the law reviving the grade ofgeneral, and that fixing the "peace establishment" of 1868, as Iconstrue them. 

For instance, I am supposed to control the discipline of theMilitary Academy as a part of the army, whereas General Belknapordered a court of inquiry in the case of the colored cadet, madethe detail, reviewed the proceedings, and made his order, withoutmy knowing a word of it, except through the newspapers; and morerecently, when I went to Chicago to attend to some divisionbusiness, I found the inspector-general (Hardie) under orders fromthe Secretary of War to go to Montana on some claim business. 

All I ask is that such orders should go through me. If all thestaff-officers are subject to receive orders direct from theSecretary of War it will surely clash with the orders they may bein the act of executing from me, or from their immediatecommanders. 

I ask that General Belknap draw up some clear, well-defined rulesfor my action, that he show them to me before publication, that Imake on them my remarks, and then that you make a final decision. I promise faithfully to abide by it, or give up my commission. 

Please show this to General Belknap, and I will be back early inOctober. With great respect, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN

I did return about October 15th, saw President Grant, who saidnothing had been done in the premises, but that he would bringGeneral Belknap and me together and settle this matter. Matterswent along pretty much as usual till the month of August, 1871, when I dined at the Arlington with Admiral Alder and GeneralBelknap. The former said he had been promoted to rear-admiral andappointed to command the European squadron, then at Villa Franca, near Nice, and that he was going out in the frigate Wabash, inviting me to go along. I had never been to Europe, and theopportunity was too tempting to refuse. After some preliminaries Iagreed to go along, taking with me as aides-de-camp ColonelAudenried and Lieutenant Fred Grant. The Wabash was beingoverhauled at the Navy-Yard at Boston, and was not ready to sailtill November, when she came to New-York, where we all embarkedSaturday, November 11th. 

I have very full notes of the whole trip, and here need only statethat we went out to the Island of Madeira, and thence to Cadiz andGibraltar. Here my party landed, and the Wabash went on to VillaFranca. From Gibraltar we made the general tour of Spain toBordeaux, through the south of France to Marseilles, Toulon, etc. , to Nice, from which place we rejoined the Wabash and brought ashoreour baggage. 

From Nice we went to Genoa, Turin, the Mont Cenis Tunnel, Milan, Venice, etc. , to Rome. Thence to Naples, Messina, and Syracuse, where we took a steamer to Malta. From Malta to Egypt andConstantinople, to Sebastopol, Poti, and Tiflis. At Constantinopleand Sebastopol my party was increased by Governor Curtin, his son, and Mr. McGahan. 

It was my purpose to have reached the Caspian, and taken boats tothe Volga, and up that river as far as navigation would permit, butwe were dissuaded by the Grand-Duke Michael, Governor-General ofthe Caucasas, and took carriages six hundred miles to Taganrog, onthe Sea of Azof, to which point the railroad system of Russia wascompleted. From Taganrog we took cars to Moscow and St. Petersburg. Here Mr. Curtin and party remained, he being ourMinister at that court; also Fred Grant left us to visit his auntat Copenhagen. Colonel Audenried and I then completed the tour ofinterior Europe, taking in Warsaw, Berlin, Vienna, Switzerland, France, England, Scotland, and Ireland, embarking for home in thegood steamer Baltic, Saturday, September 7, 1872, reachingWashington, D. C. , September 22d. I refrain from dwelling on thistrip, because it would swell this chapter beyond my purpose. 

When I regained my office I found matters unchanged since mydeparture, the Secretary of War exercising all the functions ofcommander-in-chief, and I determined to allow things to run to theirnecessary conclusion. In 1873 my daughter Minnie also made a tripto Europe, and I resolved as soon as she returned that I wouldsimply move back to St. Louis to execute my office there as best Icould. But I was embarrassed by being the possessor of a largepiece of property in Washington on I Street, near the corner ofThird, which I could at the time neither sell nor give away. Itcame into my possession as a gift from friends in New York andBoston, who had purchased it of General Grant and transferred to meat the price of $65, 000. 

