MANUAL OF EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND Guide to the Study of Antiquities in Egypt. _FOR THE USE OF STUDENTS AND TRAVELLERS_. BYG. MASPERO, D. C. L. OXON. MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE; PROFESSOR AT THE COLLÈGE DE FRANCE;EX-DIRECTOR GENERAL OF EGYPTIAN MUSEUMS. _TRANSLATED BY_ AMELIA B. EDWARDS. _NEW EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED BY THE AUTHOR_. With Three Hundred and Nine Illustrations. 1895. PREFACE TO THE FOURTH AND REVISED EDITION. Notwithstanding the fact that Egyptology is now recognised as a science, anexact and communicable knowledge of whose existence and scope it behovesall modern culture to take cognisance, this work of M. Maspero stillremains the Handbook of Egyptian Archaeology. But Egyptology is as yet inits infancy; whatever their age, Egyptologists will long die young. Everyyear, almost every month, fresh material for the study is found, freshlight is thrown upon it by the progress of excavation, exploration, andresearch. Hence it follows that, in the course of a few years, the standardtext-books require considerable addition and modification if they are to beof the greatest value to students, who must always start from the foremostvantage-ground. The increasing demand for the _Egyptian Archaeology_ by English andAmerican tourists, as well as students, decided the English publishers toissue a new edition in as light and portable a form as possible. Thisedition is carefully corrected, and contains the enlarged letterpress andmany fresh illustrations necessary for incorporating within the bookadequate accounts of the main archaeological results of recent Egyptianexcavations. M. Maspero has himself revised the work, indicated all thenumerous additions, and qualified the expression of any views which he hasseen reason to modify in the course of his researches during the past eightyears. By the headings of the pages, the descriptive titles of theillustrations, and a minute revision of the index, much has been done tofacilitate the use of the volume as a book of reference. In that capacityit will be needed by the student long after he first makes acquaintancewith its instructive and abundant illustrations and its luminouscondensation of the archaeological facts and conclusions which have beenelucidated by Egyptology through the devotion of many an arduous lifetimeduring the present century, and, not least, by the unremitting labours ofM. Maspero. _April, 1895_. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. To put this book into English, and thus to hand it on to thousands whomight not otherwise have enjoyed it, has been to me a very congenial andinteresting task. It would be difficult, I imagine, to point to any work ofits scope and character which is better calculated to give lasting delightto all classes of readers. For the skilled archaeologist, its pages containnot only new facts, but new views and new interpretations; while to thosewho know little, or perhaps nothing, of the subjects under discussion, itwill open a fresh and fascinating field of study. It is not enough to saythat a handbook of Egyptian Archaeology was much needed, and that ProfessorMaspero has given us exactly what we required. He has done much more thanthis. He has given us a picturesque, vivacious, and highly original volume, as delightful as if it were not learned, and as instructive as if it weredull. As regards the practical side of Archaeology, it ought to be unnecessary topoint out that its usefulness is strictly parallel with the usefulness ofpublic museums. To collect and exhibit objects of ancient art and industryis worse than idle if we do not also endeavour to disseminate someknowledge of the history of those arts and industries, and of the processesemployed by the artists and craftsmen of the past. Archaeology, no lessthan love, "adds a precious seeing to the eye"; and without that gain ofmental sight, the treasures of our public collections are regarded by thegeneral visitor as mere "curiosities"--flat and stale for the most part, and wholly unprofitable. I am much indebted to Mr. W. M. Flinders Petrie, author of _The Pyramids andTemples of Gizeh_, for kindly translating the section on "Pyramids, " whichis entirely from his pen. I have also to thank him for many valuable noteson subjects dealt with in the first three chapters. To avoid confusion, Ihave numbered these notes, and placed them at the end of the volume. My acknowledgments are likewise due to Professor Maspero for the care withwhich he has read the proof-sheets of this version of his work. Indeparting from his system of orthography (and that of Mr. Petrie) I havebeen solely guided by the necessities of English readers. I foresee that_Egyptian Archaeology_ will henceforth be the inseparable companion of allEnglish-speaking travellers who visit the Valley of the Nile; hence I havefor the most part adopted the spelling of Egyptian proper names as given bythe author of "Murray's Handbook for Egypt. " Touching my own share in the present volume, I will only say that I havetried to present Professor Maspero's inimitable French in the form ofreadable English, rather than in a strictly word-for-word translation; andthat with the hope of still further extending the usefulness of the book, Ihave added some foot-note references. AMELIA B. EDWARDS. WESTBURY-ON-TRYM, _August_, 1887. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. ARCHITECTURE--CIVIL AND MILITARY. § 1. HOUSES:--Bricks and Brickmaking--Foundations--Materials--Towns-- Plans--Decoration § 2. FORTRESSES:--Walls--Plans--Migdols, etc. § 3. PUBLIC WORKS:--Roads--Bridges--Storehouses--Canals--Lake Moeris-- Dams--Reservoirs--Quarries CHAPTER II. RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE. § 1. MATERIALS; PRINCIPLES OF CONSTRUCTION:--Materials of Temples-- Foundations of Temples--Sizes of Blocks--Mortars--Mode of hoisting Blocks--Defective Masonry--Walls--Pavements--Vaultings--Supports-- Pillars and Columns--Capitals--Campaniform Capitals--Lotus-bud Capitals--Hathor-headed Capitals § 2. TEMPLES:--Temples of the Sphinx--Temples of Elephantine--Temple at El Kab--Temple of Khonsû--Arrangement of Temples--Levels--Crypts-- Temple of Karnak--Temple of Luxor--Philae--The Speos, or Rock-cut Temple--Speos of Horemheb--Rock-cut Temples of Abû Simbel--Temple of Deir el Baharî--Temple of Abydos--Sphinxes--Crio-sphinxes § 3. DECORATION:--Principles of Decoration--The Temple a Symbolic Representation of the World--Decoration of Parts nearest the Ground-- Dadoes--Bases of Columns--Decoration of Ceilings--Decoration of Architraves--Decoration of Wall-surfaces--Magic Virtues of Decoration --Decoration of Pylons--Statues--Obelisks--Libation-tables--Altars-- Shrines--Sacred Boats--Moving Statues of Deities CHAPTER III. TOMBS. § 1. MASTABAS:--Construction of the Mastaba--The Door of the Living, and the Door of the Dead--The Chapel--Wall Decorations--The Double and his Needs--The _Serdab_--Ka Statues--The Sepulchral Chamber § 2. PYRAMIDS:--Plan of the Pyramid comprises three leading features of the Mastaba--Materials of Pyramids--Orientation--Pyramid of Khûfû-- Pyramids of Khafra and Menkara--Step Pyramid of Sakkarah--Pyramid of Ûnas--Decoration of Pyramid of Ûnas--Group of Dashûr--Pyramid of Medum § 3. TOMBS OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE; THE ROCK-CUT TOMBS:--Pyramid-mastabas of Abydos--Pyramid-mastabas of Drah Abû'l Neggah--Rock-cut Tombs of Beni Hasan and Syene--Rock-cut Tombs of Siût--Wall-decoration of Theban Catacombs--Tombs of the Kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty at Thebes--Valley of the Tombs of the Kings--Royal Catacombs--Tomb of Seti I. --Wall-decorations of Royal Catacombs--Funerary Furniture of Catacombs--Ûshabtiû--Amulets--Common Graves of the Poor CHAPTER IV. PAINTING AND SCULPTURE. § 1. DRAWING AND COMPOSITION:--Supposed Canon of Proportion--Drawing Materials--Sketches--Illustrations to the _Book of the Dead_-- Conventional Treatment of Animal and Human Figures--Naturalistic Treatment--Composition--Grouping--Wall-paintings of Tombs--A Funerary Feast--A Domestic Scene--Military Subjects--Perspective--Parallel between a Wall-painting in a Tomb at Sakkarah and the Mosaic of Palestrina § 2. TECHNICAL PROCESSES:--The Preparation of Surfaces--Outline-- Sculptors' Tools--Iron and Bronze Tools--Impurity of Iron--Methods of Instruction in Sculpture--Models--Methods of cutting Various Stones-- Polish--Painted Sculptures--Pigments--Conventional Scale of Colour-- Relation of Painting to Sculpture in Ancient Egypt § 3. SCULPTURE:--The Great Sphinx--Art of the Memphite School--Wood- panels of Hesi--Funerary Statues--The Portrait-statue and the Double --_Chefs d'oeuvre_ of the Memphite School--The Cross-legged Scribe--Diorite Statue of Khafra--Rahotep and Nefert--The Sheikh el Beled--The Kneeling Scribe--The Dwarf Nemhotep--Royal Statues of the Twelfth Dynasty--Hyksos Sphinxes of Tanis--Theban School of the Eighteenth Dynasty--Colossi of Amenhotep III. --New School of Tel el Amarna--Its Superior Grace and Truth--Works of Horemheb--School of the Nineteenth Dynasty--Colossi of Rameses II. --Decadence of Art begins with Merenptah--Ethiopian Renaissance--Saïte Renaissance--The Attitudes of Statues--Saïte Innovations--Greek Influence upon Egyptian Art--The Ptolemaic and Roman Periods--The School of Meroë--Extinction of Egyptian Art CHAPTER V. THE INDUSTRIAL ARTS. § 1. STONE, CLAY, AND GLASS:--Precious Stones--Lapidary Art--Beads and Amulets--Scarabaei--Statuettes--Libation Tables--Perfume Vases--Kohl- pots--Pottery--Clay--Glazes--Red and Painted Wares--Ûshabtiû--Funerary Cones--Painted Vases--"Canopic" Vases--Clay Sarcophagi--Glass--Its Chemical Constituents--Clear Glass--Coloured Glass--Imitations of Precious Stones in Glass--Glass Mosaics--Miniature Objects in Coloured Glass--Glass Amulets--Coloured Glass Vases--Enamels--The Theban Blue-- The Enamels of Tell el Amarna--Enamelled Ûshabtiû of Amen Ptahmes-- Enamelled Tiles of the Step Pyramid at Sakkarah--Enamelled Tiles of Tell el Yahûdeh § 2. WOOD, IVORY, LEATHER; TEXTILE FABRICS:--Bone and Ivory--Elephant Tusks--Dyed Ivory--Egyptian Woods--Wooden Statuettes--Statuette of Hori--Statuette of Naï--Wooden Toilet Ornaments--Perfume and Unguent Spoons--Furniture--Chests and Coffers--Mummy-cases--Wooden Effigies on Mummy Cases--Huge Outer Cases of Ahmesnefertari and Aahhotep--Funerary Furniture--Beds--Canopies--Sledges--Chairs--Stools--Thrones-- Textiles--Methods of Weaving--Leather--Breast-bands of Mummies-- Patchwork Canopy in Coloured Leather of Princess Isiemkheb-- Embroideries--Muslins--Celebrated Textiles of Alexandria § 3. METALS:--Iron--Lead--Bronze--Constituents of Egyptian Bronze-- Domestic Utensils in Bronze--Mirrors--Scissors--Bronze Statuettes-- The Stroganoff Bronze--The Posno Bronzes--The Lion of Apries--Gilding --Gold-plating--Gold-leaf--Statues and Statuettes of Precious Metals --The Silver and Golden Cups of General Tahûti--The Silver Vases of Thmûis--Silver Plate--Goldsmith's Work--Richness of Patterns-- Jewellery--Funerary Jewellery--Rings--Seal-rings--Chains--The Jewels of Queen Aahhotep--The Ring of Rameses II. --The Ear-rings of Rameses IX. --The Bracelet of Prince Psar--Conclusion NOTES INDEX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. FIGURE 1. Brickmaking, tomb of Rekhmara, Eighteenth Dynasty 2. House with vaulted floors, Medinet Habû 3. Plan of the town of Kahûn, Twelfth Dynasty 4. Plan of house, Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty 5. Plan of house, Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty 6. Façade of house of Second Theban Period 7. Plan of house of Second Theban Period 8. Restoration of hall in Twelfth Dynasty house, Kahûn 9. Box representing a house 10. Wall-painting in Twelfth Dynasty house, Kahûn 11. View of mansion, tomb of Anna, Eighteenth Dynasty 12. Porch of mansion of Second Theban Period 13. Porch of mansion of Second Theban Period 14. Plan of Theban house and grounds, Eighteenth Dynasty 15. A perspective view of same 16. Part of palace of Aï, El Amarna tomb, Eighteenth Dynasty 17. Perspective view of part of palace of Aï 18. Frontage of house, Second Theban Period 19. Frontage of house, Second Theban Period 20. Central pavilion of house, Second Theban Period 21. Ceiling decoration from house at Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty 22. Ceiling decoration, Twelfth Dynasty style 23. Ceiling decoration, tomb of Aimadûa, Twentieth Dynasty 24. Door of house, Sixth Dynasty tomb 25. Façade of Fourth Dynasty house, sarcophagus of Khûfû Poskhû 26. Plan of second fortress at Abydos, Eleventh or Twelfth Dynasty 27. Walls of same fortress, restored 28. Façade of fort, tomb at Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty 29. Plan of main gate, second fortress of Abydos 30. Plan of S. E. Gate of same 31. Plan of gate, fortress of Kom el Ahmar 32. Plan of walled city at El Kab 33. Plan of walled city at Kom Ombo 34. Plan of fortress of Kûmmeh 35. Plan of fortress of Semneh 36. Section of platform of same 37. Syrian fort, elevation 38. Town walls of Dapûr 39. City of Kaclesh, Ramesseum 40. Plan of pavilion of Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty 41. Elevation of same 42. Canal and bridge of Zarû, Karnak, Nineteenth Dynasty 43. Cellar with amphorae 44. Granary 45. Plan of Store City of Pithom, Nineteenth Dynasty 46. Store-chambers of the Ramesseum 47. Dike at Wady Gerraweh 48. Section of same dike 49. Quarries of Silsilis 50. Draught of Hathor capital, quarry of Gebel Abûfeydeh 51. Transport of blocks, stela of Ahmes, Tûrrah, Eighteenth Dynasty 52. Masonry in temple of Seti I. , Abydos 53. Temple wall with cornice 54. Niche and doorway in temple of Seti I. , Abydos 55. Pavement in same temple 56. "Corbelled" vault in same temple 57. Hathor pillar in temple of Abû Simbel, Nineteenth Dynasty 58. Pillar of Amenhotep III. , Karnak 59. Sixteen-sided pillars, Karnak 60. Fluted pillar, Kalabsheh 61. Polygonal Hathor-headed pillar, El Kab 62. Column with square die, Contra Esneh 63. Column with campaniform capital, Ramesseum 64. Inverted campaniform capital, Karnak 65. Palm capital, Bubastis 66. Compound capital 67. Ornate capitals, Ptolemaic 68. Lotus-bud column, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty 69. Lotus-bud column, processional hall of Thothmes HI. , Karnak 70. Column in aisle of Hypostyle Hall, Karnak 71. Hathor-head capital, Ptolemaic 72. Campaniform and Hathor-headed capital, Philae 73. Section of Hypostyle Hall, Karnak 74. Plan of the temple of the Sphinx 75. South temple of Elephantine 76. Plan of temple of Amenhotep III. , El Kab 77. Plan of temple of Hathor, Deir el Medineh 78. Plan of temple of Khonsû, Karnak 79. Pylon with masts, wall-scene, temple of Khonsû, Karnak 80. Ramesseum, restored 81. Plan of sanctuary at Denderah 82. Pronaos, temple of Edfû 83. Plan of same temple 84. Plan of temple of Karnak in reign of Amenhotep III 85. Plan of Hypostyle Hall, Karnak 86. Plan of great temple, Luxor 87. Plan of buildings on island of Philae 88. Plan of Speos, Kalaat Addah 89. Plan of Speos, Gebel Silsileh 90. Plan of Great Speos, Abû Simbel 91. Plan of Speos of Hathor, Abû Simbel 92. Plan of upper portion of temple of Deir el Baharî 93. Plan of temple of Seti I. , Abydos 94. Crio-sphinx from temple of Wady Es Sabûah 95. Couchant ram, from Avenue of Sphinxes, Karnak 96-101. Decorative designs from Denderah 102. Decorative group of Nile gods 103. Dado decoration, hall of Thothmes III. , Karnak 104. Ceiling decoration, tomb of Bakenrenf, Twenty-sixth Dynasty 105. Zodiacal circle of Denderah 106. Frieze of uraei and cartouches 107. Wall-scene from temple of Denderah 108. Obelisk of Heliopolis, Twelfth Dynasty 109. Obelisk of Begig, Twelfth Dynasty 110. "Table of offerings" from Karnak 111. Limestone altar from Menshîyeh 112. Wooden naos, in Turin Museum 113. A mastaba 114. False door in mastaba 115. Plan of forecourt, mastaba of Kaäpir 116. Plan of forecourt, mastaba of Neferhotep 117. Door in mastaba façade 118. Portico and door of mastaba 119. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Khabiûsokari 120. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Ti 121. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Shepsesptah 122. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Affi 123. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Thenti 124. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Red Scribe 125. Plan of chapel, mastaba of Ptahhotep 126. Stela in mastaba of Merrûka 127. Wall-scene from mastaba of Ptahhotep 128. Wall-scene from mastaba of Ûrkhûû 129. Wall-scene from mastaba of Ptahhotep 130. Plan of serdab in mastaba at Gizeh 131. Plan of serdab and chapel in mastaba of Rahotep 132. Plan of serdab and chapel in mastaba of Thenti 133. Section of mastaba showing shaft and vault, at Gizeh 134. Section of mastaba, at Sakkarah 135. Wall-scene from mastaba of Nenka 136. Section of Great Pyramid 137. The Step Pyramid of Sakkarah 138. Plan and section of pyramid of Ûnas 139. Portcullis and passage, pyramid of Ûnas 140. Section of pyramid of Ûnas 141. Mastabat el Faraûn 142. Pyramid of Medûm 143. Section of passage and vault in pyramid of Medûm 144. Section of "vaulted" brick pyramid, Abydos, Eleventh Dynasty 145. Section of "vaulted" tomb, Abydos 146. Plan of tomb, Abydos 147. Theban tomb with pyramidion, wall-scene, tomb at Sheikh Abd el Gûrneh 148. Similar tomb 149. Section of Apis tomb, Eighteenth Dynasty 150. Tombs in cliff opposite Asûan 151. Façade of rock-cut tomb of Khnûmhotep, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty 152. Façade of rock-cut tomb, Asûan 153. Plan of tomb of Khnûmhotep, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty 154. Plan of unfinished tomb, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty 155. Wall-scene, tomb of Manna, Nineteenth Dynasty 156. Plan of tomb of Rameses IV. 157. Plan of tomb of Rameses IV. , from Turin papyrus 158. Plan of tomb of Seti I. 159. Fields of Aalû, wall-scene, tomb of Rameses III. 160. Pestle and mortar for grinding colours 161. Comic sketch on ostrakon 162. Vignette from _Book of the Dead_, Saïte period 163. Vignette from _Book of the Dead_, papyrus of Hûnefer 164-5. Wall-scenes, tomb of Khnûmhotep, Beni Hasan 166. Wall-scene, tomb, Eighteenth Dynasty 167. Wall-scene, tomb of Horemheb 168. Wall-scene, Theban tomb, Ramesside period 169. Wall-scene, tomb of Horemheb 170. Wall-scene, Ramesseum 171. Wall-scene, Medinet Habû 172. Wall-scene, Ramesseum 173. Wall-scene, Ramesseum 174. Wall-scene, tomb of Rekhmara 175. Wall-scene, tomb of Rekhmara 176. Wall-scene, mastaba of Ptahhotep 177. Palestrina mosaic 178. Sculptor's sketch, Ancient Empire tomb 179. Sculptor's sketch, Ancient Empire tomb 180. Sculptor's correction, Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty 181. Bow drill 182. Sculptor's trial-piece, Eighteenth Dynasty 183. The Great Sphinx of Gizeh 184. Wooden panel, mastaba of Hesî 185. Cross-legged scribe, in the Louvre, Ancient Empire 186. Cross-legged scribe, at Gizeh, Ancient Empire 187. King Khafra 188. The "Sheikh el Beled" (Raemka), Ancient Empire 189. Rahotep, Ancient Empire 190. Nefert, wife of Rahotep, Ancient Empire 191. Head of the "Sheikh el Beled, " Ancient Empire 192. Wife of the "Sheikh el Beled, " Ancient Empire 193. The kneeling scribe, at Gizeh. Ancient Empire 194. A bread-maker, Ancient Empire 195. The dwarf Nemhotep, Ancient Empire 196. One of the Tanis sphinxes, Hyksos period 197. Bas-relief head of Seti I. 198. Amen and Horemheb 199. Head of a queen, Eighteenth Dynasty 200. Head of Horemheb 201. Colossal statue of Rameses 11. 202. Queen Ameniritis. 203. Thûeris, Saïte period 204. Hathor cow, Saïte period 205. Pedishashi, Saïte period 206. Head of a scribe, Saïte period 207. Colossus of Alexander II. 208. Hor, Graeco-Egyptian 209. Group from Naga, Ethiopian School 210. _Ta_ amulet 211. Frog amulet 212. _Ûat_ amulet 213. _Ûta_ amulet 214. A scarab 215-7. Perfume vases, alabaster 218. Perfume vase, alabaster 219. Vase for antimony powder 220. Turin vases, pottery 221-3. Decorated vases, pottery 224. Glass-blowers, wall-scene, Twelfth Dynasty 225-6. Parti-cloured glass vases 227. Parti-coloured glass vase 228. Glass goblets of Nesikhonsû 229. Hippopotamus in blue glaze 230-1. Theban glazed ware 232. Cup, glazed ware 233. Interior decoration of bowl, Eighteenth Dynasty 234. Lenticular vase, glazed ware, Saïte period 235. Tiled chamber in Step Pyramid of Sakkarah 236. Tile from same 237. Tile, Tell el Yahûdeh, Twentieth Dynasty 238. Tile, Tell el Yahûdeh, Twentieth Dynasty 239. Inlaid tiles, Tell el Yahûdeh, Twentieth Dynasty 240-1. Relief tiles, Tell el Yahûdeh, Twentieth Dynasty 242. Spoon 243. Wooden statuette of officer, Eighteenth Dynasty 244. Wooden statuette of priest, Eighteenth Dynasty 245. Wooden statuette of Naï 246-54. Wooden perfume and unguent spoons 255. Fire-sticks, bow, and unfinished drill-stock, Twelfth Dynasty 256. Dolls, Twelfth Dynasty 257. Tops, tip-cat, and toy boat, Twelfth Dynasty 258-60. Chests 261. Construction of a mummy-case, wall-scene, Eighteenth Dynasty 262. Mask of Twenty-first Dynasty coffin of Rameses II 263. Mummy-case of Queen Ahmesnefertari 264. Panel portrait from the Fayûm, Graeco-Roman 265. Carved and painted mummy-canopy 266. Canopied mummy-couch, Graeco-Roman 267. Mummy-sledge and canopy 268. Inlaid chair, Eleventh Dynasty 269. Inlaid stool, Eleventh Dynasty 270. Throne-chair, wall-scene, Twentieth Dynasty 271. Women weaving, wall-scene, Twelfth Dynasty 272. Man weaving carpet or hangings, wall-scene, Twelfth Dynasty 273. Cut leather work, Twenty-first Dynasty 274-5. Barks with cut leather-work sails, Twentieth Dynasty 276-7. Bronze jug 278. Unguent vase, or spoon (lamp for suspension?) 279. Bronze statuette of Takûshet 280. Bronze statuette of Horus 281. Bronze statuette of Mosû 282. Bronze lion from Horbeit, Saïte period 283. Gold-worker, wall-scene 284. Golden cup of General Tahûti, Eighteenth Dynasty 285. Silver vase of Thmûis 286. Silver vase of Thmûis 287. Piece of plate, wall-scene, Twentieth Dynasty 288-95. Plate, wall-scenes, Eighteenth Dynasty 296. Signet-ring, with bezel 297. Gold _cloisonné_ pectoral, Dahshur, Twelfth Dynasty 298. Mirror of Queen Aahhotep, Eighteenth Dynasty 299-300. Bracelets of same 301. Diadem of same 302. Gold _Ûsekh_ of same 303. Gold pectoral of same 304-5. Poignards found with mummy of Queen Aahhotep 306. Battle-axe found with same 307. Model funerary bark found with same 308. Ring of Rameses II 309. Bracelet of Prince Psar EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY. CHAPTER I. _ARCHITECTURE--CIVIL AND MILITARY_. Archaeologists, when visiting Egypt, have so concentrated their attentionupon temples and tombs, that not one has devoted himself to a carefulexamination of the existing remains of private dwellings and militarybuildings. Few countries, nevertheless, have preserved so many relics oftheir ancient civil architecture. Setting aside towns of Roman or Byzantinedate, such as are found almost intact at Koft (Coptos), at Kom Ombo, and atEl Agandiyeh, one-half at least of ancient Thebes still exists on the eastand south of Karnak. The site of Memphis is covered with mounds, some ofwhich are from fifty to sixty feet in height, each containing a core ofhouses in good preservation. At Kahûn, the ruins and remains of a wholeprovincial Twelfth Dynasty town have been laid bare; at Tell el Mask-hûtah, the granaries of Pithom are yet standing; at Sãn (Tanis) and Tell Basta(Bubastis), the Ptolemaic and Saïtic cities contain quarters of which plansmight be made (Note 1), and in many localities which escape the traveller'snotice, there may be seen ruins of private dwellings which date back to theage of the Ramessides, or to a still earlier period. As regardsfortresses, there are two in the town of Abydos alone, one of which is atleast contemporary with the Sixth Dynasty; while the ramparts of El Kab, ofKom el Ahmar, of El Hibeh, and of Dakkeh, as well as part of thefortifications of Thebes, are still standing, and await the architect whoshall deign to make them an object of serious study. * * * * * 1. --PRIVATE DWELLINGS. The soil of Egypt, periodically washed by the inundation, is a black, compact, homogeneous clay, which becomes of stony hardness when dry. Fromimmemorial time, the fellahin have used it for the construction of theirhouses. The hut of the poorest peasant is a mere rudely-shaped mass of thisclay. A rectangular space, some eight or ten feet in width, by perhapssixteen or eighteen feet in length, is enclosed in a wickerwork of palm-branches, coated on both sides with a layer of mud. As this coating cracksin the drying the fissures are filled in, and more coats of mud are daubedon until the walls attain a thickness of from four inches to a foot. Finally, the whole is roofed over with palm-branches and straw, the topbeing covered in with a thin layer of beaten earth. The height varies. Inmost huts, the ceiling is so low that to rise suddenly is dangerous both toone's head and to the structure, while in others the roof is six or sevenfeet from the floor. Windows, of course, there are none. Sometimes a holeis left in the middle of the roof to let the smoke out; but this is arefinement undreamed of by many. [Illustration: Fig. 1. --Brickmaking, from Eighteenth Dynasty tomb-painting, Tomb of Rekhmara. ] At the first glance, it is not always easy to distinguish between thesehuts of wattle and daub and those built with crude bricks. The ordinaryEgyptian brick is a mere oblong block of mud mixed with chopped straw and alittle sand, and dried in the sun. At a spot where they are about to build, one man is told off to break up the ground; others carry the clods, andpile them in a heap, while others again mix them with water, knead the claywith their feet, and reduce it to a homogeneous paste. This paste, whensufficiently worked (Note 2), is pressed by the head workman in moulds madeof hard wood, while an assistant carries away the bricks as fast as theyare shaped, and lays them out in rows at a little distance apart, to dry inthe sun (fig. I). A careful brickmaker will leave them thus for half a day, or even for a whole day, after which the bricks are piled in stacks in suchwise that the air can circulate freely among them; and so they remain for aweek or two before they are used. More frequently, however, they areexposed for only a few hours to the heat of the sun, and the building isbegun while they are yet damp. The mud, however, is so tenacious that, notwithstanding this carelessness, they are not readily put out of shape. The outer faces of the bricks become disintegrated by the action of theweather, but those in the inner part of the wall remain intact, and arestill separable. A good modern workman will easily mould a thousand bricksa day, and after a week's practice he may turn out 1, 200, 1, 500, or even1, 800. The ancient workmen, whose appliances in no wise differed from thoseof the present day, produced equally satisfactory results. The dimensionsthey generally adopted were 8. 7 x 4. 3 x 5. 5 inches for ordinary bricks, or15. 0 x 7. 1 x 5. 5 for a larger size (Note 3), though both larger and smallerare often met with in the ruins. Bricks issued from the royal workshopswere sometimes stamped with the cartouches of the reigning monarch; whilethose made in private factories bore on the side a trade mark in red ochre, a squeeze of the moulder's fingers, or the stamp of the maker. By far thegreater number have, however, no distinctive mark. Burnt bricks were notoften used before the Roman period (Note 4), nor tiles, either flat orcurved. Glazed bricks appear to have been the fashion in the Delta. Thefinest specimen that I have seen, namely, one in the Gizeh Museum, isinscribed in black ink with the cartouches of Rameses III. The glaze ofthis brick is green, but other fragments are coloured blue, red, yellow, orwhite. The nature of the soil does not allow of deep foundations. It consists of athin bed of made earth, which, except in large towns, never reaches anydegree of thickness; below this comes a very dense humus, permeated byslender veins of sand; and below this again--at the level of infiltration--comes a bed of mud, more or less soft, according to the season. The nativebuilders of the present day are content to remove only the made earth, andlay their foundations on the primeval soil; or, if that lies too deep, theystop at a yard or so below the surface. The old Egyptians did likewise; andI have never seen any ancient house of which the foundations were more thanfour feet deep. Even this is exceptional, the depth in most cases being notmore than two feet. They very often did not trouble themselves to cuttrenches at all; they merely levelled the space intended to be covered, and, having probably watered it to settle the soil, they at once laid thebricks upon the surface. When the house was finished, the scraps of mortar, the broken bricks, and all the accumulated refuse of the work, made a bedof eight inches or a foot in depth, and the base of the wall thus buriedserved instead of a foundation. When the new house rose on the ruins of anolder one decayed by time or ruined by accident, the builders did not eventake the trouble to raze the old walls to the ground. Levelling the surfaceof the ruins, they-built upon them at a level a few feet higher thanbefore: thus each town stands upon one or several artificial mounds, thetops of which may occasionally rise to a height of from sixty to eightyfeet above the surrounding country. The Greek historians attributed theseartificial mounds to the wisdom of the kings, and especially to Sesostris, who, as they supposed, wished to raise the towns above the inundation. Somemodern writers have even described the process, which they explain thus:--Acellular framework of brick walls, like a huge chess-board, formed thesubstructure, the cells being next filled in with earth, and the housesbuilt upon this immense platform (Note 5). [Illustration: Fig. 2. --Ancient house with vaulted floors, against thenorthern wall of the great temple of Medinet Habù] [Illustration: Fig. 3. --Plan of three-quarters of the town of Hat-Hotep-Ûsertesen (Kahûn), built for the accommodation of the officials and workmenemployed in connection with the pyramid of Ûsertesen II. At Illahûn. Theworkmen's quarters are principally on the west, and separated from theeastern part of the town by a thick wall. At the south-west corner, outsidethe town, stood the pyramid temple, and in front of it the porter's lodge. Reproduced from Plate XIV. Of _Illahûn, Kahun, and Gurob_, W. M. F. Petrie. ] But where I have excavated, especially at Thebes, I have never foundanything answering to this conception. The intersecting walls which onefinds beneath the later houses are nothing but the ruins of olderdwellings, which in turn rest on others still older. The slightness of thefoundations did not prevent the builders from boldly running up quite loftystructures. In the ruins of Memphis, I have observed walls still standingfrom thirty to forty feet in height. The builders took no precaution beyondenlarging the base of the wall, and vaulting the floors (fig. 2). [1] Thethickness of an ordinary wall was about sixteen inches for a low house; butfor one of several storeys, it was increased to three or four feet. Largebeams, embedded here and there in the brickwork or masonry, bound the wholetogether, and strengthened the structure. The ground floor was alsofrequently built with dressed stones, while the upper parts were of brick. The limestone of the neighbouring hills was the stone commonly used forsuch purposes. The fragments of sandstone, granite, and alabaster, whichare often found mixed in with it, are generally from some ruined temple;the ancient Egyptians having pulled their neglected monuments to piecesquite as unscrupulously as do their modern successors. The houses of anancient Egyptian town were clustered round its temple, and the temple stoodin a rectangular enclosure to which access was obtained through monumentalgateways in the surrounding brick wall. The gods dwelt in fortifiedmansions, or at any rate in redoubts to which the people of the place mightfly for safety in the event of any sudden attack upon their town. Suchtowns as were built all at once by prince or king were fairly regular inplan, having wide paved streets at right angles to each other, and thebuildings in line. The older cities, whose growth had been determined bythe chances and changes of centuries, were characterised by no suchregularity. Their houses stood in a maze of blind alleys, and narrow, dark, and straggling streets, with here and there the branch of a canal, almostdried up during the greater part of the year, and a muddy pond where thecattle drank and women came for water. Somewhere in each town was an openspace shaded by sycamores or acacias, and hither on market days came thepeas-ants of the district two or three times in the month. There were alsowaste places where rubbish and refuse was thrown, to be quarrelled over byvultures, hawks, and dogs. [Illustration: Fig. 4. --Plan of house, Medinet Habû] [Illustration: Fig. 5. --Plan of house, Medinet Habû. ] [Illustration: Fig. 6. --Façade of a house toward the street, second Thebanperiod. ] [Illustration: Fig. 7. --Plan of central court of house, second Thebanperiod. ] [Illustration: Fig. 8. --Restoration of the hall in a Twelfth Dynasty house. In the middle of the floor is a tank surrounded by a covered colonnade. Reproduced from Plate XVI. Of _Illahûn, Kahun, and Gurob_, W. M. F. Petrie. ] [Illustration: Fig. 9. --Box representing a house (British Museum). ] The lower classes lived in mere huts which, though built of bricks, were nobetter than those of the present fellahin. At Karnak, in the Pharaonictown; at Kom Ombo, in the Roman town; and at Medinet Habû, in the Coptictown, the houses in the poorer quarters have seldom more than twelve orsixteen feet of frontage. They consist of a ground floor, with sometimesone or two living-rooms above. The middle-class folk, as shopkeepers, sub-officials, and foremen, were better housed. Their houses were brick-builtand rather small, yet contained some half-dozen rooms communicating bymeans of doorways, which were usually arched over, and having vaultedroofs in some cases, and in others flat ones. Some few of the houses weretwo or three storeys high, and many were separated from the street by anarrow court, beyond which the rooms were ranged on either side of a longpassage (fig. 4). More frequently, the court was surrounded on three sidesby chambers (fig. 5); and yet oftener the house fronted close upon thestreet. In the latter case the façade consisted of a high wall, whitewashedor painted, and surmounted by a cornice. Even in better houses the onlyornamentation of their outer walls consisted in angular grooving, thegrooves being surmounted by representations of two lotus flowers, each pairwith the upper parts of the stalks in contact (see figs. 24, 25). The doorwas the only opening, save perhaps a few small windows pierced at irregularintervals (fig. 6). Even in unpretentious houses, the door was often madeof stone. The doorposts projected slightly beyond the surface of the wall, and the lintel supported a painted or sculptured cornice. Having crossedthe threshold, one passed successively through two dimly-lighted entrancechambers, the second of which opened into the central court (fig. 7). Thebest rooms in the houses of wealthier citizens were sometimes lightedthrough a square opening in the centre of a ceiling supported on woodencolumns. In the Twelfth Dynasty town of Kahûn the shafts of these columnsrested upon round stone bases; they were octagonal, and about ten inches indiameter (fig. 8). Notwithstanding the prevalence of enteric disease andophthalmia, the family crowded together into one or two rooms during thewinter, and slept out on the roof under the shelter of mosquito nets insummer. On the roof also the women gossiped and cooked. The ground floorincluded both store-rooms, barns, and stables. Private granaries weregenerally in pairs (see fig. 11), brick-built in the same long conicalshape as the state granaries, and carefully plastered with mud inside andout. Neither did the people of a house forget to find or to make hidingplaces in the walls or floors of their home, where they could secrete theirhousehold treasures--such as nuggets of gold and silver, precious stones, and jewellery for men and women--from thieves and tax-collectors alike. Wherever the upper floors still remain standing, they reproduce the ground-floor plan with scarcely any differences. These upper rooms were reached byan outside staircase, steep and narrow, and divided at short intervals bysmall square landings. The rooms were oblong, and were lighted only fromthe doorway; when it was decided to open windows on the street, they weremere air-holes near the ceiling, pierced without regularity or symmetry, fitted with a lattice of wooden cross bars, and secured by wooden shutters. The floors were bricked or paved, or consisted still more frequently ofmerely a layer of rammed earth. The rooms were not left undecorated; themud-plaster of the walls, generally in its native grey, althoughwhitewashed in some cases, was painted with red or yellow, and ornamentedwith drawings of interior and exterior views of a house, and of householdvessels and eatables (fig. 10). The roof was flat, and made probably, as atthe present day, of closely laid rows of palm-branches covered with acoating of mud thick enough to withstand the effects of rain. Sometimes itwas surmounted by only one or two of the usual Egyptian ventilators; butgenerally there was a small washhouse on the roof (fig. 9), and a littlechamber for the slaves or guards to sleep in. The household fire was madein a hollow of the earthen floor, usually to one side of the room, and thesmoke escaped through a hole in the ceiling; branches of trees, charcoal, and dried cakes of ass or cow dung were used for fuel. [Illustration: Fig. 10. --Wall-painting in a Twelfth Dynasty house. Below isa view of the outside, and above a view of the inside of a dwelling. Reproduced from Plate XVI. Of _Illahûn, Kahun, and Gurob_, W. M. F. Petrie. ] [Illustration: Fig. 11. --View of mansion from the tomb of Anna, EighteenthDynasty. ] The mansions of the rich and great covered a large space of ground. Theymost frequently stood in the midst of a garden, or of an enclosed courtplanted with trees; and, like the commoner houses, they turned a blankfront to the street, consisting of bare walls, battlemented like those of afortress (fig. 11). Thus, home-life was strictly secluded, and the pleasureof seeing was sacrificed for the advantages of not being seen. The door wasapproached by a flight of two or three steps, or by a porch supported oncolumns (fig. 12) and adorned with statues (fig. 13), which gave it amonumental appearance, and indicated the social importance of the family. [Illustration: WALL-PAINTINGS, EL AMARNA. Fig. 12. --Porch of mansion, second Theban period, Fig. 13. --Porch of mansion, second Theban period. ] Sometimes this was preceded by a pylon-gateway, such as usually heraldedthe approach to a temple. Inside the enclosure it was like a small town, divided into quarters by irregular walls. The dwelling-house stood at thefarther end; the granaries, stabling, and open spaces being distributed indifferent parts of the grounds, according to some system to which we as yetpossess no clue. These arrangements, however, were infinitely varied. If Iwould convey some idea of the residence of an Egyptian noble, --a residencehalf palace, half villa, --I cannot do better than reproduce two out of themany pictorial plans which have come down to us among the tomb-paintingsof the Eighteenth Dynasty. The first (figs. 14, 15) represent a Thebanhouse. The enclosure is square, and surrounded by an embattled wall. Themain gate opens upon a road bordered with trees, which runs beside a canal, or perhaps an arm of the Nile. Low stone walls divide the garden intosymmetrical compartments, like those which are seen to this day in thegreat gardens of Ekhmîm or Girgeh. [Illustration: Fig. 14. --Plan of a Theban house with garden, fromEighteenth Dynasty tomb-painting. ] In the centre is a large trellis supported on four rows of slender pillars. Four small ponds, two to the right and two to the left, are stocked withducks and geese. Two nurseries, two summer-houses, and various avenues ofsycamores, date-palms, and dôm-palms fill up the intermediate space; whileat the end, facing the entrance, stands a small three-storied housesurmounted by a painted cornice. [Illustration: Fig. 15. --Perspective view of the Theban house, fromEighteenth Dynasty tomb-painting. ] [Illustration: Fig. 16. --Part of the palace of Aï, from tomb-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty, El Amarna. ] The second plan is copied from one of the rock-cut tombs of Tell el Amarna(figs. 16, 17). Here we see a house situate at the end of the gardens ofthe great lord Aï, son-in-law of the Pharaoh Khûenaten, and himselfafterwards king of Egypt. An oblong stone tank with sloping sides, and twodescending flights of steps, faces the entrance. The building isrectangular, the width being somewhat greater than the depth. A largedoorway opens in the middle of the front, and gives access to a courtplanted with trees and flanked by store-houses fully stocked withprovisions. Two small courts, placed symmetrically in the two farthestcorners, contain the staircases which lead up to the roof terrace. Thisfirst building, however, is but the frame which surrounds the owner'sdwelling. The two frontages are each adorned with a pillared portico and apylon. Passing the outer door, we enter a sort of long central passage, divided by two walls pierced with doorways, so as to form three successivecourts. The inside court is bordered by chambers; the two others open toright and left upon two smaller courts, whence flights of steps lead up tothe terraced roof. This central building is called the _Akhonûti_, orprivate dwelling of kings or nobles, to which only the family and intimatefriends had access. The number of storeys and the arrangement of the façadevaried according to the taste of the owner. The frontage was generally astraight wall. Sometimes it was divided into three parts, with the middledivision projecting, in which case the two wings were ornamented with acolonnade to each storey (fig. 18), or surmounted by an open gallery (fig. 19). The central pavilion sometimes presents the appearance of a tower, which dominates the rest of the building (fig. 20). The façade is oftendecorated with slender colonnettes of painted wood, which bear no weight, and merely serve to lighten the somewhat severe aspect of the exterior. Ofthe internal arrangements, we know but little. As in the middle-classhouses, the sleeping rooms were probably small and dark; but, on the otherhand, the reception rooms must have been nearly as large as those still inuse in the Arab houses of modern Egypt. [Illustration: Fig. 17. --Perspective view of the Palace of AT, EighteenthDynasty, El Amarna. ] [Illustration: Fig. 18. --Frontage of house, second Theban period. ] [Illustration: Fig. 19. --Frontage of house, second Theban period. ] [Illustration: Fig. 20. --Central pavilion of house, in form of tower, second Theban period. ] The decoration of walls and ceilings in no wise resembled such scenes ordesigns as we find in the tombs. The panels were whitewashed or colour-washed, and bordered with a polychrome band. The ceilings were usually leftwhite; sometimes, however they were decorated with geometrical patterns, which repeated the leading motives employed in the sepulchral wall-paintings. Thus we find examples of meanders interspersed with rosettes(fig. 21), parti-coloured squares (fig. 22), ox-heads seen frontwise, scrolls, and flights of geese (fig. 23). [Illustration: Fig. 21. --Ceiling pattern from behind, Medinet Habû, Twentieth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 22. --Ceiling pattern similar to one at El Bersheh, Twelfth Dynasty. ] I have touched chiefly upon houses of the second Theban period, [2] thisbeing in fact the time of which we have most examples. The house-shapedlamps which are found in such large numbers in the Fayûm date only fromRoman times; but the Egyptians of that period continued to build accordingto the rules which were in force under the Pharaohs of the Twelfth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth Dynasties. As regards the domesticarchitecture of the ancient kingdom, the evidences are few and obscure. Nevertheless, the stelae, tombs, and coffins of that period often furnishdesigns which show us the style of the doorways (fig. 24), and one FourthDynasty sarcophagus, that of Khûfû Poskhû, is carved in the likeness of ahouse (fig. 25). [1] Many of the rooms at Kahun had vaulted ceilings. [2] Seventeenth to Twentieth Dynasties. 2. --FORTRESSES. Most of the towns, and even most of the larger villages, of ancient Egyptwere walled. This was an almost necessary consequence of the geographicalcharacteristics and the political constitution of the country. The mouthsof the defiles which led into the desert needed to be closed against theBedawîn; while the great feudal nobles fortified their houses, their towns, and the villages upon their domains which commanded either the mountainpasses or the narrow parts of the river, against their king or theirneighbours. [Illustration: Fig. 23. --Ceiling pattern from tomb of Aimadûa, TwentiethDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 24. --Door of a house of the Ancient Empire, from thewall of a tomb of the Sixth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 25. --Façade of a Fourth Dynasty house, from thesarcophagus of Khûfû Poskhû. ] The oldest fortresses are those of Abydos, El Kab, and Semneh. Abydoscontained a sanctuary dedicated to Osiris, and was situate at the entranceto one of the roads leading to the Oasis. As the renown of the templeattracted pilgrims, so the position of the city caused it to be frequentedby merchants; hence the prosperity which it derived from the influx of bothclasses of strangers exposed the city to incursions of the Libyan tribes. At Abydos there yet remain two almost perfect strongholds. The older forms, as it were, the core of that tumulus called by the Arabs "Kom es Sultan, "or "the Mound of the King. " The interior of this building has beenexcavated to a point some ten or twelve feet above the ground level, butthe walls outside have not yet been cleared from the surrounding sand andrubbish. In its present condition, it forms a parallelogram of crudebrickwork measuring 410 feet from north to south, and 223 feet from east towest. The main axis of the structure extends, therefore, from north tosouth. The principal gateway opens in the western wall, not far from thenorthwest corner: but there would appear to have been two smaller gates, one in the south front, and one in the east. The walls, which now standfrom twenty-four to thirty-six feet high, have lost somewhat of theiroriginal height. They are about six feet thick at the top. They were notbuilt all together in uniform layers, but in huge vertical panels, easilydistinguished by the arrangement of the brickwork. In one division thebedding of the bricks is strictly horizontal; in the next it is slightlyconcave, and forms a very flat reversed arch, of which the extrados restsupon the ground. The alternation of these two methods is regularlyrepeated. The object of this arrangement is obscure; but it is said thatbuildings thus constructed are especially fitted to resist earthquakeshocks. However this may be, the fortress is extremely ancient, for in theFifth Dynasty, the nobles of Abydos took possession of the interior, and, ultimately, so piled it up with their graves as to deprive it of allstrategic value. A second stronghold, erected a few hundred yards furtherto the south-east, replaced that of Kom es Sultan about the time of theTwelfth Dynasty, and narrowly escaped the fate of the first, under the ruleof the Ramessides. Nothing, in fact, but the sudden decline of the city, saved the second from being similarly choked and buried. [Illustration: Fig. 26. --Plan of second fortress at Abydos, Eleventh orTwelfth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 27. --Walls of second fort at Abydos, restored. ] [Illustration: Fig. 28. --Façade of fort, from wall-scene, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 29. --Plan of main gate, second fortress of Abydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 30. --Plan of south-east gate, second fortress ofAbydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 31. --Plan of gate, fortress of Kom el Ahmar. ] The early Egyptians possessed no engines calculated to make an impressionon very massive walls. They knew of but three ways of forcing a stronghold;namely, scaling the walls, sapping them, or bursting open the gates. Theplan adopted by their engineers in building the second fort is admirablywell calculated to resist each of these modes of attack (fig. 26). Theouter walls are long and straight, without towers or projections of anykind; they measure 430 feet in length from north to south, by 255 feet inwidth. The foundations rest on the sand, and do not go down more than afoot. The wall (fig. 27) is of crude brick, in horizontal courses. It has aslight batter; is solid, without slits or loopholes; and is decoratedoutside with long vertical grooves or panels, like those depicted on thestelae of the ancient empire. In its present state, it rises to a height ofsome thirty-six feet above the plain; when perfect, it would scarcely haveexceeded forty feet, which height would amply suffice to protect thegarrison from all danger of scaling by portable ladders. The thickness ofthe wall is about twenty feet at the base, and sixteen feet above. The topis destroyed, but the bas-reliefs and mural paintings (fig. 28) show thatit must have been crowned with a continuous cornice, boldly projecting, furnished with a slight low parapet, and surmounted by battlements, whichwere generally rounded, but sometimes, though rarely, squared. The walkround the top of the ramparts, though diminished by the parapet, was stilltwelve or fifteen feet wide. It ran uninterruptedly along the four sides, and was reached by narrow staircases formed in the thickness of the walls, but now destroyed. There was no ditch, but in order to protect the base ofthe main wall from sappers, they erected, about ten feet in advance of it, a battlemented covering wall, some sixteen feet in height. Theseprecautions sufficed against sap and scaling; but the gates remained asopen gaps in the circuit. It was upon these weak points that besiegers andbesieged alike concentrated their efforts. The fortress of Abydos had twogates, the main one being situate at the east end of the north front (fig. 29). A narrow cutting (A), closed by a massive wooden door, marked theplace in the covering wall. Behind it was a small _place d'armes_ (B), cutpartly in the thickness of the wall, and leading to a second gate (C) asnarrow as the first. When, notwithstanding the showers of missiles pouredupon them from the top of the walls, not only in front, but also from bothsides, the attacking party had succeeded in carrying this second door, theywere not yet in the heart of the place. They would still have to traversean oblong court (D), closely hemmed in between the outer walls and thecross walls, which last stood at right angles to the first. Finally, theymust force a last postern (E), which was purposely placed in the mostawkward corner. The leading principle in the construction of fortress-gateswas always the same, but the details varied according to the taste of theengineer. At the south-east gate of the fort of Abydos (fig. 30) the _placed'armes_ between the two walls is abolished, and the court is constructedentirely in the thickness of the main wall; while at Kom el Ahmar, oppositeEl Kab (fig. 31), the block of brickwork in the midst of which the gate iscut projects boldly in front. The posterns opening at various pointsfacilitated the movements of the garrison, and enabled them to multiplytheir sorties. [Illustration: Fig. 32. --Plan of the walled city at El Kab. ] The same system of fortification which was in use for isolated fortresseswas also employed for the protection of towns. At Heliopollis, at Sãn, atSais, at Thebes, everywhere in short, we find long straight walls formingplain squares or parallelograms, without towers or bastions, ditches oroutworks. The thickness of the walls, which varied from thirty to eightyfeet, made such precautions needless. The gates, or at all events theprincipal ones, had jambs and lintels of stone, decorated with scenes andinscriptions; as, for instance, that of Ombos, which Champollion beheld yet_in situ_, and which dated from the reign of Thothmes III. The oldest andbest preserved walled city in Egypt, namely, El Kab, belongs probably tothe ancient empire (fig. 32). The Nile washed part of it away some yearsago; but at the beginning of the present century it formed an irregularquadrilateral enclosure, measuring some 2, 100 feet in length, by about aquarter less in breadth. The south front is constructed on the sameprinciples as the wall at Kom es Sultan, the bricks being bedded inalternate horizontal and concave sections. Along the north and west frontsthey are laid in undulating layers from end to end. The thickness isthirty-eight feet, and the average height thirty feet; and spacious rampslead up to the walk upon the walls. The gates are placed irregularly, onein each side to north, east, and west, but none in the south face; theyare, however, in too ruinous a state to admit of any plan being taken ofthem. The enclosure contained a considerable population, whose dwellingswere unequally distributed, the greater part being concentrated towards thenorth and west, where excavations have disclosed the remains of a largenumber of houses. The temples were grouped together in a square enclosure, concentric with the outer wall; and this second enclosure served for akeep, where the garrison could hold out long after the rest of the town hadfallen into the hands of the enemy. [Illustration: Fig. 33. --Plan of walled city at Kom Ombo. ] [Illustration: Fig. 34. --Plan of fortress of Kùmmeh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 35. --Plan of fortress of Semneh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 36. --Section of the platform at A B, of the precedingplan. ] The rectangular plan, though excellent in a plain, was not alwaysavailable in a hilly country. When the spot to be fortified was situateupon a height, the Egyptian engineers knew perfectly well how to adapttheir lines of defence to the nature of the site. At Kom Ombo (fig. 33) thewalls exactly followed the outline of the isolated mound on which the townwas perched, and presented towards the east a front bristling withirregular projections, the style of which roughly resembles our modernbastions. At Kûmmeh and Semneh, in Nubia, where the Nile rushes over therocks of the second cataract, the engineering arrangements are veryingenious, and display much real skill. Ûsertesen III. Had fixed on thispass as the frontier of Egypt, and the fortresses which he thereconstructed were intended to bar the water-way against the vessels of theneighbouring negro tribes. At Kûmmeh, on the right bank, the position wasnaturally strong (fig. 34). Upon a rocky height surrounded by precipiceswas planned an irregular square measuring about 200 feet each way. Twoelongated bastions, one on the north-east and the other on the south-east, guarded respectively the path leading to the gate, and the course of theriver. The covering wall stood thirteen feet high, and closely followed theline of the main wall, except at the north and south corners, where itformed two bastion-like projections. At Semneh, on the opposite bank, thesite was less favourable. The east side was protected by a belt of cliffsgoing sheer down to the water's edge; but the three other sides were well-nigh open (fig. 35). A straight wall, about fifty feet in height, carriedalong the cliffs on the side next the river; but the walls looking towardsthe plain rose to eighty feet, and bristled with bastion-like projections(A. B. ) jutting out for a distance of fifty feet from the curtain wall, measuring thirty feet thick at the base and thirteen feet at the top, andirregularly spaced, according to the requirements of the defence. Thesespurs, which are not battlemented, served in place of towers. They added tothe strength of the walls, protected the walk round the top, and enabledthe besieged to direct a flank attack against the enemy if any attempt weremade upon the wall of circuit. The intervals between these spurs areaccurately calculated as to distance, in order that the archers should beable to sweep the intervening ground with their arrows. Curtains andsalients are alike built of crude brick, with beams bedded horizontally inthe mass. The outer face is in two parts, the lower division being nearlyvertical, and the upper one inclined at an angle of about seventy degrees, which made scaling very difficult, if not impossible. The whole of theground enclosed by the wall of circuit was filled in to nearly the level ofthe ramparts (fig. 36). Externally, the covering wall of stone wasseparated from the body of the fortress by a dry ditch, some 100 to 130feet in width. This wall closely followed the main outline, and rose to aheight which varied according to the situation from six to ten feet abovethe level of the plain. On the northward side it was cut by the windingroad, which led down into the plain. These arrangements, skilful as theywere, did not prevent the fall of the place. A large breach in thesouthward face, between the two salients nearest to the river, marks thepoint of attack selected by the enemy. [Illustration: Fig. 37. --Syrian fort. ] [Illustration: Fig. 38. --The town-walls of Dapür. ] [Illustration: Fig. 39. --City of Kadesh, Ramesseum. ] [Illustration: Fig. 40. --Plan of the pavilion of Medinet Habu. ] [Illustration: Fig. 41. --Elevation of pavilion, Medinet Habû. ] New methods of fortification were revealed to the Egyptians in the courseof the great Asiatic wars undertaken by the Pharaohs of the EighteenthDynasty. The nomadic tribes of Syria erected small forts in which they tookrefuge when threatened with invasion (fig. 37). The Canaanite and Hittitecities, as Ascalon, Dapur, and Merom, were surrounded by strong walls, generally built of stone and flanked with towers (fig. 38). Those whichstood in the open country, as, for instance, Qodshû (Kadesh), were enclosedby a double moat (fig. 39). Having proved the efficacy of these new typesof defensive architecture in the course of their campaigns, the Pharaohsreproduced them in the valley of the Nile. From the beginning of theNineteenth Dynasty, the eastern frontier of the Delta (always the weakest)was protected by a line of forts constructed after the Canaanite model. TheEgyptians, moreover, not content with appropriating the thing, appropriatedalso the name, and called these frontier towers by the Semitic name of_Magdilû_ or Migdols. For these purposes, or at all events for cities whichwere exposed to the incursions of the Asiatic tribes, brick was not deemedto be sufficiently strong; hence the walls of Heliopolis, and even those ofMemphis, were faced with stone. Of these new fortresses no ruins remain;and but for a royal caprice which happens to have left us a model Migdol inthat most unlikely place, the necropolis of Thebes, we should now beconstrained to attempt a restoration of their probable appearance from therepresentations in certain mural tableaux. When, however, Rameses III. Erected his memorial temple[3] (figs. 40 and 41), he desired, inremembrance of his Syrian victories, to give it an outwardly militaryaspect. Along the eastward front of the enclosure there accordingly runs abattlemented covering wall of stone, averaging some thirteen feet inheight. The gate, protected by a large quadrangular bastion, opened in themiddle of this wall. It was three feet four inches in width, and wasflanked by two small oblong guard-houses, the flat roofs of which stoodabout three feet higher than the ramparts. Passing this gate, we stand faceto face with a real Migdol. Two blocks of building enclose a succession ofcourt-yards, which narrow as they recede, and are connected at the lowerend by a kind of gate-house, consisting of one massive gateway surmountedby two storeys of chambers. The eastward faces of the towers rise above aninclined basement, which slopes to a height of from fifteen to sixteen feetfrom the ground. This answered two purposes. It increased the strength ofthe wall at the part exposed to sappers; it also caused the rebound ofprojectiles thrown from above, and so helped to keep assailants at adistance. The whole height is about seventy-two feet, and the width of eachtower is thirty-two feet. The buildings situate at the back, to right andleft of the gate, were destroyed in ancient times. The details of thedecoration are partly religious, partly triumphal, as befits the characterof the structure. It is unlikely, however, that actual fortresses wereadorned with brackets and bas-relief sculptures, such as we here see oneither side of the fore-court. Such as it is, the so-called "pavilion" ofMedinet Habu offers an unique example of the high degree of perfection towhich the victorious Pharaohs of this period had carried their militaryarchitecture. Material evidence fails us almost entirely, after the reign of Rameses III. Towards the close of the eleventh century B. C. , the high-priests of Amenrepaired the walls of Thebes, of Gebeleyn, and of El Hibeh opposite Feshn. The territorial subdivision of the country, which took place under thesuccessors of Sheshonk, compelled the provincial princes to multiply theirstrongholds. The campaign of Piankhi on the banks of the Nile is a seriesof successful sieges. Nothing, however, leads us to suppose that the art offortification had at that time made any distinct progress; and when theGreek rulers succeeded the native Pharaohs, they most probably found it atmuch the same stage as it was left by the engineers of the Nineteenth andTwentieth Dynasties. [3] At Medinet Habû. 3. --PUBLIC WORKS. A permanent network of roads would be useless in a country like Egypt. TheNile here is the natural highway for purposes of commerce, and the pathwayswhich intersect the fields suffice for foot-passengers, for cattle, and forthe transport of goods from village to village. Ferry-boats for crossingthe river, fords wherever the canals were shallow enough, and embanked damsthrown up here and there where the water was too deep for fordings, completed the system of internal communication. Bridges were rare. Up tothe present time, we know of but one in the whole territory of ancientEgypt; and whether that one was