HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Edward Gibbon, Esq. 

With notes by the Rev. H. H. Milman

VOLUME TWO

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part I. 

 The Conduct Of The Roman Government Towards The Christians, From The Reign Of Nero To That Of Constantine. [1a]

[Footnote 1a: The sixteenth chapter I cannot help considering as avery ingenious and specious, but very disgraceful extenuation of thecruelties perpetrated by the Roman magistrates against the Christians. It is written in the most contemptibly factious spirit of prejudiceagainst the sufferers; it is unworthy of a philosopher and of humanity. Let the narrative of Cyprian's death be examined. He had to relatethe murder of an innocent man of advanced age, and in a station deemedvenerable by a considerable body of the provincials of Africa, put todeath because he refused to sacrifice to Jupiter. Instead of pointingthe indignation of posterity against such an atrocious act of tyranny, he dwells, with visible art, on the small circumstances of decorum andpoliteness which attended this murder, and which he relates with as muchparade as if they were the most important particulars of the event. Dr. Robertson has been the subject of much blame for his real orsupposed lenity towards the Spanish murderers and tyrants in America. That the sixteenth chapter of Mr. G. Did not excite the same or greaterdisapprobation, is a proof of the unphilosophical and indeed fanaticalanimosity against Christianity, which was so prevalent during the latterpart of the eighteenth century. --Mackintosh: see Life, i. P. 244, 245. ]

If we seriously consider the purity of the Christian religion, thesanctity of its moral precepts, and the innocent as well as austerelives of the greater number of those who during the first ages embracedthe faith of the gospel, we should naturally suppose, that so benevolenta doctrine would have been received with due reverence, even by theunbelieving world; that the learned and the polite, however they mayderide the miracles, would have esteemed the virtues, of the new sect;and that the magistrates, instead of persecuting, would have protectedan order of men who yielded the most passive obedience to the laws, though they declined the active cares of war and government. If, on theother hand, we recollect the universal toleration of Polytheism, as itwas invariably maintained by the faith of the people, the incredulity ofphilosophers, and the policy of the Roman senate and emperors, we are ata loss to discover what new offence the Christians had committed, whatnew provocation could exasperate the mild indifference of antiquity, and what new motives could urge the Roman princes, who beheld withoutconcern a thousand forms of religion subsisting in peace under theirgentle sway, to inflict a severe punishment on any part of theirsubjects, who had chosen for themselves a singular but an inoffensivemode of faith and worship. 

The religious policy of the ancient world seems to have assumed a morestern and intolerant character, to oppose the progress of Christianity. About fourscore years after the death of Christ, his innocent discipleswere punished with death by the sentence of a proconsul of the mostamiable and philosophic character, and according to the laws ofan emperor distinguished by the wisdom and justice of his generaladministration. The apologies which were repeatedly addressed to thesuccessors of Trajan are filled with the most pathetic complaints, thatthe Christians, who obeyed the dictates, and solicited the liberty, of conscience, were alone, among all the subjects of the Roman empire, excluded from the common benefits of their auspicious government. Thedeaths of a few eminent martyrs have been recorded with care; and fromthe time that Christianity was invested with the supreme power, thegovernors of the church have been no less diligently employed indisplaying the cruelty, than in imitating the conduct, of their Paganadversaries. To separate (if it be possible) a few authentic as well asinteresting facts from an undigested mass of fiction and error, andto relate, in a clear and rational manner, the causes, the extent, theduration, and the most important circumstances of the persecutions towhich the first Christians were exposed, is the design of the presentchapter. [1b]

[Footnote 1b: The history of the first age of Christianity is onlyfound in the Acts of the Apostles, and in order to speak of the firstpersecutions experienced by the Christians, that book should naturallyhave been consulted; those persecutions, then limited to individualsand to a narrow sphere, interested only the persecuted, and have beenrelated by them alone. Gibbon making the persecutions ascend no higherthan Nero, has entirely omitted those which preceded this epoch, and ofwhich St. Luke has preserved the memory. The only way to justify thisomission was, to attack the authenticity of the Acts of the Apostles;for, if authentic, they must necessarily be consulted and quoted. Now, antiquity has left very few works of which the authenticity is so wellestablished as that of the Acts of the Apostles. (See Lardner's Cred. OfGospel Hist. Part iii. ) It is therefore, without sufficient reason, thatGibbon has maintained silence concerning the narrative of St. Luke, andthis omission is not without importance. --G. ]

The sectaries of a persecuted religion, depressed by fear animated withresentment, and perhaps heated by enthusiasm, are seldom in a propertemper of mind calmly to investigate, or candidly to appreciate, the motives of their enemies, which often escape the impartial anddiscerning view even of those who are placed at a secure distance fromthe flames of persecution. A reason has been assigned for the conduct ofthe emperors towards the primitive Christians, which may appear the morespecious and probable as it is drawn from the acknowledged genius ofPolytheism. It has already been observed, that the religious concord ofthe world was principally supported by the implicit assent and reverencewhich the nations of antiquity expressed for their respective traditionsand ceremonies. It might therefore be expected, that they would unitewith indignation against any sect or people which should separate itselffrom the communion of mankind, and claiming the exclusive possession ofdivine knowledge, should disdain every form of worship, except its own, as impious and idolatrous. The rights of toleration were held by mutualindulgence: they were justly forfeited by a refusal of the accustomedtribute. As the payment of this tribute was inflexibly refused by theJews, and by them alone, the consideration of the treatment which theyexperienced from the Roman magistrates, will serve to explain how farthese speculations are justified by facts, and will lead us to discoverthe true causes of the persecution of Christianity. 

Without repeating what has already been mentioned of the reverence ofthe Roman princes and governors for the temple of Jerusalem, weshall only observe, that the destruction of the temple and city wasaccompanied and followed by every circumstance that could exasperate theminds of the conquerors, and authorize religious persecution by the mostspecious arguments of political justice and the public safety. From thereign of Nero to that of Antoninus Pius, the Jews discovered a fierceimpatience of the dominion of Rome, which repeatedly broke out in themost furious massacres and insurrections. Humanity is shocked at therecital of the horrid cruelties which they committed in the citiesof Egypt, of Cyprus, and of Cyrene, where they dwelt in treacherousfriendship with the unsuspecting natives; [1] and we are tempted toapplaud the severe retaliation which was exercised by the arms ofthe legions against a race of fanatics, whose dire and creduloussuperstition seemed to render them the implacable enemies not only ofthe Roman government, but of human kind. [2] The enthusiasm of the Jewswas supported by the opinion, that it was unlawful for them to paytaxes to an idolatrous master; and by the flattering promise which theyderived from their ancient oracles, that a conquering Messiah would soonarise, destined to break their fetters, and to invest the favorites ofheaven with the empire of the earth. It was by announcing himself astheir long-expected deliverer, and by calling on all the descendantsof Abraham to assert the hope of Israel, that the famous Barchochebascollected a formidable army, with which he resisted during two years thepower of the emperor Hadrian. [3]

[Footnote 1: In Cyrene, they massacred 220, 000 Greeks; in Cyprus, 240, 000; in Egypt, a very great multitude. Many of these unhappy victimswere sawn asunder, according to a precedent to which David had given thesanction of his example. The victorious Jews devoured the flesh, lickedup the blood, and twisted the entrails like a girdle round their bodies. See Dion Cassius, l. Lxviii. P. 1145. * Note: Some commentators, amongthem Reimar, in his notes on Dion Cassius think that the hatred ofthe Romans against the Jews has led the historian to exaggerate thecruelties committed by the latter. Don. Cass. Lxviii. P. 1146. --G. ]

[Footnote 2: Without repeating the well-known narratives of Josephus, wemay learn from Dion, (l. Lxix. P. 1162, ) that in Hadrian's war 580, 000Jews were cut off by the sword, besides an infinite number whichperished by famine, by disease, and by fire. ]

[Footnote 3: For the sect of the Zealots, see Basnage, Histoire desJuifs, l. I. C. 17; for the characters of the Messiah, according to theRabbis, l. V. C. 11, 12, 13; for the actions of Barchochebas, l. Vii. C. 12. (Hist. Of Jews iii. 115, &c. )--M. ]

Notwithstanding these repeated provocations, the resentment of theRoman princes expired after the victory; nor were their apprehensionscontinued beyond the period of war and danger. By the general indulgenceof polytheism, and by the mild temper of Antoninus Pius, the Jewswere restored to their ancient privileges, and once more obtained thepermission of circumcising their children, with the easy restraint, thatthey should never confer on any foreign proselyte that distinguishingmark of the Hebrew race. [4] The numerous remains of that people, thoughthey were still excluded from the precincts of Jerusalem, were permittedto form and to maintain considerable establishments both in Italy andin the provinces, to acquire the freedom of Rome, to enjoy municipalhonors, and to obtain at the same time an exemption from the burdensomeand expensive offices of society. The moderation or the contempt of theRomans gave a legal sanction to the form of ecclesiastical police whichwas instituted by the vanquished sect. The patriarch, who had fixedhis residence at Tiberias, was empowered to appoint his subordinateministers and apostles, to exercise a domestic jurisdiction, and toreceive from his dispersed brethren an annual contribution. [5] Newsynagogues were frequently erected in the principal cities of theempire; and the sabbaths, the fasts, and the festivals, which wereeither commanded by the Mosaic law, or enjoined by the traditions of theRabbis, were celebrated in the most solemn and public manner. [6] Suchgentle treatment insensibly assuaged the stern temper of the Jews. Awakened from their dream of prophecy and conquest, they assumed thebehavior of peaceable and industrious subjects. Their irreconcilablehatred of mankind, instead of flaming out in acts of blood and violence, evaporated in less dangerous gratifications. They embraced everyopportunity of overreaching the idolaters in trade; and they pronouncedsecret and ambiguous imprecations against the haughty kingdom of Edom. [7]

[Footnote 4: It is to Modestinus, a Roman lawyer (l. Vi. Regular. ) thatwe are indebted for a distinct knowledge of the Edict of Antoninus. SeeCasaubon ad Hist. August. P. 27. ]

[Footnote 5: See Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. Iii. C. 2, 3. Theoffice of Patriarch was suppressed by Theodosius the younger. ]

[Footnote 6: We need only mention the Purim, or deliverance of theJews from he rage of Haman, which, till the reign of Theodosius, wascelebrated with insolent triumph and riotous intemperance. Basnage, Hist. Des Juifs, l. Vi. C. 17, l. Viii. C. 6. ]

[Footnote 7: According to the false Josephus, Tsepho, the grandson ofEsau, conducted into Italy the army of Eneas, king of Carthage. Anothercolony of Idumaeans, flying from the sword of David, took refuge in thedominions of Romulus. For these, or for other reasons of equal weight, the name of Edom was applied by the Jews to the Roman empire. * Note:The false Josephus is a romancer of very modern date, though some ofthese legends are probably more ancient. It may be worth consideringwhether many of the stories in the Talmud are not history in afigurative disguise, adopted from prudence. The Jews might dare to saymany things of Rome, under the significant appellation of Edom, whichthey feared to utter publicly. Later and more ignorant ages tookliterally, and perhaps embellished, what was intelligible among thegeneration to which it was addressed. Hist. Of Jews, iii. 131. ----Thefalse Josephus has the inauguration of the emperor, with the sevenelectors and apparently the pope assisting at the coronation! Pref. Pagexxvi. --M. ]

Since the Jews, who rejected with abhorrence the deities adored bytheir sovereign and by their fellow-subjects, enjoyed, however, the freeexercise of their unsocial religion, there must have existed some othercause, which exposed the disciples of Christ to those severities fromwhich the posterity of Abraham was exempt. The difference between themis simple and obvious; but, according to the sentiments of antiquity, it was of the highest importance. The Jews were a nation; the Christianswere a sect: and if it was natural for every community to respect thesacred institutions of their neighbors, it was incumbent on themto persevere in those of their ancestors. The voice of oracles, theprecepts of philosophers, and the authority of the laws, unanimouslyenforced this national obligation. By their lofty claim of superiorsanctity the Jews might provoke the Polytheists to consider them as anodious and impure race. By disdaining the intercourse of other nations, they might deserve their contempt. The laws of Moses might be for themost part frivolous or absurd; yet, since they had been received duringmany ages by a large society, his followers were justified by theexample of mankind; and it was universally acknowledged, that they hada right to practise what it would have been criminal in them to neglect. But this principle, which protected the Jewish synagogue, afforded notany favor or security to the primitive church. By embracing the faith ofthe gospel, the Christians incurred the supposed guilt of an unnaturaland unpardonable offence. They dissolved the sacred ties of custom andeducation, violated the religious institutions of their country, andpresumptuously despised whatever their fathers had believed as true, or had reverenced as sacred. Nor was this apostasy (if we may use theexpression) merely of a partial or local kind; since the pious deserterwho withdrew himself from the temples of Egypt or Syria, would equallydisdain to seek an asylum in those of Athens or Carthage. EveryChristian rejected with contempt the superstitions of his family, hiscity, and his province. The whole body of Christians unanimously refusedto hold any communion with the gods of Rome, of the empire, and ofmankind. It was in vain that the oppressed believer asserted theinalienable rights of conscience and private judgment. Though hissituation might excite the pity, his arguments could never reach theunderstanding, either of the philosophic or of the believing part ofthe Pagan world. To their apprehensions, it was no less a matterof surprise, that any individuals should entertain scruples againstcomplying with the established mode of worship, than if they hadconceived a sudden abhorrence to the manners, the dress, or the languageof their native country. [8] [8a]

[Footnote 8: From the arguments of Celsus, as they are represented andrefuted by Origen, (l. V. P. 247--259, ) we may clearly discover thedistinction that was made between the Jewish people and the Christiansect. See, in the Dialogue of Minucius Felix, (c. 5, 6, ) a fair andnot inelegant description of the popular sentiments, with regard to thedesertion of the established worship. ]

[Footnote 8a: In all this there is doubtless much truth; yet does notthe more important difference lie on the surface? The Christiansmade many converts the Jews but few. Had the Jewish been equallya proselyting religion would it not have encountered as violentpersecution?--M. ]

The surprise of the Pagans was soon succeeded by resentment; and themost pious of men were exposed to the unjust but dangerous imputation ofimpiety. Malice and prejudice concurred in representing the Christiansas a society of atheists, who, by the most daring attack on thereligious constitution of the empire, had merited the severestanimadversion of the civil magistrate. They had separated themselves(they gloried in the confession) from every mode of superstitionwhich was received in any part of the globe by the various temper ofpolytheism: but it was not altogether so evident what deity, or whatform of worship, they had substituted to the gods and temples ofantiquity. The pure and sublime idea which they entertained of theSupreme Being escaped the gross conception of the Pagan multitude, who were at a loss to discover a spiritual and solitary God, that wasneither represented under any corporeal figure or visible symbol, norwas adored with the accustomed pomp of libations and festivals, ofaltars and sacrifices. [9] The sages of Greece and Rome, who hadelevated their minds to the contemplation of the existence andattributes of the First Cause, were induced by reason or by vanity toreserve for themselves and their chosen disciples the privilege of thisphilosophical devotion. [10] They were far from admitting the prejudicesof mankind as the standard of truth, but they considered them as flowingfrom the original disposition of human nature; and they supposed thatany popular mode of faith and worship which presumed to disclaim theassistance of the senses, would, in proportion as it receded fromsuperstition, find itself incapable of restraining the wanderings of thefancy, and the visions of fanaticism. The careless glance which menof wit and learning condescended to cast on the Christian revelation, served only to confirm their hasty opinion, and to persuade them thatthe principle, which they might have revered, of the Divine Unity, was defaced by the wild enthusiasm, and annihilated by the airyspeculations, of the new sectaries. The author of a celebrated dialogue, which has been attributed to Lucian, whilst he affects to treat themysterious subject of the Trinity in a style of ridicule and contempt, betrays his own ignorance of the weakness of human reason, and of theinscrutable nature of the divine perfections. [11]

[Footnote 9: Cur nullas aras habent? templa nulla? nulla notasimulacra!--Unde autem, vel quis ille, aut ubi, Deus unicus, solitarius, desti tutus? Minucius Felix, c. 10. The Pagan interlocutor goes on tomake a distinction in favor of the Jews, who had once a temple, altars, victims, &c. ]

[Footnote 10: It is difficult (says Plato) to attain, and dangerousto publish, the knowledge of the true God. See the Theologie desPhilosophes, in the Abbe d'Olivet's French translation of Tully deNatura Deorum, tom. I. P. 275. ]

[Footnote 11: The author of the Philopatris perpetually treats theChristians as a company of dreaming enthusiasts, &c. ; and in one placehe manifestly alludes to the vision in which St. Paul was transportedto the third heaven. In another place, Triephon, who personates aChristian, after deriding the gods of Paganism, proposes a mysteriousoath. ]

It might appear less surprising, that the founder of Christianity shouldnot only be revered by his disciples as a sage and a prophet, but thathe should be adored as a God. The Polytheists were disposed to adoptevery article of faith, which seemed to offer any resemblance, howeverdistant or imperfect, with the popular mythology; and the legends ofBacchus, of Hercules, and of Aesculapius, had, in some measure, preparedtheir imagination for the appearance of the Son of God under a humanform. [12] But they were astonished that the Christians should abandonthe temples of those ancient heroes, who, in the infancy of the world, had invented arts, instituted laws, and vanquished the tyrants ormonsters who infested the earth, in order to choose for the exclusiveobject of their religious worship an obscure teacher, who, in a recentage, and among a barbarous people, had fallen a sacrifice either tothe malice of his own countrymen, or to the jealousy of the Romangovernment. The Pagan multitude, reserving their gratitude fortemporal benefits alone, rejected the inestimable present of life andimmortality, which was offered to mankind by Jesus of Nazareth. His mildconstancy in the midst of cruel and voluntary sufferings, his universalbenevolence, and the sublime simplicity of his actions and character, were insufficient, in the opinion of those carnal men, to compensate forthe want of fame, of empire, and of success; and whilst they refused toacknowledge his stupendous triumph over the powers of darkness and ofthe grave, they misrepresented, or they insulted, the equivocalbirth, wandering life, and ignominious death, of the divine Author ofChristianity. [13]

[Footnote 12: According to Justin Martyr, (Apolog. Major, c. 70-85, )the daemon who had gained some imperfect knowledge of the prophecies, purposely contrived this resemblance, which might deter, though bydifferent means, both the people and the philosophers from embracing thefaith of Christ. ]

[Footnote 13: In the first and second books of Origen, Celsus treats thebirth and character of our Savior with the most impious contempt. Theorator Libanius praises Porphyry and Julian for confuting the folly ofa sect. , which styles a dead man of Palestine, God, and the Son of God. Socrates, Hist. Ecclesiast. Iii. 23. ]

The personal guilt which every Christian had contracted, in thuspreferring his private sentiment to the national religion, wasaggravated in a very high degree by the number and union of thecriminals. It is well known, and has been already observed, that Romanpolicy viewed with the utmost jealousy and distrust any associationamong its subjects; and that the privileges of private corporations, though formed for the most harmless or beneficial purposes, werebestowed with a very sparing hand. [14] The religious assemblies ofthe Christians who had separated themselves from the public worship, appeared of a much less innocent nature; they were illegal in theirprinciple, and in their consequences might become dangerous; nor werethe emperors conscious that they violated the laws of justice, when, for the peace of society, they prohibited those secret and sometimesnocturnal meetings. [15] The pious disobedience of the Christians madetheir conduct, or perhaps their designs, appear in a much more seriousand criminal light; and the Roman princes, who might perhaps havesuffered themselves to be disarmed by a ready submission, deeming theirhonor concerned in the execution of their commands, sometimes attempted, by rigorous punishments, to subdue this independent spirit, which boldlyacknowledged an authority superior to that of the magistrate. The extentand duration of this spiritual conspiracy seemed to render it everydaymore deserving of his animadversion. We have already seen that theactive and successful zeal of the Christians had insensibly diffusedthem through every province and almost every city of the empire. The newconverts seemed to renounce their family and country, that they mightconnect themselves in an indissoluble band of union with a peculiarsociety, which every where assumed a different character from the restof mankind. Their gloomy and austere aspect, their abhorrence of thecommon business and pleasures of life, and their frequent predictions ofimpending calamities, [16] inspired the Pagans with the apprehension ofsome danger, which would arise from the new sect, the more alarming asit was the more obscure. "Whatever, " says Pliny, "may be the principleof their conduct, their inflexible obstinacy appeared deserving ofpunishment. " [17]

[Footnote 14: The emperor Trajan refused to incorporate a company of150 firemen, for the use of the city of Nicomedia. He disliked allassociations. See Plin. Epist. X. 42, 43. ]

[Footnote 15: The proconsul Pliny had published a general edict againstunlawful meetings. The prudence of the Christians suspended theirAgapae; but it was impossible for them to omit the exercise of publicworship. ]

[Footnote 16: As the prophecies of the Antichrist, approachingconflagration, &c. , provoked those Pagans whom they did not convert, they were mentioned with caution and reserve; and the Montanists werecensured for disclosing too freely the dangerous secret. See Mosheim, 413. ]

[Footnote 17: Neque enim dubitabam, quodcunque esset quod faterentur, (such are the words of Pliny, ) pervicacian certe et inflexibilemobstinationem lebere puniri. ]

The precautions with which the disciples of Christ performed the officesof religion were at first dictated by fear and necessity; but they werecontinued from choice. By imitating the awful secrecy which reigned inthe Eleusinian mysteries, the Christians had flattered themselves thatthey should render their sacred institutions more respectable in theeyes of the Pagan world. [18] But the event, as it often happens tothe operations of subtile policy, deceived their wishes and theirexpectations. It was concluded, that they only concealed what theywould have blushed to disclose. Their mistaken prudence afforded anopportunity for malice to invent, and for suspicious credulity tobelieve, the horrid tales which described the Christians as the mostwicked of human kind, who practised in their dark recesses everyabomination that a depraved fancy could suggest, and who solicited thefavor of their unknown God by the sacrifice of every moral virtue. Therewere many who pretended to confess or to relate the ceremonies of thisabhorred society. It was asserted, "that a new-born infant, entirelycovered over with flour, was presented, like some mystic symbol ofinitiation, to the knife of the proselyte, who unknowingly inflictedmany a secret and mortal wound on the innocent victim of his error; thatas soon as the cruel deed was perpetrated, the sectaries drank upthe blood, greedily tore asunder the quivering members, and pledgedthemselves to eternal secrecy, by a mutual consciousness of guilt. Itwas as confidently affirmed, that this inhuman sacrifice was succeededby a suitable entertainment, in which intemperance served as aprovocative to brutal lust; till, at the appointed moment, the lightswere suddenly extinguished, shame was banished, nature was forgotten;and, as accident might direct, the darkness of the night was pollutedby the incestuous commerce of sisters and brothers, of sons and ofmothers. " [19]

[Footnote 18: See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, vol. I. P. 101, andSpanheim, Remarques sur les Caesars de Julien, p. 468, &c. ]

[Footnote 19: See Justin Martyr, Apolog. I. 35, ii. 14. Athenagoras, inLegation, c. 27. Tertullian, Apolog. C. 7, 8, 9. Minucius Felix, c. 9, 10, 80, 31. The last of these writers relates the accusation in the mostelegant and circumstantial manner. The answer of Tertullian is theboldest and most vigorous. ]

But the perusal of the ancient apologies was sufficient to removeeven the slightest suspicion from the mind of a candid adversary. TheChristians, with the intrepid security of innocence, appeal from thevoice of rumor to the equity of the magistrates. They acknowledge, thatif any proof can be produced of the crimes which calumny has imputed tothem, they are worthy of the most severe punishment. They provoke thepunishment, and they challenge the proof. At the same time they urge, with equal truth and propriety, that the charge is not less devoid ofprobability, than it is destitute of evidence; they ask, whether anyone can seriously believe that the pure and holy precepts of the gospel, which so frequently restrain the use of the most lawful enjoyments, should inculcate the practice of the most abominable crimes; that alarge society should resolve to dishonor itself in the eyes of its ownmembers; and that a great number of persons of either sex, and every ageand character, insensible to the fear of death or infamy, should consentto violate those principles which nature and education had imprintedmost deeply in their minds. [20] Nothing, it should seem, could weakenthe force or destroy the effect of so unanswerable a justification, unless it were the injudicious conduct of the apologists themselves, whobetrayed the common cause of religion, to gratify their devout hatred tothe domestic enemies of the church. It was sometimes faintly insinuated, and sometimes boldly asserted, that the same bloody sacrifices, andthe same incestuous festivals, which were so falsely ascribed to theorthodox believers, were in reality celebrated by the Marcionites, bythe Carpocratians, and by several other sects of the Gnostics, who, notwithstanding they might deviate into the paths of heresy, were stillactuated by the sentiments of men, and still governed by the precepts ofChristianity. [21] Accusations of a similar kind were retorted upon thechurch by the schismatics who had departed from its communion, [22] andit was confessed on all sides, that the most scandalous licentiousnessof manners prevailed among great numbers of those who affected the nameof Christians. A Pagan magistrate, who possessed neither leisure norabilities to discern the almost imperceptible line which divides theorthodox faith from heretical pravity, might easily have imagined thattheir mutual animosity had extorted the discovery of their common guilt. It was fortunate for the repose, or at least for the reputation, of thefirst Christians, that the magistrates sometimes proceeded with moretemper and moderation than is usually consistent with religious zeal, and that they reported, as the impartial result of their judicialinquiry, that the sectaries, who had deserted the established worship, appeared to them sincere in their professions, and blameless in theirmanners; however they might incur, by their absurd and excessivesuperstition, the censure of the laws. [23]

[Footnote 20: In the persecution of Lyons, some Gentile slaves werecompelled, by the fear of tortures, to accuse their Christian master. The church of Lyons, writing to their brethren of Asia, treat the horridcharge with proper indignation and contempt. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. V. I. ]

[Footnote 21: See Justin Martyr, Apolog. I. 35. Irenaeus adv. Haeres. I. 24. Clemens. Alexandrin. Stromat. L. Iii. P. 438. Euseb. Iv. 8. It wouldbe tedious and disgusting to relate all that the succeeding writers haveimagined, all that Epiphanius has received, and all that Tillemonthas copied. M. De Beausobre (Hist. Du Manicheisme, l. Ix. C. 8, 9) hasexposed, with great spirit, the disingenuous arts of Augustin and PopeLeo I. ]

[Footnote 22: When Tertullian became a Montanist, he aspersed the moralsof the church which he had so resolutely defended. "Sed majoris estAgape, quia per hanc adolescentes tui cum sororibus dormiunt, appendicesscilicet gulae lascivia et luxuria. " De Jejuniis c. 17. The 85th canonof the council of Illiberis provides against the scandals which toooften polluted the vigils of the church, and disgraced the Christianname in the eyes of unbelievers. ]

[Footnote 23: Tertullian (Apolog. C. 2) expatiates on the fair andhonorable testimony of Pliny, with much reason and some declamation. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part II. 

History, which undertakes to record the transactions of the past, forthe instruction of future ages, would ill deserve that honorable office, if she condescended to plead the cause of tyrants, or to justify themaxims of persecution. It must, however, be acknowledged, that theconduct of the emperors who appeared the least favorable to theprimitive church, is by no means so criminal as that of modernsovereigns, who have employed the arm of violence and terror againstthe religious opinions of any part of their subjects. From theirreflections, or even from their own feelings, a Charles V. Or a LewisXIV. Might have acquired a just knowledge of the rights of conscience, of the obligation of faith, and of the innocence of error. But theprinces and magistrates of ancient Rome were strangers to thoseprinciples which inspired and authorized the inflexible obstinacy of theChristians in the cause of truth, nor could they themselves discover intheir own breasts any motive which would have prompted them to refuse alegal, and as it were a natural, submission to the sacred institutionsof their country. The same reason which contributes to alleviate theguilt, must have tended to abate the vigor, of their persecutions. As they were actuated, not by the furious zeal of bigots, but by thetemperate policy of legislators, contempt must often have relaxed, andhumanity must frequently have suspended, the execution of those lawswhich they enacted against the humble and obscure followers of Christ. From the general view of their character and motives we might naturallyconclude: I. That a considerable time elapsed before they considered thenew sectaries as an object deserving of the attention of government. II. That in the conviction of any of their subjects who were accused of sovery singular a crime, they proceeded with caution and reluctance. III. That they were moderate in the use of punishments; and, IV. That theafflicted church enjoyed many intervals of peace and tranquility. Notwithstanding the careless indifference which the most copious andthe most minute of the Pagan writers have shown to the affairs of theChristians, [24] it may still be in our power to confirm each of theseprobable suppositions, by the evidence of authentic facts. 

[Footnote 24: In the various compilation of the Augustan History, (apart of which was composed under the reign of Constantine, ) there arenot six lines which relate to the Christians; nor has the diligence ofXiphilin discovered their name in the large history of Dion Cassius. * Note: The greater part of the Augustan History is dedicated toDiocletian. This may account for the silence of its authors concerningChristianity. The notices that occur are almost all in the livescomposed under the reign of Constantine. It may fairly be concluded, from the language which he had into the mouth of Maecenas, that Dion wasan enemy to all innovations in religion. (See Gibbon, infra, note 105. )In fact, when the silence of Pagan historians is noticed, it should beremembered how meagre and mutilated are all the extant histories of theperiod--M. ]

1. By the wise dispensation of Providence, a mysterious veil was castover the infancy of the church, which, till the faith of the Christianswas matured, and their numbers were multiplied, served to protect themnot only from the malice but even from the knowledge of the Pagan world. The slow and gradual abolition of the Mosaic ceremonies afforded a safeand innocent disguise to the more early proselytes of the gospel. Asthey were, for the greater part, of the race of Abraham, they weredistinguished by the peculiar mark of circumcision, offered up theirdevotions in the Temple of Jerusalem till its final destruction, andreceived both the Law and the Prophets as the genuine inspirations ofthe Deity. The Gentile converts, who by a spiritual adoption had beenassociated to the hope of Israel, were likewise confounded under thegarb and appearance of Jews, [25] and as the Polytheists paid lessregard to articles of faith than to the external worship, the new sect, which carefully concealed, or faintly announced, its future greatnessand ambition, was permitted to shelter itself under the generaltoleration which was granted to an ancient and celebrated people inthe Roman empire. It was not long, perhaps, before the Jews themselves, animated with a fiercer zeal and a more jealous faith, perceived thegradual separation of their Nazarene brethren from the doctrine of thesynagogue; and they would gladly have extinguished the dangerous heresyin the blood of its adherents. But the decrees of Heaven had alreadydisarmed their malice; and though they might sometimes exert thelicentious privilege of sedition, they no longer possessed theadministration of criminal justice; nor did they find it easy to infuseinto the calm breast of a Roman magistrate the rancor of their own zealand prejudice. The provincial governors declared themselves ready tolisten to any accusation that might affect the public safety; but assoon as they were informed that it was a question not of facts but ofwords, a dispute relating only to the interpretation of the Jewish lawsand prophecies, they deemed it unworthy of the majesty of Rome seriouslyto discuss the obscure differences which might arise among a barbarousand superstitious people. The innocence of the first Christians wasprotected by ignorance and contempt; and the tribunal of the Paganmagistrate often proved their most assured refuge against the fury ofthe synagogue. [26] If indeed we were disposed to adopt thetraditions of a too credulous antiquity, we might relate the distantperegrinations, the wonderful achievements, and the various deathsof the twelve apostles: but a more accurate inquiry will induce usto doubt, whether any of those persons who had been witnesses to themiracles of Christ were permitted, beyond the limits of Palestine, to seal with their blood the truth of their testimony. [27] From theordinary term of human life, it may very naturally be presumed that mostof them were deceased before the discontent of the Jews broke out intothat furious war, which was terminated only by the ruin of Jerusalem. During a long period, from the death of Christ to that memorablerebellion, we cannot discover any traces of Roman intolerance, unlessthey are to be found in the sudden, the transient, but the cruelpersecution, which was exercised by Nero against the Christians of thecapital, thirty-five years after the former, and only two years beforethe latter, of those great events. The character of the philosophichistorian, to whom we are principally indebted for the knowledge of thissingular transaction, would alone be sufficient to recommend it to ourmost attentive consideration. 

[Footnote 25: An obscure passage of Suetonius (in Claud. C. 25) mayseem to offer a proof how strangely the Jews and Christians of Rome wereconfounded with each other. ]

[Footnote 26: See, in the xviiith and xxvth chapters of the Acts of theApostles, the behavior of Gallio, proconsul of Achaia, and of Festus, procurator of Judea. ]

[Footnote 27: In the time of Tertullian and Clemens of Alexandria, theglory of martyrdom was confined to St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. James. It was gradually bestowed on the rest of the apostles, by the morerecent Greeks, who prudently selected for the theatre of their preachingand sufferings some remote country beyond the limits of the Romanempire. See Mosheim, p. 81; and Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. I. Part iii. ]

In the tenth year of the reign of Nero, the capital of the empire wasafflicted by a fire which raged beyond the memory or example of formerages. [28] The monuments of Grecian art and of Roman virtue, thetrophies of the Punic and Gallic wars, the most holy temples, and themost splendid palaces, were involved in one common destruction. Of thefourteen regions or quarters into which Rome was divided, four onlysubsisted entire, three were levelled with the ground, and the remainingseven, which had experienced the fury of the flames, displayed amelancholy prospect of ruin and desolation. The vigilance of governmentappears not to have neglected any of the precautions which mightalleviate the sense of so dreadful a calamity. The Imperial gardenswere thrown open to the distressed multitude, temporary buildings wereerected for their accommodation, and a plentiful supply of corn andprovisions was distributed at a very moderate price. [29] The mostgenerous policy seemed to have dictated the edicts which regulated thedisposition of the streets and the construction of private houses; andas it usually happens, in an age of prosperity, the conflagration ofRome, in the course of a few years, produced a new city, more regularand more beautiful than the former. But all the prudence and humanityaffected by Nero on this occasion were insufficient to preserve him fromthe popular suspicion. Every crime might be imputed to the assassin ofhis wife and mother; nor could the prince who prostituted his personand dignity on the theatre be deemed incapable of the most extravagantfolly. The voice of rumor accused the emperor as the incendiary of hisown capital; and as the most incredible stories are the best adaptedto the genius of an enraged people, it was gravely reported, and firmlybelieved, that Nero, enjoying the calamity which he had occasioned, amused himself with singing to his lyre the destruction of ancient Troy. [30] To divert a suspicion, which the power of despotism was unableto suppress, the emperor resolved to substitute in his own place somefictitious criminals. "With this view, " continues Tacitus, "he inflictedthe most exquisite tortures on those men, who, under the vulgarappellation of Christians, were already branded with deserved infamy. They derived their name and origin from Christ, who in the reign ofTiberius had suffered death by the sentence of the procurator PontiusPilate. [31] For a while this dire superstition was checked; but itagain burst forth; [31a] and not only spread itself over Judaea, thefirst seat of this mischievous sect, but was even introduced intoRome, the common asylum which receives and protects whatever isimpure, whatever is atrocious. The confessions of those who were seizeddiscovered a great multitude of their accomplices, and they were allconvicted, not so much for the crime of setting fire to the city, asfor their hatred of human kind. [32] They died in torments, and theirtorments were imbittered by insult and derision. Some were nailed oncrosses; others sewn up in the skins of wild beasts, and exposed to thefury of dogs; others again, smeared over with combustible materials, were used as torches to illuminate the darkness of the night. Thegardens of Nero were destined for the melancholy spectacle, which wasaccompanied with a horse-race and honored with the presence of theemperor, who mingled with the populace in the dress and attitude ofa charioteer. The guilt of the Christians deserved indeed the mostexemplary punishment, but the public abhorrence was changed intocommiseration, from the opinion that those unhappy wretches weresacrificed, not so much to the public welfare, as to the cruelty ofa jealous tyrant. " [33] Those who survey with a curious eye therevolutions of mankind, may observe, that the gardens and circus ofNero on the Vatican, which were polluted with the blood of the firstChristians, have been rendered still more famous by the triumph and bythe abuse of the persecuted religion. On the same spot, [34] a temple, which far surpasses the ancient glories of the Capitol, has beensince erected by the Christian Pontiffs, who, deriving their claim ofuniversal dominion from an humble fisherman of Galilee, have succeededto the throne of the Caesars, given laws to the barbarian conquerors ofRome, and extended their spiritual jurisdiction from the coast of theBaltic to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. 

[Footnote 28: Tacit. Annal. Xv. 38--44. Sueton in Neron. C. 38. DionCassius, l. Lxii. P. 1014. Orosius, vii. 7. ]

[Footnote 29: The price of wheat (probably of the modius, ) was reducedas low as terni Nummi; which would be equivalent to about fifteenshillings the English quarter. ]

[Footnote 30: We may observe, that the rumor is mentioned by Tacituswith a very becoming distrust and hesitation, whilst it is greedilytranscribed by Suetonius, and solemnly confirmed by Dion. ]

[Footnote 31: This testimony is alone sufficient to expose theanachronism of the Jews, who place the birth of Christ near a centurysooner. (Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. V. C. 14, 15. ) We may learnfrom Josephus, (Antiquitat. Xviii. 3, ) that the procuratorship of Pilatecorresponded with the last ten years of Tiberius, A. D. 27--37. As tothe particular time of the death of Christ, a very early traditionfixed it to the 25th of March, A. D. 29, under the consulship of the twoGemini. (Tertullian adv. Judaeos, c. 8. ) This date, which is adopted byPagi, Cardinal Norris, and Le Clerc, seems at least as probable as thevulgar aera, which is placed (I know not from what conjectures) fouryears later. ]

[Footnote 31a: This single phrase, Repressa in praesens exitiabilissuperstitio rursus erumpebat, proves that the Christians had alreadyattracted the attention of the government; and that Nero was not thefirst to persecute them. I am surprised that more stress has not beenlaid on the confirmation which the Acts of the Apostles derive fromthese words of Tacitus, Repressa in praesens, and rursus erumpebat. --G. ----I have been unwilling to suppress this note, but surely theexpression of Tacitus refers to the expected extirpation of the religionby the death of its founder, Christ. --M. ]

[Footnote 32: Odio humani generis convicti. These words may eithersignify the hatred of mankind towards the Christians, or the hatred ofthe Christians towards mankind. I have preferred the latter sense, asthe most agreeable to the style of Tacitus, and to the popular error, ofwhich a precept of the gospel (see Luke xiv. 26) had been, perhaps, theinnocent occasion. My interpretation is justified by the authority ofLipsius; of the Italian, the French, and the English translators ofTacitus; of Mosheim, (p. 102, ) of Le Clerc, (Historia Ecclesiast. P. 427, ) of Dr. Lardner, (Testimonies, vol. I. P. 345, ) and of the Bishopof Gloucester, (Divine Legation, vol. Iii. P. 38. ) But as the wordconvicti does not unite very happily with the rest of the sentence, James Gronovius has preferred the reading of conjuncti, which isauthorized by the valuable MS. Of Florence. ]

[Footnote 33: Tacit. Annal xv. 44. ]

[Footnote 34: Nardini Roma Antica, p. 487. Donatus de Roma Antiqua, l. Iii. P. 449. ]

But it would be improper to dismiss this account of Nero's persecution, till we have made some observations that may serve to remove thedifficulties with which it is perplexed, and to throw some light on thesubsequent history of the church. 

1. The most sceptical criticism is obliged to respect the truth of thisextraordinary fact, and the integrity of this celebrated passage ofTacitus. The former is confirmed by the diligent and accurate Suetonius, who mentions the punishment which Nero inflicted on the Christians, asect of men who had embraced a new and criminal superstition. [35] Thelatter may be proved by the consent of the most ancient manuscripts;by the inimitable character of the style of Tacitus by his reputation, which guarded his text from the interpolations of pious fraud; and bythe purport of his narration, which accused the first Christians ofthe most atrocious crimes, without insinuating that they possessed anymiraculous or even magical powers above the rest of mankind. [36] 2. Notwithstanding it is probable that Tacitus was born some yearsbefore the fire of Rome, [37] he could derive only from reading andconversation the knowledge of an event which happened during hisinfancy. Before he gave himself to the public, he calmly waited till hisgenius had attained its full maturity, and he was more than forty yearsof age, when a grateful regard for the memory of the virtuous Agricolaextorted from him the most early of those historical compositions whichwill delight and instruct the most distant posterity. After making atrial of his strength in the life of Agricola and the description ofGermany, he conceived, and at length executed, a more arduous work; thehistory of Rome, in thirty books, from the fall of Nero to the accessionof Nerva. The administration of Nerva introduced an age of justice andpropriety, which Tacitus had destined for the occupation of his old age;[38] but when he took a nearer view of his subject, judging, perhaps, that it was a more honorable or a less invidious office to record thevices of past tyrants, than to celebrate the virtues of a reigningmonarch, he chose rather to relate, under the form of annals, theactions of the four immediate successors of Augustus. To collect, todispose, and to adorn a series of fourscore years, in an immortal work, every sentence of which is pregnant with the deepest observations andthe most lively images, was an undertaking sufficient to exercise thegenius of Tacitus himself during the greatest part of his life. Inthe last years of the reign of Trajan, whilst the victorious monarchextended the power of Rome beyond its ancient limits, the historian wasdescribing, in the second and fourth books of his annals, the tyrannyof Tiberius; [39] and the emperor Hadrian must have succeeded to thethrone, before Tacitus, in the regular prosecution of his work, couldrelate the fire of the capital, and the cruelty of Nero towards theunfortunate Christians. At the distance of sixty years, it was the dutyof the annalist to adopt the narratives of contemporaries; but it wasnatural for the philosopher to indulge himself in the description ofthe origin, the progress, and the character of the new sect, not somuch according to the knowledge or prejudices of the age of Nero, asaccording to those of the time of Hadrian. 3 Tacitus very frequentlytrusts to the curiosity or reflection of his readers to supply thoseintermediate circumstances and ideas, which, in his extreme conciseness, he has thought proper to suppress. We may therefore presume to imaginesome probable cause which could direct the cruelty of Nero against theChristians of Rome, whose obscurity, as well as innocence, should haveshielded them from his indignation, and even from his notice. The Jews, who were numerous in the capital, and oppressed in their own country, were a much fitter object for the suspicions of the emperor and of thepeople: nor did it seem unlikely that a vanquished nation, who alreadydiscovered their abhorrence of the Roman yoke, might have recourse tothe most atrocious means of gratifying their implacable revenge. But theJews possessed very powerful advocates in the palace, and even in theheart of the tyrant; his wife and mistress, the beautiful Poppaea, anda favorite player of the race of Abraham, who had already employed theirintercession in behalf of the obnoxious people. [40] In their roomit was necessary to offer some other victims, and it might easily besuggested that, although the genuine followers of Moses were innocent ofthe fire of Rome, there had arisen among them a new and pernicious sectof Galilaeans, which was capable of the most horrid crimes. Under theappellation of Galilaeans, two distinctions of men were confounded, the most opposite to each other in their manners and principles; thedisciples who had embraced the faith of Jesus of Nazareth, [41] and thezealots who had followed the standard of Judas the Gaulonite. [42] Theformer were the friends, the latter were the enemies, of human kind;and the only resemblance between them consisted in the same inflexibleconstancy, which, in the defence of their cause, rendered theminsensible of death and tortures. The followers of Judas, who impelledtheir countrymen into rebellion, were soon buried under the ruins ofJerusalem; whilst those of Jesus, known by the more celebrated name ofChristians, diffused themselves over the Roman empire. How natural wasit for Tacitus, in the time of Hadrian, to appropriate to the Christiansthe guilt and the sufferings, [42a] which he might, with far greatertruth and justice, have attributed to a sect whose odious memory wasalmost extinguished! 4. Whatever opinion may be entertained of thisconjecture, (for it is no more than a conjecture, ) it is evident thatthe effect, as well as the cause, of Nero's persecution, was confinedto the walls of Rome, [43] [43a] that the religious tenets of theGalilaeans or Christians, were never made a subject of punishment, oreven of inquiry; and that, as the idea of their sufferings was fora long time connected with the idea of cruelty and injustice, themoderation of succeeding princes inclined them to spare a sect, oppressed by a tyrant, whose rage had been usually directed againstvirtue and innocence. 

[Footnote 35: Sueton. In Nerone, c. 16. The epithet of malefica, whichsome sagacious commentators have translated magical, is consideredby the more rational Mosheim as only synonymous to the exitiabilis ofTacitus. ]

[Footnote 36: The passage concerning Jesus Christ, which was insertedinto the text of Josephus, between the time of Origen and thatof Eusebius, may furnish an example of no vulgar forgery. Theaccomplishment of the prophecies, the virtues, miracles, andresurrection of Jesus, are distinctly related. Josephus acknowledgesthat he was the Messiah, and hesitates whether he should call him a man. If any doubt can still remain concerning this celebrated passage, thereader may examine the pointed objections of Le Fevre, (Havercamp. Joseph. Tom. Ii. P. 267-273), the labored answers of Daubuz, (p. 187-232, and the masterly reply (Bibliotheque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. Vii. P. 237-288) of an anonymous critic, whom I believe to have been the learnedAbbe de Longuerue. * Note: The modern editor of Eusebius, Heinichen, hasadopted, and ably supported, a notion, which had before suggesteditself to the editor, that this passage is not altogether a forgery, butinterpolated with many additional clauses. Heinichen has endeavoredto disengage the original text from the foreign and more recentmatter. --M. ]

[Footnote 37: See the lives of Tacitus by Lipsius and the Abbe dela Bleterie, Dictionnaire de Bayle a l'article Particle Tacite, andFabricius, Biblioth. Latin tem. Latin. Tom. Ii. P. 386, edit. Ernest. Ernst. ]

[Footnote 38: Principatum Divi Nervae, et imperium Trajani, uberiorem, securioremque materiam senectuti seposui. Tacit. Hist. I. ]

[Footnote 39: See Tacit. Annal. Ii. 61, iv. 4. * Note: The perusal ofthis passage of Tacitus alone is sufficient, as I have already said, toshow that the Christian sect was not so obscure as not already to havebeen repressed, (repressa, ) and that it did not pass for innocent in theeyes of the Romans. --G. ]

[Footnote 40: The player's name was Aliturus. Through the same channel, Josephus, (de vita sua, c. 2, ) about two years before, had obtained thepardon and release of some Jewish priests, who were prisoners at Rome. ]

[Footnote 41: The learned Dr. Lardner (Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol ii. P. 102, 103) has proved that the name of Galilaeans was a veryancient, and perhaps the primitive appellation of the Christians. ]

[Footnote 42: Joseph. Antiquitat. Xviii. 1, 2. Tillemont, Ruine desJuifs, p. 742 The sons of Judas were crucified in the time of Claudius. His grandson Eleazar, after Jerusalem was taken, defended a strongfortress with 960 of his most desperate followers. When the batteringram had made a breach, they turned their swords against their wivestheir children, and at length against their own breasts. They dies tothe last man. ]

[Footnote 42a: This conjecture is entirely devoid, not merely ofverisimilitude, but even of possibility. Tacitus could not be deceivedin appropriating to the Christians of Rome the guilt and the sufferingswhich he might have attributed with far greater truth to the followersof Judas the Gaulonite, for the latter never went to Rome. Their revolt, their attempts, their opinions, their wars, their punishment, hadno other theatre but Judaea (Basn. Hist. Des. Juifs, t. I. P. 491. )Moreover the name of Christians had long been given in Rome to thedisciples of Jesus; and Tacitus affirms too positively, refers toodistinctly to its etymology, to allow us to suspect any mistake on hispart. --G. ----M. Guizot's expressions are not in the least too strong against this strange imagination of Gibbon; it may be doubtedwhether the followers of Judas were known as a sect under the name ofGalilaeans. --M. ]

[Footnote 43: See Dodwell. Paucitat. Mart. L. Xiii. The SpanishInscription in Gruter. P. 238, No. 9, is a manifest and acknowledgedforgery contrived by that noted imposter. Cyriacus of Ancona, to flatterthe pride and prejudices of the Spaniards. See Ferreras, HistoireD'Espagne, tom. I. P. 192. ]

[Footnote 43a: M. Guizot, on the authority of Sulpicius Severus, ii. 37, and of Orosius, viii. 5, inclines to the opinion of those who extend thepersecution to the provinces. Mosheim rather leans to that side on thismuch disputed question, (c. Xxxv. ) Neander takes the view of Gibbon, which is in general that of the most learned writers. There is indeed noevidence, which I can discover, of its reaching the provinces; and theapparent security, at least as regards his life, with which St. Paulpursued his travels during this period, affords at least a stronginference against a rigid and general inquisition against the Christiansin other parts of the empire. --M. ]

It is somewhat remarkable that the flames of war consumed, almost at thesame time, the temple of Jerusalem and the Capitol of Rome; [44] and itappears no less singular, that the tribute which devotion had destinedto the former, should have been converted by the power of an assaultingvictor to restore and adorn the splendor of the latter. [45] Theemperors levied a general capitation tax on the Jewish people;and although the sum assessed on the head of each individual wasinconsiderable, the use for which it was designed, and the severity withwhich it was exacted, were considered as an intolerable grievance. [46]Since the officers of the revenue extended their unjust claim to manypersons who were strangers to the blood or religion of the Jews, it wasimpossible that the Christians, who had so often sheltered themselvesunder the shade of the synagogue, should now escape this rapaciouspersecution. Anxious as they were to avoid the slightest infection ofidolatry, their conscience forbade them to contribute to the honor ofthat daemon who had assumed the character of the Capitoline Jupiter. As a very numerous though declining party among the Christians stilladhered to the law of Moses, their efforts to dissemble their Jewishorigin were detected by the decisive test of circumcision; [47] nor werethe Roman magistrates at leisure to inquire into the difference oftheir religious tenets. Among the Christians who were brought before thetribunal of the emperor, or, as it seems more probable, before thatof the procurator of Judaea, two persons are said to have appeared, distinguished by their extraction, which was more truly noble thanthat of the greatest monarchs. These were the grandsons of St. Jude theapostle, who himself was the brother of Jesus Christ. [48] Their naturalpretensions to the throne of David might perhaps attract the respect ofthe people, and excite the jealousy of the governor; but the meanness oftheir garb, and the simplicity of their answers, soon convinced him thatthey were neither desirous nor capable of disturbing the peace of theRoman empire. They frankly confessed their royal origin, and their nearrelation to the Messiah; but they disclaimed any temporal views, andprofessed that his kingdom, which they devoutly expected, was purely ofa spiritual and angelic nature. When they were examined concerning theirfortune and occupation, they showed their hands, hardened with dailylabor, and declared that they derived their whole subsistence from thecultivation of a farm near the village of Cocaba, of the extent ofabout twenty-four English acres, [49] and of the value of nine thousanddrachms, or three hundred pounds sterling. The grandsons of St. Judewere dismissed with compassion and contempt. [50]

[Footnote 44: The Capitol was burnt during the civil war betweenVitellius and Vespasian, the 19th of December, A. D. 69. On the 10th ofAugust, A. D. 70, the temple of Jerusalem was destroyed by the hands ofthe Jews themselves, rather than by those of the Romans. ]

[Footnote 45: The new Capitol was dedicated by Domitian. Sueton. InDomitian. C. 5. Plutarch in Poplicola, tom. I. P. 230, edit. Bryant. Thegilding alone cost 12, 000 talents (above two millions and a half. ) Itwas the opinion of Martial, (l. Ix. Epigram 3, ) that if the emperor hadcalled in his debts, Jupiter himself, even though he had made a generalauction of Olympus, would have been unable to pay two shillings in thepound. ]

[Footnote 46: With regard to the tribute, see Dion Cassius, l. Lxvi. P. 1082, with Reimarus's notes. Spanheim, de Usu Numismatum, tom. Ii. P. 571; and Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. Vii. C. 2. ]

[Footnote 47: Suetonius (in Domitian. C. 12) had seen an old man ofninety publicly examined before the procurator's tribunal. This is whatMartial calls, Mentula tributis damnata. ]

[Footnote 48: This appellation was at first understood in the mostobvious sense, and it was supposed, that the brothers of Jesus were thelawful issue of Joseph and Mary. A devout respect for the virginityof the mother of God suggested to the Gnostics, and afterwards to theorthodox Greeks, the expedient of bestowing a second wife on Joseph. The Latins (from the time of Jerome) improved on that hint, asserted theperpetual celibacy of Joseph, and justified by many similar examplesthe new interpretation that Jude, as well as Simon and James, who werestyled the brothers of Jesus Christ, were only his first cousins. SeeTillemont, Mem. Ecclesiat. Tom. I. Part iii. : and Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. Ii. C. 2. ]

[Footnote 49: Thirty-nine, squares of a hundred feet each, which, ifstrictly computed, would scarcely amount to nine acres. ]

[Footnote 50: Eusebius, iii. 20. The story is taken from Hegesippus. ]

But although the obscurity of the house of David might protect themfrom the suspicions of a tyrant, the present greatness of his ownfamily alarmed the pusillanimous temper of Domitian, which could only beappeased by the blood of those Romans whom he either feared, or hated, or esteemed. Of the two sons of his uncle Flavius Sabinus, [51] theelder was soon convicted of treasonable intentions, and the younger, who bore the name of Flavius Clemens, was indebted for his safety tohis want of courage and ability. [52] The emperor for a long time, distinguished so harmless a kinsman by his favor and protection, bestowed on him his own niece Domitilla, adopted the children of thatmarriage to the hope of the succession, and invested their father withthe honors of the consulship. 

[Footnote 51: See the death and character of Sabinus in Tacitus, (Hist. Iii. 74 ) Sabinus was the elder brother, and, till the accession ofVespasian, had been considered as the principal support of the Flaviumfamily]

[Footnote 52: Flavium Clementem patruelem suum contemptissimoeinertice. . Ex tenuissima suspicione interemit. Sueton. In Domitian. C. 15. ]

But he had scarcely finished the term of his annual magistracy, when, ona slight pretence, he was condemned and executed; Domitilla was banishedto a desolate island on the coast of Campania; [53] and sentences eitherof death or of confiscation were pronounced against a great number ofwho were involved in the same accusation. The guilt imputed totheir charge was that of Atheism and Jewish manners; [54] a singularassociation of ideas, which cannot with any propriety be applied exceptto the Christians, as they were obscurely and imperfectly viewed by themagistrates and by the writers of that period. On the strength of soprobable an interpretation, and too eagerly admitting the suspicions ofa tyrant as an evidence of their honorable crime, the church has placedboth Clemens and Domitilla among its first martyrs, and has branded thecruelty of Domitian with the name of the second persecution. But thispersecution (if it deserves that epithet) was of no long duration. Afew months after the death of Clemens, and the banishment of Domitilla, Stephen, a freedman belonging to the latter, who had enjoyed the favor, but who had not surely embraced the faith, of his mistress, [54a]assassinated the emperor in his palace. [55] The memory of Domitian wascondemned by the senate; his acts were rescinded; his exiles recalled;and under the gentle administration of Nerva, while the innocentwere restored to their rank and fortunes, even the most guilty eitherobtained pardon or escaped punishment. [56]

[Footnote 53: The Isle of Pandataria, according to Dion. BruttiusPraesens (apud Euseb. Iii. 18) banishes her to that of Pontia, which wasnot far distant from the other. That difference, and a mistake, eitherof Eusebius or of his transcribers, have given occasion to suppose twoDomitillas, the wife and the niece of Clemens. See Tillemont, MemoiresEcclesiastiques, tom. Ii. P. 224. ]

[Footnote 54: Dion. L. Lxvii. P. 1112. If the Bruttius Praesens, from whom it is probable that he collected this account, was thecorrespondent of Pliny, (Epistol. Vii. 3, ) we may consider him as acontemporary writer. ]

[Footnote 54a: This is an uncandid sarcasm. There is nothing to connectStephen with the religion of Domitilla. He was a knave detected in themalversation of money--interceptarum pecuniaram reus. --M. ]

[Footnote 55: Suet. In Domit. C. 17. Philostratus in Vit. Apollon. L. Viii. ]

[Footnote 56: Dion. L. Lxviii. P. 1118. Plin. Epistol. Iv. 22. ]

II. About ten years afterwards, under the reign of Trajan, the youngerPliny was intrusted by his friend and master with the government ofBithynia and Pontus. He soon found himself at a loss to determine bywhat rule of justice or of law he should direct his conduct in theexecution of an office the most repugnant to his humanity. Pliny hadnever assisted at any judicial proceedings against the Christians, with whose name alone he seems to be acquainted; and he was totallyuninformed with regard to the nature of their guilt, the method of theirconviction, and the degree of their punishment. In this perplexity hehad recourse to his usual expedient, of submitting to the wisdom ofTrajan an impartial, and, in some respects, a favorable account of thenew superstition, requesting the emperor, that he would condescend toresolve his doubts, and to instruct his ignorance. [57] The life ofPliny had been employed in the acquisition of learning, and in thebusiness of the world. 