The house was very large, costly to light, heat, and maintain, andCongress had reduced my pay four or five thousand dollars a year, so that I was gradually being impoverished. Taxes, too, grewannually, from about four hundred dollars a year to fifteenhundred, besides all sorts of special taxes. 

Finding myself caught in a dilemma, I added a new hall, and madeout of it two houses, one of which I occupied, and the other Irented, and thus matters stood in 1873-'74. By the agency of Mr. Hall, a neighbor and broker, I effected a sale of the property tothe present owner, Mr. Emory, at a fair price, accepting about halfpayment in notes, and the other half in a piece of property on EStreet, which I afterward exchanged for a place in Cite Brilliante, a suburb of St. Louis, which I still own. Being thus foot-loose, and having repeatedly notified President Grant of my purpose, Iwrote the Secretary of War on the 8th day of May, 1874, asking theauthority of the President and the War Department to remove myheadquarters to St. Louis. 

On the 11th day of May General Belknap replied that I had theassent of the President and himself, inclosing the rough draft ofan order to accomplish this result, which I answered on the 15th, expressing my entire satisfaction, only requesting delay in thepublication of the orders till August or September, as I preferredto make the changes in the month of October. 

On the 3d of September these orders were made:

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, September 8, 1874. 

General Orders No. 108. 

With the assent of the President, and at the request of theGeneral, the headquarters of the armies of the United States willbe established at St. Louis, Missouri, in the month of Octobernext. 

The regulations and orders now governing the functions of theGeneral of the Army, and those in relation to transactions ofbusiness with the War Department and its bureaus, will continue inforce. 

By order of the Secretary of War:

E. D. TOWNSEND, Adjutant-General. 

Our daughter Minnie was married October 1, 1874, to Thomas W. Fitch, United States Navy, and we all forthwith packed up andregained our own house at St. Louis, taking an office on the cornerof Tenth and Locust Streets. The only staff I brought with me werethe aides allowed by law, and, though we went through the forms of"command, " I realized that it was a farce, and it did not need aprophet to foretell it would end in a tragedy. We made ourselvesvery comfortable, made many pleasant excursions into the interior, had a large correspondence, and escaped the mortification of beingslighted by men in Washington who were using their temporary powerfor selfish ends. 

Early in March, 1676, appeared in all the newspapers of the day thesensational report from Washington that Secretary of War Belknaphad been detected in selling sutlerships in the army; that he hadconfessed it to Representative Blackburn, of Kentucky; that he hadtendered his resignation, which had been accepted by the President;and that he was still subject to impeachment, --would be impeachedand tried by the Senate. I was surprised to learn that GeneralBelknap was dishonest in money matters, for I believed him a bravesoldier, and I sorely thought him honest; but the truth was soonrevealed from Washington, and very soon after I received from JudgeAlphonso Taft, of Cincinnati, a letter informing me that he hadbeen appointed Secretary of War, and should insist on my immediatereturn to Washington. I answered that I was ready to go toWashington, or anywhere, if assured of decent treatment. 

I proceeded to Washington, when, on the 6th of April, werepublished these orders:

General Orders No. 28. 

The following orders of the President of the United States arehereby promulgated for the information and guidance of allconcerned:

The headquarters of the army are hereby reestablished at WashingtonCity, and all orders and instructions relative to militaryoperations or affecting the military control and discipline of thearmy issued by the President through the Secretary of War, shall bepromulgated through the General of the Army, and the departments ofthe Adjutant-General and the Inspector-General shall report to him, and be under his control in all matters relating thereto. 

By order of the Secretary of War:

E. D. TOWNSEND, Adjutant-General. 

This was all I had ever asked; accordingly my personal staff werebrought back to Washington, where we resumed our old places; only Idid not, for some time, bring back the family, and then only to arented house on Fifteenth Street, which we occupied till we leftWashington for good. During the period from 1876 to 1884 we had asSecretaries of War in succession, the Hon's. Alphonso Taft, J. D. Cameron, George W. McCrary, Alexander Ramsey, and R. T. Lincoln, with each and all of whom I was on terms of the most intimate andfriendly relations. 