long or short, built of stone or of wood, supported on arches or boldly flung across the stream from bank to bank, wecannot even conjecture. This bridge, close under the very walls of Zarû, [4]crossed the canal which separated the eastern frontier of Egypt from thedesert regions of Arabia Petraea. A fortified enclosure protected thiscanal on the Asiatic side, as shown in the accompanying illustration (fig. 42). The maintenance of public highways, which figures as so costly an itemin the expenses of modern nations, played, therefore, but a very small partin the annual disbursements of the Pharaohs, who had only to provide forthe due execution of three great branches of government works, --namely, storage, irrigation, mining and quarrying. [Illustration: Fig. 42. --Canal and bridge, Zarû, Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 43. --Cellar, with amphorae. ] [Illustration: Fig. 44. --Granary. ] The taxation of ancient Egypt was levied in kind, and government servantswere paid after the same system. To workmen, there were monthlydistributions of corn, oil, and wine, wherewith to support their families;while from end to end of the social scale, each functionary, in exchangefor his labour, received cattle, stuffs, manufactured goods, and certainquantities of copper or precious metals. Thus it became necessary that thetreasury officials should have the command of vast storehouses for the safekeeping of the various goods collected under the head of taxation. Thesewere classified and stored in separate quarters, each storehouse beingsurrounded by walls and guarded by vigilant keepers. There was enormousstabling for cattle; there were cellars where the amphorae were piled inregular layers (fig. 43), or hung in rows upon the walls, each with thedate written on the side of the jar; there were oven-shaped granaries wherethe corn was poured in through a trap at the top (fig. 44), and taken outthrough a trap at the bottom. At Thûkû, identified with Pithom by M. Naville, [5] the store-chambers (A) are rectangular and of differentdimensions (fig. 45), originally divided by floors, and having nocommunication with each other. Here the corn had to be not only put in buttaken out through the aperture at the top. At the Ramesseum, Thebes, thousands of ostraka and jar-stoppers found upon the spot prove that thebrick-built remains at the back of the temple were the cellars of the localdeity. The ruins consist of a series of vaulted chambers, originallysurmounted by a platform or terrace (fig. 46). At Philae, Ombos, Daphnae, [6] and most of the frontier towns of the Delta, there weremagazines of this description, and many more will doubtless be discoveredwhen made the object of serious exploration. [Illustration: Fig. 45. --Plan of Pithom. ] [Illustration: Fig. 46. --Store-chambers of the Ramesseum. ] [Illustration: Fig. 47. --Dike at Wady Gerraweh. ] The irrigation system of Egypt is but little changed since the olden time. Some new canals have been cut, and yet more have been silted up through thenegligence of those in power; but the general scheme, and the methodsemployed, continue much the same, and demand but little engineering skill. Wherever I have investigated the remains of ancient canals, I have beenunable to detect any traces of masonry at the weak points, or at themouths, of these cuttings. They are mere excavated ditches, from twenty tosixty or seventy feet in width. The earth flung out during the work wasthrown to right and left, forming irregular embankments from seven tofourteen feet in height. The course of the ancient canals was generallystraight: but that rule was not strictly observed, and enormous curveswere often described in order to avoid even slight irregularities ofsurface. Dikes thrown up from the foot of the cliffs to the banks of theNile divided the plain at intervals into a series of artificial basins, where the overflow formed back-waters at the time of inundation. Thesedikes are generally earth-works, though they are sometimes constructed ofbaked brick, as in the province of Girgeh. Very rarely are they built ofhewn stone, like that great dike of Kosheish which was constructed by Menain primaeval times, in order to divert the course of the Nile from the spoton which he founded Memphis. [7] The network of canals began near Silsilisand extended to the sea-board, without ever losing touch of the river, saveat one spot near Beni Sûef, where it throws out a branch in the directionof the Fayûm. Here, through a narrow and sinuous gorge, deepened probablyby the hand of man, it passes the rocky barrier which divides that low-lying province from the valley of the Nile, and thence expands into afanlike ramification of innumerable channels. Having thus irrigated thedistrict, the waters flow out again; those nearest the Nile returning bythe same way that they flowed in, while the rest form a series of lakes, the largest of which is known as the Birket el Kûrûn. If we are to believeHerodotus, the work was not so simply done. A king, named Moeris, desiredto create a reservoir in the Fayûm which should neutralise the evil effectsof insufficient or superabundant inundations. This reservoir was named, after him, Lake Moeris. If the supply fell below the average, then thestored waters were let loose, and Lower Egypt and the Western Delta wereflooded to the needful height. If next year the inundation came down in toogreat force, Lake Moeris received and stored the surplus till such time asthe waters began to subside. Two pyramids, each surmounted by a sittingcolossus, one representing the king and the other his queen, were erectedin the midst of the lake. Such is the tale told by Herodotus, and it is atale which has considerably embarrassed our modern engineers andtopographers. How, in fact, was it possible to find in the Fayûm a sitewhich could have contained a basin measuring at least ninety miles incircumference? Linant supposed "Lake Moeris" to have extended over thewhole of the low-lying land which skirts the Libyan cliffs between Illahûnand Medinet el Fayûm; but recent explorations have proved that the dikes bywhich this pretended reservoir was bounded are modern works, erectedprobably within the last two hundred years. Major Brown has lately shownthat the nucleus of "Lake Moeris" was the Birket el Kûrûn. [8] This wasknown to the Egyptians as _Miri, Mi-ûri, _ the Great Lake, whence the Greeksderived their _Moiris_ a name extended also to the inundation of the Fayûm. If Herodotus did actually visit this province, it was probably in summer, at the time of the high Nile, when the whole district presents theappearance of an inland sea. What he took for the shores of this lake werethe embankments which divided it into basins and acted as highways betweenthe various towns. His narrative, repeated by the classic authors, hasbeen accepted by the moderns; and Egypt, neither accepting nor rejectingit, was gratified long after date with the reputation of a gigantic workwhich would in truth have been the glory of her civil engineers, if it hadever existed. I do not believe that "Lake Moeris" ever did exist. The onlyworks of the kind which the Egyptians undertook were much less pretentious. These consist of stone-built dams erected at the mouths of many of thoselateral ravines, or wadys, which lead down from the mountain ranges intothe valley of the Nile. One of the most important among them was pointedout, in 1885, by Dr. Schweinfurth, at a distance of about six miles and ahalf from the Baths of Helwan, at the mouth of the Wady Gerraweh (fig. 47). It answered two purposes, firstly, as a means of storing the water of theinundation for the use of the workmen in the neighbouring quarries; and, secondly, as a barrier to break the force of the torrents which rush downfrom the desert after the heavy rains of springtime and winter. The ravinemeasures about 240 feet in width, the sides being on an average from 40 to50 feet in height. The dam, which is 143 feet in thickness, consists ofthree layers of material; at the bottom, a bed of clay and rubble; next, apiled mass of limestone blocks (A); lastly, a wall of cut stone built inretreating stages, like an enormous flight of steps (B). Thirty-two of theoriginal thirty-five stages are yet _in situ_, and about one-fourth part ofthe dam remains piled up against the sides of the ravine to right and left;but the middle part has been swept away by the force of the torrent (fig. 48). A similar dike transformed the end of Wady Genneh into a little lakewhich supplied the Sinaitic miners with water. Most of the localities from which the Egyptians derived their metals andchoicest materials in hard stone, were difficult of access, and would havebeen useless had roads not been made, and works of this kind carried out, so as to make life somewhat less insupportable there. [Illustration: Fig. 48. --Section of dike at Wady Gerraweh. ] In order to reach the diorite and grey granite quarries of the HammamatValley, the Pharaohs caused a series of rock-cut cisterns to be constructedalong the line of route. Some few insignificant springs, skilfullyconducted into these reservoirs, made it possible to plant workmen'svillages in the neighbourhood of the quarries, and also near the emeraldmines on the borders of the Red Sea. Hundreds of hired labourers, slaves, and condemned criminals here led a wretched existence under the rule ofsome eight or ten overseers, and the brutal surveillance of a company ofLibyan or negro mercenary troops. The least political disturbance in Egypt, an unsuccessful campaign, or any untoward incident of a troubled reign, sufficed to break up the precarious stability of these remoteestablishments. The Bedawîn at once attacked the colony; the workmendeserted; the guards, weary of exile, hastened back to the valley of theNile, and all was at a standstill. The choicest materials, as diorite, basalt, black granite, porphyry, andred and yellow breccia, which are only found in the desert, were rarelyused for architectural purposes. In order to procure them, it was necessaryto organise regular expeditions of soldiers and workmen; therefore theywere reserved for sarcophagi and important works of art. Those quarrieswhich supplied building materials for temples and funerary monuments, suchas limestone, sandstone, alabaster, and red granite, were all found in theNile valley, and were, therefore, easy of access. When the vein which itwas intended to work traversed the lower strata of the rock, the minersexcavated chambers and passages, which were often prolonged to aconsiderable distance. Square pillars, left standing at intervals, supported the superincumbent mass, while tablets sculptured in the mostconspicuous places commemorated the kings and engineers who began orcontinued the work. Several exhausted or abandoned quarries have beentransformed into votive chapels; as, for instance, the Speos Artemidos, which was consecrated by Hatshepsut, Thothmes III. And Seti I. To the localgoddess Pakhet. [9] [Illustration: Fig. 49. --Quarries of Silsilis. ] [Illustration: Fig. 50. --Draught of Hathor capital in quarry of GebelAbûfeydeh. ] The most important limestone quarries are at Tûrah and Massarah, nearlyopposite Memphis. This stone lends itself admirably to the most delicatetouches of the chisel, hardens when exposed to the air, and acquires acreamy tone most restful to the eye. Hence it was much in request byarchitects and sculptors. The most extensive sandstone formations are atSilsilis (fig. 49). Here the cliffs were quarried from above, and under theopen sky. Clean cut and absolutely vertical, they rise to a height of fromforty to fifty feet, sometimes presenting a smooth surface from top tobottom, and sometimes cut in stages accessible by means of steps scarcelylarge enough for one man at a time. The walls of these cuttings are coveredwith parallel striae, sometimes horizontal, sometimes slanting to the left, and sometimes to the right, so forming lines of serried chevrons framed, asit were, between grooves an inch, or an inch and a half, in width, by nineor ten feet in length. These are the scars left upon the surface by thetools of the ancient workmen, and they show the method employed indetaching the blocks. The size was outlined in red ink, and this outlinesometimes indicated the form which the stone was to take in the projectedbuilding. The members of the French Commission, when they visited thequarries of Gebel Abûfeydeh, copied the diagrams and squared designs ofseveral capitals, one being of the campaniform pattern, and others preparedfor the Hathor-head pattern (fig. 50). [10] The outline made, the verticalfaces of the block were divided by means of a long iron chisel, which wasdriven in perpendicularly or obliquely by heavy blows of the mallet. Inorder to detach the horizontal faces, they made use of wooden or bronzewedges, inserted the way of the natural strata of the stone. Veryfrequently the stone was roughly blocked out before being actuallyextracted from the bed. Thus at Syene (Asûan) we see a couchant obelisk ofgranite, the under side of which is one with the rock itself; and at Tehnehthere are drums of columns but half disengaged. The transport of quarriedstone was effected in various ways. At Syene, at Silsilis, at Gebel SheikhHerideh, and at Gebel Abûfeydeh, the quarries are literally washed by thewaters of the Nile, so that the stone was lowered at once into the barges. At Kasr es Saîd, [11] at Tûrah, and other localities situate at somedistance from the river, canals dug expressly for the purpose conveyed thetransport boats to the foot of the cliffs. When water transit was out ofthe question, the stone was placed on sledges drawn by oxen (fig. 51), ordragged to its destination by gangs of labourers, and by the help ofrollers. [Illustration: Fig. 51. --Bas-relief from one of the stelae of Ahmes, atTûrrah, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [4] The bas-relief sculpture from which the illustration, fig. 42, is taken (outer wall of Hypostyle Hall, Karnak, north end) represents Seti I. Returning in triumph from one of his Syrian campaigns. He is met at Zarû by the great officers of his court, who bring bouquets of lotus- blossoms in their hands. Pithom and other frontier forts are depicted in this tableau, and Pithom is apparently not very far from Zarû. Zarû, Zalu, is the Selle of the Roman Itineraries. --A. B. E. [5] See _The Store City of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus, _ by Ed. Naville, with 13 Plates and 2 Maps; published by the Egypt Exploration Fund. First edition 1885, second edition 1885. Trübner & Co. , London. --A. B. E. [6] For an account of the explorations at Daphnae (the "Tahpanhes" of the Bible, the _Tell Defenneh_ of the present day) see Mr. Petrie's memoir, entitled _Tanis, Part II, (including Nebesheh, Gemayemi, Defenneh, etc. )_, published by the Egypt Exploration Fund. --A. B. E. [7] The remains of this gigantic work may yet be seen about two hours' distance to the southward of Medûm. See Herodotus, book II. ; chap. 99. --A. B. E. [8] See _The Fayûm and Lake Moeris_. Major R. H. Brown, R. E. [9] Officially, this temple is attributed to Thothmes III. , and the dedicatory inscription dates from the first year of his reign; but the work was really that of his aunt and predecessor, Queen Hatshepsût. [10] See also an exact reduction of this design, to scale, in Mr. Petrie's work _A Season in Egypt_, 1887, Plate XXV. [11] Chenoboscion. --A. B. E. CHAPTER II. _RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE_. In the civil and military architecture of Ancient Egypt brick played theprincipal part; but in the religious architecture of the nation it occupieda very secondary position. The Pharaohs were ambitious of building eternaldwellings for their deities, and stone was the only material which seemedsufficiently durable to withstand the ravages of time and man. I. --MATERIALS AND PRINCIPLES OF CONSTRUCTION. It is an error to suppose that the Egyptians employed only large blocks forbuilding purposes. The size of their materials varied very considerablyaccording to the uses for which they were destined. Architraves, drums ofcolumns, lintel-stones, and door-jambs were sometimes of great size. Thelongest architraves known--those, namely, which bridge the nave of thehypostyle hall of Karnak--have a mean length of 30 feet. They each contain40 cubic yards, and weigh about 65 tons. Ordinarily, however, the blocksare not much larger than those now used in Europe. They measure, that is tosay, about 2-1/2 to 4 feet in height, from 3 to 8 feet in length, and from2 to 6 feet in thickness. Some temples are built of only one kind of stone; but more frequentlymaterials of different kinds are put together in unequal proportions. Thusthe main part of the temples of Abydos consists of very fine limestone; butin the temple of Seti I. , the columns, architraves, jambs, and lintels, --all parts, in short, where it might be feared that the limestone would notoffer sufficient resistance, --the architect has had recourse to sandstone;while in that of Rameses II. , sandstone, granite, and alabaster were used. At Karnak, Luxor, Tanis, and Memphis, similar combinations may be seen. Atthe Ramesseum, and in some of the Nubian temples, the columns stand onmassive supports of crude brick. The stones were dressed more or lesscarefully, according to the positions they were to occupy. When the wallswere of medium thickness, as in most partition walls, they are well wroughton all sides. When the wall was thick, the core blocks were roughed out asnearly cubic as might be, and piled together without much care, the hollowsbeing filled up with smaller flakes, pebbles, or mortar. Casing stones werecarefully wrought on the faces, and the joints dressed for two-thirds orthree-quarters of the length, the rest being merely picked with a point(Note 6). The largest blocks were reserved for the lower parts of thebuilding; and this precaution was the more necessary because the architectsof Pharaonic times sank the foundations of their temples no deeper thanthose of their houses. At Karnak, they are not carried lower than from 7 to10 feet; at Luxor, on the side anciently washed by the river, three coursesof masonry, each measuring about 2-1/2 feet in depth, form a great platformon which the walls rest; while at the Ramesseum, the brickwork bed onwhich the colonnade stands does not seem to be more than 10 feet deep. These are but slight depths for the foundations of such great buildings, but the experience of ages proves that they are sufficient. The hard andcompact humus of which the soil of the Nile valley is composed, contractsevery year after the subsidence of the inundation, and thus becomes almostincompressible. As the building progressed, the weight of thesuperincumbent masonry gradually became greater, till the maximum ofpressure was attained, and a solid basis secured. Wherever I have bared thefoundations of the walls, I can testify that they have not shifted. [Illustration: Fig. 52. --Masonry in temple of Seti I. At Abydos. ] The system of construction in force among the ancient Egyptians resemblesin many respects that of the Greeks. The stones are often placed togetherwith dry joints, and without the employment of any binding contrivance, themasons relying on the mere weight of the materials to keep them in place. Sometimes they are held together by metal cramps, or sometimes--as in thetemple of Seti I. , at Abydos--by dovetails of sycamore wood bearing thecartouche of the founder. Most commonly, they are united by a mortar-joint, more or less thick. All the mortars of which I have collected samples arethus far of three kinds: the first is white, and easily reduced to animpalpable powder, being of lime only; the others are grey, and rough tothe touch, being mixtures of lime and sand; while some are of a reddishcolour, owing to the pounded brick powder with which they are mixed. Ajudicious use of these various methods enabled the Egyptians to rival theGreeks in their treatment of regular courses, equal blocks, and uprightjoints in alternate bond. If they did not always work equally well, theirshortcomings must be charged to the imperfect mechanical means at theirdisposal. The enclosure walls, partitions, and secondary façades wereupright; and they raised the materials by means of a rude kind of craneplanted on the top. The pylon walls and the principal façades (andsometimes even the secondary façades) were sloped at an angle which variedaccording to the taste of the architect. In order to build these, theyformed inclined planes, the slopes of which were lengthened as thestructure rose in height. These two methods were equally perilous; for, however carefully the blocks might be protected while being raised, theywere constantly in danger of losing their edges or corners, or of beingfractured before they reached the top (Note 7). Thus it was almost alwaysnecessary to re-work them; and the object being to sacrifice as little aspossible of the stone, the workmen often left them of most abnormal shapes(fig. 52). They would level off one of the side faces, and then the joint, instead of being vertical, leaned askew. If the block had neither heightnor length to spare, they made up the loss by means of a supplementaryslip. Sometimes even they left a projection which fitted into acorresponding hollow in the next upper or lower course. Being first of allexpedients designed to remedy accidents, these methods degenerated intohabitually careless ways of working. The masons who had inadvertentlyhoisted too large a block, no longer troubled themselves to lower it backagain, but worked it into the building in one or other of the ways beforementioned. The architect neglected to duly supervise the dressing andplacing of the blocks. He allowed the courses to vary, and the verticaljoints, two or three deep, to come one over the other. The rough work done, the masons dressed down the stone, reworked the joints, and overlaid thewhole with a coat of cement or stucco, coloured to match the material, which concealed the faults of the real work. The walls rarely end with asharp edge. Bordered with a torus, around which a sculptured riband isentwined, they are crowned by the _cavetto_ cornice surmounted by a flatband (fig. 53); or, as at Semneh, by a square cornice; or, as at MedinetHabu, by a line of battlements. Thus framed in, the walls looked likeenormous panels, each panel complete in itself, without projections andalmost without openings. Windows, always rare in Egyptian architecture, aremere ventilators when introduced into the walls of temples, being intendedto light the staircases, as in the second pylon of Horemheb at Karnak, orelse to support decorative woodwork on festival days. The doorways projectbut slightly from the body of the buildings (fig. 54), except where thelintel is over-shadowed by a projecting cornice. Real windows occur only inthe pavilion of Medinet Habu; but that building was constructed on themodel of a fortress, and must rank as an exception among religiousmonuments. [Illustration: Fig. 53. --Temple wall with cornice. ] [Illustration: Fig. 54. --Niche and doorway in temple of Seti I. At Abydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 55. --Pavement of the portico of Osiris in the temple ofSeti I. At Abydos. ] The ground-level of the courts and halls was flagged with rectangularpaving stones, well enough fitted, except in the intercolumniations, wherethe architects, hopeless of harmonising the lines of the pavement with thecurved bases of the columns, have filled in the space with small pieces, set without order or method (fig. 55). Contrary to their practice whenhouse building, they have scarcely ever employed the vault or arch intemple architecture. We nowhere meet with it, except at Deir el Baharî, andin the seven parallel sanctuaries of Abydos. Even in these instances, thearch is produced by "corbelling"; that is to say, the curve is formed bythree or four superimposed horizontal courses of stone, chiselled out tothe form required (fig. 56). The ordinary roofing consists of flat pavingslabs. When the space between the walls was not too wide, these slabsbridged it over at a single stretch; otherwise the roof had to be supportedat intervals, and the wider the space the more these supports needed to bemultiplied. The supports were connected by immense stone architraves, onwhich the roofing slabs rested. [Illustration: Fig. 56. --"Corbelled" arch, temple of Seti I. At Abydos. ] The supports are of two types, --the pillar and the column. Some are cutfrom single blocks. Thus, the monolithic pillars of the temple of thesphinx (Note 8), the oldest hitherto found, measure 16 feet in height by 4-1/2 feet in width. Monolithic columns of red granite are also found amongthe ruins of Alexandria, Bubastis, [12] and Memphis, which date from thereigns of Horemheb and Rameses II. , and measure some 20 to 26 feet inheight. But columns and pillars are commonly built in courses, which areoften unequal and irregular, like those of the walls which surround them. The great columns of Luxor are not even solid, two-thirds of the diameterbeing filled up with yellow cement, which has lost its strength, andcrumbles between the fingers. The capital of the column of Taharka atKarnak contains three courses, each about 48 inches high. The last and mostprojecting course is made up of twenty-six convergent stones, which areheld in place by merely the weight of the abacus. The same carelessnesswhich we have already noted in the workmanship of the walls is found inthe workmanship of the columns. [Illustration: Fig. 57. --Hathor pillar, Abû Simbel. ] [Illustration: Fig. 58. --Pillar of Amenhotep III. , Karnak. ] The quadrangular pillar, with parallel or slightly inclined sides, andgenerally without either base or capital, frequently occurs in tombs of theancient empire. It reappears later at Medinet Habû, in the temple ofThothmes III. , and again at Karnak, in what is known as the processionalhall. The sides of these square pillars are often covered with paintedscenes, while the front faces were more decoratively treated, beingsculptured with lotus or papyrus stems in high relief, as on the pillar-stelae of Karnak, or adorned with a head of Hathor crowned with thesistrum, as in the small speos of Abû Simbel (fig. 57), or sculptured witha full-length standing figure of Osiris, as in the second court of MedinetHabû; or, as at Denderah and Gebel Barkal, with the figure of the god Bes. At Karnak, in an edifice which was probably erected by Horemheb withbuilding material taken from the ruins of a sanctuary of Amenhotep II. AndIII. , the pillar is capped by a cornice, separated from the architrave by athin abacus (fig. 58). By cutting away its four edges, the square pillarbecomes an octagonal prism, and further, by cutting off the eight newedges, it becomes a sixteen-sided prism. Some pillars in the tombs of Asûanand Beni Hasan, and in the processional hall at Karnak (fig. 59), as wellas in the chapels of Deir el Baharî, are of this type. Besides the formsthus regularly evolved, there are others of irregular derivation, withsix, twelve, fifteen, or twenty sides, or verging almost upon a perfectcircle. The portico pillars of the temple of Osiris at Abydos come last inthe series; the drum is curved, but not round, the curve being interruptedat both extremities of the same diameter by a flat stripe. More frequentlythe sides are slightly channelled; and sometimes, as at Kalabsheh, theflutings are divided into four groups of five each by four vertical flatstripes (fig. 60). The polygonal pillar has always a large, shallow plinth, in the form of a rounded disc. At El Kab it bears the head of Hathor, sculptured in relief upon the front (fig. 61); but almost everywhere elseit is crowned with a simple square abacus, which joins it to thearchitrave. Thus treated, it bears a certain family likeness to the Doriccolumn; and one understands how Jomard and Champollion, in the first ardourof discovery, were tempted to give it the scarcely justifiable name of"proto-Doric. " [Illustration: Fig. 59. --Sixteen-sided pillars, Karnak. ] The column does not rest immediately upon the soil. It is always furnishedwith a base like that of the polygonal pillar, sometimes square with theground, and sometimes slightly rounded. This base is either plain, orornamented only with a line of hieroglyphs. The principal forms fall intothree types: (1) the column with campaniform, or lotus-flower capital; (2)the column with lotus-bud capital; (3) the column with Hathor-head capital. [Illustration: Fig. 60. --Fluted pillar, Kalabsheh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 61. --Polygonal Hathor-headed pillar, El Kab. ] I. _Columns with Campaniform Capitals_. --The shaft is generally plain, ormerely engraved with inscriptions or bas-reliefs. Sometimes, however, as atMedamot, it is formed of six large and six small colonnettes inalternation. In Pharaonic times, it is bulbous, being curved inward at thebase, and ornamented with triangles one within another, imitating the largeleaves which sheathe the sprouting plant. The curve is so regulated thatthe diameter at the base and the top shall be about equal. In the Ptolemaicperiod, the bulb often disappears, owing probably to Greek influences. Thecolumns which surround the first court at Edfû rise straight from theirplinths. The shaft always tapers towards the top. It is finished by threeor five flat bands, one above the other. At Medamot, where the shaft isclustered, the architect has doubtless thought that one tie at the topappeared insufficient to hold in a dozen colonnettes; he has thereforemarked two other rings of bands at regular intervals. The campaniformcapital is decorated from the spring of the curve with a row of leaves, like those which sheathe the base. Between these are figured shoots oflotus and papyrus in flower and bud. The height of the capital, and theextent of its projection beyond the line of the shaft, varied with thetaste of the architect. At Luxor, the campaniform capitals are eleven and ahalf feet in diameter at the neck, eighteen feet in diameter at the top, and eleven and a half feet in height. At Karnak, in the hypostyle hall, theheight of the capital is twelve and a quarter feet, and the greatestdiameter twenty-one feet. A square die surmounts the whole. This die isalmost hidden by the curve of the capital, though occasionally, as atDenderah, it is higher, and bears on each face a figure of the god Bes(fig. 62). [Illustration: Fig. 62. --Column with square die, Contra Esneh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 63. --Column with campaniform capital, Ramesseum. ] The column with campaniform capital is mostly employed in the middle avenueof hypostyle halls, as at Karnak, the Ramesseum, and Luxor (fig. 63); butit was not restricted to this position, for we also find it in porticoes, as at Medinet Habû, Edfû, and Philae. The processional hall[13] ofThothmes III. , at Karnak, contains one most curious variety (fig. 64); theflower is inverted like a bell, and the shaft is turned upside down, thesmaller end being sunk in the plinth, while the larger is fitted to thewide part of the overturned bell. This ungraceful innovation achieved nosuccess, and is found nowhere else. Other novelties were happier, especially those which enabled the artist to introduce decorative elementstaken from the flora of the country. In the earlier examples at Soleb, Sesebeh, Bubastis, and Memphis, we find a crown of palm branches springingfrom the band, their heads being curved beneath the weight of the abacus(fig. 65). Later on, as we approach the Ptolemaic period, the date and thehalf-unfolded lotus were added to the palm-branches (fig. 66). [Illustration: Fig. 64. --Inverted campaniform capital, Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 65. --Palm capital, Bubastis. ] [Illustration: Fig. 66. --Compound capital. ] Under the Ptolemies and the Caesars the capital became a complete basket offlowers and leaves, ranged row above row, and painted in the brightestcolours (fig. 67. ) At Edfû, Ombos, and Philae one would fancy that thedesigner had vowed never to repeat the same pattern in the same portico. [Illustration: Fig. 67. --Ornate capitals, Ptolemaic. ] [Illustration: Fig. 68. --Lotus-bud column, Beni Hasan. ] [Illustration: Fig. 69. --Lotus-bud column, processional hall, ThothmesIII. , Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 70. --Column in the aisles of the hypostyle hall atKarnak. ] II. _Columns with Lotus-bud Capitals_. --Originally these may perhaps haverepresented a bunch of lotus plants, the buds being bound together at theneck to form the capital. The columns of Beni Hasan consist of four roundedstems (fig. 68). Those of the Labyrinth, of the processional hall ofThothmes III. , and of Medamot, consist of eight stems, each presenting asharp edge on the outer side (fig. 69). The bottom of the column isbulbous, and set round with triangular leaves. The top is surrounded bythree or five bands. A moulding composed of groups of three verticalstripes hangs like a fringe from the lowest band in the space betweenevery two stems. So varied a surface does not admit of hieroglyphicdecoration; therefore the projections were by degrees suppressed, and thewhole shaft was made smooth. In the hypostyle hall at Gûrneh, the shaft isdivided in three parts, the middle one being smooth and covered withsculptures, while the upper and lower divisions are formed of clusteredstems. In the temple of Khonsû, in the aisles of the hypostyle hall ofKarnak, and in the portico of Medinet Habû, the shaft is quite smooth, thefringe alone being retained below the top bands, while a slight ridgebetween each of the three bands recalls the original stems (fig. 70). Thecapital underwent a like process of degradation. At Beni Hasan, it isfinely clustered throughout its height. In the processional hall ofThothmes III. , at Luxor, and at Medamot, a circle of small pointed leavesand channellings around the base lessens the effect, and reduces it to amere grooved and truncated cone. In the hypostyle hall of Karnak, atAbydos, at the Ramesseum, and at Medinet Habû, various other ornaments, astriangular leaves, hieroglyphic inscriptions, or bands of cartouchesflanked by uraei, fill the space thus unfortunately obtained. Neither isthe abacus hidden as in the campaniform capital, but stands out boldly, anddisplays the cartouche of the royal founder. [Illustration: Fig. 71. --Hathor-head capital, Ptolemaic. ] III. _Columns with Hathor-head Capitals_. --We find examples of the Hathor-headed column dating from ancient times, as at Deir el Baharî; but thisorder is best known in buildings of the Ptolemaic period, as at ContraLatopolis, Philae, and Denderah. The shaft and the base present no specialcharacteristics. They resemble those of the campaniform columns. Thecapital is in two divisions. Below we have a square block, bearing on eachface a woman's head in high relief and crowned with a naos. The woman hasthe ears of a heifer. Her hair, confined over the brow by three verticalbands, falls behind the ears, and hangs long on the shoulders. Each headsupports a fluted cornice, on which stands a naos framed between twovolutes, and crowned by a slender abacus (fig. 71). Thus each column hasfor its capital four heads of Hathor. Seen from a distance, it at oncerecalls the form of the sistrum, so frequently represented in the bas-reliefs as held in the hands of queens and goddesses. It is in fact asistrum, in which the regular proportions of the parts are disregarded. Thehandle is gigantic, while the upper part of the instrument is undulyreduced. This notion so pleased the Egyptian fancy that architects did nothesitate to combine the sistrum design with elements borrowed from otherorders. The four heads of Hathor placed above a campaniform capital, furnished Nectenebo with a composite type for his pavilion at Philae (fig. 72). I cannot say that the compound is very satisfactory, but the column isin reality less ugly than it appears in engravings. [Illustration: Fig. 72. --Campaniform and Hathor-headed capital, Philae. ] [Illustration: Fig. 73. --Section of the hypostyle hall at Karnak to showthearrangement of the two varieties: campaniform and lotus-bud columns. ] Shafts of columns were regulated by no fixed rules of proportion orarrangement. The architect might, if he chose, make use of equal heightswith very different diameters, and, regardless of any considerations apartfrom those of general harmony, might design the various parts according towhatever scale best suited him. The dimensions of the capital had noinvariable connection with those of the shaft, nor was the height of theshaft dependent on the diameter of the column. At Karnak, the campaniformcolumns of the hypostyle hall measure 10 feet high in the capital, and 55feet high in the shaft, with a lower diameter of 11 feet 8 inches. AtLuxor, the capital measures 11-1/2 feet, the shaft 49 feet, and thediameter at the spring of the base 11-1/4 feet. At the Ramesseum, the shaftand capital measure 35 feet, and the spring diameter is 6-1/2 feet. Thelotus-bud or clustered column gives similar results. At Karnak, in theaisles of the hypostyle hall, the capital is 10 feet high, the shaft 33feet, and the base diameter 6-3/4 feet. At the Ramesseum, the capital is 5-1/2 feet high, the shaft 24-1/2 feet, and the base diameter 5 feet 10inches. We find the same irregularity as to architraves. Their height isdetermined only by the taste of the architect or the necessities of thebuilding. So also with the spacing of columns. Not only does the inter-columnar space vary considerably between temple and temple, or chamber andchamber, but sometimes--as in the first court at Medinet Habû--they vary inthe same portico. We have thus far treated separately of each type; butwhen various types were associated in a single building, no fixed relativeproportions were observed. In the hypostyle hall at Karnak, the campaniformcolumns support the nave, while the lotus-bud variety is relegated to theaisles (fig. 73). There are halls in the temple of Khonsû where the lotus-bud column is the loftiest, and others where the campaniform dominates therest. In what remains of the Medamot structure, campaniform and lotus-budcolumns are of equal height. Egypt had no definite orders like those ofGreece, but tried every combination to which the elements of the columncould be made to lend themselves; hence, we can never determine thedimensions of an Egyptian column from those of one of its parts. [12] For an account of the excavations at Bubastis, see Eighth and Tenth Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund, by M. E. Naville. [13] French "Promenoir"; this is perhaps best expressed by "Processional Hall, " in accordance with the description of its purpose on p. 67. --A. B. E. 2. THE TEMPLE. [Illustration: Fig. 74. --Plan of temple of the Sphinx. ] Most of the famous sanctuaries--Denderah, Edfû, Abydos--were founded beforeMen a by the _Servants of Hor_. [14] Becoming dilapidated or ruined in thecourse of ages, they have been restored, rebuilt, remodelled, one after theother, till nothing remains of the primitive design to show us what thefirst Egyptian architecture was like. The funerary temples built by thekings of the Fourth Dynasty have left some traces. [15] That of the secondpyramid of Gizeh was so far preserved at the beginning of the last century, that Maillet saw four large pillars standing. It is now almost entirelydestroyed; but this loss has been more than compensated by the discovery, in 1853, of a temple situate about fifty yards to the southward of thesphinx (fig. 74). The façade is still hidden by the sand, and the inside isbut partly uncovered. The core masonry is of fine Tûrah limestone. Thecasing, pillars, architraves, and roof were constructed with immense blocksof alabaster or red granite (Note 9). The plan is most simple: In themiddle (A) is a great hall in shape of the letter T, adorned with sixteensquare pillars 16 feet in height; at the north-west corner of this hall isa narrow passage on an inclined plane (B), by which the building is nowentered;[16] at the south-west corner is a recess (C) which contains sixniches, in pairs one over the other. A long gallery opening at each endinto a square chamber, now filled with rubbish (E), completes the plan. Without any main door, without windows, and entered through a passage toolong to admit the light of day, the building can only have received lightand air through slanting air-slits in the roofing, of which traces are yetvisible on the tops of the walls (_e, e_) on each side of the main hall(Note 10). Inscriptions, bas-reliefs, paintings, such as we are accustomedto find everywhere in Egypt, are all wanting; and yet these bare wallsproduce as great an impression upon the spectator as the most richlydecorated temples of Thebes. Not only grandeur but sublimity has beenachieved in the mere juxtaposition of blocks of granite and alabaster, bymeans of purity of line and exactness of proportion. Some few scattered ruins in Nubia, the Fayûm, and Sinai, do not suffice toprove whether the temples of the Twelfth Dynasty merited the praiseslavished on them in contemporary inscriptions or not. Those of the Thebankings, of the Ptolemies, and of the Caesars which are yet standing are insome cases nearly perfect, while almost all are easy of restoration tothose who conscientiously study them upon the spot. At first sight, theyseem to present an infinite variety as to arrangement; but on a closer viewthey are found to conform to a single type. We will begin with thesanctuary. This is a low, small, obscure, rectangular chamber, inaccessibleto all save Pharaoh and the priests. As a rule it contained neither statuenor emblem, but only the sacred bark, or a tabernacle of painted woodplaced upon a pedestal. A niche in the wall, or an isolated shrine formedof a single block of stone, received on certain days the statue, orinanimate symbol of the local god, or the living animal, or the image ofthe animal, sacred to that god. A temple must necessarily contain this onechamber; and if it contained but this one chamber, it would be no less atemple than the most complex buildings. Very rarely, however, especially inlarge towns, was the service of the gods thus limited to the strictlynecessary. Around the sanctuary, or "divine house, " was grouped a series ofchambers in which sacrificial and ceremonial objects were stored, asflowers, perfumes, stuffs, and precious vessels. In advance of this blockof buildings were next built one or more halls supported on columns; and inadvance of these came a courtyard, where the priests and devoteesassembled. This courtyard was surrounded by a colonnade to which the publichad access, and was entered through a gateway flanked by two towers, infront of which were placed statues, or obelisks; the whole being surroundedby an enclosure wall of brickwork, and approached through an avenue ofsphinxes. Every Pharaoh was free to erect a hall still more sumptuous infront of those which his predecessors had built; and what he did, othersmight do after him. Thus, successive series of chambers and courts, ofpylons and porticoes, were added reign after reign to the original nucleus;and--vanity or piety prompting the work--the temple continued to increasein every direction, till space or means had failed. [Illustration: Fig. 75. --South Temple of Amenhotep III. At Elephantine. ] [Illustration: Fig. 76. --Plan of temple of Amenhotep III. , at El Kab. ] The most simple temples were sometimes the most beautiful. This was thecase as regards the sanctuaries erected by Amenhotep III. In the island ofElephantine, which were figured by the members of the French expedition atthe end of the last century, and destroyed by the Turkish governor of Asûanin 1822. The best preserved, namely, the south temple (fig. 75), consistedof but a single chamber of sandstone, 14 feet high, 31 feet wide, and 39feet long. The walls, which were straight, and crowned with the usualcornice, rested on a platform of masonry some 8 feet above the ground. Thisplatform was surrounded by a parapet wall, breast high. All around thetemple ran a colonnade, the sides each consisting of seven square pillars, without capital or base, and the two façades, front and back, beingsupported by two columns with the lotus-bud capital. Both pillars andcolumns rose direct from the parapet; except on the east front, where aflight of ten or twelve steps, enclosed between two walls of the sameheight as the platform, led up to the _cella_. The two columns at the headof the steps were wider apart than those of the opposite face, and throughthe space thus opened was seen a richly-decorated door. A second dooropened at the other end, beneath the portico. Later, in Roman times, thisfeature was utilised in altering the building. The inter-columnar space atthe end was filled up, and thus was obtained a second hall, rough and bare, but useful for the purposes of the temple service. These Elephantinesanctuaries bring to mind the peripteral temples of the Greeks, and thisresemblance to one of the most familiar forms of classical architectureexplains perhaps the boundless admiration with which they were regarded bythe French savants. Those of Mesheikh, of El Kab, and of Sharonah aresomewhat more elaborate. The building at El Kab is in three divisions (fig. 76); first, a hall of four columns (A); next, a chamber (B) supported byfour Hathor-headed pillars; and in the end wall, opposite the door, a niche(C), approached by four steps. Of these small oratories the most completemodel now remaining belongs to the Ptolemaic period; namely, the temple ofHathor at Deir el Medineh (fig. 77). Its length is just double its breadth. The walls are built with a batter inclining inwards, [17] and are externallybare, save at the door, which is framed in a projecting border covered withfinely-sculptured scenes. The interior is in three parts: A portico (B), supported by two lotus flower columns; a pronaos (C), reached by a flightof four steps, and separated from the portico by a wall which connects thetwo lotus flower columns with two Hathor-headed pilasters _in antis_;lastly, the sanctuary (D), flanked by two small chambers (E, E), which arelighted by square openings cut in the ceiling. The ascent to the terrace isby way of a staircase, very ingeniously placed in the south corner of theportico, and furnished with a beautiful open window (F). This is merely atemple in miniature; but the parts, though small, are so well proportionedthat it would be impossible to conceive anything more delicate or graceful. [Illustration: Fig. 77. --Plan of temple of Hathor, Deir el Medineh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 78. --Plan of temple of Khonsû, Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 79. --Pylon, with masts, from a bas-relief in the templeof Khonsû at Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 80. --The Ramesseum restored, to show the rising of theground. ] [Illustration: Fig. 81. --Crypts in the thickness of the walls, round thesanctuary at Denderah. ] [Illustration: Fig. 82. --The pronaos of Edfû, as seen from the top of theeastern pylon. ] We cannot say as much for the temple which the Pharaohs of the TwentiethDynasty erected to the south of Karnak, in honour of the god Khonsû (fig. 78); but if the style is not irreproachable, the plan is nevertheless soclear, that one is tempted to accept it as the type of an Egyptian temple, in preference to others more elegant or majestic. On analysis, it resolvesitself into two parts separated by a thick wall (A, A). In the centre ofthe lesser division is the Holy of Holies (B), open at both ends andisolated from the rest of the building by a surrounding passage (C) 10feet in width. To the right and left of this sanctuary are small darkchambers (D, D), and behind it is a hall of four columns (E), from whichopen seven other chambers (F, F). Such was the house of the god, having nocommunication with the adjoining parts, except by two doors (G) in thesouthern wall (A, A). These opened into a wide and shallow hypostyle hall(H), divided into nave and aisles. The nave is supported by four lotus-flower columns, 23 feet in height; the aisles each contain two lotus-budcolumns 18 feet high. The roof of the nave is, therefore, 5 feet higherthan that of the sides. This elevation was made use of for lightingpurposes, the clerestory being fitted with stone gratings, which admittedthe daylight. The court (I) was square, and surrounded by a doublecolonnade entered by way of four side-gates and a great central gatewayflanked by two quadrangular towers with sloping fronts. This pylon (K)measures 105 feet in length, 33 feet in width, and 60 feet in height. Itcontains no chambers, but only a narrow staircase, which leads to the topof the gate, and thence up to the towers. Four long grooves in the façade, reaching to a third of its height, correspond to four quadrangular openingscut through. The whole thickness of the masonry. Here were fixed fourgreat wooden masts, formed of joined beams and held in place by a woodenframework fixed in the four openings above mentioned. From these mastsfloated long streamers of various colours (fig. 79). Such was the temple ofKhonsû, and such, in their main features, were the majority of the greatertemples of Theban and Ptolemaic times, as Luxor, the Ramesseum, MedinetHabû, Edfû, and Denderah. Though for the most part half in ruins, theyaffect one with a strange and disquieting sense of oppression. As mysterywas a favourite attribute of the Egyptian gods, even so the plan of theirtemples is in such wise devised as to lead gradually from the full sunshineof the outer world to the obscurity of their retreats. At the entrance wefind large open spaces, where air and light stream freely in. The hypostylehall is pervaded by a sober twilight; the sanctuary is more than half lostin a vague darkness; and at the end of the building, in the farthest of thechambers, night all but reigns completely. The effect of distance which wasproduced by this gradual diminution of light, was still further heightenedby various structural artifices. The parts, for instance, are not on thesame level. The ground rises from the entrance (fig. 80), and there arealways a few steps to mount in passing from one part to another. In thetemple of Khonsû the difference of level is not more than 5-1/4 feet, butit is combined with a lowering of the roof, which in most cases is verystrongly marked. From the pylon to the wall at the farther end, the heightdecreases continuously. The peristyle is loftier than the hypostyle hall, and the hypostyle hall is loftier than the sanctuary. The last hall ofcolumns and the farthest chamber are lower and lower still. The architectsof Ptolemaic times changed certain details of arrangement. They erectedchapels and oratories on the terraced roofs, and reserved space for theconstruction of secret passages and crypts in the thickness of the walls, wherein to hide the treasure of the god (fig. 81). They, however, introduced only two important modifications of the original plan. Thesanctuary was formerly entered by two opposite doors; they left but one. Also the colonnade, which was originally continued round the upper end ofthe court, or, where there was no court, along the façade of the temple, became now the pronaos, so forming an additional chamber. The columns ofthe outer row are retained, but built into a wall reaching to about halftheir height. This connecting wall is surmounted by a cornice, which thusforms a screen, and so prevented the outer throng from seeing what tookplace within (fig. 82). The pronaos is supported by two, three, or evenfour rows of columns, according to the size of the edifice. For the rest, it is useful to compare the plan of the temple of Edfû (fig. 83) with thatof the temple of Khonsû, observing how little they differ the one from theother. [Illustration: Fig. 83. --Plan of temple, Edfû. ] [Illustration: Fig. 84. --Plan of the temple of Karnak in the reign ofAmenhotep III. ] [Illustration: Fig. 85. --Plan of Hypostyle Hall, Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 86. --Plan of great temple, Luxor. ] [Illustration: Fig. 87. --Plan of the Isle of Philae. ] Thus designed, the building sufficed for all the needs of worship. Ifenlargement was needed, the sanctuary and surrounding chambers weregenerally left untouched, and only the ceremonial parts of the building, asthe hypostyle halls, the courts, or pylons, were attacked. The procedure ofthe Egyptians under these circumstances is best illustrated by the historyof the great temple of Karnak. Founded by Ûsertesen I. , probably on thesite of a still earlier temple, it was but a small building, constructed oflimestone and sandstone, with granite doorways. The inside was decoratedwith sixteen-sided pillars. The second and third Amenemhats added some workto it, and the princes of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties adornedit with statues and tables of offerings. It was still unaltered when, inthe eighteenth century B. C. , Thothmes I. , enriched with booty of war, resolved to enlarge it. In advance of what already stood there, he erectedtwo chambers, preceded by a court and flanked by two isolated chapels. Inadvance of these again, he erected three successive pylons, one behind theother. The whole presented the appearance of a vast rectangle placedcrosswise at the end of another rectangle. Thothmes II. And Hatshepsût[18]covered the walls erected by their father with bas-relief sculptures, butadded no more buildings. Hatshepsût, however, in order to bring in herobelisks between the pylons of Thothmes I. , opened a breach in the southwall, and overthrew sixteen of the columns which stood in that spot. Thothmes III. , probably finding certain parts of the structure unworthy ofthe god, rebuilt the first pylon, and also the double sanctuary, which herenewed in the red granite of Syene. To the eastward, he rebuilt some oldchambers, the most important among them being the processional hall, usedfor the starting-point and halting-place of ceremonial processions, andthese he surrounded with a stone wall. He also made the lake whereon thesacred boats were launched on festival days; and, with a sharp change ofaxis, he built two pylons facing towards the south, thus violating the truerelative proportion which had till then subsisted between the body and thefront of the general mass of the building. The outer enclosure was now toolarge for the earlier pylons, and did not properly accord with the laterones. Amenhotep III. Corrected this defect. He erected a sixth and yet moremassive pylon, which was, therefore, better suited for the façade. As itnow stood (fig. 84), the temple surpassed even the boldest architecturalenterprises hitherto attempted; but the Pharaohs of the Nineteenth Dynastysucceeded in achieving still more. They added only a hypostyle hall (fig. 85) and a pylon; but the hypostyle hall measured 170 feet in length by 329feet in breadth. Down the centre they carried a main avenue of twelvecolumns, with lotus-flower capitals, being the loftiest ever erected in theinterior of a building; while in the aisles, ranged in seven rows on eitherside, they planted 122 columns with lotus-bud capitals. The roof of thegreat nave rose to a height of 75 feet above the level of the ground, andthe pylon stood some fifty feet higher still. During a whole century, threekings laboured to perfect this hypostyle hall. Rameses I. Conceived theidea; Seti I. Finished the bulk of the work, and Rameses II. Wrought nearlythe whole of the decoration. The Pharaohs of the next following dynastiesvied with each other for such blank spaces as might be found, wherein toengrave their names upon the columns, and so to share the glory of thethree founders; but farther they did not venture. Left thus, however, themonument was still incomplete. It still needed one last pylon and acolonnaded court. Nearly three centuries elapsed before the task was againtaken in hand. At last the Bubastite kings decided to begin the colonnades, but their work was as feeble as their, resources were limited. Taharkah, the Ethiopian, imagined for a moment that he was capable of rivalling thegreat Theban Pharaohs, and planned a hypostyle hall even larger than thefirst; but he made a false start. The columns of the great nave, which wereall that he had time to erect, were placed too wide apart to admit of beingroofed over; so they never supported anything, but remained as memorials ofhis failure. Finally, the Ptolemies, faithful to the traditions of thenative monarchy, threw themselves into the work; but their labours wereinterrupted by revolts at Thebes, and the earthquake of the year 27 B. C. Destroyed part of the temple, so that the pylon remained for everunfinished. The history of Karnak is identical with that of all the greatEgyptian temples. When closely studied, the reason why they are for themost part so irregular becomes evident. The general plan is practically thesame, and the progress of the building was carried forward in the sameway; but the architects could not always foresee the future importance oftheir work, and the site was not always favourable to the development ofthe building. At Luxor (fig. 86), the progress went on methodically enoughunder Amenhotep III. And Seti I. , but when Rameses II. Desired to add tothe work of his predecessors, a bend in the river compelled him to turneastwards. His pylon is not parallel to that of Amenhotep III. , and hiscolonnades make a distinct angle with the general axis of the earlier work. At Philae (fig. 87) the deviation is still greater. Not only is the largerpylon out of alignment with the smaller, but the two colonnades are notparallel with each other. Neither are they attached to the pylon with a dueregard to symmetry. This arises neither from negligence nor wilfulness, asis popularly supposed. The first plan was as regular as the mostsymmetrically-minded designer could wish; but it became necessary to adaptit to the requirements of the site, and the architects were thenceforthchiefly concerned to make the best of the irregularities to which they werecondemned by the configuration of the ground. Such difficulties were, infact, a frequent source of inspiration; and Philae shows with what skillthe Egyptians extracted every element of beauty and picturesqueness fromenforced disorder. [Illustration: Fig. 88. --Plan of Speos, Kalaat Addah, Nubia. ] [Illustration: Fig, 89. --Plan of Speos, Gebel Silsileh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 90. --Plan of the Great Speos, Abû Simbel. ] [Illustration: Fig. 91. --Speos of Hathor, Abû Simbel. ] [Illustration: Fig. 92. --Plan of the upper portion of the temple of Deir elBaharî, showing the state of the excavations, the Speos of Hathor (A); therock-cut sanctuary (B); the rock-cut funerary chapel of Thothmes I. (C);the Speos of Anubis (D); and the excavated niches of the northerncolonnade. Reproduced from Plate III. Of the _Archaeological Report of theEgypt Exploration Fund_ for 1893-4. ] [Illustration: Fig. 93. --Plan of temple of Seti I. , at Abydos. ] The idea of the rock-cut temple must have occurred to the Egyptians at anearly period. They carved the houses of the dead in the mountain side; why, therefore, should they not in like manner carve the houses of the gods? Yetthe earliest known Speos-sanctuaries date from only the beginning of theEighteenth Dynasty. They are generally found in those parts of the valleywhere the cultivable land is narrowest, as near Beni Hasan, at GebelSilsileh, and in Nubia. All varieties of the constructed temple are foundin the rock-cut temple, though more or less modified by local conditions. The Speos Artemidos is approached by a pillared portico, but contains onlya square chamber with a niche at the end for the statue of the goddessPakhet. At Kalaat Addah (fig. 88), a flat narrow façade (A) faces theriver, and is reached by a steep flight of steps; next comes a hypostylehall (B), flanked by two dark chambers (C), and lastly a sanctuary in twostoreys, one above the other (D). The chapel of Horemheb (fig. 89), atGebel Silsileh, is formed of a gallery parallel to the river (A), supportedby four massive pillars left in the rock. From this gallery, the sanctuarychamber opens at right angles. At Abû Simbel, the two temples are excavatedentirely in the cliff. The front of the great speos (fig. 90) imitates asloping pylon crowned with a cornice, and guarded as usual by four seatedcolossi flanked by smaller statues. These colossi are sixty-six feet high. The doorway passed, there comes a first hall measuring 130 feet in lengthby 60 feet in width, which corresponds to the usual peristyle. EightOsiride statues backed by as many square pillars, seem to bear themountain on their heads. Beyond this come (1) a hypostyle hall; (2) atransverse gallery, isolating the sanctuary, and (3) the sanctuary itself, between two smaller chambers. Eight crypts, sunk at a somewhat lower levelthan that of the main excavation, are unequally distributed to right andleft of the peristyle. The whole excavation measures 180 feet from thedoorway to the end of the sanctuary. The small speos of Hathor, about ahundred paces to the northward, is of smaller dimensions. The façade isadorned with six standing colossi, four representing Rameses II. , and twohis wife, Nefertari. The peristyle and the crypts are lacking (fig. 91), and the small chambers are placed at either end of the transverse passage, instead of being parallel with the sanctuary. The hypostyle hall, however, is supported by six Hathor-headed pillars. Where space permitted, the rock-cut temple was but partly excavated in the cliff, the forepart beingconstructed outside with blocks cut and dressed, and becoming half grotto, half building. In the hemi-speos at Derr, the peristyle is external to thecliff; at Beit el Wally, the pylon and court are built; at Gerf Husein andWady Sabûah, pylon, court, and hypostyle hall are all outside the mountain, The most celebrated and original hemi-speos is that built by QueenHatshepsût, at Deir el Baharî, in the Theban necropolis (fig. 92), [19] Thesanctuary and chapels which, as usual, accompany it, were cut about 100 ft. Above the level of the valley. In order to arrive at that height, slopeswere made and terraces laid out according to a plan which was notunderstood until the site was thoroughly excavated. Between the hemi-speos and the isolated temple, the Egyptians created yetanother variety, namely, the built temple backed by, but not carried into, the cliff. The temple of the sphinx at Gizeh, and the temple of Seti I. AtAbydos, may be cited as two good examples. I have already described theformer; the area of the latter (fig. 93) was cleared in a narrow andshallow belt of sand, which here divides the plain from the desert. It wassunk up to the roof, the tops of the walls but just showing above the levelof the ground. The staircase which led up to the terraced roof