Since the age of nineteen he had pleaded with distinction in thetribunals of Rome, [58] filled a place in the senate, had been investedwith the honors of the consulship, and had formed very numerousconnections with every order of men, both in Italy and in the provinces. From his ignorance therefore we may derive some useful information. Wemay assure ourselves, that when he accepted the government of Bithynia, there were no general laws or decrees of the senate in force against theChristians; that neither Trajan nor any of his virtuous predecessors, whose edicts were received into the civil and criminal jurisprudence, had publicly declared their intentions concerning the new sect; and thatwhatever proceedings had been carried on against the Christians, therewere none of sufficient weight and authority to establish a precedentfor the conduct of a Roman magistrate. 

[Footnote 57: Plin. Epistol. X. 97. The learned Mosheim expresseshimself (p. 147, 232) with the highest approbation of Pliny's moderateand candid temper. Notwithstanding Dr. Lardner's suspicions (see Jewishand Heathen Testimonies, vol. Ii. P. 46, ) I am unable to discover anybigotry in his language or proceedings. * Note: Yet the humane Pliny puttwo female attendants, probably deaconesses to the torture, in order toascertain the real nature of these suspicious meetings: necessariumcredidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantor quid asset veriet per tormenta quaerere. --M. ]

[Footnote 58: Plin. Epist. V. 8. He pleaded his first cause A. D. 81;the year after the famous eruptions of Mount Vesuvius, in which hisuncle lost his life. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part III. 

The answer of Trajan, to which the Christians of the succeeding age havefrequently appealed, discovers as much regard for justice and humanityas could be reconciled with his mistaken notions of religious policy. [59] Instead of displaying the implacable zeal of an inquisitor, anxiousto discover the most minute particles of heresy, and exulting in thenumber of his victims, the emperor expresses much more solicitude toprotect the security of the innocent, than to prevent the escape of theguilty. He acknowledged the difficulty of fixing any general plan; buthe lays down two salutary rules, which often afforded relief and supportto the distressed Christians. Though he directs the magistrates topunish such persons as are legally convicted, he prohibits them, witha very humane inconsistency, from making any inquiries concerning thesupposed criminals. Nor was the magistrate allowed to proceed on everykind of information. Anonymous charges the emperor rejects, as toorepugnant to the equity of his government; and he strictly requires, forthe conviction of those to whom the guilt of Christianity is imputed, the positive evidence of a fair and open accuser. It is likewiseprobable, that the persons who assumed so invidiuous an office, wereobliged to declare the grounds of their suspicions, to specify (both inrespect to time and place) the secret assemblies, which theirChristian adversary had frequented, and to disclose a great number ofcircumstances, which were concealed with the most vigilant jealousy fromthe eye of the profane. If they succeeded in their prosecution, theywere exposed to the resentment of a considerable and active party, tothe censure of the more liberal portion of mankind, and to the ignominywhich, in every age and country, has attended the character of aninformer. If, on the contrary, they failed in their proofs, theyincurred the severe and perhaps capital penalty, which, according to alaw published by the emperor Hadrian, was inflicted on those who falselyattributed to their fellow-citizens the crime of Christianity. Theviolence of personal or superstitious animosity might sometimes prevailover the most natural apprehensions of disgrace and danger but it cannotsurely be imagined, that accusations of so unpromising an appearancewere either lightly or frequently undertaken by the Pagan subjects ofthe Roman empire. [60] [60a]

[Footnote 59: Plin. Epist. X. 98. Tertullian (Apolog. C. 5) considersthis rescript as a relaxation of the ancient penal laws, "quas Trajanusexparte frustratus est:" and yet Tertullian, in another part of hisApology, exposes the inconsistency of prohibiting inquiries, andenjoining punishments. ]

[Footnote 60: Eusebius (Hist. Ecclesiast. L. Iv. C. 9) has preservedthe edict of Hadrian. He has likewise (c. 13) given us one still morefavorable, under the name of Antoninus; the authenticity of which isnot so universally allowed. The second Apology of Justin contains somecurious particulars relative to the accusations of Christians. *Note: Professor Hegelmayer has proved the authenticity of the edict ofAntoninus, in his Comm. Hist. Theol. In Edict. Imp. Antonini. Tubing. 1777, in 4to. --G. ----Neander doubts its authenticity, (vol. I. P. 152. )In my opinion, the internal evidence is decisive against it. --M]

[Footnote 60a: The enactment of this law affords strong presumption, that accusations of the "crime of Christianity, " were by no means souncommon, nor received with so much mistrust and caution by the rulingauthorities, as Gibbon would insinuate. --M. ]

The expedient which was employed to elude the prudence of the laws, affords a sufficient proof how effectually they disappointed themischievous designs of private malice or superstitious zeal. In a largeand tumultuous assembly, the restraints of fear and shame, so forcibleon the minds of individuals, are deprived of the greatest part of theirinfluence. The pious Christian, as he was desirous to obtain, or toescape, the glory of martyrdom, expected, either with impatience or withterror, the stated returns of the public games and festivals. Onthose occasions the inhabitants of the great cities of the empire werecollected in the circus or the theatre, where every circumstance of theplace, as well as of the ceremony, contributed to kindle their devotion, and to extinguish their humanity. Whilst the numerous spectators, crowned with garlands, perfumed with incense, purified with the bloodof victims, and surrounded with the altars and statues of their tutelardeities, resigned themselves to the enjoyment of pleasures, whichthey considered as an essential part of their religious worship, theyrecollected, that the Christians alone abhorred the gods of mankind, and by their absence and melancholy on these solemn festivals, seemedto insult or to lament the public felicity. If the empire had beenafflicted by any recent calamity, by a plague, a famine, or anunsuccessful war; if the Tyber had, or if the Nile had not, risen beyondits banks; if the earth had shaken, or if the temperate order of theseasons had been interrupted, the superstitious Pagans were convincedthat the crimes and the impiety of the Christians, who were sparedby the excessive lenity of the government, had at length provoked thedivine justice. It was not among a licentious and exasperated populace, that the forms of legal proceedings could be observed; it was not in anamphitheatre, stained with the blood of wild beasts and gladiators, thatthe voice of compassion could be heard. The impatient clamors of themultitude denounced the Christians as the enemies of gods and men, doomed them to the severest tortures, and venturing to accuse by namesome of the most distinguished of the new sectaries, required withirresistible vehemence that they should be instantly apprehended andcast to the lions. [61] The provincial governors and magistrates whopresided in the public spectacles were usually inclined to gratify theinclinations, and to appease the rage, of the people, by the sacrificeof a few obnoxious victims. But the wisdom of the emperors protectedthe church from the danger of these tumultuous clamors and irregularaccusations, which they justly censured as repugnant both to thefirmness and to the equity of their administration. The edicts ofHadrian and of Antoninus Pius expressly declared, that the voice of themultitude should never be admitted as legal evidence to convict or topunish those unfortunate persons who had embraced the enthusiasm of theChristians. [62]

[Footnote 61: See Tertullian, (Apolog. C. 40. ) The acts of the martyrdomof Polycarp exhibit a lively picture of these tumults, which wereusually fomented by the malice of the Jews. ]

[Footnote 62: These regulations are inserted in the above mentioneddocument of Hadrian and Pius. See the apology of Melito, (apud Euseb. Liv 26)]

III. Punishment was not the inevitable consequence of conviction, andthe Christians, whose guilt was the most clearly proved by the testimonyof witnesses, or even by their voluntary confession, still retained intheir own power the alternative of life or death. It was not so much thepast offence, as the actual resistance, which excited the indignationof the magistrate. He was persuaded that he offered them an easy pardon, since, if they consented to cast a few grains of incense upon the altar, they were dismissed from the tribunal in safety and with applause. Itwas esteemed the duty of a humane judge to endeavor to reclaim, ratherthan to punish, those deluded enthusiasts. Varying his tone accordingto the age, the sex, or the situation of the prisoners, he frequentlycondescended to set before their eyes every circumstance which couldrender life more pleasing, or death more terrible; and to solicit, nay, to entreat, them, that they would show some compassion to themselves, to their families, and to their friends. [63] If threats and persuasionsproved ineffectual, he had often recourse to violence; the scourge andthe rack were called in to supply the deficiency of argument, andevery art of cruelty was employed to subdue such inflexible, and, as itappeared to the Pagans, such criminal, obstinacy. The ancient apologistsof Christianity have censured, with equal truth and severity, theirregular conduct of their persecutors who, contrary to every principleof judicial proceeding, admitted the use of torture, in order to obtain, not a confession, but a denial, of the crime which was the object oftheir inquiry. [64] The monks of succeeding ages, who, in their peacefulsolitudes, entertained themselves with diversifying the deaths andsufferings of the primitive martyrs, have frequently invented tormentsof a much more refined and ingenious nature. In particular, it haspleased them to suppose, that the zeal of the Roman magistrates, disdaining every consideration of moral virtue or public decency, endeavored to seduce those whom they were unable to vanquish, and thatby their orders the most brutal violence was offered to those whom theyfound it impossible to seduce. It is related, that females, who wereprepared to despise death, were sometimes condemned to a more severetrial, [64a] and called upon to determine whether they set a highervalue on their religion or on their chastity. The youths to whoselicentious embraces they were abandoned, received a solemn exhortationfrom the judge, to exert their most strenuous efforts to maintain thehonor of Venus against the impious virgin who refused to burn incense onher altars. Their violence, however, was commonly disappointed, and theseasonable interposition of some miraculous power preserved the chastespouses of Christ from the dishonor even of an involuntary defeat. Weshould not indeed neglect to remark, that the more ancient as wellas authentic memorials of the church are seldom polluted with theseextravagant and indecent fictions. [65]

[Footnote 63: See the rescript of Trajan, and the conduct of Pliny. Themost authentic acts of the martyrs abound in these exhortations. Note:Pliny's test was the worship of the gods, offerings to the statue of theemperor, and blaspheming Christ--praeterea maledicerent Christo. --M. ]

[Footnote 64: In particular, see Tertullian, (Apolog. C. 2, 3, ) andLactantius, (Institut. Divin. V. 9. ) Their reasonings are almost thesame; but we may discover, that one of these apologists had been alawyer, and the other a rhetorician. ]

[Footnote 64a: The more ancient as well as authentic memorials of thechurch, relate many examples of the fact, (of these severe trials, )which there is nothing to contradict. Tertullian, among others, says, Nam proxime ad lenonem damnando Christianam, potius quam ad leonem, confessi estis labem pudicitiae apud nos atrociorem omni poena et omnimorte reputari, Apol. Cap. Ult. Eusebius likewise says, "Other virgins, dragged to brothels, have lost their life rather than defile theirvirtue. " Euseb. Hist. Ecc. Viii. 14. --G. The miraculous interpositionswere the offspring of the coarse imaginations of the monks. --M. ]

[Footnote 65: See two instances of this kind of torture in the ActaSincere Martyrum, published by Ruinart, p. 160, 399. Jerome, in hisLegend of Paul the Hermit, tells a strange story of a young man, whowas chained naked on a bed of flowers, and assaulted by a beautiful andwanton courtesan. He quelled the rising temptation by biting off histongue. ]

The total disregard of truth and probability in the representation ofthese primitive martyrdoms was occasioned by a very natural mistake. Theecclesiastical writers of the fourth or fifth centuries ascribed to themagistrates of Rome the same degree of implacable and unrelenting zealwhich filled their own breasts against the heretics or the idolaters oftheir own times. 

It is not improbable that some of those persons who were raised tothe dignities of the empire, might have imbibed the prejudices of thepopulace, and that the cruel disposition of others might occasionally bestimulated by motives of avarice or of personal resentment. [66] But itis certain, and we may appeal to the grateful confessions of the firstChristians, that the greatest part of those magistrates who exercisedin the provinces the authority of the emperor, or of the senate, andto whose hands alone the jurisdiction of life and death was intrusted, behaved like men of polished manners and liberal education, whorespected the rules of justice, and who were conversant with theprecepts of philosophy. They frequently declined the odious task ofpersecution, dismissed the charge with contempt, or suggested to theaccused Christian some legal evasion, by which he might eludethe severity of the laws. [67] Whenever they were invested with adiscretionary power, [68] they used it much less for the oppression, than for the relief and benefit of the afflicted church. They werefar from condemning all the Christians who were accused before theirtribunal, and very far from punishing with death all those who wereconvicted of an obstinate adherence to the new superstition. Contentingthemselves, for the most part, with the milder chastisements ofimprisonment, exile, or slavery in the mines, [69] they left the unhappyvictims of their justice some reason to hope, that a prosperous event, the accession, the marriage, or the triumph of an emperor, mightspeedily restore them, by a general pardon, to their former state. Themartyrs, devoted to immediate execution by the Roman magistrates, appearto have been selected from the most opposite extremes. They were eitherbishops and presbyters, the persons the most distinguished among theChristians by their rank and influence, and whose example might striketerror into the whole sect; [70] or else they were the meanest and mostabject among them, particularly those of the servile condition, whoselives were esteemed of little value, and whose sufferings were viewed bythe ancients with too careless an indifference. [71] The learned Origen, who, from his experience as well as reading, was intimately acquaintedwith the history of the Christians, declares, in the most express terms, that the number of martyrs was very inconsiderable. [72] His authoritywould alone be sufficient to annihilate that formidable army of martyrs, whose relics, drawn for the most part from the catacombs of Rome, havereplenished so many churches, [73] and whose marvellous achievementshave been the subject of so many volumes of Holy Romance. [74] Butthe general assertion of Origen may be explained and confirmed by theparticular testimony of his friend Dionysius, who, in the immense cityof Alexandria, and under the rigorous persecution of Decius, reckonsonly ten men and seven women who suffered for the profession of theChristian name. [75]

[Footnote 66: The conversion of his wife provoked Claudius Herminianus, governor of Cappadocia, to treat the Christians with uncommon severity. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3. ]

[Footnote 67: Tertullian, in his epistle to the governor of Africa, mentions several remarkable instances of lenity and forbearance, whichhad happened within his knowledge. ]

[Footnote 68: Neque enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formamhabeat, constitui potest; an expression of Trajan, which gave a verygreat latitude to the governors of provinces. * Note: Gibbon altogetherforgets that Trajan fully approved of the course pursued by Pliny. Thatcourse was, to order all who persevered in their faith to be led toexecution: perseverantes duci jussi. --M. ]

[Footnote 69: In Metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur. Tertullian, Apolog. C. 12. The mines of Numidia contained nine bishops, with aproportionable number of their clergy and people, to whom Cyprianaddressed a pious epistle of praise and comfort. See Cyprian. Epistol. 76, 77. ]

[Footnote 70: Though we cannot receive with entire confidence either theepistles, or the acts, of Ignatius, (they may be found in the 2d volumeof the Apostolic Fathers, ) yet we may quote that bishop of Antiochas one of these exemplary martyrs. He was sent in chains to Rome as apublic spectacle, and when he arrived at Troas, he received the pleasingintelligence, that the persecution of Antioch was already at an end. *Note: The acts of Ignatius are generally received as authentic, as areseven of his letters. Eusebius and St. Jerome mention them: there aretwo editions; in one, the letters are longer, and many passages appearto have been interpolated; the other edition is that which contains thereal letters of St. Ignatius; such at least is the opinion of the wisestand most enlightened critics. (See Lardner. Cred. Of Gospel Hist. ) Less, uber dis Religion, v. I. P. 529. Usser. Diss. De Ign. Epist. Pearson, Vindic, Ignatianae. It should be remarked, that it was under the reignof Trajan that the bishop Ignatius was carried from Antioch to Rome, to be exposed to the lions in the amphitheatre, the year of J. C. 107, according to some; of 116, according to others. --G. ]

[Footnote 71: Among the martyrs of Lyons, (Euseb. L. V. C. 1, ) theslave Blandina was distinguished by more exquisite tortures. Of the fivemartyrs so much celebrated in the acts of Felicitas and Perpetua, twowere of a servile, and two others of a very mean, condition. ]

[Footnote 72: Origen. Advers. Celsum, l. Iii. P. 116. His words deserveto be transcribed. * Note: The words that follow should be quoted. "Godnot permitting that all his class of men should be exterminated:"which appears to indicate that Origen thought the number put to deathinconsiderable only when compared to the numbers who had survived. Besides this, he is speaking of the state of the religion underCaracalla, Elagabalus, Alexander Severus, and Philip, who had notpersecuted the Christians. It was during the reign of the latter thatOrigen wrote his books against Celsus. --G. ]

[Footnote 73: If we recollect that all the Plebeians of Rome were notChristians, and that all the Christians were not saints and martyrs, wemay judge with how much safety religious honors can be ascribed to bonesor urns, indiscriminately taken from the public burial-place. After tencenturies of a very free and open trade, some suspicions have arisenamong the more learned Catholics. They now require as a proof ofsanctity and martyrdom, the letters B. M. , a vial full of red liquorsupposed to be blood, or the figure of a palm-tree. But the two formersigns are of little weight, and with regard to the last, it is observedby the critics, 1. That the figure, as it is called, of a palm, isperhaps a cypress, and perhaps only a stop, the flourish of a commaused in the monumental inscriptions. 2. That the palm was the symbol ofvictory among the Pagans. 3. That among the Christians it served as theemblem, not only of martyrdom, but in general of a joyful resurrection. See the epistle of P. Mabillon, on the worship of unknown saints, andMuratori sopra le Antichita Italiane, Dissertat. Lviii. ]

[Footnote 74: As a specimen of these legends, we may be satisfied with10, 000 Christian soldiers crucified in one day, either by Trajan orHadrian on Mount Ararat. See Baronius ad Martyrologium Romanum;Tille mont, Mem. Ecclesiast. Tom. Ii. Part ii. P. 438; and Geddes'sMiscellanies, vol. Ii. P. 203. The abbreviation of Mil. , which maysignify either soldiers or thousands, is said to have occasioned someextraordinary mistakes. ]

[Footnote 75: Dionysius ap. Euseb l. Vi. C. 41 One of the seventeenwas likewise accused of robbery. * Note: Gibbon ought to have said, was falsely accused of robbery, for so it is in the Greek text. ThisChristian, named Nemesion, falsely accused of robbery before thecenturion, was acquitted of a crime altogether foreign to his character, but he was led before the governor as guilty of being a Christian, andthe governor inflicted upon him a double torture. (Euseb. Loc. Cit. ) Itmust be added, that Saint Dionysius only makes particular mention ofthe principal martyrs, [this is very doubtful. --M. ] and that he says, in general, that the fury of the Pagans against the Christians gaveto Alexandria the appearance of a city taken by storm. [This refers toplunder and ill usage, not to actual slaughter. --M. ] Finally it shouldbe observed that Origen wrote before the persecution of the emperorDecius. --G. ]

During the same period of persecution, the zealous, the eloquent, theambitious Cyprian governed the church, not only of Carthage, but even ofAfrica. He possessed every quality which could engage the reverenceof the faithful, or provoke the suspicions and resentment of the Paganmagistrates. His character as well as his station seemed to mark outthat holy prelate as the most distinguished object of envy and danger. [76] The experience, however, of the life of Cyprian, is sufficientto prove that our fancy has exaggerated the perilous situation of aChristian bishop; and the dangers to which he was exposed were lessimminent than those which temporal ambition is always prepared toencounter in the pursuit of honors. Four Roman emperors, with theirfamilies, their favorites, and their adherents, perished by the swordin the space of ten years, during which the bishop of Carthage guided byhis authority and eloquence the councils of the African church. It wasonly in the third year of his administration, that he had reason, duringa few months, to apprehend the severe edicts of Decius, the vigilanceof the magistrate and the clamors of the multitude, who loudly demanded, that Cyprian, the leader of the Christians, should be thrown to thelions. Prudence suggested the necessity of a temporary retreat, andthe voice of prudence was obeyed. He withdrew himself into an obscuresolitude, from whence he could maintain a constant correspondence withthe clergy and people of Carthage; and, concealing himself till thetempest was past, he preserved his life, without relinquishing eitherhis power or his reputation. His extreme caution did not, however, escape the censure of the more rigid Christians, who lamented, or thereproaches of his personal enemies, who insulted, a conduct which theyconsidered as a pusillanimous and criminal desertion of the most sacredduty. [77] The propriety of reserving himself for the future exigenciesof the church, the example of several holy bishops, [78] and the divineadmonitions, which, as he declares himself, he frequently received invisions and ecstacies, were the reasons alleged in his justification. [79] But his best apology may be found in the cheerful resolution, withwhich, about eight years afterwards, he suffered death in the cause ofreligion. The authentic history of his martyrdom has been recorded withunusual candor and impartiality. A short abstract, therefore, of itsmost important circumstances, will convey the clearest information ofthe spirit, and of the forms, of the Roman persecutions. [80]

[Footnote 76: The letters of Cyprian exhibit a very curious and originalpicture both of the man and of the times. See likewise the two lives ofCyprian, composed with equal accuracy, though with very different views;the one by Le Clerc (Bibliotheque Universelle, tom. Xii. P. 208-378, )the other by Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. Iv part i. P. 76-459. ]

[Footnote 77: See the polite but severe epistle of the clergy of Rome tothe bishop of Carthage. (Cyprian. Epist. 8, 9. ) Pontius labors with thegreatest care and diligence to justify his master against the generalcensure. ]

[Footnote 78: In particular those of Dionysius of Alexandria, andGregory Thaumaturgus, of Neo-Caesarea. See Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. L. Vi. C. 40; and Memoires de Tillemont, tom. Iv. Part ii. P. 685. ]

[Footnote 79: See Cyprian. Epist. 16, and his life by Pontius. ]

[Footnote 80: We have an original life of Cyprian by the deacon Pontius, the companion of his exile, and the spectator of his death; and welikewise possess the ancient proconsular acts of his martyrdom. Thesetwo relations are consistent with each other, and with probability; andwhat is somewhat remarkable, they are both unsullied by any miraculouscircumstances. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part IV. 

When Valerian was consul for the third, and Gallienus for the fourthtime, Paternus, proconsul of Africa, summoned Cyprian to appear inhis private council-chamber. He there acquainted him with the Imperialmandate which he had just received, [81] that those who had abandonedthe Roman religion should immediately return to the practice of theceremonies of their ancestors. Cyprian replied without hesitation, thathe was a Christian and a bishop, devoted to the worship of the true andonly Deity, to whom he offered up his daily supplications for the safetyand prosperity of the two emperors, his lawful sovereigns. 

With modest confidence he pleaded the privilege of a citizen, inrefusing to give any answer to some invidious and indeed illegalquestions which the proconsul had proposed. A sentence of banishmentwas pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian's disobedience; and hewas conducted without delay to Curubis, a free and maritime city ofZeugitania, in a pleasant situation, a fertile territory, and at thedistance of about forty miles from Carthage. [82] The exiled bishopenjoyed the conveniences of life and the consciousness of virtue. His reputation was diffused over Africa and Italy; an account of hisbehavior was published for the edification of the Christian world; [83]and his solitude was frequently interrupted by the letters, the visits, and the congratulations of the faithful. On the arrival of a newproconsul in the province the fortune of Cyprian appeared for some timeto wear a still more favorable aspect. He was recalled from banishment;and though not yet permitted to return to Carthage, his own gardensin the neighborhood of the capital were assigned for the place of hisresidence. [84]

[Footnote 81: It should seem that these were circular orders, sent atthe same time to all the governors. Dionysius (ap. Euseb. L. Vii. C. 11)relates the history of his own banishment from Alexandria almost in thesame manner. But as he escaped and survived the persecution, we mustaccount him either more or less fortunate than Cyprian. ]

[Footnote 82: See Plin. Hist. Natur. V. 3. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. Part iii. P. 96. Shaw's Travels, p. 90; and for the adjacent country, (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or the promontory of Mercury, )l'Afrique de Marmol. Tom. Ii. P. 494. There are the remains of anaqueduct near Curubis, or Curbis, at present altered into Gurbes; andDr. Shaw read an inscription, which styles that city Colonia Fulvia. Thedeacon Pontius (in Vit. Cyprian. C. 12) calls it "Apricum et competentemlocum, hospitium pro voluntate secretum, et quicquid apponi eis antepromissum est, qui regnum et justitiam Dei quaerunt. "]

[Footnote 83: See Cyprian. Epistol. 77, edit. Fell. ]

[Footnote 84: Upon his conversion, he had sold those gardens for thebenefit of the poor. The indulgence of God (most probably the liberalityof some Christian friend) restored them to Cyprian. See Pontius, c. 15. ]

At length, exactly one year [85] after Cyprian was first apprehended, Galerius Maximus, proconsul of Africa, received the Imperial warrantfor the execution of the Christian teachers. The bishop of Carthage wassensible that he should be singled out for one of the first victims;and the frailty of nature tempted him to withdraw himself, by a secretflight, from the danger and the honor of martyrdom; [85a] but soonrecovering that fortitude which his character required, he returned tohis gardens, and patiently expected the ministers of death. Two officersof rank, who were intrusted with that commission, placed Cyprian betweenthem in a chariot, and as the proconsul was not then at leisure, theyconducted him, not to a prison, but to a private house in Carthage, which belonged to one of them. An elegant supper was provided for theentertainment of the bishop, and his Christian friends were permittedfor the last time to enjoy his society, whilst the streets were filledwith a multitude of the faithful, anxious and alarmed at the approachingfate of their spiritual father. [86] In the morning he appeared beforethe tribunal of the proconsul, who, after informing himself of the nameand situation of Cyprian, commanded him to offer sacrifice, and pressedhim to reflect on the consequences of his disobedience. The refusal ofCyprian was firm and decisive; and the magistrate, when he had taken theopinion of his council, pronounced with some reluctance the sentence ofdeath. It was conceived in the following terms: "That Thascius Cyprianusshould be immediately beheaded, as the enemy of the gods of Rome, and asthe chief and ringleader of a criminal association, which he had seducedinto an impious resistance against the laws of the most holy emperors, Valerian and Gallienus. " [87] The manner of his execution was themildest and least painful that could be inflicted on a person convictedof any capital offence; nor was the use of torture admitted to obtainfrom the bishop of Carthage either the recantation of his principles orthe discovery of his accomplices. 

[Footnote 85: When Cyprian; a twelvemonth before, was sent into exile, he dreamt that he should be put to death the next day. The event made itnecessary to explain that word, as signifying a year. Pontius, c. 12. ]

[Footnote 85a: This was not, as it appears, the motive which inducedSt. Cyprian to conceal himself for a short time; he was threatened to becarried to Utica; he preferred remaining at Carthage, in order to suffermartyrdom in the midst of his flock, and in order that his death mightconduce to the edification of those whom he had guided during life. Such, at least, is his own explanation of his conduct in one of hisletters: Cum perlatum ad nos fuisset, fratres carissimi, frumentariosesse missos qui me Uticam per ducerent, consilioque carissimorumpersuasum est, ut de hortis interim recederemus, justa intervenientecausa, consensi; eo quod congruat episcopum in ea civitate, in quaEcclesiae dominicae praeest, illie. Dominum confiteri et plebemuniversam praepositi praesentis confessione clarificari Ep. 83. --G]

[Footnote 86: Pontius (c. 15) acknowledges that Cyprian, with whom hesupped, passed the night custodia delicata. The bishop exercised alast and very proper act of jurisdiction, by directing that the youngerfemales, who watched in the streets, should be removed from the dangersand temptations of a nocturnal crowd. Act. Preconsularia, c. 2. ]

[Footnote 87: See the original sentence in the Acts, c. 4; and inPontius, c. 17 The latter expresses it in a more rhetorical manner. ]

As soon as the sentence was proclaimed, a general cry of "We will diewith him, " arose at once among the listening multitude of Christians whowaited before the palace gates. The generous effusions of their zealand their affection were neither serviceable to Cyprian nor dangerousto themselves. He was led away under a guard of tribunes and centurions, without resistance and without insult, to the place of his execution, a spacious and level plain near the city, which was already filled withgreat numbers of spectators. His faithful presbyters and deacons werepermitted to accompany their holy bishop. [87a] They assisted him inlaying aside his upper garment, spread linen on the ground to catchthe precious relics of his blood, and received his orders to bestowfive-and-twenty pieces of gold on the executioner. The martyr thencovered his face with his hands, and at one blow his head was separatedfrom his body. His corpse remained during some hours exposed tothe curiosity of the Gentiles: but in the night it was removed, andtransported in a triumphal procession, and with a splendid illumination, to the burial-place of the Christians. The funeral of Cyprian waspublicly celebrated without receiving any interruption from the Romanmagistrates; and those among the faithful, who had performed the lastoffices to his person and his memory, were secure from the danger ofinquiry or of punishment. It is remarkable, that of so great a multitudeof bishops in the province of Africa, Cyprian was the first who wasesteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom. [88]

[Footnote 87a: There is nothing in the life of St. Cyprian, by Pontius, nor in the ancient manuscripts, which can make us suppose that thepresbyters and deacons in their clerical character, and known to besuch, had the permission to attend their holy bishop. Setting aside allreligious considerations, it is impossible not to be surprised at thekind of complaisance with which the historian here insists, in favor ofthe persecutors, on some mitigating circumstances allowed at thedeath of a man whose only crime was maintaining his own opinions withfrankness and courage. --G. ]

[Footnote 88: Pontius, c. 19. M. De Tillemont (Memoires, tom. Iv. Parti. P. 450, note 50) is not pleased with so positive an exclusion of anyformer martyr of the episcopal rank. * Note: M. De. Tillemont, as anhonest writer, explains the difficulties which he felt about the text ofPontius, and concludes by distinctly stating, that without doubt thereis some mistake, and that Pontius must have meant only Africa Minoror Carthage; for St. Cyprian, in his 58th (69th) letter addressedto Pupianus, speaks expressly of many bishops his colleagues, quiproscripti sunt, vel apprehensi in carcere et catenis fuerunt; aut quiin exilium relegati, illustri itinere ed Dominum profecti sunt; aut quiquibusdam locis animadversi, coeleses coronas de Domini clarificationesumpserunt. --G. ]

It was in the choice of Cyprian, either to die a martyr, or to live anapostate; but on the choice depended the alternative of honor or infamy. Could we suppose that the bishop of Carthage had employed the professionof the Christian faith only as the instrument of his avarice orambition, it was still incumbent on him to support the character hehad assumed; [89] and if he possessed the smallest degree of manlyfortitude, rather to expose himself to the most cruel tortures, thanby a single act to exchange the reputation of a whole life, for theabhorrence of his Christian brethren, and the contempt of the Gentileworld. But if the zeal of Cyprian was supported by the sincereconviction of the truth of those doctrines which he preached, the crownof martyrdom must have appeared to him as an object of desire ratherthan of terror. It is not easy to extract any distinct ideas from thevague though eloquent declamations of the Fathers, or to ascertain thedegree of immortal glory and happiness which they confidently promisedto those who were so fortunate as to shed their blood in the cause ofreligion. [90] They inculcated with becoming diligence, that the fire ofmartyrdom supplied every defect and expiated every sin; that while thesouls of ordinary Christians were obliged to pass through a slowand painful purification, the triumphant sufferers entered into theimmediate fruition of eternal bliss, where, in the society of thepatriarchs, the apostles, and the prophets, they reigned with Christ, and acted as his assessors in the universal judgment of mankind. Theassurance of a lasting reputation upon earth, a motive so congenial tothe vanity of human nature, often served to animate the courage of themartyrs. 

The honors which Rome or Athens bestowed on those citizens whohad fallen in the cause of their country, were cold and unmeaningdemonstrations of respect, when compared with the ardent gratitude anddevotion which the primitive church expressed towards the victoriouschampions of the faith. The annual commemoration of their virtues andsufferings was observed as a sacred ceremony, and at length terminatedin religious worship. Among the Christians who had publicly confessedtheir religious principles, those who (as it very frequently happened)had been dismissed from the tribunal or the prisons of the Paganmagistrates, obtained such honors as were justly due to their imperfectmartyrdom and their generous resolution. The most pious females courtedthe permission of imprinting kisses on the fetters which they had worn, and on the wounds which they had received. Their persons were esteemedholy, their decisions were admitted with deference, and they too oftenabused, by their spiritual pride and licentious manners, the preeminencewhich their zeal and intrepidity had acquired. [91] Distinctions likethese, whilst they display the exalted merit, betray the inconsiderablenumber of those who suffered, and of those who died, for the professionof Christianity. 

[Footnote 89: Whatever opinion we may entertain of the character orprinciples of Thomas Becket, we must acknowledge that he suffereddeath with a constancy not unworthy of the primitive martyrs. See LordLyttleton's History of Henry II. Vol. Ii. P. 592, &c. ]

[Footnote 90: See in particular the treatise of Cyprian de Lapsis, p. 87-98, edit. Fell. The learning of Dodwell (Dissertat. Cyprianic. Xii. Xiii. , ) and the ingenuity of Middleton, (Free Inquiry, p. 162, &c. , )have left scarcely any thing to add concerning the merit, the honors, and the motives of the martyrs. ]

[Footnote 91: Cyprian. Epistol. 5, 6, 7, 22, 24; and de Unitat. Ecclesiae. The number of pretended martyrs has been very muchmultiplied, by the custom which was introduced of bestowing thathonorable name on confessors. Note: M. Guizot denies that the lettersof Cyprian, to which he refers, bear out the statement in the text. Icannot scruple to admit the accuracy of Gibbon's quotation. To take onlythe fifth letter, we find this passage: Doleo enim quando audio quosdamimprobe et insolenter discurrere, et ad ineptian vel ad discordiasvacare, Christi membra et jam Christum confessa per concubitus illicitosinquinari, nec a diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse, sed id agere utper paucorum pravos et malos mores, multorum et bonorum confessorumgloria honesta maculetur. Gibbon's misrepresentation lies in theambiguous expression "too often. " Were the epistles arranged in adifferent manner in the edition consulted by M. Guizot?--M. ]

The sober discretion of the present age will more readily censure thanadmire, but can more easily admire than imitate, the fervor of thefirst Christians, who, according to the lively expressions ofSulpicius Severus, desired martyrdom with more eagerness than his owncontemporaries solicited a bishopric. [92] The epistles which Ignatiuscomposed as he was carried in chains through the cities of Asia, breathesentiments the most repugnant to the ordinary feelings of human nature. He earnestly beseeches the Romans, that when he should be exposed inthe amphitheatre, they would not, by their kind but unseasonableintercession, deprive him of the crown of glory; and he declares hisresolution to provoke and irritate the wild beasts which might beemployed as the instruments of his death. [93] Some stories are relatedof the courage of martyrs, who actually performed what Ignatius hadintended; who exasperated the fury of the lions, pressed the executionerto hasten his office, cheerfully leaped into the fires which werekindled to consume them, and discovered a sensation of joy and pleasurein the midst of the most exquisite tortures. Several examples have beenpreserved of a zeal impatient of those restraints which the emperorshad provided for the security of the church. The Christians sometimessupplied by their voluntary declaration the want of an accuser, rudelydisturbed the public service of paganism, [94] and rushing in crowdsround the tribunal of the magistrates, called upon them to pronounce andto inflict the sentence of the law. The behavior of the Christians wastoo remarkable to escape the notice of the ancient philosophers;but they seem to have considered it with much less admiration thanastonishment. Incapable of conceiving the motives which sometimestransported the fortitude of believers beyond the bounds of prudence orreason, they treated such an eagerness to die as the strange result ofobstinate despair, of stupid insensibility, or of superstitious frenzy. [95] "Unhappy men!" exclaimed the proconsul Antoninus to the Christiansof Asia; "unhappy men! if you are thus weary of your lives, is it sodifficult for you to find ropes and precipices?" [96] He was extremelycautious (as it is observed by a learned and picus historian) ofpunishing men who had found no accusers but themselves, the Imperiallaws not having made any provision for so unexpected a case: condemningtherefore a few as a warning to their brethren, he dismissed themultitude with indignation and contempt. [97] Notwithstanding thisreal or affected disdain, the intrepid constancy of the faithful wasproductive of more salutary effects on those minds which nature orgrace had disposed for the easy reception of religious truth. On thesemelancholy occasions, there were many among the Gentiles who pitied, who admired, and who were converted. The generous enthusiasm wascommunicated from the sufferer to the spectators; and the blood ofmartyrs, according to a well-known observation, became the seed of thechurch. 

[Footnote 92: Certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur; multique avidiustum martyria gloriosis mortibus quaerebantur, quam nunc Episcopatuspravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius Severus, l. Ii. He might haveomitted the word nunc. ]

[Footnote 93: See Epist. Ad Roman. C. 4, 5, ap. Patres Apostol. Tom. Ii. P. 27. It suited the purpose of Bishop Pearson (see VindiciaeIgnatianae, part ii. C. 9) to justify, by a profusion of examples andauthorities, the sentiments of Ignatius. ]

[Footnote 94: The story of Polyeuctes, on which Corneille has foundeda very beautiful tragedy, is one of the most celebrated, though notperhaps the most authentic, instances of this excessive zeal. We shouldobserve, that the 60th canon of the council of Illiberis refuses thetitle of martyrs to those who exposed themselves to death, by publiclydestroying the idols. ]

[Footnote 95: See Epictetus, l. Iv. C. 7, (though there is some doubtwhether he alludes to the Christians. ) Marcus Antoninus de Rebus suis, l. Xi. C. 3 Lucian in Peregrin. ]

[Footnote 96: Tertullian ad Scapul. C. 5. The learned are dividedbetween three persons of the same name, who were all proconsuls ofAsia. I am inclined to ascribe this story to Antoninus Pius, who wasafterwards emperor; and who may have governed Asia under the reign ofTrajan. ]

[Footnote 97: Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constantin. P. 235. ]

But although devotion had raised, and eloquence continued to inflame, this fever of the mind, it insensibly gave way to the more natural hopesand fears of the human heart, to the love of life, the apprehensionof pain, and the horror of dissolution. The more prudent rulers of thechurch found themselves obliged to restrain the indiscreet ardor oftheir followers, and to distrust a constancy which too often abandonedthem in the hour of trial. [98] As the lives of the faithful became lessmortified and austere, they were every day less ambitious of the honorsof martyrdom; and the soldiers of Christ, instead of distinguishingthemselves by voluntary deeds of heroism, frequently deserted theirpost, and fled in confusion before the enemy whom it was their duty toresist. There were three methods, however, of escaping the flames ofpersecution, which were not attended with an equal degree of guilt:first, indeed, was generally allowed to be innocent; the second was ofa doubtful, or at least of a venial, nature; but the third implied adirect and criminal apostasy from the Christian faith. 

[Footnote 98: See the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Liv. C. 15 * Note: The 15th chapter of the 10th book of theEccles. History of Eusebius treats principally of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp, and mentions some other martyrs. A single example of weaknessis related; it is that of a Phrygian named Quintus, who, appalled atthe sight of the wild beasts and the tortures, renounced his faith. Thisexample proves little against the mass of Christians, and this chapterof Eusebius furnished much stronger evidence of their courage than oftheir timidity. --G----This Quintus had, however, rashly and of his ownaccord appeared before the tribunal; and the church of Smyrna condemn"his indiscreet ardor, " coupled as it was with weakness in the hour oftrial. --M. ]

I. A modern inquisitor would hear with surprise, that whenever aninformation was given to a Roman magistrate of any person within hisjurisdiction who had embraced the sect of the Christians, the chargewas communicated to the party accused, and that a convenient time wasallowed him to settle his domestic concerns, and to prepare an answer tothe crime which was imputed to him. [99] If he entertained any doubtof his own constancy, such a delay afforded him the opportunity ofpreserving his life and honor by flight, of withdrawing himself intosome obscure retirement or some distant province, and of patientlyexpecting the return of peace and security. A measure so consonant toreason was soon authorized by the advice and example of the mostholy prelates; and seems to have been censured by few except by theMontanists, who deviated into heresy by their strict and obstinateadherence to the rigor of ancient discipline. [100]

II. The provincial governors, whose zeal was less prevalent than theiravarice, had countenanced the practice of selling certificates, (orlibels, as they were called, ) which attested, that the persons thereinmentioned had complied with the laws, and sacrificed to the Romandeities. By producing these false declarations, the opulent and timidChristians were enabled to silence the malice of an informer, and toreconcile in some measure their safety with their religion. A slightpenance atoned for this profane dissimulation. [101] [101a]

III. In every persecution there were great numbers of unworthyChristians who publicly disowned or renounced the faith which they hadprofessed; and who confirmed the sincerity of their abjuration, by thelegal acts of burning incense or of offering sacrifices. Some ofthese apostates had yielded on the first menace or exhortation of themagistrate; whilst the patience of others had been subdued by the lengthand repetition of tortures. The affrighted countenances of some betrayedtheir inward remorse, while others advanced with confidence and alacrityto the altars of the gods. [102] But the disguise which fear hadimposed, subsisted no longer than the present danger. As soon as theseverity of the persecution was abated, the doors of the churches wereassailed by the returning multitude of penitents who detested theiridolatrous submission, and who solicited with equal ardor, but withvarious success, their readmission into the society of Christians. [103][103a]

[Footnote 99: In the second apology of Justin, there is a particularand very curious instance of this legal delay. The same indulgence wasgranted to accused Christians, in the persecution of Decius: and Cyprian(de Lapsis) expressly mentions the "Dies negantibus praestitutus. " *Note: The examples drawn by the historian from Justin Martyr and Cyprianrelate altogether to particular cases, and prove nothing as to thegeneral practice adopted towards the accused; it is evident, on thecontrary, from the same apology of St. Justin, that they hardly everobtained delay. "A man named Lucius, himself a Christian, present at anunjust sentence passed against a Christian by the judge Urbicus, askedhim why he thus punished a man who was neither adulterer nor robber, nor guilty of any other crime but that of avowing himself a Christian. "Urbicus answered only in these words: "Thou also hast the appearanceof being a Christian. " "Yes, without doubt, " replied Lucius. The judgeordered that he should be put to death on the instant. A third, who cameup, was condemned to be beaten with rods. Here, then, are three exampleswhere no delay was granted. ----[Surely these acts of a single passionateand irritated judge prove the general practice as little as those quotedby Gibbon. --M. ] There exist a multitude of others, such as those ofPtolemy, Marcellus, &c. Justin expressly charges the judges withordering the accused to be executed without hearing the cause. The wordsof St. Cyprian are as particular, and simply say, that he had appointeda day by which the Christians must have renounced their faith; those whohad not done it by that time were condemned. --G. This confirms thestatement in the text. --M. ]

[Footnote 100: Tertullian considers flight from persecution as animperfect, but very criminal, apostasy, as an impious attempt to eludethe will of God, &c. , &c. He has written a treatise on this subject, (see p. 536--544, edit. Rigalt. , ) which is filled with the wildestfanaticism and the most incoherent declamation. It is, however, somewhatremarkable, that Tertullian did not suffer martyrdom himself. ]

[Footnote 101: The libellatici, who are chiefly known by the writingsof Cyprian, are described with the utmost precision, in the copiouscommentary of Mosheim, p. 483--489. ]

[Footnote 101a: The penance was not so slight, for it was exactly thesame with that of apostates who had sacrificed to idols; it lastedseveral years. See Fleun Hist. Ecc. V. Ii. P. 171. --G. ]

[Footnote 102: Plin. Epist. X. 97. Dionysius Alexandrin. Ap. Euseb. L. Vi. C. 41. Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici maximus fratrumnumerus fidem suam prodidit: nec prostratus est persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario lapsu seipsum prostravit. Cyprian. Opera, p. 89. Amongthese deserters were many priests, and even bishops. ]

[Footnote 103: It was on this occasion that Cyprian wrote his treatiseDe Lapsis, and many of his epistles. The controversy concerning thetreatment of penitent apostates, does not occur among the Christians ofthe preceding century. Shall we ascribe this to the superiority of theirfaith and courage, or to our less intimate knowledge of their history!]

[Footnote 103a: Pliny says, that the greater part of the Christianspersisted in avowing themselves to be so; the reason for his consultingTrajan was the periclitantium numerus. Eusebius (l. Vi. C. 41) does notpermit us to doubt that the number of those who renounced their faithwas infinitely below the number of those who boldly confessed it. Theprefect, he says and his assessors present at the council, were alarmedat seeing the crowd of Christians; the judges themselves trembled. Lastly, St. Cyprian informs us, that the greater part of those who hadappeared weak brethren in the persecution of Decius, signalizedtheir courage in that of Gallius. Steterunt fortes, et ipso dolorepoenitentiae facti ad praelium fortiores Epist. Lx. P. 142. --G. ]

IV. Notwithstanding the general rules established for the convictionand punishment of the Christians, the fate of those sectaries, in anextensive and arbitrary government, must still in a great measure, havedepended on their own behavior, the circumstances of the times, andthe temper of their supreme as well as subordinate rulers. Zeal mightsometimes provoke, and prudence might sometimes avert or assuage, thesuperstitious fury of the Pagans. A variety of motives might dispose theprovincial governors either to enforce or to relax the execution of thelaws; and of these motives the most forcible was their regard not onlyfor the public edicts, but for the secret intentions of the emperor, a glance from whose eye was sufficient to kindle or to extinguishthe flames of persecution. As often as any occasional severities wereexercised in the different parts of the empire, the primitive Christianslamented and perhaps magnified their own sufferings; but the celebratednumber of ten persecutions has been determined by the ecclesiasticalwriters of the fifth century, who possessed a more distinct view of theprosperous or adverse fortunes of the church, from the age of Nero tothat of Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of the ten plagues of Egypt, and of the ten horns of the Apocalypse, first suggested this calculationto their minds; and in their application of the faith of prophecy to thetruth of history, they were careful to select those reigns whichwere indeed the most hostile to the Christian cause. [104] But thesetransient persecutions served only to revive the zeal and to restore thediscipline of the faithful; and the moments of extraordinary rigorwere compensated by much longer intervals of peace and security. Theindifference of some princes, and the indulgence of others, permittedthe Christians to enjoy, though not perhaps a legal, yet an actual andpublic, toleration of their religion. 

[Footnote 104: See Mosheim, p. 97. Sulpicius Severus was the firstauthor of this computation; though he seemed desirous of reserving thetenth and greatest persecution for the coming of the Antichrist. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part V. 

The apology of Tertullian contains two very ancient, very singular, butat the same time very suspicious, instances of Imperial clemency; theedicts published by Tiberius, and by Marcus Antoninus, and designed notonly to protect the innocence of the Christians, but even to proclaimthose stupendous miracles which had attested the truth of theirdoctrine. The first of these examples is attended with some difficultieswhich might perplex a sceptical mind. [105] We are required to believe, that Pontius Pilate informed the emperor of the unjust sentence of deathwhich he had pronounced against an innocent, and, as it appeared, a divine, person; and that, without acquiring the merit, he exposedhimself to the danger of martyrdom; that Tiberius, who avowed hiscontempt for all religion, immediately conceived the design of placingthe Jewish Messiah among the gods of Rome; that his servile senateventured to disobey the commands of their master; that Tiberius, insteadof resenting their refusal, contented himself with protecting theChristians from the severity of the laws, many years before such lawswere enacted, or before the church had assumed any distinct name orexistence; and lastly, that the memory of this extraordinary transactionwas preserved in the most public and authentic records, which escapedthe knowledge of the historians of Greece and Rome, and were onlyvisible to the eyes of an African Christian, who composed his apologyone hundred and sixty years after the death of Tiberius. The edict ofMarcus Antoninus is supposed to have been the effect of his devotion andgratitude for the miraculous deliverance which he had obtained in theMarcomannic war. The distress of the legions, the seasonable tempest ofrain and hail, of thunder and of lightning, and the dismay and defeat ofthe barbarians, have been celebrated by the eloquence of several Paganwriters. If there were any Christians in that army, it was natural thatthey should ascribe some merit to the fervent prayers, which, in themoment of danger, they had offered up for their own and the publicsafety. But we are still assured by monuments of brass and marble, bythe Imperial medals, and by the Antonine column, that neither the princenor the people entertained any sense of this signal obligation, sincethey unanimously attribute their deliverance to the providence ofJupiter, and to the interposition of Mercury. During the whole course ofhis reign, Marcus despised the Christians as a philosopher, and punishedthem as a sovereign. [106] [106a]

[Footnote 105: The testimony given by Pontius Pilate is first mentionedby Justin. The successive improvements which the story acquired (asif has passed through the hands of Tertullian, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Orosius, Gregory of Tours, and the authors of the severaleditions of the acts of Pilate) are very fairly stated by Dom CalmetDissertat. Sur l'Ecriture, tom. Iii. P. 651, &c. ]

[Footnote 106: On this miracle, as it is commonly called, of thethundering legion, see the admirable criticism of Mr. Moyle, in hisWorks, vol. Ii. P. 81--390. ]

[Footnote 106a]: Gibbon, with this phrase, and that below, which admitsthe injustice of Marcus, has dexterously glossed over one of the mostremarkable facts in the early Christian history, that the reign of thewisest and most humane of the heathen emperors was the most fatal to theChristians. Most writers have ascribed the persecutions under Marcus tothe latent bigotry of his character; Mosheim, to the influence of thephilosophic party; but the fact is admitted by all. A late writer (Mr. Waddington, Hist. Of the Church, p. 47) has not scrupled to assert, that"this prince polluted every year of a long reign with innocent blood;"but the causes as well as the date of the persecutions authorized orpermitted by Marcus are equally uncertain. Of the Asiatic edict recordedby Melito. The date is unknown, nor is it quite clear that it was anImperial edict. If it was the act under which Polycarp suffered, hismartyrdom is placed by Ruinart in the sixth, by Mosheim in the ninth, year of the reign of Marcus. The martyrs of Vienne and Lyons areassigned by Dodwell to the seventh, by most writers to the seventeenth. In fact, the commencement of the persecutions of the Christians appearsto synchronize exactly with the period of the breaking out of theMarcomannic war, which seems to have alarmed the whole empire, and theemperor himself, into a paroxysm of returning piety to their gods, ofwhich the Christians were the victims. See Jul, Capit. Script. HistAugust. P. 181, edit. 1661. It is remarkable that Tertullian (Apologet. C. V. ) distinctly asserts that Verus (M. Aurelius) issued no edictsagainst the Christians, and almost positively exempts him from thecharge of persecution. --M. This remarkable synchronism, which explainsthe persecutions under M Aurelius, is shown at length in Milman'sHistory of Christianity, book ii. V. --M. 1845. ]

By a singular fatality, the hardships which they had endured under thegovernment of a virtuous prince, immediately ceased on the accession ofa tyrant; and as none except themselves had experienced the injusticeof Marcus, so they alone were protected by the lenity of Commodus. Thecelebrated Marcia, the most favored of his concubines, and who at lengthcontrived the murder of her Imperial lover, entertained a singularaffection for the oppressed church; and though it was impossible thatshe could reconcile the practice of vice with the precepts of thegospel, she might hope to atone for the frailties of her sex andprofession by declaring herself the patroness of the Christians. [107]Under the gracious protection of Marcia, they passed in safety thethirteen years of a cruel tyranny; and when the empire was establishedin the house of Severus, they formed a domestic but more honorableconnection with the new court. The emperor was persuaded, that in adangerous sickness, he had derived some benefit, either spiritual orphysical, from the holy oil, with which one of his slaves had anointedhim. He always treated with peculiar distinction several persons ofboth sexes who had embraced the new religion. The nurse as well as thepreceptor of Caracalla were Christians; [107a] and if that young princeever betrayed a sentiment of humanity, it was occasioned by anincident, which, however trifling, bore some relation to the cause ofChristianity. [108] Under the reign of Severus, the fury of the populacewas checked; the rigor of ancient laws was for some time suspended; andthe provincial governors were satisfied with receiving an annual presentfrom the churches within their jurisdiction, as the price, or as thereward, of their moderation. [109] The controversy concerning theprecise time of the celebration of Easter, armed the bishops of Asiaand Italy against each other, and was considered as the most importantbusiness of this period of leisure and tranquillity. [110] Nor wasthe peace of the church interrupted, till the increasing numbers ofproselytes seem at length to have attracted the attention, and tohave alienated the mind of Severus. With the design of restraining theprogress of Christianity, he published an edict, which, though it wasdesigned to affect only the new converts, could not be carried intostrict execution, without exposing to danger and punishment themost zealous of their teachers and missionaries. In this mitigatedpersecution we may still discover the indulgent spirit of Rome and ofPolytheism, which so readily admitted every excuse in favor of those whopractised the religious ceremonies of their fathers. [111]

[Footnote 107: Dion Cassius, or rather his abbreviator Xiphilin, l. Lxxii. P. 1206. Mr. Moyle (p. 266) has explained the condition of thechurch under the reign of Commodus. ]

[Footnote 107a: The Jews and Christians contest the honor of havingfurnished a nurse is the fratricide son of Severus Caracalla. Hist. OfJews, iii. 158. --M. ]

[Footnote 108: Compare the life of Caracalla in the Augustan History, with the epistle of Tertullian to Scapula. Dr. Jortin (Remarks onEcclesiastical History, vol. Ii. P. 5, &c. ) considers the cure ofSeverus by the means of holy oil, with a strong desire to convert itinto a miracle. ]

[Footnote 109: Tertullian de Fuga, c. 13. The present was made duringthe feast of the Saturnalia; and it is a matter of serious concernto Tertullian, that the faithful should be confounded with the mostinfamous professions which purchased the connivance of the government. ]

[Footnote 110: Euseb. L. V. C. 23, 24. Mosheim, p. 435--447. ]

[Footnote 111: Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena vetuit. Idem etiam deChristianis sanxit. Hist. August. P. 70. ]

But the laws which Severus had enacted soon expired with the authorityof that emperor; and the Christians, after this accidental tempest, enjoyed a calm of thirty-eight years. [112] Till this period they hadusually held their assemblies in private houses and sequestered places. They were now permitted to erect and consecrate convenient edifices forthe purpose of religious worship; [113] to purchase lands, even at Romeitself, for the use of the community; and to conduct the elections oftheir ecclesiastical ministers in so public, but at the same time inso exemplary a manner, as to deserve the respectful attention of theGentiles. [114] This long repose of the church was accompanied withdignity. The reigns of those princes who derived their extraction fromthe Asiatic provinces, proved the most favorable to the Christians; theeminent persons of the sect, instead of being reduced to implore theprotection of a slave or concubine, were admitted into the palace in thehonorable characters of priests and philosophers; and their mysteriousdoctrines, which were already diffused among the people, insensiblyattracted the curiosity of their sovereign. When the empress Mammaeapassed through Antioch, she expressed a desire of conversing with thecelebrated Origen, the fame of whose piety and learning was spread overthe East. Origen obeyed so flattering an invitation, and though hecould not expect to succeed in the conversion of an artful and ambitiouswoman, she listened with pleasure to his eloquent exhortations, andhonorably dismissed him to his retirement in Palestine. [115] Thesentiments of Mammaea were adopted by her son Alexander, and thephilosophic devotion of that emperor was marked by a singular butinjudicious regard for the Christian religion. In his domestic chapel heplaced the statues of Abraham, of Orpheus, of Apollonius, and of Christ, as an honor justly due to those respectable sages who had instructedmankind in the various modes of addressing their homage to the supremeand universal Deity. [116] A purer faith, as well as worship, was openlyprofessed and practised among his household. Bishops, perhaps for thefirst time, were seen at court; and, after the death of Alexander, whenthe inhuman Maximin discharged his fury on the favorites and servants ofhis unfortunate benefactor, a great number of Christians of every rankand of both sexes, were involved in the promiscuous massacre, which, ontheir account, has improperly received the name of Persecution. [117][117a]

[Footnote 112: Sulpicius Severus, l. Ii. P. 384. This computation(allowing for a single exception) is confirmed by the history ofEusebius, and by the writings of Cyprian. ]

[Footnote 113: The antiquity of Christian churches is discussed byTillemont, (Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. Iii. Part ii. P. 68-72, )and by Mr. Moyle, (vol. I. P. 378-398. ) The former refers the firstconstruction of them to the peace of Alexander Severus; the latter, tothe peace of Gallienus. ]

[Footnote 114: See the Augustan History, p. 130. The emperor Alexanderadopted their method of publicly proposing the names of those personswho were candidates for ordination. It is true that the honor of thispractice is likewise attributed to the Jews. ]

[Footnote 115: Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. L. Vi. C. 21. Hieronym. DeScript. Eccles. C. 54. Mammaea was styled a holy and pious woman, bothby the Christians and the Pagans. From the former, therefore, it wasimpossible that she should deserve that honorable epithet. ]

[Footnote 116: See the Augustan History, p. 123. Mosheim (p. 465) seemsto refine too much on the domestic religion of Alexander. His designof building a public temple to Christ, (Hist. August. P. 129, ) and theobjection which was suggested either to him, or in similar circumstancesto Hadrian, appear to have no other foundation than an improbablereport, invented by the Christians, and credulously adopted by anhistorian of the age of Constantine. ]

[Footnote 117: Euseb. L. Vi. C. 28. It may be presumed that the successof the Christians had exasperated the increasing bigotry of the Pagans. Dion Cassius, who composed his history under the former reign, hadmost probably intended for the use of his master those counsels ofpersecution, which he ascribes to a better age, and to and to thefavorite of Augustus. Concerning this oration of Maecenas, or rather ofDion, I may refer to my own unbiased opinion, (vol. I. C. 1, note 25, )and to the Abbe de la Bleterie (Memoires de l'Academie, tom. Xxiv. P. 303 tom xxv. P. 432. ) * Note: If this be the case, Dion Cassius musthave known the Christians they must have been the subject of hisparticular attention, since the author supposes that he wished hismaster to profit by these "counsels of persecution. " How are we toreconcile this necessary consequence with what Gibbon has said of theignorance of Dion Cassius even of the name of the Christians?(c. Xvi. N. 24. ) (Gibbon speaks of Dion's silence, not of hisignorance. --M) The supposition in this note is supported by no proof; itis probable that Dion Cassius has often designated the Christians by thename of Jews. See Dion Cassius, l. Lxvii. C 14, lxviii. L--G. On thispoint I should adopt the view of Gibbon rather than that of M Guizot. --M]

[Footnote 107a: It is with good reason that this massacre has beencalled a persecution, for it lasted during the whole reign of Maximin, as may be seen in Eusebius. (l. Vi. C. 28. ) Rufinus expressly confirmsit: Tribus annis a Maximino persecutione commota, in quibus finem etpersecutionis fecit et vitas Hist. L. Vi. C. 19. --G. ]

Notwithstanding the cruel disposition of Maximin, the effects of hisresentment against the Christians were of a very local and temporarynature, and the pious Origen, who had been proscribed as a devotedvictim, was still reserved to convey the truths of the gospel to the earof monarchs. [118] He addressed several edifying letters to the emperorPhilip, to his wife, and to his mother; and as soon as that prince, who was born in the neighborhood of Palestine, had usurped the Imperialsceptre, the Christians acquired a friend and a protector. The publicand even partial favor of Philip towards the sectaries of the newreligion, and his constant reverence for the ministers of the church, gave some color to the suspicion, which prevailed in his own times, that the emperor himself was become a convert to the faith; [119] andafforded some grounds for a fable which was afterwards invented, that hehad been purified by confession and penance from the guilt contractedby the murder of his innocent predecessor. [120] The fall of Philipintroduced, with the change of masters, a new system of government, sooppressive to the Christians, that their former condition, ever sincethe time of Domitian, was represented as a state of perfect freedom andsecurity, if compared with the rigorous treatment which they experiencedunder the short reign of Decius. [121] The virtues of that prince willscarcely allow us to suspect that he was actuated by a mean resentmentagainst the favorites of his predecessor; and it is more reasonable tobelieve, that in the prosecution of his general design to restore thepurity of Roman manners, he was desirous of delivering the empire fromwhat he condemned as a recent and criminal superstition. The bishopsof the most considerable cities were removed by exile or death: thevigilance of the magistrates prevented the clergy of Rome during sixteenmonths from proceeding to a new election; and it was the opinion of theChristians, that the emperor would more patiently endure a competitorfor the purple, than a bishop in the capital. [122] Were it possible tosuppose that the penetration of Decius had discovered pride under thedisguise of humility, or that he could foresee the temporal dominionwhich might insensibly arise from the claims of spiritual authority, wemight be less surprised, that he should consider the successors of St. Peter, as the most formidable rivals to those of Augustus. 