And here I will record of Washington that I saw it, under the magichand of Alexander R. Shepherd, grow from a straggling, ill-pavedcity, to one of the cleanest, most beautiful, and attractive citiesof the whole world. Its climate is salubrious, with as muchsunshine as any city of America. The country immediately about itis naturally beautiful and romantic, especially up the Potomac, inthe region of the Great Falls; and, though the soil be poor ascompared with that of my present home, it is susceptible of easyimprovement and embellishment. The social advantages cannot besurpassed even in London, Paris, or Vienna; and among the residentpopulation, the members of the Supreme Court, Senate, House ofRepresentatives, army, navy, and the several executive departments, may be found an intellectual class one cannot encounter in ourcommercial and manufacturing cities. The student may, without taxand without price, have access, in the libraries of Congress and ofthe several departments, to books of every nature and kind; and themuseums of natural history are rapidly approaching a standard ofcomparison with the best of the world. Yet it is the usual andproper center of political intrigue, from which the army especiallyshould keep aloof, because the army must be true and faithful tothe powers that be, and not be subjected to a temptation to favorone or other of the great parties into which our people havedivided, and will continue to divide, it may be, with advantage tothe whole. 

It would be a labor of love for me, in this connection, to pay atribute of respect, by name, to the many able and most patrioticofficers with whom I was so long associated as the commandinggenerals of military divisions and departments, as well asstaff-officers; but I must forego the temptation, because of themagnitude of the subject, certain that each and all of them willfind biographers better posted and more capable than myself; and Iwould also like to make recognition of the hundreds of acts of mostgraceful hospitality on the part of the officers and families atour remote military posts in the days, of the "adobe, " the "jacal, "and "dug-out, " when a board floor and a shingle roof were luxuriesexpected by none except the commanding officer. I can see, inmemory, a beautiful young city-bred lady, who had married a poorsecond-lieutenant, and followed him to his post on the plains, whose quarters were in a "dug-out" ten feet by about fifteen, sevenfeet high, with a dirt roof; four feet of the walls were thenatural earth, the other three of sod, with holes for windows andcorn-sacks for curtains. This little lady had her Saratoga trunk, which was the chief article of furniture; yet, by means of a rug onthe ground-floor, a few candle-boxes covered with red cotton calicofor seats, a table improvised out of a barrel-head, and a fireplaceand chimney excavated in the back wall or bank, she had transformedher "hole in the ground" into a most attractive home for her youngwarrior husband; and she entertained me with a supper consisting ofthe best of coffee, fried ham, cakes, and jellies from thecommissary, which made on my mind an impression more lasting thanhave any one of the hundreds of magnificent banquets I have sinceattended in the palaces and mansions of our own and foreign lands. 

Still more would I like to go over again the many magnificent tripsmade across the interior plains, mountains, and deserts before thedays of the completed Pacific Railroad, with regular "Doughertys"drawn by four smart mules, one soldier with carbine or loadedmusket in hand seated alongside the driver; two in the back seatwith loaded rifles swung in the loops made for them; the lightestkind of baggage, and generally a bag of oats to supplement thegrass, and to attach the mules to their camp. With an outfit oftwo, three, or four of such, I have made journeys of as much aseighteen hundred miles in a single season, usually from post topost, averaging in distance about two hundred miles a week, with asmuch regularity as is done today by the steam-car its five hundredmiles a day; but those days are gone, and, though I recognize thegreat national advantages of the more rapid locomotion, I cannothelp occasionally regretting the change. One instance in 1866rises in my memory, which I must record: Returning eastward fromFort Garland, we ascended the Rocky Mountains to the Sangre-de-Cristo Pass. The road descending the mountain was very rough andsidling. I got out with my rifle, and walked ahead about fourmiles, where I awaited my "Dougherty. " After an hour or so I saw, coming down the road, a wagon; and did not recognize it as my owntill quite near. It had been upset, the top all mashed in, and nomeans at hand for repairs. I consequently turned aside from themain road to a camp of cavalry near the Spanish Peaks, where wewere most hospitably received by Major A---- and his accomplishedwife. They occupied a large hospital-tent, which about a dozenbeautiful greyhounds were free to enter at will. The ambulance wasrepaired, and the next morning we renewed our journey, escorted bythe major and his wife on their fine saddle-horses. 