led also tothe top of the hill. The front, which stood completely out, seemed innowise extraordinary. It was approached by two pylons, two courts, and ashallow portico supported on square pillars. The unusual part of thebuilding only began beyond this point. First, there were two hypostylehalls instead of one. These are separated by a wall with seven doorways. There is no nave, and the sanctuary opens direct from the second hall. This, as usual, consists of an oblong chamber with a door at each end; butthe rooms by which it is usually surrounded are here placed side by side ina line, two to the right and four to the left; further, they are covered by"corbelled" vaults, and are lighted only from the doors. Behind thesanctuary are further novelties. Another hypostyle hall (K) abuts on theend wall, and its dependencies are unequally distributed to right and left. As if this were not enough, the architect also constructed, to the left ofthe main building, a court, five chambers of columns, various passages anddark chambers--in short, an entire wing branching off at right angles tothe axis of the temple proper, with no counterbalancing structures on theother side. These irregularities become intelligible when the site isexamined. The cliff is shallow at this part, and the smaller hypostyle hallis backed by only a thin partition of rock. If the usual plan had beenfollowed, it would have been necessary to cut the cliff entirely away, andthe structure would have forfeited its special characteristic--that of atemple backed by a cliff--as desired by the founder. The architect, therefore, distributed in width those portions of the edifice which hecould not carry out in length; and he even threw out a wing. Some yearslater, when Rameses II. Constructed a monument to his own memory, about ahundred yards to the northward of the older building, he was careful not tofollow in his father's footsteps. Built on the top of an elevation, histemple had sufficient space for development, and the conventional plan wasfollowed in all its strictness. [Illustration: Fig. 94. --Crio-sphinx from Wady Es Sabûah. ] [Illustration: Fig. 95. --Couchant ram, with statuette of royal founder, restored from the Avenue of Sphinxes at Karnak. ] Most temples, even the smallest, should be surrounded by a squareenclosure or temenos. [20] At Medinet Habu, this enclosure wall is ofsandstone--low, and embattled. The innovation is due to a whim of RamesesIII. , who, in giving to his monument the outward appearance of a fortress, sought to commemorate his Syrian victories. Elsewhere, the doorways are ofstone, and the walls are built in irregular courses of crude bricks. Thegreat enclosure wall was not, as frequently stated, intended to isolate thetemple and screen the priestly ceremonies from eyes profane. It marked thelimits of the divine dwelling, and served, when needful, to resist theattacks of enemies whose cupidity might be excited by the accumulatedriches of the sanctuary. As at Karnak, avenues of sphinxes and series ofpylons led up to the various gates, and formed triumphal approaches. Therest of the ground was in part occupied by stables, cellarage, granaries, and private houses. Just as in Europe during the Middle Ages the populationcrowded most densely round about the churches and abbeys, so in Egypt theyswarmed around the temples, profiting by that security which the terror ofhis name and the solidity of his ramparts ensured to the local deity. Aclear space was at first reserved round the pylons and the walls; but incourse of time the houses encroached upon this ground, and were even builtup against the boundary wall. Destroyed and rebuilt century after centuryupon the self-same spot, the _débris_ of these surrounding dwellings soraised the level of the soil, that the temples ended for the most part bybeing gradually buried in a hollow formed by the artificial elevation ofthe surrounding city. Herodotus noticed this at Bubastis, and onexamination it is seen to have been the same in many other localities. AtOmbos, at Edfû, at Denderah, the whole city nestled inside the precincts ofthe divine dwelling. At El Kab, where the temple temenos formed a separateenclosure within the boundary of the city walls, it served as a sort ofdonjon, or keep, in which the garrison could seek a last refuge. At Memphisand at Thebes, there were as many keeps as there were great temples, andthese sacred fortresses, each at first standing alone in the midst ofhouses, were, from the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty, connected each witheach by avenues of sphinxes. These were commonly andro-sphinxes, combiningthe head of a man and the body of a lion; but we also find crio-sphinxes, which united a ram's head with a lion's body (fig. 94). Elsewhere, inplaces where the local worship admitted of such substitution, a couchantram, holding a statuette of the royal founder between his bent forelegs, takes the place of the conventional sphinx (fig. 95). The avenue leadingfrom Luxor to Karnak was composed of these diverse elements. It was onemile and a quarter in length, and there were many bends in it; but thisfact affords no fresh proof of Egyptian "symmetrophobia. " The enclosures ofthe two temples were not oriented alike, and the avenues which startedsquarely from the fronts of each could never have met had they not deviatedfrom their first course. Finally, it may be said that the inhabitants ofThebes saw about as much of their temples as we see at the present day. Thesanctuary and its immediate surroundings were closed against them; but theyhad access to the façades, the courts, and even the hypostyle halls, andmight admire the masterpieces of their architects as freely as we admirethem now. [14] _Hor-shesû_, "followers, " or "servants of Horus, " are mentioned in the Turin papyrus as the predecessors of Mena, and are referred to in monumental inscriptions as representing the pre-historic people of Egypt. It is to the Hor-shesû that Professors Maspero and Mariette attribute the making of the Great Sphinx. --A. B. E. [15] For a full description of the oldest funerary chapel known, that of King Sneferû, see W. M. F. Petrie's _Medum_. [16] Conf. Mr. Petrie's plan of this temple in _Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_, Plate VI. --A. B. E. [17] That is to say, the wall is vertical on the inside; but is built much thicker at the bottom than at the top, so that on the outside it presents a sloping surface, retiring with the height of the wall. --A. B. E. [18] "Hatshepsût, " more commonly known as "Hatasû;" the new reading is, however, more correct. Professor Maspero thinks that it was pronounced "Hatshopsitû. "--A. B. E. [19] For full illustrated account of the complete excavation of this temple, see the _Deir el Baharî_ publications of the Egypt Exploration Fund. [20] Temenos, _i. E. _, the enclosure wall of the Temple, within which all was holy ground. --A. B. E. 3. --DECORATION. [Illustration: Figs. 96 to 101. --DECORATIVE DESIGNS, FROM DENDERAH. ] [Illustration: Fig. 96. ] [Illustration: Fig. 97. ] [Illustration: Fig. 98. ] [Illustration: Fig. 99. ] [Illustration: Fig. 100. ] [Illustration: Fig. 101. ] [Illustration: Fig. 102. --Two Nile-gods, bearing lotus flowers and libationvases. ] [Illustration: Fig. 103. --Dado decoration, hall of Thothmes III. , Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 104. --Ceiling decoration, from tomb of Bakenrenf(Bocchoris), Sakkarah, Twenty-sixth Dynasty. ] Ancient tradition affirmed that the earliest Egyptian temples containedneither sculptured images, inscriptions, nor symbols; and in point of fact, the Temple of the Sphinx is bare. But this is a unique example. Thefragments of architraves and masonry bearing the name of Khafra, which wereused for building material in the northern pyramid of Lisht, show that thisprimitive simplicity had already been abandoned by the time of the FourthDynasty. During the Theban period, all smooth surfaces, all pylons, wall-faces, and shafts of columns, were covered with figure-groups andinscriptions. Under the Ptolemies and the Caesars, figures and hieroglyphsbecame so crowded that the stone on which they are sculptured seems to belost under the masses of ornament with which it is charged. We recognise ata glance that these scenes are not placed at random. They follow insequence, are interlinked, and form as it were a great mystic book in whichthe official relations between gods and men, as well as between men andgods, are clearly set forth for such as are skilled to read them. Thetemple was built in the likeness of the world, as the world was known tothe Egyptians. The earth, as they believed, was a flat and shallow plane, longer than its width. The sky, according to some, extended overhead likean immense iron ceiling, and according to others, like a huge shallowvault. As it could not remain suspended in space without some support, theyimagined it to be held in place by four immense props or pillars. The floorof the temple naturally represented the earth. The columns, and if needfulthe four corners of the chambers, stood for the pillars. The roof, vaultedat Abydos, flat elsewhere, corresponded exactly with the Egyptian idea ofthe sky. Each of these parts was, therefore, decorated in consonance withits meaning. Those next to the ground were clothed with vegetation. Thebases of the columns were surrounded by leaves, and the lower parts of thewalls were adorned with long stems of lotus or papyrus (fig. 96), in themidst of which animals were occasionally depicted. Bouquets of water-plantsemerging from the water (fig. 97), enlivened the bottom of the wall-spacein certain chambers. Elsewhere, we find full-blown flowers interspersedwith buds (fig. 98), or tied together with cords (fig. 99); or thoseemblematic plants which symbolise the union of Upper and Lower Egypt underthe rule of a single Pharaoh (fig. 100); or birds with human hands andarms, perched in an attitude of adoration on the sign which represents asolemn festival; or kneeling prisoners tied to the stake in couples, eachcouple consisting of an Asiatic and a negro (fig. 101). Male and femaleNiles (fig. 102), laden with flowers and fruits, either kneel, or advancein majestic procession, along the ground level. These are the nomes, lakes, and districts of Egypt, bringing offerings of their products to the god. In one instance, at Karnak, Thothmes III. Caused the fruits, flowers, andanimals indigenous to the foreign lands which he had conquered, to besculptured on the lower courses of his walls (fig. 103). The ceilings werepainted blue, and sprinkled with five-pointed stars painted yellow, occasionally interspersed with the cartouches of the royal founder. Themonotony of this Egyptian heaven was also relieved by long bands ofhieroglyphic inscriptions. The vultures of Nekheb and Ûati, the goddessesof the south and north, crowned and armed with divine emblems (fig. 104), hovered above the nave of the hypostyle halls, and on the under side of thelintels of the great doors, above the head of the king as he passed throughon his way to the sanctuary. At the Ramesseum, at Edfû, at Philae, atDenderah, at Ombos, at Esneh, the depths of the firmament seemed to open tothe eyes of the faithful, revealing the dwellers therein. There thecelestial ocean poured forth its floods navigated by the sun and moon withtheir attendant escort of planets, constellations, and decani; and therealso the genii of the months and days marched in long procession. In thePtolemaic age, zodiacs fashioned after Greek models were sculptured side byside with astronomical tables of purely native origin (fig. 105). Thedecoration of the architraves which supported the massive roofing slabs wasentirely independent of that of the ceiling itself. On these were wroughtnothing save boldly cut inscriptions, in which the beauty of the temple, the names of the builder-kings who had erected it, and the glory of thegods to whom it was consecrated, are emphatically celebrated. Finally, thedecoration of the lowest part of the walls and of the ceiling wasrestricted to a small number of subjects, which were always similar: themost important and varied scenes being suspended, as it were, between earthand heaven, on the sides of the chambers and the pylons. [Illustration: Fig. 105. --Zodiacal circle of Denderah. ] These scenes illustrate the official relations which subsisted betweenEgypt and the gods. The people had no right of direct intercourse with thedeities. They needed a mediator, who, partaking of both human and divinenature, was qualified to communicate with both. The king alone, Son of theSun, was of sufficiently high descent to contemplate the god in his temple, to serve him, and to speak with him face to face. Sacrifices could beoffered only by him, or through him, and in his name. Even the customaryofferings to the dead were supposed to pass through his hands, and thefamily availed themselves of his name in the formula _sûten ta hotep_ toforward them to the other world. The king is seen, therefore, in all partsof the temple, standing, seated, kneeling, slaying the victim, presentingthe parts, pouring out the wine, the milk, and the oil, and burning theincense. All humankind acts through him, and through him performs its dutytowards the gods. When the ceremonies to be performed required theassistance of many persons, then alone did mortal subordinates (consisting, as much as possible, of his own family) appear by his side. The queen, standing behind him like Isis behind Osiris, uplifts her hand to protecthim, shakes the sistrum, beats the tambourine to dispel evil spirits, orholds the libation vase or bouquet. The eldest son carries the net orlassoes the bull, and recites the prayer while his father successivelypresents to the god each object prescribed by the ritual. A priest mayoccasionally act as substitute for the prince, but other men perform onlythe most menial offices. They are slaughterers or servants, or they bearthe boat or canopy of the god. The god, for his part, is not always alone. He has his wife and his son by his side; next after them the gods of theneighbouring homes, and, in a general way, all the gods of Egypt. From themoment that the temple is regarded as representing the world, it must, likethe world, contain all gods, both great and small. They are most frequentlyranged behind the principal god, seated or standing; and with him theyshare in the homage paid by the king. Sometimes, however, they take anactive part in the ceremonies. The spirits of On and Khonû[21] kneel beforethe sun, and proclaim his praise. Hor, Set, or Thoth conducts Pharaoh intothe presence of his father Amen Ra, or performs the functions elsewhereassigned to the prince or the priest. They help him to overthrow the victimor to snare birds for the sacrifice; and in order to wash away hisimpurities, they pour upon his head the waters of youth and life. Theposition and functions of these co-operating gods were strictly defined inthe theology. The sun, travelling from east to west, divided the universeinto two worlds, the world of the north and the world of the south. Thetemple, like the universe, was double, and an imaginary line passingthrough the axis of the sanctuary divided it into two temples--the templeof the south on the right hand, and the temple of the north on the left. The gods and their various manifestations were divided between these twotemples, according as they belonged to the northern or southern hemisphere. This fiction of duality was carried yet further. Each chamber was divided, in imitation of the temple, into two halves, the right half belonging tothe south, and the left half to the north. The royal homage, to becomplete, must be rendered in the temples of the south and of the north, and to the gods of the south and of the north, and with the products of thesouth and of the north. Each sculptured tableau must, therefore, berepeated at least twice in each temple--on a right wall and on a left wall. Amen, on the right, receives the corn, the wine, the liquids of the south;while on the left he receives the corn, the wine, and the liquids of thenorth. As with Amen, so with Maut, Khonsû, Mentû, and many other gods. Wantof space frequently frustrated the due execution of this scheme, and weoften meet with a tableau in which the products of north and south togetherare placed before an Amen who represents both Amen of the south and Amen ofthe north. These departures from decorative usage are, however, exceptional, and the dual symmetry is always observed where space permits. [Illustration: Fig. 106. --Frieze of uraei and cartouches. ] In Pharaonic times, the tableaux were not over-crowded. The wall-surfaceintended to be covered was marked off below by a line carried just abovethe ground level decoration, and was bounded above by the usual cornice, orby a frieze. This frieze might be composed of uraei, or of bunches oflotus; or of royal cartouches (fig. 106) supported on either side by divinesymbols; or of emblems borrowed from the local cult (by heads of Hathor, for instance, in a temple dedicated to Hathor); or of a horizontal line ofdedicatory inscription engraved in large and deeply-cut hieroglyphs. Thewall space thus framed in contained sometimes a single scene and sometimestwo scenes, one above the other. The wall must be very lofty, if thisnumber is exceeded. Figures and inscriptions were widely spaced, and thescenes succeeded one another with scarcely a break. The spectator had todiscover for himself where they began or ended. The head of the king wasalways studied from the life, and the faces of the gods reproduced theroyal portrait as closely as possible. As Pharaoh was the son of the gods, the surest way to obtain portraits of the gods was to model their facesafter the face of the king. The secondary figures were no less carefullywrought; but when these were very numerous, they were arranged on two orthree levels, the total height of which never exceeded that of theprincipal personages. The offerings, the sceptres, the jewels, thevestments, the head-dresses, and all the accessories were treated with agenuine feeling for elegance and truth. The colours, moreover, were socombined as to produce in each tableau the effect of one general andprevailing tone; so that in many temples there were chambers which can bejustly distinguished as the Blue Hall, the Red Hall, or the Golden Hall. Somuch for the classical period of decoration. [Illustration: Fig. 107. --Wall of a chamber at Denderah, to show thearrangement of the tableaux. ] As we come down to later times, these tableaux are multiplied, and underthe Greeks and Romans they become so numerous that the smallest wallcontained not less than four (fig. 107), five, six, or even eightregisters. The principal figures are, as it were, compressed, so as tooccupy less room, and all the intermediate space is crowded with thousandsof tiny hieroglyphs. The gods and kings are no longer portraits of thereigning sovereign, but mere conventional types without vigour or life. Asfor the secondary figures and accessories, the sculptor's only care is tocrowd in as many as possible. This was not due to a defect of taste, and tothe prevalence of a religious idea which decided but enforced thesechanges. The object of decoration was not merely the delight of the eye. Applied to a piece of furniture, a coffin, a house, a temple, decorationpossessed a certain magic property, of which the power and nature weredetermined by each being or action represented, by each word inscribed orspoken, at the moment of consecration. Every subject was, therefore, anamulet as well as an ornament. So long as it endured, it ensured to the godthe continuance of homage rendered, or sacrifices offered, by the king. Tothe king, whether living or dead, it confirmed the favours granted to himby the god in recompense for his piety. It also preserved from destructionthe very wall upon which it was depicted. At the time of the EighteenthDynasty, it was thought that two or three such amulets sufficed to compassthe desired effect; but at a later period it was believed that their numbercould not be too freely multiplied, and the walls were covered with as manyas the surface would contain. An average chamber of Edfû or Denderah yieldsmore material for study than the hypostyle hall of Karnak; and the chapelof Antoninus Pius at Philae, had it been finished, would have containedmore scenes than the sanctuary of Luxor and the passages by which it issurrounded. Observing the variety of subjects treated on the walls of any one temple, one might at first be tempted to think that the decoration does not form aconnected whole, and that, although many series of scenes must undoubtedlycontain the development of an historic idea or a religious dogma, yet thatothers are merely strung together without any necessary link. At Luxor, andagain at the Ramesseum, each face of the pylon is a battle-field on whichmay be studied, almost day for day, the campaign of Rameses II. Against theKheta, which took place in the fifth year of his reign. There we see theEgyptian camp attacked by night; the king's bodyguard surprised during themarch; the defeat of the enemy; their flight; the garrison of Kadeshsallying forth to the relief of the vanquished; and the disasters whichbefell the prince of the Kheta and his generals. Elsewhere, it is not thewar which is represented, but the human sacrifices which ancientlycelebrated the close of each campaign. The king is seen in the act ofseizing his prostrate prisoners by the hair of their heads, and upliftinghis mace as if about to shatter their heads at a single blow. At Karnak, along the whole length of the outer wall, Seti I. Pursues the Bedawîn ofSinai. At Medinet Habû Rameses III. Destroys the fleet of the peoples ofthe great sea, or receives the cut-off hands of the Libyans, which hissoldiers bring to him as trophies. In the next scene, all is peace; and webehold Pharaoh pouring out a libation of perfumed water to his father Amen. It would seem as if no link could be established between these subjects, and yet the one is the necessary consequence of the others. If the god hadnot granted victory to the king, the king in his turn would not haveperformed these ceremonies in the temple. The sculptor has recorded theevents in their order:--first the victory, then the sacrifice. The favourof the god precedes the thank-offering of the king. Thus, on closerexamination, we find this multitude of episodes forming the several linksof one continuous chain, while every scene, including such as seem at firstsight to be wholly unexplained, represents one stage in the development ofa single action which begins at the door, is carried through the varioushalls, and penetrates to the farthest recesses of the sanctuary. The kingenters the temple. In the courts, he is everywhere confronted byreminiscences of his victories; and here the god comes forth to greet him, hidden in his shrine and surrounded by priests. The rites prescribed forthese occasions are graven on the walls of the hypostyle hall in which theywere performed. These being over, king and god together take their way tothe sanctuary. At the door which leads from the public hall to themysterious part of the temple, the escort halts. The king crosses thethreshold alone, and is welcomed by the gods. He then performs in due orderall the sacred ceremonies enjoined by usage. His merits increase by virtueof his prayers; his senses become exalted; he rises to the level of thedivine type. Finally he enters the sanctuary, where the god reveals himselfunwitnessed, and speaks to him face to face. The sculptures faithfullyreproduce the order of this mystic presentation:--the welcoming receptionon the part of the god; the acts and offerings of the king; the vestmentswhich he puts on and off in succession; the various crowns which he placeson his head. The prayers which he recites and the favours which areconferred upon him are also recorded upon the walls in order of time andplace. The king, and the few who accompany him, have their backs towardsthe entrance and their faces towards the door of the sanctuary. The gods, on the contrary, or at least such as do not make part of the procession, face the entrance, and have their backs turned towards the sanctuary. Ifduring the ceremony the royal memory failed, the king needed but to raisehis eyes to the wall, whereon his duties were mapped out for him. [Illustration: Fig. 108. --Obelisk of Ûsertesen I. , of Heliopolis. ] Nor was this all. Each part of the temple had its accessory decoration andits furniture. The outer faces of the pylons were ornamented, not only withthe masts and streamers before mentioned, but with statues and obelisks. The statues, four or six in number, were of limestone, granite, orsandstone. They invariably represented the royal founder, and weresometimes of prodigious size. The two Memnons seated at the entrance of thetemple of Amenhotep III. , at Thebes, measured about fifty feet in height. The colossal Rameses II. Of the Ramesseum measured fifty-seven feet, andthat of Tanis at least seventy feet. The greater number, however, did notexceed twenty feet. They mounted guard before the temple, facing outwards, as if confronting an approaching enemy. The obelisks of Karnak are mostlyhidden amid the central courts; and those of Queen Hatshepsut were imbeddedfor seventeen feet of their height in masses of masonry which concealedtheir bases. These are accidental circumstances, and easy of explanation. Each of the pylons before which they are stationed had in its turn been theentrance to the temple, and was thrown into the rear by the works ofsucceeding Pharaohs. The true place of all obelisks was in front of thecolossi, on each side of the main entrance. [22] They are always in pairs, but often of unequal height. Some have professed to see in them the emblemof Amen, the Generator; or a finger of the god; or a ray of the sun. Insober truth, they are a more shapely form of the standing stone, or menhir, which is raised by semi-civilised peoples in commemoration of their gods ortheir dead. Small obelisks, about three feet in height, are found in tombsas early as the Fourth Dynasty. They are placed to right and left of thestela; that is to say, on either side of the door which leads to thedwelling of the dead. Erected before the pylon-gates of temples, they aremade of granite, and their dimensions are considerable. The obelisk ofHeliopolis (fig. 108) measures sixty-eight feet in the shaft, and theobelisks of Luxor stand seventy-seven and seventy-five and a half feethigh, respectively. The loftiest known is the obelisk of Queen Hatshepsûtat Karnak, which rises to a height of 109 feet. To convey such masses, andto place them in equilibrium, was a sufficiently difficult task, and one isat a loss to understand how the Egyptians succeeded in erecting them withno other appliances than ropes and sacks of sand. Queen Hatshepsût boaststhat her obelisks were quarried, shaped, transported, and erected in sevenmonths; and we have no reason to doubt the truth of her statement. [23] [Illustration: Fig. 109. --Obelisk of Ûsertesen I. , Begig, Fayûm. ] Obelisks were almost always square, with the faces slightly convex, and aslight slope from top to bottom. The pedestal was formed of a single squareblock adorned with inscriptions, or with cynocephali in high relief, adoring the sun. The point was cut as a pyramidion, and sometimes coveredwith bronze or gilt copper. Scenes of offerings to Ra Harmakhis, Hor, Tûm, or Amen are engraved on the sides of the pyramidion and on the upper partof the prism. The four upright faces are generally decorated with onlyvertical lines of inscription in praise of the king (Note 11). Such is theusual type of obelisk; but we here and there meet with exceptions. That ofBegig in the Fayûm (fig. 109) is in shape a rectangular oblong, with ablunt top. A groove upon it shows that it was surmounted by some emblem inmetal, perhaps a hawk, like the obelisk represented on a funerary stela inthe Gizeh Museum. This form, which like the first is a survival of themenhir, was in vogue till the last days of Egyptian art. It is even foundat Axûm, in the middle of Ethiopia, dating from about the fourth century ofour era, at a time when in Egypt the ancient obelisks were being carriedout of the country, and none dreamed of erecting new ones. Such was theaccessory decoration of the pylon. The inner courts and hypostyle halls ofthe temple contained more colossi. Some, placed with their backs againstthe outer sides of pillars or walls, were half engaged in the masonry, andbuilt up in courses. At Luxor under the peristyle, and at Karnak betweeneach column of the great nave, were also placed statues of Pharaoh; butthese were statues of Pharaoh the victor, clad in his robe of state. Theright of consecrating a statue in the temple was above all a royalprerogative; yet the king sometimes permitted private persons to dedicatetheir statues by the side of his own. This was, however, a special favour, and such monuments always bear an inscription stating that it is "by theking's grace" that they occupy that position. Rarely as this privilege wasgranted, it resulted in a vast accumulation of votive statues, so that inthe course of centuries the courts of some temples became crowded withthem. At Karnak, the sanctuary enclosure was furnished outside with a kindof broad bench, breast high, like a long base. Upon this the statues wereplaced, with their backs to the wall. Attached to each was an oblong blockof stone, with a projecting spout on one side; these are known as "tablesof offerings" (fig. 110). The upper face is more or less hollowed, and isoften sculptured with bas-relief representations of loaves, joints of beef, libation vases, and other objects usually presented to the dead or to thegods. Those of King Ameni Entef Amenemhat, at Gizeh, are blocks of redgranite more than three feet in length, the top of which is hollowed out inregular rows of cup-holes, each cup-hole being reserved for one particularoffering. There was, in fact, an established form of worship provided forstatues, and these tables were really altars upon which were depositedsacrificial offerings of meat, cakes, fruits, vegetables, and the like. [Illustration: Fig. 110. --Table of offerings, Karnak. ] [Illustration: Fig. 111. --Limestone altar. ] [Illustration: Fig. 112. --Naos of wood in the Museum at Turin. ] The sanctuary and the surrounding chambers contained the objects used inthe ceremonial of worship. The bases of altars varied in shape, some beingsquare and massive, others polygonal or cylindrical. Some of these last arein form not unlike a small cannon, which is the name given to them by theArabs. The most ancient are those of the Fifth Dynasty; the most beautifulis one dedicated by Seti I. , now in the Gizeh Museum. The only perfectspecimen of an altar known to me was discovered at Menshîyeh in 1884 (fig. 111). It is of white limestone, hard and polished like marble. It standsupon a pedestal in the form of a long cone, having no other ornament than atorus about half an inch below the top. Upon this pedestal, in a hollowspecially prepared for its reception, stands a large hemispherical basin. The shrines are little chapels of wood or stone (fig. 112), in which thespirit of the deity was supposed at all times to dwell, and which, onceremonial occasions, contained his image. The sacred barks were builtafter the model of the Bari, or boat, in which the sun performed his dailycourse. The shrine was placed amidship of the boat, and covered with aveil, or curtain, to conceal its contents from all spectators. The crewwere also represented, each god being at his post of duty, the pilot at thehelm, the look-out at the prow, the king upon his knees before the door ofthe shrine. We have not as yet discovered any of the statues employed inthe ceremonial, but we know what they were like, what part they played, and of what materials they were made. They were animated, and in additionto their bodies of stone, metal, or wood, they had each a soul magicallyderived from the soul of the divinity which they represented. They spoke, moved, acted--not metaphorically, but actually. The later Ramessidesventured upon no enterprises without consulting them. They stated theirdifficulties, and the god replied to each question by a movement of thehead. According to the Stela of Bakhtan, [24] a statue of Khonsû places itshands four times on the nape of the neck of another statue, so transmittingthe power of expelling demons. It was after a conversation with the statueof Amen in the dusk of the sanctuary, that Queen Hatshepsût despatched hersquadron to the shores of the Land of Incense. [25] Theoretically, thedivine soul of the image was understood to be the only miracle worker;practically, its speech and motion were the results of a pious fraud. Interminable avenues of sphinxes, gigantic obelisks, massive pylons, hallsof a hundred columns, mysterious chambers of perpetual night--in a word, the whole Egyptian temple and its dependencies--were built by way of ahiding-place for a performing puppet, of which the wires were worked by apriest. [21] That is, the spirits of the North, represented by On (Heliopolis), and of the South (Khonû). --A. B. E. [22] At Tanis there seems to have been a close succession of obelisks and statues along the main avenue leading to the Temple, without the usual corresponding pylons. These were ranged in pairs; _i. E. _, a pair of obelisks, a pair of statues; a pair of obelisks, a pair of shrines; and then a third pair of obelisks. See _Tanis_, Part I. , by W. M. F. Petrie, published by the Egypt Exploration Fund, 1884. --A. B. E. [23] This fact is recorded in the hieroglyphic inscription upon the obelisks. --A. B. E. [24] This celebrated tablet, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, has been frequently translated, and is the subject of a valuable treatise by the late Vicomte de Rougé. It was considered authentic till Dr. Erman, in an admirable paper contributed to the _Zeitschrift, _ 1883, showed it to have been a forgery concocted by the priests of Khonsû during the period of the Persian rule in Egypt, or in early Ptolemaic times. (See Maspero's _Hist. Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient_, chap, vi. , pp. 287, 288. Fourth Edition. )--A. B. E. [25] The Land of Incense, called also in the inscriptions "The Land of Pûnt, " was the country from which the Egyptians imported spices, precious woods, gums, etc. It is supposed to represent the southern coasts of the Red Sea, on either side the Bab el Mandeb. Queen Hatshepsût's famous expedition is represented in a series of coloured bas-relief sculptures on the walls of her great temple at Deir el Baharî, reproduced in Dr. Dümichen's work, _The Fleet of an Egyptian Queen_, and in Mariette's _Deîr el Baharî_. For a full account of this temple, its decoration, and the expedition of Hatshepsût, see the _Deir el Baharî_ publications of the Egypt Exploration Fund. CHAPTER III. _TOMBS_. The Egyptians regarded man as composed of various different entities, eachhaving its separate life and functions. First, there was the body; then the_Ka_ or double, which was a less solid duplicate of the corporeal form--acoloured but ethereal projection of the individual, reproducing him featurefor feature. The double of a child was as a child; the double of a womanwas as a woman; the double of a man was as a man. After the double (_Ka_)came the Soul (_Bi_ or _Ba_), which was popularly represented as a human-headed bird; after the Soul came the "_Khû_, " or "the Luminous, " a sparkfrom the divine fire. None of these elements were in their own naturesimperishable. Left to themselves, they would hasten to dissolution, and theman would thus die a second time; that is to say, he would be annihilated. The piety of the survivors found means, however, to avert this catastrophe. By the process of embalmment, they could for ages suspend the decompositionof the body; while by means of prayer and offerings, they saved the Double, the Soul, and the "Luminous" from the second death, and secured to them allthat was necessary for the prolongation of their existence. The Doublenever left the place where the mummy reposed: but the Soul and the "_Khû_"went forth to follow the gods. They, however, kept perpetually returning, like travellers who come home after an absence. The tomb was therefore adwelling-house, the "Eternal House" of the dead, compared with which thehouses of the living were but wayside inns; and these Eternal Houses werebuilt after a plan which exactly corresponded to the Egyptian idea of theafter-life. The Eternal House must always include the private rooms of theSoul, which were closed on the day of burial, and which no living beingcould enter without being guilty of sacrilege. It must also contain thereception rooms of the Double, where priests and friends brought theirwishes or their offerings; the two being connected by a passage of more orless length. The arrangement of these three parts[26] varied according tothe period, the place, the nature of the ground, and the caprice of eachperson. The rooms accessible to the living were frequently built aboveground, and formed a separate edifice. Sometimes they were excavated in themountain side, as well as the tomb itself. Sometimes, again, the vaultwhere the mummy lay hidden, and the passages leading to that vault, were inone place, while the place of prayer and offering stood far off in theplain. But whatever variety there may be found as to detail andarrangement, the principle is always the same. The tomb is a dwelling, andit is constructed in such wise as may best promote the well-being, andensure the preservation, of the dead. [26] These three parts are (l) the chapel, (2) the passage, or shaft, (3) the sepulchral vault. If the latter was below the level of the chapel, as in the time of the Ancient Empire, the communication was by a sloping or vertical shaft. --A. B. E. I. --Mastabas. The most ancient monumental tombs are found in the necropolis of Memphis, between Abû Roash and Dahshûr, and in that of Medûm;[27] they belong to themastaba type (Note 12). The mastaba (fig. 113) is a quadrangular building, which from a distance might be taken for a truncated pyramid. Many mastabasare from 30 to 40-feet in height, 150 feet in length, and 80 feet in width;while others do not exceed 10 feet in height or 15 feet in length. Thefaces are symmetrically inclined and generally smooth, though sometimes thecourses retreat like steps. The materials employed are stone or brick. Thestone is limestone, cut in blocks about two and a half feet long, two feethigh, and twenty inches thick. Three sorts of limestone were employed: forthe best tombs, the fine white limestone of Tûrah, or the compact siliceouslimestone of Sakkarah; for ordinary tombs, the marly limestone of theLibyan hills. This last, impregnated with salt and veined with crystallinegypsum, is a friable material, and unsuited for ornamentation. The bricksare of two kinds, both being merely sun-dried. The most ancient kind, whichceased to be used about the time of the Sixth Dynasty, is small (8. 7 X 4. 3X 5. 5 inches), yellowish, and made of nothing but sand, mixed with a littleclay and grit. [Illustration: Fig. 113. --A Mastaba. ] The later kind is of mud mixed with straw, black, compact, carefullymoulded, and of a fair size (15. 0 X 7. 1 X 5. 5 inches). The style of theinternal construction differs according to the material employed by thearchitect. In nine cases out of ten, the stone mastabas are but outwardlyregular in construction. The core is of roughly quarried rubble, mixed withrubbish and limestone fragments hastily bedded in layers of mud, or piledup without any kind of mortar. The brick mastabas are nearly always ofhomogeneous construction. The facing bricks are carefully mortared, and thejoints inside are filled up with sand. That the mastaba should becanonically oriented, the four faces set to the four cardinal points, andthe longer axis laid from north and south, was indispensable; but, practically, the masons took no special care about finding the true north, and the orientation of these structures is seldom exact. At Gizeh, themastabas are distributed according to a symmetrical plan, and ranged inregular streets. At Sakkarah, at Abûsîr, and at Dahshûr, they are scatteredirregularly over the surface of the plateau, crowded in some places, andwide apart in others. The Mussulman cemetery at Siût perpetuates the likearrangement, and enables us to this day to realise the aspect of theMemphite necropolis towards the close of the ancient empire. [Illustration: Fig. 114. --False door in mastaba, from Mariette's _LesMastabahs_. ] [Illustration: Fig. 115. --Plan of forecourt of mastaba of Kaâpir. ] A flat, unpaved platform, formed by the top course of the core (Note 13), covers the top of the mass of the mastaba. This platform is scattered overwith terracotta vases, nearly buried in the loose rubbish. These liethickly over the hollow interior, but are more sparsely depositedelsewhere. The walls are bare. The doors face to the eastward side. Theyoccasionally face towards the north or south side, but never towards thewest. In theory, there should be two doors, one for the dead, the other forthe living. In practice, the entrance for the dead was a mere niche, highand narrow, cut in the eastward face, near the north-east corner. At theback of this niche are marked vertical lines, framing in a closed space. Even this imitation of a door was sometimes omitted, and the soul was leftto manage as best it might. The door of the living was made more or lessimportant, according to the greater or less development of the chamber towhich it led. The chamber and door are in some cases represented by only ashallow recess decorated with a stela and a table of offerings (fig. 114). This is sometimes protected by a wall which projects from the façade, thusforming a kind of forecourt open to the north. The forecourt is square inthe tomb of Kaâpir (fig. 114), and irregular in that of Neferhotep atSakkarah (fig. 116). When the plan includes one or more chambers, the doorsometimes opens in the middle of a small architectural façade (fig. 117), or under a little portico supported by two square pillars without eitherbase or abacus (fig. 118). The doorway is very simple, the two jambs beingornamented with bas-reliefs representing the deceased, and surmounted by acylindrical drum engraved with his name and titles. In the tomb of Pohûnikaat Sakkarah the jambs are two pilasters, each crowned with two lotusflowers; but this example is, so far, unique. [Illustration: Fig. 116. --Plan of forecourt, mastaba of Neferhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 117. --Door in façade of mastaba. ] [Illustration: Fig. 118. --Portico and door, from Mariette's _LesMastabahs_. ] [Illustration: Fig. 119. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Khabiûsokari, FourthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 120. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Ti, Fifth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 121. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Shepsesptah, FourthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 122. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Affi, Sakkarah, Fourth Dynasty. ] The chapel was usually small, and lost in the mass of the building (fig. 119), but no precise rule determined its size. In the tomb of Ti there isfirst a portico (A), then a square ante-chamber with pillars (B), then apassage (C) with a small room (D) on the right, leading to the last chamber(E) (fig. 120). There was room enough in this tomb for many persons, and, in point of fact, the wife of Ti reposed by the side of her husband. Whenthe monument belonged to only one person, the structure was lesscomplicated. A short and narrow passage led to an oblong chamber upon whichit opened at right angles, so that the place is in shape of a T (fig. 121). The end wall is generally smooth; but sometimes it is recessed justopposite the entrance passage, and then the plan forms a cross, of whichthe head is longer or shorter (fig. 122). This was the ordinaryarrangement, but the architect was free to reject it, if he so pleased. Here, a chapel consists of two parallel lobbies connected by a crosspassage (fig. 123). Elsewhere, the chamber opens from a corner of thepassage (fig. 124). Again, in the tomb of Ptahhotep, the site was hemmed inby older buildings, and was not large enough. The builders therefore joinedthe new mastaba to the older one in such wise as to give them one entrancein common, and thus the chapel of the one is enlarged by absorbing thewhole of the space occupied by the other (fig. 125). [Illustration: Fig. 123. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Thenti II. , FourthDynasty, Sakkarah. ] [Illustration: Fig. 124. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of the _Red Scribe_, Fourth Dynasty, Sakkarah. ] The chapel was the reception room of the Double. It was there that therelations, friends, and priests celebrated the funerary sacrifices on thedays prescribed by law; that is to say, "at the feasts of the commencementof the seasons; at the feast of Thoth on the first day of the year; at thefeast of Ûaga; at the great feast of Sothis; on the day of the processionof the god Min; at the feast of shew-bread; at the feasts of the months andthe half months, and the days of the week. " Offerings were placed in theprincipal room, at the foot of the west wall, at the exact spot leading tothe entrance of the "eternal home" of the dead. Unlike the _Kiblah_ of themosques, or Mussulman oratories, this point is not always oriented towardsthe same quarter of the compass, though often found to the west. In theearliest times it was indicated by a real door, low and narrow, framed anddecorated like the door of an ordinary house, but not pierced through. Aninscription graven upon the lintel in large readable characters, commemorated the name and rank of the owner. His portrait, either sittingor standing, was carved upon the jambs; and a scene, sculptured or paintedon the space above the door, represented him seated before a small roundtable, stretching out his hand towards the repast placed upon it. A flatslab, or offering table, built into the floor between the two uprights ofthe doorway, received the votive meats and drinks. [Illustration: Fig. 125. --Plan of chapel in mastaba of Ptahhotep, FifthDynasty, Sakkarah. ] [Illustration: Fig. 126. --Stela in tomb of Merrûka (Fifth Dynasty, Abûsir):a false doorway containing the statue of the deceased. ] The general appearance of the recess is that of a somewhat narrow doorway. As a rule it was empty, but occasionally it contained a portrait statue ofthe dead standing with one foot forward as though about to cross the gloomythreshold of his tomb, descend the few steps before him, advance into hisreception room or chapel, and pass out into the sunlight (fig. 126). As amatter of fact, the stela symbolised the door leading to the privateapartments of the dead, a door closed and sealed to the living. It wasinscribed on door-posts and lintels, and its inscription was no mereepitaph for the information of future generations; all the details which itgave as to the name, rank, functions, and family of the deceased wereintended to secure the continuity of his individuality and civil status inthe life beyond death. A further and essential object of its inscriptionswas to provide him with food and drink by means of prayers or magicformulae constraining one of the gods of the dead--Osiris or Anubis--to actas intermediary between him and his survivors and to set apart for his usesome portion of the provisions offered for his sake in sacrifice to one orother of these deities. By this agency the _Kas_ or Doubles of theseprovisions were supposed to be sent on into the next world to gladden andsatisfy the human _Ka_ indicated to the divine intermediary. Offerings ofreal provisions were not indispensable to this end; any chance visitor intimes to come who should simply repeat the formula of the stela aloud wouldthereby secure the immediate enjoyment of all the good things enumerated tothe unknown dead whom he evoked. [Illustration: Fig. 127. --Wall scene of funerary offerings, from mastaba ofPtahhotep, Fifth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 128. --Wall-painting, funeral voyage; mastaba of Urkhuû, Gizeh, Fourth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 129. --Wall-scene from mastaba of Ptahhotep, FifthDynasty. ] The living having taken their departure, the Double was supposed to comeout of his house and feed. In principle, this ceremony was bound to berenewed year by year, till the end of time; but the Egyptians ere longdiscovered that this could not be. After two or three generations, the deadof former days were neglected for the benefit of those more recentlydeparted. Even when a pious foundation was established, with a revenuepayable for the expenses of the funerary repasts and of the priests whoseduty it was to prepare them, the evil hour of oblivion was put off for onlya little longer. Sooner or later, there came a time when the Double wasreduced to seek his food among the town refuse, and amid the ignoble andcorrupt filth which lay rejected on the ground. Then, in order that theofferings consecrated on the day of burial might for ever preserve theirvirtues, the survivors conceived the idea of drawing and describing them onthe walls of the chapel (fig. 127). The painted or sculptured reproductionof persons and things ensured the reality of those persons and things forthe benefit of the one on whose account they were executed. Thus the Doublesaw himself depicted upon the walls in the act of eating and drinking, andhe ate and drank. This notion once accepted, the theologians and artistscarried it out to the fullest extent. Not content with offering merepictured provisions, they added thereto the semblance of the domains whichproduced them, together with the counterfeit presentment of the herds, workmen, and slaves belonging to the same. Was a supply of meat required tolast for eternity? It was enough, no doubt, to represent the several partsof an ox or a gazelle--the shoulder, the leg, the ribs, the breast, theheart, the liver, the head, properly prepared for the spit; but it wasequally easy to retrace the whole history of the animal--its birth, itslife in the pasture-lands, its slaughter, the cutting up of the carcass, and the presentation of the joints. So also as regarded the cakes andbread-offerings, there was no reason why the whole process of tillage, harvesting, corn-threshing, storage, and dough-kneading should not berehearsed. Clothing, ornaments, and furniture served in like manner as apretext for the introduction of spinners, weavers, goldsmiths, and cabinet-makers. The master is of superhuman proportions, and towers above hispeople and his cattle. Some prophetic tableaux show him in his funeralbark, speeding before the wind with all sail set, having started on his wayto the next world the very day that he takes possession of his new abode(fig. 128). Elsewhere, we see him as actively superintending his imaginaryvassals as formerly he superintended his vassals of flesh and blood (fig. 129). Varied and irregular as they may appear, these scenes are not placedat random upon the walls. They all converge towards that semblance of adoor which was supposed to communicate with the interior of the tomb. Thosenearest to the door represent the sacrifice and the offering; the earlierstages of preparation and preliminary work being depicted in retrogradeorder as that door is left farther and farther behind. At the door itself, the figure of the master seems to await his visitors and bid them welcome. [Illustration: Fig. 130. Plan of serdab in mastaba at Gizeh, FourthDynasty. ] The details are of infinite variety. The inscriptions run to a less orgreater length according to the caprice of the scribe; the false door losesits architectural character, and is frequently replaced by a mere stelaengraved with the name and rank of the master; yet, whether large or small, whether richly decorated or not decorated at all, the chapel is always thedining-room--or, rather, the larder--to which the dead man has access whenhe feels hungry. [Illustration: Fig. 131. --Plan of serdab and chapel in mastaba of Rahotepat Sakkarah, Fourth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 132. --Plan of serdab and chapel in mastaba of Thenti I. At Sakkarah, Fourth Dynasty. ] On the other side of the wall was constructed a hiding-place in the form ofeither a high and narrow cell, or a passage without outlet. To this hiding-place archaeologists have given the Arab name of "_serdab_. " Most mastabascontain but one; others contain three or four (fig. 130). These _serdabs_communicated neither with each other nor with the chapel; and are, as itwere, buried in the masonry (fig. 131). If connected at all with the outerworld, it is by means of an aperture in the wall about as high up as aman's head (fig. 132), and so small that the hand can with difficulty passthrough it. To this orifice came the priests, with murmured prayers andperfumes of incense. Within lurked the Double, ready to profit by thesememorial rites, or to accept them through the medium of his statues. Aswhen he lived upon earth, the man needed a body in which to exist. Hiscorpse, disfigured by the process of embalmment, bore but a distantresemblance to its former self. The mummy, again, was destructible, andmight easily be burned, dismembered, scattered to the winds. Once it haddisappeared, what was to become of the Double? The portrait statues walledup inside the _serdab_ became, when consecrated, the stone, or wooden, bodies of the defunct. The pious care of his relatives multiplied thesebodies, and consequently multiplied the supports of the Double. A singlebody represented a single chance of existence for the Double; twenty bodiesrepresented twenty such chances. For the same reason, statues also of hiswife, his children, and his servants were placed with the statues of thedeceased, the servants being modelled in the act of performing theirdomestic duties, such as grinding corn, kneading dough, and applying a coatof pitch to the inside surfaces of wine-jars. As for the figures which weremerely painted on the walls of the chapel, they detached themselves, andassumed material bodies inside the _serdab_. Notwithstanding theseprecautions, all possible means were taken to guard the remains of thefleshly body from natural decay and the depredations of the spoiler. In thetomb of Ti, an inclined passage, starting from the middle of the firsthall, leads from the upper world to the sepulchral vault; but this isalmost a solitary exception. Generally, the vault is reached by way of avertical shaft constructed in the centre of the platform (fig. 133), or, more rarely, in a corner of the chapel. The depth of this shaft varies from10 to 100 feet. It is carried down through the masonry: it pierces therock; and at the bottom, a low passage, in which it is not possible to walkupright, leads in a southward direction to the vault. There sleeps themummy in a massive sarcophagus of limestone, red granite, or basalt. Sometimes, though rarely, the sarcophagus bears the name and titles of thedeceased. Still more rarely, it is decorated with ornamental sculpture. Some examples are known which reproduce the architectural decoration of anEgyptian house, with its doors and windows. [28] The furniture of the vaultis of the simplest character, --some alabaster perfume vases; a few cupsinto which the priest had poured drops of the various libation liquidsoffered to the dead; some large red pottery jars for water; a head-rest ofwood or alabaster; a scribe's votive palette. Having laid the mummy in thesarcophagus and cemented the lid, the workmen strewed the floor of thevault with the quarters of oxen and gazelles which had just beensacrificed. They next carefully walled up the entrance into the passage, and filled the shaft to the top with a mixture of sand, earth, and stonechips. Being profusely watered, this mass solidified, and became an almostimpenetrable body of concrete. The corpse, left to itself, received novisits now, save from the Soul, which from time to time quitted thecelestial regions wherein it voyaged with the gods, and came down to re-unite itself with the body. The sepulchral vault was the abode of the Soul, as the funerary chapel was the abode of the Double. [Illustration: Fig. 133. --Section showing shaft and vault of mastaba atGizeh, Fourth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 134. --Section of mastaba, Sakkarah, Sixth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 135. --Wall painting of funerary offerings, from mastabaof Nenka, Sakkarah, Sixth Dynasty. ] Up to the time of the Sixth Dynasty, the walls of the vault are left bare. Once only did Mariette find a vault containing half-effaced inscriptionsfrom _The Book of the Dead_. In 1881, I however discovered some tombs atSakkarah, in which the vault is decorated in preference to the chapel. These tombs are built with large bricks, a niche and a stela sufficing forthe reception of sacrificial offerings. In place of the shaft, they containa small rectangular court, in the western corner of which was placed thesarcophagus. Over the sarcophagus was erected a limestone chamber just aslong and as wide as the sarcophagus itself, and about three and a half feethigh. This was roofed in with flat slabs. At the end, or in the wall to theright, was a niche, which answered the purpose of a _serdab_; and above theflat roof was next constructed an arch of about one foot and a half radius, the space above the arch being filled in with horizontal courses ofbrickwork up to the level of the platform. The chamber occupies about two-thirds of the cavity, and looks like an oven with the mouth open. Sometimesthe stone walls rest on the lid of the sarcophagus, the chamber havingevidently been built after the interment had taken place (fig. 134). Generally speaking, however, these walls rest on brick supports, so thatthe sarcophagus may be opened or closed when required. The decoration, which is sometimes painted, sometimes sculptured, is always the same. Eachwall was a house stocked with the objects depicted or catalogued upon itssurface, and each was, therefore, carefully provided with a fictitiousdoor, through which the Double had access to his goods. On the left wall hefound a pile of provisions (fig. 135)[29] and a table of offerings; on theend wall a store of household utensils, as well as a supply of linen andperfumes, the name and quantity of each being duly registered. Thesepaintings more briefly sum up the scenes depicted in the chapels ofordinary mastabas. Transferred from their original position to the walls ofan underground cellar, they were the more surely guaranteed against suchpossible destruction as might befall them in chambers open to all comers;while upon their preservation depended the length of time during which thedead man would retain possession of the property which they represented. [27] For an account of the necropolis of Medûm, see W. M. F. Petrie's _Medum_. [28] The sarcophagus of Menkara, unfortunately lost at sea when on its way to England, was of this type. See illustration No. 19, Chapter III. , in Sir E. Wilson's _Egypt of the Past_. --A. B. E. [29] This wall scene is from the tomb of Nenka, near Sakkarah. For a coloured facsimile on a large scale, see Professor Maspero's article entitled "Trois Années de Fouilles, " in _Mémoires de la Mission Archéologique Française du Caire_, Pl. 2. 1884. --A. B. E. 2. --THE PYRAMIDS. [For the following translation of this section of Professor Maspero's bookI am indebted to the kindness of Mr. W. M. Flinders Petrie, whose work on_The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_, published with the assistance of agrant from the Royal Society in 1883, constitutes our standard authority onthe construction of these Pyramids. --A. B. E. ] The royal tombs have the form of pyramids with a square base, and are theequivalent in stone or brick of the tumulus of heaped earth which was piledover the body of the warrior chief in prehistoric times (Note 14). The sameideas prevailed as to the souls of kings as about those of private men; theplan of the pyramid consists, therefore, of three parts, like the mastaba, --the chapel, the passage, and the sepulchral vault. The chapel is always separate. At Sakkarah no trace of it has been found;it was probably, as later on at Thebes, in a quarter nearer to the town. AtMedûm, Gizeh, Abûsîr, and Dahshûr, these temples stood at the east or northfronts of the pyramids. They were true temples, with chambers, courts, andpassages. The fragments of bas-reliefs hitherto found show scenes ofsacrifice, and prove that the decoration was the same as in the publichalls of the mastabas. The pyramid, properly speaking, contained only thepassages and sepulchral vault. The oldest of which the texts show theexistence, north of Abydos, is that of Sneferû; the latest belong to theprinces of the Twelfth Dynasty. The construction of these monuments was, therefore, a continuous work, lasting for thirteen or fourteen centuries, under government direction. Granite, alabaster, and basalt for thesarcophagus and some details were the only materials of which the use andthe quantity was not regulated in advance, and which had to be brought froma distance. To obtain them, each king sent one of the great men of hiscourt on a mission to the quarries of Upper Egypt; and the quickness withwhich the blocks were brought back was a strong claim upon the sovereign'sfavour. The other material was not so costly. If mainly brick, the brickswere moulded on the spot with earth taken from the foot of the hill. If ofstone, the nearest parts of the plateau provided the common marly limestonein abundance (Note 15). The fine limestone of Tûrah was usually reservedfor the chambers and the casing, and this might be had without even sendingspecially for it to the opposite side of the Nile; for at Memphis therewere stores always full, upon which they continually drew for publicbuildings, and, therefore, also for the royal tombs. The blocks being takenfrom these stores, and borne by boats to close below the hill, were raisedto their required places along gently sloping causeways. The internalarrangement of the pyramids, the lengths of the passages and their heights, were very variable; the pyramid of Khûfû (Cheops) rose to 475 feet abovethe ground, the smallest was not 30 feet high. The difficulty of imaginingnow what motives determined the Pharaohs to choose such differentproportions has led some to think that the mass built was in directproportion to the time occupied in building; that is to say, to the lengthof each reign. Thus it was supposed that the king would begin by hastilyerecting a pyramid large enough to contain the essential parts of a tomb;and then, year by year, would add fresh layers around the first core, untilthe time when his death for ever arrested the growth of the monument. Butthe facts do not justify this hypothesis. The smallest of the pyramids ofSakkarah is that of Ûnas, who reigned thirty years; while the two imposingpyramids of Gizeh were raised by Khûfû and Khafra (Chephren), who governedEgypt, the one for twenty-four, and the other for twenty-three years. Merenra, who died very young, had a pyramid as large as that of Pepi II. , whose reign lasted more than ninety years (Note 16). The plan of eachpyramid was laid down, once for all, by the architect, according to theinstructions which he had received, and the resources placed at hisdisposal. He then followed it out to the end of the work, withoutincreasing or reducing the scale (Note 17). [Illustration: Fig. 136. --Section of the Great Pyramid. [30]] The pyramids were supposed to have their four faces to the four cardinalpoints, like the mastabas; but, either from bad management or neglect, thegreater part are not oriented exactly, and many vary distinctly from thetrue north (Note 18). Without speaking of the ruins of Abû Roash or Zowyetel Aryan, which have not been studied closely enough, they naturally formsix groups, distributed from north to south on the border of the Libyanplateau, from Gizeh to the Fayûm, by Abûsîr, Sakkarah, Dahshûr, and Lisht. The Gizeh group contains nine, including those of Khûfû, Khafra, andMenkara, which were anciently reckoned among the wonders of the world. Theground on which the pyramid of Khûfû stands was very irregular at the timeof construction. A small rocky height which rose above the surface wasroughly cut (fig. 136) and enclosed in the masonry, the rest being smoothedand covered with large slabs, some of which still remain (Note 19). Thepyramid itself was 481 feet high and 755 feet wide, dimensions which theinjuries of time have reduced to 454 feet and 750 feet respectively. Itpreserved, until the Arab conquest, a casing of stones of different colours(Note 20), so skilfully joined as to appear like one block from base tosummit. The casing work was begun from the top, and the cap placed onfirst, the steps being covered one after the other, until they reached thebottom (Note 21). In the inside all was arranged so as to hide the exactplace of the sarcophagus, and to baffle any spoilers whom chance orperseverance had led aright. The first point was to discover the entranceunder the casing, which masked it. It was nearly in the middle of the northface (fig. 136), but at the level of the eighteenth course, at about forty-five feet from the ground. When the block which closed it was displaced, aninclined passage, 41. 