[Footnote 118: Orosius, l. Vii. C. 19, mentions Origen as the object ofMaximin's resentment; and Firmilianus, a Cappadocian bishop of that age, gives a just and confined idea of this persecution, (apud Cyprian Epist. 75. )]

[Footnote 119: The mention of those princes who were publiclysupposed to be Christians, as we find it in an epistle of Dionysius ofAlexandria, (ap. Euseb. L. Vii. C. 10, ) evidently alludes to Philip andhis family, and forms a contemporary evidence, that such a report hadprevailed; but the Egyptian bishop, who lived at an humble distancefrom the court of Rome, expresses himself with a becoming diffidenceconcerning the truth of the fact. The epistles of Origen (which wereextant in the time of Eusebius, see l. Vi. C. 36) would most probablydecide this curious rather than important question. ]

[Footnote 120: Euseb. L. Vi. C. 34. The story, as is usual, hasbeen embellished by succeeding writers, and is confuted, with muchsuperfluous learning, by Frederick Spanheim, (Opera Varia, tom. Ii. P. 400, &c. )]

[Footnote 121: Lactantius, de Mortibus Persecutorum, c. 3, 4. Aftercelebrating the felicity and increase of the church, under a longsuccession of good princes, he adds, "Extitit post annos plurimos, execrabile animal, Decius, qui vexaret Ecclesiam. "]

[Footnote 122: Euseb. L. Vi. C. 39. Cyprian. Epistol. 55. The seeof Rome remained vacant from the martyrdom of Fabianus, the 20th ofJanuary, A. D. 259, till the election of Cornelius, the 4th of June, A. D. 251 Decius had probably left Rome, since he was killed before the endof that year. ]

The administration of Valerian was distinguished by a levity andinconstancy ill suited to the gravity of the Roman Censor. In the firstpart of his reign, he surpassed in clemency those princes who had beensuspected of an attachment to the Christian faith. In the last threeyears and a half, listening to the insinuations of a minister addictedto the superstitions of Egypt, he adopted the maxims, and imitated theseverity, of his predecessor Decius. [123] The accession of Gallienus, which increased the calamities of the empire, restored peace to thechurch; and the Christians obtained the free exercise of their religionby an edict addressed to the bishops, and conceived in such terms asseemed to acknowledge their office and public character. [124] Theancient laws, without being formally repealed, were suffered to sinkinto oblivion; and (excepting only some hostile intentions which areattributed to the emperor Aurelian [125] the disciples of Christ passedabove forty years in a state of prosperity, far more dangerous to theirvirtue than the severest trials of persecution. 

[Footnote 123: Euseb. L. Vii. C. 10. Mosheim (p. 548) has very clearlyshown that the praefect Macrianus, and the Egyptian Magus, are one andthe same person. ]

[Footnote 124: Eusebius (l. Vii. C. 13) gives us a Greek version of thisLatin edict, which seems to have been very concise. By another edict, hedirected that the Coemeteria should be restored to the Christians. ]

[Footnote 125: Euseb. L. Vii. C. 30. Lactantius de M. P. C. 6. Hieronym. In Chron. P. 177. Orosius, l. Vii. C. 23. Their language is in generalso ambiguous and incorrect, that we are at a loss to determine how farAurelian had carried his intentions before he was assassinated. Most ofthe moderns (except Dodwell, Dissertat. Cyprian. Vi. 64) have seized theoccasion of gaining a few extraordinary martyrs. * Note: Dr. Lardnerhas detailed, with his usual impartiality, all that has come down to usrelating to the persecution of Aurelian, and concludes by saying, "Upon more carefully examining the words of Eusebius, and observing theaccounts of other authors, learned men have generally, and, as I think, very judiciously, determined, that Aurelian not only intended, but didactually persecute: but his persecution was short, he having died soonafter the publication of his edicts. " Heathen Test. C. Xxxvi. --Basmagepositively pronounces the same opinion: Non intentatum modo, sedexecutum quoque brevissimo tempore mandatum, nobis infixum est inaniasis. Basn. Ann. 275, No. 2 and compare Pagi Ann. 272, Nos. 4, 12, 27--G. ]

The story of Paul of Samosata, who filled the metropolitan see ofAntioch, while the East was in the hands of Odenathus and Zenobia, mayserve to illustrate the condition and character of the times. The wealthof that prelate was a sufficient evidence of his guilt, since it wasneither derived from the inheritance of his fathers, nor acquired by thearts of honest industry. But Paul considered the service of the churchas a very lucrative profession. [126] His ecclesiastical jurisdictionwas venal and rapacious; he extorted frequent contributions fromthe most opulent of the faithful, and converted to his own use aconsiderable part of the public revenue. By his pride and luxury, theChristian religion was rendered odious in the eyes of the Gentiles. Hiscouncil chamber and his throne, the splendor with which he appeared inpublic, the suppliant crowd who solicited his attention, the multitudeof letters and petitions to which he dictated his answers, and theperpetual hurry of business in which he was involved, were circumstancesmuch better suited to the state of a civil magistrate, [127] than to thehumility of a primitive bishop. When he harangued his people from thepulpit, Paul affected the figurative style and the theatrical gesturesof an Asiatic sophist, while the cathedral resounded with the loudestand most extravagant acclamations in the praise of his divine eloquence. Against those who resisted his power, or refused to flatter his vanity, the prelate of Antioch was arrogant, rigid, and inexorable; but herelaxed the discipline, and lavished the treasures of the church onhis dependent clergy, who were permitted to imitate their master in thegratification of every sensual appetite. For Paul indulged himselfvery freely in the pleasures of the table, and he had received intothe episcopal palace two young and beautiful women as the constantcompanions of his leisure moments. [128]

[Footnote 126: Paul was better pleased with the title of Ducenarius, than with that of bishop. The Ducenarius was an Imperial procurator, socalled from his salary of two hundred Sestertia, or 1600l. A year. (SeeSalmatius ad Hist. August. P. 124. ) Some critics suppose that the bishopof Antioch had actually obtained such an office from Zenobia, whileothers consider it only as a figurative expression of his pomp andinsolence. ]

[Footnote 127: Simony was not unknown in those times; and the clergysome times bought what they intended to sell. It appears that thebishopric of Carthage was purchased by a wealthy matron, named Lucilla, for her servant Majorinus. The price was 400 Folles. (Monument. Antiq. Ad calcem Optati, p. 263. ) Every Follis contained 125 pieces of silver, and the whole sum may be computed at about 2400l. ]

[Footnote 128: If we are desirous of extenuating the vices of Paul, wemust suspect the assembled bishops of the East of publishing the mostmalicious calumnies in circular epistles addressed to all the churchesof the empire, (ap. Euseb. L. Vii. C. 30. )]

Notwithstanding these scandalous vices, if Paul of Samosata hadpreserved the purity of the orthodox faith, his reign over the capitalof Syria would have ended only with his life; and had a seasonablepersecution intervened, an effort of courage might perhaps have placedhim in the rank of saints and martyrs. [128a]

Some nice and subtle errors, which he imprudently adopted andobstinately maintained, concerning the doctrine of the Trinity, excitedthe zeal and indignation of the Eastern churches. [129]

From Egypt to the Euxine Sea, the bishops were in arms and inmotion. Several councils were held, confutations were published, excommunications were pronounced, ambiguous explanations were by turnsaccepted and refused, treaties were concluded and violated, and atlength Paul of Samosata was degraded from his episcopal character, by the sentence of seventy or eighty bishops, who assembled for thatpurpose at Antioch, and who, without consulting the rights of the clergyor people, appointed a successor by their own authority. Themanifest irregularity of this proceeding increased the numbers of thediscontented faction; and as Paul, who was no stranger to the arts ofcourts, had insinuated himself into the favor of Zenobia, he maintainedabove four years the possession of the episcopal house and office. [129a] The victory of Aurelian changed the face of the East, and the twocontending parties, who applied to each other the epithets of schism andheresy, were either commanded or permitted to plead their cause beforethe tribunal of the conqueror. This public and very singular trialaffords a convincing proof that the existence, the property, the privileges, and the internal policy of the Christians, wereacknowledged, if not by the laws, at least by the magistrates, of theempire. As a Pagan and as a soldier, it could scarcely be expected thatAurelian should enter into the discussion, whether the sentimentsof Paul or those of his adversaries were most agreeable to the truestandard of the orthodox faith. His determination, however, was foundedon the general principles of equity and reason. He considered thebishops of Italy as the most impartial and respectable judges among theChristians, and as soon as he was informed that they had unanimouslyapproved the sentence of the council, he acquiesced in their opinion, and immediately gave orders that Paul should be compelled to relinquishthe temporal possessions belonging to an office, of which, in thejudgment of his brethren, he had been regularly deprived. But while weapplaud the justice, we should not overlook the policy, of Aurelian, whowas desirous of restoring and cementing the dependence of the provinceson the capital, by every means which could bind the interest orprejudices of any part of his subjects. [130]

[Footnote 128a: It appears, nevertheless, that the vices andimmoralities of Paul of Samosata had much weight in the sentencepronounced against him by the bishops. The object of the letter, addressed by the synod to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria, was toinform them of the change in the faith of Paul, the altercations anddiscussions to which it had given rise, as well as of his morals and thewhole of his conduct. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. Vii c. Xxx--G. ]

[Footnote 129: His heresy (like those of Noetus and Sabellius, in thesame century) tended to confound the mysterious distinction of thedivine persons. See Mosheim, p. 702, &c. ]

[Footnote 129a: "Her favorite, (Zenobia's, ) Paul of Samosata, seems tohave entertained some views of attempting a union between Judaism andChristianity; both parties rejected the unnatural alliance. " Hist. Of Jews, iii. 175, and Jost. Geschichte der Israeliter, iv. 167. Theprotection of the severe Zenobia is the only circumstance which mayraise a doubt of the notorious immorality of Paul. --M. ]

[Footnote 130: Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. L. Vii. C. 30. We are entirelyindebted to him for the curious story of Paul of Samosata. ]

Amidst the frequent revolutions of the empire, the Christians stillflourished in peace and prosperity; and notwithstanding a celebratedaera of martyrs has been deduced from the accession of Diocletian, [131]the new system of policy, introduced and maintained by the wisdom ofthat prince, continued, during more than eighteen years, to breathe themildest and most liberal spirit of religious toleration. The mind ofDiocletian himself was less adapted indeed to speculative inquiries, than to the active labors of war and government. His prudence renderedhim averse to any great innovation, and though his temper was not verysusceptible of zeal or enthusiasm, he always maintained an habitualregard for the ancient deities of the empire. But the leisure of the twoempresses, of his wife Prisca, and of Valeria, his daughter, permittedthem to listen with more attention and respect to the truths ofChristianity, which in every age has acknowledged its importantobligations to female devotion. [132] The principal eunuchs, Lucian[133] and Dorotheus, Gorgonius and Andrew, who attended the person, possessed the favor, and governed the household of Diocletian, protectedby their powerful influence the faith which they had embraced. Theirexample was imitated by many of the most considerable officers of thepalace, who, in their respective stations, had the care of the Imperialornaments, of the robes, of the furniture, of the jewels, and even ofthe private treasury; and, though it might sometimes be incumbent onthem to accompany the emperor when he sacrificed in the temple, [134]they enjoyed, with their wives, their children, and their slaves, thefree exercise of the Christian religion. Diocletian and his colleaguesfrequently conferred the most important offices on those personswho avowed their abhorrence for the worship of the gods, but who haddisplayed abilities proper for the service of the state. The bishopsheld an honorable rank in their respective provinces, and were treatedwith distinction and respect, not only by the people, but by themagistrates themselves. Almost in every city, the ancient churches werefound insufficient to contain the increasing multitude of proselytes;and in their place more stately and capacious edifices were erectedfor the public worship of the faithful. The corruption of manners andprinciples, so forcibly lamented by Eusebius, [135] may be considered, not only as a consequence, but as a proof, of the liberty which theChristians enjoyed and abused under the reign of Diocletian. Prosperityhad relaxed the nerves of discipline. Fraud, envy, and malice prevailedin every congregation. The presbyters aspired to the episcopal office, which every day became an object more worthy of their ambition. Thebishops, who contended with each other for ecclesiastical preeminence, appeared by their conduct to claim a secular and tyrannical power in thechurch; and the lively faith which still distinguished the Christiansfrom the Gentiles, was shown much less in their lives, than in theircontroversial writings. 

[Footnote 131: The Aera of Martyrs, which is still in use among theCopts and the Abyssinians, must be reckoned from the 29th of August, A. D. 284; as the beginning of the Egyptian year was nineteen days earlierthan the real accession of Diocletian. See Dissertation Preliminaire al'Art de verifier les Dates. * Note: On the aera of martyrs see thevery curious dissertations of Mons Letronne on some recently discoveredinscriptions in Egypt and Nubis, p. 102, &c. --M. ]

[Footnote 132: The expression of Lactantius, (de M. P. C. 15, )"sacrificio pollui coegit, " implies their antecedent conversion to thefaith, but does not seem to justify the assertion of Mosheim, (p. 912, )that they had been privately baptized. ]

[Footnote 133: M. De Tillemont (Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. V. Parti. P. 11, 12) has quoted from the Spicilegium of Dom Luc d'Archeri avery curious instruction which Bishop Theonas composed for the use ofLucian. ]

[Footnote 134: Lactantius, de M. P. C. 10. ]

[Footnote 135: Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast. L. Viii. C. 1. The readerwho consults the original will not accuse me of heightening the picture. Eusebius was about sixteen years of age at the accession of the emperorDiocletian. ]

Notwithstanding this seeming security, an attentive observer mightdiscern some symptoms that threatened the church with a more violentpersecution than any which she had yet endured. The zeal and rapidprogress of the Christians awakened the Polytheists from their supineindifference in the cause of those deities, whom custom and educationhad taught them to revere. The mutual provocations of a religious war, which had already continued above two hundred years, exasperated theanimosity of the contending parties. The Pagans were incensed at therashness of a recent and obscure sect, which presumed to accuse theircountrymen of error, and to devote their ancestors to eternal misery. The habits of justifying the popular mythology against the invectivesof an implacable enemy, produced in their minds some sentiments of faithand reverence for a system which they had been accustomed to considerwith the most careless levity. The supernatural powers assumed by thechurch inspired at the same time terror and emulation. The followersof the established religion intrenched themselves behind a similarfortification of prodigies; invented new modes of sacrifice, ofexpiation, and of initiation; [136] attempted to revive the credit oftheir expiring oracles; [137] and listened with eager credulity to everyimpostor, who flattered their prejudices by a tale of wonders. [138]Both parties seemed to acknowledge the truth of those miracles whichwere claimed by their adversaries; and while they were contented withascribing them to the arts of magic, and to the power of daemons, they mutually concurred in restoring and establishing the reign ofsuperstition. [139] Philosophy, her most dangerous enemy, was nowconverted into her most useful ally. The groves of the academy, thegardens of Epicurus, and even the portico of the Stoics, were almostdeserted, as so many different schools of scepticism or impiety; [140]and many among the Romans were desirous that the writings of Ciceroshould be condemned and suppressed by the authority of the senate. [141]The prevailing sect of the new Platonicians judged it prudent to connectthemselves with the priests, whom perhaps they despised, against theChristians, whom they had reason to fear. These fashionable Philosophersprosecuted the design of extracting allegorical wisdom from the fictionsof the Greek poets; instituted mysterious rites of devotion for the useof their chosen disciples; recommended the worship of the ancient godsas the emblems or ministers of the Supreme Deity, and composed againstthe faith of the gospel many elaborate treatises, [142] which have sincebeen committed to the flames by the prudence of orthodox emperors. [143]

[Footnote 136: We might quote, among a great number of instances, themysterious worship of Mythras, and the Taurobolia; the latter of whichbecame fashionable in the time of the Antonines, (see a Dissertation ofM. De Boze, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Ii. P. 443. ) The romance of Apuleius is as full of devotion as of satire. *Note: On the extraordinary progress of the Mahriac rites, in the West, see De Guigniaud's translation of Creuzer, vol. I. P. 365, and Note 9, tom. I. Part 2, p. 738, &c. --M. ]

[Footnote 137: The impostor Alexander very strongly recommended theoracle of Trophonius at Mallos, and those of Apollo at Claros andMiletus, (Lucian, tom. Ii. P. 236, edit. Reitz. ) The last of these, whose singular history would furnish a very curious episode, wasconsulted by Diocletian before he published his edicts of persecution, (Lactantius, de M. P. C. 11. )]

[Footnote 138: Besides the ancient stories of Pythagoras and Aristeas, the cures performed at the shrine of Aesculapius, and the fables relatedof Apollonius of Tyana, were frequently opposed to the miracles ofChrist; though I agree with Dr. Lardner, (see Testimonies, vol. Iii. P. 253, 352, ) that when Philostratus composed the life of Apollonius, hehad no such intention. ]

[Footnote 139: It is seriously to be lamented, that the Christianfathers, by acknowledging the supernatural, or, as they deem it, theinfernal part of Paganism, destroy with their own hands the greatadvantage which we might otherwise derive from the liberal concessionsof our adversaries. ]

[Footnote 140: Julian (p. 301, edit. Spanheim) expresses a pious joy, that the providence of the gods had extinguished the impious sects, and for the most part destroyed the books of the Pyrrhonians andEpicuraeans, which had been very numerous, since Epicurus himselfcomposed no less than 300 volumes. See Diogenes Laertius, l. X. C. 26. ]

[Footnote 141: Cumque alios audiam mussitare indignanter, et dicereopportere statui per Senatum, aboleantur ut haec scripta, quibusChristiana Religio comprobetur, et vetustatis opprimatur auctoritas. Arnobius adversus Gentes, l. Iii. P. 103, 104. He adds very properly, Erroris convincite Ciceronem. .. Nam intercipere scripta, et publicatamvelle submergere lectionem, non est Deum defendere sed veritatistestificationem timere. ]

[Footnote 142: Lactantius (Divin. Institut. L. V. C. 2, 3) gives a veryclear and spirited account of two of these philosophic adversariesof the faith. The large treatise of Porphyry against the Christiansconsisted of thirty books, and was composed in Sicily about the year270. ]

[Footnote 143: See Socrates, Hist. Ecclesiast. L. I. C. 9, and CodexJustinian. L. I. I. L. S. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part VI. 

Although the policy of Diocletian and the humanity of Constantiusinclined them to preserve inviolate the maxims of toleration, it wassoon discovered that their two associates, Maximian and Galerius, entertained the most implacable aversion for the name and religion ofthe Christians. The minds of those princes had never been enlightenedby science; education had never softened their temper. They owed theirgreatness to their swords, and in their most elevated fortune they stillretained their superstitious prejudices of soldiers and peasants. In thegeneral administration of the provinces they obeyed the laws whichtheir benefactor had established; but they frequently found occasions ofexercising within their camp and palaces a secret persecution, [144] forwhich the imprudent zeal of the Christians sometimes offered the mostspecious pretences. A sentence of death was executed upon Maximilianus, an African youth, who had been produced by his own father [144a] beforethe magistrate as a sufficient and legal recruit, but who obstinatelypersisted in declaring, that his conscience would not permit him toembrace the profession of a soldier. [145] It could scarcely be expectedthat any government should suffer the action of Marcellus the Centurionto pass with impunity. On the day of a public festival, that officerthrew away his belt, his arms, and the ensigns of his office, andexclaimed with a loud voice, that he would obey none but Jesus Christthe eternal King, and that he renounced forever the use of carnalweapons, and the service of an idolatrous master. The soldiers, assoon as they recovered from their astonishment, secured the person ofMarcellus. He was examined in the city of Tingi by the president of thatpart of Mauritania; and as he was convicted by his own confession, hewas condemned and beheaded for the crime of desertion. [146] Examples ofsuch a nature savor much less of religious persecution than of martialor even civil law; but they served to alienate the mind of the emperors, to justify the severity of Galerius, who dismissed a great number ofChristian officers from their employments; and to authorize the opinion, that a sect of enthusiastics, which avowed principles so repugnant tothe public safety, must either remain useless, or would soon becomedangerous, subjects of the empire. 

[Footnote 144: Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 4, c. 17. He limits the number ofmilitary martyrs, by a remarkable expression, of which neither his Latinnor French translator have rendered the energy. Notwithstanding theauthority of Eusebius, and the silence of Lactantius, Ambrose, Sulpicius, Orosius, &c. , it has been long believed, that the Thebaeanlegion, consisting of 6000 Christians, suffered martyrdom by the orderof Maximian, in the valley of the Pennine Alps. The story was firstpublished about the middle of the 5th century, by Eucherius, bishop ofLyons, who received it from certain persons, who received it from Isaac, bishop of Geneva, who is said to have received it from Theodore, bishopof Octodurum. The abbey of St. Maurice still subsists, a rich monumentof the credulity of Sigismund, king of Burgundy. See an excellentDissertation in xxxvith volume of the Bibliotheque Raisonnee, p. 427-454. ]

[Footnote 144a: M. Guizot criticizes Gibbon's account of this incident. He supposes that Maximilian was not "produced by his father as arecruit, " but was obliged to appear by the law, which compelled the sonsof soldiers to serve at 21 years old. Was not this a law of Constantine?Neither does this circumstance appear in the acts. His father hadclearly expected him to serve, as he had bought him a new dress for theoccasion; yet he refused to force the conscience of his son. And whenMaximilian was condemned to death, the father returned home in joy, blessing God for having bestowed upon him such a son. --M. ]

[Footnote 145: See the Acta Sincera, p. 299. The accounts of hismartyrdom and that of Marcellus, bear every mark of truth andauthenticity. ]

[Footnote 146: Acta Sincera, p. 302. * Note: M. Guizot here justlyobserves, that it was the necessity of sacrificing to the gods, whichinduced Marcellus to act in this manner. --M. ]

After the success of the Persian war had raised the hopes and thereputation of Galerius, he passed a winter with Diocletian in the palaceof Nicomedia; and the fate of Christianity became the object of theirsecret consultations. [147] The experienced emperor was still inclinedto pursue measures of lenity; and though he readily consented to excludethe Christians from holding any employments in the household or thearmy, he urged in the strongest terms the danger as well as crueltyof shedding the blood of those deluded fanatics. Galerius at lengthextorted [147a] from him the permission of summoning a council, composedof a few persons the most distinguished in the civil and militarydepartments of the state. 

The important question was agitated in their presence, and thoseambitious courtiers easily discerned, that it was incumbent on them tosecond, by their eloquence, the importunate violence of the Caesar. Itmay be presumed, that they insisted on every topic which mightinterest the pride, the piety, or the fears, of their sovereign in thedestruction of Christianity. Perhaps they represented, that the gloriouswork of the deliverance of the empire was left imperfect, as long as anindependent people was permitted to subsist and multiply in the heartof the provinces. The Christians, (it might specially be alleged, )renouncing the gods and the institutions of Rome, had constituted adistinct republic, which might yet be suppressed before it had acquiredany military force; but which was already governed by its own laws andmagistrates, was possessed of a public treasure, and was intimatelyconnected in all its parts by the frequent assemblies of the bishops, to whose decrees their numerous and opulent congregations yielded animplicit obedience. Arguments like these may seem to have determined thereluctant mind of Diocletian to embrace a new system of persecution;but though we may suspect, it is not in our power to relate, the secretintrigues of the palace, the private views and resentments, the jealousyof women or eunuchs, and all those trifling but decisive causes whichso often influence the fate of empires, and the councils of the wisestmonarchs. [148]

[Footnote 147: De M. P. C. 11. Lactantius (or whoever was the author ofthis little treatise) was, at that time, an inhabitant of Nicomedia;but it seems difficult to conceive how he could acquire so accurate aknowledge of what passed in the Imperial cabinet. Note: * Lactantius, who was subsequently chosen by Constantine to educate Crispus, mighteasily have learned these details from Constantine himself, already ofsufficient age to interest himself in the affairs of the government, and in a position to obtain the best information. --G. This assumes thedoubtful point of the authorship of the Treatise. --M. ]

[Footnote 147a: This permission was not extorted from Diocletian; hetook the step of his own accord. Lactantius says, in truth, Nec tamendeflectere potuit (Diocletianus) praecipitis hominis insaniam; placuitergo amicorum sententiam experiri. (De Mort. Pers. C. 11. ) But thismeasure was in accordance with the artificial character of Diocletian, who wished to have the appearance of doing good by his own impulse andevil by the impulse of others. Nam erat hujus malitiae, cum bonum quidfacere decrevisse sine consilio faciebat, ut ipse laudaretur. Cum autemmalum. Quoniam id reprehendendum sciebat, in consilium multos advocabat, ut alioram culpao adscriberetur quicquid ipse deliquerat. Lact. Ib. Eutropius says likewise, Miratus callide fuit, sagax praeterea etadmodum subtilis ingenio, et qui severitatem suam aliena invidia velletexplere. Eutrop. Ix. C. 26. --G. ----The manner in which the coarse andunfriendly pencil of the author of the Treatise de Mort. Pers. Has drawnthe character of Diocletian, seems inconsistent with this profoundsubtilty. Many readers will perhaps agree with Gibbon. --M. ]

[Footnote 148: The only circumstance which we can discover, is thedevotion and jealousy of the mother of Galerius. She is described byLactantius, as Deorum montium cultrix; mulier admodum superstitiosa. Shehad a great influence over her son, and was offended by the disregard ofsome of her Christian servants. * Note: This disregard consisted in theChristians fasting and praying instead of participating in thebanquets and sacrifices which she celebrated with the Pagans. Dapibussacrificabat poene quotidie ac vicariis suis epulis exhibebat. Christiani abstinebant, et illa cum gentibus epulante, jejuniis hiet oratiomibus insisteban; hine concepit odium Lact de Hist. Pers. C. 11. --G. ]

The pleasure of the emperors was at length signified to the Christians, who, during the course of this melancholy winter, had expected, withanxiety, the result of so many secret consultations. The twenty-thirdof February, which coincided with the Roman festival of the Terminalia, [149] was appointed (whether from accident or design) to set boundsto the progress of Christianity. At the earliest dawn of day, thePraetorian praefect, [150] accompanied by several generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue, repaired to the principal church ofNicomedia, which was situated on an eminence in the most populous andbeautiful part of the city. The doors were instantly broke open; theyrushed into the sanctuary; and as they searched in vain for somevisible object of worship, they were obliged to content themselveswith committing to the flames the volumes of the holy Scripture. Theministers of Diocletian were followed by a numerous body of guards andpioneers, who marched in order of battle, and were provided with allthe instruments used in the destruction of fortified cities. By theirincessant labor, a sacred edifice, which towered above the Imperialpalace, and had long excited the indignation and envy of the Gentiles, was in a few hours levelled with the ground. [151]

[Footnote 149: The worship and festival of the god Terminusare elegantly illustrated by M. De Boze, Mem. De l'Academie desInscriptions, tom. I. P. 50. ]

[Footnote 150: In our only MS. Of Lactantius, we read profectus; butreason, and the authority of all the critics, allow us, instead ofthat word, which destroys the sense of the passage, to substituteproefectus. ]

[Footnote 151: Lactantius, de M. P. C. 12, gives a very lively pictureof the destruction of the church. ]

The next day the general edict of persecution was published; [152] andthough Diocletian, still averse to the effusion of blood, had moderatedthe fury of Galerius, who proposed, that every one refusing to offersacrifice should immediately be burnt alive, the penalties inflicted onthe obstinacy of the Christians might be deemed sufficiently rigorousand effectual. It was enacted, that their churches, in all the provincesof the empire, should be demolished to their foundations; and thepunishment of death was denounced against all who should presume tohold any secret assemblies for the purpose of religious worship. Thephilosophers, who now assumed the unworthy office of directing the blindzeal of persecution, had diligently studied the nature and genius of theChristian religion; and as they were not ignorant that the speculativedoctrines of the faith were supposed to be contained in the writingsof the prophets, of the evangelists, and of the apostles, they mostprobably suggested the order, that the bishops and presbyters shoulddeliver all their sacred books into the hands of the magistrates; whowere commanded, under the severest penalties, to burn them in a publicand solemn manner. By the same edict, the property of the church was atonce confiscated; and the several parts of which it might consistwere either sold to the highest bidder, united to the Imperial domain, bestowed on the cities and corporations, or granted to the solicitationsof rapacious courtiers. After taking such effectual measures to abolishthe worship, and to dissolve the government of the Christians, it wasthought necessary to subject to the most intolerable hardships thecondition of those perverse individuals who should still reject thereligion of nature, of Rome, and of their ancestors. Persons ofa liberal birth were declared incapable of holding any honors oremployments; slaves were forever deprived of the hopes of freedom, andthe whole body of the people were put out of the protection of the law. The judges were authorized to hear and to determine every action thatwas brought against a Christian. But the Christians were not permittedto complain of any injury which they themselves had suffered; and thusthose unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while theywere excluded from the benefits, of public justice. This new species ofmartyrdom, so painful and lingering, so obscure and ignominious, was, perhaps, the most proper to weary the constancy of the faithful: nor canit be doubted that the passions and interest of mankind were disposed onthis occasion to second the designs of the emperors. But the policy of awell-ordered government must sometimes have interposed in behalf of theoppressed Christians; [152a] nor was it possible for the Roman princesentirely to remove the apprehension of punishment, or to connive atevery act of fraud and violence, without exposing their own authorityand the rest of their subjects to the most alarming dangers. [153]

[Footnote 152: Mosheim, (p. 922--926, ) from man scattered passages ofLactantius and Eusebius, has collected a very just and accuratenotion of this edict though he sometimes deviates into conjecture andrefinement. ]

[Footnote 152a: This wants proof. The edict of Diocletian was executedin all its right during the rest of his reign. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lviii. C. 13. --G. ]

[Footnote 153: Many ages afterwards, Edward J. Practised, with greatsuccess, the same mode of persecution against the clergy of England. SeeHume's History of England, vol. Ii. P. 300, last 4to edition. ]

This edict was scarcely exhibited to the public view, in the mostconspicuous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by the handsof a Christian, who expressed at the same time, by the bitterestinvectives, his contempt as well as abhorrence for such impious andtyrannical governors. His offence, according to the mildest laws, amounted to treason, and deserved death. And if it be true that he wasa person of rank and education, those circumstances could serve only toaggravate his guilt. He was burnt, or rather roasted, by a slow fire;and his executioners, zealous to revenge the personal insult which hadbeen offered to the emperors, exhausted every refinement of cruelty, without being able to subdue his patience, or to alter the steady andinsulting smile which in his dying agonies he still preserved in hiscountenance. The Christians, though they confessed that his conducthad not been strictly conformable to the laws of prudence, admired thedivine fervor of his zeal; and the excessive commendations which theylavished on the memory of their hero and martyr, contributed to fix adeep impression of terror and hatred in the mind of Diocletian. [154]

[Footnote 154: Lactantius only calls him quidam, et si non recte, magno tamer animo, &c. , c. 12. Eusebius (l. Viii. C. 5) adorns him withsecular honora Neither have condescended to mention his name; but theGreeks celebrate his memory under that of John. See Tillemont, MemonesEcclesiastiques, tom. V. Part ii. P. 320. ]

His fears were soon alarmed by the view of a danger from which he verynarrowly escaped. Within fifteen days the palace of Nicomedia, and eventhe bed-chamber of Diocletian, were twice in flames; and though bothtimes they were extinguished without any material damage, the singularrepetition of the fire was justly considered as an evident proof that ithad not been the effect of chance or negligence. The suspicion naturallyfell on the Christians; and it was suggested, with some degree ofprobability, that those desperate fanatics, provoked by their presentsufferings, and apprehensive of impending calamities, had entered intoa conspiracy with their faithful brethren, the eunuchs of thepalace, against the lives of two emperors, whom they detested as theirreconcilable enemies of the church of God. 

Jealousy and resentment prevailed in every breast, but especially inthat of Diocletian. A great number of persons, distinguished eitherby the offices which they had filled, or by the favor which they hadenjoyed, were thrown into prison. Every mode of torture was put inpractice, and the court, as well as city, was polluted with many bloodyexecutions. [155] But as it was found impossible to extort any discoveryof this mysterious transaction, it seems incumbent on us either topresume the innocence, or to admire the resolution, of the sufferers. A few days afterwards Galerius hastily withdrew himself from Nicomedia, declaring, that if he delayed his departure from that devoted palace, heshould fall a sacrifice to the rage of the Christians. 

The ecclesiastical historians, from whom alone we derive a partial andimperfect knowledge of this persecution, are at a loss how to accountfor the fears and dangers of the emperors. Two of these writers, aprince and a rhetorician, were eye-witnesses of the fire of Nicomedia. The one ascribes it to lightning, and the divine wrath; the otheraffirms, that it was kindled by the malice of Galerius himself. [156]

[Footnote 155: Lactantius de M. P. C. 13, 14. Potentissimi quondamEunuchi necati, per quos Palatium et ipse constabat. Eusebius (l. Viii. C. 6) mentions the cruel executions of the eunuchs, Gorgonius andDorotheus, and of Anthimius, bishop of Nicomedia; and both those writersdescribe, in a vague but tragical manner, the horrid scenes which wereacted even in the Imperial presence. ]

[Footnote 156: See Lactantius, Eusebius, and Constantine, ad CoetumSanctorum, c. Xxv. Eusebius confesses his ignorance of the cause of thisfire. Note: As the history of these times affords us no example of anyattempts made by the Christians against their persecutors, we have noreason, not the slightest probability, to attribute to them the fire inthe palace; and the authority of Constantine and Lactantius remains toexplain it. M. De Tillemont has shown how they can be reconciled. Hist. Des Empereurs, Vie de Diocletian, xix. --G. Had it been done by aChristian, it would probably have been a fanatic, who would have avowedand gloried in it. Tillemont's supposition that the fire was firstcaused by lightning, and fed and increased by the malice of Galerius, seems singularly improbable. --M. ]

As the edict against the Christians was designed for a general law ofthe whole empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though they might notwait for the consent, were assured of the concurrence, of the Westernprinces, it would appear more consonant to our ideas of policy, that thegovernors of all the provinces should have received secret instructionsto publish, on one and the same day, this declaration of war withintheir respective departments. It was at least to be expected, that theconvenience of the public highways and established posts would haveenabled the emperors to transmit their orders with the utmost despatchfrom the palace of Nicomedia to the extremities of the Roman world; andthat they would not have suffered fifty days to elapse, before the edictwas published in Syria, and near four months before it was signified tothe cities of Africa. [157]

This delay may perhaps be imputed to the cautious temper of Diocletian, who had yielded a reluctant consent to the measures of persecution, andwho was desirous of trying the experiment under his more immediateeye, before he gave way to the disorders and discontent which it mustinevitably occasion in the distant provinces. At first, indeed, themagistrates were restrained from the effusion of blood; but the use ofevery other severity was permitted, and even recommended to their zeal;nor could the Christians, though they cheerfully resigned the ornamentsof their churches, resolve to interrupt their religious assemblies, or to deliver their sacred books to the flames. The pious obstinacy ofFelix, an African bishop, appears to have embarrassed the subordinateministers of the government. The curator of his city sent him in chainsto the proconsul. The proconsul transmitted him to the Praetorianpraefect of Italy; and Felix, who disdained even to give an evasiveanswer, was at length beheaded at Venusia, in Lucania, a place onwhich the birth of Horace has conferred fame. [158] This precedent, andperhaps some Imperial rescript, which was issued in consequence of it, appeared to authorize the governors of provinces, in punishing withdeath the refusal of the Christians to deliver up their sacred books. There were undoubtedly many persons who embraced this opportunity ofobtaining the crown of martyrdom; but there were likewise too many whopurchased an ignominious life, by discovering and betraying the holyScripture into the hands of infidels. A great number even of bishopsand presbyters acquired, by this criminal compliance, the opprobriousepithet of Traditors; and their offence was productive of much presentscandal and of much future discord in the African church. [159]

[Footnote 157: Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiast. Tom. V. Part i. P. 43. ]

[Footnote 158: See the Acta Sincera of Ruinart, p. 353; those of Felixof Thibara, or Tibiur, appear much less corrupted than in the othereditions, which afford a lively specimen of legendary license. ]

[Footnote 159: See the first book of Optatus of Milevis against theDonatiste, Paris, 1700, edit. Dupin. He lived under the reign ofValens. ]

The copies as well as the versions of Scripture, were already somultiplied in the empire, that the most severe inquisition could nolonger be attended with any fatal consequences; and even the sacrificeof those volumes, which, in every congregation, were preserved forpublic use, required the consent of some treacherous and unworthyChristians. But the ruin of the churches was easily effected by theauthority of the government, and by the labor of the Pagans. In someprovinces, however, the magistrates contented themselves with shuttingup the places of religious worship. In others, they more literallycomplied with the terms of the edict; and after taking away the doors, the benches, and the pulpit, which they burnt as it were in a funeralpile, they completely demolished the remainder of the edifice. [160]It is perhaps to this melancholy occasion that we should apply a veryremarkable story, which is related with so many circumstances of varietyand improbability, that it serves rather to excite than to satisfyour curiosity. In a small town in Phrygia, of whose names as well assituation we are left ignorant, it should seem that the magistrates andthe body of the people had embraced the Christian faith; and as someresistance might be apprehended to the execution of the edict, thegovernor of the province was supported by a numerous detachment oflegionaries. On their approach the citizens threw themselves into thechurch, with the resolution either of defending by arms that sacrededifice, or of perishing in its ruins. They indignantly rejected thenotice and permission which was given them to retire, till the soldiers, provoked by their obstinate refusal, set fire to the building on allsides, and consumed, by this extraordinary kind of martyrdom, a greatnumber of Phrygians, with their wives and children. [161]

[Footnote 160: The ancient monuments, published at the end of Optatus, p. 261, &c. Describe, in a very circumstantial manner, the proceedingsof the governors in the destruction of churches. They made a minuteinventory of the plate, &c. , which they found in them. That of thechurch of Cirta, in Numidia, is still extant. It consisted of twochalices of gold, and six of silver; six urns, one kettle, seven lamps, all likewise of silver; besides a large quantity of brass utensils, andwearing apparel. ]

[Footnote 161: Lactantius (Institut. Divin. V. 11) confines the calamityto the conventiculum, with its congregation. Eusebius (viii. 11) extendsit to a whole city, and introduces something very like a regular siege. His ancient Latin translator, Rufinus, adds the important circumstanceof the permission given to the inhabitants of retiring from thence. As Phrygia reached to the confines of Isauria, it is possible that therestless temper of those independent barbarians may have contributed tothis misfortune. Note: Universum populum. Lact. Inst. Div. V. 11. --G. ]

Some slight disturbances, though they were suppressed almost as soon asexcited, in Syria and the frontiers of Armenia, afforded the enemies ofthe church a very plausible occasion to insinuate, that those troubleshad been secretly fomented by the intrigues of the bishops, whohad already forgotten their ostentatious professions of passive andunlimited obedience. [162]

The resentment, or the fears, of Diocletian, at length transported himbeyond the bounds of moderation, which he had hitherto preserved, andhe declared, in a series of cruel edicts, [162a] his intention ofabolishing the Christian name. By the first of these edicts, thegovernors of the provinces were directed to apprehend all persons ofthe ecclesiastical order; and the prisons, destined for the vilestcriminals, were soon filled with a multitude of bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists. By a second edict, the magistrates werecommanded to employ every method of severity, which might reclaimthem from their odious superstition, and oblige them to return to theestablished worship of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by asubsequent edict, to the whole body of Christians, who were exposed to aviolent and general persecution. [163]

Instead of those salutary restraints, which had required the directand solemn testimony of an accuser, it became the duty as well as theinterest of the Imperial officers to discover, to pursue, and to tormentthe most obnoxious among the faithful. Heavy penalties were denouncedagainst all who should presume to save a prescribed sectary from thejust indignation of the gods, and of the emperors. Yet, notwithstandingthe severity of this law, the virtuous courage of many of the Pagans, inconcealing their friends or relations, affords an honorable proof, that the rage of superstition had not extinguished in their minds thesentiments of nature and humanity. [164]

[Footnote 162: Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 6. M. De Valois (with someprobability) thinks that he has discovered the Syrian rebellion inan oration of Libanius; and that it was a rash attempt of the tribuneEugenius, who with only five hundred men seized Antioch, and mightperhaps allure the Christians by the promise of religious toleration. From Eusebius, (l. Ix. C. 8, ) as well as from Moses of Chorene, (Hist. Armen. L. Ii. 77, &c. , ) it may be inferred, that Christianity wasalready introduced into Armenia. ]

[Footnote 162a: He had already passed them in his first edict. Itdoes not appear that resentment or fear had any share in the newpersecutions: perhaps they originated in superstition, and a speciousapparent respect for its ministers. The oracle of Apollo, consultedby Diocletian, gave no answer; and said that just men hindered it fromspeaking. Constantine, who assisted at the ceremony, affirms, with anoath, that when questioned about these men, the high priest named theChristians. "The Emperor eagerly seized on this answer; and drew againstthe innocent a sword, destined only to punish the guilty: he instantlyissued edicts, written, if I may use the expression, with a poniard;and ordered the judges to employ all their skill to invent new modes ofpunishment. Euseb. Vit Constant. L. Ii c 54. "--G. ]

[Footnote 163: See Mosheim, p. 938: the text of Eusebius very plainlyshows that the governors, whose powers were enlarged, not restrained, bythe new laws, could punish with death the most obstinate Christians asan example to their brethren. ]

[Footnote 164: Athanasius, p. 833, ap. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. Tom vpart i. 90. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part VII. 

Diocletian had no sooner published his edicts against the Christians, than, as if he had been desirous of committing to other hands thework of persecution, he divested himself of the Imperial purple. Thecharacter and situation of his colleagues and successors sometimes urgedthem to enforce and sometimes inclined them to suspend, the execution ofthese rigorous laws; nor can we acquire a just and distinct idea ofthis important period of ecclesiastical history, unless we separatelyconsider the state of Christianity, in the different parts of theempire, during the space of ten years, which elapsed between the firstedicts of Diocletian and the final peace of the church. 

The mild and humane temper of Constantius was averse to the oppressionof any part of his subjects. The principal offices of his palacewere exercised by Christians. He loved their persons, esteemed theirfidelity, and entertained not any dislike to their religious principles. But as long as Constantius remained in the subordinate stationof Caesar, it was not in his power openly to reject the edicts ofDiocletian, or to disobey the commands of Maximian. His authoritycontributed, however, to alleviate the sufferings which he pitied andabhorred. He consented with reluctance to the ruin of the churches; buthe ventured to protect the Christians themselves from the fury of thepopulace, and from the rigor of the laws. The provinces of Gaul (underwhich we may probably include those of Britain) were indebted for thesingular tranquillity which they enjoyed, to the gentle interposition oftheir sovereign. [165] But Datianus, the president or governor of Spain, actuated either by zeal or policy, chose rather to execute the publicedicts of the emperors, than to understand the secret intentionsof Constantius; and it can scarcely be doubted, that his provincialadministration was stained with the blood of a few martyrs. [166]

The elevation of Constantius to the supreme and independent dignityof Augustus, gave a free scope to the exercise of his virtues, and theshortness of his reign did not prevent him from establishing a systemof toleration, of which he left the precept and the example to his sonConstantine. His fortunate son, from the first moment of his accession, declaring himself the protector of the church, at length deserved theappellation of the first emperor who publicly professed and establishedthe Christian religion. The motives of his conversion, as they mayvariously be deduced from benevolence, from policy, from conviction, or from remorse, and the progress of the revolution, which, under hispowerful influence and that of his sons, rendered Christianity thereigning religion of the Roman empire, will form a very interesting andimportant chapter in the present volume of this history. At presentit may be sufficient to observe, that every victory of Constantine wasproductive of some relief or benefit to the church. 

[Footnote 165: Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 13. Lactantius de M. P. C. 15. Dodwell (Dissertat. Cyprian. Xi. 75) represents them as inconsistentwith each other. But the former evidently speaks of Constantius in thestation of Caesar, and the latter of the same prince in the rank ofAugustus. ]

[Footnote 166: Datianus is mentioned, in Gruter's Inscriptions, ashaving determined the limits between the territories of Pax Julia, andthose of Ebora, both cities in the southern part of Lusitania. If werecollect the neighborhood of those places to Cape St. Vincent, we maysuspect that the celebrated deacon and martyr of that name had beeninaccurately assigned by Prudentius, &c. , to Saragossa, or Valentia. See the pompous history of his sufferings, in the Memoires de Tillemont, tom. V. Part ii. P. 58-85. Some critics are of opinion, that thedepartment of Constantius, as Caesar, did not include Spain, which stillcontinued under the immediate jurisdiction of Maximian. ]

The provinces of Italy and Africa experienced a short but violentpersecution. The rigorous edicts of Diocletian were strictly andcheerfully executed by his associate Maximian, who had long hated theChristians, and who delighted in acts of blood and violence. In theautumn of the first year of the persecution, the two emperors met atRome to celebrate their triumph; several oppressive laws appear tohave issued from their secret consultations, and the diligence of themagistrates was animated by the presence of their sovereigns. AfterDiocletian had divested himself of the purple, Italy and Africa wereadministered under the name of Severus, and were exposed, withoutdefence, to the implacable resentment of his master Galerius. Among themartyrs of Rome, Adauctus deserves the notice of posterity. He was ofa noble family in Italy, and had raised himself, through the successivehonors of the palace, to the important office of treasurer of theprivate Jemesnes. Adauctus is the more remarkable for being the onlyperson of rank and distinction who appears to have suffered death, during the whole course of this general persecution. [167]

[Footnote 167: Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 11. Gruter, Inscrip. P. 1171, No. 18. Rufinus has mistaken the office of Adauctus, as well as the placeof his martyrdom. * Note: M. Guizot suggests the powerful cunuchs of thepalace. Dorotheus, Gorgonius, and Andrew, admitted by Gibbon himself tohave been put to death, p. 66. ]

The revolt of Maxentius immediately restored peace to the churches ofItaly and Africa; and the same tyrant who oppressed every other class ofhis subjects, showed himself just, humane, and even partial, towards theafflicted Christians. He depended on their gratitude and affection, andvery naturally presumed, that the injuries which they had suffered, andthe dangers which they still apprehended from his most inveterate enemy, would secure the fidelity of a party already considerable by theirnumbers and opulence. [168] Even the conduct of Maxentius towards thebishops of Rome and Carthage may be considered as the proof of histoleration, since it is probable that the most orthodox princes wouldadopt the same measures with regard to their established clergy. Marcellus, the former of these prelates, had thrown the capital intoconfusion, by the severe penance which he imposed on a great numberof Christians, who, during the late persecution, had renounced ordissembled their religion. The rage of faction broke out in frequent andviolent seditions; the blood of the faithful was shed by each other'shands, and the exile of Marcellus, whose prudence seems to have beenless eminent than his zeal, was found to be the only measure capable ofrestoring peace to the distracted church of Rome. [169] The behaviorof Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, appears to have been still morereprehensible. A deacon of that city had published a libel against theemperor. The offender took refuge in the episcopal palace; and though itwas somewhat early to advance any claims of ecclesiastical immunities, the bishop refused to deliver him up to the officers of justice. Forthis treasonable resistance, Mensurius was summoned to court, andinstead of receiving a legal sentence of death or banishment, he waspermitted, after a short examination, to return to his diocese. [170]Such was the happy condition of the Christian subjects of Maxentius, that whenever they were desirous of procuring for their own use anybodies of martyrs, they were obliged to purchase them from the mostdistant provinces of the East. A story is related of Aglae, a Romanlady, descended from a consular family, and possessed of so ample anestate, that it required the management of seventy-three stewards. Amongthese Boniface was the favorite of his mistress; and as Aglae mixed lovewith devotion, it is reported that he was admitted to share her bed. Herfortune enabled her to gratify the pious desire of obtaining some sacredrelics from the East. She intrusted Boniface with a considerable sumof gold, and a large quantity of aromatics; and her lover, attendedby twelve horsemen and three covered chariots, undertook a remotepilgrimage, as far as Tarsus in Cilicia. [171]

[Footnote 168: Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 14. But as Maxentius was vanquishedby Constantine, it suited the purpose of Lactantius to place his deathamong those of the persecutors. * Note: M. Guizot directly contradictsthis statement of Gibbon, and appeals to Eusebius. Maxentius, whoassumed the power in Italy, pretended at first to be a Christian, togain the favor of the Roman people; he ordered his ministers to ceaseto persecute the Christians, affecting a hypocritical piety, in order toappear more mild than his predecessors; but his actions soon proved thathe was very different from what they had at first hoped. The actionsof Maxentius were those of a cruel tyrant, but not those of a persecutor:the Christians, like the rest of his subjects, suffered from his vices, but they were not oppressed as a sect. Christian females were exposed tohis lusts, as well as to the brutal violence of his colleague Maximian, but they were not selected as Christians. --M. ]

[Footnote 169: The epitaph of Marcellus is to be found in Gruter, Inscrip. P 1172, No. 3, and it contains all that we know of his history. Marcellinus and Marcellus, whose names follow in the list of popes, aresupposed by many critics to be different persons; but the learned Abbede Longuerue was convinced that they were one and the same. Veridicusrector lapsis quia crimina flere Praedixit miseris, fuit omnibus hostisamarus. Hinc furor, hinc odium; sequitur discordia, lites, Seditio, caedes; solvuntur foedera pacis. Crimen ob alterius, Christum qui inpace negavit Finibus expulsus patriae est feritate Tyranni. Haecbreviter Damasus voluit comperta referre: Marcelli populus meritumcognoscere posset. ----We may observe that Damasus was made Bishop ofRome, A. D. 366. ]

[Footnote 170: Optatus contr. Donatist. L. I. C. 17, 18. * Note: Thewords of Optatus are, Profectus (Roman) causam dixit; jussus con revertiCarthaginem; perhaps, in pleading his cause, he exculpated himself, since he received an order to return to Carthage. --G. ]

[Footnote 171: The Acts of the Passion of St. Boniface, which abound inmiracles and declamation, are published by Ruinart, (p. 283--291, ) bothin Greek and Latin, from the authority of very ancient manuscripts. Note: We are ignorant whether Aglae and Boniface were Christians at thetime of their unlawful connection. See Tillemont. Mem, Eccles. Note onthe Persecution of Domitian, tom. V. Note 82. M. De Tillemont provesalso that the history is doubtful. --G. ----Sir D. Dalrymple (LordHailes) calls the story of Aglae and Boniface as of equal authority withour popular histories of Whittington and Hickathrift. ChristianAntiquities, ii. 64. --M. ]

The sanguinary temper of Galerius, the first and principal author of thepersecution, was formidable to those Christians whom their misfortuneshad placed within the limits of his dominions; and it may fairly bepresumed that many persons of a middle rank, who were not confined bythe chains either of wealth or of poverty, very frequently desertedtheir native country, and sought a refuge in the milder climate of theWest. [171a] As long as he commanded only the armies and provinces ofIllyricum, he could with difficulty either find or make a considerablenumber of martyrs, in a warlike country, which had entertained themissionaries of the gospel with more coldness and reluctance than anyother part of the empire. [172] But when Galerius had obtained thesupreme power, and the government of the East, he indulged in theirfullest extent his zeal and cruelty, not only in the provinces of Thraceand Asia, which acknowledged his immediate jurisdiction, but in thoseof Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, where Maximin gratified his owninclination, by yielding a rigorous obedience to the stern commandsof his benefactor. [173] The frequent disappointments of his ambitiousviews, the experience of six years of persecution, and the salutaryreflections which a lingering and painful distemper suggested to themind of Galerius, at length convinced him that the most violent effortsof despotism are insufficient to extirpate a whole people, or to subduetheir religious prejudices. Desirous of repairing the mischief that hehad occasioned, he published in his own name, and in those of Liciniusand Constantine, a general edict, which, after a pompous recital of theImperial titles, proceeded in the following manner:--

[Footnote 171a: A little after this, Christianity was propagated to thenorth of the Roman provinces, among the tribes of Germany: a multitudeof Christians, forced by the persecutions of the Emperors to takerefuge among the Barbarians, were received with kindness. Euseb. De Vit. Constant. Ii. 53. Semler Select. Cap. H. E. P. 115. The Goths owed theirfirst knowledge of Christianity to a young girl, a prisoner of war;she continued in the midst of them her exercises of piety; she fasted, prayed, and praised God day and night. When she was asked what goodwould come of so much painful trouble she answered, "It is thus thatChrist, the Son of God, is to be honored. " Sozomen, ii. C. 6. --G. ]

[Footnote 172: During the four first centuries, there exist few tracesof either bishops or bishoprics in the western Illyricum. It has beenthought probable that the primate of Milan extended his jurisdictionover Sirmium, the capital of that great province. See the GeographiaSacra of Charles de St. Paul, p. 68-76, with the observations of LucasHolstenius. ]

[Footnote 173: The viiith book of Eusebius, as well as the supplementconcerning the martyrs of Palestine, principally relate to thepersecution of Galerius and Maximin. The general lamentations with whichLactantius opens the vth book of his Divine Institutions allude to theircruelty. ] "Among the important cares which have occupied our mind forthe utility and preservation of the empire, it was our intention tocorrect and reestablish all things according to the ancient laws andpublic discipline of the Romans. We were particularly desirous ofreclaiming into the way of reason and nature, the deluded Christians whohad renounced the religion and ceremonies instituted by their fathers;and presumptuously despising the practice of antiquity, had inventedextravagant laws and opinions, according to the dictates of their fancy, and had collected a various society from the different provinces of ourempire. The edicts, which we have published to enforce the worship ofthe gods, having exposed many of the Christians to danger and distress, many having suffered death, and many more, who still persist in theirimpious folly, being left destitute of any public exercise of religion, we are disposed to extend to those unhappy men the effects of our wontedclemency. We permit them therefore freely to profess their privateopinions, and to assemble in their conventicles without fear ormolestation, provided always that they preserve a due respect to theestablished laws and government. By another rescript we shall signifyour intentions to the judges and magistrates; and we hope that ourindulgence will engage the Christians to offer up their prayers to theDeity whom they adore, for our safety and prosperity for their own, andfor that of the republic. " [174] It is not usually in the language ofedicts and manifestos that we should search for the real character orthe secret motives of princes; but as these were the words of a dyingemperor, his situation, perhaps, may be admitted as a pledge of hissincerity. 