They accompanied us about ten miles of the way; and, though age hassince begun to tell on them, I shall ever remember them in theirpride and strength as they galloped alongside our wagons down thelong slopes of the Spanish Peaks in a driving snow-storm. 

And yet again would it be a pleasant task to recall the manybanquets and feasts of the various associations of officers andsoldiers, who had fought the good battles of the civil war, inwhich I shared as a guest or host, when we could indulge in areasonable amount of glorification at deeds done and recorded, withwit, humor, and song; these when memory was fresh, and when the oldsoldiers were made welcome to the best of cheer and applause inevery city and town of the land. But no! I must hurry to myconclusion, for this journey has already been sufficientlyprolonged. 

I had always intended to divide time with my natural successor, General P. H. Sheridan, and early, notified him that I should aboutthe year 1884 retire from the command of the army, leaving himabout an equal period of time for the highest office in the army. It so happened that Congress had meantime by successive "enactments"cut down the army to twenty-five thousand men, the usual strengthof a corps d'armee, the legitimate command of a lieutenant-general. Up to 1882 officers not disabled by wounds or sickness could onlyavail themselves of the privileges of retirement on application, after thirty years of service, at sixty-two years of age; but onthe 30th of June, 1882, a bill was passed which, by operation ofthe law itself, compulsorily retired all army officers, regardlessof rank, at the age of sixty-four years. At the time this law wasdebated in Congress, I was consulted by Senators and others in themost friendly manner, representing that, if I wanted it, anexception could justly and easily be made in favor of the generaland lieutenant-general, whose commissions expired with their lives;but I invariably replied that I did not ask or expect an exceptionin my case, because no one could know or realize when his ownmental and physical powers began to decline. I remembered well theexperience of Gil Blas with the Bishop of Granada, and favored thepassage of the law fixing a positive period for retirement, toobviate in the future special cases of injustice such as I had seenin the recent past. The law was passed, and every officer then knewthe very day on which he must retire, and could make hispreparations accordingly. In my own case the law was liberal inthe extreme, being "without reduction in his current pay andallowances. "

I would be sixty-four years old on the 8th of February, 1884, adate inconvenient to move, and not suited to other incidents; so Iresolved to retire on the 1st day of November, 1883, to resume myformer home at St. Louis, and give my successor ample time to meetthe incoming Congress, But, preliminary thereto, I concluded tomake one more tour of the continent, going out to the Pacific bythe Northern route, and returning by that of the thirty-fifthparallel. This we accomplished, beginning at Buffalo, June 21st, and ending at St. Louis, Missouri, September 30, 1883, a full andmost excellent account of which can be found in Colonel Tidball's"Diary, " which forms part of the report of the General of the Armyfor the year 1883. 

Before retiring also, as was my duty, I desired that my aides-de-camp who had been so faithful and true to me should not sufferby my act. All were to retain the rank of colonels of cavalry tillthe last day, February 8, 1884; but meantime each secured places, as follows:

Colonel O. M. Poe was lieutenant-colonel of the Engineer CorpsUnited States Army, and was by his own choice assigned to Detroitin charge of the engineering works on the Upper Lakes, which dutywas most congenial to him. 

Colonel J. C. Tidball was assigned to command the Artillery Schoolat Fort Monroe, by virtue of his commission as lieutenant-colonel, Third Artillery, a station for which he was specially qualified. 