2 inches wide and 47. 6 inches high, was revealed, thelower part of which was cut in the rock. This descended for 317 feet, passed through an unfinished chamber, and ended sixty feet farther in ablind passage. This would be a first disappointment to the spoilers. If, however, they were not discouraged, but examined the passage with care, they would find in the roof, sixty-two feet distant from the door, a blockof granite (Note 22) among the surrounding limestone. It was so hard thatthe seekers, after having vainly tried to break or remove it, took thecourse of forcing a way through the softer stone around (Note 23). Thisobstacle past, they came into an ascending passage which joins the first atan angle of 120° (Note 24), and is divided into two branches. One branchruns horizontally into the centre of the pyramid, and ends in a limestonechamber with pointed roof, which is called, without any good reason, "TheQueen's Chamber. " The other, continuing upward, changes its form andappearance. It becomes a gallery 148 feet long and 28 feet high, built ofMokattam stone, so polished and finely wrought that it is difficult to puta "needle or even a hair" into the joints (Note 25). The lower courses arevertical; the seven others "corbel" forwards, until at the roof they areonly twenty-one inches apart. A fresh obstacle arose at the end of thisgallery. The passage which led to the chamber of the sarcophagus was closedby a slab of granite (Note 26); farther on was a small vestibule divided inequal spaces by four portcullises of granite (Note 27), which would need tobe broken. The royal sepulchre is a granite chamber with a flat roof, nineteen feet high, thirty-four feet long, and seventeen feet wide. Hereare neither figures nor inscriptions; nothing but a granite sarcophagus, lidless and mutilated. Such were the precautions taken against invaders;and the result showed that they were effectual, for the pyramid guarded itsdeposit during more than four thousand years (Note 28). But the very weightof the materials was a more serious danger. To prevent the sepulchralchamber from being crushed by the three hundred feet of stone which stoodover it, five low hollow spaces, one over the other, were left above it. The last is sheltered by a pointed roof, formed of two enormous slabs (Note29) leaning one against the other. Thanks to this device, the centralpressure was thrown almost entirely on the side faces, and the chamber waspreserved. None of the stones which cover it have been crushed; none haveyielded a fraction since the day when the workmen cemented them into theirplaces (Note 30). [Illustration: Fig. 137. --The Step Pyramid of Sakkarah. ] The pyramids of Khafra and Menkara were built on a different plan inside tothat of Khûfû. Khafra's had two entrances, both to the north, one from theplatform before the pyramid, the other fifty feet above the ground. Menkara's still preserves the remains of its casing of red granite (Note31). The entrance passage descends at an angle of twenty-six degrees, andsoon runs into the rock. The first chamber is decorated with panelssculptured in the stone, and was closed at the further end by threeportcullises of granite. The second chamber appears to be unfinished, butthis was a trap to deceive the spoilers. A passage cut in the floor, andcarefully hidden, gave access to a lower chamber. There lay the mummy in asarcophagus of sculptured basalt. The sarcophagus was still perfect at thebeginning of this century. Removed thence by Colonel Howard Vyse, itfoundered on the Spanish coast with the ship which was bearing it toEngland. [Illustration: Fig. 138. --Plan and Section of the Pyramid of Ûnas. ] [Illustration: Fig. 139. --Portcullis and passage, pyramid of Ûnas. ] The same variety of arrangement prevails in the groups of Abûsîr, and inone part of the Sakkarah group. The great pyramid of Sakkarah is notoriented with exactness. The north face is turned 4° 21' E. Of the truenorth. It is not a perfect square, but is elongated from east to west, thesides being 395 and 351 feet. It is 196 feet high, and is formed of sixgreat steps with inclined faces, each retreating about seven feet; the stepnearest the ground is thirty-seven and a half feet high, and the top one istwenty-nine feet high (fig. 137). It is built entirely of limestone, quarried from the neighbouring hills. The blocks are small and badly cut, and the courses are concave, according to a plan applied both to quays andto fortresses. On examining the breaches in the masonry, it is seen thatthe outer face of each step is coated with two layers, each of which hasits regular casing (Note 32). The mass is solid, the chambers being cut inthe rock below the pyramid. It has four entrances, the main one being inthe north; and the passages form a perfect labyrinth, which it is perilousto enter. Porticoes with columns, galleries, and chambers, all end in akind of pit, in the bottom of which a hiding place was contrived, doubtlessintended to contain the most precious objects of the funeral furniture. The pyramids which surround this extraordinary monument have been nearlyall built on one plan, and only differ in their proportions. The door (fig. 138, A) opens close below the first course, about the middle of the northface, and the passage (B) descends by a gentle slope between two walls oflimestone. It is plugged up all along by large blocks (Note 33), whichneeded to be broken up before the first chamber could be entered (C). Beyond this chamber, it is carried for some way through the limestone rock;then it passes between walls, ceiling and floor of polished syenite; afterwhich the limestone re-appears, and the passage opens into the vestibule(E). The part built of granite is interrupted thrice, at intervals of twoto two and a half feet, by three enormous portcullises of granite (D). Above each of these a hollow is left, in which the portcullis stone couldbe held up by props, and thus leave a free passage (fig. 139). The mummyonce placed inside, the workmen, as they left, removed the supports, andthe portcullises fell into place, cutting off all communication with theoutside. The vestibule was flanked on the east by a flat-roofed _serdab_(F) divided into three niches, and encumbered with chips of stone swepthastily in by the workmen when they cleared the chambers to receive themummy. The pyramid of Ûnas has all three niches preserved; but in thepyramids of Teti and of Merenra, the separating walls have been neatly cutaway in ancient times, without leaving any trace but a line of attachment, and a whiter colour in the stone where it had been originally covered. Thesarcophagus chamber (G) extends west of the vestibule; the sarcophagus wasplaced there along the west wall, feet to the south, head to the north. Theroof over the two main chambers was pointed (fig. 140). It was formed oflarge beams of limestone, joined at the upper ends, and supported belowupon a low bench (1) which surrounded the chamber outside (Note 34). Thefirst beams were covered by two others, and these by two more; and the sixtogether (J) thoroughly protected the vestibule of the vault. [Illustration: Fig. 140. --Section of the Pyramid of Ûnas. ] The pyramids of Gizeh belonged to the Pharaohs of the Fourth Dynasty, andthose of Abûsir to the Pharaohs of the Fifth. The five pyramids ofSakkarah, of which the plan is uniform, belonged to Ûnas and to the firstfour kings of the Sixth Dynasty, Teti, Pepi I. , Merenra, and Pepi II. , andare contemporary with the mastabas with painted vaults which I havementioned above (p. 129). It is, therefore, no matter of surprise to findthem inscribed and decorated. The ceilings are covered with stars, torepresent the night-sky. The rest of the decoration is very simple. In thepyramid of Ûnas, which is the most ornamented, the decoration occupies onlythe end wall of the sepulchral chamber; the part against the sarcophaguswas lined with alabaster, and engraved to represent great monumental doors, through which the deceased was supposed to enter his storerooms ofprovisions. The figures of men and of animals, the scenes of daily life, the details of the sacrifice, are not here represented, and, moreover, would not be in keeping; they belong to those places where the Double livedhis public life, and where visitors actually performed the rites ofoffering; the passages and the vault in which the soul alone was free towander needed no ornamentation except that which related to the life of thesoul. The texts are of two kinds. One kind--of which there are the fewest--refer to the nourishment of the Double, and are literal transcriptions ofthe formulae by which the priests ensured the transmission of each objectto the other world; this was a last resource for him, in case the realsacrifices should be discontinued, or the magic scenes upon the chapelwalls be destroyed. The greater part of the inscriptions were of adifferent kind. They referred to the soul, and were intended to preserve itfrom the dangers which awaited it, in heaven and on earth. They revealed toit the sovereign incantations which protected it against the bites ofserpents and venomous animals, the passwords which enabled it to enter intothe company of the good gods, and the exorcisms which counteracted theinfluence of the evil gods. The destiny of the Double was to continue tolead the shadow of its terrestrial life, and fulfil it in the chapel; thedestiny of the Soul was to follow the sun across the sky, and it, therefore, needed the instructions which it read on the walls of the vault. It was by their virtue that the absorption of the dead into Osiris becamecomplete, and that they enjoyed hereafter all the immunity of the divinestate. Above, in the chapel, they were men, and acted as men; here theywere gods, and acted as gods. [Illustration: Fig. 141. --Mastabat el Faraûn. ] [Illustration: Fig. 142. --Pyramid of Medûm. ] The enormous rectangular mass which the Arabs call _Mastabat el Faraûn_, "the seat of Pharaoh" (fig. 141), stands beside the pyramid of Pepi II. Some have thought it to be an unfinished pyramid, some a tomb surmounted byan obelisk; in reality it is a pyramid which was left unfinished by itsbuilder, King Ati of the Sixth Dynasty. Recent excavations have, on theother hand, shown that the brick pyramids of Dahshûr probably belonged tothe Twelfth Dynasty. The stone pyramids of that group, which may be older, furnish a curious variation from the usual type. One of these stonepyramids has the lower half inclined at 54° 41', while the upper partchanges sharply to 42° 59'; it might be called a mastaba (Note 35) crownedby a gigantic attic. At Lisht, where the two pyramids now standing are ofthe same period (one of them was erected by Ûsertesen I. ), the structure isagain changed. The sloping passage ends in a vertical shaft, at the bottomof which open chambers now filled by the infiltration of the Nile. Thepyramids of Illahûn and Hawara, which contained the remains of ÛsertesenII. And Amenemhat III. , are of the same type as those at Lisht. Their roomsare now filled with water. The pyramid of Medûm is empty, having beenviolated before the Ramesside age. It consists of three square towers (Note36) with sides slightly sloping, placed in retreating stages one over theother (fig. 142). The entrance is on the north, at about 53 feet above thesand. After 60 feet, the passage goes into the rock; at 174 feet it runslevel; at 40 feet farther it stops, and turns perpendicularly towards thesurface, opening in the floor of a vault twenty-one feet higher (fig. 143). A set of beams and ropes still in place above the opening show that thespoilers drew the sarcophagus out of the chamber in ancient times. Itssmall chapel, built against the eastern slope of the pyramid, withcourtyard containing a low flat altar between two standing stelae nearly 14feet high, was found intact. The walls of the chapel were uninscribed, andbare; but the _graffiti_ found there prove that the place was much visitedduring the times of the Eighteenth Dynasty by scribes, who recorded theiradmiration of the beauty of the monument, and believed that King Sneferûhad raised it for himself and for his queen Meresankhû. [Illustration: Fig. 143. --Section of passage and vault in pyramid ofMedûm. ] The custom of building pyramids did not end with the Twelfth Dynasty; thereare later pyramids at Manfalût, at Hekalli to the south of Abydos, and atMohammeriyeh to the south of Esneh. Until the Roman period, the semi-barbarous sovereigns of Ethiopia held it as a point of honour to give thepyramidal form to their tombs. The oldest, those of Nûrri, where thePharaohs of Napata sleep, recall by their style the pyramids of Sakkarah;the latest, those of Meroë, present fresh characteristics. They are higherthan they are wide, are built of small blocks, and are sometimes decoratedat the angles with rounded borderings. The east face has a false window, surmounted by a cornice, and is flanked by a chapel, which is preceded by apylon. These pyramids are not all dumb. As in ordinary tombs, the wallscontain scenes borrowed from the "Ritual of Burial, " or showing thevicissitudes of the life beyond the grave. [30] This section is reproduced, by permission of Mr. W. M. F. Petrie, from Plate VII. Of his "_Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_. " The vertical shaft sunk by Perring is shown going down from the floor of the subterranean unfinished chamber. The lettering along the base of the pyramid, though not bearing upon the work of Professor Maspero, has been preserved for the convenience of readers who may wish to consult Mr. Petrie's work for more minute details and measurements. This lettering refers to that part of Mr. Petrie's argument which disproves the "accretion theory" of previous writers (see "_Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_" chap, xviii. , p. 165). --A. B. E. 3. --THE TOMBS OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. _Excavated Tombs_. Two subsequent systems replaced the mastaba throughout Egypt. The firstpreserved the chapel constructed above ground, and combined the pyramidwith the mastaba; the second excavated the whole tomb in the rock, including the chapel. [Illustration: Fig. 144. --Section of "vaulted" brick pyramid, Abydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 145. --Section of "vaulted" tomb, Abydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 146. --Plan of tomb, at Abydos. ] [Illustration: Fig. 147. --Theban tomb, with pyramidion, from scene in atomb at Sheikh Abd el Gûrneh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 148. --Theban tomb with pyramidion, from wall-painting. ] The necropolis quarter of Abydos, in which were interred the earliergenerations of the Theban Empire, furnishes the most ancient examples ofthe first system. The tombs are built of large, black, unbaked bricks, madewithout any mixture of straw or grit. The lower part is a mastaba with asquare or oblong rectangular base, the greatest length of the latter beingsometimes forty or fifty feet. The walls are perpendicular, and are seldomhigh enough for a man to stand upright inside the tomb. On this kind ofpedestal was erected a pointed pyramid of from 12 to 30 feet in height, covered externally with a smooth coat of clay painted white. The defectivenature of the rock below forbade the excavation of the sepulchral chamber;there was no resource, therefore, except to hide it in the brickwork. Anoven-shaped chamber with "corbel" vault was constructed in the centre (fig. 144); but more frequently the sepulchral chamber is found to be half aboveground in the mastaba and half sunk in the foundations, the vaulted spaceabove being left only to relieve the weight (fig. 145). In many cases therewas no external chapel; the stela, placed in the basement, or set in theouter face, alone marking the place of offering. In other instances asquare vestibule was constructed in front of the tomb where the relationsassembled (fig. 146). Occasionally a breast-high enclosure wall surroundedthe monument, and defined the boundaries of the ground belonging to thetomb. This mixed form was much employed in Theban cemeteries from thebeginning of the Middle Empire. Many kings and nobles of the EleventhDynasty were buried at Drah Abû'l Neggeh, in tombs like those of Abydos(fig. 147). The relative proportion of mastaba and pyramid became modifiedduring the succeeding centuries. The mastaba--often a mere insignificantsubstructure--gradually returned to its original height, while the pyramidas gradually decreased, and ended by being only an unimportant pyramidion(fig. 148). All the monuments of this type which ornamented the Thebannecropolis during the Ramesside period have perished, but contemporarytomb-paintings show many varieties, and the chapel of an Apis which diedduring the reign of Amenhotep III. Still remains to show that this fashionextended as far as Memphis. Of the pyramidion, scarcely any traces remain;but the mastaba is intact. It is a square mass of limestone, raised on abase, supported by four columns at the corners, and surmounted by anoverhanging cornice; a flight of five steps leads up to the inner chamber(fig. 149). [Illustration: Fig. 149. --Section of Apis tomb, _tempo_ Amenhotep III. ] The earliest examples of the second kind are those found at Gizeh among themastabas of the Fourth Dynasty, and these are neither large nor muchornamented. They begin to be carefully wrought about the time of the SixthDynasty, and in certain distant places, as at Bersheh, Sheîkh Saîd, Kasr esSaîd, Asûan, and Negadeh. The rock-cut tomb did not, however, attain itsfull development until the times of the last Memphite kings and the earlykings of the Theban line. In these rock-cut tombs we find all the various parts of the mastaba. Thedesigner selected a prominent vein of limestone, high enough in the cliffside to risk nothing from the gradual rising of the soil, and yet lowenough for the funeral procession to reach it without difficulty. Thefeudal lords of Minieh slept at Beni Hasan; those of Khmûnû at Bersheh;those of Siût and Elephantine at Siût and in the cliff opposite Asûan (fig. 150). Sometimes, as at Siût, Bersheh, and Thebes, the tombs are excavatedat various levels; sometimes, as at Beni Hasan, they follow the line of thestratum, and are ranged in nearly horizontal terraces. [31] A flight ofsteps, rudely constructed in rough-hewn stones, leads up from the plain tothe entrance of the tomb. At Beni Hasan and Thebes, these steps are eitherdestroyed or buried in sand; but recent excavations have brought to light awell-preserved example leading up to a tomb at Asûan. [32] [Illustration: Fig. 150. --Tombs in cliff opposite Asûan. ] [Illustration: Fig. 151. --Façade of tomb of Khnûmhotep, at Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 152. --Façade of tomb, Asûan. ] The funeral procession, having slowly scaled the cliff-side, halted for amoment at the entrance to the chapel. The plan was not necessarily uniformthroughout any one group of tombs. Several of the Beni Hasan tombs haveporticoes, the pillars, bases, and entablatures being all cut in the rock;those of Ameni and Khnûmhotep have porticoes supported on two polygonalcolumns (fig. 151). At Asûan (fig. 152), the doorway forms a high andnarrow recess cut in the rock wall, but is divided, at about one-third ofits height, by a rectangular lintel, thus making a smaller doorway in thedoorway itself. At Siût, the tomb of Hapizefa was entered by a true porchabout twenty-four feet in height, with a "vaulted" roof elegantlysculptured and painted. More frequently the side of the mountain was merelycut away, and the stone dressed over a more or less extent of surface, according to the intended dimensions of the tomb. This method ensured thetwofold advantage of clearing a little platform closed in on three sides infront of the tomb, and also of forming an upright façade which could bedecorated or left plain, according to the taste of the proprietor. Thedoor, sunk in the middle of this façade, has sometimes no framework;sometimes, however, it has two jambs and a lintel, all slightly projecting. The inscriptions, when any occur, are very simple, consisting of one or twohorizontal lines above, and one or two vertical lines down each side, withthe addition perhaps of a sitting or standing figure. These inscriptionscontain a prayer, as well as the name, titles, and parentage of thedeceased. The chapel generally consists of a single chamber, either squareor oblong, with a flat or a slightly vaulted ceiling. Light is admittedonly through the doorway. Sometimes a few pillars, left standing in therock at the time of excavation, give this chamber the aspect of a littlehypostyle hall. Four such pillars decorate the chapels of Ameni andKhnûmhotep at Beni Hasan (fig. 153). Other chapels there contain six oreight, and are very irregular in plan. One tomb, unfinished, was in thefirst instance a simple oblong hall, with a barrel roof and six columns. Later on, it was enlarged on the right side, the new part forming a kind offlat-roofed portico supported on four columns (fig. 154). [Illustration: Fig. 153. --Plan of tomb of Khnûmhotep, at Beni Hasan. ] [Illustration: Fig. 154. --Plan of unfinished tomb, Beni Hasan. ] [Illustration: Fig. 155. --Funeral processions and ceremonies from wall-painting in tomb of Manna, Thebes, Nineteenth Dynasty. ] To form a _serdab_ in the solid rock was almost impossible; while on theother hand, movable statues, if left in a room accessible to all comers, would be exposed to theft or mutilation. The _serdab_, therefore, wastransformed, and combined with the stela of the ancient mastabas. The falsedoor of the olden time became a niche cut in the end wall, almost alwaysfacing the entrance. Statues of the deceased and his wife, carved in thesolid rock, were there enthroned. The walls were decorated with scenes ofofferings, and the entire decoration of the tomb converged towards theniche, as that of the mastaba converged towards the stela. The series oftableaux is, on the whole, much the same as of old, though with certainnoteworthy additions. The funeral procession, and the scene where thedeceased enters into possession of his tomb, both merely indicated in themastaba, are displayed in full upon the walls of the Theban sepulchre. Themournful _cortège_ is there, with the hired mourners, the troops offriends, the bearers of offerings, the boats for crossing the river, andthe catafalque drawn by oxen. It arrives at the door of the tomb. Themummy, placed upright upon his feet, receives the farewell of his family;and the last ceremonies, which are to initiate him into the life beyond thegrave, are duly represented (fig. 155). The sacrifices, with all thepreliminary processes, as tillage, seed-growing, harvesting, stock-breeding, and the practice of various kinds of handicraft, are eithersculptured or painted, as before. Many details, however, which are absentfrom tombs of the earlier dynasties are here given, while others which areinvariably met with in the neighbourhood of the pyramids are lacking. Twenty centuries work many changes in the usages of daily life, even inconservative Egypt. We look almost in vain for herds of gazelles upon thewalls of the Theban tombs, for the reason that these animals, in Ramessidetimes, had ceased to be bred in a state of domestication. The horse, on theother hand, had been imported into the valley of the Nile, and is depictedpawing the ground where formerly the gazelle was seen cropping thepasturage. The trades are also more numerous and complicated; the workmen'stools are more elaborate; the actions of the deceased are more varied andpersonal. In former times, when first the rules of tomb decoration wereformulated, the notion of future retribution either did not exist, or wasbut dimly conceived. The deeds which he had done here on earth in no wiseinfluenced the fate which awaited the man after death. Whether good or bad, from the moment when the funeral rites were performed and the necessaryprayers recited, he was rich and happy. In order to establish his identity, it was enough to record his name, his title, and his parentage; his pastwas taken for granted. But when once a belief in rewards and punishments tocome had taken possession of men's minds, they bethought them of theadvisability of giving to each dead man the benefit of his individualmerits. To the official register of his social status, they now thereforeadded a brief biographical notice. At first, this consisted of only a fewwords; but towards the time of the Sixth Dynasty (as where Ûna recounts hispublic services under four kings), these few words developed into pages ofcontemporary history. With the beginning of the New Empire, tableaux andinscriptions combine to immortalise the deeds of the owner of the tomb. Khnûmhotep of Beni Hasan records in full the origin and greatness of hisancestors. Khetî displays upon his walls all the incidents of a militarylife--parades, war-dances, sieges, and sanguinary battle scenes. In thisrespect, as in all others, the Eighteenth Dynasty perpetuated the traditionof preceding ages. Aï, in his fine tomb at Tell el Amarna, recounts theepisode of his marriage with the daughter of Khûenaten. Neferhotep ofThebes, having received from Horemheb the decoration of the Golden Collar, complacently reproduces every little incident of his investiture, the wordsspoken by the king, as also the year and the day when this crowning rewardwas conferred upon him. Another, having conducted a survey, is seenattended by his subordinates with their measuring chains; elsewhere hesuperintends a census of the population, just as Ti formerly superintendedthe numbering of his cattle. The stela partakes of these newcharacteristics in wall-decoration. In addition to the usual prayers, itnow proclaims the praises of the deceased, and gives a summary of his life. This is too seldom followed by a list of his honours with their dates. When space permitted, the vault was excavated immediately below the chapel. The shaft was sometimes sunk in a corner of one of the chambers, andsometimes outside, in front of the door of the tomb. In the greatcemeteries, as for instance at Thebes and Memphis, the superposition ofthese three parts--the chapel, the shaft, and the vault--was not alwayspossible. If the shaft were carried to its accustomed depth, there wassometimes the risk of breaking into tombs excavated at a lower level. Thisdanger was met either by driving a long passage into the rock, and thensinking the shaft at the farther end, or by substituting a slightly slopingor horizontal disposition of the parts for the old vertical arrangement ofthe mastaba model. The passage in this case opens from the centre of theend wall, its average length being from 20 to 130 feet. The sepulchralvault is always small and plain, as well as the passage. Under the Thebandynasties, as under the Memphite kings, the Soul dispensed withdecorations; but whenever the walls of the vault are decorated, the figuresand inscriptions are found to relate chiefly to the life of the Soul, andvery slightly to the life of the Double. In the tomb of Horhotep, which isof the time of the Ûsertesens, and in similar rock-cut sepulchres, thewalls (except on the side of the door) are divided into two registers. Theupper row belongs to the Double, and contains, besides the table ofofferings, pictured representations of the same objects which are seen incertain mastabas of the Sixth Dynasty; namely, stuffs, jewels, arms, andperfumes, all needful to Horhotep for the purpose of imparting eternalyouth to his limbs. The lower register belonged to both the Soul and theDouble, and is inscribed with extracts from a variety of liturgicalwritings, such as _The Book of the Dead_, the _Ritual of Embalmment_, andthe _Funeral Ritual_, all of which were possessed of magic properties whichprotected the Soul and supported the Double. The stone sarcophagus, andeven the coffin, are also covered with closely-written inscriptions. Precisely as the stela epitomised the whole chapel, so did the sarcophagusand coffin epitomise the sepulchral chamber, thus forming, as it were, avault within a vault. Texts, tableaux, all thereon depicted, treat of thelife of the Soul, and of its salvation in the world to come. At Thebes, as at Memphis, the royal tombs are those which it is mostnecessary to study, in order to estimate the high degree of perfection towhich the decoration of passages and sepulchral chambers was now carried. The most ancient were situated either in the plain or on the southernslopes of the western mountain; and of these, no remains are extant. Themummies of Amenhotep I. , and Thothmes III. , of Sekenenra, and Aahhotep havesurvived the dwellings of solid stone designed for their protection. Towards the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, however, all the best placeswere taken up, and some unoccupied site in which to establish a new royalcemetery had to be sought. At first they went to a considerable distance, namely, to the end of the valley (known as the Western Valley), whichopens from near Drah Abû'l Neggeh. Amenhotep III. , Aï, and perhaps others, were there buried. Somewhat later, they preferred to draw nearer to thecity of the living. Behind the cliff which forms the northern boundary ofthe plain of Thebes, there lay a kind of rocky hollow closed in on everyside, and accessible from the outer world by only a few perilous paths. Itdivides into two branches, which cross almost at right angles. One branchturns to the south-east, while the other, which again divides intosecondary branches, turns to the south-west. Westward rises a mountainwhich recalls upon a gigantic scale the outline of the great step-pyramidof Sakkarah (fig. 137). The Egyptian engineers of the time observed thatthis hollow was separated from the ravine of Amenhotep III. By a merebarrier some 500 cubits in thickness. In this there was nothing to dismaysuch practised miners. They therefore cut a trench some fifty or sixtycubits deep through the solid rock, at the end of which a narrow passageopens like a gateway into the hidden valley beyond. Was it in the time ofHoremheb, or during the reign of Rameses I. , that this gigantic work wasaccomplished? Rameses I. Is, at all events, the earliest king whose tombhas as yet been found in this spot. His son, Seti I. , then his grandson, Rameses II. , came hither to rest beside him. The Ramesside Pharaohsfollowed one after the other. Herhor may perhaps have been the last of theseries. These crowded catacombs caused the place to be called "The Valleyof the Tombs of the Kings, "--a name which it retains to this day. These tombs are not complete. Each had its chapel; but those chapels stoodfar away in the plain, at Gûrneh, at the Ramesseum, at Medinet Habû; andthey have already been described. The Theban rock, like the Memphitepyramid, contained only the passages and the sepulchral chamber. During thedaytime, the pure Soul was in no serious danger; but in the evening, whenthe eternal waters which flow along the vaulted heavens fall in vastcascades adown the west and are engulfed in the bowels of the earth, theSoul follows the bark of the Sun and its escort of luminary gods into alower world bristling with ambuscades and perils. For twelve hours, thedivine squadron defiles through long and gloomy corridors, where numerousgenii, some hostile, some friendly, now struggle to bar the way, and nowaid it in surmounting the difficulties of the journey. Great doors, eachguarded by a gigantic serpent, were stationed at intervals, and led to animmense hall full of flame and fire, peopled by hideous monsters andexecutioners whose office it was to torture the damned. Then came more darkand narrow passages, more blind gropings in the gloom, more strife withmalevolent genii, and again the joyful welcoming of the propitious gods. Atmidnight began the upward journey towards the eastern regions of the world;and in the morning, having reached the confines of the Land of Darkness, the sun emerged from the east to light another day. The tombs of the kingswere constructed upon the model of the world of night. They had theirpassages, their doors, their vaulted halls, which plunged down into thedepths of the mountain. Their positions in the valley were determined by noconsideration of dynasty or succession. [Illustration: Fig. 156. --Plan of tomb of Rameses IV. ] [Illustration: Fig. 157. --Plan of tomb of Rameses IV. , from Turin papyrus. ] [Illustration: Fig. 158. --Plan of tomb of Seti I. ] Each king attacked the rock at any point where he might hope to find asuitable bed of stone; and this was done with so little regard for hispredecessors, that the workmen were sometimes obliged to change thedirection of the excavation in order not to invade a neighbouring catacomb. The designer's plan was a mere sketch, to be modified when necessary, andwhich was by no means intended to be strictly carried out. Hence the planand measurement of the actual tomb of Rameses IV. (fig. 156) differ in theoutline of the sides and in the general arrangement from the plan of thatsame tomb which is preserved on a papyrus in the Turin Museum (fig. 153). Nothing, however, could be more simple than the ordinary distribution ofthe parts. A square door, very sparingly ornamented, opened upon a passageleading to a chamber of more or less extent. From the further end of thischamber opened a second passage leading to a second chamber, and thencesometimes to more chambers, the last of which contained the sarcophagus. Insome tombs, the whole excavation is carried down a gently inclined plane, broken perhaps by only one or two low steps between the entrance and theend. In others, the various parts follow each other at lower and lowerlevels. In the catacomb of Seti I. (fig. 158) a long and narrow flight ofstairs and a sloping corridor (A) lead to a little antechamber and twohalls (B) supported on pillars. A second staircase (C) leads through asecond antechamber to another pillared hall (D), which was the hiding-placeof the sarcophagus. The tomb did not end here. A third staircase (E)opening from the end of the principal hall was in progress, and would nodoubt have led to more halls and chambers, had not the work been stopped bythe death of the king. [33] If we go from catacomb to catacomb, we do notfind many variations from this plan. The entrance passage in the tomb ofRameses III. Is flanked by eight small lateral chambers. In almost everyother instance, the lesser or greater length of the passages, and thedegree of finish given to the wall paintings, constitute the onlydifferences between one tomb and another. The smallest of these catacombscomes to an end at fifty-three feet from the entrance; that of Seti I. , which is the longest, descends to a distance of 470 feet, and there remainsunfinished. The same devices to which the pyramid builders had recourse, inorder to mislead the spoiler, were adopted by the engineers of the Thebancatacombs. False shafts were sunk which led to nothing, and wallssculptured and painted were built across the passages. When the burial wasover, the entrance was filled up with blocks of rock, and the natural slopeof the mountain side was restored as skilfully as might be. [Illustration: Fig. 159. --Wall-painting of the Fields of Aalû, tomb ofRameses III. ] The most complete type of this class of catacomb is that left to us by SetiI. ; figures and hieroglyphs alike are models of pure design and elegantexecution. The tomb of Rameses III. Already points to decadence. It is forthe most part roughly painted. Yellow is freely laid on, and the raw tonesof the reds and blues are suggestive of the early daubs of our childhood. Mediocrity ere long reigned supreme, the outlines becoming more feeble, thecolour more and more glaring, till the latest tombs are but caricatures ofthose of Seti I. And Rameses III. The decoration is always the same, and isbased on the same principles as the decoration of the pyramids. At Thebesas at Memphis, the intention was to secure to the Double the free enjoymentof his new abode, and to usher the Soul into the company of the gods of thesolar cycle and the Osirian cycle, as well as to guide it through thelabyrinth of the infernal regions. But the Theban priests exercised theiringenuity to bring before the eyes of the deceased all that which theMemphites consigned to his memory by means of writing, thus enabling him tosee what he had formerly been obliged to read upon the walls of his tomb. Where the texts of the pyramid of Ûnas relate how Ûnas, being identifiedwith the sun, navigates the celestial waters or enters the Fields of Aalû, the pictured walls of the tomb of Seti I. Show Seti sailing in the solarbark, while a side chamber in the tomb of Rameses III. Shows Rameses III. In the Fields of Aalû (fig. 159). Where the walls of the pyramid of Ûnasgive the prayers recited over the mummy to open his mouth, to restore theuse of his limbs, to clothe, to perfume, to feed him, the walls of Seti'scatacomb contain representations of the actual mummy, of the Ka statueswhich are the supports of his Double, and of the priests who open theirmouths, who clothe them, perfume them, and offer them the various meats anddrinks of the funeral feast. The ceilings of the pyramid chambers weresprinkled over with stars to resemble the face of the heavens; but therewas nothing to instruct the Soul as to the names of those heavenly bodies. On the ceilings of some of the Theban catacombs, we not only find theconstellations depicted, each with its personified image, but astronomicaltables giving the aspect of the heavens fortnight by fortnight throughoutthe months of the Egyptian year, so that the Soul had but to lift its eyesand see in what part of the firmament its course lay night after night. Taken as a series, these tableaux form an illustrated narrative of thetravels of the sun and the Soul throughout the twenty-four hours of the dayand night. Each hour is represented, as also the domain of each hour withits circumscribed boundary, the door of which is guarded by a huge serpent. These serpents have their various names, as "Fire-Face, " "Flaming Eye, ""Evil Eye, " etc. The fate of Souls was decided in the third hour of theday. They were weighed by the god Thoth, who consigned them to their futureabode according to the verdict of the scales. The sinful Soul was handedover to the cynocephalous-ape assessors of the infernal tribunal, whohunted and scourged it, after first changing it into a sow, or some otherimpure animal. The righteous Soul, on the contrary, passed in the fifthhour into the company of his fellows, whose task it was to cultivate theFields of Aalû and reap the corn of the celestial harvest, after which theytook their pleasure under the guardianship of the good genii. After thefifth hour, the heavenly ocean became a vast battlefield. The gods oflight pursued, captured, and bound the serpent Apapi, and at thetwelfth hour they strangled him. But this triumph was not of long duration. Scarcely had the sun achieved this victory when his bark was borne by thetide into the realm of the night hours, and from that moment he wasassailed, like Virgil and Dante at the Gates of Hell, by frightful soundsand clamourings. Each circle had its voice, not to be confounded with thevoices of other circles. Here the sound was as an immense humming of wasps;yonder it was as the lamentations of women for their husbands, and thehowling of she-beasts for their mates; elsewhere it was as the rolling ofthe thunder. The sarcophagus, as well as the walls, was covered with thesescenes of joyous or sinister import. It was generally of red or blackgranite. As it was put in hand last of all, it frequently happened that thesculptors had not time to finish it. When finished, however, the scenes andtexts with which it was covered contained an epitome of the wholecatacomb. [34] Thus, lying in his sarcophagus, the dead man found his futuredestinies depicted thereon, and learned to understand the blessedness ofthe gods. The tombs of private persons were not often so elaboratelydecorated. Two tombs of the period of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty--that ofPetamenoph at Thebes and that of Bakenrenf at Memphis--compete in thisrespect, however, with the royal catacombs. Their walls are not onlysculptured with the text (more or less complete) of _The Book of the Dead_, but also with long extracts from _The Book of the Opening of the Mouth_ andthe religious formulae found in the pyramids. As every part of the tomb had its special decoration, so also it had itsspecial furniture. Of the chapel furniture few traces have been preserved. The table of offerings, which was of stone, is generally all that remains. The objects placed in the _serdab_, in the passages, and in the sepulchralchamber, have suffered less from the ravages of time and the hand of man. During the Ancient Empire, the funerary portrait statues were alwaysimmured in the _serdab_. The sepulchral vault contained, besides thesarcophagus, head-rests of limestone or alabaster; geese carved in stone;sometimes (though rarely) a scribe's palette; generally some terra-cottavases of various shapes: and lastly a store of food-cereals, and the bonesof the victims sacrificed on the day of burial. Under the Theban Dynasties, the household goods of the dead were richer and more numerous. The Kastatues of his servants and family, which in former times were placed inthe _serdab_ with those of the master, were now consigned to the vault, andmade on a smaller scale. On the other hand, many objects which used to bemerely depicted on the walls were now represented by models, or by actualspecimens. Thus we find miniature funeral boats, with crew, mummy, mourners, and friends complete; imitation bread-offerings of baked clay, erroneously called "funerary cones, " stamped with the name of the deceased;bunches of grapes in glazed ware; and limestone moulds wherewith thedeceased was supposed to make pottery models of oxen, birds, and fish, which should answer the purpose of fish, flesh, and fowl. Toilet andkitchen utensils, arms, and instruments of music abound. These are mostlybroken--piously slain, in order that their souls should go hence to waitupon the soul of the dead man in the next world. Little statuettes instone, wood, and enamel--blue, green, and white--are placed by hundreds, and even by thousands, with these piles of furniture, arms, and provisions. Properly speaking, they are reduced _serdab_-statues, destined, like theirlarger predecessors, to serve as bodies for the Double, and (by a laterconception) for the Soul. They were at first represented clothed like theindividual whose name they bore. As time went on, their importancedwindled, and their duties were limited to merely answering for theirmaster when called by Thoth to the _corvée_, and acting as his substituteswhen he was summoned by the gods to work in the Fields of Aalû. Thenceforththey were called "Respondents" (_Ûshabtiû_), and were represented withagricultural implements in their hands. No longer clothed as the man wasclothed when living, they were made in the semblance of a mummified corpse, with only the face and hands unbandaged. The so-called "canopic vases, "with lids fashioned like heads of hawks, cynocephali, jackals, and men, were reserved from the time of the Eleventh Dynasty for the viscera, whichwere extracted from the body by the embalmers. As for the mummy, itcontinued, as time went on, to be more and more enwrapped in _cartonnage_, and more liberally provided with papyri and amulets; each amulet forming anessential part of its magic armour, and serving to protect its limbs andsoul from destruction. Theoretically, every Egyptian was entitled to an eternal dwellingconstructed after the plan which I have here described with its successivemodifications; but the poorer folk were fain to do without those thingswhich were the necessities of the wealthier dead. They were buried whereverit was cheapest--in old tombs which had been ransacked and abandoned; inthe natural clefts of the rock; or in common pits. At Thebes, in the timeof the Ramessides, great trenches dug in the sand awaited their remains. The funeral rites once performed, the grave-diggers cast a thin covering ofsand over the day's mummies, sometimes in lots of two or three, andsometimes in piles which they did not even take the trouble to lay inregular layers. Some were protected only by their bandages; others werewrapped about with palm-branches, lashed in the fashion of a game-basket. Those most cared for lie in boxes of rough-hewn wood, neither painted norinscribed. Many are huddled into old coffins which have not even beenaltered to suit the size of the new occupant, or into a compositecontrivance made of the fragments of three or four broken mummy-cases. Asto funerary furniture, it was out of the question for such poor souls asthese. A pair of sandals of painted cardboard or plaited reeds; a staff forwalking along the heavenly highways; a ring of enamelled ware; a braceletor necklace of little blue beads; a tiny image of Ptah, of Osiris, ofAnubis, of Hathor, or of Bast; a few mystic eyes or scarabs; and, aboveall, a twist or two of cord round the arm, the neck, the leg, or the body, intended to preserve the corpse from magical influences, --are the onlypossessions of the pauper dead. [31] For a full account of the Twelfth Dynasty tombs at Beni Hasan and El Bersheh see the first memoirs of the _Archaeological Survey of the Egypt Exploration Fund_. [32] The steps are shown in fig. 150. They were discovered by General Sir F. Grenfell in 1885. Noting the remains of two parallel walls running up from the water's edge to a part of the cliff which had evidently been escarped and presented a vertical face, General Grenfell caused the sand to be cleared, thus disclosing the entrances to several rock- cut tombs dating from the Sixth and Twelfth Dynasties, as well as two flights of steps on either side of an inclined plane leading from the Nile bank to the door of one of the tombs. The distance between the two walls is ten feet. The steps are eighteen inches deep, and 250 in number. The steps were for the haulers, the mummies and sarcophagi being dragged up the inclined plane. (See p. 209. )--A. B. E. [33] M. Léfébure has lately produced a superb and elaborate volume on this tomb, with the whole of the texts and the wall decorations faithfully reproduced: _Mémoires publiés par les Membres de la Mission du Caire_, Vol. II. , fasc. I. --A. B. E. [34] We have in this country two very fine specimens of inscribed sarcophagi; namely, that of Seti I. , of beautiful alabaster, in the Soane collection (xixth Dyn. ), and that of Queen Ankhnesraneferab (xxvith Dyn. ) in the British Museum. --A. B. E. CHAPTER IV. _PAINTING AND SCULPTURE_. The statues and bas-reliefs which decorated the temples and tombs ofAncient Egypt were for the most part painted. Coloured stones, such asgranite, basalt, diorite, serpentine, and alabaster, sometimes escaped thislaw of polychrome; but in the case of sandstone, limestone, or wood it wasrigorously enforced. If sometimes we meet with uncoloured monuments inthese materials, we may be sure that the paint has been accidentally rubbedoff, or that the work is unfinished. The sculptor and the painter weretherefore inseparably allied. The first had no sooner finished his share ofthe task than the other took it up; and the same artist was often asskilful a master of the brush as of the chisel. I. --DRAWING AND COMPOSITION. Of the system upon which drawing was taught by the Egyptian masters, weknow nothing. They had learned from experience to determine the generalproportions of the body, and the invariable relations of the various partsone with another; but they never troubled themselves to tabulate thoseproportions, or to reduce them to a system. Nothing in what remains to usof their works justifies the belief that they ever possessed a canon basedupon the length of the human finger or foot. Theirs was a teaching ofroutine, and not of theory. Models executed by the master were copied overand over again by his pupils, till they could reproduce them with absoluteexactness. That they also studied from the life is shown by the facilitywith which they seized a likeness, or rendered the characteristics andmovements of different kinds of animals. They made their first attemptsupon slabs of limestone, on drawing boards covered with a coat of red orwhite stucco, or on the backs of old manuscripts of no value. New papyruswas too dear to be spoiled by the scrawls of tyros. Having neither pencilnor stylus, they made use of the reed, the end of which, when steeped inwater, opened out into small fibres, and made a more or less fine brushaccording to the size of the stem. The palette was of thin wood, in shape arectangular oblong, with a groove in which to lay the brush at the lowerend. At the upper end were two or more cup-like hollows, each fitted with acake of ink; black and red being the colours most in use. A tiny pestle andmortar for colour-grinding (fig. 160), and a cup of water in which to clipand wash the brush, completed the apparatus of the student. Palette inhand, he squatted cross-legged before his copy, and, without any kind ofsupport for his wrist, endeavoured to reproduce the outline in black. Themaster looked over his work when done, and corrected the errors in red ink. [Illustration: Fig. 160. --Pestle and mortar for grinding colours. ] [Illustration: Fig. 161. --Comic sketch on ostrakon in New York Museum. ] [Illustration: Fig. 162. --Vignette from _The Book of the Dead_, Saïteperiod] [Illustration: Fig. 163. --Vignette from _The Book of the Dead_, fromthe papyrus of Hûnefer. ] The few designs which have come down to us are drawn on pieces oflimestone, and are for the most part in sufficiently bad preservation. TheBritish Museum possesses two or three subjects in red outline, which mayperhaps have been used as copies by the decorators of some Theban tombabout the time of the Twentieth Dynasty. A fragment in the Museum of Gizehcontains studies of ducks or geese in black ink; and at Turin may be seen asketch of a half-nude female figure bending backwards, as about to turn asomersault. The lines are flowing, the movement is graceful, the modellingdelicate. The draughtsman was not hampered then as now, by the rigidity ofthe instrument between his fingers. The reed brush attacked the surfaceperpendicularly; broadened, diminished, or prolonged the line at will; andstopped or turned with the utmost readiness. So supple a medium wasadmirably adapted to the rapid rendering of the humorous or ludicrousepisodes of daily life. The Egyptians, naturally laughter-loving andsatirical, were caricaturists from an early period. One of the Turin papyrichronicles the courtship of a shaven priest and a songstress of Amen in aseries of spirited vignettes; while on the back of the same sheet aresketched various serio-comic scenes, in which animals parody the pursuitsof civilised man. An ass, a lion, a crocodile, and an ape are representedin the act of giving a vocal and instrumental concert; a lion and a gazelleplay at draughts; the Pharaoh of all the rats, in a chariot drawn by dogs, gallops to the assault of a fortress garrisoned by cats; a cat of fashion, with a flower on her head, has come to blows with a goose, and the haplessfowl, powerless in so unequal a contest, topples over with terror. Cats, bythe way, were the favourite animals of Egyptian caricaturists. An ostrakonin the New York Museum depicts a cat of rank _en grande toilette_, seatedin an easy chair, and a miserable Tom, with piteous mien and tail betweenhis legs, serving her with refreshments (fig. 161). Our catalogue of comicsketches is brief; but the abundance of pen-drawings with which certainreligious works were illustrated compensates for our poverty in secularsubjects. These works are _The Book of the Dead_ and _The Book of KnowingThat which is in Hades_, which were reproduced by hundreds, according tostandard copies preserved in the temples, or handed down through familieswhose hereditary profession it was to conduct the services for the dead. When making these illustrations, the artist had no occasion to draw uponhis imagination. He had but to imitate the copy as skilfully as he could. Of _The Book of Knowing That which is in Hades_ we have no examples earlierthan the time of the Twentieth Dynasty, and these are poor enough in pointof workmanship, the figures being little better than dot-and-line forms, badly proportioned and hastily scrawled. The extant specimens of _The Bookof the Dead_ are so numerous that a history of the art of miniaturepainting in ancient Egypt might be compiled from this source alone. Theearliest date from the Eighteenth Dynasty, the more recent beingcontemporary with the first Caesars. The oldest copies are for the mostpart remarkably fine in execution. Each chapter has its vignetterepresenting a god in human or animal form, a sacred emblem, or thedeceased in adoration before a divinity. These little subjects aresometimes ranged horizontally at the top of the text, which is written invertical columns (fig. 162); sometimes, like the illuminated capitals inour mediaeval manuscripts, they are scattered throughout the pages. Atcertain points, large subjects fill the space from top to bottom of thepapyrus. The burial scene comes at the beginning; the judgment of the soulabout the middle; and the arrival of the deceased in the Fields of Aalû atthe end of the work. In these, the artist seized the opportunity to displayhis skill, and show what he could do. We here see the mummy of Hûneferplaced upright before his stela and his tomb (fig. 163). The women of hisfamily bewail him; the men and the priest present offerings. The papyri ofthe princes and princesses of the family of Pinotem in the Museum of Gizehshow that the best traditions of the art were yet in force at Thebes in thetime of the Twenty-first Dynasty. Under the succeeding dynasties, that artfell into rapid decadence, and during some centuries the drawings continueto be coarse and valueless. The collapse of the Persian rule produced aperiod of Renaissance. Tombs of the Greek time have yielded papyri withvignettes carefully executed in a dry and minute style which offers asingular contrast to the breadth and boldness of the Pharaonic ages. Thebroad-tipped reed-pen was thrown aside for the pen with a fine point, andthe scribes vied with each other as to which should trace the mostattenuated lines. The details with which they overloaded their figures, theelaboration of the beard and the hair, and the folds of the garments, aresometimes so minute that it is scarcely possible to distinguish themwithout a magnifying glass. Precious as these documents are, they give avery insufficient idea of the ability and technical methods of the artistsof ancient Egypt. It is to the walls of their temples and tombs that wemust turn, if we desire to study their principles of composition. [Illustration: Figs. 164 and 165. --Scenes from the tomb of Khnûmhotep atBeni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 166. --From a tomb-painting in the British Museum, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] Their conventional system differed materially from our own. Man or beast, the subject was never anything but a profile relieved against a flatbackground. Their object, therefore, was to select forms which presented acharacteristic outline capable of being reproduced in pure line upon aplane surface. As regarded animal life, the problem was in no wisecomplicated. The profile of the back and body, the head and neck, carriedin undulating lines parallel with the ground, were outlined at one sweep ofthe pencil. The legs also are well detached from the body. The animalsthemselves are lifelike, each with the gait and action and flexion of thelimbs peculiar to its species. The slow and measured tread of the ox; theshort step, the meditative ear, the ironical mouth of the ass; the abruptlittle trot of the goat, the spring of the hunting greyhound, are allrendered with invariable success of outline and expression. Turning fromdomestic animals to wild beasts, the perfection of treatment is the same. The calm strength of the lion in repose, the stealthy and sleepy tread ofthe leopard, the grimace of the ape, the slender grace of the gazelle andthe antelope, have never been better expressed than in Egypt. But it wasnot so easy to project man--the whole man--upon a plane surface withoutsome departure from nature. A man cannot be satisfactorily reproduced bymeans of mere lines, and a profile outline necessarily excludes too much ofhis person. The form of the forehead and the nose, the curvature of thelips, the cut of the ear, disappear when the head is drawn full face; but, on the other hand, it is necessary that the bust should be presented fullface, in order to give the full development of the shoulders, and that thetwo arms may be visible to right and left of the body. The contours of thetrunk are best modelled in a three-quarters view, whereas the legs show tomost advantage when seen sidewise. The Egyptians did not hesitate tocombine these contradictory points of view in one single figure. The headis almost always given in profile, but is provided with a full-face eye andplaced upon a full-face bust. The full-face bust adorns a trunk seen from athree-quarters point of view, and this trunk is supported upon legsdepicted in profile. Very seldom do we meet with figures treated accordingto our own rules of perspective. Most of the minor personages representedin the tomb of Khnûmhotep seem, however, to have made an effort toemancipate themselves from the law of malformation. Their bodies are givenin profile, as well as their heads and legs; but they thrust forward firstone shoulder and then the other, in order to show both arms (fig. 164), andthe effect is not happy. Yet, if we examine the treatment of the farmservant who is cramming a goose, and, above all, the figure of the standingman who throws his weight upon the neck of a gazelle to make it kneel down(fig. 165), we shall see that the action of the arms and hips is correctlyrendered, that the form of the back is quite right, and that the prominenceof the chest--thrown forward in proportion as the shoulders and arms arethrown back--is drawn without any exaggeration. The wrestlers of the BeniHasan tombs, the dancers and servants of the Theban catacombs, attack, struggle, posture, and go about their work with perfect naturalness andease (fig. 166). These, however, are exceptions. Tradition, as a rule, wasstronger than nature, and to the end of the chapter, the Egyptian masterscontinued to deform the human figure. Their men and women are actualmonsters from the point of view of the anatomist; and yet, after all, theyare neither so ugly nor so ridiculous as might be supposed by those whohave seen only the wretched copies so often made by our modern artists. Thewrong parts are joined to the right parts with so much skill that they seemto have grown there. The natural lines and the fictitious lines follow andcomplement each other so ingeniously, that the former appear to give riseof necessity to the latter. The conventionalities of Egyptian art onceaccepted, we cannot sufficiently admire the technical skill displayed bythe draughtsman. His line was pure, firm, boldly begun, and as boldlyprolonged. Ten or twelve strokes of the brush sufficed to outline a figurethe size of life. The whole head, from the nape of the neck to the rise ofthe throat above the collar-bone, was executed at one sweep. Two longundulating lines gave the external contour of the body from the armpits tothe ends of the feet. Two more determined the outlines of the legs, and twothe arms. The details of costume and ornaments, at first but summarilyindicated, were afterwards taken up one by one, and minutely finished. Wemay almost count the locks of the hair, the plaits of the linen, theinlayings of the girdles and bracelets. This mixture of artless science andintentional awkwardness, of rapid execution and patient finish, excludesneither elegance of form, nor grace of attitude, nor truth of movement. These personages are of strange aspect, but they live; and to those whowill take the trouble to look at them without prejudice, their verystrangeness has a charm about it which is often