[Footnote 174: Eusebius (l. Viii. C. 17) has given us a Greek version, and Lactantius (de M. P. C. 34) the Latin original, of this memorableedict. Neither of these writers seems to recollect how directlyit contradicts whatever they have just affirmed of the remorse andrepentance of Galerius. Note: But Gibbon has answered this by his justobservation, that it is not in the language of edicts and manifestosthat we should search * * for the secre motives of princes. --M. ]

When Galerius subscribed this edict of toleration, he was well assuredthat Licinius would readily comply with the inclinations of his friendand benefactor, and that any measures in favor of the Christians wouldobtain the approbation of Constantine. But the emperor would not ventureto insert in the preamble the name of Maximin, whose consent was ofthe greatest importance, and who succeeded a few days afterwards to theprovinces of Asia. In the first six months, however, of his new reign, Maximin affected to adopt the prudent counsels of his predecessor; andthough he never condescended to secure the tranquillity of the church bya public edict, Sabinus, his Praetorian praefect, addressed acircular letter to all the governors and magistrates of the provinces, expatiating on the Imperial clemency, acknowledging the invincibleobstinacy of the Christians, and directing the officers of justiceto cease their ineffectual prosecutions, and to connive at the secretassemblies of those enthusiasts. In consequence of these orders, greatnumbers of Christians were released from prison, or delivered from themines. The confessors, singing hymns of triumph, returned into theirown countries; and those who had yielded to the violence of the tempest, solicited with tears of repentance their readmission into the bosom ofthe church. [175]

[Footnote 175: Eusebius, l. Ix. C. 1. He inserts the epistle of thepraefect. ]

But this treacherous calm was of short duration; nor could theChristians of the East place any confidence in the character of theirsovereign. Cruelty and superstition were the ruling passions of the soulof Maximin. The former suggested the means, the latter pointed out theobjects of persecution. The emperor was devoted to the worship of thegods, to the study of magic, and to the belief of oracles. The prophetsor philosophers, whom he revered as the favorites of Heaven, werefrequently raised to the government of provinces, and admitted into hismost secret councils. They easily convinced him that the Christians hadbeen indebted for their victories to their regular discipline, and thatthe weakness of polytheism had principally flowed from a want ofunion and subordination among the ministers of religion. A system ofgovernment was therefore instituted, which was evidently copied from thepolicy of the church. In all the great cities of the empire, thetemples were repaired and beautified by the order of Maximin, andthe officiating priests of the various deities were subjected to theauthority of a superior pontiff destined to oppose the bishop, and topromote the cause of paganism. These pontiffs acknowledged, in theirturn, the supreme jurisdiction of the metropolitans or high priestsof the province, who acted as the immediate vicegerents of the emperorhimself. A white robe was the ensign of their dignity; and thesenew prelates were carefully selected from the most noble and opulentfamilies. By the influence of the magistrates, and of the sacerdotalorder, a great number of dutiful addresses were obtained, particularlyfrom the cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and Tyre, which artfullyrepresented the well-known intentions of the court as the general senseof the people; solicited the emperor to consult the laws of justicerather than the dictates of his clemency; expressed their abhorrence ofthe Christians, and humbly prayed that those impious sectaries might atleast be excluded from the limits of their respective territories. Theanswer of Maximin to the address which he obtained from the citizens ofTyre is still extant. He praises their zeal and devotion in terms ofthe highest satisfaction, descants on the obstinate impiety of theChristians, and betrays, by the readiness with which he consents totheir banishment, that he considered himself as receiving, rather thanas conferring, an obligation. The priests as well as the magistrateswere empowered to enforce the execution of his edicts, which wereengraved on tables of brass; and though it was recommended to them toavoid the effusion of blood, the most cruel and ignominious punishmentswere inflicted on the refractory Christians. [176]

[Footnote 176: See Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 14, l. Ix. C. 2--8. Lactantiusde M. P. C. 36. These writers agree in representing the arts of Maximin;but the former relates the execution of several martyrs, while thelatter expressly affirms, occidi servos Dei vetuit. * Note: It iseasy to reconcile them; it is sufficient to quote the entire text ofLactantius: Nam cum clementiam specie tenus profiteretur, occidi servosDei vetuit, debilitari jussit. Itaque confessoribus effodiebantur oculi, amputabantur manus, nares vel auriculae desecabantur. Haec ille moliensConstantini litteris deterretur. Dissimulavit ergo, et tamen, si quisinciderit. Mari occulte mergebatur. This detail of torments inflicted onthe Christians easily reconciles Lactantius and Eusebius. Those who diedin consequence of their tortures, those who were plunged into the sea, might well pass for martyrs. The mutilation of the words of Lactantiushas alone given rise to the apparent contradiction. --G. ----Eusebius. Ch. Vi. , relates the public martyrdom of the aged bishop of Emesa, withtwo others, who were thrown to the wild beasts, the beheading of Peter, bishop of Alexandria, with several others, and the death of Lucian, presbyter of Antioch, who was carried to Numidia, and put to death inprison. The contradiction is direct and undeniable, for althoughEusebius may have misplaced the former martyrdoms, it may be doubtedwhether the authority of Maximin extended to Nicomedia till after thedeath of Galerius. The last edict of toleration issued by Maximin andpublished by Eusebius himself, Eccl. Hist. Ix. 9. Confirms the statementof Lactantius. --M. ]

The Asiatic Christians had every thing to dread from the severity ofa bigoted monarch who prepared his measures of violence with suchdeliberate policy. But a few months had scarcely elapsed before theedicts published by the two Western emperors obliged Maximin to suspendthe prosecution of his designs: the civil war which he so rashlyundertook against Licinius employed all his attention; and the defeatand death of Maximin soon delivered the church from the last and mostimplacable of her enemies. [177]

[Footnote 177: A few days before his death, he published a very ampleedict of toleration, in which he imputes all the severities which theChristians suffered to the judges and governors, who had misunderstoodhis intentions. See the edict of Eusebius, l. Ix. C. 10. ]

In this general view of the persecution, which was first authorized bythe edicts of Diocletian, I have purposely refrained from describing theparticular sufferings and deaths of the Christian martyrs. It would havebeen an easy task, from the history of Eusebius, from the declamationsof Lactantius, and from the most ancient acts, to collect a long seriesof horrid and disgustful pictures, and to fill many pages with racks andscourges, with iron hooks and red-hot beds, and with all the varietyof tortures which fire and steel, savage beasts, and more savageexecutioners, could inflict upon the human body. These melancholy scenesmight be enlivened by a crowd of visions and miracles destined either todelay the death, to celebrate the triumph, or to discover the relics ofthose canonized saints who suffered for the name of Christ. But I cannotdetermine what I ought to transcribe, till I am satisfied how much Iought to believe. The gravest of the ecclesiastical historians, Eusebiushimself, indirectly confesses, that he has related whatever mightredound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend tothe disgrace, of religion. [178] Such an acknowledgment will naturallyexcite a suspicion that a writer who has so openly violated one of thefundamental laws of history, has not paid a very strict regard to theobservance of the other; and the suspicion will derive additional creditfrom the character of Eusebius, [178a] which was less tinctured withcredulity, and more practised in the arts of courts, than that ofalmost any of his contemporaries. On some particular occasions, whenthe magistrates were exasperated by some personal motives of interest orresentment, the rules of prudence, and perhaps of decency, to overturnthe altars, to pour out imprecations against the emperors, or to strikethe judge as he sat on his tribunal, it may be presumed, that every modeof torture which cruelty could invent, or constancy could endure, wasexhausted on those devoted victims. [179] Two circumstances, however, have been unwarily mentioned, which insinuate that the general treatmentof the Christians, who had been apprehended by the officers of justice, was less intolerable than it is usually imagined to have been. 1. Theconfessors who were condemned to work in the mines were permitted by thehumanity or the negligence of their keepers to build chapels, and freelyto profess their religion in the midst of those dreary habitations. [180] 2. The bishops were obliged to check and to censure the forwardzeal of the Christians, who voluntarily threw themselves into the handsof the magistrates. Some of these were persons oppressed by povertyand debts, who blindly sought to terminate a miserable existence by aglorious death. Others were allured by the hope that a short confinementwould expiate the sins of a whole life; and others again were actuatedby the less honorable motive of deriving a plentiful subsistence, andperhaps a considerable profit, from the alms which the charity of thefaithful bestowed on the prisoners. [181] After the church had triumphedover all her enemies, the interest as well as vanity of the captivesprompted them to magnify the merit of their respective sufferings. Aconvenient distance of time or place gave an ample scope to the progressof fiction; and the frequent instances which might be alleged of holymartyrs, whose wounds had been instantly healed, whose strength had beenrenewed, and whose lost members had miraculously been restored, wereextremely convenient for the purpose of removing every difficulty, andof silencing every objection. The most extravagant legends, as theyconduced to the honor of the church, were applauded by the credulousmultitude, countenanced by the power of the clergy, and attested by thesuspicious evidence of ecclesiastical history. 

[Footnote 178: Such is the fair deduction from two remarkable passagesin Eusebius, l. Viii. C. 2, and de Martyr. Palestin. C. 12. The prudenceof the historian has exposed his own character to censure and suspicion. It was well known that he himself had been thrown into prison; and itwas suggested that he had purchased his deliverance by some dishonorablecompliance. The reproach was urged in his lifetime, and even inhis presence, at the council of Tyre. See Tillemont, MemoiresEcclesiastiques, tom. Viii. Part i. P. 67. ]

[Footnote 178a: Historical criticism does not consist in rejectingindiscriminately all the facts which do not agree with a particularsystem, as Gibbon does in this chapter, in which, except at the lastextremity, he will not consent to believe a martyrdom. Authorities areto be weighed, not excluded from examination. Now, the Pagan historiansjustify in many places the detail which have been transmitted to us bythe historians of the church, concerning the tortures endured bythe Christians. Celsus reproaches the Christians with holding theirassemblies in secret, on account of the fear inspired by theirsufferings, "for when you are arrested, " he says, "you are dragged topunishment: and, before you are put to death, you have to suffer allkinds of tortures. " Origen cont. Cels. L. I. Ii. Vi. Viii. Passing. Libanius, the panegyrist of Julian, says, while speaking of theChristians. "Those who followed a corrupt religion were in continualapprehensions; they feared lest Julian should invent tortures still morerefined than those to which they had been exposed before, as mutilation, burning alive, &c. ; for the emperors had inflicted upon them all thesebarbarities. " Lib. Parent in Julian. Ap. Fab. Bib. Graec. No. 9, No. 58, p. 283--G. ----This sentence of Gibbon has given rise to severallearned dissertation: Moller, de Fide Eusebii Caesar, &c. , Havniae, 1813. Danzius, de Eusebio Caes. Hist. Eccl. Scriptore, ejusque tidehistorica recte aestimanda, &c. , Jenae, 1815. Kestner Commentatio deEusebii Hist. Eccles. Conditoris auctoritate et fide, &c. See alsoReuterdahl, de Fontibus Historiae Eccles. Eusebianae, Lond. Goth. , 1826. Gibbon's inference may appear stronger than the text will warrant, yetit is difficult, after reading the passages, to dismiss all suspicion ofpartiality from the mind. --M. ]

[Footnote 179: The ancient, and perhaps authentic, account of thesufferings of Tarachus and his companions, (Acta Sincera Ruinart, p. 419--448, ) is filled with strong expressions of resentment and contempt, which could not fail of irritating the magistrate. The behavior ofAedesius to Hierocles, praefect of Egypt, was still more extraordinary. Euseb. De Martyr. Palestin. C. 5. * Note: M. Guizot states, that theacts of Tarachus and his companion contain nothing that appears dictatedby violent feelings, (sentiment outre. ) Nothing can be more painful thanthe constant attempt of Gibbon throughout this discussion, to find someflaw in the virtue and heroism of the martyrs, some extenuation for thecruelty of the persecutors. But truth must not be sacrificed even towell-grounded moral indignation. Though the language of these martyrs isin great part that of calm de fiance, of noble firmness, yet there aremany expressions which betray "resentment and contempt. " "Childrenof Satan, worshippers of Devils, " is their common appellation of theheathen. One of them calls the judge another, one curses, and declaresthat he will curse the Emperors, as pestilential and bloodthirstytyrants, whom God will soon visit in his wrath. On the other hand, though at first they speak the milder language of persuasion, the coldbarbarity of the judges and officers might surely have called forth onesentence of abhorrence from Gibbon. On the first unsatisfactory answer, "Break his jaw, " is the order of the judge. They direct and witness themost excruciating tortures; the people, as M. Guizot observers, were somuch revolted by the cruelty of Maximus that when the martyrs appearedin the amphitheatre, fear seized on all hearts, and general murmursagainst the unjust judge rank through the assembly. It is singular, atleast, that Gibbon should have quoted "as probably authentic, " acts somuch embellished with miracle as these of Tarachus are, particularlytowards the end. --M. * Note: Scarcely were the authorities informed ofthis, than the president of the province, a man, says Eusebius, harshand cruel, banished the confessors, some to Cyprus, others to differentparts of Palestine, and ordered them to be tormented by being set tothe most painful labors. Four of them, whom he required to abjuretheir faith and refused, were burnt alive. Euseb. De Mart. Palest. C. Xiii. --G. Two of these were bishops; a fifth, Silvanus, bishop ofGaza, was the last martyr; another, named John was blinded, but usedto officiate, and recite from memory long passages of the sacredwritings--M. ]

[Footnote 180: Euseb. De Martyr. Palestin. C. 13. ]

[Footnote 181: Augustin. Collat. Carthagin. Dei, iii. C. 13, ap. Tillanant, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. V. Part i. P. 46. Thecontroversy with the Donatists, has reflected some, though perhaps apartial, light on the history of the African church. ]

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero ToConstantine. --Part VIII. 

The vague descriptions of exile and imprisonment, of pain and torture, are so easily exaggerated or softened by the pencil of an artful orator, [181a] that we are naturally induced to inquire into a fact of a moredistinct and stubborn kind; the number of persons who suffered death inconsequence of the edicts published by Diocletian, his associates, andhis successors. The recent legendaries record whole armies andcities, which were at once swept away by the undistinguishing rage ofpersecution. The more ancient writers content themselves with pouringout a liberal effusion of loose and tragical invectives, withoutcondescending to ascertain the precise number of those persons who werepermitted to seal with their blood their belief of the gospel. Fromthe history of Eusebius, it may, however, be collected, that only ninebishops were punished with death; and we are assured, by his particularenumeration of the martyrs of Palestine, that no more than ninety-twoChristians were entitled to that honorable appellation. [182] [182a] Aswe are unacquainted with the degree of episcopal zeal and couragewhich prevailed at that time, it is not in our power to draw any usefulinferences from the former of these facts: but the latter may serveto justify a very important and probable conclusion. According to thedistribution of Roman provinces, Palestine may be considered as thesixteenth part of the Eastern empire: [183] and since there were somegovernors, who from a real or affected clemency had preserved theirhands unstained with the blood of the faithful, [184] it is reasonableto believe, that the country which had given birth to Christianity, produced at least the sixteenth part of the martyrs who suffereddeath within the dominions of Galerius and Maximin; the whole mightconsequently amount to about fifteen hundred, a number which, if it isequally divided between the ten years of the persecution, will allow anannual consumption of one hundred and fifty martyrs. Allotting the sameproportion to the provinces of Italy, Africa, and perhaps Spain, where, at the end of two or three years, the rigor of the penal laws was eithersuspended or abolished, the multitude of Christians in the Roman empire, on whom a capital punishment was inflicted by a judicia, sentence, willbe reduced to somewhat less than two thousand persons. Since it cannotbe doubted that the Christians were more numerous, and their enemiesmore exasperated, in the time of Diocletian, than they had ever been inany former persecution, this probable and moderate computation may teachus to estimate the number of primitive saints and martyrs who sacrificedtheir lives for the important purpose of introducing Christianity intothe world. 

[Footnote 181a: Perhaps there never was an instance of an authorcommitting so deliberately the fault which he reprobates so stronglyin others. What is the dexterous management of the more inartificialhistorians of Christianity, in exaggerating the numbers of the martyrs, compared to the unfair address with which Gibbon here quietly dismissesfrom the account all the horrible and excruciating tortures which fellshort of death? The reader may refer to the xiith chapter (bookviii. ) of Eusebius for the description and for the scenes of thesetortures. --M. ]

[Footnote 182: Eusebius de Martyr. Palestin. C. 13. He closes hisnarration by assuring us that these were the martyrdoms inflicted inPalestine, during the whole course of the persecution. The 9th chapterof his viiith book, which relates to the province of Thebais in Egypt, may seem to contradict our moderate computation; but it will only leadus to admire the artful management of the historian. Choosing for thescene of the most exquisite cruelty the most remote and sequesteredcountry of the Roman empire, he relates that in Thebais from ten to onehundred persons had frequently suffered martyrdom in the same day. Butwhen he proceeds to mention his own journey into Egypt, his languageinsensibly becomes more cautious and moderate. Instead of a large, butdefinite number, he speaks of many Christians, and most artfully selectstwo ambiguous words, which may signify either what he had seen, orwhat he had heard; either the expectation, or the execution of thepunishment. Having thus provided a secure evasion, he commits theequivocal passage to his readers and translators; justly conceiving thattheir piety would induce them to prefer the most favorable sense. Therewas perhaps some malice in the remark of Theodorus Metochita, that allwho, like Eusebius, had been conversant with the Egyptians, delighted inan obscure and intricate style. (See Valesius ad loc. )]

[Footnote 182a: This calculation is made from the martyrs, of whomEusebius speaks by name; but he recognizes a much greater number. Thus the ninth and tenth chapters of his work are entitled, "OfAntoninus, Zebinus, Germanus, and other martyrs; of Peter the monk. OfAsclepius the Maroionite, and other martyrs. " [Are these vague contentsof chapters very good authority?--M. ] Speaking of those who sufferedunder Diocletian, he says, "I will only relate the death of one ofthese, from which, the reader may divine what befell the rest. " Hist. Eccl. Viii. 6. [This relates only to the martyrs in the royalhousehold. --M. ] Dodwell had made, before Gibbon, this calculation andthese objections; but Ruinart (Act. Mart. Pref p. 27, et seq. ) hasanswered him in a peremptory manner: Nobis constat Eusebium in historiainfinitos passim martyres admisisse. Quamvis revera paucorum nominarecensuerit. Nec alium Eusebii interpretem quam ipsummet Eusebiumproferimus, qui (l. Iii. C. 33) ait sub Trajano plurimosa ex fidelibusmartyrii certamen subiisse (l. V. Init. ) sub Antonino et Veroinnumerabiles prope martyres per universum orbem enituisse affirmat. (L. Vi. C. 1. ) Severum persecutionem concitasse refert, in qua per omnesubique locorum Ecclesias, ab athletis pro pietate certantibus, illustriaconfecta fuerunt martyria. Sic de Decii, sic de Valeriani, persecutionibus loquitur, quae an Dodwelli faveant conjectionibusjudicet aequus lector. Even in the persecutions which Gibbon hasrepresented as much more mild than that of Diocletian, the number ofmartyrs appears much greater than that to which he limits the martyrs ofthe latter: and this number is attested by incontestable monuments. Iwill quote but one example. We find among the letters of St. Cyprian onefrom Lucianus to Celerinus, written from the depth of a prison, in whichLucianus names seventeen of his brethren dead, some in the quarries, some in the midst of tortures some of starvation in prison. Jussi sumus(he proceeds) secundum prae ceptum imperatoris, fame et siti necari, etreclusi sumus in duabus cellis, ta ut nos afficerent fame et siti etignis vapore. --G. ]

[Footnote 183: When Palestine was divided into three, the praefecture ofthe East contained forty-eight provinces. As the ancient distinctions ofnations were long since abolished, the Romans distributed the provincesaccording to a general proportion of their extent and opulence. ]

[Footnote 184: Ut gloriari possint nullam se innocentium poremisse, namet ipse audivi aloquos gloriantes, quia administratio sua, in hac parismerit incruenta. Lactant. Institur. Divin v. 11. ]

We shall conclude this chapter by a melancholy truth, which obtrudesitself on the reluctant mind; that even admitting, without hesitation orinquiry, all that history has recorded, or devotion has feigned, onthe subject of martyrdoms, it must still be acknowledged, that theChristians, in the course of their intestine dissensions, have inflictedfar greater severities on each other, than they had experienced fromthe zeal of infidels. During the ages of ignorance which followed thesubversion of the Roman empire in the West, the bishops of the Imperialcity extended their dominion over the laity as well as clergy of theLatin church. The fabric of superstition which they had erected, andwhich might long have defied the feeble efforts of reason, was at lengthassaulted by a crowd of daring fanatics, who from the twelfth to thesixteenth century assumed the popular character of reformers. The churchof Rome defended by violence the empire which she had acquired by fraud;a system of peace and benevolence was soon disgraced by proscriptions, war, massacres, and the institution of the holy office. And as thereformers were animated by the love of civil as well as of religiousfreedom, the Catholic princes connected their own interest with that ofthe clergy, and enforced by fire and the sword the terrors of spiritualcensures. In the Netherlands alone, more than one hundred thousand ofthe subjects of Charles V. Are said to have suffered by the hand of theexecutioner; and this extraordinary number is attested by Grotius, [185]a man of genius and learning, who preserved his moderation amidst thefury of contending sects, and who composed the annals of his own age andcountry, at a time when the invention of printing had facilitated themeans of intelligence, and increased the danger of detection. 

If we are obliged to submit our belief to the authority of Grotius, itmust be allowed, that the number of Protestants, who were executed in asingle province and a single reign, far exceeded that of the primitivemartyrs in the space of three centuries, and of the Roman empire. But ifthe improbability of the fact itself should prevail over the weight ofevidence; if Grotius should be convicted of exaggerating the merit andsufferings of the Reformers; [186] we shall be naturally led to inquirewhat confidence can be placed in the doubtful and imperfect monumentsof ancient credulity; what degree of credit can be assigned to a courtlybishop, and a passionate declaimer, [186a] who, under the protectionof Constantine, enjoyed the exclusive privilege of recording thepersecutions inflicted on the Christians by the vanquished rivals ordisregarded predecessors of their gracious sovereign. 

[Footnote 185: Grot. Annal. De Rebus Belgicis, l. I. P. 12, edit. Fol. ]

[Footnote 186: Fra Paola (Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l. Iii. )reduces the number of the Belgic martyrs to 50, 000. In learning andmoderation Fra Paola was not inferior to Grotius. The priority of timegives some advantage to the evidence of the former, which he loses, onthe other hand, by the distance of Venice from the Netherlands. ]

[Footnote 186a: Eusebius and the author of the Treatise de MortibusPersecutorum. It is deeply to be regretted that the history of thisperiod rest so much on the loose and, it must be admitted, by no meansscrupulous authority of Eusebius. Ecclesiastical history is a solemnand melancholy lesson that the best, even the most sacred, cause willeventually the least departure from truth!--M. ]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part I. 

Foundation Of Constantinople. --Political System Constantine, And HisSuccessors. --Military Discipline. --The Palace. --The Finances. 

The unfortunate Licinius was the last rival who opposed the greatness, and the last captive who adorned the triumph, of Constantine. After atranquil and prosperous reign, the conquerer bequeathed to his familythe inheritance of the Roman empire; a new capital, a new policy, anda new religion; and the innovations which he established have beenembraced and consecrated by succeeding generations. The age of thegreat Constantine and his sons is filled with important events; butthe historian must be oppressed by their number and variety, unless hediligently separates from each other the scenes which are connected onlyby the order of time. He will describe the political institutions thatgave strength and stability to the empire, before he proceeds to relatethe wars and revolutions which hastened its decline. He will adopt thedivision unknown to the ancients of civil and ecclesiastical affairs:the victory of the Christians, and their intestine discord, will supplycopious and distinct materials both for edification and for scandal. 

After the defeat and abdication of Licinius, his victorious rivalproceeded to lay the foundations of a city destined to reign in futuretimes, the mistress of the East, and to survive the empire and religionof Constantine. The motives, whether of pride or of policy, whichfirst induced Diocletian to withdraw himself from the ancient seatof government, had acquired additional weight by the example ofhis successors, and the habits of forty years. Rome was insensiblyconfounded with the dependent kingdoms which had once acknowledgedher supremacy; and the country of the Caesars was viewed with coldindifference by a martial prince, born in the neighborhood of theDanube, educated in the courts and armies of Asia, and invested withthe purple by the legions of Britain. The Italians, who had receivedConstantine as their deliverer, submissively obeyed the edicts which hesometimes condescended to address to the senate and people of Rome;but they were seldom honored with the presence of their new sovereign. During the vigor of his age, Constantine, according to the variousexigencies of peace and war, moved with slow dignity, or with activediligence, along the frontiers of his extensive dominions; and wasalways prepared to take the field either against a foreign or a domesticenemy. But as he gradually reached the summit of prosperity and thedecline of life, he began to meditate the design of fixing in a morepermanent station the strength as well as majesty of the throne. In thechoice of an advantageous situation, he preferred the confines of Europeand Asia; to curb with a powerful arm the barbarians who dwelt betweenthe Danube and the Tanais; to watch with an eye of jealousy the conductof the Persian monarch, who indignantly supported the yoke of anignominious treaty. With these views, Diocletian had selected andembellished the residence of Nicomedia: but the memory of Diocletian wasjustly abhorred by the protector of the church: and Constantine was notinsensible to the ambition of founding a city which might perpetuatethe glory of his own name. During the late operations of the war againstLicinius, he had sufficient opportunity to contemplate, both as asoldier and as a statesman, the incomparable position of Byzantium;and to observe how strongly it was guarded by nature against a hostileattack, whilst it was accessible on every side to the benefits ofcommercial intercourse. Many ages before Constantine, one of the mostjudicious historians of antiquity [1 had described the advantages of asituation, from whence a feeble colony of Greeks derived the command ofthe sea, and the honors of a flourishing and independent republic. [2]

[Footnote 1: Polybius, l. Iv. P. 423, edit. Casaubon. He observes thatthe peace of the Byzantines was frequently disturbed, and the extent oftheir territory contracted, by the inroads of the wild Thracians. ]

[Footnote 2: The navigator Byzas, who was styled the son of Neptune, founded the city 656 years before the Christian aera. His followerswere drawn from Argos and Megara. Byzantium was afterwards rebuild andfortified by the Spartan general Pausanias. See Scaliger Animadvers. AdEuseb. P. 81. Ducange, Constantinopolis, l. I part i. Cap 15, 16. Withregard to the wars of the Byzantines against Philip, the Gauls, andthe kings of Bithynia, we should trust none but the ancient writers wholived before the greatness of the Imperial city had excited a spirit offlattery and fiction. ]

If we survey Byzantium in the extent which it acquired with theaugust name of Constantinople, the figure of the Imperial city may berepresented under that of an unequal triangle. The obtuse point, whichadvances towards the east and the shores of Asia, meets and repelsthe waves of the Thracian Bosphorus. The northern side of the city isbounded by the harbor; and the southern is washed by the Propontis, orSea of Marmara. The basis of the triangle is opposed to the west, andterminates the continent of Europe. But the admirable form and divisionof the circumjacent land and water cannot, without a more ampleexplanation, be clearly or sufficiently understood. The winding channelthrough which the waters of the Euxine flow with a rapid and incessantcourse towards the Mediterranean, received the appellation of Bosphorus, a name not less celebrated in the history, than in the fables, ofantiquity. [3] A crowd of temples and of votive altars, profuselyscattered along its steep and woody banks, attested the unskilfulness, the terrors, and the devotion of the Grecian navigators, who, afterthe example of the Argonauts, explored the dangers of the inhospitableEuxine. On these banks tradition long preserved the memory of the palaceof Phineus, infested by the obscene harpies; [4] and of the sylvan reignof Amycus, who defied the son of Leda to the combat of the cestus. [5]The straits of the Bosphorus are terminated by the Cyanean rocks, which, according to the description of the poets, had once floated on the faceof the waters; and were destined by the gods to protect the entrance ofthe Euxine against the eye of profane curiosity. [6] From the Cyaneanrocks to the point and harbor of Byzantium, the winding length of theBosphorus extends about sixteen miles, [7] and its most ordinary breadthmay be computed at about one mile and a half. The new castles of Europeand Asia are constructed, on either continent, upon the foundationsof two celebrated temples, of Serapis and of Jupiter Urius. The oldcastles, a work of the Greek emperors, command the narrowest part of thechannel in a place where the opposite banks advance within five hundredpaces of each other. These fortresses were destroyed and strengthened byMahomet the Second, when he meditated the siege of Constantinople: [8]but the Turkish conqueror was most probably ignorant, that near twothousand years before his reign, Darius had chosen the same situation toconnect the two continents by a bridge of boats. [9] At a small distancefrom the old castles we discover the little town of Chrysopolis, or Scutari, which may almost be considered as the Asiatic suburb ofConstantinople. The Bosphorus, as it begins to open into the Propontis, passes between Byzantium and Chalcedon. The latter of those cities wasbuilt by the Greeks, a few years before the former; and the blindnessof its founders, who overlooked the superior advantages of the oppositecoast, has been stigmatized by a proverbial expression of contempt. [10]

[Footnote 3: The Bosphorus has been very minutely described by Dionysiusof Byzantium, who lived in the time of Domitian, (Hudson, GeographMinor, tom. Iii. , ) and by Gilles or Gyllius, a French traveller of theXVIth century. Tournefort (Lettre XV. ) seems to have used his own eyes, and the learning of Gyllius. Add Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und derBosphoros, 8vo. --M. ]

[Footnote 4: There are very few conjectures so happy as that of LeClere, (Bibliotehque Universelle, tom. I. P. 148, ) who supposes thatthe harpies were only locusts. The Syriac or Phoenician name of thoseinsects, their noisy flight, the stench and devastation which theyoccasion, and the north wind which drives them into the sea, allcontribute to form the striking resemblance. ]

[Footnote 5: The residence of Amycus was in Asia, between the old andthe new castles, at a place called Laurus Insana. That of Phineus was inEurope, near the village of Mauromole and the Black Sea. See Gyllius deBosph. L. Ii. C. 23. Tournefort, Lettre XV. ]

[Footnote 6: The deception was occasioned by several pointed rocks, alternately sovered and abandoned by the waves. At present there are twosmall islands, one towards either shore; that of Europe is distinguishedby the column of Pompey. ]

[Footnote 7: The ancients computed one hundred and twenty stadia, orfifteen Roman miles. They measured only from the new castles, but theycarried the straits as far as the town of Chalcedon. ]

[Footnote 8: Ducas. Hist. C. 34. Leunclavius Hist. Turcica Mussulmanica, l. Xv. P. 577. Under the Greek empire these castles were used as stateprisons, under the tremendous name of Lethe, or towers of oblivion. ]

[Footnote 9: Darius engraved in Greek and Assyrian letters, on twomarble columns, the names of his subject nations, and the amazingnumbers of his land and sea forces. The Byzantines afterwardstransported these columns into the city, and used them for the altars oftheir tutelar deities. Herodotus, l. Iv. C. 87. ]

[Footnote 10: Namque arctissimo inter Europam Asiamque divortioByzantium in extrema Europa posuere Greci, quibus, Pythium Apollinemconsulentibus ubi conderent urbem, redditum oraculum est, quaererentsedem oecerum terris adversam. Ea ambage Chalcedonii monstrabanturquod priores illuc advecti, praevisa locorum utilitate pejora legissentTacit. Annal. Xii. 63. ]

The harbor of Constantinople, which may be considered as an arm of theBosphorus, obtained, in a very remote period, the denomination of theGolden Horn. The curve which it describes might be compared to the hornof a stag, or as it should seem, with more propriety, to that of an ox. [11] The epithet of golden was expressive of the riches which every windwafted from the most distant countries into the secure and capaciousport of Constantinople. The River Lycus, formed by the conflux of twolittle streams, pours into the harbor a perpetual supply of fresh water, which serves to cleanse the bottom, and to invite the periodicalshoals of fish to seek their retreat in that convenient recess. As thevicissitudes of tides are scarcely felt in those seas, the constantdepth of the harbor allows goods to be landed on the quays without theassistance of boats; and it has been observed, that in many places thelargest vessels may rest their prows against the houses, while theirsterns are floating in the water. [12] From the mouth of the Lycus tothat of the harbor, this arm of the Bosphorus is more than seven milesin length. The entrance is about five hundred yards broad, and a strongchain could be occasionally drawn across it, to guard the port and cityfrom the attack of a hostile navy. [13]

[Footnote 11: Strabo, l. Vii. P. 492, [edit. Casaub. ] Most of theantlers are now broken off; or, to speak less figuratively, most of therecesses of the harbor are filled up. See Gill. De Bosphoro Thracio, l. I. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 12: Procopius de Aedificiis, l. I. C. 5. His descriptionis confirmed by modern travellers. See Thevenot, part i. L. I. C. 15. Tournefort, Lettre XII. Niebuhr, Voyage d'Arabie, p. 22. ]

[Footnote 13: See Ducange, C. P. L. I. Part i. C. 16, and hisObservations sur Villehardouin, p. 289. The chain was drawn fromthe Acropolis near the modern Kiosk, to the tower of Galata; and wassupported at convenient distances by large wooden piles. ]

Between the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, the shores of Europe and Asia, receding on either side, enclose the sea of Marmara, which was known tothe ancients by the denomination of Propontis. The navigation from theissue of the Bosphorus to the entrance of the Hellespont is about onehundred and twenty miles. 

Those who steer their westward course through the middle of thePropontis, may at once descry the high lands of Thrace and Bithynia, and never lose sight of the lofty summit of Mount Olympus, covered witheternal snows. [14] They leave on the left a deep gulf, at the bottomof which Nicomedia was seated, the Imperial residence of Diocletian; andthey pass the small islands of Cyzicus and Proconnesus before they castanchor at Gallipoli; where the sea, which separates Asia from Europe, isagain contracted into a narrow channel. 

[Footnote 14: Thevenot (Voyages au Levant, part i. L. I. C. 14)contracts the measure to 125 small Greek miles. Belon (Observations, l. Ii. C. 1. ) gives a good description of the Propontis, but contentshimself with the vague expression of one day and one night's sail. WhenSandy's (Travels, p. 21) talks of 150 furlongs in length, as well asbreadth we can only suppose some mistake of the press in the text ofthat judicious traveller. ]

The geographers who, with the most skilful accuracy, have surveyed theform and extent of the Hellespont, assign about sixty miles for thewinding course, and about three miles for the ordinary breadth of thosecelebrated straits. [15] But the narrowest part of the channel is foundto the northward of the old Turkish castles between the cities of Sestusand Abydus. It was here that the adventurous Leander braved the passageof the flood for the possession of his mistress. [16] It was herelikewise, in a place where the distance between the opposite bankscannot exceed five hundred paces, that Xerxes imposed a stupendousbridge of boats, for the purpose of transporting into Europe a hundredand seventy myriads of barbarians. [17] A sea contracted within suchnarrow limits may seem but ill to deserve the singular epithet ofbroad, which Homer, as well as Orpheus, has frequently bestowed on theHellespont. [17a] But our ideas of greatness are of a relative nature:the traveller, and especially the poet, who sailed along the Hellespont, who pursued the windings of the stream, and contemplated the ruralscenery, which appeared on every side to terminate the prospect, insensibly lost the remembrance of the sea; and his fancy painted thosecelebrated straits, with all the attributes of a mighty river flowingwith a swift current, in the midst of a woody and inland country, andat length, through a wide mouth, discharging itself into the Aegean orArchipelago. [18] Ancient Troy, [19] seated on a an eminence at the footof Mount Ida, overlooked the mouth of the Hellespont, which scarcelyreceived an accession of waters from the tribute of those immortalrivulets the Simois and Scamander. The Grecian camp had stretched twelvemiles along the shore from the Sigaean to the Rhaetean promontory; andthe flanks of the army were guarded by the bravest chiefs who foughtunder the banners of Agamemnon. The first of those promontories wasoccupied by Achilles with his invincible myrmidons, and the dauntlessAjax pitched his tents on the other. After Ajax had fallen a sacrificeto his disappointed pride, and to the ingratitude of the Greeks, hissepulchre was erected on the ground where he had defended the navyagainst the rage of Jove and of Hector; and the citizens of the risingtown of Rhaeteum celebrated his memory with divine honors. [20] BeforeConstantine gave a just preference to the situation of Byzantium, he hadconceived the design of erecting the seat of empire on this celebratedspot, from whence the Romans derived their fabulous origin. Theextensive plain which lies below ancient Troy, towards the Rhaeteanpromontory and the tomb of Ajax, was first chosen for his new capital;and though the undertaking was soon relinquished the stately remainsof unfinished walls and towers attracted the notice of all who sailedthrough the straits of the Hellespont. [21]

[Footnote 15: See an admirable dissertation of M. D'Anville upon theHellespont or Dardanelles, in the Memoires tom. Xxviii. P. 318--346. Yeteven that ingenious geographer is too fond of supposing new, and perhapsimaginary measures, for the purpose of rendering ancient writers asaccurate as himself. The stadia employed by Herodotus in the descriptionof the Euxine, the Bosphorus, &c. , (l. Iv. C. 85, ) must undoubtedlybe all of the same species; but it seems impossible to reconcile themeither with truth or with each other. ]

[Footnote 16: The oblique distance between Sestus and Abydus wasthirty stadia. The improbable tale of Hero and Leander is exposed by M. Mahudel, but is defended on the authority of poets and medals by M. De la Nauze. See the Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Vii. Hist. P. 74. Elem. P. 240. Note: The practical illustration of the possibility ofLeander's feat by Lord Byron and other English swimmers is too wellknown to need particularly reference--M. ]

[Footnote 17: See the seventh book of Herodotus, who has erected anelegant trophy to his own fame and to that of his country. The reviewappears to have been made with tolerable accuracy; but the vanity, firstof the Persians, and afterwards of the Greeks, was interested to magnifythe armament and the victory. I should much doubt whether the invadershave ever outnumbered the men of any country which they attacked. ]

[Footnote 17a: Gibbon does not allow greater width between the twonearest points of the shores of the Hellespont than between those of theBosphorus; yet all the ancient writers speak of the Hellespontic straitas broader than the other: they agree in giving it seven stadia in itsnarrowest width, (Herod. In Melp. C. 85. Polym. C. 34. Strabo, p. 591. Plin. Iv. C. 12. ) which make 875 paces. It is singular that Gibbon, whoin the fifteenth note of this chapter reproaches d'Anville with beingfond of supposing new and perhaps imaginary measures, has here adoptedthe peculiar measurement which d'Anville has assigned to the stadium. This great geographer believes that the ancients had a stadium offifty-one toises, and it is that which he applies to the walls ofBabylon. Now, seven of these stadia are equal to about 500 paces, 7stadia = 2142 feet: 500 paces = 2135 feet 5 inches. --G. See Rennell, Geog. Of Herod. P. 121. Add Ukert, Geographie der Griechen und Romer, v. I. P. 2, 71. --M. ]

[Footnote 18: See Wood's Observations on Homer, p. 320. I have, withpleasure, selected this remark from an author who in general seems tohave disappointed the expectation of the public as a critic, and stillmore as a traveller. He had visited the banks of the Hellespont; and hadread Strabo; he ought to have consulted the Roman itineraries. Howwas it possible for him to confound Ilium and Alexandria Troas, (Observations, p. 340, 341, ) two cities which were sixteen miles distantfrom each other? * Note: Compare Walpole's Memoirs on Turkey, v. I. P. 101. Dr. Clarke adopted Mr. Walpole's interpretation of the saltHellespont. But the old interpretation is more graphic and Homeric. Clarke's Travels, ii. 70. --M. ]

[Footnote 19: Demetrius of Scepsis wrote sixty books on thirty linesof Homer's catalogue. The XIIIth Book of Strabo is sufficient for ourcuriosity. ]

[Footnote 20: Strabo, l. Xiii. P. 595, [890, edit. Casaub. ] Thedisposition of the ships, which were drawn upon dry land, and the postsof Ajax and Achilles, are very clearly described by Homer. See Iliad, ix. 220. ]

[Footnote 21: Zosim. L. Ii. [c. 30, ] p. 105. Sozomen, l. Ii. C. 3. Theophanes, p. 18. Nicephorus Callistus, l. Vii. P. 48. Zonaras, tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 6. Zosimus places the new city between Ilium andAlexandria, but this apparent difference may be reconciled by the largeextent of its circumference. Before the foundation of Constantinople, Thessalonica is mentioned by Cedrenus, (p. 283, ) and Sardica by Zonaras, as the intended capital. They both suppose with very little probability, that the emperor, if he had not been prevented by a prodigy, would haverepeated the mistake of the blind Chalcedonians. ]

We are at present qualified to view the advantageous position ofConstantinople; which appears to have been formed by nature for thecentre and capital of a great monarchy. Situated in the forty-firstdegree of latitude, the Imperial city commanded, from her seven hills, [22] the opposite shores of Europe and Asia; the climate was healthy andtemperate, the soil fertile, the harbor secure and capacious; and theapproach on the side of the continent was of small extent and easydefence. The Bosphorus and the Hellespont may be considered as the twogates of Constantinople; and the prince who possessed those importantpassages could always shut them against a naval enemy, and open them tothe fleets of commerce. The preservation of the eastern provincesmay, in some degree, be ascribed to the policy of Constantine, as thebarbarians of the Euxine, who in the preceding age had poured theirarmaments into the heart of the Mediterranean, soon desisted fromthe exercise of piracy, and despaired of forcing this insurmountablebarrier. When the gates of the Hellespont and Bosphorus were shut, thecapital still enjoyed within their spacious enclosure every productionwhich could supply the wants, or gratify the luxury, of its numerousinhabitants. The sea-coasts of Thrace and Bithynia, which languishunder the weight of Turkish oppression, still exhibit a rich prospect ofvineyards, of gardens, and of plentiful harvests; and the Propontishas ever been renowned for an inexhaustible store of the most exquisitefish, that are taken in their stated seasons, without skill, and almostwithout labor. [23] But when the passages of the straits were thrownopen for trade, they alternately admitted the natural and artificialriches of the north and south, of the Euxine, and of the Mediterranean. Whatever rude commodities were collected in the forests of Germanyand Scythia, and far as the sources of the Tanais and the Borysthenes;whatsoever was manufactured by the skill of Europe or Asia; the corn ofEgypt, and the gems and spices of the farthest India, were brought bythe varying winds into the port of Constantinople, which for many agesattracted the commerce of the ancient world. [24]

[See Basilica Of Constantinople]

[Footnote 22: Pocock's Description of the East, vol. Ii. Part ii. P. 127. His plan of the seven hills is clear and accurate. That travelleris seldom unsatisfactory. ]

[Footnote 23: See Belon, Observations, c. 72--76. Among a variety ofdifferent species, the Pelamides, a sort of Thunnies, were the mostcelebrated. We may learn from Polybius, Strabo, and Tacitus, that theprofits of the fishery constituted the principal revenue of Byzantium. ]

[Footnote 24: See the eloquent description of Busbequius, epistol. I. P. 64. Est in Europa; habet in conspectu Asiam, Egyptum. Africamquea dextra: quae tametsi contiguae non sunt, maris tamen navigandiquecommoditate veluti junguntur. A sinistra vero Pontus est Euxinus, &c. ]

The prospect of beauty, of safety, and of wealth, united in a singlespot, was sufficient to justify the choice of Constantine. But as somedecent mixture of prodigy and fable has, in every age, been supposedto reflect a becoming majesty on the origin of great cities, [25] theemperor was desirous of ascribing his resolution, not so much to theuncertain counsels of human policy, as to the infallible and eternaldecrees of divine wisdom. In one of his laws he has been careful toinstruct posterity, that in obedience to the commands of God, he laidthe everlasting foundations of Constantinople: [26] and though he hasnot condescended to relate in what manner the celestial inspirationwas communicated to his mind, the defect of his modest silence has beenliberally supplied by the ingenuity of succeeding writers; who describethe nocturnal vision which appeared to the fancy of Constantine, as heslept within the walls of Byzantium. The tutelar genius of the city, avenerable matron sinking under the weight of years and infirmities, wassuddenly transformed into a blooming maid, whom his own hands adornedwith all the symbols of Imperial greatness. [27] The monarch awoke, interpreted the auspicious omen, and obeyed, without hesitation, the will of Heaven The day which gave birth to a city or colony wascelebrated by the Romans with such ceremonies as had been ordained by agenerous superstition; [28] and though Constantine might omit some riteswhich savored too strongly of their Pagan origin, yet he was anxiousto leave a deep impression of hope and respect on the minds of thespectators. On foot, with a lance in his hand, the emperor himself ledthe solemn procession; and directed the line, which was traced as theboundary of the destined capital: till the growing circumference wasobserved with astonishment by the assistants, who, at length, venturedto observe, that he had already exceeded the most ample measure of agreat city. "I shall still advance, " replied Constantine, "till He, the invisible guide who marches before me, thinks proper to stop. "[29] Without presuming to investigate the nature or motives of thisextraordinary conductor, we shall content ourselves with the more humbletask of describing the extent and limits of Constantinople. [30]

[Footnote 25: Datur haec venia antiquitati, ut miscendo humana divinis, primordia urbium augustiora faciat. T. Liv. In prooem. ]

[Footnote 26: He says in one of his laws, pro commoditate urbis quamaeteras nomine, jubente Deo, donavimus. Cod. Theodos. L. Xiii. Tit. V. Leg. 7. ]

[Footnote 27: The Greeks, Theophanes, Cedrenus, and the author ofthe Alexandrian Chronicle, confine themselves to vague and generalexpressions. For a more particular account of the vision, we are obligedto have recourse to such Latin writers as William of Malmesbury. SeeDucange, C. P. L. I. P. 24, 25. ]

[Footnote 28: See Plutarch in Romul. Tom. I. P. 49, edit. Bryan. Amongother ceremonies, a large hole, which had been dug for that purpose, was filled up with handfuls of earth, which each of the settlers broughtfrom the place of his birth, and thus adopted his new country. ]

[Footnote 29: Philostorgius, l. Ii. C. 9. This incident, though borrowedfrom a suspected writer, is characteristic and probable. ]

[Footnote 30: See in the Memoires de l'Academie, tom. Xxxv p. 747-758, a dissertation of M. D'Anville on the extent of Constantinople. Hetakes the plan inserted in the Imperium Orientale of Banduri as the mostcomplete; but, by a series of very nice observations, he reduced theextravagant proportion of the scale, and instead of 9500, determines thecircumference of the city as consisting of about 7800 French toises. ]

In the actual state of the city, the palace and gardens of the Seragliooccupy the eastern promontory, the first of the seven hills, and coverabout one hundred and fifty acres of our own measure. The seat ofTurkish jealousy and despotism is erected on the foundations of aGrecian republic; but it may be supposed that the Byzantines weretempted by the conveniency of the harbor to extend their habitationson that side beyond the modern limits of the Seraglio. The new walls ofConstantine stretched from the port to the Propontis across the enlargedbreadth of the triangle, at the distance of fifteen stadia from theancient fortification; and with the city of Byzantium they enclosedfive of the seven hills, which, to the eyes of those who approachConstantinople, appear to rise above each other in beautiful order. [31] About a century after the death of the founder, the new buildings, extending on one side up the harbor, and on the other along thePropontis, already covered the narrow ridge of the sixth, and the broadsummit of the seventh hill. The necessity of protecting those suburbsfrom the incessant inroads of the barbarians engaged the youngerTheodosius to surround his capital with an adequate and permanentenclosure of walls. [32] From the eastern promontory to the golden gate, the extreme length of Constantinople was about three Roman miles; [33]the circumference measured between ten and eleven; and the surfacemight be computed as equal to about two thousand English acres. It isimpossible to justify the vain and credulous exaggerations of moderntravellers, who have sometimes stretched the limits of Constantinopleover the adjacent villages of the European, and even of the Asiaticcoast. [34] But the suburbs of Pera and Galata, though situate beyondthe harbor, may deserve to be considered as a part of the city; [35]and this addition may perhaps authorize the measure of a Byzantinehistorian, who assigns sixteen Greek (about fourteen Roman) miles forthe circumference of his native city. [36] Such an extent may not seemunworthy of an Imperial residence. Yet Constantinople must yield toBabylon and Thebes, [37] to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris. [38]

[Footnote 31: Codinus, Antiquitat. Const. P. 12. He assigns thechurch of St. Anthony as the boundary on the side of the harbor. It ismentioned in Ducange, l. Iv. C. 6; but I have tried, without success, todiscover the exact place where it was situated. ]

[Footnote 32: The new wall of Theodosius was constructed in the year413. In 447 it was thrown down by an earthquake, and rebuilt in threemonths by the diligence of the praefect Cyrus. The suburb of theBlanchernae was first taken into the city in the reign of HeracliusDucange, Const. L. I. C. 10, 11. ]

[Footnote 33: The measurement is expressed in the Notitia by 14, 075feet. It is reasonable to suppose that these were Greek feet, theproportion of which has been ingeniously determined by M. D'Anville. He compares the 180 feet with 78 Hashemite cubits, which in differentwriters are assigned for the heights of St. Sophia. Each of these cubitswas equal to 27 French inches. ]

[Footnote 34: The accurate Thevenot (l. I. C. 15) walked in one hour andthree quarters round two of the sides of the triangle, from the Kioskof the Seraglio to the seven towers. D'Anville examines with care, and receives with confidence, this decisive testimony, which gives acircumference of ten or twelve miles. The extravagant computation ofTournefort (Lettre XI) of thirty-tour or thirty miles, without includingScutari, is a strange departure from his usual character. ]

[Footnote 35: The sycae, or fig-trees, formed the thirteenth region, andwere very much embellished by Justinian. It has since borne the namesof Pera and Galata. The etymology of the former is obvious; that ofthe latter is unknown. See Ducange, Const. L. I. C. 22, and Gyllius deByzant. L. Iv. C. 10. ]

[Footnote 36: One hundred and eleven stadia, which may be translatedinto modern Greek miles each of seven stadia, or 660, sometimes only 600French toises. See D'Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 53. ]

[Footnote 37: When the ancient texts, which describe the size of Babylonand Thebes, are settled, the exaggerations reduced, and the measuresascertained, we find that those famous cities filled the great but notincredible circumference of about twenty-five or thirty miles. CompareD'Anville, Mem. De l'Academie, tom. Xxviii. P. 235, with his Descriptionde l'Egypte, p. 201, 202. ]

[Footnote 38: If we divide Constantinople and Paris into equal squaresof 50 French toises, the former contains 850, and the latter 1160, ofthose divisions. ]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part II. 