Colonel John E. Tourtelotte was then entitled to promotion tomajor of the Seventh Cavalry, a rank in which he could be certainof an honorable command. 

The only remaining aide-de-camp was Colonel John M. Bacon, whoutterly ignored self in his personal attachment to me. He was thena captain of the Ninth Cavalry, but with almost a certainty ofpromotion to be major of the Seventh before the date of my officialretirement, which actually resulted. The last two accompanied meto St. Louis, and remained with me to the end. Having previouslyaccomplished the removal of my family to St. Louis, and havingcompleted my last journey to the Pacific, I wrote the followingletter:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, D. C. , October 8, 1883. 

Hon. R. T. LINCOLN, Secretary of War. 

SIR: By the act of Congress, approved June 30, 1882, allarmy-officers are retired on reaching the age of sixty-four years. If living, I will attain that age on the 8th day of February, 1884;but as that period of the year is not suited for the changesnecessary on my retirement, I have contemplated anticipating theevent by several months, to enable the President to meet thesechanges at a more convenient season of the year, and also to enablemy successor to be in office before the assembling of the nextCongress. 

I therefore request authority to turn over the command of the armyto Lieutenant-General Sheridan on the 1st day of November, 1883, and that I be ordered to my home at St. Louis, Missouri, there toawait the date of my legal retirement; and inasmuch as for a longtime I must have much correspondence about war and officialmatters, I also ask the favor to have with me for a time my twopresent aides-de-camp, Colonels J. E. Tourtelotte and J. M. Bacon. 

The others of my personal staff, viz. , Colonels O. M. Poe and J. C. Tidball, have already been assigned to appropriate duties intheir own branches of the military service, the engineers andartillery. All should retain the rank and pay as aides-de-campuntil February 8, 1884. By or before the 1st day of November I cancomplete all official reports, and believe I can surrender the armyto my successor in good shape and condition, well provided in allrespects, and distributed for the best interests of the country. 

I am grateful that my physical and mental-strength remainunimpaired by years, and am thankful for the liberal provision madeby Congress for my remaining years, which will enable me to respondpromptly to any call the President may make for my military serviceor judgment as long as I live. I have the honor to be yourobedient servant, W. T. SHERMAN, General. 

The answer was:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, October 10, 1888. 

General W. T. SHERMAN, Washington, D. C. 

GENERAL: I have submitted to the President your letter of the 8thinstant, requesting that you be relieved of the command of the armyon the 1st of November next, as a more convenient time for makingthe changes in military commands which must follow your retirementfrom active service, than would be the date of your retirementunder the law. 

In signifying his approval of your request, the President directsme to express to you his earnest hope that there may be given youmany years of health and happiness in which to enjoy the gratitudeof your fellow-citizens, well earned by your most distinguishedpublic services. 

It will give me pleasure to comply with your wishes respecting youraides-de-camp, and the necessary orders will be duly issued. 

I have the honor to be, General, your obedient servant, ROBERT T. LINCOLN, Secretary of War. 

On the 27th day of October I submitted to the Secretary ofWar, the Hon. R. T. Lincoln, my last annual report, embracing amongother valuable matters the most interesting and condensed report ofColonel O. M. Poe, A. D. C. , of the "original conception, progress, and completion" of the four great transcontinental railways, whichhave in my judgment done more for the subjugation and civilizationof the Indians than all other causes combined, and have madepossible the utilization of the vast area of pasture lands andmineral regions which before were almost inaccessible, for myagency in which I feel as much pride as for my share in any of thebattles in which I took part. 

Promptly on the 1st of November were made the following generalorders, and the command of the Army of the United States passedfrom me to Lieutenant-General P. H. Sheridan, with as littleceremony as would attend the succession of the lieutenant-colonelof a regiment to his colonel about to take a leave of absence:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, November 1, 1885. 

General Orders No. 77:

By and with the consent of the President, as contained in GeneralOrders No. 71, of October 13, 1883, the undersigned relinquishescommand of the Army of the United States. 