lacking to works morerecent in date and more strictly true to nature. [Illustration: Fig. 167. --Funerary repast, tomb of Horemheb, EighteenthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 168. --From a wall-painting, Thebes, Ramesside period. ] We admit, then, that the Egyptians could draw. Were they, as it has beenofttimes asserted, ignorant of the art of composition? We will take a sceneat hazard from a Theban tomb--that scene which represents the funeraryrepast offered to Prince Horemheb by the members of his family (fig. 167). The subject is half ideal, half real. The dead man, and those belonging tohim who are no longer of this world, are depicted in the society of theliving. They are present, yet aloof. They assist at the banquet, but theydo not actually take part in it. Horemheb sits on a folding stool to theleft of the spectator. He dandles on his knee a little princess, daughterof Amenhotep III. , whose foster-father he was, and who died before him. Hismother, Sûit, sits at his right hand a little way behind, enthroned in alarge chair. She holds his arm with her left hand, and with the right sheoffers him a lotus blossom and bud. A tiny gazelle which was probablyburied with her, like the pet gazelle discovered beside Queen Isiemkheb inthe hiding-place at Deir el Baharî, is tied to one of the legs of thechair. This ghostly group is of heroic size, the rule being that gods arebigger than men, kings bigger than their subjects, and the dead bigger thanthe living. Horemheb, his mother, and the women standing before them, occupy the front level, or foreground. The relations and friends are rangedin line facing their deceased ancestors, and appear to be talking one withanother. The feast has begun. The jars of wine and beer, placed in rowsupon wooden stands, are already unsealed. Two young slaves rub the handsand necks of the living guests with perfumes taken from an alabaster vase. Two women dressed in robes of ceremony present offerings to the group ofdead, consisting of vases filled with flowers, perfumes, and grain. Thesethey place in turn upon a square table. Three others dance, sing, and playupon the lute, by way of accompaniment to those acts of homage. In thepicture, as in fact, the tomb is the place of entertainment. There is noother background to the scene than the wall covered with hieroglyphs, alongwhich the guests were seated during the ceremony. Elsewhere, the scene ofaction, if in the open country, is distinctly indicated by trees and tuftsof grass; by red sand, if in the desert; and by a maze of reeds and lotusplants, if in the marshes. A lady of quality comes in from a walk (fig. 168). One of her daughters, being athirst, takes a long draught from a"gûllah"; two little naked children with shaven heads, a boy and a girl, who ran to meet their mother at the gate, are made happy with toysbrought home and handed to them by a servant. A trellised enclosure coveredwith vines, and trees laden with fruit, are shown above; yonder, therefore, is the garden, but the lady and her daughters have passed through itwithout stopping, and are now indoors. The front of the house is half putin and half left out, so that we may observe what is going on inside. Weaccordingly see three attendants hastening to serve their mistresses withrefreshments. The picture is not badly composed, and it would need butlittle alteration if transferred to a modern canvas. The same oldawkwardness, or rather the same old obstinate custom, which compelled theEgyptian artist to put a profile head upon a full-face bust, has, however, prevented him from placing his middle distance and background behind hisforeground. He has, therefore, been reduced to adopt certain more or lessingenious contrivances, in order to make up for an almost complete absenceof perspective. [Illustration: Fig. 169. --From wall-scene in tomb of Horemheb. ] [Illustration: Fig. 170. --From wall-scene, Ramesseum. ] [Illustration: Fig. 171. --Archers, as represented on walls of MedinetHabû. ] Again, when a number of persons engaged in the simultaneous performance ofany given act were represented on the same level, they were isolated asmuch as possible, so that each man's profile might not cover that of hisneighbour. When this was not done, they were arranged to overlap eachother, and this, despite the fact that all stood on the one level; so thatthey have actually but two dimensions and no thickness. A herdsman walkingin the midst of his oxen plants his feet upon precisely the same ground-line as the beast which interposes between his body and the spectator. Themost distant soldier of a company which advances in good marching order tothe sound of the trumpet, has his head and feet on exactly the same level;as the head and feet of the foremost among his comrades (fig. 169). When asquadron of chariots defiles before Pharaoh, one would declare that theirwheels all ran in the self-same ruts, were it not that the body of thefirst chariot partly hides the horse by which the second chariot is drawn(fig. 170). In these examples the people and objects are, eitheraccidentally or naturally, placed so near together, that the anomaly doesnot strike one as too glaring. In taking these liberties, the Egyptianartist but anticipated a contrivance adopted by the Greek sculptor of alater age. Elsewhere, the Egyptian has occasionally approached nearer totruth of treatment. The archers of Rameses III. At Medinet Habû make aneffort, which is almost successful, to present themselves in perspective. The row of helmets slopes downwards, and the row of bows slopes upwards, with praiseworthy regularity; but the men's feet are all on the same level, and do not, therefore, follow the direction of the other lines (fig. 171). This mode of representation is not uncommon during the Theban period. Itwas generally adopted when men or animals, ranged in line, had to be shownin the act of doing the same thing; but it was subject to the gravedrawback (or what was in Egyptian eyes the grave drawback) of showing thebody of the first man only, and of almost entirely hiding the rest of thefigures. When, therefore, it was found impossible to range all upon thesame level without hiding some of their number, the artist frequently brokehis masses up into groups, and placed one above the other on the samevertical plane. Their height in no wise depends on the place they occupy inthe perspective of the tableau, but only upon the number of rows requiredby the artist to carry out his idea. If two rows of figures are sufficient, he divides his space horizontally into equal parts; if he requires threerows, he divides it into three parts; and so on. When, however, it is aquestion of mere accessories, they are made out upon a smaller scale. Secondary scenes are generally separated by a horizontal line, but thisline is not indispensable. When masses of figures formed in regular orderhad to be shown, the vertical planes lapped over, so to speak, according tothe caprice of the limner. At the battle of Kadesh, the files of Egyptianinfantry rise man above man, waist high, from top to bottom of the phalanx(fig. 172); while those of the Kheta, or Hittite battalions, show but onehead above another (fig. 173). [Illustration: Fig. 172. --Phalanx of Egyptian infantry, Ramesseum. ] [Illustration: Fig. 173. --Hittite battalion, Ramesseum. ] It was not only in their treatment of men and animals that theEgyptians allowed themselves this latitude. Houses, trees, land andwater, were as freely misrepresented. An oblong rectangle placed upright, or on its side, and covered with regular zigzags, represents a canal. Lestone should be in doubt as to its meaning, fishes and crocodiles are put in, to show that it is water, and nothing but water. Boats are seen floatingupright upon this edgewise surface; the flocks ford it where it is shallow;and the angler with his line marks the spot where the water ends and thebank begins. Sometimes the rectangle is seen suspended like a framedpicture, at about half way of the height of several palm trees (fig. 174);whereby we are given to understand a tank bordered on both sides by trees. Sometimes, again, as in the tomb of Rekhmara, the trees are laid down inrows round the four sides of a square pond, while a profile boat conveyinga dead man in his shrine, hauled by slaves also shown in profile, floats onthe vertical surface of the water (fig. 175). The Theban catacombs of theRamesside period supply abundant examples of contrivances of this kind;and, having noted them, we end by not knowing which most to wonder at--theobstinacy of the Egyptians in not seeking to discover the natural laws ofperspective, or the inexhaustible wealth of resource which enabled them toinvent so many false relations between the various parts of their subjects. [Illustration: Fig. 174. --Pond and palm-trees, from wall painting in tombof Rekhmara, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] When employed upon a very large scale, their methods of composition shockthe eye less than when applied to small subjects. We instinctively feelthat even the ablest artist must sometimes have played fast and loose withthe laws of perspective, if tasked to cover the enormous surfaces ofEgyptian pylons. [Illustration: Fig. 175. --Scene from tomb of Rekhmara, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 176. --Scene from Mastaba of Ptahhotep, Fifth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 177. --Palestrina mosaic. ] Hence the unities of the subject are never strictly observed in theseenormous bas-reliefs. The main object being to perpetuate the memory of avictorious Pharaoh, that Pharaoh necessarily plays the leading part; butinstead of selecting from among his striking deeds some one leading episodepre-eminently calculated to illustrate his greatness, the Egyptian artistdelighted to present the successive incidents of his campaigns at a single_coup d'oeil_. Thus treated, the pylons of Luxor and the Ramesseum show aSyrian night attack upon the Egyptian camp; a seizure of spies sent by theprince of the Kheta for the express purpose of being caught and givingfalse intelligence of his movements; the king's household troops surprisedand broken by the Khetan chariots; the battle of Kadesh and its variousincidents, so furnishing us, as it were, with a series of illustrateddespatches of the Syrian campaign undertaken by Rameses II. In the fifthyear of his reign. After this fashion precisely did the painters of theearliest Italian schools depict within the one field, and in oneuninterrupted sequence, the several episodes of a single narrative. Thescenes are irregularly dispersed over the surface of the wall, without anymarked lines of separation, and, as with the bas-reliefs upon the column ofTrajan, one is often in danger of dividing the groups in the wrong place, and of confusing the characters. This method is reserved almost exclusivelyfor official art. In the interior decoration of temples and tombs, thevarious parts of the one subject are distributed in rows ranged one abovethe other, from the ground line to the cornice. Thus another difficulty isadded to the number of those which prevent us from understanding the styleand intention of Egyptian design. We often imagine that we are looking at aseries of isolated scenes, when in fact we have before our eyes the_disjecta membra_ of a single composition. Take, for example, one wall-sideof the tomb of Ptahhotep at Sakkarah (fig. 176). If we would discover thelink which divides these separate scenes, we shall do well to compare thiswall-subject with the mosaic at Palestrina (fig. 177), a monument ofGraeco-Roman time which represents almost the same scenes, grouped, however, after a style more familiar to our ways of seeing and thinking. The Nile occupies the immediate foreground of the picture, and extends asfar as the foot of the mountains in the distance. Towns rise from thewater's edge; and not only towns, but obelisks, farm-houses, and towers ofGraeco-Italian style, more like the buildings depicted in Pompeianlandscapes than the monuments of the Pharaohs. Of these buildings, only thelarge temple in the middle distance to the right of the picture, with itspylon gateway and its four Osirian colossi, recalls the general arrangementof Egyptian architecture. To the left, a party of sportsmen in a large boatare seen in the act of harpooning the hippopotamus and crocodile. To theright, a group of legionaries, drawn up in front of a temple and precededby a priest, salute a passing galley. Towards the middle of the foreground, in the shade of an arched trellis thrown across a small branch of theNile, some half-clad men and women are singing and carousing. Littlepapyrus skiffs, each rowed by a single boatman, and other vessels fill thevacant spaces of the composition. Behind the buildings we see thecommencement of the desert. The water forms large pools at the base ofoverhanging hills, and various animals, real or imaginary, are pursued byshaven-headed hunters in the upper part of the picture. Now, preciselyafter the manner of the Roman mosaicist, the old Egyptian artist placedhimself, as it were, on the Nile, and reproduced all that lay between hisown standpoint and the horizon. In the wall-painting (fig. 176) the riverflows along the line next the floor, boats come and go, and boatmen fall toblows with punting poles and gaffs. In the division next above, we see theriver bank and the adjoining flats, where a party of slaves, hidden in thelong grasses, trap and catch birds. Higher still, boat-making, rope-making, and fish-curing are going on. Finally, in the highest register of all, nextthe ceiling, are depicted the barren hills and undulating plains of thedesert, where greyhounds chase the gazelle, and hunters trammel big gamewith the lasso. Each longitudinal section corresponds, in fact, with aplane of the landscape; but the artist, instead of placing his planes inperspective, has treated them separately, and placed them one above theother. We find the same disposition of the parts in all Egyptian tombpaintings. Scenes of inundation and civil life are ranged along the base ofthe wall, mountain subjects and hunting scenes being invariably placed highup. Sometimes, interposed between these two extremes, the artist hasintroduced subjects dealing with the pursuits of the herdsman, the fieldlabourer, and the craftsman. Elsewhere, he suppresses these intermediaryepisodes, and passes abruptly from the watery to the sandy region. Thus, the mosaic of Palestrina and the tomb-paintings of Pharaonic Egyptreproduce the same group of subjects, treated after the conventional stylesand methods of two different schools of art. Like the mosaic, the wallscenes of the tomb formed, not a series of independent scenes, but anordinary composition, the unity of which is readily recognised by such asare skilled to read the art-language of the period. 2. --TECHNICAL PROCESSES. [Illustration: Fig. 178. --Sculptor's sketch from Ancient Empire tomb. ] [Illustration: Fig. 179. --Sculptor's sketch from Ancient Empire tomb. ] The preparation of the surface about to be decorated demanded much time andcare. Seeing how imperfect were the methods of construction, and howimpossible it was for the architect to ensure a perfectly level surface forthe facing stones of his temple-walls and pylons, the decorator hadperforce to accommodate himself to a surface slightly rounded in someplaces and slightly hollowed in others. Even the blocks of which it wasformed were scarcely homogeneous in texture. The limestone strata in whichthe Theban catacombs were excavated were almost always interspersed withflint nodules, fossils, and petrified shells. These faults were variouslyremedied according as the decoration was to be sculptured or painted. Ifpainted, the wall was first roughly levelled, and then overlaid with a coatof black clay and chopped straw, similar to the mixture used for brick-making. If sculptured, then the artist had to arrange his subject so as toavoid the inequalities of the stone as much as possible. When theseoccurred in the midst of the figure subjects, and if they did not offer toostubborn a resistance to the chisel, they were simply worked over;otherwise the piece was cut out and a new piece fitted in, or the hole wasfilled up with white cement. This mending process was no trifling matter. We could point to tomb-chambers where every wall is thus inlaid to theextent of one quarter of its surface. The preliminary work being done, thewhole was covered with a thin coat of fine plaster mixed with white ofegg, which hid the mud-wash or the piecing, and prepared a level andpolished surface for the pencil of the artist. In chambers, or parts ofchambers, which have been left unfinished, and even in the quarries, weconstantly find sketches of intended bas-reliefs, outlined in red or blackink. The copy was generally executed upon a small scale, then squared off, and transferred to the wall by the pupils and assistants of the master. Asin certain scenes carefully copied by Prisse from the walls of Thebantombs, the subject is occasionally indicated by only two or three rapidstrokes of the reed (fig. 178). Elsewhere, the outline is fully made out, and the figures only await the arrival of the sculptor. Some designers tookpains to determine the position of the shoulders, and the centre of gravityof the bodies, by vertical and horizontal lines, upon which, by means of adot, they noted the height of the knee, the hips, and other parts (fig. 179). Others again, more self-reliant, attacked their subject at once, anddrew in the figures without the aid of guiding points. Such were theartists who decorated the catacomb of Seti I. , and the southern walls ofthe temple of Abydos. Their outlines are so firm, and their facility is sosurprising, that they have been suspected of stencilling; but no one whohas closely examined their figures, or who has taken the trouble to measurethem with a compass, can maintain that opinion. The forms of some areslighter than the forms of others; while in some the contours of the chestare more accentuated, and the legs farther apart, than in others. Themaster had little to correct in the work of these subordinates. Here andthere he made a head more erect, accentuated or modified the outline of aknee, or improved some detail of arrangement. In one instance, however, atKom Ombo, on the ceiling of a Graeco-Roman portico, some of the divinitieshad been falsely oriented, their feet being placed where their arms shouldhave been. The master consequently outlined them afresh, and on the samesquared surface, without effacing the first drawing. Here, at all events, the mistake was discovered in time. At Karnak, on the north wall of thehypostyle hall, and again at Medinet Habu, the faults of the originaldesign were not noticed till the sculptor had finished his part of thework. The figures of Seti I. And Rameses III. Were thrown too far back, andthreatened to overbalance themselves; so they were smoothed over withcement and cut anew. Now, the cement has flaked off, and the work of thefirst chisel is exposed to view. Seti I. And Rameses III. Have each twoprofiles, the one very lightly marked, the other boldly cut into thesurface of the stone (fig. 180). [Illustration: Fig. 180. --Sculptor's correction, Medinet Habû, RamesesIII. ] [Illustration: Fig. 181. --Bow drill. ] The sculptors of ancient Egypt were not so well equipped as those of ourown day. A kneeling scribe in limestone at the Gizeh Museum has been carvedwith the chisel, the grooves left by the tool being visible on his skin. Astatue in grey serpentine, in the same collection, bears traces of the useof two different tools, the body being spotted all over with point-marks, and the unfinished head being blocked out splinter by splinter with a smallhammer. Similar observations, and the study of the monuments, show that thedrill (fig. 181), the toothed-chisel, and the gouge were also employed. There have been endless discussions as to whether these tools were of ironor of bronze. Iron, it is argued, was deemed impure. No one could make useof it, even for the basest needs of daily life, without incurring a taintprejudicial to the soul both in this world and the next. But the impurityof any given object never sufficed to prevent the employment of it whenrequired. Pigs also were impure; yet the Egyptians bred them. They bredthem, indeed, so abundantly in certain districts, that our worthy Herodotustells us how the swine were turned into the fields after seed-sowing, inorder that they might tread in the grain. So also iron, like many otherthings in Egypt, was pure or impure according to circumstances. If sometraditions held it up to odium as an evil thing, and stigmatised it as the"bones of Typhon, " other traditions equally venerable affirmed that it wasthe very substance of the canopy of heaven. So authoritative was this view, that iron was currently known as "_Ba-en-pet_, " or the celestial metal. [35]The only fragment of metal found in the great pyramid is a piece of plate-iron;[36] and if ancient iron objects are nowadays of exceptional rarity ascompared with ancient bronze objects, it is because iron differs frombronze, inasmuch as it is not protected from destruction by its oxide. Rustspeedily devours it, and it needs a rare combination of favourablecircumstances to preserve it intact. If, however, it is quite certain thatthe Egyptians were acquainted with, and made use of, iron, it is no lesscertain that they were wholly unacquainted with steel. This being the case, one asks how they can possibly have dealt at will upon the hardest rocks, even upon such as we ourselves hesitate to attack, namely, diorite, basalt, and the granite of Syene. The manufacturers of antiquities who sculpturegranite for the benefit of tourists, have found a simple solution of thisproblem. They work with some twenty common iron chisels at hand, whichafter a very few turns are good for nothing. When one is blunted, they takeup another, and so on till the stock is exhausted. Then they go to theforge, and put their tools into working order again. The process is neitherso long nor so difficult as might be supposed. In the Gizeh Museum is alife-size head, produced from a block of black and red granite in less thana fortnight by one of the best forgers in Luxor. I have no doubt that theancient Egyptians worked in precisely the same way, and mastered thehardest stones by the use of iron. Practice soon taught them methods bywhich their labour might be lightened, and their tools made to yieldresults as delicate and subtle as those which we achieve with our own. Assoon as the learner knew how to manage the point and the mallet, his masterset him to copy a series of graduated models representing an animal invarious stages of completion, or a part of the human body, or the wholehuman body, from the first rough sketch to the finished design (fig. 182). Every year, these models are found in sufficient number to establishexamples of progressive series. Apart from isolated specimens which arepicked up everywhere, the Gizeh collection contains a set of fifteen fromSakkarah, forty-one from Tanis, and a dozen from Thebes and Medinet Habû. They were intended partly for the study of bas-reliefs, partly for thestudy of sculpture proper; and they reveal the method in use for both. [37] [Illustration: Fig. 182. --Sculptor's trial-piece, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] The Egyptians treated bas-relief in three ways: either as a simpleengraving executed by means of incised lines; or by cutting away thesurface of the stone round the figure, and so causing it to stand out inrelief upon the wall; or by sinking the design below the wall-surface andcutting it in relief at the bottom of the hollow. The first method has theadvantage of being expeditious, and the disadvantage of not beingsufficiently decorative. Rameses III. Made use of it in certain parts ofhis temple at Medinet Habû; but, as a rule, it was preferred for stelae andsmall monuments. The last-named method lessened not only the danger ofdamage to the work, but the labour of the workman. It evaded the dressingdown of the background, which was a distinct economy of time, and it leftno projecting work on the surface of the walls, the design being thussheltered from accidental blows. The intermediate process was, however, generally adopted, and appears to have been taught in the schools bypreference. The models were little rectangular tablets, squared off inorder that the scholar might enlarge or reduce the scale of his subjectwithout departing from the traditional proportions. Some of these modelsare wrought on both sides; but the greater number are sculptured on oneside only. Sometimes the design represents a bull; sometimes the head of acynocephalous ape, of a ram, of a lion, of a divinity. Occasionally, wefind the subject in duplicate, side by side, being roughly blocked out tothe left, and highly finished to the right. In no instance does the reliefexceed a quarter of an inch, and it is generally even less. Not but thatthe Egyptians sometimes cut boldly into the stone. At Medinet Habû andKarnak--on the higher parts of these temples, where the work is in graniteor sandstone, and exposed to full daylight--the bas-relief decorationprojects full 6-3/8 inches above the surface. Had it been lower, thetableaux would have been, as it were, absorbed by the flood of light pouredupon them, and to the eye of the spectator would have presented only aconfused network of lines. The models designed for the study of the roundare even more instructive than the rest. Some which have come down to usare plaster casts of familiar subjects. The head, the arms, the legs, thetrunk, each part of the body, in short, was separately cast. If a completefigure were wanted, the _disjecta membra_ were put together, and the resultwas a statue of a man, or of a woman, kneeling, standing, seated, squatting, the arms extended or falling passively by the sides. Thiscurious collection was discovered at Tanis, and dates probably fromPtolemaic times. [38] Models of the Pharaonic ages are in soft limestone, and nearly all represent portraits of reigning sovereigns. These are bestdescribed as cubes measuring about ten inches each way. The work was begunby covering one face of a cube with a network of lines crossing each otherat right angles; these regulated the relative position of the features. Then the opposite side was attacked, the distances being taken from thescale on the reverse face. A mere oval was designed on this first block; aprojection in the middle and a depression to right and left, vaguelyindicating the whereabouts of nose and eyes. The forms become more definiteas we pass from cube to cube, and the face emerges by degrees. The limit ofthe contours is marked off by parallel lines cut vertically from top tobottom. The angles were next cut away and smoothed down, so as to bring outthe forms. Gradually the features become disengaged from the block, the eyelooks out, the nose gains refinement, the mouth is developed. When thelast cube is reached, there remains nothing to finish save the details ofthe head-dress and the basilisk on the brow. No scholar's model in basalthas yet been found;[39] but the Egyptians, like our monumental masons, always kept a stock of half-finished statues in hard stone, which could beturned out complete in a few hours. The hands, feet, and bust needed only afew last touches; but the heads were merely blocked out, and the clothingleft in the rough. Half a day's work then sufficed to transform the faceinto a portrait of the purchaser, and to give the last new fashion to thekilt. The discovery of some two or three statues of this kind has shown usas much of the process as a series of teacher's models might have done. Volcanic rocks could not be cut with the continuity and regularity oflimestone. The point only could make any impression upon these obduratematerials. When, by force of time and patience, the work had thus beenfinished to the degree required, there would often remain some littleirregularities of surface, due, for example, to the presence of nodules andheterogeneous substances, which the sculptor had not ventured to attack, for fear of splintering away part of the surrounding surface. In order toremove these irregularities, another tool was employed; namely, a stone cutin the form of an axe. Applying the sharp edge of this instrument to theprojecting nodule, the artist struck it with a round stone in place of amallet. A succession of carefully calculated blows with these rude toolspulverised the obtrusive knob, which disappeared in dust. All minordefects being corrected, the monument still looked dull and unfinished. Itwas necessary to polish it, in order to efface the scars of point andmallet. This was a most delicate operation, one slip of the hand, or amoment's forgetfulness, being enough to ruin the labour of many weeks. Thedexterity of the Egyptian craftsman was, however, so great that accidentsrarely happened. The Sebekemsaf of Gizeh, the colossal Rameses II. OfLuxor, challenge the closest examination. The play of light upon thesurface may at first prevent the eye from apprehending the fineness of thework; but, seen under favourable circumstances, the details of knee andchest, of shoulder and face, prove to be no less subtly rendered in granitethan in limestone. Excess of polish has no more spoiled the statues ofAncient Egypt than it spoiled those of the sculptors of the ItalianRenaissance. A sandstone or limestone statue would have been deemed imperfect if left toshow the colour of the stone in which it was cut, and was painted from headto foot. In bas-relief, the background was left untouched and only thefigures were coloured. The Egyptians had more pigments at their disposalthan is commonly supposed. The more ancient painters' palettes--and we havesome which date from the Fifth Dynasty--have compartments for yellow, red, blue, brown, white, black, and green. [40] Others, of the time of theEighteenth Dynasty, provide for three varieties of yellow, three of brown, two of red, two of blue, and two of green; making in all some fourteen orsixteen different tints. Black was obtained by calcining the bones of animals. The other substancesemployed in painting were indigenous to the country. The white is made ofgypsum, mixed with albumen or honey; the yellows are ochre, or sulphuret ofarsenic, the orpiment of our modern artists; the reds are ochre, cinnabar, or vermilion; the blues are pulverised lapis-lazuli, or silicate of copper. If the substance was rare or costly, a substitute drawn from the productsof native industry was found. Lapis-lazuli, for instance, was replaced byblue frit made with an admixture of silicate of copper, and this wasreduced to an impalpable powder. The painters kept their colours in tinybags, and, as required, mixed them with water containing a little gumtragacanth. They laid them on by means of a reed, or a more or less finehair brush. When well prepared, these pigments are remarkably solid, andhave changed but little during the lapse of ages. The reds have darkened, the greens have faded, the blues have turned somewhat green or grey; butthis is only on the surface. If that surface is scraped off, the colourunderneath is brilliant and unchanged. Before the Theban period, noprecautions were taken to protect the painter's work from the action of airand light. About the time of the Twentieth Dynasty, however, it becamecustomary to coat painted surfaces with a transparent varnish which wassoluble in water, and which was probably made from the gum of some kind ofacacia. It was not always used in the same manner. Some painters varnishedthe whole surface, while others merely glazed the ornaments andaccessories, without touching the flesh-tints or the clothing. This varnishhas cracked from the effects of age, or has become so dark as to spoil thework it was intended to preserve. Doubtless, the Egyptians discovered thebad effects produced by it, as we no longer meet with it after the close ofthe Twentieth Dynasty. Egyptian painters laid on broad, flat, uniform washes of colour; they didnot paint in our sense of the term; they illuminated. Just as in drawingthey reduced everything to lines, and almost wholly suppressed the internalmodelling, so in adding colour they still further simplified their subjectby merging all varieties of tone, and all play of light and shadow, in oneuniform tint. Egyptian painting is never quite true, and never quite false. Without pretending to the faithful imitation of nature, it approachesnature as nearly as it may; sometimes understating, sometimes exaggerating, sometimes substituting ideal or conventional renderings for strictrealities. Water, for instance, is always represented by a flat tint ofblue, or by blue covered with zigzag lines in black. The buff and bluishhues of the vulture are translated into bright red and vivid blue. Theflesh-tints of men are of a dark reddish brown, and the flesh-tints ofwomen are pale yellow. The colours conventionally assigned to each animateand inanimate object were taught in the schools, and their use handed onunchanged from generation to generation. Now and then it happened that apainter more daring than his contemporaries ventured to break withtradition. In the Sixth Dynasty tombs at Deir el Gebrawî, there areinstances where the flesh tint of the women is that conventionally devotedto the depiction of men. At Sakkarah, under the Fifth Dynasty, and at AbûSimbel, under the Nineteenth Dynasty, we find men with skins as yellow asthose of the women; while in the tombs of Thebes and Abydos, about the timeof Thothmes IV. And Horemheb, there occur figures with flesh-tints of rose-colour. [41] It must not, however, be supposed that the effect produced by thisartificial system was grating or discordant. Even in works of small size, such as illuminated MSS. Of _The Book of the Dead_, or the decoration ofmummy-cases and funerary coffers, there is both sweetness and harmony ofcolour. The most brilliant hues are boldly placed side by side, yet withfull knowledge of the relations subsisting between these hues, and of thephenomena which must necessarily result from such relations. They neitherjar together, nor war with each other, nor extinguish each other. On thecontrary, each maintains its own value, and all, by mere juxtaposition, give rise to the half-tones which harmonise them. Turning from small things to large ones, from the page of papyrus, or thepanel of sycamore wood, to the walls of tombs and temples, we find theskilful employment of flat tints equally soothing and agreeable to the eye. Each wall is treated as a whole, the harmony of colour being carried outfrom bottom to top throughout the various superimposed stages into whichthe surface was divided. Sometimes the colours are distributed according toa scale of rhythm, or symmetry, balancing and counterbalancing each other. Sometimes one special tint predominates, thus determining the general toneand subordinating every other hue. The vividness of the final effect isalways calculated according to the quality and quantity of light by whichthe picture is destined to be seen. In very dark halls the force of colouris carried as far as it will go, because it would not otherwise have beenvisible by the flickering light of lamps and torches. On outer wall-surfaces and on pylon-fronts, it was as vivid as in the darkest depths ofexcavated catacombs; and this because, no matter how extreme it might be, the sun would subdue its splendour. But in half-lighted places, such as theporticoes of temples and the ante-chambers of tombs, colour is so dealtwith as to be soft and discreet. In a word, painting was in Egypt the merehumble servant of architecture and sculpture. We must not dream ofcomparing it with our own, or even with that of the Greeks; but if we takeit simply for what it is, accepting it in the secondary place assigned toit, we cannot fail to recognise its unusual merits. Egyptian paintingexcelled in the sense of monumental decoration, and if we ever revert tothe fashion of colouring the _façades_ of our houses and our publicedifices, we shall lose nothing by studying Egyptian methods or reproducingEgyptian processes. [35] The late T. Deveria ingeniously conjectured that "Ba-en-pet" (iron of heaven) might mean the ferruginous substance of meteoric stones. See _Mélanges d'Archéologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne_, vol. I. -- A. B. E. [36] The traces of tools upon the masonry show the use of bronze and jewel-points. --A. B. E. [37] Many such trial-pieces were found by Petrie in the ruins of a sculptor's house at Tell el Amarna. [38] A similar collection was found by Mr. F. Ll. Griffith at Tell Gemayemi, in 1886, during his excavations for the Egypt Exploration Fund. See Mr. Petrie's _Tanis_. Part II. , Egypt Exploration Fund. --A. B. E. [39] Mr. Loftie's collection contains, however, an interesting piece of trial-work consisting of the head of a Ptolemaic queen in red granite. --A. B. E. [40] For pigments used at the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty, see Petrie's _Medum_. [41] The rose-coloured, or rather crimson, flesh-tints are also to be seen at El Kab, and in the famous speos at Beit el Wally, both _tempo_ Nineteenth Dynasty. --A. B. E. 3. --WORKS OF SCULPTURE. [Illustration: Fig. 183. --The Great Sphinx of Gizeh. ] To this day, the most ancient statue known is a colossus--namely, the GreatSphinx of Gizeh. It was already in existence in the time of Khûfû (Cheops), and perhaps we should not be far wrong if we ventured to ascribe it to thegenerations before Mena, called in the priestly chronicles "the Servantsof Horus. " Hewn in the living rock at the extreme verge of the Libyanplateau, it seems, as the representative of Horus, to uprear its head inorder to be the first to catch sight of his father, Ra, the rising sun, across the valley (fig. 183). For centuries the sands have buried it to thechin, yet without protecting it from ruin. Its battered body preserves butthe general form of a lion's body. The paws and breast, restored by thePtolemies and the Caesars, retain but a part of the stone facing with whichthey were then clothed in order to mask the ravages of time. The lower partof the head-dress has fallen, and the diminished neck looks too slender tosustain the enormous weight of the head. The nose and beard have beenbroken off by fanatics, and the red hue which formerly enlivened thefeatures is almost wholly effaced. And yet, notwithstanding its fallenfortunes, the monster preserves an expression of sovereign strength andgreatness. The eyes gaze out afar with a look of intense and profoundthoughtfulness; the mouth still wears a smile; the whole countenance isinformed with power and repose. The art which conceived and carved thisprodigious statue was a finished art; an art which had attained self-mastery, and was sure of its effects. How many centuries had it taken toarrive at this degree of maturity and perfection? In certain piecesbelonging to various museums, such as the statues of Sepa and his wife atthe Louvre, and the bas-reliefs of the tomb of Khabiûsokarî at Gizeh, critics have mistakenly recognised the faltering first efforts of anunskilled people. The stiffness of attitude and gesture, the exaggeratedsquareness of the shoulders, the line of green paint under the eyes, --in aword, all those characteristics which are quoted as signs of extremeantiquity, are found in certain monuments of the Fifth and SixthDynasties. The contemporary sculptors of any given period were not allequally skilful. If some were capable of doing good work, the greaternumber were mere craftsmen; and we must be careful not to ascribe awkwardmanipulation, or lack of teaching, to the timidity of archaism. The worksof the primitive dynasties yet sleep undiscovered beneath seventy feet ofsand at the foot of the Sphinx; those of the historic dynasties are dailyexhumed from the depths of the neighbouring tombs. These have not yieldedEgyptian art as a whole; but they have familiarised us with one of itsschools--the school of Memphis. The Delta, Hermopolis, Abydos, the environsof Thebes and Asûan[42], do not appear upon the stage earlier than towardsthe Sixth Dynasty; and even so, we know them through but a small number ofsepulchres long since violated and despoiled. The loss is probably not verygreat. Memphis was the capital; and thither the presence of the Pharaohsmust have attracted all the talent of the vassal principalities. Judgingfrom the results of our excavations in the Memphite necropolis alone, it ispossible to determine the characteristics of both sculpture and painting inthe time of Seneferû and his successors with as much exactness as if wewere already in possession of all the monuments which the valley of theNile yet holds in reserve for future explorers. [Illustration: Fig. 184. --Panel from tomb of Hesi. ] The lesser folk of the art-world excelled in the manipulation of brush andchisel, and that their skill was of a high order is testified by thethousands of tableaux they have left behind them. The relief is low; thecolour sober; the composition learned. Architecture, trees, vegetation, irregularities of ground, are summarily indicated, and are introduced onlywhen necessary to the due interpretation of the scene represented. Men andanimals, on the other hand, are rendered with a wealth of detail, a truthof character, and sometimes a force of treatment, to which the laterschools of Egyptian art rarely attained. Six wooden panels from the tomb ofHesi in the Gizeh Museum represent perhaps the finest known specimens ofthis branch of art. Mariette ascribed them to the Third Dynasty, and he mayperhaps have been right; though for my own part I incline to date them fromthe Fifth Dynasty. In these panels there is nothing that can be called a"subject. " Hesi either sits or stands (fig. 184), and has four or fivecolumns of hieroglyphs above his head; but the firmness of line, thesubtlety of modelling, the ease of execution, are unequalled. Never haswood been cut with a more delicate chisel or a firmer hand. The variety of attitude and gesture which we so much admire in the Egyptianbas-relief is lacking to the statues. A mourner weeping, a woman bruisingcorn for bread, a baker rolling dough, are subjects as rare in the round asthey are common in bas-relief. In sculpture, the figure is generallyrepresented either standing with the feet side by side and quite still, orwith one leg advanced in the act of walking; or seated upon a chair or acube; or kneeling; or, still more frequently, sitting on the ground cross-legged, as the fellahin are wont to sit to this day. This intentionalmonotony of style would be inexplicable if we were ignorant of the purposefor which such statues were intended. They represent the dead man for whomthe tomb was made, his family, his servants, his slaves, and his kinsfolk. The master is always shown sitting or standing, and he could notconsistently be seen in any other attitude. The tomb is, in fact, the housein which he rests after the labours of life, as once he used to rest in hisearthly home; and the scenes depicted upon the walls represent the workwhich he was officially credited with performing. Here he superintends thepreliminary operations necessary to raise the food by which he is to benourished in the form of funerary offerings; namely, seed-sowing, harvesting, stock-breeding, fishing, hunting, and the like. In short, "hesuperintends all the labour which is done for the eternal dwelling. " Whenthus engaged, he is always standing upright, his head uplifted, his handspendent, or holding the staff and baton of command. Elsewhere, the diverseofferings are brought to him one by one, and then he sits in a chair ofstate. These are his two attitudes, whether as a bas-relief subject or astatue. Standing, he receives the homage of his vassals; sitting, hepartakes of the family repast. The people of his household comportthemselves before him as becomes their business and station. His wifeeither stands beside him, sits on the same chair or on a second chair byhis side, or squats beside his feet as during his lifetime. His son, if achild at the time when the statue was ordered, is represented in the garbof infancy; or with the bearing and equipment proper to his position, if aman. The slaves bruise the corn, the cellarers tar the wine jars, the hiredmourners weep and tear their hair. His little social world followed theEgyptian to his tomb, the duties of his attendants being prescribed forthem after death, just as they had been prescribed for them during life. And the kind of influence which the religious conception of the soulexercised over the art of the sculptor did not end here. From the momentthat the statue is regarded as the support of the Double, it becomes acondition of primary importance that the statue shall reproduce, at leastin the abstract, the proportions and distinctive peculiarities of thecorporeal body; and this in order that the Double shall more easily adapthimself to his new body of stone or wood. [43] The head is therefore alwaysa faithful portrait; but the body, on the contrary, is, as it were, amedium kind of body, representing the original at his highest development, and consequently able to exert the fulness of his physical powers whenadmitted to the society of the gods. Hence men are always sculptured in theprime of life, and women with the delicate proportions of early womanhood. This conventional idea was never departed from, unless in cases of verymarked deformity. The statue of a dwarf reproduced all the uglypeculiarities of the dwarf's own body; and it was important that it shouldso reproduce them. If a statue of the ordinary type had been placed in thetomb of the dead man, his "Ka, " accustomed during life to the deformity ofhis limbs, would not be able to adapt itself to an upright and shapelyfigure, and would therefore be deprived of the conditions necessary to hisfuture well-being. The artist was free to vary the details and arrange theaccessories according to his fancy; but without missing the point of hiswork, he could not change the attitude, or depart from the general style ofthe conventional portrait statue. This persistent monotony of pose andsubject produces a depressing effect upon the spectator, --an effect whichis augmented by the obtrusive character given to the supports. Thesestatues are mostly backed by a kind of rectangular pediment, which iseither squared off just at the base of the skull, or carried up in a pointand lost in the head-dress, or rounded at the top and showing above thehead of the figure. The arms are seldom separated from the body, but aregenerally in one piece with the sides and hips. The whole length of the legwhich is placed in advance of the other is very often connected with thepediment by a band of stone. It has been conjectured that this course wasimposed upon the sculptor by reason of the imperfection of his tools, andthe consequent danger of fracturing the statue when cutting away thesuperfluous material--an explanation which may be correct as regards theearliest schools, but which does not hold good for the time of the FourthDynasty. We could point to more than one piece of sculpture of that period, even in granite, in which all the limbs are free, having been cut away bymeans of either the chisel or the drill. If pediment supports werepersisted in to the end, their use must have been due, not to helplessness, but to routine, or to an exaggerated respect for ancient method. [Illustration: Fig. 185. --The Cross-legged Scribe at the Louvre, OldEmpire. ] Most museums are poor in statues of the Memphite school; France and Egyptpossess, however, some twenty specimens which suffice to ensure it anhonourable place in the history of art. At the Louvre we have the "Cross-legged Scribe, "[44] and the statues of Skemka and Pahûrnefer; at Gizehthere are the "Sheikh el Beled"[45] and his wife, Khafra[46], Ranefer, thePrince and General Rahotep, and his wife, Nefert, a "Kneeling Scribe, " anda "Cross-legged Scribe. " The original of the "Cross-legged Scribe" of theLouvre was not a handsome man (fig. 185), but the vigour and fidelity ofhis portrait amply compensate for the absence of ideal beauty. His legs arecrossed and laid flat to the ground in one of those attitudes common amongOrientals, yet all but impossible to Europeans. The bust is upright, andwell balanced upon the hips. The head is uplifted. The right hand holds thereed pen, which pauses in its place on the open papyrus scroll. Thus, forsix thousand years he has waited for his master to go on with the long-interrupted dictation. The face is square-cut, and the strongly-markedfeatures indicate a man in the prime of life. The mouth, wide and thin-lipped, rises slightly towards the corners, which are lost in theprojecting muscles by which it is framed in. The cheeks are bony and lank;the ears are thick and heavy, and stand out well from the head; the thick, coarse hair is cut close above the brow. The eyes, which are large and wellopen, owe their lifelike vivacity to an ingenious contrivance of theancient artist. The orbit has been cut out from the stone, the hollow beingfilled with an eye composed of enamel, white and black. The edges of theeyelids are of bronze, and a small silver nail inserted behind the irisreceives and reflects the light in such wise as to imitate the light oflife. The contours of the flesh are somewhat full and wanting in firmness, as would be the case in middle life, if the man's occupation debarred himfrom active exercise. The forms of the arm and back are in good relief; thehands are hard and bony, with fingers of somewhat unusual length; and theknees are sculptured with a minute attention to anatomical details. Thewhole body is, as it were, informed by the expression of the face, and isdominated by the attentive suspense which breathes in every feature. Themuscles of the arm, of the bust, and of the shoulder are caught in halfrepose, and are ready to return at once to work. This careful observance ofthe professional attitude, or the characteristic gesture, is equally markedin the Gizeh Cross-legged Scribe, and in all the Ancient Empire statueswhich I have had an opportunity of studying. The Cross-legged Scribe of Gizeh (fig. 186) was discovered by M. De Morganat Sakkarah in the beginning of 1893. This statue exhibits a no lesssurprising vigour and certainty of intention and execution on the part ofthe sculptor than does its fellow of the Louvre, while representing ayounger man of full, firm, and supple figure. [Illustration: Fig. 186. --The Cross-legged Scribe of Gizeh, from Sakkarah. ] Khafra is a king (fig. 187). He sits squarely upon his chair of state, hishands upon his knees, his chest thrown forward, his head erect, his gazeconfident. Had the emblems of his rank been destroyed, and the inscriptioneffaced which tells his name, his bearing alone would have revealed thePharaoh. Every trait is characteristic of the man who from childhoodupwards has known himself to be invested with sovereign authority. Raneferbelonged to one of the great feudal families of his time. He standsupright, his arms down, his left leg forward, in the attitude of a princeinspecting a march-past of his vassals. The countenance is haughty, theattitude bold; but Ranefer does not impress us with the almost superhumancalm and decision of Khafra. [Illustration: Fig. 187. --King Khafra, Fourth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 188. --Sheikh el Beled, Old Empire. ] [Illustration: Fig. 189. --Rahotep, Ancient Empire. ] General Rahotep[47] (fig. 189), despite his title and his high militaryrank, looks as if he were of inferior birth. Stalwart and square-cut, hehas somewhat of the rustic in his physiognomy. Nefert, on the contrary(fig. 190), was a princess of the blood royal; and her whole person is, asit were, informed with a certain air of resolution and command, which thesculptor has expressed very happily. She wears a close-fitting garment, opening to a point in front. The shoulders, bosom, and bodily contours aremodelled under the drapery with a grace and reserve which it is impossibleto praise too highly. Her face, round and plump, is framed in masses offine black hair, confined by a richly-ornamented bandeau. This wedded pairare in limestone, painted; the husband being coloured of a reddish brownhue, and the wife of a tawny buff. [Illustration: Fig. 190. --Nefert, wife of Rahotep, Ancient Empire. ] [Illustration: Fig. 191. --Head of the Sheikh el Beled. ] [Illustration: Fig. 192. --Wife of the Sheikh el Beled, Old Empire. ] [Illustration: Fig. 193. --The Kneeling Scribe, Old Empire. ] [Illustration: Fig. 194. --A Bread-maker, Old Empire. ] Turning to the "Sheikh el Beled" (figs. 188, 191), we descend severaldegrees in the social scale. Raemka was a "superintendent of works, " whichprobably means that he was an overseer of corvée labour at the time ofbuilding the great pyramids. He belonged to the middle class; and his wholeperson expresses vulgar contentment and self-satisfaction. We seem to seehim in the act of watching his workmen, his staff of acacia wood in hishand. The feet of the statue had perished, but have been restored. The bodyis stout and heavy, and the neck thick. The head (fig. 191), despite itsvulgarity, does not lack energy. The eyes are inserted, like those of the"Cross-legged Scribe. " By a curious coincidence, the statue, which wasfound at Sakkarah, happened to be strikingly like the local Sheikh elBeled, or head-man, of the village. Always quick to seize upon the amusingside of an incident, the Arab diggers at once called it the "Sheikh elBeled, " and it has retained the name ever since. The statue of his wife, interred beside his own, is unfortunately mutilated. It is a mere trunk, without legs or arms (fig. 192); yet enough remains to show that the figurerepresented a good type of the Egyptian middle-class matron, commonplace inappearance and somewhat acid of temper. The "Kneeling Scribe" of the Gizehcollection (fig. 193) belongs to the lowest middle-class rank, such as itis at the present day. Had he not been dead more than six thousand years, Icould protest that I had not long ago met him face to face, in one of thelittle towns of Upper Egypt. He has just brought a roll of papyrus, or atablet covered with writing, for his master's approval. Kneeling in theprescribed attitude of an inferior, his hands crossed, his shouldersrounded, his head slightly bent forward, he waits till the great man shallhave read it through. Of what is he thinking? A scribe might feel some notunreasonable apprehensions, when summoned thus into the presence of hissuperior. The stick played a prominent part in official life, and an errorof addition, a fault in orthography, or an order misunderstood, would beenough to bring down a shower of blows. The sculptor has, with inimitableskill, seized that expression of resigned uncertainty and passivegentleness which is the result of a whole life of servitude. There is asmile upon his lips, but it is the smile of etiquette, in which there is nogladness. The nose and cheeks are puckered up in harmony with the forcedgrimace upon the mouth. His large eyes (again in enamel) have the fixedlook of one who waits vacantly, without making any effort to concentratehis sight or his thoughts upon a definite object. The face lacks bothintelligence and vivacity; but his work, after all, called for no specialnimbleness of wit. Khafra is in diorite; Raemka and his wife are carved inwood; the other statues named are of limestone; yet, whatever the materialemployed, the play of the chisel is alike free, subtle, and delicate. Thehead of the scribe and the bas-relief portrait of Pharaoh Menkaûhor, in theLouvre, the dwarf Nemhotep (fig. 195), and the slaves who prepare food-offerings at Gizeh, are in no wise inferior to the "Cross-legged Scribe" orthe "Sheikh el Beled. " The baker kneading his dough (fig. 194) isthoroughly in his work. His half-stooping attitude, and the way in which heleans upon the kneading-trough, are admirably natural. The dwarf has abig, elongated head, balanced by two enormous ears (fig. 195). He has afoolish face, an ill-shapen mouth, and narrow slits of eyes, incliningupwards to the temples. The bust is well developed, but the trunk is out ofproportion with the rest of his person. The artist has done his best todisguise the lower limbs under a fine white tunic; but one feels that it istoo long for the little man's arms and legs. [Illustration: Fig. 195. --The dwarf Nemhotep, Old Empire. ] [Illustration: Fig. 196. --One of the Tanis Sphinxes. ] The thighs could have existed only in a rudimentary form, and Nemhotep, standing as best he can upon his misshapen feet, seems to be off hisbalance, and ready to fall forward upon his face. It would be difficult tofind another work of art in which the characteristics of dwarfdom are morecleverly reproduced. The sculpture of the first Theban empire is in close connection with thatof Memphis. Methods, materials, design, composition, all are borrowed fromthe elder school; the only new departure being in the proportions assignedto the human figure. From the time of the Eleventh Dynasty, the legs becomelonger and slighter, the hips smaller, the body and the neck more slender. Works of this period are not to be compared with the best productions ofthe earlier centuries. The wall-paintings of Siût, of Bersheh, of BeniHasan, and of Asûan, are not equal to those in the mastabas of Sakkarah andGizeh; nor are the most carefully-executed contemporary statues worthy totake a place beside the "Sheikh el Beled" or the "Cross-legged Scribe. "Portrait statues of private persons, especially those found at Thebes, are, so far as I have seen, decidedly bad, the execution being rude and theexpression vulgar. The royal statues of this period, which are nearly allin black or grey granite, have been for the most part usurped by kings oflater date. Ûsertesen III. , whose head and feet are in the Louvre, wasappropriated by Amenhotep III. , as the sphinx of the Louvre and the colossiof Gizeh were appropriated by Rameses II. Many museums possess specimens ofsupposed Ramesside Pharaohs which, upon more careful inspection, we arecompelled to ascribe to the Thirteenth or Fourteenth Dynasty. Those ofundisputed identity, such as the Sebekhotep III. Of the Louvre, theMermashiû of Tanis, the Sebekemsaf of Gizeh, and the colossi of the Isle ofArgo, though very skilfully executed, are wanting in originality andvigour. One would say, indeed, that the sculptors had purposely endeavouredto turn them all out after the one smiling and commonplace pattern. Greatis the contrast when we turn from these giant dolls to the black granitesphinxes discovered by Mariette at Tanis in 1861, and by him ascribed tothe Hyksos period. Here energy, at all events, is not lacking. Wiry andcompact, the lion body is shorter than in sphinxes of the usual type. Thehead, instead of wearing the customary "klaft, " or head-gear of foldedlinen, is clothed with an ample mane, which also surrounds the face. Theeyes are small; the nose is aquiline and depressed at the tip; thecheekbones are prominent; the lower lip slightly protrudes. The generaleffect of the face is, in short, so unlike the types we are accustomed tofind in Egypt, that it has been accepted in proof of an Asiatic origin(fig. 196). These sphinxes are unquestionably anterior to the EighteenthDynasty, because one of the kings of Avaris, named Apepi, has cut his nameupon the shoulder of each. Arguing from this fact, it was, however, toohastily concluded that they are works of the time of that prince. On acloser examination, we see that they had already been dedicated to somePharaoh of a yet earlier period, and that Apepi had merely usurped them;and M. Golenischeff has shown that they were made for Amenemhat III. , ofthe Twelfth Dynasty, and with his features. Those so-called Hyksosmonuments may be the products of a local school, the origin of which mayhave been independent, and its traditions quite different from thetraditions of the Memphite workshops. But except at Abydos, El Kab, Asûan, and some two or three other places, the provincial art of ancient Egypt isso little known to us that I dare not lay too much stress upon thishypothesis. Whatever the origin of the Tanite School, it continued to existlong after the expulsion of the Hyksos invaders, since one of its bestexamples, a group representing the Nile of the North and the Nile of theSouth, bearing trays laden with flowers and fish, was consecrated byPisebkhanû of the Twenty-first Dynasty. [Illustration: Fig. 197. --Bas-relief head of Seti I. ] [Illustration: Fig. 198. --The god Amen, and Horemheb. ] [Illustration: Fig. 199. --Head of a Queen, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] The first three dynasties of the New Empire[48] have bequeathed us moremonuments than all the others put together. Painted bas-reliefs, statues ofkings and private persons, colossi, sphinxes, may be counted by hundredsbetween the mouths of the Nile and the fourth cataract. The old sacerdotalcities, Memphis, Thebes, Abydos, are naturally the richest; but so greatwas the impetus given to art, that even remote provincial towns, such asAbû Simbel, Redesîyeh, and Mesheikh, have their _chefs-d'oeuvre_, like thegreat cities. The official portraits of Amenhotep I. At Turin, of ThothmesI. And Thothmes III. At the British Museum, at Karnak, at Turin, and atGizeh, are conceived in the style of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties, and are deficient in originality; but the bas-reliefs in temples and tombsshow a marked advance upon those of the earlier ages. The modelling isfiner; the figures are more numerous and better grouped; the relief ishigher; the effects of perspective are more carefully worked out. The wall-subjects of Deir el Baharî, the tableaux in the tombs of Hûi, of Rekhmara, of Anna, of Khamha, and of twenty more at Thebes, are surprisingly rich, brilliant, and varied. Awakening to a sense of the picturesque, artistsintroduced into their compositions all those details of architecture, ofuneven ground, of foreign plants, and the like, which formerly theyneglected, or barely indicated. The taste for the colossal, which hadfallen somewhat into abeyance since the time of the Great Sphinx, came onceagain to the surface, and was developed anew. Amenhotep III. Was notcontent with statues of twenty-five or thirty feet in height, such as werein favour among his ancestors. Those which he erected in advance of hismemorial chapel on the left bank of the Nile in Western Thebes, one ofwhich is the Vocal Memnon of the classic writers, sit fifty feet high. Eachwas carved from a single block of sandstone, and they are as elaboratelyfinished as though they were of ordinary size. The avenues of sphinxeswhich this Pharaoh marshalled before the temples of Luxor and Karnak do notcome to an end at fifty or a hundred yards from the gateway, but areprolonged for great distances. In one avenue, they have the