The master of the Roman world, who aspired to erect an eternal monumentof the glories of his reign could employ in the prosecution of thatgreat work, the wealth, the labor, and all that yet remained of thegenius of obedient millions. Some estimate may be formed of the expensebestowed with Imperial liberality on the foundation of Constantinople, by the allowance of about two millions five hundred thousand pounds forthe construction of the walls, the porticos, and the aqueducts. [39] Theforests that overshadowed the shores of the Euxine, and the celebratedquarries of white marble in the little island of Proconnesus, suppliedan inexhaustible stock of materials, ready to be conveyed, by theconvenience of a short water carriage, to the harbor of Byzantium. [40]A multitude of laborers and artificers urged the conclusion of the workwith incessant toil: but the impatience of Constantine soon discovered, that, in the decline of the arts, the skill as well as numbers ofhis architects bore a very unequal proportion to the greatness of hisdesigns. The magistrates of the most distant provinces were thereforedirected to institute schools, to appoint professors, and by the hopesof rewards and privileges, to engage in the study and practice ofarchitecture a sufficient number of ingenious youths, who had receiveda liberal education. [41] The buildings of the new city were executed bysuch artificers as the reign of Constantine could afford; but they weredecorated by the hands of the most celebrated masters of the age ofPericles and Alexander. To revive the genius of Phidias and Lysippus, surpassed indeed the power of a Roman emperor; but the immortalproductions which they had bequeathed to posterity were exposed withoutdefence to the rapacious vanity of a despot. By his commands the citiesof Greece and Asia were despoiled of their most valuable ornaments. [42]The trophies of memorable wars, the objects of religious veneration, themost finished statues of the gods and heroes, of the sages and poets, of ancient times, contributed to the splendid triumph of Constantinople;and gave occasion to the remark of the historian Cedrenus, [43] whoobserves, with some enthusiasm, that nothing seemed wanting exceptthe souls of the illustrious men whom these admirable monuments wereintended to represent. But it is not in the city of Constantine, nor inthe declining period of an empire, when the human mind was depressed bycivil and religious slavery, that we should seek for the souls of Homerand of Demosthenes. 

[Footnote 39: Six hundred centenaries, or sixty thousand pounds' weightof gold. This sum is taken from Codinus, Antiquit. Const. P. 11; butunless that contemptible author had derived his information from somepurer sources, he would probably have been unacquainted with so obsoletea mode of reckoning. ]

[Footnote 40: For the forests of the Black Sea, consult Tournefort, Lettre XVI. For the marble quarries of Proconnesus, see Strabo, l. Xiii. P. 588, (881, edit. Casaub. ) The latter had already furnished thematerials of the stately buildings of Cyzicus. ]

[Footnote 41: See the Codex Theodos. L. Xiii. Tit. Iv. Leg. 1. This lawis dated in the year 334, and was addressed to the praefect of Italy, whose jurisdiction extended over Africa. The commentary of Godefroy onthe whole title well deserves to be consulted. ]

[Footnote 42: Constantinopolis dedicatur poene omnium urbium nuditate. Hieronym. Chron. P. 181. See Codinus, p. 8, 9. The author of theAntiquitat. Const. L. Iii. (apud Banduri Imp. Orient. Tom. I. P. 41)enumerates Rome, Sicily, Antioch, Athens, and a long list of othercities. The provinces of Greece and Asia Minor may be supposed to haveyielded the richest booty. ]

[Footnote 43: Hist. Compend. P. 369. He describes the statue, or ratherbust, of Homer with a degree of taste which plainly indicates thatCadrenus copied the style of a more fortunate age. ]

During the siege of Byzantium, the conqueror had pitched his tent on thecommanding eminence of the second hill. To perpetuate the memory ofhis success, he chose the same advantageous position for the principalForum; [44] which appears to have been of a circular, or ratherelliptical form. The two opposite entrances formed triumphal arches; theporticos, which enclosed it on every side, were filled with statues;and the centre of the Forum was occupied by a lofty column, of whicha mutilated fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the burntpillar. This column was erected on a pedestal of white marble twentyfeet high; and was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each ofwhich measured about ten feet in height, and about thirty-three incircumference. [45] On the summit of the pillar, above one hundred andtwenty feet from the ground, stood the colossal statue of Apollo. Itwas a bronze, had been transported either from Athens or from a townof Phrygia, and was supposed to be the work of Phidias. The artist hadrepresented the god of day, or, as it was afterwards interpreted, theemperor Constantine himself, with a sceptre in his right hand, the globeof the world in his left, and a crown of rays glittering on his head. [46] The Circus, or Hippodrome, was a stately building about fourhundred paces in length, and one hundred in breadth. [47] The spacebetween the two metoe or goals were filled with statues and obelisks;and we may still remark a very singular fragment of antiquity; thebodies of three serpents, twisted into one pillar of brass. Their tripleheads had once supported the golden tripod which, after the defeatof Xerxes, was consecrated in the temple of Delphi by the victoriousGreeks. [48] The beauty of the Hippodrome has been long since defaced bythe rude hands of the Turkish conquerors; [48a] but, under the similarappellation of Atmeidan, it still serves as a place of exercise fortheir horses. From the throne, whence the emperor viewed the Circensiangames, a winding staircase [49] descended to the palace; a magnificentedifice, which scarcely yielded to the residence of Rome itself, andwhich, together with the dependent courts, gardens, and porticos, covered a considerable extent of ground upon the banks of the Propontisbetween the Hippodrome and the church of St. Sophia. [50] We mightlikewise celebrate the baths, which still retained the name ofZeuxippus, after they had been enriched, by the munificence ofConstantine, with lofty columns, various marbles, and above threescorestatues of bronze. [51] But we should deviate from the design of thishistory, if we attempted minutely to describe the different buildingsor quarters of the city. It may be sufficient to observe, that whatevercould adorn the dignity of a great capital, or contribute to the benefitor pleasure of its numerous inhabitants, was contained within the wallsof Constantinople. A particular description, composed about a centuryafter its foundation, enumerates a capitol or school of learning, acircus, two theatres, eight public, and one hundred and fifty-threeprivate baths, fifty-two porticos, five granaries, eight aqueducts orreservoirs of water, four spacious halls for the meetings of the senateor courts of justice, fourteen churches, fourteen palaces, and fourthousand three hundred and eighty-eight houses, which, for their sizeor beauty, deserved to be distinguished from the multitude of plebeianinhabitants. [52]

[Footnote 44: Zosim. L. Ii. P. 106. Chron. Alexandrin. Vel Paschal. P. 284, Ducange, Const. L. I. C. 24. Even the last of those writers seemsto confound the Forum of Constantine with the Augusteum, or court of thepalace. I am not satisfied whether I have properly distinguished whatbelongs to the one and the other. ]

[Footnote 45: The most tolerable account of this column is given byPocock. Description of the East, vol. Ii. Part ii. P. 131. But it isstill in many instances perplexed and unsatisfactory. ]

[Footnote 46: Ducange, Const. L. I. C. 24, p. 76, and his notes adAlexiad. P. 382. The statue of Constantine or Apollo was thrown downunder the reign of Alexius Comnenus. * Note: On this column (says M. VonHammer) Constantine, with singular shamelessness, placed his own statuewith the attributes of Apollo and Christ. He substituted the nails ofthe Passion for the rays of the sun. Such is the direct testimony ofthe author of the Antiquit. Constantinop. Apud Banduri. Constantine wasreplaced by the "great and religious" Julian, Julian, by Theodosius. A. D. 1412, the key stone was loosened by an earthquake. The statue fellin the reign of Alexius Comnenus, and was replaced by the cross. The Palladium was said to be buried under the pillar. Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, i. 162. --M. ]

[Footnote 47: Tournefort (Lettre XII. ) computes the Atmeidan at fourhundred paces. If he means geometrical paces of five feet each, it wasthree hundred toises in length, about forty more than the great circusof Rome. See D'Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 73. ]

[Footnote 48: The guardians of the most holy relics would rejoice ifthey were able to produce such a chain of evidence as may be allegedon this occasion. See Banduri ad Antiquitat. Const. P. 668. Gyllius deByzant. L. Ii. C. 13. 1. The original consecration of the tripodand pillar in the temple of Delphi may be proved from Herodotus andPausanias. 2. The Pagan Zosimus agrees with the three ecclesiasticalhistorians, Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen, that the sacred ornamentsof the temple of Delphi were removed to Constantinople by the order ofConstantine; and among these the serpentine pillar of the Hippodrome isparticularly mentioned. 3. All the European travellers who have visitedConstantinople, from Buondelmonte to Pocock, describe it in the sameplace, and almost in the same manner; the differences between them areoccasioned only by the injuries which it has sustained from the Turks. Mahomet the Second broke the under jaw of one of the serpents with astroke of his battle axe Thevenot, l. I. C. 17. * Note: See note 75, ch. Lxviii. For Dr. Clarke's rejection of Thevenot's authority. VonHammer, however, repeats the story of Thevenot without questioning itsauthenticity. --M. ]

[Footnote 48a: In 1808 the Janizaries revolted against the vizierMustapha Baisactar, who wished to introduce a new system of militaryorganization, besieged the quarter of the Hippodrome, in which stoodthe palace of the viziers, and the Hippodrome was consumed in theconflagration. --G. ]

[Footnote 49: The Latin name Cochlea was adopted by the Greeks, and veryfrequently occurs in the Byzantine history. Ducange, Const. I. C. L, p. 104. ]

[Footnote 50: There are three topographical points which indicate thesituation of the palace. 1. The staircase which connected it with theHippodrome or Atmeidan. 2. A small artificial port on the Propontis, from whence there was an easy ascent, by a flight of marble steps, tothe gardens of the palace. 3. The Augusteum was a spacious court, oneside of which was occupied by the front of the palace, and another bythe church of St. Sophia. ]

[Footnote 51: Zeuxippus was an epithet of Jupiter, and the baths were apart of old Byzantium. The difficulty of assigning their true situationhas not been felt by Ducange. History seems to connect them with St. Sophia and the palace; but the original plan inserted in Banduri placesthem on the other side of the city, near the harbor. For their beauties, see Chron. Paschal. P. 285, and Gyllius de Byzant. L. Ii. C. 7. Christodorus (see Antiquitat. Const. L. Vii. ) composed inscriptions inverse for each of the statues. He was a Theban poet in genius as wellas in birth:--Baeotum in crasso jurares aere natum. * Note: Yet, forhis age, the description of the statues of Hecuba and of Homer are by nomeans without merit. See Antholog. Palat. (edit. Jacobs) i. 37--M. ]

[Footnote 52: See the Notitia. Rome only reckoned 1780 large houses, domus; but the word must have had a more dignified signification. Noinsulae are mentioned at Constantinople. The old capital consisted of 42streets, the new of 322. ]

The populousness of his favored city was the next and most seriousobject of the attention of its founder. In the dark ages which succeededthe translation of the empire, the remote and the immediate consequencesof that memorable event were strangely confounded by the vanity ofthe Greeks and the credulity of the Latins. [53] It was asserted, andbelieved, that all the noble families of Rome, the senate, and theequestrian order, with their innumerable attendants, had followed theiremperor to the banks of the Propontis; that a spurious race of strangersand plebeians was left to possess the solitude of the ancient capital;and that the lands of Italy, long since converted into gardens, were atonce deprived of cultivation and inhabitants. [54] In the course of thishistory, such exaggerations will be reduced to their just value: yet, since the growth of Constantinople cannot be ascribed to the generalincrease of mankind and of industry, it must be admitted that thisartificial colony was raised at the expense of the ancient cities ofthe empire. Many opulent senators of Rome, and of the eastern provinces, were probably invited by Constantine to adopt for their countrythe fortunate spot, which he had chosen for his own residence. Theinvitations of a master are scarcely to be distinguished from commands;and the liberality of the emperor obtained a ready and cheerfulobedience. He bestowed on his favorites the palaces which he had builtin the several quarters of the city, assigned them lands and pensionsfor the support of their dignity, [55] and alienated the demesnesof Pontus and Asia to grant hereditary estates by the easy tenure ofmaintaining a house in the capital. [56] But these encouragements andobligations soon became superfluous, and were gradually abolished. Wherever the seat of government is fixed, a considerable part of thepublic revenue will be expended by the prince himself, by his ministers, by the officers of justice, and by the domestics of the palace. The mostwealthy of the provincials will be attracted by the powerful motives ofinterest and duty, of amusement and curiosity. A third and morenumerous class of inhabitants will insensibly be formed, of servants, of artificers, and of merchants, who derive their subsistence from theirown labor, and from the wants or luxury of the superior ranks. In lessthan a century, Constantinople disputed with Rome itself the preeminenceof riches and numbers. New piles of buildings, crowded together with toolittle regard to health or convenience, scarcely allowed the intervalsof narrow streets for the perpetual throng of men, of horses, and ofcarriages. The allotted space of ground was insufficient to containthe increasing people; and the additional foundations, which, on eitherside, were advanced into the sea, might alone have composed a veryconsiderable city. [57]

[Footnote 53: Liutprand, Legatio ad Imp. Nicephornm, p. 153. The modernGreeks have strangely disfigured the antiquities of Constantinople. Wemight excuse the errors of the Turkish or Arabian writers; but it issomewhat astonishing, that the Greeks, who had access to the authenticmaterials preserved in their own language, should prefer fiction totruth, and loose tradition to genuine history. In a single page ofCodinus we may detect twelve unpardonable mistakes; the reconciliationof Severus and Niger, the marriage of their son and daughter, thesiege of Byzantium by the Macedonians, the invasion of the Gauls, whichrecalled Severus to Rome, the sixty years which elapsed from his deathto the foundation of Constantinople, &c. ]

[Footnote 54: Montesquieu, Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, c. 17. ]

[Footnote 55: Themist. Orat. Iii. P. 48, edit. Hardouin. Sozomen, l. Ii. C. 3. Zosim. L. Ii. P. 107. Anonym. Valesian. P. 715. If we could creditCodinus, (p. 10, ) Constantine built houses for the senators on the exactmodel of their Roman palaces, and gratified them, as well as himself, with the pleasure of an agreeable surprise; but the whole story is fullof fictions and inconsistencies. ]

[Footnote 56: The law by which the younger Theodosius, in the year 438, abolished this tenure, may be found among the Novellae of that emperorat the end of the Theodosian Code, tom. Vi. Nov. 12. M. De Tillemont(Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 371) has evidently mistaken the natureof these estates. With a grant from the Imperial demesnes, the samecondition was accepted as a favor, which would justly have been deemed ahardship, if it had been imposed upon private property. ]

[Footnote 57: The passages of Zosimus, of Eunapius, of Sozomen, and ofAgathias, which relate to the increase of buildings and inhabitants atConstantinople, are collected and connected by Gyllius de Byzant. L. I. C. 3. Sidonius Apollinaris (in Panegyr. Anthem. 56, p. 279, edit. Sirmond) describes the moles that were pushed forwards into the sea, they consisted of the famous Puzzolan sand, which hardens in the water. ]

The frequent and regular distributions of wine and oil, of corn orbread, of money or provisions, had almost exempted the poorest citizensof Rome from the necessity of labor. The magnificence of the firstCaesars was in some measure imitated by the founder of Constantinople:[58] but his liberality, however it might excite the applause of thepeople, has in curred the censure of posterity. A nation of legislatorsand conquerors might assert their claim to the harvests of Africa, whichhad been purchased with their blood; and it was artfully contrived byAugustus, that, in the enjoyment of plenty, the Romans should losethe memory of freedom. But the prodigality of Constantine could not beexcused by any consideration either of public or private interest; andthe annual tribute of corn imposed upon Egypt for the benefit of hisnew capital, was applied to feed a lazy and insolent populace, at theexpense of the husbandmen of an industrious province. [59] [59a] Someother regulations of this emperor are less liable to blame, but theyare less deserving of notice. He divided Constantinople into fourteenregions or quarters, [60] dignified the public council with theappellation of senate, [61] communicated to the citizens the privilegesof Italy, [62] and bestowed on the rising city the title of Colony, thefirst and most favored daughter of ancient Rome. The venerable parentstill maintained the legal and acknowledged supremacy, which was due toher age, her dignity, and to the remembrance of her former greatness. [63]

[Footnote 58: Sozomen, l. Ii. C. 3. Philostorg. L. Ii. C. 9. Codin. Antiquitat. Const. P. 8. It appears by Socrates, l. Ii. C. 13, that thedaily allowance of the city consisted of eight myriads of which we mayeither translate, with Valesius, by the words modii of corn, or considerus expressive of the number of loaves of bread. * Note: At Rome thepoorer citizens who received these gratuities were inscribed in aregister; they had only a personal right. Constantine attached the rightto the houses in his new capital, to engage the lower classes ofthe people to build their houses with expedition. Codex Therodos. L. Xiv. --G. ]

[Footnote 59: See Cod. Theodos. L. Xiii. And xiv. , and Cod. Justinian. Edict. Xii. Tom. Ii. P. 648, edit. Genev. See the beautiful complaint ofRome in the poem of Claudian de Bell. Gildonico, ver. 46-64. ----Cumsubiit par Roma mihi, divisaque sumsit Aequales aurora togas; Aegyptiarura In partem cessere novam. ]

[Footnote 59a: This was also at the expense of Rome. The emperor orderedthat the fleet of Alexandria should transport to Constantinople thegrain of Egypt which it carried before to Rome: this grain supplied Romeduring four months of the year. Claudian has described with force thefamine occasioned by this measure:--

 Haec nobis, haec ante dabas; nunc pabula tantum Roma precor: miserere tuae; pater optime, gentis: Extremam defende famem. Claud. De Bell. Gildon. V. 34. --G. 

It was scarcely this measure. Gildo had cut off the African as well asthe Egyptian supplies. --M. ]

[Footnote 60: The regions of Constantinople are mentioned in the codeof Justinian, and particularly described in the Notitia of the youngerTheodosius; but as the four last of them are not included within thewall of Constantine, it may be doubted whether this division of the cityshould be referred to the founder. ]

[Footnote 61: Senatum constituit secundi ordinis; Claros vocavit. Anonym Valesian. P. 715. The senators of old Rome were styledClarissimi. See a curious note of Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin. Xxii. 9. From the eleventh epistle of Julian, it should seem that the placeof senator was considered as a burden, rather than as an honor; but theAbbe de la Bleterie (Vie de Jovien, tom. Ii. P. 371) has shown that thisepistle could not relate to Constantinople. Might we not read, insteadof the celebrated name of the obscure but more probable word Bisantheor Rhoedestus, now Rhodosto, was a small maritime city of Thrace. SeeStephan. Byz. De Urbibus, p. 225, and Cellar. Geograph. Tom. I. P. 849. ]

[Footnote 62: Cod. Theodos. L. Xiv. 13. The commentary of Godefroy (tom. V. P. 220) is long, but perplexed; nor indeed is it easy to ascertain inwhat the Jus Italicum could consist, after the freedom of the city hadbeen communicated to the whole empire. * Note: "This right, (the JusItalicum, ) which by most writers is referred with out foundation to thepersonal condition of the citizens, properly related to the city as awhole, and contained two parts. First, the Roman or quiritarianproperty in the soil, (commercium, ) and its capability of mancipation, usucaption, and vindication; moreover, as an inseparable consequence ofthis, exemption from land-tax. Then, secondly, a free constitutionin the Italian form, with Duumvirs, Quinquennales. And Aediles, andespecially with Jurisdiction. " Savigny, Geschichte des Rom. Rechts i. P. 51--M. ]

[Footnote 63: Julian (Orat. I. P. 8) celebrates Constantinople as notless superior to all other cities than she was inferior to Rome itself. His learned commentator (Spanheim, p. 75, 76) justifies this languageby several parallel and contemporary instances. Zosimus, as well asSocrates and Sozomen, flourished after the division of the empirebetween the two sons of Theodosius, which established a perfect equalitybetween the old and the new capital. ]

As Constantine urged the progress of the work with the impatience ofa lover, the walls, the porticos, and the principal edifices werecompleted in a few years, or, according to another account, in a fewmonths; [64] but this extraordinary diligence should excite the lessadmiration, since many of the buildings were finished in so hasty andimperfect a manner, that under the succeeding reign, they were preservedwith difficulty from impending ruin. [65] But while they displayed thevigor and freshness of youth, the founder prepared to celebrate thededication of his city. [66] The games and largesses which crowned thepomp of this memorable festival may easily be supposed; but there is onecircumstance of a more singular and permanent nature, which oughtnot entirely to be overlooked. As often as the birthday of the cityreturned, the statute of Constantine, framed by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in his right hand a small image of the genius of the place, was erected on a triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, andclothed in their richest apparel, accompanied the solemn procession asit moved through the Hippodrome. When it was opposite to the throne ofthe reigning emperor, he rose from his seat, and with grateful reverenceadored the memory of his predecessor. [67] At the festival of thededication, an edict, engraved on a column of marble, bestowed the titleof Second or New Rome on the city of Constantine. [68] But the name ofConstantinople [69] has prevailed over that honorable epithet; and afterthe revolution of fourteen centuries, still perpetuates the fame of itsauthor. [70]

[Footnote 64: Codinus (Antiquitat. P. 8) affirms, that the foundationsof Constantinople were laid in the year of the world 5837, (A. D. 329, )on the 26th of September, and that the city was dedicated the 11thof May, 5838, (A. D. 330. ) He connects those dates with severalcharacteristic epochs, but they contradict each other; the authority ofCodinus is of little weight, and the space which he assigns must appearinsufficient. The term of ten years is given us by Julian, (Orat. I. P. 8;) and Spanheim labors to establish the truth of it, (p. 69-75, ) bythe help of two passages from Themistius, (Orat. Iv. P. 58, ) and ofPhilostorgius, (l. Ii. C. 9, ) which form a period from the year 324to the year 334. Modern critics are divided concerning this point ofchronology and their different sentiments are very accurately describedby Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 619-625. ]

[Footnote 65: Themistius. Orat. Iii. P. 47. Zosim. L. Ii. P. 108. Constantine himself, in one of his laws, (Cod. Theod. L. Xv. Tit. I. , )betrays his impatience. ]

[Footnote 66: Cedrenus and Zonaras, faithful to the mode of superstitionwhich prevailed in their own times, assure us that Constantinople wasconsecrated to the virgin Mother of God. ]

[Footnote 67: The earliest and most complete account of thisextraordinary ceremony may be found in the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 285. Tillemont, and the other friends of Constantine, who are offendedwith the air of Paganism which seems unworthy of a Christian prince, hada right to consider it as doubtful, but they were not authorized to omitthe mention of it. ]

[Footnote 68: Sozomen, l. Ii. C. 2. Ducange C. P. L. I. C. 6. Velutipsius Romae filiam, is the expression of Augustin. De Civitat. Dei, l. V. C. 25. ]

[Footnote 69: Eutropius, l. X. C. 8. Julian. Orat. I. P. 8. Ducange C. P. L. I. C. 5. The name of Constantinople is extant on the medals ofConstantine. ]

[Footnote 70: The lively Fontenelle (Dialogues des Morts, xii. ) affectsto deride the vanity of human ambition, and seems to triumph in thedisappointment of Constantine, whose immortal name is now lost inthe vulgar appellation of Istambol, a Turkish corruption of. Yet theoriginal name is still preserved, 1. By the nations of Europe. 2. Bythe modern Greeks. 3. By the Arabs, whose writings are diffused overthe wide extent of their conquests in Asia and Africa. See D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 275. 4. By the more learned Turks, and by theemperor himself in his public mandates Cantemir's History of the OthmanEmpire, p. 51. ]

The foundation of a new capital is naturally connected with theestablishment of a new form of civil and military administration. The distinct view of the complicated system of policy, introduced byDiocletian, improved by Constantine, and completed by his immediatesuccessors, may not only amuse the fancy by the singular picture of agreat empire, but will tend to illustrate the secret and internal causesof its rapid decay. In the pursuit of any remarkable institution, we maybe frequently led into the more early or the more recent times of theRoman history; but the proper limits of this inquiry will be includedwithin a period of about one hundred and thirty years, from theaccession of Constantine to the publication of the Theodosian code; [71]from which, as well as from the Notitia [71a] of the East and West, [72]we derive the most copious and authentic information of the state of theempire. This variety of objects will suspend, for some time, the courseof the narrative; but the interruption will be censured only by thosereaders who are insensible to the importance of laws and manners, whilethey peruse, with eager curiosity, the transient intrigues of a court, or the accidental event of a battle. 

[Footnote 71: The Theodosian code was promulgated A. D. 438. See theProlegomena of Godefroy, c. I. P. 185. ]

[Footnote 71a: The Notitia Dignitatum Imperii is a description of allthe offices in the court and the state, of the legions, &c. It resemblesour court almanacs, (Red Books, ) with this single difference, that ouralmanacs name the persons in office, the Notitia only the offices. It isof the time of the emperor Theodosius II. , that is to say, of the fifthcentury, when the empire was divided into the Eastern and Western. It isprobable that it was not made for the first time, and that descriptionsof the same kind existed before. --G. ]

[Footnote 72: Pancirolus, in his elaborate Commentary, assigns to theNotitia a date almost similar to that of the Theodosian Code; but hisproofs, or rather conjectures, are extremely feeble. I should be ratherinclined to place this useful work between the final division ofthe empire (A. D. 395) and the successful invasion of Gaul by thebarbarians, (A. D. 407. ) See Histoire des Anciens Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Vii. P. 40. ]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part III. 

The manly pride of the Romans, content with substantial power, hadleft to the vanity of the East the forms and ceremonies of ostentatiousgreatness. [73] But when they lost even the semblance of those virtueswhich were derived from their ancient freedom, the simplicity of Romanmanners was insensibly corrupted by the stately affectation of thecourts of Asia. The distinctions of personal merit and influence, soconspicuous in a republic, so feeble and obscure under a monarchy, wereabolished by the despotism of the emperors; who substituted in theirroom a severe subordination of rank and office from the titled slaveswho were seated on the steps of the throne, to the meanest instrumentsof arbitrary power. This multitude of abject dependants was interestedin the support of the actual government from the dread of a revolution, which might at once confound their hopes and intercept the reward oftheir services. In this divine hierarchy (for such it is frequentlystyled) every rank was marked with the most scrupulous exactness, and its dignity was displayed in a variety of trifling and solemnceremonies, which it was a study to learn, and a sacrilege to neglect. [74] The purity of the Latin language was debased, by adopting, in theintercourse of pride and flattery, a profusion of epithets, which Tullywould scarcely have understood, and which Augustus would have rejectedwith indignation. The principal officers of the empire were saluted, even by the sovereign himself, with the deceitful titles of yourSincerity, your Gravity, your Excellency, your Eminence, your sublimeand wonderful Magnitude, your illustrious and magnificent Highness. [75]The codicils or patents of their office were curiously emblazonedwith such emblems as were best adapted to explain its nature and highdignity; the image or portrait of the reigning emperors; a triumphalcar; the book of mandates placed on a table, covered with a rich carpet, and illuminated by four tapers; the allegorical figures of the provinceswhich they governed; or the appellations and standards of the troopswhom they commanded Some of these official ensigns were really exhibitedin their hall of audience; others preceded their pompous march wheneverthey appeared in public; and every circumstance of their demeanor, theirdress, their ornaments, and their train, was calculated to inspirea deep reverence for the representatives of supreme majesty. By aphilosophic observer, the system of the Roman government might have beenmistaken for a splendid theatre, filled with players of every characterand degree, who repeated the language, and imitated the passions, oftheir original model. [76]

[Footnote 73: Scilicet externae superbiae sueto, non inerat notitianostri, (perhaps nostroe;) apud quos vis Imperii valet, inaniatransmittuntur. Tacit. Annal. Xv. 31. The gradation from the style offreedom and simplicity, to that of form and servitude, may be traced inthe Epistles of Cicero, of Pliny, and of Symmachus. ]

[Footnote 74: The emperor Gratian, after confirming a law of precedencypublished by Valentinian, the father of his Divinity, thus continues:Siquis igitur indebitum sibi locum usurpaverit, nulla se ignorationedefendat; sitque plane sacrilegii reus, qui divina praecepta neglexerit. Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. V. Leg. 2. ]

[Footnote 75: Consult the Notitia Dignitatum at the end of theTheodosian code, tom. Vi. P. 316. * Note: Constantin, qui remplaca legrand Patriciat par une noblesse titree et qui changea avec d'autresinstitutions la nature de la societe Latine, est le veritable fondateurde la royaute moderne, dans ce quelle conserva de Romain. Chateaubriand, Etud. Histor. Preface, i. 151. Manso, (Leben Constantins des Grossen, )p. 153, &c. , has given a lucid view of the dignities and duties of theofficers in the Imperial court. --M. ]

[Footnote 76: Pancirolus ad Notitiam utriusque Imperii, p. 39. But hisexplanations are obscure, and he does not sufficiently distinguish thepainted emblems from the effective ensigns of office. ]

All the magistrates of sufficient importance to find a place in thegeneral state of the empire, were accurately divided into three classes. 1. The Illustrious. 2. The Spectabiles, or Respectable. And, 3. TheClarissimi; whom we may translate by the word Honorable. In the timesof Roman simplicity, the last-mentioned epithet was used only as avague expression of deference, till it became at length the peculiarand appropriated title of all who were members of the senate, [77] andconsequently of all who, from that venerable body, were selected togovern the provinces. The vanity of those who, from their rank andoffice, might claim a superior distinction above the rest of thesenatorial order, was long afterwards indulged with the new appellationof Respectable; but the title of Illustrious was always reserved to someeminent personages who were obeyed or reverenced by the two subordinateclasses. It was communicated only, I. To the consuls and patricians;II. To the Praetorian praefects, with the praefects of Rome andConstantinople; III. To the masters-general of the cavalry and theinfantry; and IV. To the seven ministers of the palace, who exercisedtheir sacred functions about the person of the emperor. [78] Among thoseillustrious magistrates who were esteemed coordinate with each other, the seniority of appointment gave place to the union of dignities. [79]By the expedient of honorary codicils, the emperors, who were fond ofmultiplying their favors, might sometimes gratify the vanity, though notthe ambition, of impatient courtiers. [80]

[Footnote 77: In the Pandects, which may be referred to the reignsof the Antonines, Clarissimus is the ordinary and legal title of asenator. ]

[Footnote 78: Pancirol. P. 12-17. I have not taken any notice of the twoinferior ranks, Prefectissimus and Egregius, which were given to manypersons who were not raised to the senatorial dignity. ]

[Footnote 79: Cod. Theodos. L. Vi. Tit. Vi. The rules of precedencyare ascertained with the most minute accuracy by the emperors, andillustrated with equal prolixity by their learned interpreter. ]

[Footnote 80: Cod. Theodos. L. Vi. Tit. Xxii. ]

I. As long as the Roman consuls were the first magistrates of a freestate, they derived their right to power from the choice of the people. As long as the emperors condescended to disguise the servitude whichthey imposed, the consuls were still elected by the real or apparentsuffrage of the senate. From the reign of Diocletian, even thesevestiges of liberty were abolished, and the successful candidates whowere invested with the annual honors of the consulship, affected todeplore the humiliating condition of their predecessors. The Scipios andthe Catos had been reduced to solicit the votes of plebeians, to passthrough the tedious and expensive forms of a popular election, and toexpose their dignity to the shame of a public refusal; while their ownhappier fate had reserved them for an age and government in which therewards of virtue were assigned by the unerring wisdom of a gracioussovereign. [81] In the epistles which the emperor addressed to thetwo consuls elect, it was declared, that they were created by his soleauthority. [82] Their names and portraits, engraved on gilt tables ofivory, were dispersed over the empire as presents to the provinces, thecities, the magistrates, the senate, and the people. [83] Their solemninauguration was performed at the place of the Imperial residence; andduring a period of one hundred and twenty years, Rome was constantlydeprived of the presence of her ancient magistrates. [84]

[Footnote 81: Ausonius (in Gratiarum Actione) basely expatiates on thisunworthy topic, which is managed by Mamertinus (Panegyr. Vet. Xi. [x. ]16, 19) with somewhat more freedom and ingenuity. ]

[Footnote 82: Cum de Consulibus in annum creandis, solus mecumvolutarem. .. . Te Consulem et designavi, et declaravi, et prioremnuncupavi; are some of the expressions employed by the emperor Gratianto his preceptor, the poet Ausonius. ]

[Footnote 83: Immanesque. .. Dentes Qui secti ferro in tabulas auroque micantes, Inscripti rutilum coelato Consule nomen Per proceres et vulgus eant. --Claud. In ii. Cons. Stilichon. 456. 

Montfaucon has represented some of these tablets or dypticks seeSupplement a l'Antiquite expliquee, tom. Iii. P. 220. ]

[Footnote 84: Consule laetatur post plurima seculo viso Pallanteus apex: agnoscunt rostra curules Auditas quondam proavis: desuetaque cingit Regius auratis Fora fascibus Ulpia lictor. --Claud. In vi. Cons. Honorii, 643. 

From the reign of Carus to the sixth consulship of Honorius, there wasan interval of one hundred and twenty years, during which the emperorswere always absent from Rome on the first day of January. See theChronologie de Tillemonte, tom. Iii. Iv. And v. ]

On the morning of the first of January, the consuls assumed the ensignsof their dignity. Their dress was a robe of purple, embroidered in silkand gold, and sometimes ornamented with costly gems. [85] On this solemnoccasion they were attended by the most eminent officers of the stateand army, in the habit of senators; and the useless fasces, armed withthe once formidable axes, were borne before them by the lictors. [86]The procession moved from the palace [87] to the Forum or principalsquare of the city; where the consuls ascended their tribunal, andseated themselves in the curule chairs, which were framed afterthe fashion of ancient times. They immediately exercised an act ofjurisdiction, by the manumission of a slave, who was brought beforethem for that purpose; and the ceremony was intended to represent thecelebrated action of the elder Brutus, the author of liberty and ofthe consulship, when he admitted among his fellow-citizens the faithfulVindex, who had revealed the conspiracy of the Tarquins. [88] The publicfestival was continued during several days in all the principal citiesin Rome, from custom; in Constantinople, from imitation in Carthage, Antioch, and Alexandria, from the love of pleasure, and the superfluityof wealth. [89] In the two capitals of the empire the annual games ofthe theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre, [90] cost four thousandpounds of gold, (about) one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling:and if so heavy an expense surpassed the faculties or the inclinationsof the magistrates themselves, the sum was supplied from the Imperialtreasury. [91] As soon as the consuls had discharged these customaryduties, they were at liberty to retire into the shade of privatelife, and to enjoy, during the remainder of the year, the undisturbedcontemplation of their own greatness. They no longer presided in thenational councils; they no longer executed the resolutions of peaceor war. Their abilities (unless they were employed in more effectiveoffices) were of little moment; and their names served only as the legaldate of the year in which they had filled the chair of Marius and ofCicero. Yet it was still felt and acknowledged, in the last periodof Roman servitude, that this empty name might be compared, and evenpreferred, to the possession of substantial power. The title of consulwas still the most splendid object of ambition, the noblest reward ofvirtue and loyalty. The emperors themselves, who disdained the faintshadow of the republic, were conscious that they acquired an additionalsplendor and majesty as often as they assumed the annual honors of theconsular dignity. [92]

[Footnote 85: See Claudian in Cons. Prob. Et Olybrii, 178, &c. ; andin iv. Cons. Honorii, 585, &c. ; though in the latter it is not easy toseparate the ornaments of the emperor from those of the consul. Ausoniusreceived from the liberality of Gratian a vestis palmata, or robe ofstate, in which the figure of the emperor Constantius was embroidered. 

 Cernis et armorum proceres legumque potentes: Patricios sumunt habitus; et more Gabino Discolor incedit legio, positisque parumper Bellorum signis, sequitur vexilla Quirini. Lictori cedunt aquilae, ridetque togatus Miles, et in mediis effulget curia castris. --Claud. In iv. Cons. Honorii, 5. --strictaque procul radiare secures. --In Cons. Prob. 229]

[Footnote 87: See Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin. L. Xxii. C. 7. ]

[Footnote 88:

 Auspice mox laeto sonuit clamore tribunal; Te fastos ineunte quater; solemnia ludit Omina libertas; deductum Vindice morem Lex servat, famulusque jugo laxatus herili Ducitur, et grato remeat securior ictu. --Claud. In iv Cons. Honorii, 611]

[Footnote 89: Celebrant quidem solemnes istos dies omnes ubiqueurbes quae sub legibus agunt; et Roma de more, et Constantinopolisde imitatione, et Antiochia pro luxu, et discincta Carthago, et domusfluminis Alexandria, sed Treviri Principis beneficio. Ausonius in Grat. Actione. ]

[Footnote 90: Claudian (in Cons. Mall. Theodori, 279-331) describes, in a lively and fanciful manner, the various games of the circus, the theatre, and the amphitheatre, exhibited by the new consul. Thesanguinary combats of gladiators had already been prohibited. ]

[Footnote 91: Procopius in Hist. Arcana, c. 26. ]

[Footnote 92: In Consulatu honos sine labore suscipitur. (Mamertin. In Panegyr. Vet. Xi. [x. ] 2. ) This exalted idea of the consulship isborrowed from an oration (iii. P. 107) pronounced by Julian in theservile court of Constantius. See the Abbe de la Bleterie, (Memoires del'Academie, tom. Xxiv. P. 289, ) who delights to pursue the vestiges ofthe old constitution, and who sometimes finds them in his copious fancy]

The proudest and most perfect separation which can be found in any ageor country, between the nobles and the people, is perhaps that of thePatricians and the Plebeians, as it was established in the first age ofthe Roman republic. Wealth and honors, the offices of the state, and theceremonies of religion, were almost exclusively possessed by the formerwho, preserving the purity of their blood with the most insultingjealousy, [93] held their clients in a condition of specious vassalage. But these distinctions, so incompatible with the spirit of a freepeople, were removed, after a long struggle, by the persevering effortsof the Tribunes. The most active and successful of the Plebeiansaccumulated wealth, aspired to honors, deserved triumphs, contractedalliances, and, after some generations, assumed the pride of ancientnobility. [94] The Patrician families, on the other hand, whose originalnumber was never recruited till the end of the commonwealth, eitherfailed in the ordinary course of nature, or were extinguished in somany foreign and domestic wars, or, through a want of merit or fortune, insensibly mingled with the mass of the people. [95] Very few remainedwho could derive their pure and genuine origin from the infancy ofthe city, or even from that of the republic, when Caesar and Augustus, Claudius and Vespasian, created from the body of the senate a competentnumber of new Patrician families, in the hope of perpetuating an order, which was still considered as honorable and sacred. [96] But theseartificial supplies (in which the reigning house was always included)were rapidly swept away by the rage of tyrants, by frequent revolutions, by the change of manners, and by the intermixture of nations. [97]Little more was left when Constantine ascended the throne, than a vagueand imperfect tradition, that the Patricians had once been the firstof the Romans. To form a body of nobles, whose influence may restrain, while it secures the authority of the monarch, would have been veryinconsistent with the character and policy of Constantine; but had heseriously entertained such a design, it might have exceeded the measureof his power to ratify, by an arbitrary edict, an institution whichmust expect the sanction of time and of opinion. He revived, indeed, the title of Patricians, but he revived it as a personal, not as anhereditary distinction. They yielded only to the transient superiorityof the annual consuls; but they enjoyed the pre-eminence over all thegreat officers of state, with the most familiar access to the person ofthe prince. This honorable rank was bestowed on them for life; and asthey were usually favorites, and ministers who had grown old inthe Imperial court, the true etymology of the word was pervertedby ignorance and flattery; and the Patricians of Constantine werereverenced as the adopted Fathers of the emperor and the republic. [98]

[Footnote 93: Intermarriages between the Patricians and Plebeians wereprohibited by the laws of the XII Tables; and the uniform operations ofhuman nature may attest that the custom survived the law. See in Livy(iv. 1-6) the pride of family urged by the consul, and the rights ofmankind asserted by the tribune Canuleius. ]

[Footnote 94: See the animated picture drawn by Sallust, in theJugurthine war, of the pride of the nobles, and even of the virtuousMetellus, who was unable to brook the idea that the honor of theconsulship should be bestowed on the obscure merit of his lieutenantMarius. (c. 64. ) Two hundred years before, the race of the Metellithemselves were confounded among the Plebeians of Rome; and from theetymology of their name of Coecilius, there is reason to believe thatthose haughty nobles derived their origin from a sutler. ]

[Footnote 95: In the year of Rome 800, very few remained, not only ofthe old Patrician families, but even of those which had been created byCaesar and Augustus. (Tacit. Annal. Xi. 25. ) The family of Scaurus (abranch of the Patrician Aemilii) was degraded so low that his father, who exercised the trade of a charcoal merchant, left him only teuslaves, and somewhat less than three hundred pounds sterling. (ValeriusMaximus, l. Iv. C. 4, n. 11. Aurel. Victor in Scauro. ) The family wassaved from oblivion by the merit of the son. ]

[Footnote 96: Tacit. Annal. Xi. 25. Dion Cassius, l. Iii. P. 698. The virtues of Agricola, who was created a Patrician by the emperorVespasian, reflected honor on that ancient order; but his ancestors hadnot any claim beyond an Equestrian nobility. ]

[Footnote 97: This failure would have been almost impossible if itwere true, as Casaubon compels Aurelius Victor to affirm (ad Sueton, in Caesar v. 24. See Hist. August p. 203 and Casaubon Comment. , p. 220)that Vespasian created at once a thousand Patrician families. But thisextravagant number is too much even for the whole Senatorial order. Unless we should include all the Roman knights who were distinguished bythe permission of wearing the laticlave. ]

[Footnote 98: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 118; and Godefroy ad Cod. Theodos. L. Vi. Tit. Vi. ]

II. The fortunes of the Praetorian praefects were essentially differentfrom those of the consuls and Patricians. The latter saw their ancientgreatness evaporate in a vain title. 

The former, rising by degrees from the most humble condition, wereinvested with the civil and military administration of the Roman world. From the reign of Severus to that of Diocletian, the guards and thepalace, the laws and the finances, the armies and the provinces, wereintrusted to their superintending care; and, like the Viziers of theEast, they held with one hand the seal, and with the other the standard, of the empire. The ambition of the praefects, always formidable, andsometimes fatal to the masters whom they served, was supported by thestrength of the Praetorian bands; but after those haughty troops hadbeen weakened by Diocletian, and finally suppressed by Constantine, thepraefects, who survived their fall, were reduced without difficulty tothe station of useful and obedient ministers. When they were no longerresponsible for the safety of the emperor's person, they resigned thejurisdiction which they had hitherto claimed and exercised over allthe departments of the palace. They were deprived by Constantine of allmilitary command, as soon as they had ceased to lead into the field, under their immediate orders, the flower of the Roman troops; andat length, by a singular revolution, the captains of the guards weretransformed into the civil magistrates of the provinces. According tothe plan of government instituted by Diocletian, the four princes hadeach their Praetorian praefect; and after the monarchy was once moreunited in the person of Constantine, he still continued to create thesame number of Four Praefects, and intrusted to their care the sameprovinces which they already administered. 1. The praefect of the Eaststretched his ample jurisdiction into the three parts of the globe whichwere subject to the Romans, from the cataracts of the Nile to the banksof the Phasis, and from the mountains of Thrace to the frontiers ofPersia. 2. The important provinces of Pannonia, Dacia, Macedonia, andGreece, once acknowledged the authority of the praefect of Illyricum. 3. The power of the praefect of Italy was not confined to the country fromwhence he derived his title; it extended over the additional territoryof Rhaetia as far as the banks of the Danube, over the dependent islandsof the Mediterranean, and over that part of the continent of Africawhich lies between the confines of Cyrene and those of Tingitania. 4. The praefect of the Gauls comprehended under that plural denominationthe kindred provinces of Britain and Spain, and his authority was obeyedfrom the wall of Antoninus to the foot of Mount Atlas. [99]

[Footnote 99: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 109, 110. If we had not fortunatelypossessed this satisfactory account of the division of the power andprovinces of the Praetorian praefects, we should frequently have beenperplexed amidst the copious details of the Code, and the circumstantialminuteness of the Notitia. ]

After the Praetorian praefects had been dismissed from all militarycommand, the civil functions which they were ordained to exercise overso many subject nations, were adequate to the ambition and abilities ofthe most consummate ministers. To their wisdom was committed the supremeadministration of justice and of the finances, the two objects which, in a state of peace, comprehend almost all the respective duties of thesovereign and of the people; of the former, to protect the citizenswho are obedient to the laws; of the latter, to contribute the shareof their property which is required for the expenses of the state. Thecoin, the highways, the posts, the granaries, the manufactures, whatevercould interest the public prosperity, was moderated by the authorityof the Praetorian praefects. As the immediate representatives of theImperial majesty, they were empowered to explain, to enforce, and onsome occasions to modify, the general edicts by their discretionaryproclamations. They watched over the conduct of the provincialgovernors, removed the negligent, and inflicted punishments on theguilty. From all the inferior jurisdictions, an appeal in every matterof importance, either civil or criminal, might be brought before thetribunal of the praefect; but his sentence was final and absolute; andthe emperors themselves refused to admit any complaints against thejudgment or the integrity of a magistrate whom they honored with suchunbounded confidence. [100] His appointments were suitable to hisdignity; [101] and if avarice was his ruling passion, he enjoyedfrequent opportunities of collecting a rich harvest of fees, ofpresents, and of perquisites. Though the emperors no longer dreaded theambition of their praefects, they were attentive to counterbalancethe power of this great office by the uncertainty and shortness of itsduration. [102]

[Footnote 100: See a law of Constantine himself. A praefectis autempraetorio provocare, non sinimus. Cod. Justinian. L. Vii. Tit. Lxii. Leg. 19. Charisius, a lawyer of the time of Constantine, (Heinec. Hist. Romani, p. 349, ) who admits this law as a fundamental principle ofjurisprudence, compares the Praetorian praefects to the masters of thehorse of the ancient dictators. Pandect. L. I. Tit. Xi. ]

[Footnote 101: When Justinian, in the exhausted condition of the empire, instituted a Praetorian praefect for Africa, he allowed him a salary ofone hundred pounds of gold. Cod. Justinian. L. I. Tit. Xxvii. Leg. I. ]

[Footnote 102: For this, and the other dignities of the empire, itmay be sufficient to refer to the ample commentaries of Pancirolus andGodefroy, who have diligently collected and accurately digested in theirproper order all the legal and historical materials. From those authors, Dr. Howell (History of the World, vol. Ii. P. 24-77) has deduced a verydistinct abridgment of the state of the Roman empire]

From their superior importance and dignity, Rome and Constantinople werealone excepted from the jurisdiction of the Praetorian praefects. Theimmense size of the city, and the experience of the tardy, ineffectualoperation of the laws, had furnished the policy of Augustus with aspecious pretence for introducing a new magistrate, who alone couldrestrain a servile and turbulent populace by the strong arm of arbitrarypower. [103] Valerius Messalla was appointed the first praefect of Rome, that his reputation might countenance so invidious a measure; but, atthe end of a few days, that accomplished citizen [104] resigned hisoffice, declaring, with a spirit worthy of the friend of Brutus, that hefound himself incapable of exercising a power incompatible with publicfreedom. [105] As the sense of liberty became less exquisite, theadvantages of order were more clearly understood; and the praefect, whoseemed to have been designed as a terror only to slaves and vagrants, was permitted to extend his civil and criminal jurisdiction over theequestrian and noble families of Rome. The praetors, annually created asthe judges of law and equity, could not long dispute the possessionof the Forum with a vigorous and permanent magistrate, who was usuallyadmitted into the confidence of the prince. Their courts were deserted, their number, which had once fluctuated between twelve and eighteen, [106] was gradually reduced to two or three, and their importantfunctions were confined to the expensive obligation [107] of exhibitinggames for the amusement of the people. After the office of the Romanconsuls had been changed into a vain pageant, which was rarely displayedin the capital, the praefects assumed their vacant place in the senate, and were soon acknowledged as the ordinary presidents of that venerableassembly. They received appeals from the distance of one hundred miles;and it was allowed as a principle of jurisprudence, that all municipalauthority was derived from them alone. [108] In the discharge of hislaborious employment, the governor of Rome was assisted by fifteenofficers, some of whom had been originally his equals, or even hissuperiors. The principal departments were relative to the command of anumerous watch, established as a safeguard against fires, robberies, and nocturnal disorders; the custody and distribution of the publicallowance of corn and provisions; the care of the port, of theaqueducts, of the common sewers, and of the navigation and bed of theTyber; the inspection of the markets, the theatres, and of the privateas well as the public works. Their vigilance insured the three principalobjects of a regular police, safety, plenty, and cleanliness; and asa proof of the attention of government to preserve the splendor andornaments of the capital, a particular inspector was appointed for thestatues; the guardian, as it were, of that inanimate people, which, according to the extravagant computation of an old writer, was scarcelyinferior in number to the living inhabitants of Rome. About thirty yearsafter the foundation of Constantinople, a similar magistrate was createdin that rising metropolis, for the same uses and with the same powers. A perfect equality was established between the dignity of the twomunicipal, and that of the four Praetorian praefects. [109]

[Footnote 103: Tacit. Annal. Vi. 11. Euseb. In Chron. P. 155. DionCassius, in the oration of Maecenas, (l. Lvii. P. 675, ) describes theprerogatives of the praefect of the city as they were established in hisown time. ]

[Footnote 104: The fame of Messalla has been scarcely equal to hismerit. In the earliest youth he was recommended by Cicero to thefriendship of Brutus. He followed the standard of the republic till itwas broken in the fields of Philippi; he then accepted and deserved thefavor of the most moderate of the conquerors; and uniformly asserted hisfreedom and dignity in the court of Augustus. The triumph of Messallawas justified by the conquest of Aquitain. As an orator, he disputed thepalm of eloquence with Cicero himself. Messalla cultivated every muse, and was the patron of every man of genius. He spent his evenings inphilosophic conversation with Horace; assumed his place at table betweenDelia and Tibullus; and amused his leisure by encouraging the poeticaltalents of young Ovid. ]

[Footnote 105: Incivilem esse potestatem contestans, says the translatorof Eusebius. Tacitus expresses the same idea in other words; quasinescius exercendi. ]

[Footnote 106: See Lipsius, Excursus D. Ad 1 lib. Tacit. Annal. ]

[Footnote 107: Heineccii. Element. Juris Civilis secund ordinemPandect i. P. 70. See, likewise, Spanheim de Usu. Numismatum, tom. Ii. Dissertat. X. P. 119. In the year 450, Marcian published a law, thatthree citizens should be annually created Praetors of Constantinople bythe choice of the senate, but with their own consent. Cod. Justinian. Li. I. Tit. Xxxix. Leg. 2. ]

[Footnote 108: Quidquid igitur intra urbem admittitur, ad P. U. Videturpertinere; sed et siquid intra contesimum milliarium. Ulpian in Pandectl. I. Tit. Xiii. N. 1. He proceeds to enumerate the various offices ofthe praefect, who, in the code of Justinian, (l. I. Tit. Xxxix. Leg. 3, )is declared to precede and command all city magistrates sine injuria acdetrimento honoris alieni. ]

[Footnote 109: Besides our usual guides, we may observe that FelixCantelorius has written a separate treatise, De Praefecto Urbis;and that many curious details concerning the police of Rome andConstantinople are contained in the fourteenth book of the TheodosianCode. ]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part IV. 

Those who, in the imperial hierarchy, were distinguished by the titleof Respectable, formed an intermediate class between the illustriouspraefects, and the honorable magistrates of the provinces. In this classthe proconsuls of Asia, Achaia, and Africa, claimed a preeminence, whichwas yielded to the remembrance of their ancient dignity; and the appealfrom their tribunal to that of the praefects was almost the only markof their dependence. [110] But the civil government of the empire wasdistributed into thirteen great Dioceses, each of which equalled thejust measure of a powerful kingdom. The first of these dioceses wassubject to the jurisdiction of the count of the east; and we may conveysome idea of the importance and variety of his functions, by observing, that six hundred apparitors, who would be styled at present eithersecretaries, or clerks, or ushers, or messengers, were employed in hisimmediate office. [111] The place of Augustal proefect of Egypt wasno longer filled by a Roman knight; but the name was retained; and theextraordinary powers which the situation of the country, and the temperof the inhabitants, had once made indispensable, were still continuedto the governor. The eleven remaining dioceses, of Asiana, Pontica, and Thrace; of Macedonia, Dacia, and Pannonia, or Western Illyricum; ofItaly and Africa; of Gaul, Spain, and Britain; were governed by twelvevicars or vice-proefects, [112] whose name sufficiently explainsthe nature and dependence of their office. It may be added, that thelieutenant-generals of the Roman armies, the military counts and dukes, who will be hereafter mentioned, were allowed the rank and title ofRespectable. 

[Footnote 110: Eunapius affirms, that the proconsul of Asia wasindependent of the praefect; which must, however, be understood withsome allowance. The jurisdiction of the vice-praefect he most assuredlydisclaimed. Pancirolus, p. 161. ]

[Footnote 111: The proconsul of Africa had four hundred apparitors;and they all received large salaries, either from the treasury or theprovince See Pancirol. P. 26, and Cod. Justinian. L. Xii. Tit. Lvi. Lvii. ]

[Footnote 112: In Italy there was likewise the Vicar of Rome. It hasbeen much disputed whether his jurisdiction measured one hundred milesfrom the city, or whether it stretched over the ten thousand provincesof Italy. ]

As the spirit of jealousy and ostentation prevailed in the councilsof the emperors, they proceeded with anxious diligence to divide thesubstance and to multiply the titles of power. The vast countrieswhich the Roman conquerors had united under the same simple form ofadministration, were imperceptibly crumbled into minute fragments; tillat length the whole empire was distributed into one hundred andsixteen provinces, each of which supported an expensive and splendidestablishment. Of these, three were governed by proconsuls, thirty-sevenby consulars, five by correctors, and seventy-one by presidents. The appellations of these magistrates were different; they ranked insuccessive order, the ensigns of and their situation, from accidentalcircumstances, might be more or less agreeable or advantageous. But theywere all (excepting only the pro-consuls) alike included in the class ofhonorable persons; and they were alike intrusted, during the pleasure ofthe prince, and under the authority of the praefects or their deputies, with the administration of justice and the finances in their respectivedistricts. The ponderous volumes of the Codes and Pandects [113]would furnish ample materials for a minute inquiry into the system ofprovincial government, as in the space of six centuries it was approvedby the wisdom of the Roman statesmen and lawyers. 

It may be sufficient for the historian to select two singular andsalutary provisions, intended to restrain the abuse of authority. 