In thus severing relations which have hitherto existed between us, he thanks all officers and men for their fidelity to the high trustimposed on them during his official life, and will, in hisretirement, watch with parental solicitude their progress upward inthe noble profession to which they have devoted their lives. 

W. T. SHERMAN, General. 

Official: R. C. DRUM, Adjutant-General. 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMYWASHINGTON, November 1, 1885. 

General Orders No. 78:

In obedience to orders of the President, promulgated in GeneralOrders No. 71, October 13, 1883, from these headquarters, theundersigned hereby assumes command of the Army of the UnitedStates.... 

P. H. SHERIDAN, Lieutenant-General. 

Official: R. C. DRUM, adjutant-General. 

After a few days in which to complete my social visits, and after ashort visit to my daughter, Mrs. A. M. Thackara, at Philadelphia, Iquietly departed for St. Louis; and, as I hope, for "good and all, "the family was again reunited in the same place from which we weredriven by a cruel, unnecessary civil war initiated in CharlestonHarbor in April, 1861. 

On the 8th day of February, 1884; I was sixty-four years of age, and therefore retired by the operation of the act of Congress, approved June 30, 1882; but the fact was gracefully noticed byPresident Arthur in the following general orders:

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, February 8, 1984. 

The following order of the President is published to the army:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8, 1884. 

General William T. Sherman, General of the Army, having this dayreached the age of sixty-four years, is, in accordance with thelaw, placed upon the retired list of the army, without reduction inhis current pay and allowances. 

The announcement of the severance from the command of the army ofone who has been for so many years its distinguished chief, can butawaken in the minds, not only of the army, but of the people of theUnited States, mingled emotions of regret and gratitude--regret atthe withdrawal from active military service of an officer whoselofty sense of duty has been a model for all soldiers since hefirst entered the army in July, 1840; and gratitude, freshlyawakened, for the services of incalculable value rendered by him inthe war for the Union, which his great military genius and daringdid so much to end. 

The President deems this a fitting occasion to give expression, inthis manner, to the gratitude felt toward General Sherman by hisfellow-citizens, and to the hope that Providence may grant him manyyears of health and happiness in the relief from the active dutiesof his profession. 

By order of the Secretary of War:

CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 

R. C. DRUM, Adjutant-General. 

To which I replied:

St. Louis, February 9, 1884. 

His Excellency CHESTER A. ARTHUR, President of the United States. 

DEAR SIR: Permit me with a soldier's frankness to thank youpersonally for the handsome compliment bestowed in general ordersof yesterday, which are reported in the journals of the day. To meit was a surprise and a most agreeable one. I had supposed theactual date of my retirement would form a short paragraph in thecommon series of special orders of the War Department; but as thehonored Executive of our country has made it the occasion for hisown hand to pen a tribute of respect and affection to an officerpassing from the active stage of life to one of ease and rest, Ican only say I feel highly honored, and congratulate myself in thusrounding out my record of service in a manner most gratifying to myfamily and friends. Not only this, but I feel sure, when theorders of yesterday are read on parade to the regiments andgarrisons of the United States, many a young hero will tighten hisbelt, and resolve anew to be brave and true to the starry flag, which we of our day have carried safely through one epoch ofdanger, but which may yet be subjected to other trials, which maydemand similar sacrifices, equal fidelity and courage, and a largermeasure of intelligence. Again thanking you for so marked acompliment, and reciprocating the kind wishes for the future, I am, with profound respect, your friend and servant, W. T. SHERMAN, General. 

This I construe as the end of my military career. In looking backupon the past I can only say, with millions of others, that I havedone many things I should not have done, and have left undone stillmore which ought to have been done; that I can see where hundredsof opportunities have been neglected, but on the whole am content;and feel sure that I can travel this broad country of ours, and beeach night the welcome guest in palace or cabin; and, as

 "all the world's stage, And all the men and women merely players, "

I claim the privilege to ring down the curtain. 

W. T. SHERMAN, General.