human head uponthe lion's body; in another, they are fashioned in the semblance ofkneeling rams. Khûenaten, the revolutionary successor of Amenhotep III. , far from discouraging this movement, did what he could to promote it. Never, perhaps, were Egyptian sculptors more unrestricted than by him atTell el Amarna. Military reviews, chariot-driving, popular festivals, statereceptions, the distribution of honours and rewards by the king in person, representations of palaces, villas, and gardens, were among the subjectswhich they were permitted to treat; and these subjects differed in so manyrespects from traditional routine that they could give free play to theirfancy and to their natural genius. The spirit and gusto with which theytook advantage of their opportunities would scarcely be believed by one whohad not seen their works at Tell el Amarna. Some of their bas-reliefs aredesigned in almost correct perspective; and in all, the life and stir oflarge crowds are rendered with irreproachable truth. The political andreligious reaction which followed this reign arrested the evolution of art, and condemned sculptors and painters to return to the observance oftraditional rules. Their personal influence and their teaching continued, however, to make themselves felt under Horemheb, under Seti I. , and evenunder Rameses II. If, during more than a century, Egyptian art remainedfree, graceful, and refined, that improvement was due to the school of Tellel Amarna. In no instance perhaps did it produce work more perfect than thebas-reliefs of the temple of Abydos, or those of the tomb of Seti I. Thehead of the conqueror (fig. 197), always studied _con amore_, is a marvelof reserved and sensitive grace. Rameses II. Charging the enemy at AbûSimbel is as fine as the portraits of Seti I. , though in another style. Theaction of the arm which brandishes the lance is somewhat angular, but theexpression of strength and triumph which animates the whole person of thewarrior king, and the despairing resignation of the vanquished, compensatefor this one defect. The group of Horemheb and the god Amen (fig. 198), inthe Museum of Turin, is a little dry in treatment. The faces of both godand king lack expression, and their bodies are heavy and ill-balanced. Thefine colossi in red granite which Horemheb placed against the uprights ofthe inner door of his first pylon at Karnak, the bas-reliefs on the wallsof his speos at Silsilis, his own portrait and that of one of the ladies ofhis family now in the museum of Gizeh, are, so to say, spotless andfaultless. The queen's face (fig. 199) is animated and intelligent; theeyes are large and prominent; the mouth is wide, but well shaped. This headis carved in hard limestone of a creamy tint which seems to soften thesomewhat satirical expression of her eyes and smile. The king (fig. 200) isin black granite; and the sombre hue of the stone at once produces amournful impression upon the spectator. His youthful face is pervaded by anair of melancholy, such as we rarely see depicted in portraits of Pharaohsof the great period. The nose is straight and delicate, the eyes are long, the lips are large, full, somewhat contracted at the corners, and stronglydefined at the edges. The chin is overweighted by the traditional falsebeard. Every detail is treated with as much skill as if the sculptor weredealing with a soft stone instead of with a material which resisted thechisel. Such, indeed, is the mastery of the execution, that one forgets thedifficulties of the task in the excellence of the results. [Illustration: Fig. 200. --Head of Horemheb. ] [Illustration: Fig. 201. --Colossal statue of Rameses II. , Luxor. ] It is unfortunate that Egyptian artists never signed their works; for thesculptor of this portrait of Horemheb deserves to be remembered. Like theEighteenth Dynasty, the Nineteenth Dynasty delighted in colossi. Those ofRameses II. At Luxor measured from eighteen to twenty feet in height (fig. 201); the colossal Rameses of the Ramesseum sat sixty feet high; and thatof Tanis about seventy. [49] The colossi of Abû Simbel, without being ofquite such formidable proportions, face the river in imposing array. To saythat the decline of Egyptian art began with Rameses II. Is a commonplace ofcontemporary criticism; yet nothing is less true than an axiom of thiskind. Many statues and bas-reliefs executed during his reign are no doubtinconceivably rude and ugly; but these are chiefly found in provincialtowns where the schools were indifferent, and where the artists had nofine examples before them. At Thebes, at Memphis, at Abydos, at Tanis, inthose towns of the Delta where the court habitually resided, and even atAbû Simbel and Beit el Wally, the sculptors of Rameses II. Yield nothing inpoint of excellence to those of Seti I. And Horemheb. The decadence did notbegin till after the reign of Merenptah. When civil war and foreigninvasion brought Egypt to the brink of destruction, the arts, like allelse, suffered and rapidly declined. It is sad to follow their downwardprogress under the later Ramessides, whether in the wall-subjects of theroyal tombs, or in the bas-reliefs of the temple of Khonsû, or on thecolumns of the hypostyle hall at Karnak. Wood carving maintained its levelduring a somewhat longer period. The admirable statuettes of priests andchildren at Turin date from the Twentieth Dynasty. The advent of Sheshonkand the internecine strife of the provinces at length completed the ruin ofThebes, and the school which had produced so many masterpieces perishedmiserably. [Illustration Fig. 202. --Queen Ameniritis. ] [Illustration: Fig. 203. --The goddess Thûeris. Saïte work. ] The Renaissance did not dawn till near the end of the Ethiopian Dynasty, some three hundred years later. The over-praised statue of QueenAmeniritis[50] (fig. 202) already manifests some noteworthy qualities. Thelimbs, somewhat long and fragile, are delicately treated; but the head isheavy, being over-weighted by the wig peculiar to goddesses. PsammetichusI. , when his victories had established him upon the throne, busied himselfin the restoration of the temples. Under his auspices, the valley of theNile became one vast studio of painting and sculpture. The art of engravinghieroglyphs attained a high degree of excellence, fine statues and bas-reliefs were everywhere multiplied, and a new school arose. A marvellouscommand of material, a profound knowledge of detail, and a certain elegancetempered by severity, are the leading characteristics of this new school. The Memphites preferred limestone; the Thebans selected red or greygranite; but the Saïtes especially attacked basalt, breccia, andserpentine, and with these fine-grained and almost homogeneous substances, they achieved extraordinary results. They seem to have sought difficultiesfor the mere pleasure of triumphing over them; and we have proof of the wayin which artists of real merit bestowed years and years on the chasing ofsarcophagus lids and the carving of statues in blocks of the hardestmaterial. The Thûeris, and the four monuments from the tomb ofPsammetichus[51] in the Gizeh Museum, are the most remarkable objectshitherto discovered in this class of work. Thûeris[52] (fig. 203) was theespecial protectress of maternity, and presided over childbirth. Herportrait was discovered by some native sebakh diggers[53] in the midst ofthe mounds of the ancient city of Thebes. She was found standing upright ina little chapel of white limestone which had been dedicated to her by onePibesa, a priest, in the name of Queen Nitocris, daughter of PsammetichusI. This charming hippopotamus, whose figure is perhaps more plump thangraceful, is a fine example of difficulties overcome; but I do not knowthat she has any other merit. The group belonging to Psammetichus has atall events some artistic value. It consists of four pieces of green basalt;namely, a table of offerings, a statue of Osiris, a statue of Nephthys, anda Hathor-cow supporting a statuette of the deceased (fig. 204). All fourare somewhat flaccid, somewhat artificial; but the faces of the divinitiesand the deceased are not wanting in sweetness; the action of the cow isgood; and the little figure under her protection falls naturally into itsplace. Certain other pieces, less known than these, are however farsuperior. The Saïte style is easy of recognition. It lacks the breadth andlearning of the first Memphite school; it also lacks the grand, andsometimes rude, manner of the great Theban school. The proportions of thehuman body are reduced and elongated, and the limbs lose in vigour whatthey gain in elegance. A noteworthy change in the choice of attitudes willalso be remarked. Orientals find repose in postures which would beinexpressibly fatiguing to ourselves. For hours together they will kneel;or sit tailor-wise, with the legs crossed and laid down flat to the ground;or squat, sitting upon their heels, with no other support than is affordedby that part of the sole of the foot which rests upon the ground; or theywill sit upon the floor with their legs close together, and their armscrossed upon their knees. These four attitudes were customary among thepeople from the time of the ancient empire. [Illustration: Fig. 204. --Hathor-cow in green basalt. Saïte work. ] This we know from the bas-reliefs. But the Memphite sculptors, deeming thetwo last ungraceful, excluded them from the domain of art, and rarely, ifever, reproduced them. The "Cross-legged Scribe" of the Louvre and the"Kneeling Scribe" of Gizeh show with what success they could employ the twofirst. The third was neglected (doubtless for the same reason) by theTheban sculptors. The fourth began to be currently adopted about the timeof the Eighteenth Dynasty. [Illustration: Fig. 205. --Squatting statue of Pedishashi. Saïte work. ] It may be that this position was not in fashion among the moneyed classes, which alone could afford to order statues; or it may be that the artiststhemselves objected to an attitude which caused their sitters to look likesquare parcels with a human head on the top. The sculptors of the Saïteperiod did not inherit that repugnance. They have at all events combinedthe action of the limbs in such wise as may least offend the eye, and theposition almost ceases to be ungraceful. The heads also are modelled tosuch perfection that they make up for many shortcomings. That of Pedishashi(fig. 205) has an expression of youth and intelligent gentleness such as weseldom meet with from an Egyptian hand. Other heads, on the contrary, areremarkable for their almost brutal frankness of treatment. In the smallhead of a scribe (fig. 206), lately purchased for the Louvre, and inanother belonging to Prince Ibrahim at Cairo, the wrinkled brow, thecrow's-feet at the corners of the eyes, the hard lines about the mouth, and the knobs upon the skull, are brought out with scrupulous fidelity. TheSaïte school was, in fact, divided into two parties. One sought inspirationin the past, and, by a return to the methods of the old Memphite school, endeavoured to put fresh life into the effeminate style of the day. This itaccomplished, and so successfully, that its works are sometimes mistakenfor the best productions of the Fourth and Fifth Dynasties. The other, without too openly departing from established tradition, preferred to studyfrom the life, and thus drew nearer to nature than in any previous age. This school would, perhaps, have prevailed, had Egyptian art not beendirected into a new channel by the Macedonian conquest, and by centuries ofintercourse with the Greeks. [Illustration: Fig. 206. --Head of a scribe. Saïte work. ] [Illustration: Fig. 207. --Colossus of Alexander II. ] The new departure was of slow development. Sculptors began by clothing thesuccessors of Alexander in Egyptian garb and transforming them intoPharaohs, just as they had in olden time transformed the Hyksos and thePersians. Works dating from the reigns of the first Ptolemies scarcelydiffer from those of the best Saïte period, and it is only here and therethat we detect traces of Greek influence. Thus, the colossus of AlexanderII. , at Gizeh (fig. 207), wears a flowing head-dress, from beneath whichhis crisp curls have found their way. Soon, however, the sight of Greekmasterpieces led the Egyptians of Alexandria, of Memphis, and of the citiesof the Delta to modify their artistic methods. Then arose a mixed school, which combined certain elements of the national art with certain otherelements borrowed from Hellenic art. The Alexandrian Isis of the GizehMuseum is clad as the Isis of Pharaonic times; but she has lost the oldslender shape and straitened bearing. A mutilated effigy of a Prince ofSiût, also at Gizeh, would almost pass for an indifferent Greek statue. [Illustration: Fig. 208. --Statue of Hor, Graeco-Egyptian. ] [Illustration: Fig. 209. --Group from Naga. ] The most forcible work of this hybrid class which has come down to us isthe portrait-statue of one Hor (fig. 208), discovered in 1881 at the footof Kom ed Damas, the site of the tomb of Alexander. The head is good, though in a somewhat dry style. The long, pinched nose, the close-set eyes, the small mouth with drawn-in corners, the square chin, --every feature, inshort, contributes to give a hard and obstinate character to the face. Thehair is closely cropped, yet not so closely as to prevent it from dividingnaturally into thick, short curls. The body, clothed in the chlamys, isawkwardly shapen, and too narrow for the head. One arm hangs pendent; theother is brought round to the front; the feet are lost. All these monumentsare the results of few excavations; and I do not doubt that the soil ofAlexandria would yield many such, if it could be methodically explored. Theschool which produced them continued to draw nearer and nearer to theschools of Greece, and the stiff manner, which it never wholly lost, wasscarcely regarded as a defect at an epoch when certain sculptors in theservice of Rome especially affected the archaic style. I should not besurprised if those statues of priests and priestesses wearing divineinsignia, with which Hadrian adorned the Egyptian rooms of his villa atTibur, might not be attributed to the artists of this hybrid school. Inthose parts which were remote from the Delta, native art, being left to itsown resources, languished, and slowly perished. Nor was this because Greekmodels, or even Greek artists, were lacking. In the Thebaid, in the Fayûm, at Syene, I have both discovered and purchased statuettes and statues ofHellenic style, and of correct and careful execution. One of these, fromCoptos, is apparently a miniature replica of a Venus analogous to the Venusof Milo. But the provincial sculptors were too dull, or too ignorant, totake such advantage of these models as was taken by their Alexandrianbrethren. When they sought to render the Greek suppleness of figure andfulness of limb, they only succeeded in missing the rigid but learnedprecision of their former masters. In place of the fine, delicate, lowrelief of the old school, they adopted a relief which, though veryprominent, was soft, round, and feebly modelled. The eyes of theirpersonages have a foolish leer; the nostrils slant upwards; the corners ofthe mouth, the chin, and indeed all the features, are drawn up as ifconverging towards a central point, which is stationed in the middle of theear. Two schools, each independent of the other, have bequeathed theirworks to us. The least known flourished in Ethiopia, at the court of thehalf-civilised kings who resided at Meroë. A group brought from Naga in1882, and now in the Gizeh collection, shows the work of this school duringthe first century of our era (fig. 209). A god and a queen, standing sideby side, are roughly cut in a block of grey granite. The work is coarse andheavy, but not without energy. Isolated and lost in the midst of savagetribes, the school which produced it sank rapidly into barbarism, andexpired towards the end of the age of the Antonines. The Egyptian school, sheltered by the power of Rome, survived a little longer. As sagacious asthe Ptolemies, the Caesars knew that by flattering the religious prejudicesof their Egyptian subjects they consolidated their own rule in the valleyof the Nile. At an enormous cost, they restored and rebuilt the temples ofthe national gods, working after the old plans and in the old spirit ofPharaonic times. The great earthquake of B. C. 22 had destroyed Thebes, which now became a mere place of pilgrimage, whither devotees repaired tolisten to the voice of Memnon at the rising of Aurora. But at Denderah andOmbos, Tiberius and Claudius finished the decoration of the great temples. Caligula worked at Coptos, and the Antonines enriched Esneh and Philae. Thegangs of workmen employed in their names were still competent to cutthousands of bas-reliefs according to the rules of the olden time. Theirwork was feeble, ungraceful, absurd, inspired solely by routine; yet it wasfounded on antique tradition--tradition enfeebled and degenerate, but stillalive. The troubles which convulsed the third century of our era, theincursions of barbarians, the progress and triumph of Christianity, causedthe suspension of the latest works and the dispersion of the lastcraftsmen. With them died all that yet survived of the national art. [54] [42] The classic Syene, from all time the southernmost portion of Egypt proper. The Sixth Dynasty is called the Elephantine, from the island immediately facing Syene which was the traditional seat of the Dynasty, and on which the temples stood. The tombs of Elephantine were discovered by General Sir F. Grenfell, K. C. B. , in 1885, in the neighbouring cliffs of the Libyan Desert: see foot-note p. 149. -- A. B. E. [43] For an explanation of the nature of the Double, see Chapter III. , pp. 111-112, 121 _et seq. _ [44] Known as the "Scribe accroupi, " literally the "Squatting Scribe"; but in English, squatting, as applied to Egyptian art, is taken to mean the attitude of sitting with the knees nearly touching the chin. --A. B. E. [45] "The Sheikh of the Village. " This statue was best known in England as the "Wooden Man of Bûlak. "--A. B. E. [46] The Greek Chephren. [47] I venture to think that the heads of Rahotep and Nefert, engraved from a brilliant photograph in _A Thousand Miles up the Nile_, give a truer and more spirited idea of the originals than the present illustrations, --A. B. E. [48] That is, the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth Dynasties. --A. B. E. [49] According to the measurements given by Mr. Petrie, who discovered the remains of the Tanite colossus, it must have stood ninety feet high without, and one hundred and twenty feet high with, its pedestal. See _Tanis_, Part I. , by W. M. F. Petrie, published by the Egypt Exploration Fund, 1885. --A. B. E. [50] Ameniritis, daughter of an Ethiopian king named Kashta, was the sister and successor of her brother Shabaka, and wife of Piankhi II. , Twenty- fifth Dynasty. The statue is in alabaster. --A. B. E. [51] A Memphite scribe of the Thirtieth Dynasty. --A. B. E. [52] In Egyptian _Ta-ûrt_, or "the Great;" also called _Apet_. This goddess is always represented as a hippopotamus walking. She carries in each hand the emblem of protection, called "_Sa_. " The statuette of the illustration is in green serpentine. --A. B. E. [53] _Sebakh_, signifying "salt, " or "saltpetre, " is the general term for that saline dust which accumulates wherever there are mounds of brick or limestone ruins. This dust is much valued as a manure, or "top-dressing, " and is so constantly dug out and carried away by the natives, that the mounds of ancient towns and villages are rapidly undergoing destruction in all parts of Egypt. --A. B. E. [54] For an example of Graeco-Egyptian portrait painting, _tempo_ Hadrian, see p. 291. CHAPTER V. _THE INDUSTRIAL ARTS. _ I have treated briefly of the Noble Arts; it remains to say something ofthe Industrial Arts. All classes of society in Egypt were, from an earlyperiod, imbued with the love of luxury, and with a taste for the beautiful. Living or dead, the Egyptian desired to have jewels and costly amulets uponhis person, and to be surrounded by choice furniture and elegant utensils. The objects of his daily use must be distinguished, if not by richness ofmaterial, at least by grace of form; and in order to satisfy hisrequirements, the clay, the stone, the metals, the woods, and otherproducts of distant lands were laid under contribution. I. --STONE, CLAY, AND GLASS. [Illustration: Fig. 210. --The _Ta_, or girdle-buckle of Isis. ] [Illustration: Fig. 211. --Frog amulet. ] [Illustration: Fig. 212. --The _Ûat_, or lotus-column amulet. ] [Illustration: Fig. 213. --An _Ûta_, or sacred eye. ] [Illustration: Fig. 214. --A scarabaeus. ] It is impossible to pass through a gallery of Egyptian antiquities withoutbeing surprised by the prodigious number of small objects in _pietra dura_which have survived till the present time. As yet we have found neither thediamond, the ruby, nor the sapphire; but with these exceptions, the domainof the lapidary was almost as extensive as at the present day. That domainincluded the amethyst, the emerald, the garnet, the aquamarine, thechrysoprase, the innumerable varieties of agate and jasper, lapis lazuli, felspar, obsidian; also various rocks, such as granite, serpentine, andporphyry; certain fossils, as yellow amber and some kinds of turquoise;organic remains, as coral, mother-of-pearl, and pearls; metallic ores andcarbonates, such as hematite and malachite, and the calaite, or Orientalturquoise. These substances were for the most part cut in the shape ofround, square, oval, spindle-shaped, pear-shaped, or lozenge-shaped beads. Strung and arranged row above row, these beads were made into necklaces, and are picked up by myriads in the sands of the great cemeteries atMemphis, Erment, Ekhmîm, and Abydos. The perfection with which many arecut, the deftness with which they are pierced, and the beauty of thepolish, do honour to the craftsmen who made them. But their skill did notend here. With the point, saw, drill, and grindstone, they fashioned thesematerials into an infinity of shapes--hearts, human fingers, serpents, animals, images of divinities. All these were amulets; and they wereprobably less valued for the charm of the workmanship than for thesupernatural virtues which they were supposed to possess. The girdle-bucklein carnelian (fig. 210) symbolised the blood of Isis, and washed away thesins of the wearer. The frog (fig. 211) was emblematic of renewed birth. The little lotus-flower column in green felspar (fig. 212) typified thedivine gift of eternal youth. The "Ûat, " or sacred eye (fig. 213), tied tothe wrist or the arm by a slender string, protected against the evil eye, against words spoken in envy or anger, and against the bites of serpents. Commerce dispersed these objects throughout all parts of the ancient world, and many of them, especially those which represented the sacred beetle, were imitated abroad by the Phoenicians and Syrians, and by the craftsmenof Greece, Asia Minor, Etruria, and Sardinia. This insect was called_kheper_ in Egyptian, and its name was supposed to be derived from the root_khepra_, "to become. " By an obvious play upon words, the beetle was madethe emblem of terrestrial life, and of the successive "becomings" ordevelopments of man in the life to come. The scarabaeus amulet (fig. 214)is therefore a symbol of duration, present or future; and to wear one wasto provide against annihilation. A thousand mystic meanings were evolvedfrom this first idea, each in some subtle sense connected with one or otherof the daily acts or usages of life, so that scarabaei were multiplied _adinfinitum_. They are found in all materials and sizes; some having hawks'heads, some with rams' heads, some with heads of men or bulls. Some arewrought or inscribed on the underside; others are left flat and plainunderneath; and others again but vaguely recall the form of the insect, andare called scarabaeoids. These amulets are pierced longwise, the hole beinglarge enough to admit the passage of a fine wire of bronze or silver, or ofa thread, for suspension. The larger sort were regarded as images of theheart. These, having outspread wings attached, were fastened to the breastof the mummy, and are inscribed on the underside with a prayer adjuring theheart not to bear witness against the deceased at the day of judgment. Inorder to be still more efficacious, some scenes of adoration wereoccasionally added to the formula: _e. G. _, the disc of the moon adorned bytwo apes upon the shoulder; two squatting figures of Amen upon the wing-sheaths; on the flat reverse, a representation of the boat of the Sun; andbelow the boat, Osiris mummified, squatting between Isis and Nephthys, whoovershadow him with their wings. The small scarabs, having begun asphylacteries, ended by becoming mere ornaments without any kind ofreligious meaning, just as crosses are now worn without thought ofsignificance by the women of our own day. They were set as rings, asnecklace pendants, as earrings, and as bracelets. The underside is oftenplain, but is more commonly ornamented with incised designs which involveno kind of modelling. Relief-cutting, properly so called (as in cameo-cutting), was unknown to Egyptian lapidaries before the Greek period. Scarabaei and the subjects engraved on them have not as yet been fullyclassified and catalogued. [55] The subjects consist of simple combinationsof lines; of scrolls; of interlacings without any precise signification; ofsymbols to which the owner attached a mysterious meaning, unknown toeveryone but himself; of the names and titles of individuals; of royalovals, which are historically interesting; of good wishes; of piousejaculations; and of magic formulae. The earliest examples known date fromthe Fourth Dynasty, and are small and fine. Sometimes Sixth Dynasty scarabsare of obsidian and crystal, and early Middle Kingdom scarabs of amethyst, emerald, and even garnet. From the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty scarabsmay be counted by millions, and the execution is more or less fineaccording to the hardness of the stone. This holds good for amulets of allkinds. The hippopotamus-heads, the hearts, the _Ba_ birds (p. 111), whichone picks up at Taûd, to the south of Thebes, are barely roughed out, theamethyst and green felspar of which they are made having presented analmost unconquerable resistance to the point, saw, drill, and wheel. Thebelt-buckles, angles, and head-rests in red jasper, carnelian, andhematite, are, on the contrary, finished to the minutest details, notwithstanding that carnelian and red jasper are even harder than greenfelspar. Lapis lazuli is insufficiently homogeneous, almost as hard asfelspar, and seems as if it were incapable of being finely worked. Yet theEgyptians have used it for images of certain goddesses--Isis, Nephthys, Neith, Sekhet, --which are marvels of delicate cutting. The modelling of theforms is carried out as boldly as if the material were more trustworthy, and the features lose none of their excellence if examined under amagnifying glass. For the most part, however, a different treatment wasadopted. Instead of lavishing high finish upon the relief, it was obtainedin a more summary way, the details of individual parts being sacrificed tothe general effect. Those features of the face which project, and thosewhich retire, are strongly accentuated. The thickness of the neck, theswell of the breast and shoulder, the slenderness of the waist, the fulnessof the hips, are all exaggerated. The feet and hands are also slightlyenlarged. This treatment is based upon a system, the results being boldlyand yet judiciously calculated. When the object has to be sculptured inminiature, a mathematical reduction of the model is not so happy in itseffect as might be supposed. The head loses character; the neck looks tooweak; the bust is reduced to a cylinder with a slightly uneven surface; thefeet do not look strong enough to support the weight of the body; theprincipal lines are not sufficiently distinct from the secondary lines. Bysuppressing most of the accessory forms and developing those most essentialto the expression, the Egyptians steered clear of the danger of producinginsignificant statuettes. The eye instinctively tones down whatever is tooforcible, and supplies what is lacking. Thanks to these subtle devices ofthe ancient craftsman, a tiny statuette of this or that divinity measuringscarcely an inch and a quarter in height, has almost the breadth anddignity of a colossus. The earthly goods of the gods and of the dead were mostly in solid stone. Ihave elsewhere described the little funerary obelisks, the altar bases, thestatues, and the tables of offerings found in tombs of the ancient empire. These tables were made of alabaster and limestone during the Pyramidperiod, of granite or red sandstone under the Theban kings, and of basaltor serpentine from the time of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. But the fashionswere not canonical, all stones being found at all periods. Some offering-tables are mere flat discs, or discs very slightly hollowed. Others arerectangular, and are sculptured in relief with a service of loaves, vases, fruits, and quarters of beef and gazelle. In one instance--the offering-table of Sitû--the libations, instead of running off, fell into a squarebasin which is marked off in divisions, showing the height of the Nile atthe different seasons of the year in the reservoirs of Memphis; namely, twenty-five cubits in summer during the inundation, twenty-three in autumnand early winter, and twenty-two at the close of winter and in spring-time. In these various patterns there was little beauty; yet one offering-table, found at Sakkarah, is a real work of art. It is of alabaster. Two lions, standing side by side, support a sloping, rectangular tablet, whence thelibation ran off by a small channel into a vase placed between the tails ofthe lions. The alabaster geese found at Lisht are not without artisticmerit. They are cut length-wise down the middle, and hollowed out, in thefashion of a box. Those which I have seen elsewhere, and, generallyspeaking, all simulacra of offerings, as loaves, cakes, heads of oxen orgazelles, bunches of black grapes, and the like, in carved and paintedlimestone, are of doubtful taste and clumsy execution. They are not verycommon, and I have met with them only in tombs of the Fifth and TwelfthDynasties. "Canopic" vases, on the contrary, were always carefully wrought. They were generally made in two kinds of stone, limestone and alabaster;but the heads which surmounted them were often of painted wood. The canopicvases of Pepi I. Are of alabaster; and those of a king buried in thesouthernmost pyramid at Lisht are also of alabaster, as are the human headsupon the lids. One, indeed, is of such fine execution that I can onlycompare it with that of the statue of Khafra. The most ancient funerarystatuettes yet found--those, namely, of the Eleventh Dynasty--are ofalabaster, like the canopic vases; but from the time of the ThirteenthDynasty, they were cut in compact limestone. The workmanship is veryunequal in quality. Some are real _chefs-d'oeuvre_, and reproduce thephysiognomy of the deceased as faithfully as a portrait statue. Lastly, there are the perfume vases, which complete the list of objects found intemples and tombs. The names of these vases are far from beingsatisfactorily established, and most of the special designations furnishedin the texts remain as yet without equivalents in our language. The greaternumber were of alabaster, turned and polished. Some are heavy, and ugly(fig. 215), while others are distinguished by an elegance and diversity ofform which do honour to the inventive talent of the craftsmen. Many arespindle-shaped and pointed at the end (fig. 216), or round in the body, narrow in the neck, and flat at the bottom (fig. 217). [Illustration: Fig. 215. --Perfume vase, alabaster. ] [Illustration: Fig. 216. --Perfume vase, alabaster. ] [Illustration: Fig. 217. --Perfume vase, alabaster. ] They are unornamented, except perhaps by two lotus-bud handles, or twolions' heads, or perhaps a little female head just at the rise of the neck(fig. 218). The smallest of these vases were not intended for liquids, butfor pomades, medicinal ointments, and salves made with honey. Some of themore important series comprise large-bodied flasks, with an uprightcylindrical neck and a flat cover (fig. 219). In these, the Egyptians keptthe antimony powder with which they darkened their eyes and eyebrows. TheKohl-pot was a universal toilet requisite; perhaps the only one commonlyused by all classes of society. When designing it, the craftsman gave freeplay to his fancy, borrowing forms of men, plants, and animals for itsadornment. Now it appears in the guise of a full-blown lotus; now it is ahedgehog; a hawk; a monkey clasping a column to his breast, or climbing upthe side of a jar; a grotesque figure of the god Bes; a kneeling woman, whose scooped-out body contained the powder; a young girl carrying a wine-jar. Once started upon this path, the imagination of the artists knew nolimits. As for materials, everything was made to serve in turn--granite, diorite, breccia, red jade, alabaster, and soft limestone, which lentitself more readily to caprices of form; finally, a still more plastic andfacile substance--clay, painted and glazed. [Ilustration: Fig. 218. --Perfume vase, alabaster. ] [Illustration: Fig. 219. --Vase for antimony powder. ] It was not for want of material that the art of modelling and baking claysfailed to be as fully developed in Egypt as in Greece, The valley of theNile is rich in a fine and ductile potter's clay, with which the happiestresults might have been achieved, had the native craftsman taken thetrouble to prepare it with due care. Metals and hard stone were, however, always preferred for objects of luxury; the potter was fain, therefore, tobe content with supplying only the commonest needs of household and dailylife. He was wont to take whatever clay happened to be nearest to the placewhere he was working, and this clay was habitually badly washed, badlykneaded, and fashioned with the finger upon a primitive wheel worked by thehand. The firing was equally careless. Some pieces were barely heated atall, and melted it they came into contact with water, while others were ashard as tiles. All tombs of the ancient empire contain vases of a red oryellow ware, often mixed, like the clay of bricks, with finely-choppedstraw or weeds. These are mostly large solid jars with oval bodies, shortnecks, and wide mouths, but having neither foot nor handles. With them arealso found pipkins and pots, in which to store the dead man's provisions;bowls more or less shallow; and flat plates, such as are still used by thefellahin. The poorer folk sometimes buried miniature table and kitchenservices with their dead, as being less costly than full-sized vessels. Thesurface is seldom glazed, seldom smooth and lustrous; but is ordinarilycovered with a coat of whitish, unbaked paint, which scales off at a touch. Upon this surface there is neither incised design, nor ornament in relief, nor any kind of inscription, but merely some four or five parallel lines inred, black, or yellow, round the neck. [Illustration: Fig. 220. ] [Illustration: Fig. 221. ] [Illustration: Fig. 222. ] [Illustration: Fig. 223. ] The pottery of the earliest Theban dynasties which I have collected at ElKhozam and Gebeleyn is more carefully wrought than the pottery of theMemphite period. It may be classified under two heads. The first comprisesplain, smooth-bodied vases, black below and dark red above. On examiningthis ware where broken, we see that the colour was mixed with the clayduring the kneading, and that the two zones were separately prepared, roughly joined, and then uniformly glazed. The second class comprises vasesof various and sometimes eccentric forms, moulded of red or tawny clay. Some are large cylinders closed at one end; others are flat; others oblongand boat-shaped; others, like cruets, joined together two and two, yet withno channel of communication[56] (fig. 220). The ornamentation is carriedover the whole surface, and generally consists of straight parallel lines, cross lines, zigzags, dotted lines, or small crosses and lines ingeometrical combination; all these patterns being in white when the groundis red, or in reddish brown when the ground is yellow or whitish. Now andthen we find figures of men and animals interspersed among the geometricalcombinations. The drawing is rude, almost childish; and it is difficult totell whether the subjects represent herds of antelopes or scenes ofgazelle-hunting. The craftsmen who produced these rude attempts werenevertheless contemporary with the artists who decorated the rock-cut tombsat Beni Hasan. As regards the period of Egypt's great military conquests, the Theban tombs of that age have supplied objects enough to stock a museumof pottery; but unfortunately the types are very uninteresting. To beginwith, we find hand-made sepulchral statuettes modelled in summary fashionfrom an oblong lump of clay. A pinch of the craftsman's fingers brought outthe nose; two tiny knobs and two little stumps, separately modelled andstuck on, represented the eyes and arms. The better sort of figures werepressed in moulds of baked clay, of which several specimens have beenfound. They were generally moulded in one piece; then lightly touched up;then baked; and lastly, on coming out of the oven, were painted red, yellow, or white, and inscribed with the pen. Some are of very good style, and almost equal those made in limestone. The _ûshabtiû_ of the scribeHori, and those of the priest Horûta (Saïte) found at Hawara, show what theEgyptians could have achieved in this branch of the art if they had caredto cultivate it. Funerary cones were objects purely devotional, and themost consummate art could have done nothing to make them elegant. Afunerary cone consists of a long, conical mass of clay, stamped at thelarger end with a few rows of hieroglyphs stating the name, parentage, andtitles of the deceased, the whole surface being coated with a whitish wash. These are simulacra of votive cakes intended for the eternal nourishment ofthe Double. Many of the vases buried in tombs of this period are painted toimitate alabaster, granite, basalt, bronze, and even gold; and were cheapsubstitutes for those vases made in precious materials which wealthymourners were wont to lavish on their dead. Among those especially intendedto contain water or flowers, some are covered with designs drawn in red andblack (fig. 221), such as concentric lines and circles (fig. 222), meanders, religious emblems (fig. 223), cross-lines resembling network, festoons of flowers and buds, and long leafy stems carried downward fromthe neck to the body of the vase, and upward from the body of the vase tothe neck. Those in the tomb of Sennetmû were decorated on one side with alarge necklace, or collar, like the collars found upon mummies, painted invery bright colours to simulate natural flowers or enamels. Canopic vasesin baked clay, though rarely met with under the Eighteenth Dynasty, becamemore and more common as the prosperity of Thebes declined. The heads uponthe lids are for the most part prettily turned, especially the humanheads. [57] Modelled with the hand, scooped out to diminish the weight, andthen slowly baked, each was finally painted with the colours especiallypertaining to the genius whose head was represented. Towards the time ofthe Twentieth Dynasty, it became customary to enclose the bodies of sacredanimals in vases of this type. Those found near Ekhmîm contain jackals andhawks; those of Sakkarah are devoted to serpents, eggs, and mummified rats;those of Abydos hold the sacred ibis. These last are by far the finest. Onthe body of the vase, the protecting goddess Khûit is depicted withoutspread wings, while Horus and Thoth are seen presenting the bandage andthe unguent vase; the whole subject being painted in blue and red upon awhite ground. From the time of the Greek domination, the national povertybeing always on the increase, baked clay was much used for coffins as wellas for canopic vases. In the Isthmus of Suez, at Ahnas el Medineh, in theFayûm, at Asûan, and in Nubia, we find whole cemeteries in which thesarcophagi are made of baked clay. Some are like oblong boxes rounded ateach end, with a saddle-back lid. Some are in human form, but barbarous instyle, the heads being surmounted by a pudding-shaped imitation of theancient Egyptian head-dress, and the features indicated by two or threestrokes of the modelling tool or the thumb. Two little lumps of clay stuckawkwardly upon the breast indicate the coffin of a woman. Even in theselast days of Egyptian civilisation, it was only the coarsest objects whichwere left of the natural hue of the baked clay. As of old, the surfaceswere, as a rule, overlaid with a coat of colour, or with a richly gildedglaze. [Illustration: Fig. 224. --Glass-blowers from TwelfthDynasty tomb. ] [Illustration: Fig. 225. --Parti-coloured glass vase, inscribed ThothmesIII. ] [Illustration: Fig. 226. --Parti-coloured glass vase. ] [Illustration: Fig. 227. --Parti-coloured glass vase. ] [Illustration: Fig. 228. --Parti-coloured glass goblets of Nesikhonsû. ] Glass was known to the Egyptians from the remotest period, and glass-blowing is represented in tombs which date from some thousands of yearsbefore our era (fig. 224). The craftsman, seated before the furnace, takesup a small quantity of the fused substance upon the end of his cane andblows it circumspectly, taking care to keep it in contact with the flame, so that it may not harden during the operation. Chemical analysis shows theconstituent parts of Egyptian glass to have been nearly identical with ourown; but it contains, besides silex, lime, alumina, and soda, a relativelylarge proportion of extraneous substances, as copper, oxide of iron, andoxide of manganese, which they apparently knew not how to eliminate. HenceEgyptian glass is scarcely ever colourless, but inclines to an uncertainshade of yellow or green. Some ill-made pieces are so utterly decomposedthat they flake away, or fall to iridescent dust, at the lightest touch. Others have suffered little from time or damp, but are streaky and full ofbubbles. A few are, however, perfectly homogenous and limpid. Colourlessglass was not esteemed by the Egyptians as it is by ourselves; whetheropaque or transparent, they preferred it coloured. The dyes were obtainedby mixing metallic oxides with the ordinary ingredients; that is to say, copper and cobalt for the blues, copperas for the greens, manganese for theviolets and browns, iron for the yellows, and lead or tin for the whites. One variety of red contains 30 per cent of bronze, and becomes coated withverdegris if exposed to damp. All this chemistry was empirical, andacquired by instinct. Finding the necessary elements at hand, or beingsupplied with them from a distance, they made use of them at hazard, andwithout being too certain of obtaining the effects they sought. Many oftheir most harmonious combinations were due to accident, and they could notreproduce them at will. The masses which they obtained by theseunscientific means were nevertheless of very considerable dimensions. Theclassic authors tell of stelae, sarcophagi, and columns made in one piece. Ordinarily, however, glass was used only for small objects, and, above all, for counterfeiting precious stones. However cheaply they may have been soldin the Egyptian market, these small objects were not accessible to all theworld. The glass-workers imitated the emerald, jasper, lapis lazuli, andcarnelian to such perfection that even now we are sometimes embarrassed todistinguish the real stones from the false. The glass was pressed intomoulds made of stone or limestone cut to the forms required, as beads, discs, rings, pendants, rods, and plaques covered with figures of men andanimals, gods and goddesses. Eyes and eyebrows for the faces of statues instone or bronze were likewise made of glass, as also bracelets. Glass wasinserted into the hollows of incised hieroglyphs, and hieroglyphs were alsocut out in glass. In this manner, whole inscriptions were composed, and letinto wood, stone, or metal. The two mummy-cases which enclosed the body ofNetemt, mother of the Pharaoh Herhor Seamen, are decorated in this style. Except the headdress of the effigy and some minor details, these cases aregilded all over; the texts and the principal part of the ornamentationbeing formed of glass enamels, which stand out in brilliant contrast withthe dead gold ground. Many Fayûm mummies were coated with plaster orstucco, the texts and religious designs, which are generally painted, beingformed of glass enamels incrusted upon the surface of the plaster. Some ofthe largest subjects are made of pieces of glass joined together andretouched with the chisel, in imitation of bas-relief. Thus the face, hands, and feet of the goddess Ma are done in turquoise blue, her headdressin dark blue, her feather in alternate stripes of blue and yellow, and herraiment in deep red. Upon a wooden shrine recently discovered in theneighbourhood of Daphnae, [58] and upon a fragment of mummy-case in theMuseum of Turin, the hieroglyphic forms of many-coloured glass are inlaidupon the sombre ground of the wood, the general effect being inconceivablyrich and brilliant. Glass filigrees, engraved glass, cut glass, solderedglass, glass imitations of wood, of straw, and of string, were all known tothe Egyptians of old. I have under my hand at this present moment a squarerod formed of innumerable threads of coloured glass fused into one solidbody, which gives the royal oval of one of the Amenemhats at the part whereit is cut through. The design is carried through the whole length of therod, and wherever that rod may be cut, the royal oval reappears. [59] Oneglass case in the Gizeh Museum is entirely stocked with small objects incoloured glass. Here we see an ape on all fours, smelling some large fruitwhich lies upon the ground; yonder, a woman's head, front face, upon awhite or green ground surrounded by a red border. Most of the plaquesrepresent only rosettes, stars, and single flowers or posies. One of thesmallest represents a black-and-white Apis walking, the work being sodelicate that it loses none of its effect under the magnifying glass. Thegreater number of these objects date from, and after, the first Saïtedynasty; but excavations in Thebes and Tell el Amarna have proved that themanufacture of coloured glass prevailed in Egypt earlier than the tenthcentury before our era. At Kûrnet Murraee and Sheikh Abd el Gûrneh, therehave been found, not only amulets for the use of the dead, such ascolonnettes, hearts, mystic eyes, hippopotami walking erect, and ducks inpairs, done in parti-coloured pastes, blue, red, and yellow, but also vasesof a type which we have been accustomed to regard as of Phoenician andCypriote manufacture. [60] Here, for example, is a little aenochoe, of alight blue semi-opaque glass (fig. 225); the inscription in the name ofThothmes III. , the ovals on the neck, and the palm-fronds on the body ofthe vase being in yellow. Here again is a lenticular phial, three and aquarter inches in height (fig. 226), the ground colour of a deep oceanblue, admirably pure and intense, upon which a fern-leaf pattern in yellowstands out both boldly and delicately. A yellow thread runs round the rim, and two little handles of light green are attached to the neck. A miniatureamphora of the same height (fig. 227) is of a dark, semi-transparent olivegreen. A zone of blue and yellow zigzags, bounded above and below by yellowbands, encircles the body of the vase at the part of its largestcircumference. The handles are pale green, and the thread round the lip ispale blue. Princess Nesikhonsû had beside her, in the vault at Deir elBaharî, some glass goblets of similar work. Seven were in whole colours, light green and blue; four were of black glass spotted with white; one onlywas decorated with many-coloured fronds arranged in two rows (fig. 228). The national glass works were therefore in full operation during the timeof the great Theban dynasties. Huge piles of scoriae mixed with slag yetmark the spot where their furnaces were stationed at Tell el Amarna, theRamesseum, at El Kab, and at the Tell of Eshmûneyn. [Illustration: Fig. 229. --Hippopotamus in blue glaze. ] [Illustration: Fig. 230. --Glazed ware from Thebes. ] [Illustration: Fig. 231. --Glazed ware from Thebes. ] The Egyptians also enamelled stone. One half at least of the scarabaei, cylinders, and amulets contained in our museums are of limestone or schist, covered with a coloured glaze. Doubtless the common clay seemed to theminappropriate to this kind of decoration, for they substituted in its placevarious sorts of earth--some white and sandy; another sort brown and fine, which they obtained by the pulverisation of a particular kind of limestonefound in the neighbourhood of Keneh, Luxor, and Asûan; and a third sort, reddish in tone, and mixed with powdered sandstone and brick-dust. Thesevarious substances are known by the equally inexact names of Egyptianporcelain and Egyptian faïence. The oldest specimens, which are hardlyglazed at all, are coated with an excessively thin slip. This vitreousmatter has, however, generally settled into the hollows of the hieroglyphsor figures, where its lustre stands out in strong contrast with the deadsurface of the surrounding parts. The colour most frequently in use underthe ancient dynasties was green; but yellow, red, brown, violet, and bluewere not disdained. [61] Blue predominated in the Theban factories from theearliest beginning of the Middle Empire. This blue was brilliant, yettender, in imitation of turquoise or lapis lazuli. The Gizeh Museumformerly contained three hippopotamuses of this shade, discovered in thetomb of an Entef[62] at Drah Abû'l Neggeh[63] One was lying down, the twoothers were standing in the marshes, their bodies being covered by thepotter with pen-and-ink sketches of reeds and lotus plants, amid whichhover birds and butterflies (fig. 229). This was his naïve way of depictingthe animal amid his natural surroundings. The blue is splendid, and we mustoverleap twenty centuries before we again find so pure a colour among thefunerary statuettes of Deir el Baharî. Green reappears under the Saïtedynasties, but paler than that of more ancient times, and it prevailed inthe north of Egypt, at Memphis, Bubastis, and Sais, without entirelybanishing the blue. The other colours before mentioned were in current usefor not more than four or five centuries; that is to say, from the time ofAhmes I. To the time of the Ramessides. It was then, and only then, that_ûshabtiû_ of white or red glaze, rosettes and lotus flowers in yellow, red, and violet, and parti-coloured kohl-pots abounded. The potters of thetime of Amenhotep III. Affected greys and violets. The olive-shaped amuletswhich are inscribed with the names of this Pharaoh and the princesses ofhis family are decorated with pale blue hieroglyphs upon a delicate mauveground. The vase of Queen Tii in the Gizeh collection is of grey and blue, with ornaments in two colours round the neck. The fabrication of many-coloured enamels seems to have attained its greatest development underKhûenaten; at all events, it was at Tell el Amarna that I found thebrightest and most delicately fashioned specimens, such as yellow, green, and violet rings, blue and white fleurettes, fish, lutes, figs, and bunchesof grapes. [64] One little statuette of Horus has a red face and a bluebody; a ring bezel bears the name of a king in violet upon a ground oflight blue. However restricted the space, the various colours are laid inwith so sure a hand that they never run one into the other, but stand outseparately and vividly. A vase to contain antimony powder, chased andmounted on a pierced stand, is glazed with reddish brown (fig. 230). Another, in the shape of a mitred hawk, is blue picked out with blackspots. It belonged of old to Ahmes I. A third, hollowed out of the body ofan energetic little hedgehog, is of a changeable green (fig. 231). APharaoh's head in dead blue wears a _klaft_[65] with dark-blue stripes. [Illustration: Fig. 232. ] Fine as these pieces are, the _chef-d'oeuvre_ of the series is a statuetteof one Ptahmes, first Prophet of Amen, now in the Gizeh Museum. Thehieroglyphic inscriptions as well as the details of the mummy bandages arechased in relief upon a white ground of admirable smoothness afterwardsfilled in with enamel. The face and hands are of turquoise blue; the head-dress is yellow, with violet stripes; the hieroglyphic characters of theinscription, and the vulture with outspread wings upon the breast of thefigure, are also violet. The whole is delicate, brilliant, and harmonious;not a flaw mars the purity of the contours or the clearness of the lines. [Illustration: Fig. 233. --Interior decoration of cup, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 234. --Lenticular vase, glazed ware, Saïte. ] [Illustration: Fig. 235. --Chamber decorated with tiles in step pyramid ofSakkarah. ] Glazed pottery was common from the earliest times. Cups with a foot (fig. 232), blue bowls, rounded at the bottom and decorated in black ink withmystic eyes, lotus flowers, fishes (fig. 233), and palm-leaves, date, as arule, from the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, or Twentieth Dynasties. Lenticularampullae coated with a greenish glaze, flanked by two crouching monkeys forhandles, decorated along the edge with pearl or egg-shaped ornaments, andround the body with elaborate collars (fig. 234), belong almost withoutexception to the reigns of Apries and Amasis. [66] Sistrum handles, saucers, drinking-cups in the form of a half-blown lotus, plates, dishes--in short, all vessels in common use--were required to be not only easy to keep clean, but pleasant to look upon. Did they carry their taste for enamelled ware sofar as to cover the walls of their houses with glazed tiles? Upon thispoint we can pronounce neither affirmatively nor negatively; the fewexamples of this kind of decoration which we possess being all from royalbuildings. Upon a yellow brick, we have the family name and _Ka_ name ofPepi I. ; upon a green brick, the name of Rameses III. ; upon certain red andwhite fragments, the names of Seti I. And Sheshonk. [Illustration: Fig. 236. --Tile from step pyramid of Sakkarah. ] Up to the beginning of the present century, one of the chambers in the steppyramid at Sakkarah yet retained its mural decoration of glazed ware (fig. 235). For three-fourths of the wall-surface it was covered with greentiles, oblong in shape, flat at the back, and slightly convex on the face(fig. 236). A square tenon, pierced through with a hole large enough toreceive a wooden rod, served to fix them together in horizontal pyramid ofrows. [67] The three rows which frame in the doorway are inscribed with thetitles of an unclassed Pharaoh belonging to one of the first Memphitedynasties. The hieroglyphs are relieved in blue, red, green, and yellow, upon a tawny ground. Twenty centuries later, Rameses III. Originated a newstyle at Tell el Yahûdeh. This time the question of ornamentationconcerned, not a single chamber, but a whole temple. The mass of thebuilding was of limestone and alabaster; but the pictorial subjects, instead of being sculptured according to custom, were of a kind of mosaicmade with almost equal parts of stone tesserae and glazed ware. [Illustration: Fig. 237. --Tile inlay, Tell el Yahûdeh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 238. --Tile inlay, Tell el Yahûdeh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 239. --Inlaid tiles, Tell el Yahûdeh. ] The most frequent item in the scheme of decoration was a roundel moulded ofa sandy frit coated with blue or grey slip, upon which is a cream-colouredrosette (fig. 237). Some of these rosettes are framed in geometricaldesigns (fig. 238) or spider-web patterns; some represent open flowers. Thecentral boss is in relief; the petals and tracery are encrusted in themass. These roundels, which are of various diameters ranging from three-eighths of an inch to four inches, were fixed to the walls by means of avery fine cement. They were used to form many different designs, asscrolls, foliage, and parallel fillets, such as may be seen on the foot ofan altar and the base of a column preserved in the Gizeh Museum. The royalovals were mostly in one piece; so also were the figures. The details, either incised or modelled upon the clay before firing, were afterwardspainted with such colours as might be suitable. The lotus flowers andleaves which were carried along the bottom of the walls or the length ofthe cornices, were, on the contrary, made up of independent pieces; eachcolour being a separate morsel cut to fit exactly into the pieces by whichit was surrounded (fig. 239). This temple was rifled at the beginning ofthe present century, and some figures of prisoners brought thence have beenin the Louvre collection ever since the time of Champollion. All thatremained of the building and its decoration was demolished a few years agoby certain dealers in antiquities, and the _débris_ are now dispersed inall directions. Mariette, though with great difficulty, recovered some ofthe more important fragments, such as the name of Rameses III. , which datesthe building; some borderings of lotus flowers and birds with human hands(fig. 240); and some heads of Asiatics and negro prisoners (fig. 241). [68]The destruction of this monument is the more grievous because the Egyptianscannot have constructed many after the same type. Glazed bricks, paintedtiles, and enamelled mosaics are readily injured; and in the judgment of apeople enamoured of stability and eternity, that would be the gravest ofradical defects. [Illustration: Fig. 240. --Relief tile, Tell el Yahûdeh. ] [Illustration: Fig. 241. --Relief tile, Tell el Yahûdeh. ] [55] Works on scarabaei are the Palin collection, published in 1828; Mr. Loftie's charming _Essay of Scarabs_, which is in fact a catalogue of his own specimens, admirably illustrated from drawings by Mr. W. M. F. Petrie; and Mr. Petrie's _Historical Scarabs_, published 1889. --A. B. E. [56] These twin vases are still made at Asûan. I bought a small specimen there in 1874. --A. B. E. [57] The sepulchral vases commonly called "canopic" were four in number, and contained the embalmed viscera of the mummy. The lids of these vases were fashioned to represent the heads of the four genii of Amenti, Hapi, Tûatmûtf, Kebhsennef, and Amset; i. E. The Ape-head, the Jackal-head, the Hawk-head, and the human head. --A. B. E. [58] The remains of this shrine, together with many hundreds of beautiful glass hieroglyphs, figures, emblems, etc. , for inlaying, besides moulds and other items of the glassworker's stock, were discovered by Mr. F. Ll. Griffith at Tell Gemayemi, about equidistant from the mounds of Tanis and Daphnae (Sân and Defenneh) in March 1886. For a fuller account see Mr. Griffith's report, "_The Antiquities of Tell el Yahudîyeh, " in Seventh Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund_. --A. B. E. [59] Some of these beautiful rods were also found at Tell Gemayemi by Mr. F. Ll. Griffith, and in such sound condition that it was possible to cut them in thin slices, for distribution among various museums. -- A. B. E. [60] That is, of the kind known as the "false murrhine. "--A. B. E. [61] The yellows and browns are frequently altered greens. --A. B. E. [62] One of the Eleventh Dynasty kings. [63] There is a fine specimen at the Louvre, and another in the museum at Leydeu. --A. B. E. [64] For an account of every stage and detail in the glass and glaze manufactures of Tell el Amarna, see W. M. F. Petrie's _Tell el Amarna_. [65] _Klaft, i. E. _, a headdress of folded linen. The beautiful little head here referred to is in the Gizeh Museum, and is a portrait of the Pharaoh Necho. --A. B. E. [66] _Apries_, in Egyptian "Uahabra, " the biblical "Hophra;" _Amasis_, Ahmes II. ; both of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. --A. B. E. [67] Some specimens of these tiles may be seen in the Egyptian department at the British Museum. --A. B. E. 2. --WOOD, IVORY, LEATHER, AND TEXTILE FABRICS. [Illustration: Fig. 242. --Spoon. ] Objects in ivory, bone, and horn are among the rarities of our museums; butwe must not for this reason conclude that the Egyptians did not make ampleuse of those substances. Horn is perishable, and is eagerly devoured bycertain insects, which rapidly destroy it. Bone and ivory soon deteriorateand become friable. The elephant was known to the Egyptians from theremotest period. They may, perhaps, have found it inhabiting the Thebaidwhen first they established themselves in that part of the Nile Valley, foras early as the Fifth Dynasty we find the pictured form of the elephant inuse as the hieroglyphic name of the island of Elephantine. Ivory in tusksand half tusks was imported into Egypt from the regions of the Upper Nile. It was sometimes dyed green or red, but was more generally left of itsnatural colour. It was largely employed by cabinet makers for inlayingfurniture, as chairs, bedsteads, and coffers. Combs, dice, hair-pins, toilette ornaments, delicately wrought spoons (fig. 242), Kohl bottleshollowed out of a miniature column surmounted by a capital, incense-burnersin the shape of a hand supporting a bronze cup in which the perfumes wereburned, and boomerangs engraved with figures of gods and fantastic animals, were also made of ivory. Some of these objects are works of fine art; asfor instance at Gizeh, a poignard-handle in the form of a lion; the plaquesin bas-relief which adorn the draught-box of one Tûaï, who lived towardsthe end of the Seventeenth Dynasty; a Fifth Dynasty figure, unfortunatelymutilated, which yet retains traces of rose colour; and a miniature statueof Abi, who died at the time of the Thirteenth Dynasty. This littlepersonage, perched on the top of a lotus-flower column, looks straightbefore him with a majestic air which contrasts somewhat comically with thesize and prominence of his ears. The modelling of the figure is broad andspirited, and will bear comparison with good Italian ivories of theRenaissance period. [Illustration: Fig. 243. --Wooden statuette of officer, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 244. --Wooden statuette of priest, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 245. --Wooden statuette of the Lady Naï. ] Egypt produces few trees, and of these few the greater number are uselessto the sculptor. The two which most abound--namely, the date palm and thedôm palm--are of too coarse a fibre for carving, and are too unequal intexture. Some varieties of the sycamore and acacia are the only trees ofwhich the grain is sufficiently fine and manageable to be wrought with thechisel. Wood was, nevertheless, a favourite material for cheap and rapidwork. It was even employed at times for subjects of importance, such as Kastatues; and the Wooden Man of Gizeh shows with what boldness and amplitudeof style it could be treated. But the blocks and beams which the Egyptianshad at command were seldom large enough for a statue. The Wooden Manhimself, though but half life-size, consists of a number of pieces heldtogether by square pegs. Hence, wood-carvers were wont to treat theirsubjects upon such a scale as admitted of their being cut in one block, andthe statues of olden time became statuettes under the Theban dynasties. Artlost nothing by the reduction, and more than one of these little figures iscomparable to the finest works of the ancient empire. The best, perhaps, isat the Turin Museum, and dates from the Twentieth Dynasty. It represents ayoung girl whose only garment is a slender girdle. She is of thatindefinite age when the undeveloped form is almost as much like that of aboy as of a girl. The expression of the head is gentle, yet saucy. It is, in fact, across thirty centuries of time, a portrait of one of thosegraceful little maidens of Elephantine, who, without immodesty orembarrassment, walk unclothed in sight of strangers. Three little woodenmen in the Gizeh Museum are probably contemporaries of the Turin figure. They wear full dress, as, indeed, they should, for one was a king'sfavourite named Hori, and surnamed Ra. They are walking with calm andmeasured tread, the bust thrown forward, and the head high. The expressionupon their faces is knowing, and somewhat sly. An officer who has retiredon half-pay at the Louvre (fig. 243) wears an undress uniform of the timeof Amenhotep III. ; that is to say, a small wig, a close-fitting vest withshort sleeves, and a kilt drawn tightly over the hips, reaching scarcelyhalf-way down the thigh, and trimmed in front with a piece of puffingplaited longwise. His companion is a priest (fig. 244), who wears his hairin rows of little curls one above the other, and is clad in a longpetticoat falling below the calf of the leg and spreading out in front in akind of plaited apron. He holds a sacred standard consisting of a stoutstaff surmounted by a ram's head crowned with the solar disc. Both officerand priest are painted red brown, with the exception of the hair, which isblack; the cornea of the eyes, which is white; and the standard, which isyellow. Curiously enough, the little lady Naï, who inhabits the same glasscase, is also painted reddish brown, instead of buff, which was thecanonical colour for women (fig. 245). She is taken in a close-fittinggarment trimmed down the front with a band of white embroidery. Round herneck she wears a necklace consisting of a triple row of gold pendants. Twogolden bracelets adorn her wrists, and on her head she carries a wig withlong curls. The right arm hangs by her side, the hand holding some objectnow lost, which was probably a mirror. The left arm is raised, and with theleft hand she presses a lotus lily to her breast. The body is easy and wellformed, the figure indicates youth, the face is open, smiling, pleasant, and somewhat plebeian. To modify the unwieldy mass of the headdress wasbeyond the skill of the artist, but the bust is delicately and elegantlymodelled, the clinging garment gives discreet emphasis to the shape, andthe action of the hand which holds the flower is rendered with grace andnaturalness. All these are portraits, and as the sitters were not personsof august rank, we may conclude that they did not employ the mostfashionable artists. They, doubtless, had recourse to more unpretendingcraftsmen; but that such craftsmen were thus highly trained in knowledge ofform and accuracy of execution, shows how strongly even the artisan wasinfluenced by the great school of sculpture which then flourished atThebes. This influence becomes even more apparent when we study the knick-knacks ofthe toilet table, and such small objects as, properly speaking, come underthe head of furniture. To pass in review the hundred and one littlearticles of female ornament or luxury to which the fancy of the designergave all kinds of ingenious and novel forms, would be no light task. Thehandles of mirrors, for instance, generally represented a stem of lotus orpapyrus surmounted by a full-blown flower, from the midst of which rose adisk of polished metal. For this design is sometimes substituted the figureof a young girl, either nude, or clad in a close-fitting garment, who holdsthe mirror on her head. The tops of hair-pins were carved in the semblanceof a coiled serpent, or of the head of a jackal, a dog, or a hawk. The pin-cushion in which they are placed is a hedgehog or a tortoise, with holespierced in a formal pattern upon the back. The head-rests, which served forpillows, were decorated with bas-reliefs of subjects derived from the mythsof Bes and Sekhet, the grimacing features of the former deity being carvedon the ends or on the base. But it is in the carving of perfume-spoons andkohl-bottles that the inventive skill of the craftsman is most brilliantlydisplayed. [Illustration: Fig. 246. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 247. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fib. 248. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 249. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 250. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 251. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 252. --Spoon. ] [Illustration: Fig. 253. --Spoon. ] Not to soil their fingers the Egyptians made use of spoons for essences, pomades, and the variously-coloured preparations with which both men andwomen stained their cheeks, lips, eyelids, nails, and palms. The designergenerally borrowed his subjects from the fauna or flora of the Nile valley. A little case at Gizeh is carved in the shape of a couchant calf, the bodybeing hollowed out, and the head and back forming a removable lid. A spoonin the same collection represents a dog running away with an enormous fishin his mouth (fig. 246), the body of the fish forming the bowl of thespoon. Another shows a cartouche springing from a full-blown lotus;another, a lotus fruit laid upon a bouquet of flowers (fig. 247); and hereis a simple triangular bowl, the handle decorated with a stem and two buds(fig. 248). The most elaborate specimens combine these subjects with thehuman figure. A young girl, clad in a mere girdle, is represented in theact of swimming (fig. 249). Her head is well lifted above the water, andher outstretched arms support a duck, the body of which is hollowed out, while the wings, being movable, serve as a cover. We have also a young girlin the Louvre collection, but she stands in a maze of lotus plants (fig. 250), and is in the act of gathering a bud. A bunch of stems, from whichemerge two full-blown blossoms, unites the handle to the bowl of the spoon, which is in reverse position, the larger end being turned outwards and thepoint inwards. Elsewhere, a young girl (fig. 251) playing upon a long-necked lute as she trips along, is framed in by two flowering stems. Sometimes the fair musician is standing upright in a tiny skiff (fig. 252);and sometimes a girl bearing offerings is substituted for the lute player. Another example represents a slave toiling under the weight of an enormoussack. The age and physiognomy of each of these personages is clearlyindicated. The lotus gatherer is of good birth, as may be seen by hercarefully plaited hair and tunic. The Theban ladies wore long robes; butthis damsel has gathered up her skirts that she may thread her way amongthe reeds without wetting her garments. The two musicians and the swimminggirl belong, on the contrary, to an inferior, or servile, class. Two ofthem wear only a girdle, and the third has a short garment negligentlyfastened. The bearer of offerings (fig. 253) wears the long pendent tressesdistinctive of childhood, and is one of those slender, growing girls of thefellahîn class whom one sees in such numbers on the banks of the Nile. Herlack of clothing is, however, no evidence of want of birth, for not eventhe children of nobility were wont to put on the garments of their sexbefore the period of adolescence. Lastly, the slave (fig. 254), with histhick lips, his high shoulders, his flat nose, his heavy, animal jaw, hislow brow, and his bare, conical head, is evidently a caricature of someforeign prisoner. The dogged sullenness with which he trudges under hisburden is admirably caught, while the angularities of the body, the type ofthe head, and the general arrangement of the parts, remind one of theterra-cotta grotesques of Asia Minor. In these subjects, all the minordetails, the fruits, the flowers, the various kinds of birds, are renderedwith much truth and cleverness. Of the three ducks which are tied by thefeet and slung over the arms of the girl bearing offerings, two areresigned to their fate, and hang swinging with open eyes and outstretchednecks; but the third flaps her wings and lifts her head protestingly. Thetwo small water-fowl perched upon the lotus flowers listen placidly to thelute-player's music, their beaks resting on their crops. They have learnedby experience not to put themselves out of the way for a song, and theyknow that there is nothing to fear from a young girl, unless she is armed. They are put to flight in the bas-reliefs by the mere sight of a bow andarrows, just as a company of rooks is put to flight nowadays by the sightof a gun. The Egyptians were especially familiar with the ways of animalsand birds, and reproduced them with marvellous exactness. The habit ofminutely observing minor facts became instinctive, and it informed theirmost trifling works with that air of reality which strikes us so forciblyat the present day. [Illustration: Fig. 254. --Spoon. ] Household furniture was no more abundant in ancient Egypt than it is in theEgypt of to-day. In the time of the Twelfth Dynasty an ordinary housecontained no bedsteads, but low frameworks like the Nubian _angareb_; ormats rolled up by day on which the owners lay down at night in theirclothes, pillowing their heads on earthenware, stone, or wooden head-rests. There were also two or three simple stone seats, some wooden chairs orstools with carved legs, chests and boxes of various sizes for clothes andtools, and a few common vessels of pottery or bronze. For making fire therewere fire-sticks, and the bow-drill for using them (figs. 255 and 181);children's toys were even then found in great variety though of somewhatquaint construction. There were dolls with wigs and movable limbs, made instone, pottery, and wood (fig. 256); figures of men, and animals, andterra-cotta boats, balls of wood and stuffed leather, whip-tops, and tip-cats (fig. 257). [Illustration: Fig. 255. --Fire-sticks, bow, and unfinished drill-stock, Twelfth Dynasty; _Illahûn, Kahun, and Gurob, _ W. M. F. Petrie, Plate VII. , p. 11. ] [Illustration: Fig. 256. --Remains of two Twelfth Dynasty dolls; _Kahun, Gurob and Hawara, _ W. M. F. Petrie, Plate VIII. P. 30. ] [Illustration: Fig. 257. --Tops, tip-cat, and a terra-cotta toy boat, Twelfth Dynasty; _Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, _ W. M. F. Petrie, Plates VIII. , IX. , p. 30. ] [Illustration: Fig. 258. --Chest] [Illustration: Fig. 259. --Chest. ] [Illustration: Fig. 260. --Chest. ] The art of the cabinet-maker was nevertheless carried to a high degree ofperfection, from the time of the ancient dynasties. Planks were dresseddown with the adze, mortised, glued, joined together by means of pegs cutin hard wood, or acacia thorns (never by metal nails), polished, andfinally covered with paintings. Chests generally stand upon four straightlegs, and are occasionally thus raised to some height from the ground. Thelid is flat, or rounded according to a special curvature (fig. 258) much infavour among the Egyptians of all periods. Sometimes, though rarely, it isgable-shaped, like our house-roofs (fig. 259). Generally speaking, the lidlifts off bodily; but it often turns upon a peg inserted in one of theuprights. Sometimes, also, it turns upon wooden pivots (fig. 260). Thepanels, which are large and admirably suited for decorative art, areenriched with paintings, or inlaid with ivory, silver, precious woods, orenamelled plaques. It may be that we are scarcely in a position justly toappraise the skill of Egyptian cabinet-makers, or the variety of designsproduced at various periods. Nearly all the furniture which has come downto our day has been found in tombs, and, being destined for burial in thesepulchre, may either be of a character exclusively destined for the use ofthe mummy, or possibly a cheap imitation of a more precious class ofgoods. The mummy was, in fact, the cabinet-maker's best customer. In other lands, man took but a few objects with him into the next world; but the defunctEgyptian required nothing short of a complete outfit. The mummy-case alonewas an actual monument, in the construction of which a whole squad ofworkmen was employed (fig. 261). The styles of mummy-cases varied fromperiod to period. Under the Memphite and first Theban empires, we find onlyrectangular chests in sycamore wood, flat at top and bottom, and made ofmany pieces joined together by wooden pins. The pattern is not elegant, butthe decoration is very curious. The lid has no cornice. Outside, it isinscribed down the middle with a long column of hieroglyphs, sometimesmerely written in ink, sometimes laid on in colour, sometimes carved inhollowed-out signs filled in with some kind of bluish paste. Theinscription records only the name and titles of the deceased, accompaniednow and then by a short form of prayer in his favour. The inside is coveredwith a thick coat of stucco or whitewash. [Illustration: Fig. 261. --Construction of a mummy-case, wall scene, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 262. --Mask of Twenty-first Dynasty coffin of RamesesII. ] [Illustration: Fig. 263. --Mummy-case of Queen Ahmesnefertari. ] Upon this surface, the seventeenth chapter of _The Book of the Dead _wasgenerally written in red and black inks, and in fine cursive hieroglyphs. The body of the chest is made with three horizontal planks for the bottom, and eight vertical planks, placed two and two, for the four sides. Theoutside is sometimes decorated with long strips of various colours endingin interlaced lotus-leaves, such as are seen on stone sarcophagi. Morefrequently, it is ornamented on the left side with two wide-open eyes andtwo monumental doors, and on the right with three doors exactly like thoseseen in contemporary catacombs. The sarcophagus is in truth the house ofthe deceased; and, being his house, its four walls were bound to contain anepitome of the prayers and _tableaux_ which covered the walls of his tomb. The necessary formulae and pictured scenes were, therefore, reproducedinside, nearly in the same order in which they appear in the mastabas. Eachside is divided in three registers, each register containing a dedicationin the name of the deceased, or representations of objects belonging tohim, or such texts from the Ritual as need to be repeated for his benefit. Skilfully composed, and painted upon a background made to imitate someprecious wood, the whole forms a boldly-designed and harmoniously-colouredpicture. The cabinet-maker's share of the work was the lightest, and thelong boxes in which the dead of the earliest period were buried made nogreat demand upon his skill. This, however, was not the case when in latertimes the sarcophagus came to be fashioned in the likeness of the humanbody. Of this style we have two leading types. In the most ancient, themummy serves as the model for his case. His outstretched feet and legs arein one. The form of the knee, the swell of the calf, the contours of thethigh and the trunk, are summarily indicated, and are, as it were, vaguelymodelled under the wood. The head, apparently the only living part of thisinert body, is wrought out in the round. The dead man is in this wiseimprisoned in a kind of statue of himself; and this statue is so wellbalanced that it can stand on its feet if required, as upon a pedestal. Inthe other type of sarcophagus, the deceased lies at full length upon histomb, and his figure, sculptured in the round, serves as the lid of hismummy-case. On his head is seen the ponderous wig of the period. A whitelinen vest and a long petticoat cover his chest and legs. His feet are shodwith elegant sandals. His arms lie straight along his sides, or are foldedupon his breast, the hands grasping various emblems, as the _Ankh_, thegirdle-buckle, the _Tat_;[69] or, as in the case of the wife of Sennetmû atGizeh, a garland of ivy. This mummiform type of sarcophagus is rarely metwith under the Memphite dynasties, though that of Menkara, the Mycerinus ofthe Greeks, affords a memorable example. Under the Eleventh Dynasty, themummy-case is frequently but a hollowed tree-trunk, roughly sculpturedoutside, with a head at one end and feet at the other. The face is daubedwith bright colours, yellow, red, and green; the wig and headdress arestriped with black and blue, and an elaborate collar is depicted on thebreast. The rest of the case is either covered with the long, gilded wingsof Isis and Nephthys, or with a uniform tint of white or yellow, andsparsely decorated with symbolic figures, or columns of hieroglyphs paintedblue and black. Among the sarcophagi belonging to kings of the SeventeenthDynasty which I recovered from Deir el Baharî, the most highly finishedbelonged to this type, and were only remarkable for the reallyextraordinary skill with which the craftsman had reproduced the features ofthe deceased sovereigns. The mask of Ahmes I. , that of Amenhotep I. , andthat of Thothmes II. , are masterpieces in their way. The mask of RamesesII. Shows no sign of paint, except a black line which accentuates the formof the eye. The face is doubtless modelled in the likeness of the PharaohHerhor, who restored the funerary outfit of his puissant ancestor, and itwill almost bear comparison with the best works of contemporary sculpture(fig. 262). Two mummy-cases found in the same place--namely, those of QueenAhmesnefertari and her daughter, Aahhotep II. --are of gigantic size, andmeasure more than ten and a half feet in height (fig. 263). Standingupright, they might almost be taken for two of the caryatid statues fromthe first court at Medinet Habû, though on a smaller scale. The bodies arerepresented as bandaged, and but vaguely indicate the contours of the humanform. The shoulders and bust of each are covered with a kind of network inrelief, every mesh standing out in blue upon a yellow ground. The handsemerge from this mantle, are crossed upon the breast, and grasp the _Ankh_, or Tau-cross, symbolic of eternal life. The heads are portraits. The facesare round, the eyes large, the expression mild and characterless. Each iscrowned with the flat-topped cap and lofty plumes of Amen or Maut. Wecannot but wonder for what reason these huge receptacles were made. The twoqueens were small of stature, and their mummies--which were well-nigh lostin the cases--had to be packed round with an immense quantity of rags, toprevent them from shifting, and becoming injured. Apart from their abnormalsize, these cases are characterised by the same simplicity whichdistinguishes other mummy-cases of royal or private persons of the sameperiod. Towards the middle of the Nineteenth Dynasty, the fashion changed. The single mummy-case, soberly decorated, was superseded by two, three, andeven four cases, fitting the one into the other, and covered with paintingsand inscriptions. Sometimes the outer receptacle is a sarcophagus withconvex lid and square ears, upon which the deceased is pictured over andover again upon a white ground, in adoration before the gods of the Osiriancycle. When, however, it is shaped in human form, it retains somewhat ofthe old simplicity. The face is painted; a collar is represented on thechest, a band of hieroglyphs extends down the whole length of the body tothe feet, and the rest is in one uniform tone of black, brown, or darkyellow. The inner cases were extravagantly rich, the hands and faces beingred, rose-coloured, or gilded; the jewellery painted, or sometimes imitatedby means of small morsels of enamel encrusted in the wood-work; thesurfaces frequently covered with many-coloured scenes and legends, and thewhole heightened by means of the yellow varnish already mentioned. Thelavish ornamentation of this period is in striking contrast with thesobriety of earlier times; but in order to grasp the reason of thischange, one must go to Thebes, and visit the actual sepulchres of the dead. The kings and private persons of the great conquering dynasties[70] devotedtheir energies, and all the means at their disposal, to the excavation ofcatacombs. The walls of those catacombs were covered with sculptures andpaintings. The sarcophagus was cut in one enormous block of granite oralabaster, and admirably wrought. It was therefore of little moment if thewooden coffin in which the mummy reposed were very simply decorated. Butthe Egyptians of the decadence, and their rulers, had not the wealth ofEgypt and the spoils of neighbouring countries at command. They were poor;and the slenderness of their resources debarred them from greatundertakings. They for the most part gave up the preparation of magnificenttombs, and employed such wealth as remained to them in the fabrication offine mummy-cases carved in sycamore wood. The beauty of their coffins, therefore, but affords an additional proof of their weakness and poverty. When for a few centuries the Saïte princes had succeeded in re-establishingthe prosperity of the country, stone sarcophagi came once more intorequisition, and the wooden coffin reverted to somewhat of the simplicityof the great period. But this Renaissance was not destined to last. TheMacedonian conquest brought back the same revolution in funerary fashionswhich followed the fall of the Ramessides, and double and triple mummycases, over-painted and over-gilded, were again in demand. If thecraftsmen of Graeco-Roman time who attired the dead of Ekhmîm for theirlast resting places were less skilful than those of earlier date, their badtaste was, at all events, not surpassed by the Theban coffin-makers wholived and worked under the latest princes of the royal line of Rameses. [Illustration: Fig. 264. --Panel portrait from the Graeco-Roman Cemetery atHawara, now in the National Gallery, London. (_Hawara, Biahmu, andArsinoe_, W. M. F. Petrie, Plate X. , page 10. )] A series of Graeco-Roman examples from the Fayûm exhibit the stages bywhich portraiture in the flat there replaced the modelled mask, untiltowards the middle of the second century A. D. It became customary tobandage over the face of the mummy a panel-portrait of the dead, as he wasin life (fig. 264). The remainder of the funerary outfit supplied the cabinet-maker with asmuch work as the coffin-maker. Boxes of various shapes and sizes wererequired for the wardrobe of the mummy, for his viscera, and for hisfunerary statuettes. He must also have tables for his meals; stools, chairs, a bed to lie upon, a boat and sledge to convey him to the tomb, andsometimes even a war-chariot and a carriage in which to take the air. [71]The boxes for canopic vases, funerary statuettes, and libation-vases, aredivided in several compartments. A couchant jackal is sometimes placed onthe top, and serves for a handle by which to take off the lid. Each box wasprovided with its own little sledge, upon which it was drawn in the funeralprocession on the day of burial. Beds are not very uncommon. Many areidentical in structure with the Nubian _angarebs_, and consist merely ofsome coarse fabric, or of interlaced strips of leather, stretched on aplain wooden frame. Few exceed fifty-six inches in length; the sleeper, therefore, could never lie outstretched, but must perforce assume adoubled-up position. The frame is generally horizontal, but sometimes itslopes slightly downwards from the head to the foot. It was often raised toa considerable height above the level of the floor, and a stool, or alittle portable set of steps, was used in mounting it. These details wereknown to us by the wall-paintings only until I myself discovered twoperfect specimens in 1884 and 1885; one at Thebes, in a tomb of theThirteenth Dynasty, and the other at Ekhmîm, in the Graeco-Romannecropolis. In the former, two accommodating lions have elongated theirbodies to form the framework, their heads doing duty for the head of thebed, and their tails being curled up under the feet of the sleeper. [Illustration: Fig. 265. --Carved and painted mummy canopy. ] [Illustration: Fig. 266. --Canopied mummy-couch, Graeco-Roman. ] [Illustration: Fig. 267. --Mummy-sledge and canopy. ] [Illustration: Fig. 268. --Inlaid-chair, Eleventh Dynasty. ] The bed is surmounted by a kind of canopy, under which the mummy lay instate. Rhind had already found a similar canopy, which is now in the Museumof Edinburgh[72] (fig. 265). In shape it is a temple, the rounded roofbeing supported by elegant colonnettes of painted wood. A doorway guardedby serpents is supposed to give access to the miniature edifice. Threewinged discs, each larger than the one below it, adorn three superimposedcornices above the door, the whole frontage being surmounted by a row oferect uraei, crowned with the solar disc. The canopy belonging to theThirteenth Dynasty bed is much more simple, being a mere balustrade in cutand painted wood, in imitation of the water-plant pattern with which templewalls were decorated; the whole is crowned with an ordinary cornice. In thebed of Graeco-Roman date (fig. 266), carved and painted figures of thegoddess Ma, sitting with her feather on her knee, are substituted for thecustomary balustrades. Isis and Nephthys stand with their winged armsoutstretched at the head and foot. The roof is open, save for a row ofvultures hovering above the mummy, which is wept over by two kneelingstatuettes of Isis and Nephthys, one at each end. The sledges upon whichmummies were dragged to the sepulchre were also furnished with canopies, but in a totally different style. The sledge canopy is a panelled shrine, like those which I discovered in 1886, in the tomb of Sennetmû at KûrnetMurraee. If light was admitted, it came through a square opening, showingthe head of the mummy within. Wilkinson gives an illustration of a sledgecanopy of this kind, from the wall paintings of a Theban tomb (fig. 267). The panels were always made to slide. As soon as the mummy was laid uponhis sledge, the panels were closed, the corniced roof placed over all, andthe whole closed in. With regard to chairs, many of those in the Louvre andthe British Museum were made about the time of the Eleventh Dynasty. Theseare not the least beautiful specimens which have come down to us, one inparticular (fig. 268) having preserved an extraordinary brilliancy ofcolour. The framework, formerly fitted with a seat of strong netting, wasoriginally supported on four legs with lions' feet. The back is ornamentedwith two lotus flowers, and with a row of lozenges inlaid in ivory andebony upon a red ground. Stools of similar workmanship (fig. 269), andfolding stools, the feet of which are in the form of a goose's head, may beseen in all museums. Pharaohs and persons of high rank affected moreelaborate designs. Their seats were sometimes raised very high, the armsbeing carved to resemble running lions, and the lower supports beingprisoners of war, bound back to back (fig. 270). A foot-board in frontserved as a step to mount by, and as a foot-stool for the sitter. Up to thepresent time, we have found no specimens of this kind of seat. [73] [Illustration: Fig. 269. --Inlaid stool, Eleventh Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 270. --Royal throne-chair, wall-painting Rameses III. ] [Illustration: Fig. 271. --Women weaving. From wall-scene in tomb ofKhnûmhotep, Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty. ] We learn from the tomb paintings that netted or cane-bottomed chairs werecovered with stuffed seats and richly worked cushions. These cushions andstuffed seats have perished, but it is to be concluded that they werecovered with tapestry. Tapestry was undoubtedly known to the Egyptians, anda bas-relief subject at Beni Hasan (fig. 271)[74] shows the process ofweaving. The frame, which is of the simplest structure, resembles that nowin use among the weavers of Ekhmîm. It is horizontal, and is formed of twoslender cylinders, or rather of two rods, about fifty-four inches apart, each held in place by two large pegs driven into the ground about threefeet distant from each other. The warps of the chain were stronglyfastened, then rolled round the top cylinder till they were stretchedsufficiently tight. Mill sticks placed at certain distances facilitated theinsertion of the needles which carried the thread. As in the Gobelinsfactory, the work was begun from the bottom. The texture was regulated andequalised by means of a coarse comb, and was rolled upon the lower cylinderas it increased in length. Hangings and carpets were woven in this manner;some with figures, others with geometrical designs, zigzags, and chequers(fig. 272). A careful examination of the monuments has, however, convincedme that most of the subjects hitherto supposed to represent examples oftapestry represent, in fact, examples of cut and painted leather. Theleather-worker's craft flourished in ancient Egypt. Few museums are withouta pair of leather sandals, or a specimen of mummy braces with ends ofstamped leather bearing the effigy of a god, a Pharaoh, a hieroglyphiclegend, a rosette, or perhaps all combined. These little relics are notolder than the time of the priest-kings, or the earlier Bubastites. It isto the same period that we must attribute the great cut-leather canopy inthe Gizeh Museum. The catafalque upon which the mummy was laid whentransported from the mortuary establishment to the tomb, was frequentlyadorned with a covering made of stuff or soft leather. Sometimes thesidepieces hung down, and sometimes they were drawn aside with bands, likecurtains, and showed the coffin. [Illustration: Fig. 272. --Man weaving hangings, or carpet. From Beni Hasan, Twelfth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 273. --Border pattern of cut leather canopy ofIsiemkheb, Twenty-first Dynasty. ] The canopy of Deir el Baharî was made for the Princess Isiemkheb, daughterof the High Priest Masahirti, wife of the High Priest Menkheperra, andmother of the High Priest Pinotem III. The centrepiece, in shape an oblongsquare, is divided into three bands of sky-blue leather, now faded topearl-grey. The two side-pieces are sprinkled with yellow stars. Upon themiddle piece are rows of vultures, whose outspread wings protect the mummy. Four other pieces covered with red and green chequers are attached to theends and sides. The longer pieces which hung over the sides are united tothe centre-piece by an ornamental bordering. On the right, scarabaei withextended wings alternate with the cartouches of King Pinotem II. , and aresurmounted by a lance-head frieze. On the left side, the pattern is morecomplicated (fig. 273). In the centre we see a bunch of lotus liliesflanked by royal cartouches. Next come two antelopes, each kneeling upon abasket; then two bouquets of papyrus; then two more scarabaei, similar tothose upon the other border. The lance-head frieze finishes it above, as onthe opposite side. The technical process is very curious. The hieroglyphsand figures were cut out from large pieces of leather; then, under the openspaces thus left, were sewn thongs of leather of whatever colour wasrequired for those ornaments or hieroglyphs. Finally, in order to hide thepatchwork effect presented at the back, the whole was lined with longstrips of white, or light yellow, leather. Despite the difficulties oftreatment which this work presented, the result is most remarkable. [75] Theoutlines of the gazelles, scarabaei, and flowers are as clean-cut and aselegant as if drawn with the pen upon a wall-surface or a page of papyrus. The choice of subjects is happy, and the colours employed are both livelyand harmonious. [Illustration: Fig. 274. --Bark with cut leather sail; wall-painting tomb ofRameses III. ] The craftsmen who designed and executed the canopy of Isiemkheb hadprofited by a long experience of this system of decoration, and of the kindof patterns suitable to the material. For my own part, I have not theslightest doubt that the cushions of chairs and royal couches, and thesails of funeral and sacred boats used for the transport of mummies anddivine images, were most frequently made in leather-work. The chequer-patterned sail represented in one of the boat subjects painted on the wallof a chamber in the tomb of Rameses III. (fig. 274), might be mistaken forone of the side pieces of the canopy at Gizeh. The vultures and fantasticbirds depicted upon the sails of another boat (fig. 275) are neither morestrange nor more difficult to make in cut leather than the vultures andgazelles of Isiemkheb. [Illustration: Fig. 275. --Bark with cut leather sail; wall-painting tomb ofRameses III. ] We have it upon the authority of ancient writers that the Egyptians ofolden time embroidered as skilfully as those of the Middle Ages. Thesurcoats given by Amasis, one to the Lacedaemonians, and the other to thetemple of Athena at Lindos, were of linen embroidered with figures ofanimals in gold thread and purple, each thread consisting of three hundredand sixty-five distinct filaments. To go back to a still earlier period, the monumental tableaux show portraits of the Pharaohs wearing garmentswith borders, either woven or embroidered, or done in _appliqué_ work. Themost simple patterns consist of one or more stripes of brilliant colourparallel with the edge of the material. Elsewhere we see palm patterns, orrows of discs and points, leaf-patterns, meanders, and even, here andthere, figures of men, gods, or animals, worked most probably with theneedle. None of the textile materials yet found upon royal mummies are thusdecorated; we are therefore unable to pronounce upon the quality of thiswork, or the method employed in its production. Once only, upon the body ofone of the Deir el Baharî princesses, did I find a royal cartoucheembroidered in pale rose-colour. The Egyptians of the best periods seem tohave attached special value to plain stuffs, and especially to white ones. These they wove with marvellous skill, and upon looms in every respectidentical with those used in tapestry work. Those portions of the windingsheet of Thothmes III. Which enfolded the royal hands and arms, are as fineas the finest India muslin, and as fairly merit the name of "woven air" asthe gauzes of the island of Cos. This, of course, is a mere question ofmanufacture, apart from the domain of art. Embroideries and tapestrieswere not commonly used in Egypt till about the end of the Persian period, or the beginning of the period of Greek rule. Alexandria became partlypeopled by Phoenician, Syrian, and Jewish colonists, who brought with themthe methods of manufacture peculiar to their own countries, and foundedworkshops which soon developed into flourishing establishments. It is tothe Alexandrians that Pliny ascribes the invention of weaving with severalwarps, thus producing the stuff called brocades (_polymita_); and in thetime of the first Caesars, it was a recognised fact that "the needle ofBabylon was henceforth surpassed by the comb of the Nile. " The Alexandriantapestries were not made after exclusively geometrical designs, like theproducts of the old Egyptian looms; but, according to the testimony of theancients, were enriched with figures of animals, and even of men. Of themasterpieces which adorned the palaces of the Ptolemies no specimensremain. Many fragments which may be attributed to the later Roman timehave, however, been found in Egypt, such as the piece with the boy andgoose described by Wilkinson, and a piece representing marine divinitiesbought by myself at Coptos. [76] The numerous embroidered winding sheetswith woven borders which have recently been discovered near Ekhmîm, and inthe Fayûm, are nearly all from Coptic tombs, and are more nearly akin toByzantine art than to the art of Egypt. [68] We have a considerable number of specimens of these borderings, cartouches, and painted tiles representing foreign prisoners, in the British Museum; but the finest examples of the latter are in the Ambras Collection, Vienna. For a highly interesting and scholarly description of the remains found at Tell el Yahûdeh in 1870, see Professor Hayter Lewis's paper in vol. Iii. Of the _Transactions_ of the Biblical Archaeological Society. --A. B. E. [69] The _Tat_ amulet was the emblem of stability. --A. B. E. [70] That is, the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. [71] There is a fine specimen of one of these sledges in the Leyden Museum, and the Florentine Museum contains a celebrated Egyptian war-chariot in fine preservation. --A. B. E. [72] See the coloured frontispiece to _Thebes; its Tombs and their Tenants_, by A. H. Rhind. 1862. --A. B. E. [73] Since the publication of this work in the original French, a very splendid specimen of a royal Egyptian chair of state, the property of Jesse Haworth, Esq. , was placed on view at the Manchester Jubilee Exhibition. It is made of dark wood, apparently rosewood; the legs being shaped like bull's legs, having silver hoofs, and a solid gold cobra snake twining round each leg. The arm-pieces are of lightwood with cobra snakes carved upon the flat in low relief, each snake covered with hundreds of small silver annulets, to represent the markings of the reptile. This chair, dated by a fragment of a royal cartouche, belonged to Queen Hatshepsût, of the Eighteenth Dynasty. It is now in the British Museum. --A. B. E. [74] In this cut, as well as in the next, the loom is represented as if upright; but it is supposed to be extended on the ground. --A. B. E. [75] For a chromolithographic reproduction of this work as a whole, with drawings of the separate parts, facsimiles of the inscriptions, etc. , see _The Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen_, by H. Villiers Stuart. --A. B. E. [76] An unusually fine specimen of carpet, or tapestry work from Ekhmîm, representing Cupids rowing in papyrus skiffs, landscapes, etc. , has recently been presented to the British Museum by the Rev. G. J. Chester. The tapestry found at Ekhmîm is, however, mostly of the Christian period, and this specimen probably dates from about A. D. 700 or A. D. 600. --A. B. E. 3. --METALS. The Egyptians classified metals under two heads--namely, the noble metals, as gold, electrum, and silver; and the base metals, as copper, iron, lead, and, at a later period, tin. The two lists are divided by the mention ofcertain kinds of precious stones, such as lapis lazuli and malachite. Iron was reserved for weapons of war, and tools, in use for hardsubstances, such as sculptors' and masons' chisels, axe and adze heads, knife-blades, and saws. Lead was comparatively useless, but was sometimesused for inlaying temple-doors, coffers, and furniture. Also smallstatuettes of gods were occasionally made in this metal, especially thoseof Osiris and Anubis. Copper was too yielding to be available for objectsin current use; bronze, therefore, was the favourite metal of theEgyptians. Though often affirmed, it is not true that they succeeded intempering bronze so that it became as hard as iron or steel; but by varyingthe constituents and their relative proportions, they were able to give ita variety of very different qualities. Most of the objects hithertoanalysed have yielded precisely the same quantities of copper and tincommonly used by the bronze founders of the present day. Those analysed byVauquelin in 1825 contained 84 per cent. Of copper 14 per cent. Of tin, and1 per cent. Of iron and other substances. A chisel brought from Egypt bySir Gardner Wilkinson contained only from 5 to 9 per cent. Of tin, 1 percent. Of iron, and 94 of copper. Certain fragments of statuettes andmirrors more recently subjected to analysis have yielded a notable quantityof gold and silver, thus corresponding with the bronzes of Corinth. Otherspecimens resemble brass, both in their colour and substance. Many of thebest Egyptian bronzes offer a surprising resistance to damp, and oxidisewith difficulty. While yet hot from the mould, they were rubbed with somekind of resinous varnish which filled up the pores and deposited anunalterable patina upon the surface. Each kind of bronze had its specialuse. The ordinary bronze was employed for weapons and common amulets; thebrazen alloys served for household utensils; the bronzes mixed with goldand silver were destined only for mirrors, costly weapons, and statuettesof value. In none of the tomb-paintings which I have seen is there anyrepresentation of bronze-founding or bronze-working; but this omission iseasily supplemented by the objects themselves. Tools, arms, rings, andcheap vases were sometimes forged, and sometimes cast whole in moulds ofhard clay or stone. Works of art were cast in one or several piecesaccording to circumstances; the parts were then united, soldered, andretouched with the burin. The method most frequently employed was toprepare a core of mixed clay and charcoal, or sand, which roughlyreproduced the modelling of the mould into which it was introduced. Thelayer of metal between this core and the mould was often so thin that itwould have yielded to any moderate pressure, had they not taken theprecaution to consolidate it by having the core for a support. [Illustration: Fig. 276. --Bronze jug. ] [Illustration: Fig. 277. --Same jug seen from above. ] Domestic utensils and small household instruments were mostly made inbronze. Such objects are exhibited by thousands in our museums, andfrequently figure in bas-reliefs and mural paintings. Art and trade werenot incompatible in Egypt; and even the coppersmith sought to give eleganceof form, and to add ornaments in a good style, to the humblest of hisworks. The saucepan in which the cook of Rameses III. Concocted hismasterpieces is supported on lions' feet. Here is a hot-water jug whichlooks as if it were precisely like its modern successors (fig. 276); but ona closer examination we shall find that the handle is a full-blown lotus, the petals, which are bent over at an angle to the stalk, resting againstthe edge of the neck (fig. 277). The handles of knives and spoons arealmost always in the form of a duck's or goose's neck, slightly curved. Thebowl is sometimes fashioned like an animal--as, for instance, a gazelleready bound for the sacrifice (fig. 278). On the hilt of a sabre we find alittle crouching jackal; and the larger limb of a pair of scissors in theGizeh Museum is made in the likeness of an Asiatic captive, his arms tiedbehind his back. A lotus leaf forms the disk of a mirror, and its stem isthe handle. One perfume box is a fish, another is a bird, another is agrotesque deity. The lustration vases, or _situlae_, carried by priests andpriestesses for the purpose of sprinkling either the faithful, or theground traversed by religious processions, merit the special considerationof connoisseurs. They are ovoid or pointed at the bottom, and decoratedwith subjects either chased or in relief. These sometimes representdeities, each in a separate frame, and sometimes scenes of worship. Thework is generally very minute. [Illustration: Fig. 278. --Spoon (or lamp?). ] [Illustration: Fig. 279. --Bronze statuette of the Lady Takûshet. ] [Illustration: Fig. 280. --Bronze statuette of Horus. ] [Illustration: Fig. 281. --Bronze statuette of one Mosû. ] Bronze came into use for statuary purposes from a very early period; buttime unfortunately has preserved none of those idols which peopled thetemples of the ancient empire. Whatsoever may be said to the contrary, wepossess no bronze statuettes of any period anterior to the expulsion of theHyksos. Some Theban figures date quite certainly from the Eighteenth andNineteenth Dynasties. The chased lion's head found with the jewels of QueenAahhotep, the Harpocrates of Gizeh inscribed with the names of Kames andAhmes I. , and several statuettes of Amen, said to have been discovered atMedinet Habû and Sheikh Abd el Gûrneh, are of that period. Our mostimportant bronzes belong, however, to the Twenty-second Dynasty, or, laterstill, to the time of the Saïte Pharaohs. Many are not older than the firstPtolemies. A fragment found in the ruins of Tanis and now in thepossession of Count Stroganoff, formed part of a votive statue dedicated byKing Pisebkhanû. It was originally two-thirds the size of life, and is thelargest specimen known. A portrait statuette of the Lady Takûshet, given tothe Museum of Athens by M. Demetrio, the four statuettes from the Posnocollection now at the Louvre, and the kneeling genius of Gizeh, are allfrom the site of Bubastis, and date probably from the years whichimmediately preceded the accession of Psammetichus I. The Lady Takûshet isstanding, the left foot advanced, the right arm hanging down, the leftraised and brought close to the body (fig. 279). She wears a short robeembroidered with religious subjects, and has bracelets on her arms andwrists. Upon her head she has a wig with flat curls, row above row. Thedetails both of her robe and jewels are engraved in incised lines upon thesurface of the bronze, and inlaid with silver threads. The face isevidently a portrait, and represents a woman of mature age. The form, according to the traditions of Egyptian art, is that of a younger woman, slender, firm, and supple. The copper in this bronze is largely intermixedwith gold, thus producing a chastened lustre which is admirably suited tothe richness of the embroidered garment. The kneeling genius of Gizeh is asrude and repellent as the Lady Takûshet is delicate and harmonious. He hasa hawk's head, and he worships the sun, as is the duty of the Heliopolitangenii. His right arm is uplifted, his left is pressed to his breast. Thestyle of the whole is dry, and the granulated surface of the skin adds tothe hard effect of the figure. The action, however, is energetic andcorrect, and the bird's head is adjusted with surprising skill to the man'sneck and shoulders. The same qualities and the same faults distinguish theHorus of the Posno collection (fig. 280). Standing, he uplifted a libationvase; now lost, and poured the contents upon a king who once stood face toface with him. This roughness of treatment is less apparent in the otherthree Posno figures; above all in that which bears the name of Mosûengraved over the place of the heart (fig. 281). Like the Horus, this Mosûstands upright, his left foot advanced, and his left arm pendent. His righthand is raised, as grasping the wand of office. The trunk is naked, andround his loins he wears a striped cloth with a squared end falling infront. His head is clad in a short wig covered with short curls piled oneabove the other. The ear is round and large. The eyes are well opened, andwere originally of silver; but have been stolen by some Arab. The featureshave a remarkable expression of pride and dignity. After these, what can besaid for the thousands of statuettes of Osiris, of Isis, of Nephthys, ofHorus, of Nefertûm, which have been found in the sands and ruins ofSakkarah, Bubastis, and other cities of the Delta? Many are, without doubt, charming objects for glass-cases, and are to be admired for perfection ofcasting and delicacy of execution; but the greater number are merearticles of commerce, made upon the same pattern, and perhaps in the self-same moulds, century after century, for the delight of devotees andpilgrims. They are rounded, vulgar, destitute of originality, and have nomore distinction than the thousands of coloured statuettes of saints andVirgins which stock the shelves of our modern dealers in pious wares. Anexception must, however, be made in favour of the images of animals, suchas rams, sphinxes, and lions, which to the last retained a more pronouncedstamp of individuality. The Egyptians had a special predilection for thefeline race. They have represented the lion in every attitude--giving chaseto the antelope; springing upon the hunter; wounded, and turning to bitehis wound; couchant, and disdainfully calm--and no people have depicted himwith a more thorough knowledge of his habits, or with so intense avitality. Several gods and goddesses, as Shû, Anhûr, Bast, Sekhet, Tefnût, have the form of the lion or of the cat; and inasmuch as the worship ofthese deities was more popular in the Delta than elsewhere, so there neverpasses a year when from amid the ruins of Bubastis, Tanis, Mendes, or someless famous city, there is not dug up a store of little figures of lionsand lionesses, or of men and women with lions' heads, or cats' heads. Thecats of Bubastis and the lions of Tell es Seba crowd our museums. The lionsof Horbeit may be reckoned among the _chefs-d'oeuvre_ of Egyptian statuary. Upon one of the largest among them is inscribed the name of Apries (fig. 282); but if even this evidence were lacking, the style of the piece wouldcompel us to attribute it to the Saïte period. It formed part of theornamentation of a temple or naos door; and the other side was either builtinto a wall or imbedded in a piece of wood. The lion is caught in a trap, or, perhaps, lying down in an oblong cage, with only his head and fore feetoutside. The lines of the body are simple and full of power; the expressionof the face is calm and strong. In breadth and majesty he almost equals thefine limestone lions of Amenhotep III. [Illustration: Fig. 282. --Bronze lion from Horbeit, Saïte. ] [Illustration: Fig. 283. --Gold worker. ] The idea of inlaying gold and other precious metals upon the surface ofbronze, stone, or wood was already ancient in Egypt in the time of Khûfû. The gold is often amalgamated with pure silver. When amalgamated to theextent of 20 per cent, it changes its name, and is called electrum(_asimû_). This electrum is of a fine light-yellow colour. It pales as theproportion of silver becomes larger, and at 60 per cent. It is nearlywhite. The silver came chiefly from Asia, in rings, sheets, and bricks ofstandard weight. The gold and electrum came partly from Syria in bricks andrings; and partly from the Soudan in nuggets and gold-dust. The processesof refining and alloying are figured on certain monuments of the earlydynasties. In a bas-relief at Sakkarah, we see the weighed gold entrustedto the craftsman for working; in another example (at Beni Hasan) thewashing and melting down of the ore is represented; and again at Thebes, the goldsmith is depicted seated in front of his crucible, holding theblow-pipe to his lips with the left hand, and grasping his pincers with theright, thus fanning the flame and at the same time making ready to seizethe ingot (fig. 283). The Egyptians struck neither coins nor medals. Withthese exceptions, they made the same use of the precious metals as we doourselves. We gild the crosses and cupolas of our churches; they coveredthe doors of their temples, the lower part of their wall-surfaces, certainbas-reliefs, pyramidions of obelisks, and even whole obelisks, with platesof gold. The obelisks of Queen Hatshepsût at Karnak were coated withelectrum. "They were visible from both banks of the Nile, and when the sunrose between them as he came up from the heavenly horizon, they flooded thetwo Egypts with their dazzling rays. "[77] These plates of metal were forgedwith hammer and anvil. For smaller objects, they made use of little pelletsbeaten flat between two pieces of parchment. In the Museum of the Louvre wehave a gilder's book, and the gold-leaf which it contains is as thin asthe gold-leaf used by the German goldsmiths of the past century. Gold wasapplied to bronze surfaces by means of an ammoniacal solvent. If the objectto be gilt were a wooden statuette, the workman began by sticking a pieceof fine linen all over the surface, or by covering it with a very thin coatof plaster; upon this he laid his gold or silver leaf. It was thus thatwooden statuettes of Thoth, Horus, and Nefertûm were gilded, from the timeof Khûfû. The temple of Isis, the "Lady of the Pyramid, " contained a dozensuch images; and this temple was not one of the largest in the Memphitenecropolis. There would seem to have been hundreds of gilded statues in theTheban temples, at all events in the time of the victorious dynasties ofthe new empire; and as regards wealth, the Ptolemaic sanctuaries were in nowise inferior to those of the Theban period. Bronze and gilded wood were not always good enough for the gods of Egypt. They exacted pure gold, and their worshippers gave them as much of it aspossible. Entire statues of the precious metals were dedicated by the kingsof the ancient and middle empires; and the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth andNineteenth Dynasties, who drew at will upon the treasures of Asia, transcended all that had been done by their predecessors. Even in times ofdecadence, the feudal lords kept up the traditions of the past, and, likePrince Mentûemhat, replaced the images of gold and silver which had beencarried off from Karnak by the generals of Sardanapalus at the time of theAssyrian invasions. The quantity of metal thus consecrated to the serviceof the gods must have been considerable, If many figures were less than aninch in height, many others measured three cubits, or more. Some were ofgold, some of silver; others were part gold and part silver. There wereeven some which combined gold with sculptured ivory, ebony, and preciousstones, thus closely resembling the chryselephantine statues of the Greeks. Aided by the bas-relief subjects of Karnak, Medinet Habû, and Denderah, aswell as by the statues in wood and limestone which have come down to ourday, we can tell exactly what they were like. However the material mightvary, the style was always the same. Nothing is more perishable than worksof this description. They are foredoomed to destruction by the mere valueof the materials in which they are made. What civil war and foreigninvasion had spared, and what had chanced to escape the rapacity of Romanprinces and governors, fell a prey to Christian iconoclasm. A few tinystatuettes buried as amulets upon the bodies of mummies, a few domesticdivinities buried in the ruins of private houses, a few ex-votos forgotten, perchance, in some dark corner of a fallen sanctuary, have escaped till thepresent day. The Ptah and Amen of Queen Aahhotep, another golden Amen alsoat Gizeh, and the silver vulture found in 1885 at Medinet Habû, are theonly pieces of this kind which can be attributed with certainty to thegreat period of Egyptian art. The remainder are of Saïte or Ptolemaic work, and are remarkable only for the perfection with which they are wrought. Thegold and silver vessels used in the service of the temples, and in thehouses of private persons, shared the fate of the statues. At the beginningof the present century, the Louvre acquired some flat-bottomed cups whichThothmes III. Presented as the reward of valour to one of his generalsnamed Tahûti. The silver cup is much mutilated, but the golden cup isintact and elegantly designed (fig. 284). The upright sides are adornedwith a hieroglyphic legend. A central rosette is engraved at the bottom. Six fish are represented in the act of swimming round the rosette; andthese again are surrounded by a border of lotus-bells united by a curvedline. The five vases of Thmûis, in the Gizeh Museum, are of silver. Theyformed part of the treasure of the temple, and had been buried in a hiding-place, where they remained till our own day. We have no indication of theirprobable age; but whether they belong to the Greek or the Theban period, the workmanship is purely Egyptian. Of one vessel, only the cover is left, the handle being formed of two flowers upon one stem. The others areperfect, and are decorated in _repoussé_ work with lotus-lilies in bud andblossom (fig. 285). [Illustration: Fig. 284. --Golden cup of General Tahûti, EighteenthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 285. --Silver vase of Thmûis. ] The form is simple and elegant, the ornamentation sober and delicate; therelief low. One is, however, surrounded by a row of ovoid bosses (fig. 286), which project in high relief, and somewhat alter the shape of thebody of the vase. These are interesting specimens; but they are so few innumber that, were it not for the wall-paintings, we should have but a veryimperfect idea of the skill of the Egyptian goldsmiths. [Illustration: Fig. 286. --Silver vase of Thmûis. ] [Illustration: Fig. 287. --Ornamental basket in precious metal. From wall-painting, Twentieth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 288. --Crater of precious metal, borne by slaves. Wall-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 289. --Hydria of precious metal. Wall-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 290. --Enamelled cruet. Wall-painting, EighteenthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 291. --Enamelled cruet. Wall-painting, EighteenthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 292. --Gold centre-piece of Amenhotep III. Wall-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] The Pharaohs had not our commercial resources, and could not circulate thegold and silver tribute-offerings of conquered nations in the form of coin. When the gods had received their share of the booty, there was noalternative but to melt the rest down into ingots, fashion it into personalornaments, or convert it into gold and silver plate. What was true of thekings held good also for their subjects. For the space of at least six oreight centuries, dating from the time of Ahmes I. , the taste for plate wascarried to excess. Every good house was not only stocked with all that wasneedful for the service of the table, such as cups, goblets, plates, ewers, and ornamental baskets chased with figures of fantastic animals (fig. 287);but also with large ornamental vases which were dressed with flowers, anddisplayed to visitors on gala days. Some of these vases were ofextraordinary richness. Here, for instance, is a crater, the handlesmodelled as two papyrus buds, and the foot as a full-blown papyrus. TwoAsiatic slaves in sumptuous garments are represented in the act ofupheaving it with all their strength (fig. 288). Here, again, is a kind ofhydria with a lid in the form of an inverted lotus flanked by the heads oftwo gazelles (fig. 289). The heads and necks of two horses, bridled andfully caparisoned, stand back to back on either side of the foot of thevase. The body is divided into a series of horizontal zones, the middlezone being in the likeness of a marshland, with an antelope coursing atfull speed among the reeds. Two enamelled cruets (fig. 290) haveelaborately wrought lids, one fashioned as the head of a plumed eagle, andthe other as the head of the god Bes flanked by two vipers (fig. 291). Butforemost among them all is a golden centrepiece offered by a viceroy ofEthiopia to Amenhotep III. The design reproduces one of the most popularsubjects connected with the foreign conquests of Egypt (fig. 292). Men andapes are seen gathering fruits in a forest of dôm palms. Two natives, eachwith a single feather on his head and a striped kilt about his loins, leadtame giraffes with halters. Others, apparently of the same nationality, kneel with upraised hands, as if begging for quarter. Two negro prisonerslying face downwards upon the ground, lift their heads with difficulty. Alarge vase with a short foot and a lofty cone-shaped cover stands amid thetrees. [78] The craftsmen who made this piece evidently valued elegance andbeauty less than richness. They cared little for the heavy effect and badtaste of the whole, provided only that they were praised for their skill, and for the quantity of metal which they had succeeded in using. Othervases of the same type, pictured in a scene of presentations to Rameses II. In the great temple of Abû Simbel, vary the subject by showing buffaloesrunning in and out among the trees, in place of led giraffes. These werecostly playthings wrought in gold, such as the Byzantine emperors of theninth century accumulated in their palace of Magnaura, and which theyexhibited on state occasions in order to impress foreigners with a profoundsense of their riches and power. When a victorious Pharaoh returned from adistant campaign, the vessels of gold and silver which formed part of hisbooty figured in the triumphal procession, together with his train offoreign captives. Vases in daily use were of slighter make and lessencumbered with inconvenient ornaments. The two leopards which serve ashandles to a crater of the time of Thothmes III. (fig. 293) are not wellproportioned, neither do they combine agreeably with the curves of thevase; but the accompanying cup (fig. 294), and a cruet belonging to thesame service (fig. 295), are very happily conceived, and have much purityof form. These vessels of engraved and _repoussé_ gold and silver, somerepresenting hunting scenes and incidents of battle, were imitated byPhoenician craftsmen, and, being exported to Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, carried Egyptian patterns and subjects into distant lands. The passion forprecious metals was pushed to such extremes under the reigns of theRamessides that it was no longer enough to use them only at table. [Illustration: Fig. 293. --Crater of precious metal. Wall-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 294. --Cup of precious metal. Wall-painting, EighteenthDynasty. ] [Illustration: Fig. 295. --Cruet of precious metal. Wall-painting, Eighteenth Dynasty. ] Rameses II. And Rameses III. Had thrones of gold--not merely of woodplated with gold, but made of the solid metal and set with precious stones. These things were too valuable to escape destruction, and were the first todisappear. Their artistic value, however, by no means equalled theirintrinsic value, and the loss is not one for which we need be inconsolable. [Illustration: Fig. 296. --Bezel signet-ring. ] [Illustration: Fig. 297. --Gold _cloisonné_ pectoral bearing cartouche ofÛsertesen III. From Dahshûr, found 1894, and now in the Gizeh Museum. ] Orientals, men and women alike, are great lovers of jewellery. TheEgyptians were no exception to this rule. Not satisfied to adorn themselveswhen living with a profusion of trinkets, they loaded the arms, thefingers, the neck, the ears, the brow, and the ankles of their dead withmore or less costly ornaments. The quantity thus buried in tombs was soconsiderable that even now, after thirty centuries of active search, wefind from time to time mummies which are, so to say, cuirassed in gold. Much of this funerary jewellery was made merely for show on the day of thefuneral, and betrays its purpose by the slightness of the workmanship. Thefavourite jewels of the deceased person were, nevertheless, frequentlyburied