1. For the preservation of peace and order, the governors of theprovinces were armed with the sword of justice. They inflicted corporalpunishments, and they exercised, in capital offences, the power oflife and death. But they were not authorized to indulge the condemnedcriminal with the choice of his own execution, or to pronounce asentence of the mildest and most honorable kind of exile. Theseprerogatives were reserved to the praefects, who alone could impose theheavy fine of fifty pounds of gold: their vicegerents were confined tothe trifling weight of a few ounces. [114] This distinction, which seemsto grant the larger, while it denies the smaller degree of authority, was founded on a very rational motive. The smaller degree was infinitelymore liable to abuse. The passions of a provincial magistrate mightfrequently provoke him into acts of oppression, which affected onlythe freedom or the fortunes of the subject; though, from a principle ofprudence, perhaps of humanity, he might still be terrified by theguilt of innocent blood. It may likewise be considered, that exile, considerable fines, or the choice of an easy death, relate moreparticularly to the rich and the noble; and the persons the most exposedto the avarice or resentment of a provincial magistrate, were thusremoved from his obscure persecution to the more august and impartialtribunal of the Praetorian praefect. 2. As it was reasonably apprehendedthat the integrity of the judge might be biased, if his interest wasconcerned, or his affections were engaged, the strictest regulationswere established, to exclude any person, without the specialdispensation of the emperor, from the government of the provincewhere he was born; [115] and to prohibit the governor or his son fromcontracting marriage with a native, or an inhabitant; [116] orfrom purchasing slaves, lands, or houses, within the extent of hisjurisdiction. [117] Notwithstanding these rigorous precautions, theemperor Constantine, after a reign of twenty-five years, still deploresthe venal and oppressive administration of justice, and expresses thewarmest indignation that the audience of the judge, his despatch ofbusiness, his seasonable delays, and his final sentence, werepublicly sold, either by himself or by the officers of his court. Thecontinuance, and perhaps the impunity, of these crimes, is attested bythe repetition of impotent laws and ineffectual menaces. [118]

[Footnote 113: Among the works of the celebrated Ulpian, there was onein ten books, concerning the office of a proconsul, whose duties in themost essential articles were the same as those of an ordinary governorof a province. ]

[Footnote 114: The presidents, or consulars, could impose only twoounces; the vice-praefects, three; the proconsuls, count of the east, and praefect of Egypt, six. See Heineccii Jur. Civil. Tom. I. P. 75. Pandect. L. Xlviii. Tit. Xix. N. 8. Cod. Justinian. L. I. Tit. Liv. Leg. 4, 6. ]

[Footnote 115: Ut nulli patriae suae administratio sine specialiprincipis permissu permittatur. Cod. Justinian. L. I. Tit. Xli. This lawwas first enacted by the emperor Marcus, after the rebellion of Cassius. (Dion. L. Lxxi. ) The same regulation is observed in China, with equalstrictness, and with equal effect. ]

[Footnote 116: Pandect. L. Xxiii. Tit. Ii. N. 38, 57, 63. ]

[Footnote 117: In jure continetur, ne quis in administrationeconstitutus aliquid compararet. Cod. Theod. L. Viii. Tit. Xv. Leg. L. This maxim of common law was enforced by a series of edicts (seethe remainder of the title) from Constantine to Justin. From thisprohibition, which is extended to the meanest officers of the governor, they except only clothes and provisions. The purchase within fiveyears may be recovered; after which on information, it devolves to thetreasury. ]

[Footnote 118: Cessent rapaces jam nunc officialium manus; cessent, inquam nam si moniti non cessaverint, gladiis praecidentur, &c. Cod. Theod. L. I. Tit. Vii. Leg. L. Zeno enacted that all governors shouldremain in the province, to answer any accusations, fifty days after theexpiration of their power. Cod Justinian. L. Ii. Tit. Xlix. Leg. L. ]

All the civil magistrates were drawn from the profession of the law. The celebrated Institutes of Justinian are addressed to the youth ofhis dominions, who had devoted themselves to the study of Romanjurisprudence; and the sovereign condescends to animate their diligence, by the assurance that their skill and ability would in time be rewardedby an adequate share in the government of the republic. [119] Therudiments of this lucrative science were taught in all the considerablecities of the east and west; but the most famous school was that ofBerytus, [120] on the coast of Phoenicia; which flourished above threecenturies from the time of Alexander Severus, the author perhaps ofan institution so advantageous to his native country. After a regularcourse of education, which lasted five years, the students dispersedthemselves through the provinces, in search of fortune and honors; norcould they want an inexhaustible supply of business in a great empirealready corrupted by the multiplicity of laws, of arts, and of vices. The court of the Praetorian praefect of the east could alone furnishemployment for one hundred and fifty advocates, sixty-four of whom weredistinguished by peculiar privileges, and two were annually chosen, witha salary of sixty pounds of gold, to defend the causes of the treasury. The first experiment was made of their judicial talents, by appointingthem to act occasionally as assessors to the magistrates; from thencethey were often raised to preside in the tribunals before which they hadpleaded. They obtained the government of a province; and, by the aid ofmerit, of reputation, or of favor, they ascended, by successive steps, to the illustrious dignities of the state. [121] In the practice of thebar, these men had considered reason as the instrument of dispute; theyinterpreted the laws according to the dictates of private interest andthe same pernicious habits might still adhere to their characters in thepublic administration of the state. The honor of a liberal professionhas indeed been vindicated by ancient and modern advocates, who havefilled the most important stations, with pure integrity and consummatewisdom: but in the decline of Roman jurisprudence, the ordinarypromotion of lawyers was pregnant with mischief and disgrace. The nobleart, which had once been preserved as the sacred inheritance of thepatricians, was fallen into the hands of freedmen and plebeians, [122] who, with cunning rather than with skill, exercised a sordid andpernicious trade. Some of them procured admittance into families for thepurpose of fomenting differences, of encouraging suits, and of preparinga harvest of gain for themselves or their brethren. Others, reclusein their chambers, maintained the dignity of legal professors, byfurnishing a rich client with subtleties to confound the plainesttruths, and with arguments to color the most unjustifiable pretensions. The splendid and popular class was composed of the advocates, whofilled the Forum with the sound of their turgid and loquacious rhetoric. Careless of fame and of justice, they are described, for the most part, as ignorant and rapacious guides, who conducted their clients through amaze of expense, of delay, and of disappointment; from whence, aftera tedious series of years, they were at length dismissed, when theirpatience and fortune were almost exhausted. [123]

[Footnote 119: Summa igitur ope, et alacri studio has leges nostrasaccipite; et vosmetipsos sic eruditos ostendite, ut spes vos pulcherrimafoveat; toto legitimo opere perfecto, posse etiam nostram rempublicamin par tibus ejus vobis credendis gubernari. Justinian in proem. Institutionum. ]

[Footnote 120: The splendor of the school of Berytus, which preserved inthe east the language and jurisprudence of the Romans, may be computedto have lasted from the third to the middle of the sixth centuryHeinecc. Jur. Rom. Hist. P. 351-356. ]

[Footnote 121: As in a former period I have traced the civil andmilitary promotion of Pertinax, I shall here insert the civil honors ofMallius Theodorus. 1. He was distinguished by his eloquence, while hepleaded as an advocate in the court of the Praetorian praefect. 2. He governed one of the provinces of Africa, either as president orconsular, and deserved, by his administration, the honor of a brassstatue. 3. He was appointed vicar, or vice-praefect, of Macedonia. 4. Quaestor. 5. Count of the sacred largesses. 6. Praetorian praefect ofthe Gauls; whilst he might yet be represented as a young man. 7. After aretreat, perhaps a disgrace of many years, which Mallius (confounded bysome critics with the poet Manilius; see Fabricius Bibliothec. Latin. Edit. Ernest. Tom. I. C. 18, p. 501) employed in the study of the Grecianphilosophy he was named Praetorian praefect of Italy, in the year 397. 8. While he still exercised that great office, he was created, it theyear 399, consul for the West; and his name, on account of the infamy ofhis colleague, the eunuch Eutropius, often stands alone in the Fasti. 9. In the year 408, Mallius was appointed a second time Praetorian praefectof Italy. Even in the venal panegyric of Claudian, we may discover themerit of Mallius Theodorus, who, by a rare felicity, was the intimatefriend, both of Symmachus and of St. Augustin. See Tillemont, Hist. DesEmp. Tom. V. P. 1110-1114. ]

[Footnote 122: Mamertinus in Panegyr. Vet. Xi. [x. ] 20. Asterius apudPhotium, p. 1500. ]

[Footnote 123: The curious passage of Ammianus, (l. Xxx. C. 4, ) in whichhe paints the manners of contemporary lawyers, affords a strangemixture of sound sense, false rhetoric, and extravagant satire. Godefroy(Prolegom. Ad. Cod. Theod. C. I. P. 185) supports the historian bysimilar complaints and authentic facts. In the fourth century, manycamels might have been laden with law-books. Eunapius in Vit. Aedesii, p. 72. ]

III. In the system of policy introduced by Augustus, the governors, those at least of the Imperial provinces, were invested with thefull powers of the sovereign himself. Ministers of peace and war, thedistribution of rewards and punishments depended on them alone, andthey successively appeared on their tribunal in the robes of civilmagistracy, and in complete armor at the head of the Roman legions. [124] The influence of the revenue, the authority of law, and thecommand of a military force, concurred to render their power supreme andabsolute; and whenever they were tempted to violate their allegiance, the loyal province which they involved in their rebellion was scarcelysensible of any change in its political state. From the time of Commodusto the reign of Constantine, near one hundred governors might beenumerated, who, with various success, erected the standard of revolt;and though the innocent were too often sacrificed, the guilty might besometimes prevented, by the suspicious cruelty of their master. [125]To secure his throne and the public tranquillity from these formidableservants, Constantine resolved to divide the military from the civiladministration, and to establish, as a permanent and professionaldistinction, a practice which had been adopted only as an occasionalexpedient. The supreme jurisdiction exercised by the Praetorianpraefects over the armies of the empire, was transferred to the twomasters-general whom he instituted, the one for the cavalry, the otherfor the infantry; and though each of these illustrious officers was morepeculiarly responsible for the discipline of those troops which wereunder his immediate inspection, they both indifferently commanded in thefield the several bodies, whether of horse or foot, which were unitedin the same army. [126] Their number was soon doubled by the division ofthe east and west; and as separate generals of the same rank and titlewere appointed on the four important frontiers of the Rhine, of theUpper and the Lower Danube, and of the Euphrates, the defence of theRoman empire was at length committed to eight masters-general ofthe cavalry and infantry. Under their orders, thirty-five militarycommanders were stationed in the provinces: three in Britain, six inGaul, one in Spain, one in Italy, five on the Upper, and four on theLower Danube; in Asia, eight, three in Egypt, and four in Africa. The titles of counts, and dukes, [127] by which they were properlydistinguished, have obtained in modern languages so very different asense, that the use of them may occasion some surprise. But it should berecollected, that the second of those appellations is only a corruptionof the Latin word, which was indiscriminately applied to any militarychief. All these provincial generals were therefore dukes; but nomore than ten among them were dignified with the rank of counts orcompanions, a title of honor, or rather of favor, which had beenrecently invented in the court of Constantine. A gold belt was theensign which distinguished the office of the counts and dukes; andbesides their pay, they received a liberal allowance sufficientto maintain one hundred and ninety servants, and one hundred andfifty-eight horses. They were strictly prohibited from interferingin any matter which related to the administration of justice or therevenue; but the command which they exercised over the troops of theirdepartment, was independent of the authority of the magistrates. About the same time that Constantine gave a legal sanction to theecclesiastical order, he instituted in the Roman empire the nice balanceof the civil and the military powers. The emulation, and sometimes thediscord, which reigned between two professions of opposite interestsand incompatible manners, was productive of beneficial and of perniciousconsequences. It was seldom to be expected that the general and thecivil governor of a province should either conspire for the disturbance, or should unite for the service, of their country. While the one delayedto offer the assistance which the other disdained to solicit, the troopsvery frequently remained without orders or without supplies; the publicsafety was betrayed, and the defenceless subjects were left exposed tothe fury of the Barbarians. The divided administration which had beenformed by Constantine, relaxed the vigor of the state, while it securedthe tranquillity of the monarch. 

[Footnote 124: See a very splendid example in the life of Agricola, particularly c. 20, 21. The lieutenant of Britain was intrusted withthe same powers which Cicero, proconsul of Cilicia, had exercised in thename of the senate and people. ]

[Footnote 125: The Abbe Dubos, who has examined with accuracy (seeHist. De la Monarchie Francoise, tom. I. P. 41-100, edit. 1742) theinstitutions of Augustus and of Constantine, observes, that if Otho hadbeen put to death the day before he executed his conspiracy, Otho wouldnow appear in history as innocent as Corbulo. ]

[Footnote 126: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 110. Before the end of the reign ofConstantius, the magistri militum were already increased to four. SeeVelesius ad Ammian. L. Xvi. C. 7. ]

[Footnote 127: Though the military counts and dukes are frequentlymentioned, both in history and the codes, we must have recourse to theNotitia for the exact knowledge of their number and stations. For theinstitution, rank, privileges, &c. , of the counts in general see Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. Xii. --xx. , with the commentary of Godefroy. ]

The memory of Constantine has been deservedly censured for anotherinnovation, which corrupted military discipline and prepared the ruinof the empire. The nineteen years which preceded his final victory overLicinius, had been a period of license and intestine war. The rivalswho contended for the possession of the Roman world, had withdrawn thegreatest part of their forces from the guard of the general frontier;and the principal cities which formed the boundary of their respectivedominions were filled with soldiers, who considered their countrymen astheir most implacable enemies. After the use of these internal garrisonshad ceased with the civil war, the conqueror wanted either wisdom orfirmness to revive the severe discipline of Diocletian, and to suppressa fatal indulgence, which habit had endeared and almost confirmed to themilitary order. From the reign of Constantine, a popular and even legaldistinction was admitted between the Palatines [128] and the Borderers;the troops of the court, as they were improperly styled, and the troopsof the frontier. The former, elevated by the superiority of their payand privileges, were permitted, except in the extraordinary emergenciesof war, to occupy their tranquil stations in the heart of the provinces. The most flourishing cities were oppressed by the intolerable weightof quarters. The soldiers insensibly forgot the virtues of theirprofession, and contracted only the vices of civil life. They wereeither degraded by the industry of mechanic trades, or enervated by theluxury of baths and theatres. They soon became careless of their martialexercises, curious in their diet and apparel; and while they inspiredterror to the subjects of the empire, they trembled at the hostileapproach of the Barbarians. [129] The chain of fortifications whichDiocletian and his colleagues had extended along the banks of the greatrivers, was no longer maintained with the same care, or defended withthe same vigilance. The numbers which still remained under the nameof the troops of the frontier, might be sufficient for the ordinarydefence; but their spirit was degraded by the humiliating reflection, that they who were exposed to the hardships and dangers of a perpetualwarfare, were rewarded only with about two thirds of the pay andemoluments which were lavished on the troops of the court. Even thebands or legions that were raised the nearest to the level of thoseunworthy favorites, were in some measure disgraced by the title ofhonor which they were allowed to assume. It was in vain that Constantinerepeated the most dreadful menaces of fire and sword against theBorderers who should dare desert their colors, to connive at the inroadsof the Barbarians, or to participate in the spoil. [130] The mischiefswhich flow from injudicious counsels are seldom removed by theapplication of partial severities; and though succeeding princes laboredto restore the strength and numbers of the frontier garrisons, theempire, till the last moment of its dissolution, continued to languishunder the mortal wound which had been so rashly or so weakly inflictedby the hand of Constantine. 

[Footnote 128: Zosimus, l ii. P. 111. The distinction between the twoclasses of Roman troops, is very darkly expressed in the historians, the laws, and the Notitia. Consult, however, the copious paratitlon, or abstract, which Godefroy has drawn up of the seventh book, de ReMilitari, of the Theodosian Code, l. Vii. Tit. I. Leg. 18, l. Viii. Tit. I. Leg. 10. ]

[Footnote 129: Ferox erat in suos miles et rapax, ignavus vero in hosteset fractus. Ammian. L. Xxii. C. 4. He observes, that they loved downybeds and houses of marble; and that their cups were heavier than theirswords. ]

[Footnote 130: Cod. Theod. L. Vii. Tit. I. Leg. 1, tit. Xii. Leg. I. SeeHowell's Hist. Of the World, vol. Ii. P. 19. That learned historian, whois not sufficiently known, labors to justify the character and policy ofConstantine. ]

The same timid policy, of dividing whatever is united, of reducingwhatever is eminent, of dreading every active power, and of expectingthat the most feeble will prove the most obedient, seems to pervade theinstitutions of several princes, and particularly those of Constantine. The martial pride of the legions, whose victorious camps had so oftenbeen the scene of rebellion, was nourished by the memory of their pastexploits, and the consciousness of their actual strength. As long asthey maintained their ancient establishment of six thousand men, theysubsisted, under the reign of Diocletian, each of them singly, a visibleand important object in the military history of the Roman empire. A fewyears afterwards, these gigantic bodies were shrunk to a very diminutivesize; and when seven legions, with some auxiliaries, defended the cityof Amida against the Persians, the total garrison, with the inhabitantsof both sexes, and the peasants of the deserted country, did not exceedthe number of twenty thousand persons. [131] From this fact, and fromsimilar examples, there is reason to believe, that the constitutionof the legionary troops, to which they partly owed their valor anddiscipline, was dissolved by Constantine; and that the bands of Romaninfantry, which still assumed the same names and the same honors, consisted only of one thousand or fifteen hundred men. [132] Theconspiracy of so many separate detachments, each of which was awedby the sense of its own weakness, could easily be checked; and thesuccessors of Constantine might indulge their love of ostentation, byissuing their orders to one hundred and thirty-two legions, inscribed onthe muster-roll of their numerous armies. The remainder of their troopswas distributed into several hundred cohorts of infantry, and squadronsof cavalry. Their arms, and titles, and ensigns, were calculated toinspire terror, and to display the variety of nations who marchedunder the Imperial standard. And not a vestige was left of that severesimplicity, which, in the ages of freedom and victory, had distinguishedthe line of battle of a Roman army from the confused host of an Asiaticmonarch. [133] A more particular enumeration, drawn from the Notitia, might exercise the diligence of an antiquary; but the historian willcontent himself with observing, that the number of permanent stations orgarrisons established on the frontiers of the empire, amounted to fivehundred and eighty-three; and that, under the successors of Constantine, the complete force of the military establishment was computed at sixhundred and forty-five thousand soldiers. [134] An effort so prodigioussurpassed the wants of a more ancient, and the faculties of a later, period. 

[Footnote 131: Ammian. L. Xix. C. 2. He observes, (c. 5, ) that thedesperate sallies of two Gallic legions were like a handful of waterthrown on a great conflagration. ]

[Footnote 132: Pancirolus ad Notitiam, p. 96. Memoires de l'Academie desInscriptions, tom. Xxv. P. 491. ]

[Footnote 133: Romana acies unius prope formae erat et hominum etarmorum genere. --Regia acies varia magis multis gentibus dissimilitudinearmorum auxiliorumque erat. T. Liv. L. Xxxvii. C. 39, 40. Flaminius, even before the event, had compared the army of Antiochus to a supper inwhich the flesh of one vile animal was diversified by the skill of thecooks. See the Life of Flaminius in Plutarch. ]

[Footnote 134: Agathias, l. V. P. 157, edit. Louvre. ]

In the various states of society, armies are recruited from verydifferent motives. Barbarians are urged by the love of war; the citizensof a free republic may be prompted by a principle of duty; the subjects, or at least the nobles, of a monarchy, are animated by a sentiment ofhonor; but the timid and luxurious inhabitants of a declining empiremust be allured into the service by the hopes of profit, or compelledby the dread of punishment. The resources of the Roman treasury wereexhausted by the increase of pay, by the repetition of donatives, and bythe invention of new emolument and indulgences, which, in the opinionof the provincial youth might compensate the hardships and dangers ofa military life. Yet, although the stature was lowered, [135] althoughslaves, least by a tacit connivance, were indiscriminately receivedinto the ranks, the insurmountable difficulty of procuring a regularand adequate supply of volunteers, obliged the emperors to adopt moreeffectual and coercive methods. The lands bestowed on the veterans, as the free reward of their valor were henceforward granted under acondition which contain the first rudiments of the feudal tenures; thattheir sons, who succeeded to the inheritance, should devote themselvesto the profession of arms, as soon as they attained the age of manhood;and their cowardly refusal was punished by the loss of honor, offortune, or even of life. [136] But as the annual growth of the sons ofthe veterans bore a very small proportion to the demands of the service, levies of men were frequently required from the provinces, andevery proprietor was obliged either to take up arms, or to procure asubstitute, or to purchase his exemption by the payment of a heavy fine. The sum of forty-two pieces of gold, to which it was reduced ascertainsthe exorbitant price of volunteers, and the reluctance with which thegovernment admitted of this alterative. [137] Such was the horrorfor the profession of a soldier, which had affected the minds of thedegenerate Romans, that many of the youth of Italy and the provinceschose to cut off the fingers of their right hand, to escape from beingpressed into the service; and this strange expedient was so commonlypractised, as to deserve the severe animadversion of the laws, [138] anda peculiar name in the Latin language. [139]

[Footnote 135: Valentinian (Cod. Theodos. L. Vii. Tit. Xiii. Leg. 3)fixes the standard at five feet seven inches, about five feet fourinches and a half, English measure. It had formerly been five feet teninches, and in the best corps, six Roman feet. Sed tunc erat ampliormultitude se et plures sequebantur militiam armatam. Vegetius de ReMilitari l. I. C. V. ]

[Footnote 136: See the two titles, De Veteranis and De FiliisVeteranorum, in the seventh book of the Theodosian Code. The age atwhich their military service was required, varied from twenty-five tosixteen. If the sons of the veterans appeared with a horse, they hada right to serve in the cavalry; two horses gave them some valuableprivileges]

[Footnote 137: Cod. Theod. L. Vii. Tit. Xiii. Leg. 7. According to thehistorian Socrates, (see Godefroy ad loc. , ) the same emperor Valenssometimes required eighty pieces of gold for a recruit. In the followinglaw it is faintly expressed, that slaves shall not be admitted interoptimas lectissimorum militum turmas. ]

[Footnote 138: The person and property of a Roman knight, who hadmutilated his two sons, were sold at public auction by order ofAugustus. (Sueton. In August. C. 27. ) The moderation of that artfulusurper proves, that this example of severity was justified by thespirit of the times. Ammianus makes a distinction between the effeminateItalians and the hardy Gauls. (L. Xv. C. 12. ) Yet only 15 yearsafterwards, Valentinian, in a law addressed to the praefect of Gaul, is obliged to enact that these cowardly deserters shall be burnt alive. (Cod. Theod. L. Vii. Tit. Xiii. Leg. 5. ) Their numbers in Illyricum wereso considerable, that the province complained of a scarcity of recruits. (Id. Leg. 10. )]

[Footnote 139: They were called Murci. Murcidus is found in Plautus andFestus, to denote a lazy and cowardly person, who, according to Arnobiusand Augustin, was under the immediate protection of the goddessMurcia. From this particular instance of cowardice, murcare is usedas synonymous to mutilare, by the writers of the middle Latinity. SeeLinder brogius and Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin, l. Xv. C. 12]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part V. 

The introduction of Barbarians into the Roman armies became every daymore universal, more necessary, and more fatal. The most daring of theScythians, of the Goths, and of the Germans, who delighted in war, andwho found it more profitable to defend than to ravage the provinces, were enrolled, not only in the auxiliaries of their respective nations, but in the legions themselves, and among the most distinguished of thePalatine troops. As they freely mingled with the subjects of the empire, they gradually learned to despise their manners, and to imitate theirarts. They abjured the implicit reverence which the pride of Rome hadexacted from their ignorance, while they acquired the knowledgeand possession of those advantages by which alone she supported herdeclining greatness. The Barbarian soldiers, who displayed any militarytalents, were advanced, without exception, to the most importantcommands; and the names of the tribunes, of the counts and dukes, and ofthe generals themselves, betray a foreign origin, which they no longercondescended to disguise. They were often intrusted with the conduct ofa war against their countrymen; and though most of them preferred theties of allegiance to those of blood, they did not always avoidthe guilt, or at least the suspicion, of holding a treasonablecorrespondence with the enemy, of inviting his invasion, or of sparinghis retreat. The camps and the palace of the son of Constantine weregoverned by the powerful faction of the Franks, who preserved thestrictest connection with each other, and with their country, and whoresented every personal affront as a national indignity. [140] Whenthe tyrant Caligula was suspected of an intention to invest a veryextraordinary candidate with the consular robes, the sacrilegiousprofanation would have scarcely excited less astonishment, if, insteadof a horse, the noblest chieftain of Germany or Britain had been theobject of his choice. The revolution of three centuries had producedso remarkable a change in the prejudices of the people, that, with thepublic approbation, Constantine showed his successors the example ofbestowing the honors of the consulship on the Barbarians, who, by theirmerit and services, had deserved to be ranked among the first of theRomans. [141] But as these hardy veterans, who had been educated inthe ignorance or contempt of the laws, were incapable of exercisingany civil offices, the powers of the human mind were contracted by theirreconcilable separation of talents as well as of professions. Theaccomplished citizens of the Greek and Roman republics, whose characterscould adapt themselves to the bar, the senate, the camp, or the schools, had learned to write, to speak, and to act with the same spirit, andwith equal abilities. 

[Footnote 140: Malarichus--adhibitis Francis quorum ea tempestate inpalatio multitudo florebat, erectius jam loquebatur tumultuabaturque. Ammian. L. Xv. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 141: Barbaros omnium primus, ad usque fasces auxerat ettrabeas consulares. Ammian. L. Xx. C. 10. Eusebius (in Vit. Constantin. L. Iv c. 7) and Aurelius Victor seem to confirm the truth of thisassertion yet in the thirty-two consular Fasti of the reign ofConstantine cannot discover the name of a single Barbarian. I shouldtherefore interpret the liberality of that prince as relative to theornaments rather than to the office, of the consulship. ]

IV. Besides the magistrates and generals, who at a distance from thecourt diffused their delegated authority over the provinces and armies, the emperor conferred the rank of Illustrious on seven of his moreimmediate servants, to whose fidelity he intrusted his safety, or hiscounsels, or his treasures. 1. The private apartments of the palace weregoverned by a favorite eunuch, who, in the language of that age, wasstyled the proepositus, or praefect of the sacred bed-chamber. Hisduty was to attend the emperor in his hours of state, or in those ofamusement, and to perform about his person all those menial services, which can only derive their splendor from the influence of royalty. Under a prince who deserved to reign, the great chamberlain (for such wemay call him) was a useful and humble domestic; but an artful domestic, who improves every occasion of unguarded confidence, will insensiblyacquire over a feeble mind that ascendant which harsh wisdom anduncomplying virtue can seldom obtain. The degenerate grandsons ofTheodosius, who were invisible to their subjects, and contemptible totheir enemies, exalted the praefects of their bed-chamber above theheads of all the ministers of the palace; [142] and even his deputy, thefirst of the splendid train of slaves who waited in the presence, wasthought worthy to rank before the respectable proconsuls of Greeceor Asia. The jurisdiction of the chamberlain was acknowledged by thecounts, or superintendents, who regulated the two important provincesof the magnificence of the wardrobe, and of the luxury of the Imperialtable. [143] 2. The principal administration of public affairs wascommitted to the diligence and abilities of the master of the offices. [144] He was the supreme magistrate of the palace, inspected thediscipline of the civil and military schools, and received appeals fromall parts of the empire, in the causes which related to that numerousarmy of privileged persons, who, as the servants of the court, hadobtained for themselves and families a right to decline the authorityof the ordinary judges. The correspondence between the prince and hissubjects was managed by the four scrinia, or offices of this minister ofstate. The first was appropriated to memorials, the second to epistles, the third to petitions, and the fourth to papers and orders of amiscellaneous kind. Each of these was directed by an inferior master ofrespectable dignity, and the whole business was despatched by ahundred and forty-eight secretaries, chosen for the most part from theprofession of the law, on account of the variety of abstracts of reportsand references which frequently occurred in the exercise of theirseveral functions. From a condescension, which in former ages would havebeen esteemed unworthy the Roman majesty, a particular secretary wasallowed for the Greek language; and interpreters were appointed toreceive the ambassadors of the Barbarians; but the department of foreignaffairs, which constitutes so essential a part of modern policy, seldomdiverted the attention of the master of the offices. His mind was moreseriously engaged by the general direction of the posts and arsenalsof the empire. There were thirty-four cities, fifteen in the East, and nineteen in the West, in which regular companies of workmen wereperpetually employed in fabricating defensive armor, offensive weaponsof all sorts, and military engines, which were deposited in thearsenals, and occasionally delivered for the service of the troops. 3. In the course of nine centuries, the office of quaestor had experienceda very singular revolution. In the infancy of Rome, two inferiormagistrates were annually elected by the people, to relieve the consulsfrom the invidious management of the public treasure; [145] a similarassistant was granted to every proconsul, and to every praetor, whoexercised a military or provincial command; with the extent of conquest, the two quaestors were gradually multiplied to the number of four, ofeight, of twenty, and, for a short time, perhaps, of forty; [146] andthe noblest citizens ambitiously solicited an office which gave thema seat in the senate, and a just hope of obtaining the honors of therepublic. Whilst Augustus affected to maintain the freedom of election, he consented to accept the annual privilege of recommending, or ratherindeed of nominating, a certain proportion of candidates; and it was hiscustom to select one of these distinguished youths, to read his orationsor epistles in the assemblies of the senate. [147] The practice ofAugustus was imitated by succeeding princes; the occasional commissionwas established as a permanent office; and the favored quaestor, assuming a new and more illustrious character, alone survived thesuppression of his ancient and useless colleagues. [148] As the orationswhich he composed in the name of the emperor, [149] acquired the force, and, at length, the form, of absolute edicts, he was considered as therepresentative of the legislative power, the oracle of the council, andthe original source of the civil jurisprudence. He was sometimes invitedto take his seat in the supreme judicature of the Imperial consistory, with the Praetorian praefects, and the master of the offices; and he wasfrequently requested to resolve the doubts of inferior judges: but ashe was not oppressed with a variety of subordinate business, hisleisure and talents were employed to cultivate that dignified styleof eloquence, which, in the corruption of taste and language, stillpreserves the majesty of the Roman laws. [150] In some respects, theoffice of the Imperial quaestor may be compared with that of a modernchancellor; but the use of a great seal, which seems to have beenadopted by the illiterate barbarians, was never introduced to attest thepublic acts of the emperors. 4. The extraordinary title of count of thesacred largesses was bestowed on the treasurer-general of the revenue, with the intention perhaps of inculcating, that every payment flowedfrom the voluntary bounty of the monarch. To conceive the almostinfinite detail of the annual and daily expense of the civil andmilitary administration in every part of a great empire, would exceedthe powers of the most vigorous imagination. 

The actual account employed several hundred persons, distributed intoeleven different offices, which were artfully contrived to examine andcontrol their respective operations. The multitude of these agents hada natural tendency to increase; and it was more than once thoughtexpedient to dismiss to their native homes the useless supernumeraries, who, deserting their honest labors, had pressed with too much eagernessinto the lucrative profession of the finances. [151] Twenty-nineprovincial receivers, of whom eighteen were honored with the title ofcount, corresponded with the treasurer; and he extended his jurisdictionover the mines from whence the precious metals were extracted, over themints, in which they were converted into the current coin, and overthe public treasuries of the most important cities, where they weredeposited for the service of the state. The foreign trade of the empirewas regulated by this minister, who directed likewise all the linen andwoollen manufactures, in which the successive operations of spinning, weaving, and dyeing were executed, chiefly by women of a servilecondition, for the use of the palace and army. Twenty-six of theseinstitutions are enumerated in the West, where the arts had been morerecently introduced, and a still larger proportion may be allowed forthe industrious provinces of the East. [152] 5. Besides the publicrevenue, which an absolute monarch might levy and expend accordingto his pleasure, the emperors, in the capacity of opulent citizens, possessed a very extensive property, which was administered by thecount or treasurer of the private estate. Some part had perhaps beenthe ancient demesnes of kings and republics; some accessions might bederived from the families which were successively invested with thepurple; but the most considerable portion flowed from the impure sourceof confiscations and forfeitures. The Imperial estates were scatteredthrough the provinces, from Mauritania to Britain; but the rich andfertile soil of Cappadocia tempted the monarch to acquire in thatcountry his fairest possessions, [153] and either Constantine or hissuccessors embraced the occasion of justifying avarice by religiouszeal. They suppressed the rich temple of Comana, where the high priestof the goddess of war supported the dignity of a sovereign prince; andthey applied to their private use the consecrated lands, which wereinhabited by six thousand subjects or slaves of the deity and herministers. [154] But these were not the valuable inhabitants: the plainsthat stretch from the foot of Mount Argaeus to the banks of the Sarus, bred a generous race of horses, renowned above all others in the ancientworld for their majestic shape and incomparable swiftness. These sacredanimals, destined for the service of the palace and the Imperial games, were protected by the laws from the profanation of a vulgar master. [155] The demesnes of Cappadocia were important enough to require theinspection of a count; [156] officers of an inferior rank were stationedin the other parts of the empire; and the deputies of the private, aswell as those of the public, treasurer were maintained in the exerciseof their independent functions, and encouraged to control the authorityof the provincial magistrates. [157] 6, 7. The chosen bands of cavalryand infantry, which guarded the person of the emperor, were under theimmediate command of the two counts of the domestics. The whole numberconsisted of three thousand five hundred men, divided into sevenschools, or troops, of five hundred each; and in the East, thishonorable service was almost entirely appropriated to the Armenians. Whenever, on public ceremonies, they were drawn up in the courts andporticos of the palace, their lofty stature, silent order, and splendidarms of silver and gold, displayed a martial pomp not unworthy of theRoman majesty. [158] From the seven schools two companies of horse andfoot were selected, of the protectors, whose advantageous station wasthe hope and reward of the most deserving soldiers. They mounted guardin the interior apartments, and were occasionally despatched intothe provinces, to execute with celerity and vigor the orders of theirmaster. [159] The counts of the domestics had succeeded to the officeof the Praetorian praefects; like the praefects, they aspired from theservice of the palace to the command of armies. 

[Footnote 142: Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. 8. ]

[Footnote 143: By a very singular metaphor, borrowed from the militarycharacter of the first emperors, the steward of their household wasstyled the count of their camp, (comes castrensis. ) Cassiodorus veryseriously represents to him, that his own fame, and that of the empire, must depend on the opinion which foreign ambassadors may conceive ofthe plenty and magnificence of the royal table. (Variar. L. Vi. Epistol. 9. )]

[Footnote 144: Gutherius (de Officiis Domus Augustae, l. Ii. C. 20, l. Iii. ) has very accurately explained the functions of the master of theoffices, and the constitution of the subordinate scrinia. But he vainlyattempts, on the most doubtful authority, to deduce from the time ofthe Antonines, or even of Nero, the origin of a magistrate who cannot befound in history before the reign of Constantine. ]

[Footnote 145: Tacitus (Annal. Xi. 22) says, that the first quaestorswere elected by the people, sixty-four years after the foundation of therepublic; but he is of opinion, that they had, long before that period, been annually appointed by the consuls, and even by the kings. But thisobscure point of antiquity is contested by other writers. ]

[Footnote 146: Tacitus (Annal. Xi. 22) seems to consider twenty as thehighest number of quaestors; and Dion (l. Xliii. P 374) insinuates, thatif the dictator Caesar once created forty, it was only to facilitate thepayment of an immense debt of gratitude. Yet the augmentation which hemade of praetors subsisted under the succeeding reigns. ]

[Footnote 147: Sueton. In August. C. 65, and Torrent. Ad loc. Dion. Cas. P. 755. ]

[Footnote 148: The youth and inexperience of the quaestors, who enteredon that important office in their twenty-fifth year, (Lips. Excurs. AdTacit. L. Iii. D. , ) engaged Augustus to remove them from the managementof the treasury; and though they were restored by Claudius, they seem tohave been finally dismissed by Nero. (Tacit Annal. Xiii. 29. Sueton. InAug. C. 36, in Claud. C. 24. Dion, p. 696, 961, &c. Plin. Epistol. X. 20, et alibi. ) In the provinces of the Imperial division, the place ofthe quaestors was more ably supplied by the procurators, (Dion Cas. P. 707. Tacit. In Vit. Agricol. C. 15;) or, as they were afterwards called, rationales. (Hist. August. P. 130. ) But in the provinces of the senatewe may still discover a series of quaestors till the reign of MarcusAntoninus. (See the Inscriptions of Gruter, the Epistles of Pliny, and adecisive fact in the Augustan History, p. 64. ) From Ulpian we may learn, (Pandect. L. I. Tit. 13, ) that under the government of the house ofSeverus, their provincial administration was abolished; and in thesubsequent troubles, the annual or triennial elections of quaestors musthave naturally ceased. ]

[Footnote 149: Cum patris nomine et epistolas ipse dictaret, et edictaconscrib eret, orationesque in senatu recitaret, etiam quaestoris vice. Sueton, in Tit. C. 6. The office must have acquired new dignity, whichwas occasionally executed by the heir apparent of the empire. Trajanintrusted the same care to Hadrian, his quaestor and cousin. SeeDodwell, Praelection. Cambden, x. Xi. P. 362-394. ]

[Footnote 150: Terris edicta daturus; Supplicibus responsa. --Oracularegis Eloquio crevere tuo; nec dignius unquam Majestas meminit seseRomana locutam. ----Claudian in Consulat. Mall. Theodor. 33. See likewiseSymmachus (Epistol. I. 17) and Cassiodorus. (Variar. Iv. 5. )]

[Footnote 151: Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. 30. Cod. Justinian. L. Xii. Tit. 24. ]

[Footnote 152: In the departments of the two counts of the treasury, the eastern part of the Notitia happens to be very defective. It maybe observed, that we had a treasury chest in London, and a gyneceum ormanufacture at Winchester. But Britain was not thought worthy either ofa mint or of an arsenal. Gaul alone possessed three of the former, andeight of the latter. ]

[Footnote 153: Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. Xxx. Leg. 2, and Godefroy adloc. ]

[Footnote 154: Strabon. Geograph. L. Xxii. P. 809, [edit. Casaub. ] Theother temple of Comana, in Pontus, was a colony from that of Cappadocia, l. Xii. P. 835. The President Des Brosses (see his Saluste, tom. Ii. P. 21, [edit. Causub. ]) conjectures that the deity adored in both Comanaswas Beltis, the Venus of the east, the goddess of generation; a verydifferent being indeed from the goddess of war. ]

[Footnote 155: Cod. Theod. L. X. Tit. Vi. De Grege Dominico. Godefroyhas collected every circumstance of antiquity relative to theCappadocian horses. One of the finest breeds, the Palmatian, was theforfeiture of a rebel, whose estate lay about sixteen miles from Tyana, near the great road between Constantinople and Antioch. ]

[Footnote 156: Justinian (Novell. 30) subjected the province of thecount of Cappadocia to the immediate authority of the favorite eunuch, who presided over the sacred bed-chamber. ]

[Footnote 157: Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. Xxx. Leg. 4, &c. ]

[Footnote 158: Pancirolus, p. 102, 136. The appearance of these militarydomestics is described in the Latin poem of Corippus, de LaudibusJustin. L. Iii. 157-179. P. 419, 420 of the Appendix Hist. Byzantin. Rom. 177. ]

[Footnote 159: Ammianus Marcellinus, who served so many years, obtainedonly the rank of a protector. The first ten among these honorablesoldiers were Clarissimi. ]

The perpetual intercourse between the court and the provinces wasfacilitated by the construction of roads and the institution of posts. But these beneficial establishments were accidentally connected witha pernicious and intolerable abuse. Two or three hundred agents ormessengers were employed, under the jurisdiction of the master of theoffices, to announce the names of the annual consuls, and the edictsor victories of the emperors. They insensibly assumed the licenseof reporting whatever they could observe of the conduct either ofmagistrates or of private citizens; and were soon considered as theeyes of the monarch, [160] and the scourge of the people. Under the warminfluence of a feeble reign, they multiplied to the incredible numberof ten thousand, disdained the mild though frequent admonitions ofthe laws, and exercised in the profitable management of the posts arapacious and insolent oppression. These official spies, who regularlycorresponded with the palace, were encouraged by favor and reward, anxiously to watch the progress of every treasonable design, from thefaint and latent symptoms of disaffection, to the actual preparationof an open revolt. Their careless or criminal violation of truth andjustice was covered by the consecrated mask of zeal; and they mightsecurely aim their poisoned arrows at the breast either of the guilty orthe innocent, who had provoked their resentment, or refused to purchasetheir silence. A faithful subject, of Syria perhaps, or of Britain, wasexposed to the danger, or at least to the dread, of being dragged inchains to the court of Milan or Constantinople, to defend his life andfortune against the malicious charge of these privileged informers. Theordinary administration was conducted by those methods which extremenecessity can alone palliate; and the defects of evidence werediligently supplied by the use of torture. [161]

[Footnote 160: Xenophon, Cyropaed. L. Viii. Brisson, de Regno Persico, l. I No 190, p. 264. The emperors adopted with pleasure this Persianmetaphor. ]

[Footnote 161: For the Agentes in Rebus, see Ammian. L. Xv. C. 3, l. Xvi. C. 5, l. Xxii. C. 7, with the curious annotations of Valesius. Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. Xxvii. Xxviii. Xxix. Among the passages collected inthe Commentary of Godefroy, the most remarkable is one from Libanius, inhis discourse concerning the death of Julian. ]

The deceitful and dangerous experiment of the criminal quaestion, asit is emphatically styled, was admitted, rather than approved, inthe jurisprudence of the Romans. They applied this sanguinary mode ofexamination only to servile bodies, whose sufferings were seldom weighedby those haughty republicans in the scale of justice or humanity; butthey would never consent to violate the sacred person of a citizen, tillthey possessed the clearest evidence of his guilt. [162] The annalsof tyranny, from the reign of Tiberius to that of Domitian, circumstantially relate the executions of many innocent victims; but, aslong as the faintest remembrance was kept alive of the national freedomand honor, the last hours of a Roman were secured from the danger ofignominions torture. [163] The conduct of the provincial magistrateswas not, however, regulated by the practice of the city, or the strictmaxims of the civilians. They found the use of torture established notonly among the slaves of oriental despotism, but among the Macedonians, who obeyed a limited monarch; among the Rhodians, who flourished by theliberty of commerce; and even among the sage Athenians, who had assertedand adorned the dignity of human kind. [164] The acquiescence of theprovincials encouraged their governors to acquire, or perhaps to usurp, a discretionary power of employing the rack, to extort from vagrants orplebeian criminals the confession of their guilt, till they insensiblyproceeded to confound the distinction of rank, and to disregard theprivileges of Roman citizens. The apprehensions of the subjects urgedthem to solicit, and the interest of the sovereign engaged him togrant, a variety of special exemptions, which tacitly allowed, and evenauthorized, the general use of torture. They protected all persons ofillustrious or honorable rank, bishops and their presbyters, professorsof the liberal arts, soldiers and their families, municipal officers, and their posterity to the third generation, and all children underthe age of puberty. [165] But a fatal maxim was introduced into the newjurisprudence of the empire, that in the case of treason, which includedevery offence that the subtlety of lawyers could derive from a hostileintention towards the prince or republic, [166] all privileges weresuspended, and all conditions were reduced to the same ignominiouslevel. As the safety of the emperor was avowedly preferred to everyconsideration of justice or humanity, the dignity of age and thetenderness of youth were alike exposed to the most cruel tortures; andthe terrors of a malicious information, which might select them as theaccomplices, or even as the witnesses, perhaps, of an imaginary crime, perpetually hung over the heads of the principal citizens of the Romanworld. [167]

[Footnote 162: The Pandects (l. Xlviii. Tit. Xviii. ) contain thesentiments of the most celebrated civilians on the subject of torture. They strictly confine it to slaves; and Ulpian himself is ready toacknowledge that Res est fragilis, et periculosa, et quae veritatemfallat. ]

[Footnote 163: In the conspiracy of Piso against Nero, Epicharis(libertina mulier) was the only person tortured; the rest were intactitormentis. It would be superfluous to add a weaker, and it would bedifficult to find a stronger, example. Tacit. Annal. Xv. 57. ]

[Footnote 164: Dicendum. .. De Institutis Atheniensium, Rhodiorum, doctissimorum hominum, apud quos etiam (id quod acerbissimum est)liberi, civesque torquentur. Cicero, Partit. Orat. C. 34. We may learnfrom the trial of Philotas the practice of the Macedonians. (Diodor. Sicul. L. Xvii. P. 604. Q. Curt. L. Vi. C. 11. )]

[Footnote 165: Heineccius (Element. Jur. Civil. Part vii. P. 81) hascollected these exemptions into one view. ]

[Footnote 166: This definition of the sage Ulpian (Pandect. L. Xlviii. Tit. Iv. ) seems to have been adapted to the court of Caracalla, ratherthan to that of Alexander Severus. See the Codes of Theodosius and adleg. Juliam majestatis. ]

[Footnote 167: Arcadius Charisius is the oldest lawyer quoted to justifythe universal practice of torture in all cases of treason; but thismaxim of tyranny, which is admitted by Ammianus with the most respectfulterror, is enforced by several laws of the successors of Constantine. See Cod. Theod. L. Ix. Tit. Xxxv. Majestatis crimine omnibus aequa estconditio. ]

These evils, however terrible they may appear, were confined to thesmaller number of Roman subjects, whose dangerous situation was insome degree compensated by the enjoyment of those advantages, either ofnature or of fortune, which exposed them to the jealousy of the monarch. The obscure millions of a great empire have much less to dread fromthe cruelty than from the avarice of their masters, and their humblehappiness is principally affected by the grievance of excessive taxes, which, gently pressing on the wealthy, descend with accelerated weighton the meaner and more indigent classes of society. An ingeniousphilosopher [168] has calculated the universal measure of the publicimpositions by the degrees of freedom and servitude; and ventures toassert, that, according to an invariable law of nature, it must alwaysincrease with the former, and diminish in a just proportion to thelatter. But this reflection, which would tend to alleviate the miseriesof despotism, is contradicted at least by the history of the Romanempire; which accuses the same princes of despoiling the senate of itsauthority, and the provinces of their wealth. Without abolishing allthe various customs and duties on merchandises, which are imperceptiblydischarged by the apparent choice of the purchaser, the policy ofConstantine and his successors preferred a simple and direct mode oftaxation, more congenial to the spirit of an arbitrary government. [169]

[Footnote 168: Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. Xii. C. 13. ]

[Footnote 169: Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. I. P. 389) has seen thisimportance with some degree of perplexity. ]

Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople. --Part VI. 

The name and use of the indictions, [170] which serve to ascertain thechronology of the middle ages, were derived from the regular practice ofthe Roman tributes. [171] The emperor subscribed with his own hand, andin purple ink, the solemn edict, or indiction, which was fixed up in theprincipal city of each diocese, during two months previous to the firstday of September. And by a very easy connection of ideas, the wordindiction was transferred to the measure of tribute which it prescribed, and to the annual term which it allowed for the payment. This generalestimate of the supplies was proportioned to the real and imaginarywants of the state; but as often as the expense exceeded the revenue, orthe revenue fell short of the computation, an additional tax, under thename of superindiction, was imposed on the people, and the most valuableattribute of sovereignty was communicated to the Praetorian praefects, who, on some occasions, were permitted to provide for the unforeseen andextraordinary exigencies of the public service. The execution of theselaws (which it would be tedious to pursue in their minute and intricatedetail) consisted of two distinct operations: the resolving the generalimposition into its constituent parts, which were assessed on theprovinces, the cities, and the individuals of the Roman world; and thecollecting the separate contributions of the individuals, the cities, and the provinces, till the accumulated sums were poured into theImperial treasuries. But as the account between the monarch andthe subject was perpetually open, and as the renewal of the demandanticipated the perfect discharge of the preceding obligation, theweighty machine of the finances was moved by the same hands round thecircle of its yearly revolution. Whatever was honorable or important inthe administration of the revenue, was committed to the wisdom of thepraefects, and their provincia. Representatives; the lucrative functionswere claimed by a crowd of subordinate officers, some of whom dependedon the treasurer, others on the governor of the province; and who, in the inevitable conflicts of a perplexed jurisdiction, had frequentopportunities of disputing with each other the spoils of the people. Thelaborious offices, which could be productive only of envy and reproach, of expense and danger, were imposed on the Decurions, who formed thecorporations of the cities, and whom the severity of the Imperial lawshad condemned to sustain the burdens of civil society. [172] The wholelanded property of the empire (without excepting the patrimonial estatesof the monarch) was the object of ordinary taxation; and every newpurchaser contracted the obligations of the former proprietor. Anaccurate census, [173] or survey, was the only equitable mode ofascertaining the proportion which every citizen should be obliged tocontribute for the public service; and from the well-known period of theindictions, there is reason to believe that this difficult and expensiveoperation was repeated at the regular distance of fifteen years. Thelands were measured by surveyors, who were sent into the provinces;their nature, whether arable or pasture, or vineyards or woods, wasdistinctly reported; and an estimate was made of their common value fromthe average produce of five years. The numbers of slaves and of cattleconstituted an essential part of the report; an oath was administeredto the proprietors, which bound them to disclose the true state of theiraffairs; and their attempts to prevaricate, or elude the intention ofthe legislator, were severely watched, and punished as a capital crime, which included the double guilt of treason and sacrilege. [174] A largeportion of the tribute was paid in money; and of the current coin of theempire, gold alone could be legally accepted. [175] The remainder of thetaxes, according to the proportions determined by the annual indiction, was furnished in a manner still more direct, and still more oppressive. According to the different nature of lands, their real produce in thevarious articles of wine or oil, corn or barley, wood or iron, wastransported by the labor or at the expense of the provincials [175a] tothe Imperial magazines, from whence they were occasionally distributedfor the use of the court, of the army, and of two capitals, Rome andConstantinople. The commissioners of the revenue were so frequentlyobliged to make considerable purchases, that they were strictlyprohibited from allowing any compensation, or from receiving in moneythe value of those supplies which were exacted in kind. In the primitivesimplicity of small communities, this method may be well adapted tocollect the almost voluntary offerings of the people; but it is at oncesusceptible of the utmost latitude, and of the utmost strictness, whichin a corrupt and absolute monarchy must introduce a perpetual contestbetween the power of oppression and the arts of fraud. [176] Theagriculture of the Roman provinces was insensibly ruined, and, in theprogress of despotism which tends to disappoint its own purpose, theemperors were obliged to derive some merit from the forgiveness ofdebts, or the remission of tributes, which their subjects were utterlyincapable of paying. According to the new division of Italy, the fertileand happy province of Campania, the scene of the early victories and ofthe delicious retirements of the citizens of Rome, extended between thesea and the Apennine, from the Tiber to the Silarus. Within sixty yearsafter the death of Constantine, and on the evidence of an actual survey, an exemption was granted in favor of three hundred and thirty thousandEnglish acres of desert and uncultivated land; which amounted to oneeighth of the whole surface of the province. As the footsteps of theBarbarians had not yet been seen in Italy, the cause of this amazingdesolation, which is recorded in the laws, can be ascribed only to theadministration of the Roman emperors. [177]

[Footnote 170: The cycle of indictions, which may be traced as highas the reign of Constantius, or perhaps of his father, Constantine, isstill employed by the Papal court; but the commencement of the yearhas been very reasonably altered to the first of January. See l'Art deVerifier les Dates, p. Xi. ; and Dictionnaire Raison. De la Diplomatique, tom. Ii. P. 25; two accurate treatises, which come from the workshop ofthe Benedictines. ---- It does not appear that the establishment of theindiction is to be at tributed to Constantine: it existed before he hadbeen created Augustus at Rome, and the remission granted by him tothe city of Autun is the proof. He would not have ventured while onlyCaesar, and under the necessity of courting popular favor, to establishsuch an odious impost. Aurelius Victor and Lactantius agree indesignating Diocletian as the author of this despotic institution. Aur. Vict. De Caes. C. 39. Lactant. De Mort. Pers. C. 7--G. ]

[Footnote 171: The first twenty-eight titles of the eleventh book of theTheodosian Code are filled with the circumstantial regulations on theimportant subject of tributes; but they suppose a clearer knowledge offundamental principles than it is at present in our power to attain. ]

[Footnote 172: The title concerning the Decurions (l. Xii. Tit. I. ) isthe most ample in the whole Theodosian Code; since it contains not lessthan one hundred and ninety-two distinct laws to ascertain the dutiesand privileges of that useful order of citizens. * Note: The Decurionswere charged with assessing, according to the census of propertyprepared by the tabularii, the payment due from each proprietor. Thisodious office was authoritatively imposed on the richest citizens ofeach town; they had no salary, and all their compensation was, to beexempt from certain corporal punishments, in case they should haveincurred them. The Decurionate was the ruin of all the rich. Hencethey tried every way of avoiding this dangerous honor; they concealedthemselves, they entered into military service; but their efforts wereunavailing; they were seized, they were compelled to become Decurions, and the dread inspired by this title was termed Impiety. --G. ----TheDecurions were mutually responsible; they were obliged to undertake forpieces of ground abandoned by their owners on account of the pressure ofthe taxes, and, finally, to make up all deficiencies. Savigny chichtedes Rom. Rechts, i. 25. --M. ]

[Footnote 173: Habemus enim et hominum numerum qui delati sunt, et agrunmodum. Eumenius in Panegyr. Vet. Viii. 6. See Cod. Theod. L. Xiii. Tit. X. Xi. , with Godefroy's Commentary. ]

[Footnote 174: Siquis sacrilega vitem falce succiderit, aut feraciumramorum foetus hebetaverit, quo delinet fidem Censuum, et mentiaturcallide paupertatis ingenium, mox detectus capitale subibit exitium, etbona ejus in Fisci jura migrabunt. Cod. Theod. L. Xiii. Tit. Xi. Leg. 1. Although this law is not without its studied obscurity, it is, howeverclear enough to prove the minuteness of the inquisition, and thedisproportion of the penalty. ]

[Footnote 175: The astonishment of Pliny would have ceased. Equidemmiror P. R. Victis gentibus argentum semper imperitasse non aurum. HistNatur. Xxxiii. 15. ]

[Footnote 175a: The proprietors were not charged with the expense ofthis transport in the provinces situated on the sea-shore or nearthe great rivers, there were companies of boatmen, and of masters ofvessels, who had this commission, and furnished the means of transportat their own expense. In return, they were themselves exempt, altogether, or in part, from the indiction and other imposts. They hadcertain privileges; particular regulations determined their rights andobligations. (Cod. Theod. L. Xiii. Tit. V. Ix. ) The transports byland were made in the same manner, by the intervention of a privilegedcompany called Bastaga; the members were called Bastagarii Cod. Theod. L. Viii. Tit. V. --G. ]

[Footnote 176: Some precautions were taken (see Cod. Theod. L. Xi. Tit. Ii. And Cod. Justinian. L. X. Tit. Xxvii. Leg. 1, 2, 3) to restrain themagistrates from the abuse of their authority, either in the exaction orin the purchase of corn: but those who had learning enough to read theorations of Cicero against Verres, (iii. De Frumento, ) might instructthemselves in all the various arts of oppression, with regard to theweight, the price, the quality, and the carriage. The avarice of anunlettered governor would supply the ignorance of precept or precedent. ]

[Footnote 177: Cod. Theod. L. Xi. Tit. Xxviii. Leg. 2, published the24th of March, A. D. 395, by the emperor Honorius, only two months afterthe death of his father, Theodosius. He speaks of 528, 042 Roman jugera, which I have reduced to the English measure. The jugerum contained28, 800 square Roman feet. ]

Either from design or from accident, the mode of assessment seemed tounite the substance of a land tax with the forms of a capitation. [178]The returns which were sent of every province or district, expressed thenumber of tributary subjects, and the amount of the public impositions. The latter of these sums was divided by the former; and the estimate, that such a province contained so many capita, or heads of tribute; andthat each head was rated at such a price, was universally received, notonly in the popular, but even in the legal computation. The value ofa tributary head must have varied, according to many accidental, or atleast fluctuating circumstances; but some knowledge has been preservedof a very curious fact, the more important, since it relates to one ofthe richest provinces of the Roman empire, and which now flourishes asthe most splendid of the European kingdoms. The rapacious ministers ofConstantius had exhausted the wealth of Gaul, by exacting twenty-fivepieces of gold for the annual tribute of every head. The humane policyof his successor reduced the capitation to seven pieces. [179] Amoderate proportion between these opposite extremes of extraordinaryoppression and of transient indulgence, may therefore be fixed atsixteen pieces of gold, or about nine pounds sterling, the commonstandard, perhaps, of the impositions of Gaul. [180] But thiscalculation, or rather, indeed, the facts from whence it is deduced, cannot fail of suggesting two difficulties to a thinking mind, whowill be at once surprised by the equality, and by the enormity, of thecapitation. An attempt to explain them may perhaps reflect some light onthe interesting subject of the finances of the declining empire. 

[Footnote 178: Godefroy (Cod. Theod. Tom. Vi. P. 116) argues with weightand learning on the subject of the capitation; but while he explains thecaput, as a share or measure of property, he too absolutely excludes theidea of a personal assessment. ]

[Footnote 179: Quid profuerit (Julianus) anhelantibus extrema penuriaGallis, hinc maxime claret, quod primitus partes eas ingressus, procapitibusingulis tributi nomine vicenos quinos aureos reperit flagitari;discedens vero septenos tantum numera universa complentes. Ammian. L. Xvi. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 180: In the calculation of any sum of money under Constantineand his successors, we need only refer to the excellent discourse of Mr. Greaves on the Denarius, for the proof of the following principles; 1. That the ancient and modern Roman pound, containing 5256 grains of Troyweight, is about one twelfth lighter than the English pound, which iscomposed of 5760 of the same grains. 2. That the pound of gold, whichhad once been divided into forty-eight aurei, was at this time coinedinto seventy-two smaller pieces of the same denomination. 3. That fiveof these aurei were the legal tender for a pound of silver, and thatconsequently the pound of gold was exchanged for fourteen pounds eightounces of silver, according to the Roman, or about thirteen poundsaccording to the English weight. 4. That the English pound of silver iscoined into sixty-two shillings. From these elements we may compute theRoman pound of gold, the usual method of reckoning large sums, at fortypounds sterling, and we may fix the currency of the aureus at somewhatmore than eleven shillings. * Note: See, likewise, a Dissertation ofM. Letronne, "Considerations Generales sur l'Evaluation des MonnaiesGrecques et Romaines" Paris, 1817--M. ]

I. It is obvious, that, as long as the immutable constitution of humannature produces and maintains so unequal a division of property, the most numerous part of the community would be deprived of theirsubsistence, by the equal assessment of a tax from which the sovereignwould derive a very trifling revenue. Such indeed might be the theory ofthe Roman capitation; but in the practice, this unjust equality was nolonger felt, as the tribute was collected on the principle of areal, not of a personal imposition. [180a] Several indigent citizenscontributed to compose a single head, or share of taxation; while thewealthy provincial, in proportion to his fortune, alone representedseveral of those imaginary beings. In a poetical request, addressed toone of the last and most deserving of the Roman princes who reigned inGaul, Sidonius Apollinaris personifies his tribute under the figure ofa triple monster, the Geryon of the Grecian fables, and entreats the newHercules that he would most graciously be pleased to save his lifeby cutting off three of his heads. [181] The fortune of Sidonius farexceeded the customary wealth of a poet; but if he had pursued theallusion, he might have painted many of the Gallic nobles with thehundred heads of the deadly Hydra, spreading over the face of thecountry, and devouring the substance of a hundred families. II. Thedifficulty of allowing an annual sum of about nine pounds sterling, evenfor the average of the capitation of Gaul, may be rendered more evidentby the comparison of the present state of the same country, as it isnow governed by the absolute monarch of an industrious, wealthy, andaffectionate people. The taxes of France cannot be magnified, eitherby fear or by flattery, beyond the annual amount of eighteen millionssterling, which ought perhaps to be shared among four and twentymillions of inhabitants. [182] Seven millions of these, in the capacityof fathers, or brothers, or husbands, may discharge the obligations ofthe remaining multitude of women and children; yet the equal proportionof each tributary subject will scarcely rise above fifty shillings ofour money, instead of a proportion almost four times as considerable, which was regularly imposed on their Gallic ancestors. The reason ofthis difference may be found, not so much in the relative scarcity orplenty of gold and silver, as in the different state of society, inancient Gaul and in modern France. In a country where personal freedomis the privilege of every subject, the whole mass of taxes, whether theyare levied on property or on consumption, may be fairly divided amongthe whole body of the nation. But the far greater part of the lands ofancient Gaul, as well as of the other provinces of the Roman world, werecultivated by slaves, or by peasants, whose dependent condition was aless rigid servitude. [183] In such a state the poor were maintained atthe expense of the masters who enjoyed the fruits of their labor; and asthe rolls of tribute were filled only with the names of those citizenswho possessed the means of an honorable, or at least of a decentsubsistence, the comparative smallness of their numbers explains andjustifies the high rate of their capitation. The truth of this assertionmay be illustrated by the following example: The Aedui, one of the mostpowerful and civilized tribes or cities of Gaul, occupied an extent ofterritory, which now contains about five hundred thousand inhabitants, in the two ecclesiastical dioceses of Autun and Nevers; [184] andwith the probable accession of those of Chalons and Macon, [185] thepopulation would amount to eight hundred thousand souls. In the timeof Constantine, the territory of the Aedui afforded no more thantwenty-five thousand heads of capitation, of whom seven thousand weredischarged by that prince from the intolerable weight of tribute. [186]A just analogy would seem to countenance the opinion of an ingenioushistorian, [187] that the free and tributary citizens did not surpassthe number of half a million; and if, in the ordinary administration ofgovernment, their annual payments may be computed at about four millionsand a half of our money, it would appear, that although the share ofeach individual was four times as considerable, a fourth part only ofthe modern taxes of France was levied on the Imperial province ofGaul. The exactions of Constantius may be calculated at seven millionssterling, which were reduced to two millions by the humanity or thewisdom of Julian. 

[Footnote 180a: Two masterly dissertations of M. Savigny, in the Mem. Ofthe Berlin Academy (1822 and 1823) have thrown new light on the taxationsystem of the Empire. Gibbon, according to M. Savigny, is mistaken insupposing that there was but one kind of capitation tax; there was aland tax, and a capitation tax, strictly so called. The land tax was, in its operation, a proprietor's or landlord's tax. But, besides this, there was a direct capitation tax on all who were not possessed oflanded property. This tax dates from the time of the Roman conquests;its amount is not clearly known. Gradual exemptions released differentpersons and classes from this tax. One edict exempts painters. In Syria, all under twelve or fourteen, or above sixty-five, were exempted; at alater period, all under twenty, and all unmarried females; stilllater, all under twenty-five, widows and nuns, soldiers, veterani andclerici--whole dioceses, that of Thrace and Illyricum. Under Galeriusand Licinius, the plebs urbana became exempt; though this, perhaps, wasonly an ordinance for the East. By degrees, however, the exemptionwas extended to all the inhabitants of towns; and as it was strictlycapitatio plebeia, from which all possessors were exempted it fell atlength altogether on the coloni and agricultural slaves. These wereregistered in the same cataster (capitastrum) with the land tax. Itwas paid by the proprietor, who raised it again from his coloni andlaborers. --M. ]

[Footnote 181: Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum, Hic capita ut vivam, tu mihi tolle tria. Sidon. Apollinar. Carm. Xiii. 

The reputation of Father Sirmond led me to expect more satisfaction thanI have found in his note (p. 144) on this remarkable passage. The words, suo vel suorum nomine, betray the perplexity of the commentator. ]

[Footnote 182: This assertion, however formidable it may seem, isfounded on the original registers of births, deaths, and marriages, collected by public authority, and now deposited in the ControleeGeneral at Paris. The annual average of births throughout the wholekingdom, taken in five years, (from 1770 to 1774, both inclusive, ) is479, 649 boys, and 449, 269 girls, in all 928, 918 children. The provinceof French Hainault alone furnishes 9906 births; and we are assured, byan actual enumeration of the people, annually repeated from the year1773 to the year 1776, that upon an average, Hainault contains 257, 097inhabitants. By the rules of fair analogy, we might infer, that theordinary proportion of annual births to the whole people, is about 1 to26; and that the kingdom of France contains 24, 151, 868 persons of bothsexes and of every age. If we content ourselves with the more moderateproportion of 1 to 25, the whole population will amount to 23, 222, 950. From the diligent researches of the French Government, (which are notunworthy of our own imitation, ) we may hope to obtain a still greaterdegree of certainty on this important subject * Note: On no subject hasso much valuable information been collected since the time of Gibbon, as the statistics of the different countries of Europe but much is stillwanting as to our own--M. ]

[Footnote 183: Cod. Theod. L. V. Tit. Ix. X. Xi. Cod. Justinian. L. Xi. Tit. Lxiii. Coloni appellantur qui conditionem debent genitali solo, propter agriculturum sub dominio possessorum. Augustin. De Civitate Dei, l. X. C. I. ]

[Footnote 184: The ancient jurisdiction of (Augustodunum) Autun inBurgundy, the capital of the Aedui, comprehended the adjacent territoryof (Noviodunum) Nevers. See D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 491. The two dioceses of Autun and Nevers are now composed, the formerof 610, and the latter of 160 parishes. The registers of births, takenduring eleven years, in 476 parishes of the same province of Burgundy, and multiplied by the moderate proportion of 25, (see MessanceRecherches sur la Population, p. 142, ) may authorizes us to assignan average number of 656 persons for each parish, which being againmultiplied by the 770 parishes of the dioceses of Nevers and Autun, willproduce the sum of 505, 120 persons for the extent of country which wasonce possessed by the Aedui. ]

[Footnote 185: We might derive an additional supply of 301, 750inhabitants from the dioceses of Chalons (Cabillonum) and of Macon, (Matisco, ) since they contain, the one 200, and the other 260 parishes. This accession of territory might be justified by very specious reasons. 1. Chalons and Macon were undoubtedly within the original jurisdictionof the Aedui. (See D'Anville, Notice, p. 187, 443. ) 2. In the Notitiaof Gaul, they are enumerated not as Civitates, but merely as Castra. 3. They do not appear to have been episcopal seats before the fifth andsixth centuries. Yet there is a passage in Eumenius (Panegyr. Vet. Viii. 7) which very forcibly deters me from extending the territory of theAedui, in the reign of Constantine, along the beautiful banks of thenavigable Saone. * Note: In this passage of Eumenius, Savigny supposesthe original number to have been 32, 000: 7000 being discharged, thereremained 25, 000 liable to the tribute. See Mem. Quoted above. --M. ]

[Footnote 186: Eumenius in Panegyr Vet. Viii. 11. ]

[Footnote 187: L'Abbe du Bos, Hist. Critique de la M. F. Tom. I. P. 121]

But this tax, or capitation, on the proprietors of land, would havesuffered a rich and numerous class of free citizens to escape. Withthe view of sharing that species of wealth which is derived from art orlabor, and which exists in money or in merchandise, the emperors imposeda distinct and personal tribute on the trading part of their subjects. [188] Some exemptions, very strictly confined both in time and place, were allowed to the proprietors who disposed of the produce of their ownestates. Some indulgence was granted to the profession of the liberalarts: but every other branch of commercial industry was affected by theseverity of the law. The honorable merchant of Alexandria, who importedthe gems and spices of India for the use of the western world; theusurer, who derived from the interest of money a silent and ignominiousprofit; the ingenious manufacturer, the diligent mechanic, and even themost obscure retailer of a sequestered village, were obliged to admitthe officers of the revenue into the partnership of their gain; and thesovereign of the Roman empire, who tolerated the profession, consentedto share the infamous salary, of public prostitutes. [188a] As thisgeneral tax upon industry was collected every fourth year, it was styledthe Lustral Contribution: and the historian Zosimus [189] laments thatthe approach of the fatal period was announced by the tears and terrorsof the citizens, who were often compelled by the impending scourge toembrace the most abhorred and unnatural methods of procuring the sum atwhich their property had been assessed. The testimony of Zosimus cannotindeed be justified from the charge of passion and prejudice; but, fromthe nature of this tribute it seems reasonable to conclude, that it wasarbitrary in the distribution, and extremely rigorous in the mode ofcollecting. The secret wealth of commerce, and the precarious profits ofart or labor, are susceptible only of a discretionary valuation, whichis seldom disadvantageous to the interest of the treasury; and asthe person of the trader supplies the want of a visible and permanentsecurity, the payment of the imposition, which, in the case of a landtax, may be obtained by the seizure of property, can rarely be extortedby any other means than those of corporal punishments. The crueltreatment of the insolvent debtors of the state, is attested, andwas perhaps mitigated by a very humane edict of Constantine, who, disclaiming the use of racks and of scourges, allots a spacious and airyprison for the place of their confinement. [190]

[Footnote 188: See Cod. Theod. L. Xiii. Tit. I. And iv. ]

[Footnote 188a: The emperor Theodosius put an end, by a law. To thisdisgraceful source of revenue. (Godef. Ad Cod. Theod. Xiii. Tit. I. C. 1. ) But before he deprived himself of it, he made sure of some way ofreplacing this deficit. A rich patrician, Florentius, indignant at thislegalized licentiousness, had made representations on the subject tothe emperor. To induce him to tolerate it no longer, he offered his ownproperty to supply the diminution of the revenue. The emperor had thebaseness to accept his offer--G. ]

[Footnote 189: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 115. There is probably as much passionand prejudice in the attack of Zosimus, as in the elaborate defence ofthe memory of Constantine by the zealous Dr. Howell. Hist. Of the World, vol. Ii. P. 20. ]

[Footnote 190: Cod. Theod. L. Xi. Tit vii. Leg. 3. ]

These general taxes were imposed and levied by the absolute authorityof the monarch; but the occasional offerings of the coronary gold stillretained the name and semblance of popular consent. It was an ancientcustom that the allies of the republic, who ascribed their safety ordeliverance to the success of the Roman arms, and even the cities ofItaly, who admired the virtues of their victorious general, adorned thepomp of his triumph by their voluntary gifts of crowns of gold, whichafter the ceremony were consecrated in the temple of Jupiter, to remaina lasting monument of his glory to future ages. The progress of zeal andflattery soon multiplied the number, and increased the size, of thesepopular donations; and the triumph of Caesar was enriched with twothousand eight hundred and twenty-two massy crowns, whose weightamounted to twenty thousand four hundred and fourteen pounds of gold. This treasure was immediately melted down by the prudent dictator, whowas satisfied that it would be more serviceable to his soldiers than tothe gods: his example was imitated by his successors; and the customwas introduced of exchanging these splendid ornaments for the moreacceptable present of the current gold coin of the empire. [191] Thespontaneous offering was at length exacted as the debt of duty; andinstead of being confined to the occasion of a triumph, it was supposedto be granted by the several cities and provinces of the monarchy, as often as the emperor condescended to announce his accession, hisconsulship, the birth of a son, the creation of a Caesar, a victory overthe Barbarians, or any other real or imaginary event which graced theannals of his reign. The peculiar free gift of the senate of Rome wasfixed by custom at sixteen hundred pounds of gold, or about sixty-fourthousand pounds sterling. The oppressed subjects celebrated their ownfelicity, that their sovereign should graciously consent to accept thisfeeble but voluntary testimony of their loyalty and gratitude. [192]

[Footnote 191: See Lipsius de Magnitud. Romana, l. Ii. C. 9. TheTarragonese Spain presented the emperor Claudius with a crown of goldof seven, and Gaul with another of nine, hundred pounds weight. I havefollowed the rational emendation of Lipsius. * Note: This custom is ofstill earlier date, the Romans had borrowed it from Greece. Who is notacquainted with the famous oration of Demosthenes for the golden crown, which his citizens wished to bestow, and Aeschines to deprive himof?--G. ]

[Footnote 192: Cod. Theod. L. Xii. Tit. Xiii. The senators were supposedto be exempt from the Aurum Coronarium; but the Auri Oblatio, which wasrequired at their hands, was precisely of the same nature. ]

A people elated by pride, or soured by discontent, are seldom qualifiedto form a just estimate of their actual situation. The subjects ofConstantine were incapable of discerning the decline of genius and manlyvirtue, which so far degraded them below the dignity of their ancestors;but they could feel and lament the rage of tyranny, the relaxation ofdiscipline, and the increase of taxes. The impartial historian, who acknowledges the justice of their complaints, will observe somefavorable circumstances which tended to alleviate the misery oftheir condition. The threatening tempest of Barbarians, which so soonsubverted the foundations of Roman greatness, was still repelled, orsuspended, on the frontiers. The arts of luxury and literature werecultivated, and the elegant pleasures of society were enjoyed, by theinhabitants of a considerable portion of the globe. The forms, the pomp, and the expense of the civil administration contributed to restrain theirregular license of the soldiers; and although the laws were violatedby power, or perverted by subtlety, the sage principles of the Romanjurisprudence preserved a sense of order and equity, unknown to thedespotic governments of the East. The rights of mankind might derivesome protection from religion and philosophy; and the name of freedom, which could no longer alarm, might sometimes admonish, the successors ofAugustus, that they did not reign over a nation of Slaves or Barbarians. [193]

[Footnote 193: The great Theodosius, in his judicious advice to his son, (Claudian in iv. Consulat. Honorii, 214, &c. , ) distinguishes the stationof a Roman prince from that of a Parthian monarch. Virtue was necessaryfor the one; birth might suffice for the other. ]

Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons. --Part I. 

Character Of Constantine. --Gothic War. --Death Of Constantine. --DivisionOf The Empire Among His Three Sons. --Persian War. --Tragic Deaths OfConstantine The Younger And Constans. --Usurpation Of Magnentius. --CivilWar. --Victory Of Constantius. 

The character of the prince who removed the seat of empire, andintroduced such important changes into the civil and religiousconstitution of his country, has fixed the attention, and dividedthe opinions, of mankind. By the grateful zeal of the Christians, thedeliverer of the church has been decorated with every attribute of ahero, and even of a saint; while the discontent of the vanquished partyhas compared Constantine to the most abhorred of those tyrants, who, by their vice and weakness, dishonored the Imperial purple. The samepassions have in some degree been perpetuated to succeeding generations, and the character of Constantine is considered, even in the present age, as an object either of satire or of panegyric. By the impartial union ofthose defects which are confessed by his warmest admirers, and of thosevirtues which are acknowledged by his most-implacable enemies, we mighthope to delineate a just portrait of that extraordinary man, which thetruth and candor of history should adopt without a blush. [1] Butit would soon appear, that the vain attempt to blend such discordantcolors, and to reconcile such inconsistent qualities, must produce afigure monstrous rather than human, unless it is viewed in its properand distinct lights, by a careful separation of the different periods ofthe reign of Constantine. 

[Footnote 1: On ne se trompera point sur Constantin, en croyant tout lemal ru'en dit Eusebe, et tout le bien qu'en dit Zosime. Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. Iii. P. 233. Eusebius and Zosimus form indeed thetwo extremes of flattery and invective. The intermediate shades areexpressed by those writers, whose character or situation variouslytempered the influence of their religious zeal. ]

The person, as well as the mind, of Constantine, had been enrichedby nature with her choices endowments. His stature was lofty, hiscountenance majestic, his deportment graceful; his strength and activitywere displayed in every manly exercise, and from his earliest youth, to a very advanced season of life, he preserved the vigor of hisconstitution by a strict adherence to the domestic virtues of chastityand temperance. He delighted in the social intercourse of familiarconversation; and though he might sometimes indulge his disposition toraillery with less reserve than was required by the severe dignityof his station, the courtesy and liberality of his manners gained thehearts of all who approached him. The sincerity of his friendshiphas been suspected; yet he showed, on some occasions, that he was notincapable of a warm and lasting attachment. The disadvantage of anilliterate education had not prevented him from forming a just estimateof the value of learning; and the arts and sciences derived someencouragement from the munificent protection of Constantine. In thedespatch of business, his diligence was indefatigable; and the activepowers of his mind were almost continually exercised in reading, writing, or meditating, in giving audiences to ambassadors, and inexamining the complaints of his subjects. Even those who censuredthe propriety of his measures were compelled to acknowledge, that hepossessed magnanimity to conceive, and patience to execute, the mostarduous designs, without being checked either by the prejudices ofeducation, or by the clamors of the multitude. In the field, he infusedhis own intrepid spirit into the troops, whom he conducted with thetalents of a consummate general; and to his abilities, rather than tohis fortune, we may ascribe the signal victories which he obtained overthe foreign and domestic foes of the republic. He loved glory as thereward, perhaps as the motive, of his labors. The boundless ambition, which, from the moment of his accepting the purple at York, appears asthe ruling passion of his soul, may be justified by the dangers of hisown situation, by the character of his rivals, by the consciousness ofsuperior merit, and by the prospect that his success would enable himto restore peace and order to the distracted empire. In his civilwars against Maxentius and Licinius, he had engaged on his side theinclinations of the people, who compared the undissembled vices of thosetyrants with the spirit of wisdom and justice which seemed to direct thegeneral tenor of the administration of Constantine. [2]

[Footnote 2: The virtues of Constantine are collected for the most partfrom Eutropius and the younger Victor, two sincere pagans, who wroteafter the extinction of his family. Even Zosimus, and the EmperorJulian, acknowledge his personal courage and military achievements. ]

Had Constantine fallen on the banks of the Tyber, or even in the plainsof Hadrianople, such is the character which, with a few exceptions, hemight have transmitted to posterity. But the conclusion of his reign(according to the moderate and indeed tender sentence of a writer ofthe same age) degraded him from the rank which he had acquired amongthe most deserving of the Roman princes. [3] In the life of Augustus, we behold the tyrant of the republic, converted, almost by imperceptibledegrees, into the father of his country, and of human kind. In that ofConstantine, we may contemplate a hero, who had so long inspired hissubjects with love, and his enemies with terror, degenerating into acruel and dissolute monarch, corrupted by his fortune, or raised byconquest above the necessity of dissimulation. The general peace whichhe maintained during the last fourteen years of his reign, was a periodof apparent splendor rather than of real prosperity; and the old ageof Constantine was disgraced by the opposite yet reconcilable vices ofrapaciousness and prodigality. The accumulated treasures found in thepalaces of Maxentius and Licinius, were lavishly consumed; thevarious innovations introduced by the conqueror, were attended withan increasing expense; the cost of his buildings, his court, andhis festivals, required an immediate and plentiful supply; and theoppression of the people was the only fund which could support themagnificence of the sovereign. [4] His unworthy favorites, enrichedby the boundless liberality of their master, usurped with impunity theprivilege of rapine and corruption. [5] A secret but universal decaywas felt in every part of the public administration, and the emperorhimself, though he still retained the obedience, gradually lost theesteem, of his subjects. The dress and manners, which, towards thedecline of life, he chose to affect, served only to degrade him in theeyes of mankind. The Asiatic pomp, which had been adopted by the prideof Diocletian, assumed an air of softness and effeminacy in the personof Constantine. He is represented with false hair of various colors, laboriously arranged by the skilful artists to the times; a diadem ofa new and more expensive fashion; a profusion of gems and pearls, ofcollars and bracelets, and a variegated flowing robe of silk, mostcuriously embroidered with flowers of gold. In such apparel, scarcelyto be excused by the youth and folly of Elagabalus, we are at a loss todiscover the wisdom of an aged monarch, and the simplicity of a Romanveteran. [6] A mind thus relaxed by prosperity and indulgence, wasincapable of rising to that magnanimity which disdains suspicion, anddares to forgive. The deaths of Maximian and Licinius may perhaps bejustified by the maxims of policy, as they are taught in the schoolsof tyrants; but an impartial narrative of the executions, or rathermurders, which sullied the declining age of Constantine, will suggestto our most candid thoughts the idea of a prince who could sacrificewithout reluctance the laws of justice, and the feelings of nature, tothe dictates either of his passions or of his interest. 

[Footnote 3: See Eutropius, x. 6. In primo Imperii tempore optimisprincipibus, ultimo mediis comparandus. From the ancient Greek versionof Poeanius, (edit. Havercamp. P. 697, ) I am inclined to suspect thatEutropius had originally written vix mediis; and that the offensivemonosyllable was dropped by the wilful inadvertency of transcribers. Aurelius Victor expresses the general opinion by a vulgar and indeedobscure proverb. Trachala decem annis praestantissimds; duodecimsequentibus latro; decem novissimis pupillus ob immouicas profusiones. ]

[Footnote 4: Julian, Orat. I. P. 8, in a flattering discourse pronouncedbefore the son of Constantine; and Caesares, p. 336. Zosimus, p. 114, 115. The stately buildings of Constantinople, &c. , may be quoted as alasting and unexceptionable proof of the profuseness of their founder. ]

[Footnote 5: The impartial Ammianus deserves all our confidence. Proximorum fauces aperuit primus omnium Constantinus. L. Xvi. C. 8. Eusebius himself confesses the abuse, (Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 29, 54;) and some of the Imperial laws feebly point out the remedy. Seeabove, p. 146 of this volume. ]

[Footnote 6: Julian, in the Caesars, attempts to ridicule his uncle. His suspicious testimony is confirmed, however, by the learned Spanheim, with the authority of medals, (see Commentaire, p. 156, 299, 397, 459. )Eusebius (Orat. C. 5) alleges, that Constantine dressed for the public, not for himself. Were this admitted, the vainest coxcomb could neverwant an excuse. ]

The same fortune which so invariably followed the standard ofConstantine, seemed to secure the hopes and comforts of his domesticlife. Those among his predecessors who had enjoyed the longest andmost prosperous reigns, Augustus Trajan, and Diocletian, had beendisappointed of posterity; and the frequent revolutions had neverallowed sufficient time for any Imperial family to grow up and multiplyunder the shade of the purple. But the royalty of the Flavian line, which had been first ennobled by the Gothic Claudius, descended throughseveral generations; and Constantine himself derived from his royalfather the hereditary honors which he transmitted to his children. Theemperor had been twice married. Minervina, the obscure but lawful objectof his youthful attachment, [7] had left him only one son, who wascalled Crispus. By Fausta, the daughter of Maximian, he had threedaughters, and three sons known by the kindred names of Constantine, Constantius, and Constans. The unambitious brothers of the greatConstantine, Julius Constantius, Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, [8]were permitted to enjoy the most honorable rank, and the most affluentfortune, that could be consistent with a private station. The youngestof the three lived without a name, and died without posterity. His twoelder brothers obtained in marriage the daughters of wealthy senators, and propagated new branches of the Imperial race. Gallus and Julianafterwards became the most illustrious of the children of JuliusConstantius, the Patrician. 

The two sons of Dalmatius, who had been decorated with the vain title ofCensor, were named Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The two sisters of thegreat Constantine, Anastasia and Eutropia, were bestowed on Optatus andNepotianus, two senators of noble birth and of consular dignity. Histhird sister, Constantia, was distinguished by her preeminence ofgreatness and of misery. She remained the widow of the vanquishedLicinius; and it was by her entreaties, that an innocent boy, theoffspring of their marriage, preserved, for some time, his life, thetitle of Caesar, and a precarious hope of the succession. Besides thefemales, and the allies of the Flavian house, ten or twelve males, towhom the language of modern courts would apply the title of princes ofthe blood, seemed, according to the order of their birth, to be destinedeither to inherit or to support the throne of Constantine. But in lessthan thirty years, this numerous and increasing family was reduced tothe persons of Constantius and Julian, who alone had survived a seriesof crimes and calamities, such as the tragic poets have deplored in thedevoted lines of Pelops and of Cadmus. 

[Footnote 7: Zosimus and Zonaras agree in representing Minervina as theconcubine of Constantine; but Ducange has very gallantly rescued hercharacter, by producing a decisive passage from one of the panegyrics:"Ab ipso fine pueritiae te matrimonii legibus dedisti. "]

[Footnote 8: Ducange (Familiae Byzantinae, p. 44) bestows on him, afterZosimus, the name of Constantine; a name somewhat unlikely, as itwas already occupied by the elder brother. That of Hannibalianus ismentioned in the Paschal Chronicle, and is approved by Tillemont. Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 527. ]

Crispus, the eldest son of Constantine, and the presumptive heir ofthe empire, is represented by impartial historians as an amiable andaccomplished youth. The care of his education, or at least of hisstudies, was intrusted to Lactantius, the most eloquent of theChristians; a preceptor admirably qualified to form the taste, andthe excite the virtues, of his illustrious disciple. [9] At the ageof seventeen, Crispus was invested with the title of Caesar, and theadministration of the Gallic provinces, where the inroads of the Germansgave him an early occasion of signalizing his military prowess. In thecivil war which broke out soon afterwards, the father and son dividedtheir powers; and this history has already celebrated the valor aswell as conduct displayed by the latter, in forcing the straits of theHellespont, so obstinately defended by the superior fleet of Lacinius. This naval victory contributed to determine the event of the war;and the names of Constantine and of Crispus were united in the joyfulacclamations of their eastern subjects; who loudly proclaimed, that theworld had been subdued, and was now governed, by an emperor endowed withevery virtue; and by his illustrious son, a prince beloved of Heaven, and the lively image of his father's perfections. The public favor, which seldom accompanies old age, diffused its lustre over the youth ofCrispus. He deserved the esteem, and he engaged the affections, of thecourt, the army, and the people. The experienced merit of a reigningmonarch is acknowledged by his subjects with reluctance, and frequentlydenied with partial and discontented murmurs; while, from the openingvirtues of his successor, they fondly conceive the most unbounded hopesof private as well as public felicity. [10]

[Footnote 9: Jerom. In Chron. The poverty of Lactantius may be appliedeither to the praise of the disinterested philosopher, or to the shameof the unfeeling patron. See Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. Tom. Vi. Part1. P. 345. Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecclesiast. Tom. I. P. 205. Lardner'sCredibility of the Gospel History, part ii. Vol. Vii. P. 66. ]

[Footnote 10: Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. L. X. C. 9. Eutropius (x. 6)styles him "egregium virum;" and Julian (Orat. I. ) very plainly alludesto the exploits of Crispus in the civil war. See Spanheim, Comment. P. 92. ]

This dangerous popularity soon excited the attention of Constantine, who, both as a father and as a king, was impatient of an equal. Insteadof attempting to secure the allegiance of his son by the generous tiesof confidence and gratitude, he resolved to prevent the mischiefs whichmight be apprehended from dissatisfied ambition. Crispus soon had reasonto complain, that while his infant brother Constantius was sent, withthe title of Caesar, to reign over his peculiar department of the Gallicprovinces, [11] he, a prince of mature years, who had performed suchrecent and signal services, instead of being raised to the superior rankof Augustus, was confined almost a prisoner to his father's court; andexposed, without power or defence, to every calumny which the malice ofhis enemies could suggest. Under such painful circumstances, the royalyouth might not always be able to compose his behavior, or suppress hisdiscontent; and we may be assured, that he was encompassed by a train ofindiscreet or perfidious followers, who assiduously studied to inflame, and who were perhaps instructed to betray, the unguarded warmth ofhis resentment. An edict of Constantine, published about this time, manifestly indicates his real or affected suspicions, that a secretconspiracy had been formed against his person and government. By all theallurements of honors and rewards, he invites informers of every degreeto accuse without exception his magistrates or ministers, his friendsor his most intimate favorites, protesting, with a solemn asseveration, that he himself will listen to the charge, that he himself will revengehis injuries; and concluding with a prayer, which discovers someapprehension of danger, that the providence of the Supreme Being maystill continue to protect the safety of the emperor and of the empire. [12]

[Footnote 11: Compare Idatius and the Paschal Chronicle, with Ammianus, (l, xiv. C. 5. ) The year in which Constantius was created Caesar seemsto be more accurately fixed by the two chronologists; but the historianwho lived in his court could not be ignorant of the day of theanniversary. For the appointment of the new Caesar to the provinces ofGaul, see Julian, Orat. I. P. 12, Godefroy, Chronol. Legum, p. 26. AndBlondel, de Primaute de l'Eglise, p. 1183. ]

[Footnote 12: Cod. Theod. L. Ix. Tit. Iv. Godefroy suspected the secretmotives of this law. Comment. Tom. Iii. P. 9. ]

The informers, who complied with so liberal an invitation, weresufficiently versed in the arts of courts to select the friends andadherents of Crispus as the guilty persons; nor is there any reason todistrust the veracity of the emperor, who had promised an ample measureof revenge and punishment. The policy of Constantine maintained, however, the same appearances of regard and confidence towards a son, whom he began to consider as his most irreconcilable enemy. Medals werestruck with the customary vows for the long and auspicious reign of theyoung Caesar; [13] and as the people, who were not admitted into thesecrets of the palace, still loved his virtues, and respected hisdignity, a poet who solicits his recall from exile, adores with equaldevotion the majesty of the father and that of the son. [14] The timewas now arrived for celebrating the august ceremony of the twentiethyear of the reign of Constantine; and the emperor, for that purpose, removed his court from Nicomedia to Rome, where the most splendidpreparations had been made for his reception. Every eye, and everytongue, affected to express their sense of the general happiness, andthe veil of ceremony and dissimulation was drawn for a while overthe darkest designs of revenge and murder. [15] In the midst of thefestival, the unfortunate Crispus was apprehended by order of theemperor, who laid aside the tenderness of a father, without assuming theequity of a judge. The examination was short and private; [16] and as itwas thought decent to conceal the fate of the young prince from theeyes of the Roman people, he was sent under a strong guard to Pola, inIstria, where, soon afterwards, he was put to death, either by the handof the executioner, or by the more gentle operations of poison. [17] TheCaesar Licinius, a youth of amiable manners, was involved in the ruin ofCrispus: [18] and the stern jealousy of Constantine was unmoved by theprayers and tears of his favorite sister, pleading for the life of ason, whose rank was his only crime, and whose loss she did not longsurvive. The story of these unhappy princes, the nature and evidence oftheir guilt, the forms of their trial, and the circumstances of theirdeath, were buried in mysterious obscurity; and the courtly bishop, whohas celebrated in an elaborate work the virtues and piety of his hero, observes a prudent silence on the subject of these tragic events. [19]Such haughty contempt for the opinion of mankind, whilst it imprints anindelible stain on the memory of Constantine, must remind us of the verydifferent behavior of one of the greatest monarchs of the present age. The Czar Peter, in the full possession of despotic power, submitted tothe judgment of Russia, of Europe, and of posterity, the reasons whichhad compelled him to subscribe the condemnation of a criminal, or atleast of a degenerate son. [20]

[Footnote 13: Ducange, Fam. Byzant. P. 28. Tillemont, tom. Iv. P. 610. ]

[Footnote 14: His name was Porphyrius Optatianus. The date of hispanegyric, written, according to the taste of the age, in vileacrostics, is settled by Scaliger ad Euseb. P. 250, Tillemont, tom. Iv. P. 607, and Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin, l. Iv. C. 1. ]

[Footnote 15: Zosim. L. Ii. P. 103. Godefroy, Chronol. Legum, p. 28. ]

[Footnote 16: The elder Victor, who wrote under the next reign, speakswith becoming caution. "Natu grandior incertum qua causa, patris judiciooccidisset. " If we consult the succeeding writers, Eutropius, theyounger Victor, Orosius, Jerom, Zosimus, Philostorgius, and Gregory ofTours, their knowledge will appear gradually to increase, as their meansof information must have diminished--a circumstance which frequentlyoccurs in historical disquisition. ]

[Footnote 17: Ammianus (l. Xiv. C. 11) uses the general expressionof peremptum Codinus (p. 34) beheads the young prince; but SidoniusApollinaris (Epistol. V. 8, ) for the sake perhaps of an antithesis toFausta's warm bath, chooses to administer a draught of cold poison. ]

[Footnote 18: Sororis filium, commodae indolis juvenem. Eutropius, x. 6May I not be permitted to conjecture that Crispus had married Helena thedaughter of the emperor Licinius, and that on the happy delivery of theprincess, in the year 322, a general pardon was granted by Constantine?See Ducange, Fam. Byzant. P. 47, and the law (l. Ix. Tit. Xxxvii. ) ofthe Theodosian code, which has so much embarrassed the interpreters. Godefroy, tom. Iii. P. 267 * Note: This conjecture is very doubtful. Theobscurity of the law quoted from the Theodosian code scarcely allows anyinference, and there is extant but one meda which can be attributed to aHelena, wife of Crispus. ]

[Footnote 19: See the life of Constantine, particularly l. Ii. C. 19, 20. Two hundred and fifty years afterwards Evagrius (l. Iii. C. 41)deduced from the silence of Eusebius a vain argument against the realityof the fact. ]

[Footnote 20: Histoire de Pierre le Grand, par Voltaire, part ii. C. 10. ]

The innocence of Crispus was so universally acknowledged, that themodern Greeks, who adore the memory of their founder, are reduced topalliate the guilt of a parricide, which the common feelings of humannature forbade them to justify. They pretend, that as soon as theafflicted father discovered the falsehood of the accusation by whichhis credulity had been so fatally misled, he published to the worldhis repentance and remorse; that he mourned forty days, during whichhe abstained from the use of the bath, and all the ordinary comforts oflife; and that, for the lasting instruction of posterity, he erected agolden statue of Crispus, with this memorable inscription: To my son, whom I unjustly condemned. [21] A tale so moral and so interestingwould deserve to be supported by less exceptionable authority; but ifwe consult the more ancient and authentic writers, they will inform us, that the repentance of Constantine was manifested only in acts of bloodand revenge; and that he atoned for the murder of an innocent son, bythe execution, perhaps, of a guilty wife. They ascribe the misfortunesof Crispus to the arts of his step-mother Fausta, whose implacablehatred, or whose disappointed love, renewed in the palace of Constantinethe ancient tragedy of Hippolitus and of Phaedra. [22] Like thedaughter of Minos, the daughter of Maximian accused her son-in-law ofan incestuous attempt on the chastity of his father's wife; and easilyobtained, from the jealousy of the emperor, a sentence of death againsta young prince, whom she considered with reason as the most formidablerival of her own children. But Helena, the aged mother of Constantine, lamented and revenged the untimely fate of her grandson Crispus; norwas it long before a real or pretended discovery was made, that Faustaherself entertained a criminal connection with a slave belonging to theImperial stables. [23] Her condemnation and punishment were the instantconsequences of the charge; and the adulteress was suffocated bythe steam of a bath, which, for that purpose, had been heated to anextraordinary degree. [24] By some it will perhaps be thought, that theremembrance of a conjugal union of twenty years, and the honor of theircommon offspring, the destined heirs of the throne, might have softenedthe obdurate heart of Constantine, and persuaded him to suffer his wife, however guilty she might appear, to expiate her offences in a solitaryprison. But it seems a superfluous labor to weigh the propriety, unlesswe could ascertain the truth, of this singular event, which is attendedwith some circumstances of doubt and perplexity. Those who haveattacked, and those who have defended, the character of Constantine, have alike disregarded two very remarkable passages of two orationspronounced under the succeeding reign. The former celebrates thevirtues, the beauty, and the fortune of the empress Fausta, thedaughter, wife, sister, and mother of so many princes. [25] The latterasserts, in explicit terms, that the mother of the younger Constantine, who was slain three years after his father's death, survived to weepover the fate of her son. [26] Notwithstanding the positive testimony ofseveral writers of the Pagan as well as of the Christian religion, theremay still remain some reason to believe, or at least to suspect, thatFausta escaped the blind and suspicious cruelty of her husband. [26a]The deaths of a son and a nephew, with the execution of a great numberof respectable, and perhaps innocent friends, [27] who were involved intheir fall, may be sufficient, however, to justify the discontent of theRoman people, and to explain the satirical verses affixed to the palacegate, comparing the splendid and bloody reigns of Constantine and Nero. [28]

[Footnote 21: In order to prove that the statue was erected byConstantine, and afterwards concealed by the malice of the Arians, Codinus very readily creates (p. 34) two witnesses, Hippolitus, andthe younger Herodotus, to whose imaginary histories he appeals withunblushing confidence. ]

[Footnote 22: Zosimus (l. Ii. P. 103) may be considered as our original. The ingenuity of the moderns, assisted by a few hints from the ancients, has illustrated and improved his obscure and imperfect narrative. ]

[Footnote 23: Philostorgius, l. Ii. C. 4. Zosimus (l. Ii. P. 104, 116)imputes to Constantine the death of two wives, of the innocent Fausta, and of an adulteress, who was the mother of his three successors. According to Jerom, three or four years elapsed between the death ofCrispus and that of Fausta. The elder Victor is prudently silent. ]

[Footnote 24: If Fausta was put to death, it is reasonable to believethat the private apartments of the palace were the scene of herexecution. The orator Chrysostom indulges his fancy by exposing thenaked desert mountain to be devoured by wild beasts. ]

[Footnote 25: Julian. Orat. I. He seems to call her the mother ofCrispus. She might assume that title by adoption. At least, she was notconsidered as his mortal enemy. Julian compares the fortune of Faustawith that of Parysatis, the Persian queen. A Roman would have morenaturally recollected the second Agrippina:

 Et moi, qui sur le trone ai suivi mes ancetres: Moi, fille, femme, soeur, et mere de vos maitres. ]

[Footnote 26: Monod. In Constantin. Jun. C. 4, ad Calcem Eutrop. Edit. Havercamp. The orator styles her the most divine and pious of queens. ]

[Footnote 26a: Manso (Leben Constantins, p. 65) treats this inference o:Gibbon, and the authorities to which he appeals, with too muchcontempt, considering the general scantiness of proof on this curiousquestion. --M. ]

[Footnote 27: Interfecit numerosos amicos. Eutrop. Xx. 6. ]

[Footnote 28: Saturni aurea saecula quis requirat? Sunt haec gemmea, sedNeroniana. Sidon. Apollinar. V. 8. ----It is somewhat singular thatthese satirical lines should be attributed, not to an obscure libeller, or a disappointed patriot, but to Ablavius, prime minister and favoriteof the emperor. We may now perceive that the imprecations of the Romanpeople were dictated by humanity, as well as by superstition. Zosim. L. Ii. P. 105. ]

Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons. --Part II. 

By the death of Crispus, the inheritance of the empire seemed to devolveon the three sons of Fausta, who have been already mentioned underthe names of Constantine, of Constantius, and of Constans. These youngprinces were successively invested with the title of Caesar; and thedates of their promotion may be referred to the tenth, the twentieth, and the thirtieth years of the reign of their father. [29] This conduct, though it tended to multiply the future masters of the Roman world, might be excused by the partiality of paternal affection; but it is notso easy to understand the motives of the emperor, when he endangeredthe safety both of his family and of his people, by the unnecessaryelevation of his two nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The formerwas raised, by the title of Caesar, to an equality with his cousins. In favor of the latter, Constantine invented the new and singularappellation of Nobilissimus; [30] to which he annexed the flatteringdistinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of the whole seriesof Roman princes in any age of the empire, Hannibalianus alone wasdistinguished by the title of King; a name which the subjects ofTiberius would have detested, as the profane and cruel insult ofcapricious tyranny. The use of such a title, even as it appears underthe reign of Constantine, is a strange and unconnected fact, whichcan scarcely be admitted on the joint authority of Imperial medals andcontemporary writers. [31] [31a]

[Footnote 29: Euseb. Orat. In Constantin. C. 3. These dates aresufficiently correct to justify the orator. ]

[Footnote 30: Zosim. L. Ii. P. 117. Under the predecessors ofConstantine, No bilissimus was a vague epithet, rather than a legal anddetermined title. ]

[Footnote 31: Adstruunt nummi veteres ac singulares. Spanheim de UsuNumismat. Dissertat. Xii. Vol. Ii. P. 357. Ammianus speaks of this Romanking (l. Xiv. C. L, and Valesius ad loc. ) The Valesian fragment styleshim King of kings; and the Paschal Chronicle acquires the weight ofLatin evidence. ]

[Footnote 31a: Hannibalianus is always designated in these authors bythe title of king. There still exist medals struck to his honor, onwhich the same title is found, Fl. Hannibaliano Regi. See Eckhel, Doct. Num. T. Viii. 204. Armeniam nationesque circum socias habebat, says Aur. Victor, p. 225. The writer means the Lesser Armenia. Though it is notpossible to question a fact supported by such respectable authorities, Gibbon considers it inexplicable and incredible. It is a strange abuseof the privilege of doubting, to refuse all belief in a fact of suchlittle importance in itself, and attested thus formally by contemporaryauthors and public monuments. St. Martin note to Le Beau i. 341. --M. ]

The whole empire was deeply interested in the education of these fiveyouths, the acknowledged successors of Constantine. The exercise ofthe body prepared them for the fatigues of war and the duties ofactive life. Those who occasionally mention the education or talents ofConstantius, allow that he excelled in the gymnastic arts of leaping andrunning that he was a dexterous archer, a skilful horseman, and a masterof all the different weapons used in the service either of the cavalryor of the infantry. [32] The same assiduous cultivation was bestowed, though not perhaps with equal success, to improve the minds of the sonsand nephews of Constantine. [33] The most celebrated professors ofthe Christian faith, of the Grecian philosophy, and of the Romanjurisprudence, were invited by the liberality of the emperor, whoreserved for himself the important task of instructing the royal youthsin the science of government, and the knowledge of mankind. Butthe genius of Constantine himself had been formed by adversity andexperience. In the free intercourse of private life, and amidst thedangers of the court of Galerius, he had learned to command his ownpassions, to encounter those of his equals, and to depend for hispresent safety and future greatness on the prudence and firmness of hispersonal conduct. His destined successors had the misfortune of beingborn and educated in the imperial purple. Incessantly surrounded with atrain of flatterers, they passed their youth in the enjoyment of luxury, and the expectation of a throne; nor would the dignity of their rankpermit them to descend from that elevated station from whence thevarious characters of human nature appear to wear a smooth and uniformaspect. The indulgence of Constantine admitted them, at a very tenderage, to share the administration of the empire; and they studied the artof reigning, at the expense of the people intrusted to their care. Theyounger Constantine was appointed to hold his court in Gaul; and hisbrother Constantius exchanged that department, the ancient patrimony oftheir father, for the more opulent, but less martial, countries ofthe East. Italy, the Western Illyricum, and Africa, were accustomed torevere Constans, the third of his sons, as the representative of thegreat Constantine. He fixed Dalmatius on the Gothic frontier, to whichhe annexed the government of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece. The cityof Caesarea was chosen for the residence of Hannibalianus; and theprovinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, and the Lesser Armenia, were destinedto form the extent of his new kingdom. For each of these princes asuitable establishment was provided. A just proportion of guards, oflegions, and of auxiliaries, was allotted for their respective dignityand defence. The ministers and generals, who were placed about theirpersons, were such as Constantine could trust to assist, and even tocontrol, these youthful sovereigns in the exercise of their delegatedpower. As they advanced in years and experience, the limits of theirauthority were insensibly enlarged: but the emperor always reserved forhimself the title of Augustus; and while he showed the Caesars to thearmies and provinces, he maintained every part of the empire in equalobedience to its supreme head. [34] The tranquillity of the lastfourteen years of his reign was scarcely interrupted by the contemptibleinsurrection of a camel-driver in the Island of Cyprus, [35] or by theactive part which the policy of Constantine engaged him to assume in thewars of the Goths and Sarmatians. 

[Footnote 32: His dexterity in martial exercises is celebrated byJulian, (Orat. I. P. 11, Orat. Ii. P. 53, ) and allowed by Ammianus, (l. Xxi. C. 16. )]

[Footnote 33: Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 51. Julian, Orat. I. P. 11-16, with Spanheim's elaborate Commentary. Libanius, Orat. Iii. P. 109. Constantius studied with laudable diligence; but the dulness ofhis fancy prevented him from succeeding in the art of poetry, or even ofrhetoric. ]

[Footnote 34: Eusebius, (l. Iv. C. 51, 52, ) with a design of exaltingthe authority and glory of Constantine, affirms, that he divided theRoman empire as a private citizen might have divided his patrimony. Hisdistribution of the provinces may be collected from Eutropius, the twoVictors and the Valesian fragment. ]

[Footnote 35: Calocerus, the obscure leader of this rebellion, or rathertumult, was apprehended and burnt alive in the market-place of Tarsus, by the vigilance of Dalmatius. See the elder Victor, the Chronicle ofJerom, and the doubtful traditions of Theophanes and Cedrenus. ]

Among the different branches of the human race, the Sarmatians form avery remarkable shade; as they seem to unite the manners of the Asiaticbarbarians with the figure and complexion of the ancient inhabitants ofEurope. According to the various accidents of peace and war, of allianceor conquest, the Sarmatians were sometimes confined to the banks of theTanais; and they sometimes spread themselves over the immense plainswhich lie between the Vistula and the Volga. [36] The care of theirnumerous flocks and herds, the pursuit of game, and the exercisesof war, or rather of rapine, directed the vagrant motions of theSarmatians. The movable camps or cities, the ordinary residence of theirwives and children, consisted only of large wagons drawn by oxen, andcovered in the form of tents. The military strength of the nation wascomposed of cavalry; and the custom of their warriors, to lead in theirhand one or two spare horses, enabled them to advance and to retreatwith a rapid diligence, which surprised the security, and eluded thepursuit, of a distant enemy. [37] Their poverty of iron promptedtheir rude industry to invent a sort of cuirass, which was capableof resisting a sword or javelin, though it was formed only of horses'hoofs, cut into thin and polished slices, carefully laid over each otherin the manner of scales or feathers, and strongly sewed upon an undergarment of coarse linen. [38] The offensive arms of the Sarmatians wereshort daggers, long lances, and a weighty bow with a quiver of arrows. They were reduced to the necessity of employing fish-bones for thepoints of their weapons; but the custom of dipping them in a venomousliquor, that poisoned the wounds which they inflicted, is alonesufficient to prove the most savage manners, since a people impressedwith a sense of humanity would have abhorred so cruel a practice, anda nation skilled in the arts of war would have disdained so impotent aresource. [39] Whenever these Barbarians issued from their deserts inquest of prey, their shaggy beards, uncombed locks, the furs with whichthey were covered from head to foot, and their fierce countenances, which seemed to express the innate cruelty of their minds, inspired themore civilized provincials of Rome with horror and dismay. 

[Footnote 36: Cellarius has collected the opinions of the ancientsconcerning the European and Asiatic Sarmatia; and M. D'Anville hasapplied them to modern geography with the skill and accuracy whichalways distinguish that excellent writer. ]

[Footnote 37: Ammian. L. Xvii. C. 12. The Sarmatian horses werecastrated to prevent the mischievous accidents which might happen fromthe noisy and ungovernable passions of the males. ]

[Footnote 38: Pausanius, l. I. P. 50, . Edit. Kuhn. That inquisitivetraveller had carefully examined a Sarmatian cuirass, which waspreserved in the temple of Aesculapius at Athens. ]

[Footnote 39: Aspicis et mitti sub adunco toxica ferro, Et telum causasmortis habere duas. Ovid, ex Ponto, l. Iv. Ep. 7, ver. 7. ----See in theRecherches sur les Americains, tom. Ii. P. 236--271, a very curiousdissertation on poisoned darts. The venom was commonly extracted fromthe vegetable reign: but that employed by the Scythians appears to havebeen drawn from the viper, and a mixture of human blood. ]

The use of poisoned arms, which has been spread over both worlds, neverpreserved a savage tribe from the arms of a disciplined enemy. Thetender Ovid, after a youth spent in the enjoyment of fame and luxury, was condemned to a hopeless exile on the frozen banks of the Danube, where he was exposed, almost without defence, to the fury of thesemonsters of the desert, with whose stern spirits he feared that hisgentle shade might hereafter be confounded. In his pathetic, butsometimes unmanly lamentations, [40] he describes in the most livelycolors the dress and manners, the arms and inroads, of the Getae andSarmatians, who were associated for the purposes of destruction; andfrom the accounts of history there is some reason to believe that theseSarmatians were the Jazygae, one of the most numerous and warlike tribesof the nation. The allurements of plenty engaged them to seek apermanent establishment on the frontiers of the empire. Soon after thereign of Augustus, they obliged the Dacians, who subsisted by fishing onthe banks of the River Teyss or Tibiscus, to retire into the hillycountry, and to abandon to the victorious Sarmatians the fertile plainsof the Upper Hungary, which are bounded by the course of the Danube andthe semicircular enclosure of the Carpathian Mountains. [41] In thisadvantageous position, they watched or suspended the moment of attack, as they were provoked by injuries or appeased by presents; theygradually acquired the skill of using more dangerous weapons, andalthough the Sarmatians did not illustrate their name by any memorableexploits, they occasionally assisted their eastern and westernneighbors, the Goths and the Germans, with a formidable body of cavalry. They lived under the irregular aristocracy of their chieftains: [42] butafter they had received into their bosom the fugitive Vandals, whoyielded to the pressure of the Gothic power, they seem to have chosen aking from that nation, and from the illustrious race of the Astingi, whohad formerly dwelt on the hores of the northern ocean. [43]

[Footnote 40: The nine books of Poetical Epistles which Ovid composedduring the seven first years of his melancholy exile, possess, besidethe merit of elegance, a double value. They exhibit a picture of thehuman mind under very singular circumstances; and they contain manycurious observations, which no Roman except Ovid, could have anopportunity of making. Every circumstance which tends to illustrate thehistory of the Barbarians, has been drawn together by the very accurateCount de Buat. Hist. Ancienne des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Iv. C. Xvi. P. 286-317]

[Footnote 41: The Sarmatian Jazygae were settled on the banks ofPathissus or Tibiscus, when Pliny, in the year 79, published his NaturalHistory. See l. Iv. C. 25. In the time of Strabo and Ovid, sixty orseventy years before, they appear to have inhabited beyond the Getae, along the coast of the Euxine. ]

[Footnote 42: Principes Sarmaturum Jazygum penes quos civitatis regimenplebem quoque et vim equitum, qua sola valent, offerebant. Tacit. Hist. Iii. P. 5. This offer was made in the civil war between Vitellino andVespasian. ]

[Footnote 43: This hypothesis of a Vandal king reigning over Sarmatiansubjects, seems necessary to reconcile the Goth Jornandes with the Greekand Latin historians of Constantine. It may be observed that Isidore, who lived in Spain under the dominion of the Goths, gives them forenemies, not the Vandals, but the Sarmatians. See his Chronicle inGrotius, p. 709. Note: I have already noticed the confusion which mustnecessarily arise in history, when names purely geographical, as this ofSarmatia, are taken for historical names belonging to a single nation. We perceive it here; it has forced Gibbon to suppose, without any reasonbut the necessity of extricating himself from his perplexity, thatthe Sarmatians had taken a king from among the Vandals; a suppositionentirely contrary to the usages of Barbarians Dacia, at this period, wasoccupied, not by Sarmatians, who have never formed a distinct race, butby Vandals, whom the ancients have often confounded under the generalterm Sarmatians. See Gatterer's Welt-Geschiehte p. 464--G. ]

This motive of enmity must have inflamed the subjects of contention, which perpetually arise on the confines of warlike and independentnations. The Vandal princes were stimulated by fear and revenge; theGothic kings aspired to extend their dominion from the Euxine to thefrontiers of Germany; and the waters of the Maros, a small river whichfalls into the Teyss, were stained with the blood of the contendingBarbarians. After some experience of the superior strength and numbersof their adversaries, the Sarmatians implored the protection of theRoman monarch, who beheld with pleasure the discord of the nations, butwho was justly alarmed by the progress of the Gothic arms. As soonas Constantine had declared himself in favor of the weaker party, thehaughty Araric, king of the Goths, instead of expecting the attack ofthe legions, boldly passed the Danube, and spread terror and devastationthrough the province of Maesia. 

To oppose the inroad of this destroying host, the aged emperor took thefield in person; but on this occasion either his conduct or his fortunebetrayed the glory which he had acquired in so many foreign and domesticwars. He had the mortification of seeing his troops fly before aninconsiderable detachment of the Barbarians, who pursued them to theedge of their fortified camp, and obliged him to consult his safety bya precipitate and ignominious retreat. [43a] The event of a second andmore successful action retrieved the honor of the Roman name; and thepowers of art and discipline prevailed, after an obstinate contest, overthe efforts of irregular valor. The broken army of the Goths abandonedthe field of battle, the wasted province, and the passage of the Danube:and although the eldest of the sons of Constantine was permitted tosupply the place of his father, the merit of the victory, which diffuseduniversal joy, was ascribed to the auspicious counsels of the emperorhimself. 