with him, and the style and finish of these leave nothing to bedesired. Chains and rings have come down to us in large numbers, as indeedmight be expected. The ring, in fact, was not a simple ornament, but anactual necessary. Official documents were not signed, but sealed; and theseal was good in law. Every Egyptian, therefore, had his seal, which hekept about his person, ready for use if required. The poor man's seal was asimple copper or silver ring; the ring of the rich man was a more or lesselaborate jewel covered with chasing and relief work. The bezel wasmovable, and turned upon a pivot. It was frequently set with some kind ofstone engraved with the owner's emblem or device; as, for example, ascorpion (fig. 296), a lion, a hawk, or a cynocephalous ape. As in the eyesof her husband his ring was the one essential ornament, so was her necklacein the estimation of the Egyptian lady. I have seen a chain in silver whichmeasured sixty-three inches in length. Others, on the contrary, do notexceed two, or two and a half inches. They are of all sizes and patterns, some consisting of two or three twists, some of large links, some of smalllinks, some massive and heavy, others as light and flexible as the finestVenetian filigree. The humblest peasant girl, as well as the lady ofhighest rank, might have her necklet; and the woman must be poor indeedwhose little store comprised no other ornament. No mere catalogue ofbracelets, diadems, collarettes, or insignia of nobility could give an ideaof the number and variety of jewels known to us by pictured representationsor existing specimens. Pectorals of gold _cloisonné_ work inlaid withvitreous paste or precious stones, and which bear the cartouches ofAmenemhat II. , Ûsertesen II. , and Ûsertesen III. (fig. 297), exhibit amarvellous precision of taste, lightness of touch, and dexterity of fineworkmanship. So fresh and delicate are they we forget that the royal ladiesto whom they belonged have been dead, and their bodies stiffened anddisfigured into mummies, for nearly five thousand years. At Berlin may beseen the _parure_ of an Ethiopian Candace; at the Louvre we have the jewelsof Prince Psar; at Gizeh are preserved the ornaments of Queen Aahhotep. Aahhotep was the wife of Kames, a king of the Seventeenth Dynasty, and shewas probably the mother of Ahmes I. , first king of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Her mummy had been stolen by one of the robber bands which infested theTheban necropolis towards the close of the Twentieth Dynasty. They buriedthe royal corpse till such time as they might have leisure to despoil it insafety; and they were most likely seized and executed before they couldcarry that pretty little project into effect. The secret of their hiding-place perished with them, till discovered in 1860 by some Arab diggers. Most of the objects which this queen took with her into the next world wereexclusively women's gear; as a fan-handle plated with gold, a bronze-giltmirror mounted upon an ebony handle enriched with a lotus in chased gold(fig. 298). Her bracelets are of various types. Some are anklets andarmlets, and consist merely of plain gold rings, both solid and hollow, bordered with plaited chainwork in imitation of filigree. Others are forwearing on the wrist, like the bracelets of modern ladies, and are made ofsmall beads in gold, lapis lazuli, carnelian, and green felspar. These arestrung on gold wire in a chequer pattern, each square divided diagonally inhalves of different colours. Two gold plates, very lightly engraved withthe cartouches of Ahmes I. , are connected by means of a gold pin, and formthe fastening. A fine bracelet in the form of two semicircles joined by ahinge (fig. 299), also bears the name of Ahmes I. The make of this jewelreminds us of _cloisonné_ enamels. Ahmes kneels in the presence of the godSeb and his acolytes, the genii of Sop and Khonû. [Illustration: Fig. 298. --Mirror of Queen Aahhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 299. --Bracelet of Queen Aahhotep, bearing cartouche ofKing Ahmes I. ] [Illustration: Fig. 300. --Bracelet of Queen Aahhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 301. --Diadem of Queen Aahhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 302. --Gold "Ûsekh" of Queen Aahhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 303. --Pectoral of Queen Aahhotep, bearing cartouche ofKing Ahmes I. ] [Illustration: Fig. 304. --Poignard of Queen Aahhotep, bearing cartouche ofKing Ahmes. ] [Illustration: Fig. 305. --Poignard of Queen Aahhotep, bearing cartouche ofKing Ahmes. ] [Illustration: Fig. 306. --Funerary battle-axe of Queen Aahhotep, bearingcartouche of King Ahmes I. ] [Illustration: Fig. 307. --Funerary bark of Queen Aahhotep. ] [Illustration: Fig. 308. --Ring of Rameses II. ] [Illustration: Fig. 309. --Bracelet of Prince Psar. ] The figures and hieroglyphs are cut out in solid gold, delicately engravedwith the burin, and stand in relief upon a ground-surface filled in withpieces of blue paste and lapis lazuli artistically cut. A bracelet of morecomplicated workmanship, though of inferior execution, was found on thewrist of the queen (fig. 300). It is of massive gold, and consists of threeparallel bands set with turquoises. On the front a vulture is representedwith outspread wings, the feathers composed of green enamel, lapis lazuli, and carnelian, set in "cloisons" of gold. The hair of the mummy was drawnthrough a massive gold diadem, scarcely as large as a bracelet. The name ofAhmes is incrusted in blue paste upon an oblong plaque in the centre, flanked at each side by two little sphinxes which seem as if in the act ofkeeping watch over the inscription (fig. 301). Round her neck was a largeflexible gold chain, finished at each end by a goose's head reversed. Theseheads could be linked one in the other, when the chain needed to befastened. The scarabaeus pendant to this chain is incrusted upon theshoulder and wing-sheaths with blue glass paste rayed with gold, the legsand body being in massive gold. The royal _parure_ was completed by a largecollar of the kind known as the _Ûsekh_ (fig. 302). It is finished at eachend with a golden hawk's head inlaid with blue enamel, and consists of rowsof scrolls, four-petalled fleurettes, hawks, vultures, winged uraei, crouching jackals, and figures of antelopes pursued by tigers. The whole ofthese ornaments are of gold _repoussé_ work, and they were sewn upon theroyal winding sheet by means of a small ring soldered to the back of each. Upon the breast, below this collar, hung a square jewel of the kind knownas "pectoral ornaments" (fig. 303). The general form is that of a naos, orshrine. Ahmes stands upright in a papyrus-bark, between Amen and Ra, whopour the water of purification upon his head and body. Two hawks hover toright and left of the king, above the heads of the gods. The figures areoutlined in _cloisons_ of gold, and these were filled in with littleplaques of precious stones and enamel, many of which have fallen out. Theeffect of this piece is somewhat heavy, and if considered apart from therest of the _parure_, its purpose might seem somewhat obscure. In order toform a correct judgment, we have, however, to remember in what fashion thewomen of ancient Egypt were clad. They wore a kind of smock of semi-transparent material, which came very little higher than the waist. Thechest and bosom, neck and shoulders, were bare; and the one garment waskept in place by only a slender pair of braces. The rich clothed theseuncovered parts with jewellery. The Ûsekh collar half hid the shoulders andchest. The pectoral masked the hollow between the breasts. Sometimes eventhe breasts were covered with two golden cups, either painted or enamelled. Besides the jewels found upon the mummy of Queen Aahhotep, a number of armsand amulets were heaped inside her coffin; namely, three massive gold flieshanging from a slender chain; nine small hatchets, three of gold and six ofsilver; a golden lion's head of very minute workmanship; a wooden sceptreset in gold spirals; two anklets; and two poignards. One of these poignards(fig. 304) has a golden sheath and a wooden hilt inlaid with triangularmosaics of carnelian, lapis lazuli, felspar, and gold. Four female heads ingold _repoussé_ form the pommel; and a bull's head reversed covers thejunction of blade and hilt. The edges of the blade are of massive gold; thecentre of black bronze damascened with gold. On one side is the solarcartouche of Ahmes, below which a lion pursues a bull, the remaining spacebeing filled in with four grasshoppers in a row. On the other side we havethe family name of Ahmes and a series of full-blown flowers issuing onefrom another and diminishing towards the point. A poignard found at Mycenaeby Dr. Schliemann is similarly decorated; the Phoenicians, who wereindustrious copyists of Egyptian models, probably introduced this patterninto Greece. The second poignard is of a make not uncommon to this day inPersia and India (fig. 305). The blade is of yellowish bronze fixed into adisk-shaped hilt of silver. When wielded, this lenticular[79] disk fits tothe hollow of the hand, the blade coming between the first and secondfingers. Of what use, it may be asked, were all these weapons to a woman--and a dead woman? To this we may reply that the other world was peopledwith foes--Typhonian genii, serpents, gigantic scorpions, tortoises, monsters of every description--against which it was incessantly needful todo battle. The poignards placed inside the coffin for the self-defence ofthe soul were useful only for fighting at close quarters; certain weaponsof a projectile kind were therefore added, such as bows and arrows, boomerangs made in hard wood, and a battle-axe. The handle of this axe isfashioned of cedar-wood covered with sheet gold (fig. 306). The legend ofAhmes is inlaid thereon in characters of lapis lazuli, carnelian, turquoise, and green felspar. The blade is fixed in a cleft of the wood, and held in place by a plait-work of gold wire. It is of black bronze, formerly gilt. On one side, it is ornamented with lotus flowers upon a goldground; on the other, Ahmes is represented in the act of slaying abarbarian, whom he grasps by the hair of the head. Beneath this group, Mentû, the Egyptian war-god, is symbolised by a griffin with the head of aneagle. In addition to all these objects, there were two small boats, one ingold and one in silver, emblematic of the bark in which the mummy mustcross the river to her last home, and of that other bark in which shewould ultimately navigate the waters of the West, in company with theimmortal gods. When found, the silver boat rested upon a wooden truck withfour bronze wheels; but as it was in a very dilapidated state, it has beendismounted and replaced by the golden boat (fig. 307). The hull is long andslight, the prow and stem are elevated, and terminate in gracefully-curvedpapyrus blossoms. Two little platforms surrounded by balustrades on apanelled ground are at the prow and on the poop, like quarter-decks. Thepilot stands upon the one, and the steersman before the other, with a largeoar in his hand. This oar takes the place of the modern helm. Twelveboatmen in solid silver are rowing under the orders of these two officers;Kames himself being seated in the centre, hatchet and sceptre in hand. Suchwere some of the objects buried with one single mummy; and I have even nowenumerated only the most remarkable among them. The technical processesthroughout are irreproachable, and the correct taste of the craftsman is inno wise inferior to his dexterity of hand. Having arrived at the perfectiondisplayed in the _parure_ of Aahhotep, the goldsmith's art did not longmaintain so high a level. The fashions changed, and jewellery becameheavier in design. The ring of Rameses II. , with his horses standing uponthe bezel (fig. 308), and the bracelet of Prince Psar, with his griffinsand lotus flowers in _cloisonné_ enamel (fig. 309), both in the Louvre, areless happily conceived than the bracelets of Ahmes. The craftsmen who madethese ornaments were doubtless as skilful as the craftsmen of the time ofQueen Aahhotep, but they had less taste and less invention. Rameses II. Wascondemned either to forego the pleasure of wearing his ring, or to see hislittle horses damaged and broken off by the least accident. Alreadynoticeable in the time of the Nineteenth Dynasty, this decadence becomesmore marked as we approach the Christian era. The earrings of Rameses IX. In the Gizeh Museum are an ungraceful assemblage of filigree disks, shortchains, and pendent uraei, such as no human ear could have carried withoutbeing torn, or pulled out of shape. They were attached to each side of thewig upon the head of the mummy. The bracelets of the High Priest PinotemIII. , found upon his mummy, are mere round rings of gold incrusted withpieces of coloured glass and carnelian, like those still made by theSoudanese blacks. The Greek invasion began by modifying the style ofEgyptian gold-work, and ended by gradually substituting Greek types fornative types. The jewels of an Ethiopian queen, purchased from Ferlini bythe Berlin Museum, contained not only some ornaments which might readilyhave been attributed to Pharaonic times, but others of a mixed style inwhich Hellenic influences are distinctly traceable. The treasure discoveredat Zagazig in 1878, at Keneh in 1881, and at Damanhûr in 1882, consisted ofobjects having nothing whatever in common with Egyptian traditions. Theycomprise hairpins supporting statuettes of Venus, zone-buckles, agraffesfor fastening the peplum, rings and bracelets set with cameos, and casketsornamented at the four corners with little Ionic columns. The old patterns, however, were still in request in remote provincial places, and villagegoldsmiths adhered "indifferent well" to the antique traditions of theircraft. Their city brethren had meanwhile no skill to do aught but makeclumsy copies of Greek and Roman originals. In this rapid sketch of the industrial arts there are many lacunae. Whenreferring to examples, I have perforce limited myself to such as arecontained in the best-known collections. How many more might not bediscovered if one had leisure to visit provincial museums, and trace whatthe hazard of sales may have dispersed through private collections! Thevariety of small monuments due to the industry of ancient Egypt isinfinite, and a methodical study of those monuments has yet to be made. Itis a task which promises many surprises to whomsoever shall undertake it. [77] From the inscription upon the obelisk of Hatshepsût which is still erect at Karnak. For a translation in full see _Records of the Past_, vol. Xii. , p. 131, _et seqq. _--A. B. E. [78] Mr. Petrie suggests that this curious central object may be a royal umbrella with flaps of ox-hide and tiger-skin. --A. B. E. [79] That is, lentil-shaped, or a double convex. --A. B. E. NOTES TO FIRST ENGLISH EDITION. _For the following notes, to which reference numbers will be found in thetext, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. W. M. Flinders Petrie, author of_"The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh" (Field & Tuer), "Tanis" (_EgyptExploration Fund_), "Naukratis" (_Egypt Exploration Fund), etc. , etc. _ A. B. E. (1) More striking than these are the towns of Tell Atrib, Kom Baglieh, KomAbû Billû, and Tell Nebesheh, the houses of which may be traced without anyspecial excavations. (2) There is much skill needed in mixing the mud and sand in suchproportions as to dry properly; when rightly adjusted there is no crackingin drying, and the grains of sand prevent the mud from being washed away inthe rains. (3) In the Delta, at least, the sizes of bricks from the Twenty-firstDynasty down to Arab times decrease very regularly; under the Twenty-firstDynasty they are about 18 x 9 x 5 inches; early in the Twenty-sixth, 16-1/2x 8-1/4 x 5; later 15 x 7-1/2; in early Ptolemaic times, 14 x 7; in Romantimes, 12 x 6, in Byzantine times, 10 x 5; and Arab bricks are 8 x 4, andcontinue so very generally to our times. The thickness is always leastcertain, as it depends on the amount placed in the mould, but the lengthand breadth may in most cases be accepted as a very useful chronologicalscale. (4) They are found of Ramesside age at Nebesheh and Defenneh; even therethey are rare, and these are the only cases I have yet seen in Egyptearlier than about the third century A. D. (5) This system was sometimes used to raise a fort above the plain, as atDefenneh; or the chambers formed store-rooms, as at the fort at Naukratis. (6) In the fine early work at Gizeh they sawed the paving blocks of basalt, and then ground only just the edges flat, while all the inside of the jointwas picked rough to hold the mortar. (7) A usual plan in early times was to dress the joint faces of the blockin the quarry, leaving its outer face with a rough excess of a few inches;the excess still remains on the granite casing of the pyramid of Menkara, and the result of dressing it away may be seen in the corners of thegranite temple at Gizeh. (8) Otherwise called the Granite Temple of Gizeh, or Temple of Khafra, asits connection with the Sphinx is much disputed, while it is in directcommunication with the temple of the pyramid of Khafra, by a causeway inline with the entrance passage. (9) The casing of the open air court on the top of it was of finelimestone; only a few blocks of this remain. For full plan and measurementssee _Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_. (10) One of the air slits, or ventilators, remains complete, opening to theupper court, from the top of the niche chamber. (11) Below these lines, there is often a scene of offering at the bottom ofthe Obelisk. (12) _Mastaba_ is the Arabic name for a bench or platform, and was appliedby the natives to such tombs on account of the resemblance in shape. (13) In the few cases where the top remains perfect at Gizeh, the side endsin a parabolic curve which turns over into the top surface without anycornice or moulding; the tops of walls in the courts of mastabas aresimilar. (14) Another view is that they are derived from the cumulative mastabas, such as the so-called step pyramid of Sakkarah. (15) In the later pyramids; but the Gizeh pyramids are entirely built ofTûrah limestone. (16) Still more conclusive is the fact that in the greatest of the pyramidsthe passages are such that it would have been impossible to build it bysuccessive coats of enlargement. (17) In only one case (that of Menkara) has a pyramid been clearlyenlarged, and that was done at one step and not by many stages. (18) The earliest--at Gizeh--are very accurate. (19) These slabs of pavement do not extend beneath the pyramid, but onlyaround it. (20) Only fragments of the finest limestone casing have been found; thevariety of colour was probably due to weathering. (21) This would be impossible with the exquisitely fine joints of themasonry; a temporary staging of stone built up over part of the finishedface would easily allow of raising the stones. (22) There is no evidence that the facing block which covered the graniteplugs was of granite; it was more probably of limestone. (23) The entrance to the upper passages was never forced from the entrancepassage, but was accidentally found by the Arabs, after they had forced along tunnel in the masonry, being in ignorance of the real entrance, whichwas probably concealed by a hinging block of stone. (24) Or rather it rose at an angle of 23-1/2°, like the descent of theentrance passage, thus making angles of 47° and 133° with it. (25) This gallery has obtained a great reputation for the fineness of itsjoints, perhaps because they are coarse enough to be easily seen; but somejoints of the entrance passage, and the joints in the queen's chamber, arehardly visible with the closest inspection. (26) The only signs of portcullises are those in the vestibule orantechamber. (27) No traces of three of the portcullises remain, if they ever existed, and the other never could reach the floor or interrupt the passage, so itsuse is enigmatical. (28) There is some evidence that the pyramid was opened in the early days, perhaps before the middle kingdom. (29) Two rows of beams which rest on the side wall as corbels orcantilevers, only touching at the top, without necessarily any thrust. Suchat least is the case in the queen's chamber, and in the pyramid of Pepi, where such a roof is used. (30) The end walls have sunk throughout a considerable amount, and the sidewalls have separated; thus all the beams of the upper chambers have beendragged, and every beam of the roof of the chamber is broken through. Thisis probably the result of earthquakes. (31) This only covered the lower sixteen courses; the larger part above itwas of limestone. (32) Similar finished faces may be seen as far in as near the middle of themass. This is not a true pyramid in form, but a cumulative mastaba, thefaces of which are at the mastaba angle (75°), and the successiveenlargements of which are shown by numerous finished facings now within themasonry. The step form is the result of carrying upwards the mastaba form, at the same time that it was enlarged outwards. (33) Not in all cases apparently, for the hieroglyphs on the passage ofPepi's pyramid are not injured, as they would be if plugs had beenwithdrawn. (34) Pepi's roof is formed by a row of large beams which restedindependently on the side walls as corbels or cantilevers (see Note 29). (35) The mastaba angle is 75°, and the pyramid angle 50° to 55°. (36) Its present appearance is an accident of its demolition; it wasoriginally, like the "step-pyramid" of Sakkarah, a cumulative mastaba, asis shown by the remains of the lower steps still in the mounds at its base, and by the mediaeval description of it. INDEX Aahhotep, 157, 323-30. Aahhotep II. , 288-9. Aalû, fields of, 163-4, 167. Abacus, 52-4, 58, 61, 116. Abi, 273. Abû Roash, 113, 134. Abû Simbel (see TEMPLES, etc. ). Abûsîr, 114, 131, 134, 138, 140. Abydos (see FORTRESSES, TEMPLES, TOMBS, etc. ). Acacia, 203, 274. Adze, of iron, 283, 304. Affi (see TOMB). Agate, 247. Ahmes I. , 267, 307, 317, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329. Ahmes II. , 269 and note. (see AMASIS). Ahmesnefertari, 288-9. Ahnas el Medineh, 259. Aï, 15, 155, 158. Aimadûa (see TOMB). Akhonûti, 16. Alabaster, 6, 42, 47, 65, 128, 141, 166, 169, 180, 252, 253-4. Albumen, 203. Alexander, his tomb, 242. Alexander II. , colossus of, 241. Alexandria, 52, 241, 243, 303. Alumina, 260. Amasis, 269 and note, 302 (see AHMES II. ). Amber, 247. Ambras Collection, in Vienna, 272 (note). Amen (see GODS). Amen Ra (see GODS). Amenemhat II. , 76, 322. Amenemhat III. , 76, 143, 228 (see MOERIS). Amenhotep I. , 157, 229, 287. Amenhotep II. , 53. Amenhotep III. , 67, 69, 76, 77, 80, 103, 147, 158, 179, 226, 229, 230, 266, 275, 312, 318. (see MEMNON). Ameni (see TOMB). Ameni Entef Amenemhat, 107. Ameniritis, 235 and note. Amethyst, 246, 250. Amphorae 35, 36, 127, 264. Ampullae, 269. Amset, genius, 258 (note). Amulets, materials and forms of, 100, 167, 246-50, 259, 265, 286. Ancient Empire, -- art of (see BAS-RELIEF, SCULPTURE, and STATUE). Domestic architecture of, 19. Fortress of, 27. Tombs of (see MASTABAS and PYRAMIDS). Andro-sphinx, 89, 228-9. Angareb, or Nubian bed, 281, 292. Anhûr (see GODS). Ankh, 286, 288. Ankhnesraneferab, sarcophagus of, 165 (note). Anklets, 321. Anna (see TOMB). Antelopes, 176, 299, 326. Antimony, 254, 267 (see KOHL). Antonines, 244, 245. Antoninus Pius, his chapel at Philae, 100. Anubis (see GODS). Anvil, 313. Apapi, the serpent, 164. Ape, 171, 176, 199, 254, 269, 322. Apepi, King of Avaris, 228. Apet (see GODDESSES, TAÛRT, THÛERIS). Apis (see GODS). Apries, 269 and note, 311 (see HOPHRA and UAHABRA). Aquamarine, the, 246. Arabs, -- their destructive conquest, 134. Their name for table of offerings, 107. Archers, 29, 184. Architecture, -- military, 24-34. Of private dwellings, 1-20. Of public works, 34-45. Temples, 46-110. Tombs, 111-168. (see MASTABAS, PYRAMIDS, etc. ). Architraves, 46, 52, 53, 54, 63, 65, 93. Argo, colossi of, 227. Arms, 157, 166. Battle-axe, 329. Boomerangs, 273, 329. Bows and arrows, 184, 329. Bronze, 305. Lance, 232. Poignards, 273, 327-8. Arsenic, sulphuret of, orpiment, 203. Ascalon, 31. Asia, 91, 312. Asia Minor, 248, 280, 320. Asimû (see ELECTRUM). Ass, in drawings, 171, 175. Assyria, invasion of Egypt by, 314. Astronomical tables, 92-4, 164. Asûan, 45, 53, 67, 148-50, 209 and note, 226, 228, 256 (note), 259, 265. (see SYENE and TOMBS). Athena, 302. Athens, bronze of the Lady Takûshet at, 308. Ati, pyramid of, 142. Avaris, 228. Avenue of Sphinxes, 67. At Karnak, 87, 88-9, 230. Axe, -- battle, 327, 329. Iron, 304. Stone, 201. Axûm, obelisk at, 106. Ba, or Bi, the soul, 111, 112. Abode of the, 128. Abode of the, its decoration, 142, 156-7, 162-5. Following the sun at night, 159. Statuettes to serve as body for, 167. Transmigration of, 164. Bab el Mandeb, 109 (note). Ba-en-pet, 196 and note. (see IRON). Bakenrenf (see TOMB). Bakhtan, stela of, 109 and note. Bari, or boat of the Sun, 108. Barks, sacred and funerary, 66, 77, 95, 108, 159, 164, 166, 249, 301, 329-30. Basalt, 42, 127, 169, 196, 236, 237, 252. Basilisk, 201 (see URAEUS. )Bas-relief, -- Abû Simbel, 229. Egyptian forms of, 197-9. Gems, 249. Gilded, 313. Ivory, 273. Models for study of, 197. New Empire, 228-9. Painting of, 205-6. Preparation of walls for, 192-3. Roman period, 245. Sketches for, 193-5. Speos of Horemheb, 232. Tell el Amarna, 231. Temple of Abydos, 232. Tomb of Seti I. , 232. (See PAINTING, SCULPTURE, and WALL-SCENES. )Bast (see GODDESSES). Bastions, 28, 29, 32. Battlements, 14, 24, 25, 32, 50. Beads, 168, 247, 261, 324. Beams, 6, 30. Of stone, 140. Beard, -- false, of statue of Horemheb, 233. Of sphinx, 208. Bedawîn, 20, 42, 101. Beds, 281, 292. Funerary, 292-4. Beer, at funerary feast, 180. Beetles (see SCARABAEI). Begig, obelisk of, 105. Beit el Wally (see TEMPLES and HEMI-SPEOS). Beni Hasan (see TOMBS). Beni Sûef, 38. Berlin Museum, parure of jewels at, 322. Bersheh (see TOMBS). Bes (see GODS). Bezel, of rings, 321-2, 331. Bi (see BA). Bird, human-handed, 91. Birket el Kûrûn, lake of, 38, 39. Blocks, building, -- dressing, 47, Notes 6 and 7. In pyramids, 132, Note 15, 139, Note 33. Raising, 49. Sizes, 49. Working, 49, Note 7. Boats, toy, 282. Transport by, 45, 132. (See BARKS. )Bonding, 48-9. Bone, work in, 272-3. Book of Knowing that which is in Hades, 172. Book of Ritual of Burial, 157. Book of Ritual of Embalmment, 157. Book of the Dead, 129, 157, 165, 172-5, 205, 284-5. Book of the Opening of the Mouth, 165. Bowls, of blue glazed pottery, 268. Bracelets, 249, 276, 308, 324-5, 331, 332. Braces, 298, 327. Bread, -- making of, depicted in tombs, etc. , 124, 127, 224. Offerings of, 166. Breccia, 42, 236, 254. Bricks, -- baked, 4. For pyramids, 132. Glazed, 4, 270, Note 4. In civil and military architecture, 46. Making of, 3-4, Notes 2 and 3. Of mud and straw, 3, 114. Sun-dried, 3, 21, 113-14, 145. Without straw, 113, 145. Brickwork, -- civil and military architecture, 46. Dikes, 38. Domestic architecture, 3, 5-6. Enclosure walls of temples, 67, 87. Foundations, 48. Mastabas, 113, 114. Panels, 22. Pyramid-mastabas, 145-6. Undulating courses, 22, 27. Bridge of Zarû, 35. Bridges, rarity of, 35. British Museum, 171, 270 (note), 272 (note), 295, 303. Brocade (polymita), 303. Bronze, 105, 195, 196, 248, 260, 261, 304 _et seq. _, 328. Bronzes, 307-12. Brush, hair, 203. Reed, 170, 171. Bubastis, 1, 52, 58, 88, 266, 308, 310 (see TELL BASTA). Bubastites (see DYNASTY XXII. ). "Bûlak, Wooden Man of, " 214 (note). (see RAEMKA and SHEIKH EL BELED). Bull, 199. (see GODS, APIS). Burin, 305, 325. Cabinet-making, 124. 273. 282 _et seq. _Caesars (see ROMAN PERIOD). Calaite, 247. Caligula, 245. Cameos, 332. Canaanites, 31. Canal of Zarû, 35. Canals, 37, 45. Canopic vases, 167, 252-3, 258-9, 292. Canopy, funerary, 293-5, 299-301. Capitals (see COLUMNS and PILLARS). Caricatures, 171-2. Carnelian, 247, 250, 324, 325, 328. Cartonnage, 167. Cartouches, 4, 48, 61, 250, 262, 271, 278, 299, 302, 322, 323, 324, 326, 328, 329. Caryatid statues, 288. Casing stones, 47, 65, Notes 7 and 9, 132, Note 15, 134, Note 20, 138, Note 32. Cat, 171, 172, 311. Cattle, 13, 25, 155. Cedar wood, 329. Ceiling decoration, 18-9, 92, 94, 141, 163-4. Cella, 58. Cellars, 35, 36. Cement, 52, 192, 194. Census, 155. Ceremonies, religious, performed by king, 95-7, 101-3. Chains, 155, 325-6. Measuring, 155. Chairs, 179, 281, 295-6. Champollion, 26, 55, 271. Chapel, -- furniture of, 166. Of mastabas, 116 _et pas. _ of pyramids, 131 _et pas. _, 144. Painting and sculpture in, 121 _et seq. _, 141-2. Reception room of Ka, 118 _et seq. _ (See ABÛSÎR, ABYDOS, AMENHOTEP, AMENI, APIS, DAHSHÛR, GIZEH, GÛRNEH, KHNÛMHOTEP, MEDINET HABÛ, MEROË, RAMESSEUM, THÛERIS. )Chariots, 183, 292. Chenoboscion, 45 (note). (see KASR ES SAÎD). Cheops (see KHÛFÛ). Chephren (see KHAFRA). Chester, the Rev. G. J. , 303 (note). Chests, 281, 283. Chisels, 45, 195, 214, 304. Chlamys, 242. Chrysoprase, 246. Cinnabar, 203. Cisterns, 41. Claudius, 245. Clay, potter's, of Nile valley, 254-5. (see BRICKS, POTTERY). Clerestory, 71. Coffins, 157, 259 (see MUMMY-CASES and SARCOPHAGI). Coins and medals, no Egyptian, 313. Collar, Order of the Golden, 155. Colonnade, 17, 48, 67-8, 75, 79. Colossi, 83, 103, 106, 202, 226-30, 232, 241. Columns, monolithic, and built in courses, 52. Campaniform, 56-9. Hathor-headed, 61-2. Lotus-bud, 59-61. Types of, 55. Concrete, 128. Cones, funerary, 166, 257. Contra Esneh, 57. Contra Latopolis, 61. (see EL KAB). Copper, 35, 105, 203, 304, 305, 321. Coptic embroidery, 303 and note. Coptos (Koft), 1, 243, 245, 303. Coral, 247. "Corbelling, " 51, 52. Corn, 36-7, 97. Cornice, 9, 15, 24, 50, 53, 61, 148. Cos, 302. Courtyard, -- of houses, 9, 16. Of temples, 67, 144. Covering walls, 25, 29, 30, 32. Cramps, metal, 48. Crane, machine, 49, Crio-sphinx, 88, 89. Crocodile, 171, 189. Cruets, 318, 320. Crypts, of temples, 75, 84. Crystals, 250. Cups, -- of glazed pottery, 268. Of gold and silver, 316-17. Curtain wall, 30. Curve, favourite ancient Egyptian, 283. Cylinders, of enamelled stone, 265. Cynocephali, 164, 167, 199, 322. Cyprus, supposed glass of, 263. Dahshûr, 113, 114, 131, 134, 142, 323. Dakkeh, 2. Damanhûr, 332. Dams, -- embanked, 38. Of stone, 40-1. Dancers, 177, 178. Daphnae, 36 and note (see TAHPANHES and TELL DEFENNEH). Dapûr, 30, 31. Date palms, 15, 274. Decani, 93. Decoration, subjects of, 11, 12, 18-20, 21-2. Geometrical, 19, 256, 258, 295, 298. (See COLUMNS, PAINTING, SCULPTURE. )Deir el Baharî, 51, 53, 61, 83, 85 and note, 109 (note), 180, 229, 264, 266, 287, 299, 302. Deir el Gebrawî (see TOMBS). Deirel Medineh (see TEMPLES). Delta, the, 4, 31, 37, 209, 235, 241, 243, 310, 311. Denderah (see TEMPLES). Derr, 84. Deveria, T. , 196 (note). Dice, of ivory, 273. Die, of column, 57. Dike, -- of Kosheish, 38. Wady Garraweh, 40. Wady Genneh, 41. Diorite, 42, 169, 196, 224, 254. Disc, winged, 294. Dolls, 282. Dôm palms, 15, 274, 318. Door, 9, 25, 68, 104, 135, 150, 151, 160, 285. False, for KA, 115, 119-21, 125, 130, 141. Door-jambs, 26, 46, 47, 116, 119, 151. Double, the (see KA). Dovetails, 48. Drah Abû'l Neggeh, 147, 158, 266. Draught-box, 273. Drawing, 169-70. Conventional system of, 175-9. Teaching of, 169-70. Want of perspective in, 182-91. (See PAINTING AND SCULPTURE. )Dress, 219, 274-6, 327. Articles of, -- braces, 298, 327. Girdle, 178, 274, 278. Head-dress, 241, 276, 286. Kilt, 201, 275. Klaft, 227, 267. Petticoat, 276, 286. Robe, embroidered, 308. Sandals, 168, 286, 298. Surcoat, 302. Tunic, 225, 279. Vest, 275, 286. Wig, 236, 275, 286, 308, 310. Drill, 195, 247, 250, 282. Duality, 96-7. Ducks, 15, 20, 306. Dümichen, 109 (note). Dwarf, statue of, 224-6. Dynasty III. (Memphite), -- possible wood panels of, 210. Dynasty IV. (Memphite), -- decoration, 89-90. Funerary temples, 64 and note, 66. Mastabas of, 117, 118, 124, 125, 126, 128. Obelisks, 104. Pigments, 202 (note). Pyramids, 134-7, 140. Sarcophagus, 19, 20, 21. Scarabaei, 250. Statuary, 214. Dynasty V. (Memphite), -- Abydos, 22. Elephants, 273. Flesh tints, 204. Ivory statuette, 273. Mastabas, 117, 119, 120, 122. Models of offerings, 252. Monuments, 208-9. Painters' palettes, 202. Panels, carved wood, 210. Pyramids, 139-40. Tables of offerings, 107. Dynasty VI. (Elephantine), -- in Abydos, Asûan, the Delta, Hermopolis, Thebes, 209 and note. Bricks, 113. Flesh tints, 204. Fortress, 2. Mastabas, 157. Pyramids, 140, 142. Scarabaei, 250. Tomb-paintings, 21. Tombs, 128, 129, 130, 149 (note), 155, 204, 209 (note). Dynasty XI. (Theban), -- blue glaze, 265-6. Canopic vases, 167. Chairs, 295. Fortress, 23. Funerary statuettes, 253. Mummy-cases, 286. Statuary, 226. Tombs, 147. Dynasty XII. (Theban), -- blue glaze, 266. Fortress, 23, 28. Houses, 7, 8, 12, 281-2. Jewellery 322, 323 (see KAHÛN). Karnak, 76. Models of offerings, 252. Pyramids 132, 142, 143. Statuary, 228, 229. Temples, 66. Tombs 149 (note), 156 (see BENI HASAN). Dynasty XIII. (Theban), -- funerary couch, 293-4. Karnak, 76. Statuary, 226-7, 229, 273-4. Statuettes, 233, 273. Dynasty XIV. (Xoïte), -- Karnak, 76. Statuary, 226-7. Dynasty XVII. (Theban), -- draught-box, 273. Jewellery, 323 _et seq_. Sarcophagi, 287. Dynasty XVIII. (Theban), -- in Abydos, 22. Blue glaze, 268. Book of the Dead, 173. Bronzes, 307. Canopic vases, 258. Chair, 296-7 (note). Colossi, 229-30. Domestic architecture, 14 _et seq_. Gold and silver plate, 316, 318, 319, 320. Gold and silver statues, 314-15. Jewellery, 323 _et seq_. Karnak, 76-7. In Memphis, 88. Mummy-cases, 288-9. Painters' palettes, 202. Scarabaei, 250. Sculpture, 229-31. Speos-sanctuaries, 82, 83, 85. Stelae, 45. In Thebes, 88-9. Tomb-paintings, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17. Tombs, 155 _et seq_. Wars, 31. Dynasty XIX. (Theban), -- blue glaze of, 268. Bronzes, 307. Colossi, 234. Domestic architecture, 19. Flesh tints, 205. Fortifications, 31, 34. Gold and silver plate, 317, 321. Gold and silver statues, 314. Jewellery, 331. Karnak, 78. Mummy-cases, 289. Tombs, 158 _et pas_. Dynasty XX. (Theban), -- blue glaze, 268. Canopic vases, 258. Domestic architecture, 19. Fortresses 33 (see MEDINET HABÛ). Gold and silver plate, 317. Jewellery, 332. Leather-work, 300, 301. Sketches, 171. Stela of Bakhtan, 109 (note). Temple of Khonsû, 70-2. Tiles (Tell el Yahûdeh), 270-2. Tomb-paintings, 20. Tomb-robberies, 323. Tombs, 158 _et pas_.. Varnish, 203-4. Wood-carving, 235, 274. Dynasty XXI. (Priest-kings), -- papyri, 174. Sculpture, 228. Tomb 158 (tomb of Herhor). Dynasty XXII. (Bubastite), -- bronzes, 307. Leather-work, 299, 300. Karnak, 79. Dynasty XXV. (Ethiopian), -- art, 235. Karnak, 79. Dynasty XXVI. (Saïte), -- ampullae, 268, 269. Bronzes, 307, 311-12. Glass, 263. Gold statuettes, 315. Renaissance, 235 _et seq. _ sculpture, 236 _et seq. _ table of offerings, 252. Tombs, 165. Dynasty XXXI. (Persian), -- tapestry, 303. Earrings, 331, 332. Earthquake, -- building to resist, 22. Of B. C. 27, at Karnak, 79. Of B. C. 22, at Thebes, 244. Ebony, 295, 323. Edfû (see TEMPLES). Edinburgh Museum, funerary canopy in, 293-4. Eggs, 259. Egypt Exploration Fund, -- at Bersheh, 148 (note). At Bubastis, 52 (note). At Daphnae, 36 (note). At Deir el Baharî, 83, 85. At Pithom, 36 (note). At Tanis, 104 (note). At Tell Gemayemi, 200 (note), 262 (note). Ekhmîm, 14, 247, 259, 291, 293, 297, 303 and note. El Agandiyeh, 1. El Hibeh, 2, 33. At Beni Hasan, 148 (note). El Kab, 2, 20, 26, 27, 54, 69, 88, 228, 265 (see CONTRA LATOPOLIS). El Khozam, 256. Electrum, 304, 312, 313. Elephant, 273. Elephantine, 148, 209 (note), 273, 275. (see TEMPLES). Embroidery, 276, 302, 303, 308. Emerald, 41, 246, 250. Enamel, 265-72. In jewellery, 289, 322, 325, 327. Erman, on Stela of Bakhtan, 109 (note). Erment, 247. Esneh, 92, 144, 245. Ethiopia, 106, 318. Ethiopian Dynasty (see DYNASTY XXV. ). Etruria, imitated scarabs of, 248. Eye, -- as amulet, 247-8. In decoration, 268. On sarcophagi, 285. Sacred, 168. (See ÛTA). Eyes of statues, 261, 310. Fan, 323. Fayûm, the, 19, 38, 39, 66, 105, 134, 243, 259, 261, 304. Feast, -- funerary, 118, 123, 125, 166. Funerary of Horemheb, 179-80. Feasts, 118. Felspar, 247, 250, 324, 328, 329. Ferry, 34. Feshn, 33. Figs, 267. Fires, 2, 12. Fire-sticks, 282. Fish, -- in decoration, 268, 278, 316. In enamel, 267. Offerings of, 228. Florence Museum, Egyptian war-chariot in, 292 (note). Flowers (see LOTUS), -- in temples, 67. Offerings of, 180, 228. Fords, 34. Fortresses, 20-34. Of Abydos, 20-6. Of El Kab, 20, 27. Of Kom el Ahmar, 25, 26. Of Kûmmeh, 28-9. Of Semneh, 28-30. Foundations, 47, 48. Frieze, 97. Frog, as amulet, 247. Frontier, 28, 31, 36-7. Furnaces, glass, 259, 260. Furniture, 281-4. Ancient Egyptian love of beautiful, 246. Funerary, 128, 166-8, 251 _et seq. _, 292 _et seq. _ funerary, of poor, 167-8, 255. Galleries, -- in houses, 17. Garden, of private house, 13, 14, 15. Garnet, 246. Scarabaei of, 250. Gazelle, 123, 128, 153, 171, 176, 180, 252. Gebel Abûfeydeh, 44, 45. Gebel Barkal (see TEMPLES). Gebel Sheikh Herideh, 45. Gebel Silsileh (see TEMPLES). Gebeleyn, 33, 256. Geese, 15, 19, 166, 171, 177, 296, 306. Genii, 159, 164, 258 (note). Of On, Sop, and Khonû, 96, 324. Gerf Husein, 85. Girgeh, 14, 38. Gizeh (see PYRAMIDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS). Gizeh, Museum, 4, 106, 107, 171, 174, 195, 214, 216-26, 227, 229, 232-3, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 262, 265, 267, 268, 271, 273, 274, 275, 278, 286, 298, 301, 306, 307, 308, 309, 315, 316, 323-30, 331. Glass, 259-65. Factories, at El Kab, the Ramesseum, Tell el Amarna, Tell Eshmûneyn, 265. Factory at Tell Gemayemi, 262 (note). Glazed stone and ware, 165-72 (see POTTERY). Goat, 176. Gods, -- Amen, 33, 97, 101, 104, 105, 109, 171, 231, 232, 249, 268, 289, 307, 315, 327. Amen Ra, 96. Anhûr, 311. Anubis, 168, 304. Apis, 147, 263. Bes, 53, 57, 254, 277, 318. Harpocrates, 307. Hor (Horus), 96, 105. Horus (Hor), 64, 96, 105, 207, 259, 267, 309-10, 314. Khonsû, 60, 64, 70, 72, 74, 75, 97, 109 and note, 235. Mentû, 97, 329. Min, 118. Nefertûm, 310, 314. Osiris, 20, 53, 54, 95, 142, 168, 189, 237, 249, 304. Ptah, 168, 315. Ra, 208, 327. Ra Harmakhis, 105. Seb, 324. Set (Typhon), 96, 196. Shû, 311. Thoth, 96, 118, 167, 259, 314. Tûm, 105. Goddesses, -- Apet, 237 (note). Bast, 168, 311. Hathor, 53, 54, 55, 61, 62, 69, 70, 82, 83, 97, 168, 237. Isis, 95, 241, 247, 249, 250, 287, 294, 310, 314. Khûit, 259. Ma, 262, 294. Maut, 97, 289. Neith, 250. Nekheb, 92. Nephthys, 237, 249, 250, 287, 294, 310. Pakhet, 42, 82. Sekhet, 250, 277, 311. Sothis, 118. Taûrt, 237 (note). Tefnût, 311. Thûeris, 237. Ûati, 92. Gold, 11, 304, 312-21. Goldsmith, 313. Golenischeff, 228. Gouge, 195. Granaries, 1, 10, 36. Granite, 6, 47, 66, 76, 103, 132, 136, 137, 169, 196, 197, 199, 214, 247, 254, 290. Black, 42, 165, 233. Grey, 41, 236, 244. Red, 42, 52, 65, 77, 107, 127, 165, 232, 236. Grapes, models, 166, 267. Greeks, -- Egyptian fortification in time of, 34. Egyptian patterns among, 320. Their imitation scarabs, 248. Their influence on astronomical tables, 93. Their influence on columns, 56. Their influence on jewellery, 332. Their influence on sculpture, 241-4. Their peripteral temples, 69. Their similar system of building construction, 48. Their theory of mounds, 5. (See PTOLEMAIC PERIOD. )Grenfell, Major-General Sir F. , 149 (note), and 209 (note). Greyhound, in drawings, 176. Griffith, F. Ll. , 200 (note), 262 (note). Grindstone, 247. Gum tragacanth, 203. Gûrneh, 60. Gypsum, 203. Hadrian, 243, 245 (note). Hairpins, 277. Hammamat, valley of, 41. Hammer, 195, 313. Hapi, genius, 258 (note). Hapizefa (see TOMB). Harpocrates (see GODS). Hatasû (see HATSHEPSÛT). Hathor (see GODDESSES). Hatshepsût (Hatasû), 42, 77, 85, 104, 105, 109 and note, 296 (note), 313 and note. Hawara, 257, 291. Hawk, 254, 259, 267, 322, 326. Haworth, Mr. Jesse, 296 (note). Headrest, 128, 166, 277. Hedgehog, 254, 267. Hekalli, 144. Heliopolis, 26, 32, 103, 104, 309. Helwân, dam at baths of, 40. Hematite, 247, 250. Hemi-speos, -- Beit el Wally, 84, 205 (note), 235. Deir el Baharî, 83, 85. Derr, 84. Gerf Husein, 85. Wady Sabûah, 85. Herhor, 158, 261, 288. Hermopolis, 209. Herodotus, 38, 39-40, 88, 195. Hesî, 210. Hieroglyphs, 55, 60, 180, 236, 257, 261-2 and note, 268, 270, 284, 285, 289, 300, 316, 325. Hippopotamus, 189, 236. Hittites, 31, 185. (see KHETA). Honey, 203, 254. Hophra, the biblical, 269. Hor Horus (see GODS). Hor, portrait statue of one, 242. Horbeit, 311, 312. Horemheb, 50, 52, 53, 82, 155, 158, 179-80, 205, 231, 232, 233. Horhotep (see TOMB). Hori Ra, wooden statuette of, 275. Hori, scribe, ûshabtiû of, 257. Horn, objects in, 272. Horse, date of introduction of, 153-4. Horshesû, 64 and note. 207. Horus (see GODS). Horûta, 257. Houses, 1-20. Hûi (see TOMB). Hûnefer, his papyrus, 173-4. Huts, 20, 8. Hyksos sphinxes (see PERIOD). Hypostyle hall, 72, 74, 76, 89, 92, 102, 106. Abû Simbel, 84. Abydos, 60, 85-6. Gûrneh, 60. Kalaat Addah, 82. Karnak, 34 (note), 46, 57, 60, 62-3, 76, 78, 79, 100. Temple of Khonsû, 71. Medinet Habû, 60. Ramesseum, 57, 60. Ibis, 259. Ibrahim, Prince, 240. Illahûn, 39, 143. Incense, 95, 126, 273. Ink, black, 4, 170, 193, 285. Red, 44, 170, 171, 193, 285. Inscriptions, absence of in Temple of Sphinx, 66. Obelisk, 313 and note. Pyramid of Ûnas, 163. Sarcophagi, 127, 157, 165. Tombs, 141-2, 151, 155-6. (See HIEROGLYPHS). Iron, 195-7, 304. Irrigation, 35, 37-41. Isiemkheb, 180, 299-300. Isis (see GODDESSES). Italy, Egyptian patterns in, 320. Ivory, 272, 273-4, 283. Jade, 254. Jasper, 247, 250. Jewellery, 249, 321-33. Jews, 303. Jomard, 55. Kaâpir (see TOMB). Kadesh (Qodshû), 31, 101, 185, 187. Kahûn, Twelfth Dynasty Town, 1, 6 (note), 7, 282. Kalaat Addah (see TEMPLES). Kalabsheh (see TEMPLES). Kames, 323, 330. Ka, or Double, 111, 112, 118, 130, 141-2, 156-7, 162, 163, 165-7, 212-14, 257. Ka-name of Pepi I, 270. Karnak (see TEMPLES). Kashta, 235 (note). Kasr es Saîd (see CHENOBOSCION). Kebhsennef, 258 (note). Keneh, 265, 332. Khabiûsokari (see TOMB). Khafra (Chephren), 89, 133, 137, 134, 214, 217-18, 224, 253. Khamha (see TOMB). Kheper, or Khepra (see SCARABAEI). Kheta, 101, 185, 187-8. Khetî (see TOMB). Khmûnû, 148. Khnûmhotep (see TOMB). Khonsû (see GODS). Khonû, 96, 324. Khû, the, 111, 112. Khûenaten (Amenhotep IV. ), 15, 155, 230. Khûfû (Cheops), 133, 134-7, 206, 312, 314. Khûfû Poskhû, 20, 22. Khûit (see GODDESSES). Klaft, 227, 306. Knives, 304, 306. Koft, I (see COPTOS). Kohl (antimony, collyrium), 254, 266, 273. Kom ed Damas, 242. Kom el Ahmar, 2, 25, 26. Kom es Sultan, 21, 23, 27. Kom Ombo (see OMBOS and TEMPLES). Kosheish, 38. Kûmmeh, 28. Kûrnet Murraee, 263, 294. Labyrinth, the, 59. Lake Moeris, 38-40. Lakes, sacred, 77. Lamp, 19, 307 (?). Lapis-lazuli, 203, 247, 250, 304, 324, 325, 328, 329. Lasso, 95. Lattice, 11. Lead, 304. Leather, 292, 298-301. Léfébure, M, 161. Leopard, 176. Lewis, Prof. Hayter, 272 (note). Leyden Museum, 266 (note), 292 (note). Libations (see OFFERINGS). Libyan cliffs and plateau, 39, 113, 207, 209 (note). Libyans, 21, 207, 209 (note). Limestone, 42, 47, 65, 76, 107, 113, 127, 132, 135, 138, 139, 140, 147, 148, 166, 169, 192, 195, 200, 224, 232, 236, 252, 253, 254, 265, 312. Linant, M, 39. Lindos, 302. Linen, 130, 286, 302, 314. Lintels, 9, 26, 46, 47, 150, 151. Lion, 171, 176, 199, 293, 295, 322. Lisht, 89, 134, 252. Loftie, the Rev. W. J. , 201 (note). 249 (note). Looms, 297, 298. Lotus, 34 (note), 57, 58, 60-61, 62, 64, 116, 180, 247, 254, 266, 268, 269, 271, 273, 277, 278, 279, 281, 299, 316. Louvre Museum, 208, 214, 215, 224, 226, 227, 239, 240, 266 (note), 271, 275, 278, 295, 308, 313, 316, 322, 331. Luxor (see TEMPLES). Ma (see GODDESSES). Magdilû, (see MIGDOLS). Magnaura, 320. Maillet, M. , 64. Malachite, 247, 304. Mallet, 45, 197, 202. Manfalût, 144. Manna (see TOMB). Mariette, 64 (note), 129, 210, 227, 271. Masahirti, 299. Masonry, 48, 49. Massarah, 43. Mastabas, 113-31, Notes 12-14. (see TOMB and TOMBS). Masts, 72, 103. Maut (see GODDESSES). Mechanical appliances, -- crane, 49. Pivots, 283. Rollers, 45. Wedges, 45. Medamot (see TEMPLES). Medinet el Fayûm, 39. Medinet Habû (see TEMPLES). Medûm, 38 (note), 131, 143, 144, 202 (note). Memnon, 103, 230, 245. (see AMENHOTEP III. ). Memphis, 1, 6, 32, 38, 43, 47, 52, 58, 88, 113, 132, 147, 156, 157, 162, 165, 209, 226, 228, 235, 241, 252. Mena, 38, 64, 206. Mendes, 311. Menkara (Mycerinus), 128 (note), 134, 137, 286 (Notes 7, 17, 31). Menkaûhor, 224. Menkheperra, 299. Menshîyeh, 107. Mentû (see GODS). Mentûemhat, 314. Merenptah, 235. Merenra, 133, 140. Meresankhû, 144. Mermashiû, 227. Meroë, 144, 244. Merom, 31. Merrûka, stela of, 120. Mesheikh, 69, 229. Metals, ancient Egyptian classification of, 304. Migdols, 31-3 (see MAGDILÛ). Milk, offerings of, 95. Min (Khem) (see GODS). Minieh, 148. Mining, 35, 41. Mirrors, 277, 306, 323, 324. Moats of Canaanite cities, 31. Moeris, 38-9 (see AMENEMHAT III. ). Moeris, Lake, 38-40. Mohammeriyeh, 144. Mokattam, 136. Mortar, 48, 114. Mosû, 310. Mounds, 1, 5-6. Mummies, -- animals and eggs, 259. Beds and canopies for, 292-5. Boats for transport of, 301. Burial of, 112, 127-8, 153, 154, 167-8, 173. "eternal house" of, 112. Furniture for, 284, 292 _et seq. _ (see FURNITURE). Jewellery for, 321. (see JEWELLERY). Models of, 166. Panoply of, 167 (see AMULETS). Sledges for, 292. Mummy, -- Aahhotep, 157, 323. Amenhotep I. , 157. Menkara, 137. Pinotem III. , 332. Sekenenra, 157. Thothmes III. , 157. Mummy-cases, 259, 261-2, 284-92. Murrhine, false, 263 (note)Musical instruments, 166. Lute, 180, 267, 279. Sistrum, 95. Tambourine, 95. Trumpet, 182. Mycerinus, 286 (see MENKARA). Naga, group from, 244. Naï, 276. Naos, 61, 108, 312, 326. (see SHRINE). Napata, 144. Naville, M. , 36 and note, 52 (note). Necho, 267 and note. Necklace, 249, 276, 322, 325. (see ÛSEKH). Nectenebo, 62. Neferhotep (see TOMB). Nefert, 219-20. Nefertari, 84. Nefertûm (see GODS). Negadeh (see TOMBS). Negroes, 41, 91. Neith (see GODDESSES). Nekheb (see GODDESSES). Nemhotep, dwarf, 225. Nenka (see TOMB). Nephthys (see GODDESSES). Nesikhonsû, 264. Net, 95. Netemt, 261. New York Museum, 172. Niche of tombs, origin of, 152 (see DOOR, SERDAB, and STELA). Nile, 34, 38, 39, 45, 48, 252, 254, 273. Niles, the (deities), 91, 92, 228. Nitocris, daughter of Psammetichus I. , 237. Nomes, represented, 91-2. Nubia, 28, 47, 66, 82, 259. Nûrri (see PYRAMIDS). Oasis, the, 20. Obelisk, 45, 67, 103-6, 313. Axûm, 106. Begig, 105. Fourth Dynasty, 104. Hatshepsût, 104, 106, 313 and note. Heliopolis, 104. Luxor, 104. Tanis, 104. Obsidian, 247, 250. Ocean, celestial, 93. Ochre, 203. OEnochoe, glass, 263. Offerings, -- corn, 97. Milk, 95. Oil, 95. Wine, 95, 97. (See FEAST, LIBATIONS, TABLES OF OFFERINGS. )Oil, 95. Ombos, 26, 36, 58, 88, 92, 245, (see KOM OMBO and TEMPLES). On, genius of, 96. Osiris (see GODS). Ostraka, 36. Ostrakon, caricature, 172. Oxen, 123, 128, 153, 175, 182. Pahûrnefer, 214. Painting, 192-3, 202-6, 292-3. (see DRAWING, PERSPECTIVE, WALL-SCENES). Pakhet (see GODDESSES). Palestrina, mosaic, 189-92. Palette, -- painter's, 202. Scribe's, 128, 166, 170. Palm capital, 58. Palms, for roofing, 2, 11 (see DATE and DÔM PALMS). Papyri, 64 (note), 160, 167, 170, 171, 172-5, 205. (see BOOK). Papyrus, 57, 190, 327. Pavilion, -- of private house, 17. Of Medinet Habû, 32. Of Nectenebo, Philae, 62. Pearl, mother-of-, 247. Pearls, 247. Pectoral, 322, 323, 326, 327. Pedishashi, 239, 240. Pegs, 283. Pen, 175, 215. Pepi I. , 140, 253, 270. Pepi II. , 133, 140, 142. Perfumes, 67, 128, 157, 180. Period, -- Hyksos, 227-8, 307. Persian, 174, 303. Ptolemaic, 56, 58, 61, 66, 69-70, 72, 79, 90, 93, 98, 175, 208, 241-3, 249, 290, 303, 315, 332. Roman, 58, 66, 90, 98, 173, 208, 243-5. Theban, second, 19 and note. Peristyle, 67, 74, 83, 84, 106 (see PROCESSIONAL HALL). Perspective, 177-92. Pestle and mortar, 170. Petamenoph (see TOMB). Petrie, W. M. F. , 7, 10, 12, 45, 64-5, 104, 113, 131, 197, 200, 202, 249, 267, 282, 291, 334 _et seq. _Pharaoh, 66, 67, 95-7, 98, 101-3. Philae (see TEMPLES). Phoenicians, 248, 263, 303, 320. Piankhi I. , 34. Piankhi II. , 235 (note). Pibesa, 237. Pigments, 202-3. Pillars, 52, 53-5, 65, 68, 116, 149, 151. Pincushion, 277. Pinotem II. , 299. Pinotem III. , 299, 332. Pisebkhanû, 228. Pithom, i, 36 and note. Plate, 315-20 (see GOLD and SILVER). Pliny, 303. Pohûnika (see TOMB). Poignards, 327, 328. Point, 47 (note), 6, 195, 197, 201, 247, 250. Polymita, 303. Ponds, 8, 15, 186. Porch, 13 (see PORTICO). Porphyry, 42, 247. Portcullis, in pyramids, 136, Notes 26, 27, 137, 139. Portico, 13, 16, 51, 54, 57, 60, 67, 116, 149, 150, 152, 206. Portrait, panel-painting, 291-2. (see BAS-RELIEF, MUMMY-CASES, and STATUES). Posno collection, 308. Pottery, 166, 254-9. (see GLAZED WARE and VASES). Priests (see PHARAOH and others). Prisse, M. , 193. Processional Hall (promenoir), 53, 58 and note, 60, 77 (see PERISTYLE). Pronaos, 70, 74-5. Psammetichus I. , 236. Psammetichus, scribe, 237 and note. Psar, 322, 331. Ptah (see GODS). Ptahhotep (see TOMB). Ptahmes, 208. Pûnt, Land of, 109 and note. Pylons, 13, 16, 49, 50, 67, 77, 78, 79, 80, 85, 87, 100-1, 186-8, 189, 232. Pyramid of, -- Amenemhat III. (Hawara), 143. Ati, 142. Khafra (Second Pyramid of Gizeh), 133, 134, 137. Khûfû (Great Pyramid of Gizeh), 133, 134-7. Menkara (Third Pyramid of Gizeh), 134, 137. Merenra, 133, 140. Pepi I. , 140. Pepi II. , 133, 140, 142. Sakkarah, Step, or Great, 138-9, Note 32. Sneferû (Medûm), 132, 143-4. Teti, 140. Ûnas, 133, 138, 139-40. Ûsertesen I. , 143. Ûsertesen II. (Illahûn), 143. Pyramidion, 105, 147. Pyramid-mastaba tombs, 145-8, Pyramids, 131-45, and Notes, pp, 334-7. Abûsîr, 131, 134, 138, 140. Abydos (Hekalli), 144. Dahshûr, 131, 134, 142. Esneh (Mohammeriyeh), 144. Ethiopia (Meroë, Napata, Nûrri), 144. Fayûm (Hawara and Illahûn), 134, 143. Gizeh, 131, 133-7, 140. Lisht, 134, 142. Manfalût, 144. Sakkarah, 133, 134, 137, 138-42. Qodshû, 31. (see KADESÛ). Quarries, 35, 41-5, 132. Ra (see GODS). Ra Harmakhis (see GODS). Raemka, 220 (see SHEIKH EL BELED). Rahotep, 214, 219. Ram, 88, 89, 199. Rameses I. , 78, 158. Rameses II. (Sesostris), 47, 52, 78, 80, 84, 86, 101, 103, 158, 188, 202, 226, 231, 232, 234, 235, 287-8, 321, 331. Rameses III. , 4, 32-3, 87, 101, 184, 194, 195, 270, 272, 301, 306, 321. Rameses IV. , 160. Rameses IX. , 331. Ramesseum, the, 36, 37, 47, 57, 60, 62, 72, 92, 100, 103, 159, 187, 234, 265. Ramessides, the, 1, 23, 109, 153, 168, 235, 266, 290, 320. Ramparts, 24, 30, 33, 87. Ranefer, 214, 218. Rats, 171, 259. Red Sea, emerald mines, 41. Redesîyeh, 229. Reed brush, 171. Reeds, 180, 266. Rekhmara (see TOMB). Renaissance, 175, 235-40, 290. Repoussé work (see GOLD, JEWELLERY, SILVER). Reservoir, 38-41, 252 (see DAMS, DIKES, IRRIGATION). Rhind, A. H. , 293 and note. Rings, 267, 305, 321-2, 331. Roads, 30, 34, 35, 41. Rock-cut temples and tombs (see SPEOS and TOMBS). Roofs, 2, 9, 10, 11, 32, 51, 90. Rougé, M. Le Vicomte de, 109 (note). _Sa_, amulet, 237 (note). Sabûah, Wady (see TEMPLES). Sacrifices, 95, 97. (see FEAST and OFFERINGS). Sails of leather-work, 301. Sais, 26, 266. Sakkarah, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 126, 129, 130 (note), 133, 134, 137, 138, 140, 144, 158, 189, 197, 204, 217, 221, 226, 252, 259, 269, 270, 310, 313. (see PYRAMIDS and TOMBS). Sân, 1, 26. (see TANIS). Sanctuaries (see SPEOS and TEMPLES). Sanctuary, the essential part of a temple, 66-7. Sandals, 168, 286, 298. Sandstone, 6, 43, 47, 67, 76, 87, 103, 169, 199, 202, 230, 252. Sapping, 23, 25. Sarcophagi, 42, 127, 129, 132, 137, 140, 157, 160. (see MUMMY-CASES). Sarcophagus of, -- Aahhotep II. , 288-9. Ahmes I. , 287. Ahmesnefertari, 288-9. Amenhotep I. , 287. Khûfû, 136. Khûfû Poskhû, 20, 22. Menkara, 128 (note), 137. Rameses II. , 287, 288. Seti I. , 161, 165 (note). Thothmes II. , 287. (See MUMMY-CASES. )Sardanapalus, 314. Sardinia, 248. Saucepan of Rameses III. , 306. Saw, 247, 250. Scaling, as a mode of attack, 23, 25. Scarabaei, 248-50. Funerary, 168, 265, 325-6. Scarabaeoids, 248. Schist, 265. Schliemann, Dr. , 328. Schweinfurth, Dr. , 40. Scissors, of bronze, 306. Scorpion, 322, 329. Scribe, -- cross-legged, 214-17. Kneeling, 214, 222-3, 239. Sculpture, -- absence of, in chapel of Pyramid of Medûm, 144. Absence of, in Temple of Sphinx, 66. Greek influence on, 240-3. Hyksos, school of, 227-8. Mastabas, 119 _et seq. _, 130. Memphite school of, 209-25. Methods of, 200-2. New Empire school of, 228, 235. Provincial schools of, 228. Pylons, 186-8. Pyramids, 137. Renaissance school of, 235-40. Theban (first) school of, 226. XIII. And XIV. Dynasties, 226-7. (See BAS-RELIEF and STATUES. )Seals, 321-2. Seb (see GODS). Sebâkh diggers, 237 and note. Sebekemsaf, 202, 227. Sebekhotep III. , 227. Sekenenra, 157. Sekhet (see GODDESSES). Selle (see ZARÛ). Semneh, 20, 28-9, 50. Sennetmû, mummy-case of wife of, 286. (see TOMB). Sepa, 208. Serdab, 126-7, 129, 139, 152, 166, 167. Serpentine, 169, 195, 236, 247, 252. Serpents, 141, 159, 164, 259, 329. (see APAPI). Sesebeh (see TEMPLES). Sesostris, 5. (see RAMESES II. ). Set (see GODS). Seti I. , King, 34 (note), 42, 47, 48, 49, 51, 78, 85, 101, 107, 158, 161, 162, 163, 195, 231, 232, 235, 270. Shabaka, 235 (note). Sharonah (see TEMPLES). Sheikh Abd el Gûrneh, -- bronzes from, 307. Enamels from, 263. Sheikh el Beled, statue of, 214 and note, 220-1, 224, 226 (see RAEMKA). Sheikh Saîd, 148. Sheshonk, 33, 235, 270. Shrines, 66, 108 (see NAOS). Shû (see GODS). Silsilis, 38, 43-5, 232. Silver, -- bark of, 329-30. Chain of, 322. Eyes of, 310. Hatchets of, 327. Nuggets of, 11. Poignard hilt of, 328. Repoussé work of, 316-17. Rings of, 321. Sources of, 312. Statues of, 314-15. Vases and vessels of, 316 _et seq. _ wire of, 248. Sinai, 41, 66, 101. Sistrum, 53, 61, 95, 260. Sitû, 252. Situlae, bronze, 307. Siût, 114, 148, 226, 242. Skemka, 214. Sky, Egyptian idea of, 90. Sledges, -- for transport of stone, 45. Funerary, 292, 294. Sneferu, 132, 144, 209. Soane collection, 165 (note). Soil of Egypt, 2, 4, 48. Soleb (see TEMPLES). Sop, genius, 324. Sothis, feast of, 118. Soudan, gold from, 313. Soul, the (see BA). Speos, the, 42, 81-5. Abû Simbel, 53, 82-4. Kalaat Addah, 81, 82. Silsilis, 82, 232. (See HEMI-SPEOS. )Speos Artemidos (see TEMPLES). Sphinx, the, 64 (note), 65, 206-8. Sphinxes, 325. Andro-, 89, 230. Avenues of, 67, 88-9, 230. Crio-, 88, 89. Hyksos, 227-8. New Empire, 229. Spinners, 124. Spoons, 273, 278-81, 306. Stabling, 13, 35, 87. Staircase, -- fortress, 24. House, 11, 16. Temple, 70, 71, 85. Temple pylons, 50. Statue of, -- Alexandrian Isis, 241. Portrait of Amenhotep I. , 229. Baker, 224. Cross-legged scribe of Gizeh, 217. Cross-legged scribe of the Louvre, 214-15. Hor, 242. Horemheb, 232-3. Khafra, 214, 217-18, 253. Kneeling scribe, 214, 223. Mermashiû, 227. Nefert, 219-20. Nemhotep (dwarf), 225-6. Pahûrnefer, 214. Prince of Siût, 241-2. A queen, 232. Rahotep, 219. Sebekemsaf, 202, 227. Sebekhotep III. , 227. Sheikh el Beled (Raemka), 214, 220-1, 224. Sheikh el Beled's wife, 221-2. Skemka, 214. Thothmes I. , 229. Thothmes II. , 229. Statues, -- in houses, 13. In temples, 106, 108-10. Ka, 126-7, 152, 163, 166, 211-14. Statuette of, -- Amen, gold, 315. A girl, 274-5. Hori Ra, wood, 275. Horus, bronze, 309-10. Horus, enamelled, 267. Kneeling genius, bronze, 309. Mosû, bronze, 310. Naï, wood, 276. Officer, wood, 275-6. Priest, wood, 275, 276. Ptah, gold, 315. Ptahmes, enamelled, 268. Takûshet, bronze, 308-9. Statuettes, -- alabaster, 253. Bronze, 307-10. Clay, 257. Deir el Baharî, 266. Gilt, 314. Gold, 314-15. Ivory, 273-4. Limestone, 253. Period XVIII. And XIX. Dynasties, 307. XXII dynasty, 307. XXVI dynasty, 307. Wood, Ptolemaic, 307. (See ÛSHABTIÛ. )Stela, of Bakhtan, 109 and note. Of Merrûka, 120. Stelae, 24, 104. Of mastabas, 115, 120-1, 125. Pyramid-mastabas, 146. Rock-cut tombs, 152, 157. Step Pyramid (see PYRAMIDS). Stone, 46. Dikes, 38. Grating, 71. (See ALABASTER, etc. )Storage, 16, 35, 36, 87, 132. Stroganoff, Count, 308. Stuart, Villiers, 300 (note). Stucco, 50, 170, 261, 284, 314. Sûit, mother of Horemheb, 179. Swine, -- alleged impurity of, 195-6. Transmigration into, 164. Sycamores, 8, 15. Wood of, 205, 274, 284, 290. Syene, 45, 77, 196, 209 (note), 243. (see ASÛAN). Syenite, 139. Syria, 31, 34 (note), 87, 187, 248, 303, 312. _Ta_, amulet, 247, 286. Tabernacle, 66. Tables of offerings, 106-7, 115, 119, 130, 157, 166, 237, 251-2. Taharka, 52, 79. Tahpanhes, 36 (note). (see TELL DEFENNEH and DAPHNAE). Tahûti, general, 316. Takûshet, 308-9. Tambourine, 95. Tanis, 1, 47, 103, 104 (note), 197, 200 (note), 227, 228, 234, 235, 307, 311. (see SÃN and TEMPLES). Tanks, of houses, 16. Tapestry, 296-8, 303 and note. Tat, amulet, 286 and note. Tau-cross (see ANKH). Taûd, 250. Taûrt (see APET and THÛERIS). Taxation, system of, 35. Tefnût (see GODDESSES). Tehneh, 45. Tell Basta, I (see BUBASTIS). Tell Defenneh, 36 (note), (see TAPHANHES and DAPHNAE). Tell el Amarna, 13, 155, 197 (note), 231-3, 263. Tell el Maskûtah, I (see PITHOM and THÛKÛ). Tell el Yahûdeh, tiles of, 270-2. Tell es Seba, 311. Tell Eshmûneyn, 265. Tell Gemayemi, 200, 262 (note). Temenos, 87-9. Temples, 46-110. Abû Simbel, 53, 82-4, 319. Abydos, 20, 47, 49, 51, 60, 64, 85-6, 90, 194, 232. Beit el Wally, 84, 205 (note), 235. Bubastis, 52 and note, 58, 88. Coptos, 245. Deir el Baharî, 51, 53, 61, 83, 85 and note, 229. Deir el Medineh, 69-70. Derr, 84. Denderah, 53, 57, 61, 72, 73, 88, 91, 92, 94, 100, 245. Edfû, 56, 57, 58, 64, 72, 74, 75, 88, 92, 100. El Kab, 56, 69, 88. Elephantine, 67-9. Esneh, 92, 245. Gebel Barkal, 53. Gebel Silsileh, 81, 82, 232. Gerf Husein, 85. Gizeh, 64-6, 85. Gûrneh, 60, 159. Kalaat Addah, 81, 82. Kalabsheh, 54, 56. Karnak, 1, 34, 35, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63-4, 70-2, 76-9, 87, 88, 89, 92, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 194, 229, 230, 232, 235, 313, 314, 315. Luxor, 47, 52, 57, 60, 62, 72, 79, 80, 89, 100, 104, 106, 187, 202, 230, 234. Medamot, 56, 59, 60, 64. Medinet Habû, 32-3, 50, 53, 60, 63, 72, 87, 101, 159, 184, 194, 199, 288, 315. Mesheikh, 69. Nubia, 47, 82. Ombos, 26, 58, 88, 92-3, 245. Philae, 58-9, 62, 80-1, 92, 100, 245. Semneh, 50. Sesebeh, 58. Sharonah, 69. Soleb, 58. Tanis, 47, 104 (note). Wady Sabûah, 85, 88. * * * * * Amenhotep II, 53. Amenhotep III, 53, 67-8. Antoninus Pius, 100. Caesars, 66. Dynasty IV, 64. Dynasty XII, 66. Hatshepsût (see DEIR EL BAHARÎ and SPEOS ARTEMIDOS). Horemheb (see GEBEL SILSILEH). Khonsû, at Karnak, 60, 70-2, 74, 235. Ptolemies, 66. Rameses III. (see MEDINET HABÛ). Seti I, 42. (See CHAPEL, HEMI-SPEOS, SANCTUARY, SPEOS. )Terraces, 16, 36, 74. Terra-cotta, vases of, 114, 166. Teti, King, pyramid of, 140. Textiles, 67, 296-8, 302-4. Alexandrian, 303. Brocaded, 303. Ekhmîm, 303-4 and note. Roman, 303. Thebaid, the, 243, 273. Thebes, 1, 2, 6, 26, 32, 33, 36, 66, 79, 85, 88, 89, 103, 131, 147, 148, 153, 154, 155, 157-65, 168, 174, 177, 186, 193, 197, 205, 209, 226, 229, 235, 237, 244, 250, 277, 290, 293, 313. (See KARNAK, LUXOR. )Thmûis, silver vases of, 316-17. Thoth (see GODS). Thothmes I, 76-7, 229. Thothmes II, 77, 287. Thothmes III, 26, 42, 53, 58-9, 60, 77, 92, 157, 229, 263, 302, 326, 320. Thothmes IV, 205. Thûeris (see GODDESSES, APET, and TAÛRT). Thûkû, 36 and note. (see PITHOM and TELL EL MASKHÛTAH). Ti (see TOMB). Tiberius, at Denderah and Ombos, 245. Tibur, Egyptian rooms in Hadrian's villa at, 243. Tii, Oueen, vase of, 267. Tiles, -- for mural decoration, 269-72. In pyramid of Sakkarah, 270. Of Tell el Yahûdeh, 270-2. Tipcat, 282. Tin, 304. Toilet, articles of, 166, 259, 266-7, 273, 277, 281, 306. Tomb of, --- Affi, 117. Aï, 16, 17, 155, 158. Aimadûa, 20. Amenhotep III, 158. Ameni, 149, 151. Anna, 12, 229. Bakenrenf, 165. An Entef, 265-6. Hapizefa, 150. Hesî, 210. Horemheb, 179-80, 183. Horhotep, 156-7. Hûi, 229, Kaäpir, 115, Khabiûsokari, 117, 208. Khamha, 229. Khetî, 155. Khnûmhotep, 149, 150, 151, 152, 155, 177, 297. Manna, 154. Merrûka, 120. Neferhotep, 115, 116, 155. Nenka, 130 and note. Petamenoph, 165. Pohûnika, 116. Ptahhotep, 118, 119, 122, 124, 188. Rahotep, 126. Rameses I. , 158. Rameses II. , 158. Rameses III. , 161-3, 301. Rameses IV. , 160. Red Scribe, 118. Rekhmara, 3, 186, 187, 229. Seti I. , 158, 161-3, 232. Sennetmû, 258, 294. Shepsesptah, 117. Thenti, 118, 126. Ti, 116, 117, 127, 155. Ûna, 155. Ûrkhûû, 124. (See PYRAMID. )Tombs, 111-68. Egyptian idea of, 111-12. Mastaba-pyramids, 145-8. Mastabas, 113-31. Pyramids, 131-45. Rock-cut tombs, 146-68. * * * * * Abydos, 22, 145-7. Ahnas el Medineh, 259. Asûan, 53, 148, 149, 150, 259. Beni Hasan, 24, 53, 148 and note, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 177, 256-7. Bersheh, 148 and note. Coptic period, 303-4. Deir el Gebrawî, 204. El Amarna, 13, 15, 16, 17. Fayûm, 259, 291-2, 303-4. Gizeh, 148. Greek period, 175. Kasr es Saîd, 148. Kûrnet Murraee, 294. Negadeh, 148. Sheikh Saîd, 148. Siût, 148, 150. Tools, etc. , -- adze, 283, 304. Anvil, 313. Axe, 201, 304. Burin, 305, 325. Chains, measuring, 155. Chisel, 45, 214, 304. Drill, 195, 214, 247, 250, 282. Gouge, 195. Grindstone, 247. Hammer, 195, 313. Knives, 304, 306. Mallet, 45, 197, 202. Pegs, 283. Point, 47, 195 (note), 197, 201, 202, 247, 250. Saw, 247, 250, 304. Wedges, 45. Wheel, 250 (see WHEEL, POTTER'S). Tops, 284. Torus, 50. Towns, 1-2, Note 1, 7-8, 87-8. Coptic, 8. Pharaonic, 1, 7, 8. Ptolemaic, 1. Roman, 8. Saïtic, 1. Twelfth Dynasty, 1, 7. Walled, 20, 26. Toys, 182, 282. Trees, 274. Trellis, 182, 189. Tûaï, 273. Tûatmûtf, genius, 258 (note). Tûm (see GODS). Turin Museum, 160, 171, 229, 231, 232, 235, 262, 274, 275. Turquoise, 247, 325, 329. Typhon (Set) (see GODS). Ûaga, feast of, 118. Ûahabra, 269 (note). (see APRIES and HOPHRA). Ûati (see GODDESSES). Ûna (see TOMB). Ûnas, 133, 138, 139, 163. Uraeus (basilisk), 61, 201, 294. Ûsekh, 326-7. Ûsertesen I, 76, 143. Ûsertesen II. , 7, 143, 322. Ûsertesen III. , 28, 226, 322, 323. Ûshabtiû, 167, 253, 257, 266. _Ûta_, amulet, 247-8. Varnish, 203-4, 305. Vases, --- Ancient Empire, 255, 256. Bronze, 305. Canopic, 167, 252-3, 258, 292. Decoration of, 256, 257, 258, 259. Libation, 292, 310. Silver and gold, 316-20. Situlae, 307. Terra-cotta, 114, 166. Toilet, 253-4. (See BRONZE, GLASS, GLAZED WARE, GOLD, POTTERY, SILVER. )Vaulting, 6 and note, 36, 51, 145, 146, 150, 151. Vauquelin, M. , 304. Venus, 243. Vermilion, 203. Vienna Museum, 272. Vulture, 92, 299, 301, 315, 325. Vyse, Col. Howard. , 137 Wady Gerraweh, 40. Genneh, 41. Sabûah (see HEMI-SPEOS). Wages, 35. Wall-scenes, 3, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 30, 31, 35, 36, 91, 92, 97, 99, 120, 122, 124, 130, 152-6, 162-5, 177, 178, 179- 92, 193, 194, 195, 260, 284, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300, 301, 313, 318, 319, 320. (see BAS-RELIEF and PAINTING). Washhouse, 12. Weavers, 124, 297-8. Wheel, potter's, 255. Wig, 236, 275, 276, 286, 308, 310, 332. Wilkinson, Sir Gardner, 295, 303, 305. Wilson, Sir E. , 128 (note). Windows, 9, 11, 50, 65, 70, 144. Wine, 35, 36, 97, 180. Wood, 25, 50, 66, 169, 205, 210-11, 214 and note, 224, 235, 274-7. (see CABINET-MAKING, MUMMY-CASES, STATUETTES, STATUES). Zagazig, 332. Zarû (Selle), 34 and note. Zodiacal circle of Denderah, 93, 94. Zowyet el Aryan, 134.