[Footnote 43a: Gibbon states, that Constantine was defeated by the Gothsin a first battle. No ancient author mentions such an event. It is, nodoubt, a mistake in Gibbon. St Martin, note to Le Beau. I. 324. --M. ]

He contributed at least to improve this advantage, by his negotiationswith the free and warlike people of Chersonesus, [44] whose capital, situate on the western coast of the Tauric or Crimaean peninsula, still retained some vestiges of a Grecian colony, and was governed bya perpetual magistrate, assisted by a council of senators, emphaticallystyled the Fathers of the City. 

The Chersonites were animated against the Goths, by the memory of thewars, which, in the preceding century, they had maintained with unequalforces against the invaders of their country. They were connected withthe Romans by the mutual benefits of commerce; as they were suppliedfrom the provinces of Asia with corn and manufactures, which theypurchased with their only productions, salt, wax, and hides. Obedientto the requisition of Constantine, they prepared, under the conduct oftheir magistrate Diogenes, a considerable army, of which the principalstrength consisted in cross-bows and military chariots. The speedy marchand intrepid attack of the Chersonites, by diverting the attention ofthe Goths, assisted the operations of the Imperial generals. The Goths, vanquished on every side, were driven into the mountains, where, in thecourse of a severe campaign, above a hundred thousand were computed tohave perished by cold and hunger Peace was at length granted to theirhumble supplications; the eldest son of Araric was accepted as the mostvaluable hostage; and Constantine endeavored to convince their chiefs, by a liberal distribution of honors and rewards, how far the friendshipof the Romans was preferable to their enmity. In the expressions of hisgratitude towards the faithful Chersonites, the emperor was still moremagnificent. The pride of the nation was gratified by the splendidand almost royal decorations bestowed on their magistrate and hissuccessors. A perpetual exemption from all duties was stipulated fortheir vessels which traded to the ports of the Black Sea. A regularsubsidy was promised, of iron, corn, oil, and of every supply whichcould be useful either in peace or war. But it was thought thatthe Sarmatians were sufficiently rewarded by their deliverance fromimpending ruin; and the emperor, perhaps with too strict an economy, deducted some part of the expenses of the war from the customarygratifications which were allowed to that turbulent nation. 

[Footnote 44: I may stand in need of some apology for having used, without scruple, the authority of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in allthat relates to the wars and negotiations of the Chersonites. I amaware that he was a Greek of the tenth century, and that his accountsof ancient history are frequently confused and fabulous. But on thisoccasion his narrative is, for the most part, consistent and probablenor is there much difficulty in conceiving that an emperor might haveaccess to some secret archives, which had escaped the diligence ofmeaner historians. For the situation and history of Chersone, seePeyssonel, des Peuples barbares qui ont habite les Bords du Danube, c. Xvi. 84-90. ----Gibbon has confounded the inhabitants of the city ofCherson, the ancient Chersonesus, with the people of the ChersonesusTaurica. If he had read with more attention the chapter of ConstantiusPorphyrogenitus, from which this narrative is derived, he would haveseen that the author clearly distinguishes the republic of Cherson fromthe rest of the Tauric Peninsula, then possessed by the kings of theCimmerian Bosphorus, and that the city of Cherson alone furnishedsuccors to the Romans. The English historian is also mistaken in sayingthat the Stephanephoros of the Chersonites was a perpetual magistrate;since it is easy to discover from the great number of Stephanephoroimentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, that they were annualmagistrates, like almost all those which governed the Grecian republics. St. Martin, note to Le Beau i. 326. --M. ]

Exasperated by this apparent neglect, the Sarmatians soon forgot, with the levity of barbarians, the services which they had so latelyreceived, and the dangers which still threatened their safety. Theirinroads on the territory of the empire provoked the indignation ofConstantine to leave them to their fate; and he no longer opposed theambition of Geberic, a renowned warrior, who had recently ascended theGothic throne. Wisumar, the Vandal king, whilst alone, and unassisted, he defended his dominions with undaunted courage, was vanquished andslain in a decisive battle, which swept away the flower of the Sarmatianyouth. [44a] The remainder of the nation embraced the desperateexpedient of arming their slaves, a hardy race of hunters and herdsmen, by whose tumultuary aid they revenged their defeat, and expelled theinvader from their confines. But they soon discovered that they hadexchanged a foreign for a domestic enemy, more dangerous and moreimplacable. Enraged by their former servitude, elated by their presentglory, the slaves, under the name of Limigantes, claimed and usurped thepossession of the country which they had saved. Their masters, unable towithstand the ungoverned fury of the populace, preferred the hardshipsof exile to the tyranny of their servants. Some of the fugitiveSarmatians solicited a less ignominious dependence, under the hostilestandard of the Goths. A more numerous band retired beyond theCarpathian Mountains, among the Quadi, their German allies, and wereeasily admitted to share a superfluous waste of uncultivated land. Butthe far greater part of the distressed nation turned their eyes towardsthe fruitful provinces of Rome. Imploring the protection and forgivenessof the emperor, they solemnly promised, as subjects in peace, and assoldiers in war, the most inviolable fidelity to the empire which shouldgraciously receive them into its bosom. According to the maxims adoptedby Probus and his successors, the offers of this barbarian colony wereeagerly accepted; and a competent portion of lands in the provinces ofPannonia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Italy, were immediately assigned forthe habitation and subsistence of three hundred thousand Sarmatians. [45] [45a]

[Footnote 44a: Gibbon supposes that this war took place becauseConstantine had deducted a part of the customary gratifications, grantedby his predecessors to the Sarmatians. Nothing of this kind appears inthe authors. We see, on the contrary, that after his victory, and topunish the Sarmatia is for the ravages they had committed, he withheldthe sums which it had been the custom to bestow. St. Martin, note to LeBeau, i. 327. --M. ]

[Footnote 45: The Gothic and Sarmatian wars are related in so broken andimperfect a manner, that I have been obliged to compare the followingwriters, who mutually supply, correct, and illustrate each other. Thosewho will take the same trouble, may acquire a right of criticizingmy narrative. Ammianus, l. Xvii. C. 12. Anonym. Valesian. P. 715. Eutropius, x. 7. Sextus Rufus de Provinciis, c. 26. Julian Orat. I. P. 9, and Spanheim, Comment. P. 94. Hieronym. In Chron. Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 6. Socrates, l. I. C. 18. Sozomen, l. I. C. 8. Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 108. Jornandes de Reb. Geticis, c. 22. Isidorus inChron. P. 709; in Hist. Gothorum Grotii. Constantin. Porphyrogenitus deAdministrat. Imperii, c. 53, p. 208, edit. Meursii. ]

[Footnote 45a: Compare, on this very obscure but remarkable war, Manso, Leben Coa xantius, p. 195--M. ]

By chastising the pride of the Goths, and by accepting the homage of asuppliant nation, Constantine asserted the majesty of the Roman empire;and the ambassadors of Aethiopia, Persia, and the most remote countriesof India, congratulated the peace and prosperity of his government. [46]If he reckoned, among the favors of fortune, the death of his eldestson, of his nephew, and perhaps of his wife, he enjoyed an uninterruptedflow of private as well as public felicity, till the thirtieth year ofhis reign; a period which none of his predecessors, since Augustus, hadbeen permitted to celebrate. Constantine survived that solemn festivalabout ten months; and at the mature age of sixty-four, after a shortillness, he ended his memorable life at the palace of Aquyrion, in thesuburbs of Nicomedia, whither he had retired for the benefit of the air, and with the hope of recruiting his exhausted strength by the use ofthe warm baths. The excessive demonstrations of grief, or at least ofmourning, surpassed whatever had been practised on any former occasion. Notwithstanding the claims of the senate and people of ancient Rome, the corpse of the deceased emperor, according to his last request, wastransported to the city, which was destined to preserve the name andmemory of its founder. The body of Constantine adorned with the vainsymbols of greatness, the purple and diadem, was deposited on a goldenbed in one of the apartments of the palace, which for that purpose hadbeen splendidly furnished and illuminated. The forms of the court werestrictly maintained. Every day, at the appointed hours, the principalofficers of the state, the army, and the household, approaching theperson of their sovereign with bended knees and a composed countenance, offered their respectful homage as seriously as if he had been stillalive. From motives of policy, this theatrical representation was forsome time continued; nor could flattery neglect the opportunity ofremarking that Constantine alone, by the peculiar indulgence of Heaven, had reigned after his death. [47]

[Footnote 46: Eusebius (in Vit. Const. L. Iv. C. 50) remarks threecircumstances relative to these Indians. 1. They came from the shores ofthe eastern ocean; a description which might be applied to the coastof China or Coromandel. 2. They presented shining gems, and unknownanimals. 3. They protested their kings had erected statues to representthe supreme majesty of Constantine. ]

[Footnote 47: Funus relatum in urbem sui nominis, quod sane P. R. Aegerrime tulit. Aurelius Victor. Constantine prepared for himself astately tomb in the church of the Holy Apostles. Euseb. L. Iv. C. 60. The best, and indeed almost the only account of the sickness, death, andfuneral of Constantine, is contained in the fourth book of his Life byEusebius. ]

But this reign could subsist only in empty pageantry; and it was soondiscovered that the will of the most absolute monarch is seldom obeyed, when his subjects have no longer anything to hope from his favor, or todread from his resentment. The same ministers and generals, who bowedwith such referential awe before the inanimate corpse of their deceasedsovereign, were engaged in secret consultations to exclude his twonephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, from the share which he hadassigned them in the succession of the empire. We are too imperfectlyacquainted with the court of Constantine to form any judgment of thereal motives which influenced the leaders of the conspiracy; unlesswe should suppose that they were actuated by a spirit of jealousy andrevenge against the praefect Ablavius, a proud favorite, who had longdirected the counsels and abused the confidence of the late emperor. Thearguments, by which they solicited the concurrence of the soldiers andpeople, are of a more obvious nature; and they might with decency, as well as truth, insist on the superior rank of the children ofConstantine, the danger of multiplying the number of sovereigns, and theimpending mischiefs which threatened the republic, from the discord ofso many rival princes, who were not connected by the tender sympathy offraternal affection. The intrigue was conducted with zeal and secrecy, till a loud and unanimous declaration was procured from the troops, that they would suffer none except the sons of their lamented monarch toreign over the Roman empire. [48] The younger Dalmatius, who was unitedwith his collateral relations by the ties of friendship and interest, isallowed to have inherited a considerable share of the abilities of thegreat Constantine; but, on this occasion, he does not appear to haveconcerted any measure for supporting, by arms, the just claims whichhimself and his royal brother derived from the liberality of theiruncle. Astonished and overwhelmed by the tide of popular fury, they seemto have remained, without the power of flight or of resistance, in thehands of their implacable enemies. Their fate was suspended till thearrival of Constantius, the second, and perhaps the most favored, of thesons of Constantine. 

[Footnote 48: Eusebius (l. Iv. C. 6) terminates his narrative bythis loyal declaration of the troops, and avoids all the invidiouscircumstances of the subsequent massacre. ]

[Footnote 49: The character of Dalmatius is advantageously, thoughconcisely drawn by Eutropius. (x. 9. ) Dalmatius Ceasar prosperrimaindole, neque patrou absimilis, haud multo post oppressus est factionemilitari. As both Jerom and the Alexandrian Chronicle mention the thirdyear of the Ceasar, which did not commence till the 18th or 24thof September, A. D. 337, it is certain that these military factionscontinued above four months. ]

Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons. --Part III. 

The voice of the dying emperor had recommended the care of his funeralto the piety of Constantius; and that prince, by the vicinity of hiseastern station, could easily prevent the diligence of his brothers, whoresided in their distant government of Italy and Gaul. As soon as he hadtaken possession of the palace of Constantinople, his first care wasto remove the apprehensions of his kinsmen, by a solemn oath whichhe pledged for their security. His next employment was to find somespecious pretence which might release his conscience from the obligationof an imprudent promise. The arts of fraud were made subservient to thedesigns of cruelty; and a manifest forgery was attested by a person ofthe most sacred character. From the hands of the Bishop of Nicomedia, Constantius received a fatal scroll, affirmed to be the genuinetestament of his father; in which the emperor expressed his suspicionsthat he had been poisoned by his brothers; and conjured his sons torevenge his death, and to consult their own safety, by the punishmentof the guilty. [50] Whatever reasons might have been alleged by theseunfortunate princes to defend their life and honor against so incrediblean accusation, they were silenced by the furious clamors of thesoldiers, who declared themselves, at once, their enemies, theirjudges, and their executioners. The spirit, and even the forms of legalproceedings were repeatedly violated in a promiscuous massacre; whichinvolved the two uncles of Constantius, seven of his cousins, of whomDalmatius and Hannibalianus were the most illustrious, the PatricianOptatus, who had married a sister of the late emperor, and the PraefectAblavius, whose power and riches had inspired him with some hopes ofobtaining the purple. If it were necessary to aggravate the horrors ofthis bloody scene, we might add, that Constantius himself had espousedthe daughter of his uncle Julius, and that he had bestowed his sister inmarriage on his cousin Hannibalianus. These alliances, which the policyof Constantine, regardless of the public prejudice, [51] had formedbetween the several branches of the Imperial house, served only toconvince mankind, that these princes were as cold to the endearmentsof conjugal affection, as they were insensible to the ties ofconsanguinity, and the moving entreaties of youth and innocence. Of sonumerous a family, Gallus and Julian alone, the two youngest childrenof Julius Constantius, were saved from the hands of the assassins, tilltheir rage, satiated with slaughter, had in some measure subsided. Theemperor Constantius, who, in the absence of his brothers, was the mostobnoxious to guilt and reproach, discovered, on some future occasions, a faint and transient remorse for those cruelties which the perfidiouscounsels of his ministers, and the irresistible violence of the troops, had extorted from his unexperienced youth. [52]

[Footnote 50: I have related this singular anecdote on the authorityof Philostorgius, l. Ii. C. 16. But if such a pretext was ever used byConstantius and his adherents, it was laid aside with contempt, assoon as it served their immediate purpose. Athanasius (tom. I. P. 856)mention the oath which Constantius had taken for the security of hiskinsmen. ----The authority of Philostorgius is so suspicious, as not tobe sufficient to establish this fact, which Gibbon has inserted in hishistory as certain, while in the note he appears to doubt it. --G. ]

[Footnote 51: Conjugia sobrinarum diu ignorata, tempore additopercrebuisse. Tacit. Annal. Xii. 6, and Lipsius ad loc. The repealof the ancient law, and the practice of five hundred years, wereinsufficient to eradicate the prejudices of the Romans, who stillconsidered the marriages of cousins-german as a species of imperfectincest. (Augustin de Civitate Dei, xv. 6;) and Julian, whose mind wasbiased by superstition and resentment, stigmatizes these unnaturalalliances between his own cousins with the opprobrious epithet (Orat. Vii. P. 228. ). The jurisprudence of the canons has since received andenforced this prohibition, without being able to introduce it eitherinto the civil or the common law of Europe. See on the subject of thesemarriages, Taylor's Civil Law, p. 331. Brouer de Jure Connub. L. Ii. C. 12. Hericourt des Loix Ecclesiastiques, part iii. C. 5. Fleury, Institutions du Droit Canonique, tom. I. P. 331. Paris, 1767, and FraPaolo, Istoria del Concilio Trident, l. Viii. ]

[Footnote 52: Julian (ad S. P. . Q. Athen. P. 270) charges his cousinConstantius with the whole guilt of a massacre, from which he himselfso narrowly escaped. His assertion is confirmed by Athanasius, who, for reasons of a very different nature, was not less an enemy ofConstantius, (tom. I. P. 856. ) Zosimus joins in the same accusation. Butthe three abbreviators, Eutropius and the Victors, use very qualifyingexpressions: "sinente potius quam jubente;" "incertum quo suasore;" "vimilitum. "]

The massacre of the Flavian race was succeeded by a new division ofthe provinces; which was ratified in a personal interview of the threebrothers. Constantine, the eldest of the Caesars, obtained, with acertain preeminence of rank, the possession of the new capital, whichbore his own name and that of his father. Thrace, and the countries ofthe East, were allotted for the patrimony of Constantius; and Constanswas acknowledged as the lawful sovereign of Italy, Africa, and theWestern Illyricum. The armies submitted to their hereditary right; andthey condescended, after some delay, to accept from the Roman senate thetitle of Augustus. When they first assumed the reins of government, theeldest of these princes was twenty-one, the second twenty, and the thirdonly seventeen, years of age. [53]

[Footnote 53: Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 69. Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 117. Idat. In Chron. See two notes of Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 1086-1091. The reign of the eldest brother at Constantinopleis noticed only in the Alexandrian Chronicle. ]

While the martial nations of Europe followed the standards of hisbrothers, Constantius, at the head of the effeminate troops of Asia, was left to sustain the weight of the Persian war. At the decease ofConstantine, the throne of the East was filled by Sapor, son ofHormouz, or Hormisdas, and grandson of Narses, who, after the victoryof Galerius, had humbly confessed the superiority of the Roman power. Although Sapor was in the thirtieth year of his long reign, he was stillin the vigor of youth, as the date of his accession, by a very strangefatality, had preceded that of his birth. The wife of Hormouz remainedpregnant at the time of her husband's death; and the uncertainty of thesex, as well as of the event, excited the ambitious hopes of the princesof the house of Sassan. The apprehensions of civil war were at lengthremoved, by the positive assurance of the Magi, that the widow ofHormouz had conceived, and would safely produce a son. Obedient tothe voice of superstition, the Persians prepared, without delay, theceremony of his coronation. 

A royal bed, on which the queen lay in state, was exhibited in themidst of the palace; the diadem was placed on the spot, which might besupposed to conceal the future heir of Artaxerxes, and the prostratesatraps adored the majesty of their invisible and insensible sovereign. [54] If any credit can be given to this marvellous tale, which seems, however, to be countenanced by the manners of the people, and bythe extraordinary duration of his reign, we must admire not only thefortune, but the genius, of Sapor. In the soft, sequestered educationof a Persian harem, the royal youth could discover the importance ofexercising the vigor of his mind and body; and, by his personal merit, deserved a throne, on which he had been seated, while he was yetunconscious of the duties and temptations of absolute power. Hisminority was exposed to the almost inevitable calamities of domesticdiscord; his capital was surprised and plundered by Thair, a powerfulking of Yemen, or Arabia; and the majesty of the royal family wasdegraded by the captivity of a princess, the sister of the deceasedking. But as soon as Sapor attained the age of manhood, the presumptuousThair, his nation, and his country, fell beneath the first effort of theyoung warrior; who used his victory with so judicious a mixture of rigorand clemency, that he obtained from the fears and gratitude of the Arabsthe title of Dhoulacnaf, or protector of the nation. [55] [55a]

[Footnote 54: Agathias, who lived in the sixth century, is the authorof this story, (l. Iv. P. 135, edit. Louvre. ) He derived his informationfrom some extracts of the Persian Chronicles, obtained and translatedby the interpreter Sergius, during his embassy at that country. Thecoronation of the mother of Sapor is likewise mentioned by Snikard, (Tarikh. P. 116, ) and D'Herbelot (Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 703. )----The author of the Zenut-ul-Tarikh states, that the lady herselfaffirmed her belief of this from the extraordinary liveliness of theinfant, and its lying on the right side. Those who are sage on suchsubjects must determine what right she had to be positive from thesesymptoms. Malcolm, Hist. Of Persia, i 83. --M. ]

[Footnote 55: D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 764. ]

[Footnote 55a: Gibbon, according to Sir J. Malcolm, has greatlymistaken the derivation of this name; it means Zoolaktaf, the Lord ofthe Shoulders, from his directing the shoulders of his captives to bepierced and then dislocated by a string passed through them. Easternauthors are agreed with respect to the origin of this title. Malcolm, i. 84. Gibbon took his derivation from D'Herbelot, who gives both, thelatter on the authority of the Leb. Tarikh. --M. ]

The ambition of the Persian, to whom his enemies ascribe the virtues ofa soldier and a statesman, was animated by the desire of revenging thedisgrace of his fathers, and of wresting from the hands of the Romansthe five provinces beyond the Tigris. The military fame of Constantine, and the real or apparent strength of his government, suspended theattack; and while the hostile conduct of Sapor provoked the resentment, his artful negotiations amused the patience of the Imperial court. The death of Constantine was the signal of war, [56] and the actualcondition of the Syrian and Armenian frontier seemed to encourage thePersians by the prospect of a rich spoil and an easy conquest. The example of the massacres of the palace diffused a spirit oflicentiousness and sedition among the troops of the East, who were nolonger restrained by their habits of obedience to a veteran commander. By the prudence of Constantius, who, from the interview with hisbrothers in Pannonia, immediately hastened to the banks of theEuphrates, the legions were gradually restored to a sense of duty anddiscipline; but the season of anarchy had permitted Sapor to formthe siege of Nisibis, and to occupy several of the mo st importantfortresses of Mesopotamia. [57] In Armenia, the renowned Tiridates hadlong enjoyed the peace and glory which he deserved by his valorand fidelity to the cause of Rome. [57a] The firm alliance which hemaintained with Constantine was productive of spiritual as well as oftemporal benefits; by the conversion of Tiridates, the character of asaint was applied to that of a hero, the Christian faith was preachedand established from the Euphrates to the shores of the Caspian, andArmenia was attached to the empire by the double ties of policy andreligion. But as many of the Armenian nobles still refused to abandonthe plurality of their gods and of their wives, the public tranquillitywas disturbed by a discontented faction, which insulted the feeble ageof their sovereign, and impatiently expected the hour of his death. Hedied at length after a reign of fifty-six years, and the fortune of theArmenian monarchy expired with Tiridates. His lawful heir was driveninto exile, the Christian priests were either murdered or expelledfrom their churches, the barbarous tribes of Albania were solicited todescend from their mountains; and two of the most powerful governors, usurping the ensigns or the powers of royalty, implored the assistanceof Sapor, and opened the gates of their cities to the Persian garrisons. The Christian party, under the guidance of the Archbishop of Artaxata, the immediate successor of St. Gregory the Illuminator, had recourse tothe piety of Constantius. After the troubles had continued about threeyears, Antiochus, one of the officers of the household, executed withsuccess the Imperial commission of restoring Chosroes, [57b] the sonof Tiridates, to the throne of his fathers, of distributing honors andrewards among the faithful servants of the house of Arsaces, and ofproclaiming a general amnesty, which was accepted by the greater part ofthe rebellious satraps. But the Romans derived more honor than advantagefrom this revolution. Chosroes was a prince of a puny stature and apusillanimous spirit. Unequal to the fatigues of war, averse to thesociety of mankind, he withdrew from his capital to a retired palace, which he built on the banks of the River Eleutherus, and in the centreof a shady grove; where he consumed his vacant hours in the rural sportsof hunting and hawking. To secure this inglorious ease, he submitted tothe conditions of peace which Sapor condescended to impose; the paymentof an annual tribute, and the restitution of the fertile province ofAtropatene, which the courage of Tiridates, and the victorious arms ofGalerius, had annexed to the Armenian monarchy. [58] [58a]

[Footnote 56: Sextus Rufus, (c. 26, ) who on this occasion is nocontemptible authority, affirms, that the Persians sued in vain forpeace, and that Constantine was preparing to march against them: yetthe superior weight of the testimony of Eusebius obliges us to admit thepreliminaries, if not the ratification, of the treaty. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 420. ----Constantine had endeavoredto allay the fury of the prosecutions, which, at the instigation of theMagi and the Jews, Sapor had commenced against the Christians. EusebVit. Hist. Theod. I. 25. Sozom. Ii. C. 8, 15. --M. ]

[Footnote 57: Julian. Orat. I. P. 20. ]

[Footnote 57a: Tiridates had sustained a war against Maximin. Causedby the hatred of the latter against Christianity. Armenia was thefirst nation which embraced Christianity. About the year 276 it was thereligion of the king, the nobles, and the people of Armenia. From St. Martin, Supplement to Le Beau, v. I. P. 78. ----Compare Preface toHistory of Vartan by Professor Neumann, p ix. --M. ]

[Footnote 57b: Chosroes was restored probably by Licinius, between 314and 319. There was an Antiochus who was praefectus vigilum at Rome, asappears from the Theodosian Code, (l. Iii. De inf. His quae sub ty. , ) in326, and from a fragment of the same work published by M. Amedee Peyron, in 319. He may before this have been sent into Armenia. St. M. P. 407. [Is it not more probable that Antiochus was an officer in the serviceof the Caesar who ruled in the East?--M. ] Chosroes was succeeded in theyear 322 by his son Diran. Diran was a weak prince, and in the sixteenthyear of his reign. A. D. 337. Was betrayed into the power of thePersians by the treachery of his chamberlain and the Persian governor ofAtropatene or Aderbidjan. He was blinded: his wife and his son Arsacesshared his captivity, but the princes and nobles of Armenia claimed theprotection of Rome; and this was the cause of Constantine's declarationof war against the Persians. --The king of Persia attempted to makehimself master of Armenia; but the brave resistance of the people, theadvance of Constantius, and a defeat which his army suffered at Oskha inArmenia, and the failure before Nisibis, forced Shahpour to submit toterms of peace. Varaz-Shahpour, the perfidious governor of Atropatene, was flayed alive; Diran and his son were released from captivity; Diranrefused to ascend the throne, and retired to an obscure retreat: his sonArsaces was crowned king of Armenia. Arsaces pursued a vacillatingpolicy between the influence of Rome and Persia, and the war recommencedin the year 345. At least, that was the period of the expedition ofConstantius to the East. See St. Martin, additions to Le Beau, i. 442. The Persians have made an extraordinary romance out of the history ofShahpour, who went as a spy to Constantinople, was taken, harnessed likea horse, and carried to witness the devastation of his kingdom. Malcolm. 84--M. ]

[Footnote 58: Julian. Orat. I. P. 20, 21. Moses of Chorene, l. Ii. C. 89, l. Iii. C. 1--9, p. 226--240. The perfect agreement between thevague hints of the contemporary orator, and the circumstantial narrativeof the national historian, gives light to the former, and weight to thelatter. For the credit of Moses, it may be likewise observed, thatthe name of Antiochus is found a few years before in a civil office ofinferior dignity. See Godefroy, Cod. Theod. Tom. Vi. P. 350. ]

[Footnote 58a: Gibbon has endeavored, in his History, to make use of theinformation furnished by Moses of Chorene, the only Armenianhistorian then translated into Latin. Gibbon has not perceived all thechronological difficulties which occur in the narrative of that writer. He has not thought of all the critical discussions which his text oughtto undergo before it can be combined with the relations of the westernwriters. From want of this attention, Gibbon has made the facts which hehas drawn from this source more erroneous than they are in the original. This judgment applies to all which the English historian has derivedfrom the Armenian author. I have made the History of Moses a subjectof particular attention; and it is with confidence that I offer theresults, which I insert here, and which will appear in the course ofmy notes. In order to form a judgment of the difference which existsbetween me and Gibbon, I will content myself with remarking, thatthroughout he has committed an anachronism of thirty years, from whenceit follows, that he assigns to the reign of Constantius many eventswhich took place during that of Constantine. He could not, therefore, discern the true connection which exists between the Roman history andthat of Armenia, or form a correct notion of the reasons which inducedConstantine, at the close of his life, to make war upon the Persians, orof the motives which detained Constantius so long in the East; he doesnot even mention them. St. Martin, note on Le Beau, i. 406. I haveinserted M. St. Martin's observations, but I must add, that thechronology which he proposes, is not generally received by Armenianscholars, not, I believe, by Professor Neumann. --M. ]

During the long period of the reign of Constantius, the provinces ofthe East were afflicted by the calamities of the Persian war. [58c] Theirregular incursions of the light troops alternately spread terror anddevastation beyond the Tigris and beyond the Euphrates, from the gatesof Ctesiphon to those of Antioch; and this active service was performedby the Arabs of the desert, who were divided in their interest andaffections; some of their independent chiefs being enlisted in theparty of Sapor, whilst others had engaged their doubtful fidelity to theemperor. [59] The more grave and important operations of the warwere conducted with equal vigor; and the armies of Rome and Persiaencountered each other in nine bloody fields, in two of whichConstantius himself commanded in person. [60] The event of the day wasmost commonly adverse to the Romans, but in the battle of Singara, theirimprudent valor had almost achieved a signal and decisive victory. Thestationary troops of Singara [60a] retired on the approach of Sapor, whopassed the Tigris over three bridges, and occupied near the villageof Hilleh an advantageous camp, which, by the labor of his numerouspioneers, he surrounded in one day with a deep ditch and a loftyrampart. His formidable host, when it was drawn out in order of battle, covered the banks of the river, the adjacent heights, and the wholeextent of a plain of above twelve miles, which separated the two armies. Both were alike impatient to engage; but the Barbarians, after a slightresistance, fled in disorder; unable to resist, or desirous to weary, the strength of the heavy legions, who, fainting with heat and thirst, pursued them across the plain, and cut in pieces a line of cavalry, clothed in complete armor, which had been posted before the gates of thecamp to protect their retreat. Constantius, who was hurried along in thepursuit, attempted, without effect, to restrain the ardor of his troops, by representing to them the dangers of the approaching night, and thecertainty of completing their success with the return of day. As theydepended much more on their own valor than on the experience or theabilities of their chief, they silenced by their clamors his timidremonstrances; and rushing with fury to the charge, filled up the ditch, broke down the rampart, and dispersed themselves through the tents torecruit their exhausted strength, and to enjoy the rich harvest of theirlabors. But the prudent Sapor had watched the moment of victory. Hisarmy, of which the greater part, securely posted on the heights, hadbeen spectators of the action, advanced in silence, and under the shadowof the night; and his Persian archers, guided by the illumination of thecamp, poured a shower of arrows on a disarmed and licentious crowd. Thesincerity of history [61] declares, that the Romans were vanquished witha dreadful slaughter, and that the flying remnant of the legions wasexposed to the most intolerable hardships. Even the tenderness ofpanegyric, confessing that the glory of the emperor was sullied bythe disobedience of his soldiers, chooses to draw a veil over thecircumstances of this melancholy retreat. Yet one of those venalorators, so jealous of the fame of Constantius, relates, with amazingcoolness, an act of such incredible cruelty, as, in the judgment ofposterity, must imprint a far deeper stain on the honor of the Imperialname. The son of Sapor, the heir of his crown, had been made a captivein the Persian camp. The unhappy youth, who might have excited thecompassion of the most savage enemy, was scourged, tortured, andpublicly executed by the inhuman Romans. [62]

[Footnote 58c: It was during this war that a bold flatterer (whose nameis unknown) published the Itineraries of Alexander and Trajan, in orderto direct the victorious Constantius in the footsteps of those greatconquerors of the East. The former of these has been published for thefirst time by M. Angelo Mai (Milan, 1817, reprinted at Frankfort, 1818. )It adds so little to our knowledge of Alexander's campaigns, that itonly excites our regret that it is not the Itinerary of Trajan, of whoseeastern victories we have no distinct record--M]

[Footnote 59: Ammianus (xiv. 4) gives a lively description of thewandering and predatory life of the Saracens, who stretched from theconfines of Assyria to the cataracts of the Nile. It appears from theadventures of Malchus, which Jerom has related in so entertaining amanner, that the high road between Beraea and Edessa was infested bythese robbers. See Hieronym. Tom. I. P. 256. ]

[Footnote 60: We shall take from Eutropius the general idea of the war. A Persis enim multa et gravia perpessus, saepe captis, oppidis, obsessisurbibus, caesis exercitibus, nullumque ei contra Saporem prosperumpraelium fuit, nisi quod apud Singaram, &c. This honest account isconfirmed by the hints of Ammianus, Rufus, and Jerom. The two firstorations of Julian, and the third oration of Libanius, exhibit a moreflattering picture; but the recantation of both those orators, afterthe death of Constantius, while it restores us to the possession ofthe truth, degrades their own character, and that of the emperor. TheCommentary of Spanheim on the first oration of Julian is profuselylearned. See likewise the judicious observations of Tillemont, Hist. DesEmpereurs, tom. Iv. P. 656. ]

[Footnote 60a: Now Sinjar, or the River Claboras. --M. ]

[Footnote 61: Acerrima nocturna concertatione pugnatum est, nostrorumcopiis ngenti strage confossis. Ammian. Xviii. 5. See likewiseEutropius, x. 10, and S. Rufus, c. 27. ----The Persian historians, orromancers, do not mention the battle of Singara, but make the captiveShahpour escape, defeat, and take prisoner, the Roman emperor. The Romancaptives were forced to repair all the ravages they had committed, evento replanting the smallest trees. Malcolm. I. 82. --M. ]

[Footnote 62: Libanius, Orat. Iii. P. 133, with Julian. Orat. I. P. 24, and Spanneism's Commentary, p. 179. ]

Whatever advantages might attend the arms of Sapor in the field, thoughnine repeated victories diffused among the nations the fame of hisvalor and conduct, he could not hope to succeed in the execution of hisdesigns, while the fortified towns of Mesopotamia, and, above all, thestrong and ancient city of Nisibis, remained in the possession of theRomans. In the space of twelve years, Nisibis, which, since the timeof Lucullus, had been deservedly esteemed the bulwark of the East, sustained three memorable sieges against the power of Sapor; and thedisappointed monarch, after urging his attacks above sixty, eighty, anda hundred days, was thrice repulsed with loss and ignominy. [63] Thislarge and populous city was situate about two days' journey from theTigris, in the midst of a pleasant and fertile plain at the foot ofMount Masius. A treble enclosure of brick walls was defended by a deepditch; [64] and the intrepid resistance of Count Lucilianus, and hisgarrison, was seconded by the desperate courage of the people. Thecitizens of Nisibis were animated by the exhortations of their bishop, [65] inured to arms by the presence of danger, and convinced of theintentions of Sapor to plant a Persian colony in their room, and to leadthem away into distant and barbarous captivity. The event of the twoformer sieges elated their confidence, and exasperated the haughtyspirit of the Great King, who advanced a third time towards Nisibis, at the head of the united forces of Persia and India. The ordinarymachines, invented to batter or undermine the walls, were renderedineffectual by the superior skill of the Romans; and many days hadvainly elapsed, when Sapor embraced a resolution worthy of an easternmonarch, who believed that the elements themselves were subject to hispower. At the stated season of the melting of the snows in Armenia, theRiver Mygdonius, which divides the plain and the city of Nisibis, forms, like the Nile, [66] an inundation over the adjacent country. By thelabor of the Persians, the course of the river was stopped below thetown, and the waters were confined on every side by solid mounds ofearth. On this artificial lake, a fleet of armed vessels filled withsoldiers, and with engines which discharged stones of five hundredpounds weight, advanced in order of battle, and engaged, almost upon alevel, the troops which defended the ramparts. [66a] The irresistibleforce of the waters was alternately fatal to the contending parties, till at length a portion of the walls, unable to sustain the accumulatedpressure, gave way at once, and exposed an ample breach of one hundredand fifty feet. The Persians were instantly driven to the assault, andthe fate of Nisibis depended on the event of the day. The heavy-armedcavalry, who led the van of a deep column, were embarrassed in the mud, and great numbers were drowned in the unseen holes which had been filledby the rushing waters. The elephants, made furious by their wounds, increased the disorder, and trampled down thousands of the Persianarchers. The Great King, who, from an exalted throne, beheld themisfortunes of his arms, sounded, with reluctant indignation, the signalof the retreat, and suspended for some hours the prosecution of theattack. But the vigilant citizens improved the opportunity of the night;and the return of day discovered a new wall of six feet inheight, rising every moment to fill up the interval of the breach. Notwithstanding the disappointment of his hopes, and the loss of morethan twenty thousand men, Sapor still pressed the reduction of Nisibis, with an obstinate firmness, which could have yielded only to thenecessity of defending the eastern provinces of Persia againsta formidable invasion of the Massagetae. [67] Alarmed by thisintelligence, he hastily relinquished the siege, and marched with rapiddiligence from the banks of the Tigris to those of the Oxus. The dangerand difficulties of the Scythian war engaged him soon afterwards toconclude, or at least to observe, a truce with the Roman emperor, whichwas equally grateful to both princes; as Constantius himself, after thedeath of his two brothers, was involved, by the revolutions of theWest, in a civil contest, which required and seemed to exceed the mostvigorous exertion of his undivided strength. 

[Footnote 63: See Julian. Orat. I. P. 27, Orat. Ii. P. 62, &c. , with theCommentary of Spanheim, (p. 188-202, ) who illustrates the circumstances, and ascertains the time of the three sieges of Nisibis. Their dates arelikewise examined by Tillemont, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 668, 671, 674. ) Something is added from Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 151, and theAlexandrine Chronicle, p. 290. ]

[Footnote 64: Sallust. Fragment. Lxxxiv. Edit. Brosses, and Plutarchin Lucull. Tom. Iii. P. 184. Nisibis is now reduced to one hundred andfifty houses: the marshy lands produce rice, and the fertile meadows, as far as Mosul and the Tigris, are covered with the ruins of towns andallages. See Niebuhr, Voyages, tom. Ii. P. 300-309. ]

[Footnote 65: The miracles which Theodoret (l. Ii. C. 30) ascribes toSt. James, Bishop of Edessa, were at least performed in a worthy cause, the defence of his couutry. He appeared on the walls under the figure ofthe Roman emperor, and sent an army of gnats to sting the trunks of theelephants, and to discomfit the host of the new Sennacherib. ]

[Footnote 66: Julian. Orat. I. P. 27. Though Niebuhr (tom. Ii. P. 307)allows a very considerable swell to the Mygdonius, over which he saw abridge of twelve arches: it is difficult, however, to understand thisparallel of a trifling rivulet with a mighty river. There are manycircumstances obscure, and almost unintelligible, in the description ofthese stupendous water-works. ]

[Footnote 66a: Macdonald Kinnier observes on these floating batteries, "As the elevation of place is considerably above the level of thecountry in its immediate vicinity, and the Mygdonius is a veryinsignificant stream, it is difficult to imagine how this work couldhave been accomplished, even with the wonderful resources which the kingmust have had at his disposal" Geographical Memoir. P. 262. --M. ]

[Footnote 67: We are obliged to Zonaras (tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 11) forthis invasion of the Massagetae, which is perfectly consistent withthe general series of events to which we are darkly led by the brokenhistory of Ammianus. ]

After the partition of the empire, three years had scarcely elapsedbefore the sons of Constantine seemed impatient to convince mankind thatthey were incapable of contenting themselves with the dominions whichthey were unqualified to govern. The eldest of those princes sooncomplained, that he was defrauded of his just proportion of the spoilsof their murdered kinsmen; and though he might yield to the superiorguilt and merit of Constantius, he exacted from Constans the cessionof the African provinces, as an equivalent for the rich countries ofMacedonia and Greece, which his brother had acquired by the death ofDalmatius. The want of sincerity, which Constantine experienced in atedious and fruitless negotiation, exasperated the fierceness of histemper; and he eagerly listened to those favorites, who suggested tohim that his honor, as well as his interest, was concerned in theprosecution of the quarrel. At the head of a tumultuary band, suited forrapine rather than for conquest, he suddenly broke onto the dominions ofConstans, by the way of the Julian Alps, and the country round Aquileiafelt the first effects of his resentment. The measures of Constans, whothen resided in Dacia, were directed with more prudence and ability. Onthe news of his brother's invasion, he detached a select and disciplinedbody of his Illyrian troops, proposing to follow them in person, withthe remainder of his forces. But the conduct of his lieutenants soonterminated the unnatural contest. 

By the artful appearances of flight, Constantine was betrayed into anambuscade, which had been concealed in a wood, where the rash youth, with a few attendants, was surprised, surrounded, and slain. His body, after it had been found in the obscure stream of the Alsa, obtained thehonors of an Imperial sepulchre; but his provinces transferred theirallegiance to the conqueror, who, refusing to admit his elder brotherConstantius to any share in these new acquisitions, maintained theundisputed possession of more than two thirds of the Roman empire. [68]

[Footnote 68: The causes and the events of this civil war are relatedwith much perplexity and contradiction. I have chiefly followed Zonarasand the younger Victor. The monody (ad Calcem Eutrop. Edit. Havercamp. )pronounced on the death of Constantine, might have been veryinstructive; but prudence and false taste engaged the orator to involvehimself in vague declamation. ]

Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons. --Part IV. 

The fate of Constans himself was delayed about ten years longer, and therevenge of his brother's death was reserved for the more ignoble hand ofa domestic traitor. The pernicious tendency of the system introduced byConstantine was displayed in the feeble administration of his sons;who, by their vices and weakness, soon lost the esteem and affections oftheir people. The pride assumed by Constans, from the unmerited successof his arms, was rendered more contemptible by his want of abilitiesand application. His fond partiality towards some German captives, distinguished only by the charms of youth, was an object of scandal tothe people; [69] and Magnentius, an ambitious soldier, who was himselfof Barbarian extraction, was encouraged by the public discontent toassert the honor of the Roman name. [70] The chosen bands of Jovians andHerculians, who acknowledged Magnentius as their leader, maintainedthe most respectable and important station in the Imperial camp. Thefriendship of Marcellinus, count of the sacred largesses, supplied witha liberal hand the means of seduction. The soldiers were convinced bythe most specious arguments, that the republic summoned them to breakthe bonds of hereditary servitude; and, by the choice of an activeand vigilant prince, to reward the same virtues which had raised theancestors of the degenerate Constans from a private condition to thethrone of the world. As soon as the conspiracy was ripe for execution, Marcellinus, under the pretence of celebrating his son's birthday, gavea splendid entertainment to the illustrious and honorable persons of thecourt of Gaul, which then resided in the city of Autun. The intemperanceof the feast was artfully protracted till a very late hour of the night;and the unsuspecting guests were tempted to indulge themselves in adangerous and guilty freedom of conversation. On a sudden the doors werethrown open, and Magnentius, who had retired for a few moments, returned into the apartment, invested with the diadem and purple. Theconspirators instantly saluted him with the titles of Augustus andEmperor. The surprise, the terror, the intoxication, the ambitioushopes, and the mutual ignorance of the rest of the assembly, promptedthem to join their voices to the general acclamation. The guardshastened to take the oath of fidelity; the gates of the town were shut;and before the dawn of day, Magnentius became master of the troops andtreasure of the palace and city of Autun. By his secrecy and diligencehe entertained some hopes of surprising the person of Constans, who waspursuing in the adjacent forest his favorite amusement of hunting, orperhaps some pleasures of a more private and criminal nature. The rapidprogress of fame allowed him, however, an instant for flight, thoughthe desertion of his soldiers and subjects deprived him of the power ofresistance. Before he could reach a seaport in Spain, where he intendedto embark, he was overtaken near Helena, [71] at the foot of thePyrenees, by a party of light cavalry, whose chief, regardless of thesanctity of a temple, executed his commission by the murder of the sonof Constantine. [72]

[Footnote 69: Quarum (gentium) obsides pretio quaesitos puerosvenustiore quod cultius habuerat libidine hujusmodi arsisse pro certohabet. Had not the depraved taste of Constans been publicly avowed, theelder Victor, who held a considerable office in his brother's reign, would not have asserted it in such positive terms. ]

[Footnote 70: Julian. Orat. I. And ii. Zosim. L. Ii. P. 134. Victor inEpitome. There is reason to believe that Magnentius was born in one ofthose Barbarian colonies which Constantius Chlorus had established inGaul, (see this History, vol. I. P. 414. ) His behavior may remind us ofthe patriot earl of Leicester, the famous Simon de Montfort, who couldpersuade the good people of England, that he, a Frenchman by birth hadtaken arms to deliver them from foreign favorites. ]

[Footnote 71: This ancient city had once flourished under the name ofIlliberis (Pomponius Mela, ii. 5. ) The munificence of Constantine gaveit new splendor, and his mother's name. Helena (it is still calledElne) became the seat of a bishop, who long afterwards transferred hisresidence to Perpignan, the capital of modern Rousillon. See D'Anville. Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 380. Longuerue, Description de la France, p. 223, and the Marca Hispanica, l. I. C. 2. ]

[Footnote 72: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 119, 120. Zonaras, tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 13, and the Abbreviators. ]

As soon as the death of Constans had decided this easy but importantrevolution, the example of the court of Autun was imitated by theprovinces of the West. The authority of Magnentius was acknowledgedthrough the whole extent of the two great praefectures of Gaul andItaly; and the usurper prepared, by every act of oppression, to collecta treasure, which might discharge the obligation of an immense donative, and supply the expenses of a civil war. The martial countries ofIllyricum, from the Danube to the extremity of Greece, had long obeyedthe government of Vetranio, an aged general, beloved for the simplicityof his manners, and who had acquired some reputation by his experienceand services in war. [73] Attached by habit, by duty, and by gratitude, to the house of Constantine, he immediately gave the strongestassurances to the only surviving son of his late master, that he wouldexpose, with unshaken fidelity, his person and his troops, to inflict ajust revenge on the traitors of Gaul. But the legions of Vetranio wereseduced, rather than provoked, by the example of rebellion; theirleader soon betrayed a want of firmness, or a want of sincerity; andhis ambition derived a specious pretence from the approbation of theprincess Constantina. That cruel and aspiring woman, who had obtainedfrom the great Constantine, her father, the rank of Augusta, placedthe diadem with her own hands on the head of the Illyrian general; andseemed to expect from his victory the accomplishment of those unboundedhopes, of which she had been disappointed by the death of her husbandHannibalianus. Perhaps it was without the consent of Constantina, thatthe new emperor formed a necessary, though dishonorable, alliance withthe usurper of the West, whose purple was so recently stained with herbrother's blood. [74]

[Footnote 73: Eutropius (x. 10) describes Vetranio with more temper, andprobably with more truth, than either of the two Victors. Vetranio wasborn of obscure parents in the wildest parts of Maesia; and so much hadhis education been neglected, that, after his elevation, he studied thealphabet. ]

[Footnote 74: The doubtful, fluctuating conduct of Vetranio is describedby Julian in his first oration, and accurately explained by Spanheim, who discusses the situation and behavior of Constantina. ]

The intelligence of these important events, which so deeply affected thehonor and safety of the Imperial house, recalled the arms of Constantiusfrom the inglorious prosecution of the Persian war. He recommendedthe care of the East to his lieutenants, and afterwards to his cousinGallus, whom he raised from a prison to a throne; and marched towardsEurope, with a mind agitated by the conflict of hope and fear, of griefand indignation. On his arrival at Heraclea in Thrace, the emperor gaveaudience to the ambassadors of Magnentius and Vetranio. The first authorof the conspiracy Marcellinus, who in some measure had bestowed thepurple on his new master, boldly accepted this dangerous commission; andhis three colleagues were selected from the illustrious personagesof the state and army. These deputies were instructed to soothe theresentment, and to alarm the fears, of Constantius. They were empoweredto offer him the friendship and alliance of the western princes, to cement their union by a double marriage; of Constantius with thedaughter of Magnentius, and of Magnentius himself with the ambitiousConstantina; and to acknowledge in the treaty the preeminence of rank, which might justly be claimed by the emperor of the East. Should prideand mistaken piety urge him to refuse these equitable conditions, theambassadors were ordered to expatiate on the inevitable ruin which mustattend his rashness, if he ventured to provoke the sovereigns of theWest to exert their superior strength; and to employ against himthat valor, those abilities, and those legions, to which the house ofConstantine had been indebted for so many triumphs. Such propositionsand such arguments appeared to deserve the most serious attention; theanswer of Constantius was deferred till the next day; and as he hadreflected on the importance of justifying a civil war in the opinionof the people, he thus addressed his council, who listened with real oraffected credulity: "Last night, " said he, "after I retired to rest, the shade of the great Constantine, embracing the corpse of my murderedbrother, rose before my eyes; his well-known voice awakened me torevenge, forbade me to despair of the republic, and assured me of thesuccess and immortal glory which would crown the justice of my arms. "The authority of such a vision, or rather of the prince who allegedit, silenced every doubt, and excluded all negotiation. The ignominiousterms of peace were rejected with disdain. One of the ambassadors ofthe tyrant was dismissed with the haughty answer of Constantius; hiscolleagues, as unworthy of the privileges of the law of nations, wereput in irons; and the contending powers prepared to wage an implacablewar. [75]

[Footnote 75: See Peter the Patrician, in the Excerpta Legationem p. 27. ]

Such was the conduct, and such perhaps was the duty, of the brotherof Constans towards the perfidious usurper of Gaul. The situation andcharacter of Vetranio admitted of milder measures; and the policy ofthe Eastern emperor was directed to disunite his antagonists, and toseparate the forces of Illyricum from the cause of rebellion. It wasan easy task to deceive the frankness and simplicity of Vetranio, who, fluctuating some time between the opposite views of honor and interest, displayed to the world the insincerity of his temper, and was insensiblyengaged in the snares of an artful negotiation. Constantius acknowledgedhim as a legitimate and equal colleague in the empire, on condition thathe would renounce his disgraceful alliance with Magnentius, and appointa place of interview on the frontiers of their respective provinces;where they might pledge their friendship by mutual vows of fidelity, andregulate by common consent the future operations of the civil war. Inconsequence of this agreement, Vetranio advanced to the city of Sardica, [76] at the head of twenty thousand horse, and of a more numerous bodyof infantry; a power so far superior to the forces of Constantius, thatthe Illyrian emperor appeared to command the life and fortunes of hisrival, who, depending on the success of his private negotiations, hadseduced the troops, and undermined the throne, of Vetranio. The chiefs, who had secretly embraced the party of Constantius, prepared in hisfavor a public spectacle, calculated to discover and inflame thepassions of the multitude. [77] The united armies were commanded toassemble in a large plain near the city. In the centre, according to therules of ancient discipline, a military tribunal, or rather scaffold, was erected, from whence the emperors were accustomed, on solemn andimportant occasions, to harangue the troops. The well-ordered ranks ofRomans and Barbarians, with drawn swords, or with erected spears, thesquadrons of cavalry, and the cohorts of infantry, distinguished by thevariety of their arms and ensigns, formed an immense circle round thetribunal; and the attentive silence which they preserved was sometimesinterrupted by loud bursts of clamor or of applause. In the presence ofthis formidable assembly, the two emperors were called upon to explainthe situation of public affairs: the precedency of rank was yielded tothe royal birth of Constantius; and though he was indifferently skilledin the arts of rhetoric, he acquitted himself, under these difficultcircumstances, with firmness, dexterity, and eloquence. The first partof his oration seemed to be pointed only against the tyrant of Gaul;but while he tragically lamented the cruel murder of Constans, heinsinuated, that none, except a brother, could claim a right to thesuccession of his brother. He displayed, with some complacency, theglories of his Imperial race; and recalled to the memory of the troopsthe valor, the triumphs, the liberality of the great Constantine, towhose sons they had engaged their allegiance by an oath of fidelity, which the ingratitude of his most favored servants had tempted them toviolate. The officers, who surrounded the tribunal, and wereinstructed to act their part in this extraordinary scene, confessedthe irresistible power of reason and eloquence, by saluting the emperorConstantius as their lawful sovereign. The contagion of loyalty andrepentance was communicated from rank to rank; till the plain of Sardicaresounded with the universal acclamation of "Away with these upstartusurpers! Long life and victory to the son of Constantine! Under hisbanners alone we will fight and conquer. " The shout of thousands, theirmenacing gestures, the fierce clashing of their arms, astonished andsubdued the courage of Vetranio, who stood, amidst the defection of hisfollowers, in anxious and silent suspense. Instead of embracing the lastrefuge of generous despair, he tamely submitted to his fate; and takingthe diadem from his head, in the view of both armies fell prostrate atthe feet of his conqueror. Constantius used his victory with prudenceand moderation; and raising from the ground the aged suppliant, whom heaffected to style by the endearing name of Father, he gave him his handto descend from the throne. The city of Prusa was assigned for theexile or retirement of the abdicated monarch, who lived six years in theenjoyment of ease and affluence. He often expressed his grateful senseof the goodness of Constantius, and, with a very amiable simplicity, advised his benefactor to resign the sceptre of the world, and to seekfor content (where alone it could be found) in the peaceful obscurity ofa private condition. [78]

[Footnote 76: Zonaras, tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 16. The position of Sardica, near the modern city of Sophia, appears better suited to this interviewthan the situation of either Naissus or Sirmium, where it is placed byJerom, Socrates, and Sozomen. ]

[Footnote 77: See the two first orations of Julian, particularly p. 31; and Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 122. The distinct narrative of the historianserves to illustrate the diffuse but vague descriptions of the orator. ]

[Footnote 78: The younger Victor assigns to his exile the emphaticalappellation of "Voluptarium otium. " Socrates (l. Ii. C. 28) is thevoucher for the correspondence with the emperor, which would seem toprove that Vetranio was indeed, prope ad stultitiam simplicissimus. ]

The behavior of Constantius on this memorable occasion was celebratedwith some appearance of justice; and his courtiers compared the studiedorations which a Pericles or a Demosthenes addressed to the populaceof Athens, with the victorious eloquence which had persuaded an armedmultitude to desert and depose the object of their partial choice. [79]The approaching contest with Magnentius was of a more serious and bloodykind. The tyrant advanced by rapid marches to encounter Constantius, atthe head of a numerous army, composed of Gauls and Spaniards, of Franksand Saxons; of those provincials who supplied the strength of thelegions, and of those barbarians who were dreaded as the most formidableenemies of the republic. The fertile plains [80] of the Lower Pannonia, between the Drave, the Save, and the Danube, presented a spacioustheatre; and the operations of the civil war were protracted duringthe summer months by the skill or timidity of the combatants. [81]Constantius had declared his intention of deciding the quarrel inthe fields of Cibalis, a name that would animate his troops by theremembrance of the victory, which, on the same auspicious ground, had been obtained by the arms of his father Constantine. Yet by theimpregnable fortifications with which the emperor encompassed his camp, he appeared to decline, rather than to invite, a general engagement. 

It was the object of Magnentius to tempt or to compel his adversary torelinquish this advantageous position; and he employed, with that view, the various marches, evolutions, and stratagems, which the knowledge ofthe art of war could suggest to an experienced officer. He carried byassault the important town of Siscia; made an attack on the city ofSirmium, which lay in the rear of the Imperial camp, attempted to forcea passage over the Save into the eastern provinces of Illyricum; and cutin pieces a numerous detachment, which he had allured into the narrowpasses of Adarne. During the greater part of the summer, the tyrant ofGaul showed himself master of the field. The troops of Constantiuswere harassed and dispirited; his reputation declined in the eye of theworld; and his pride condescended to solicit a treaty of peace, whichwould have resigned to the assassin of Constans the sovereignty of theprovinces beyond the Alps. These offers were enforced by the eloquenceof Philip the Imperial ambassador; and the council as well as the armyof Magnentius were disposed to accept them. But the haughty usurper, careless of the remonstrances of his friends, gave orders that Philipshould be detained as a captive, or, at least, as a hostage; while hedespatched an officer to reproach Constantius with the weakness ofhis reign, and to insult him by the promise of a pardon if he wouldinstantly abdicate the purple. "That he should confide in the justice ofhis cause, and the protection of an avenging Deity, " was the only answerwhich honor permitted the emperor to return. But he was so sensible ofthe difficulties of his situation, that he no longer dared to retaliatethe indignity which had been offered to his representative. Thenegotiation of Philip was not, however, ineffectual, since he determinedSylvanus the Frank, a general of merit and reputation, to desert with aconsiderable body of cavalry, a few days before the battle of Mursa. 

[Footnote 79: Eum Constantius. .. .. Facundiae vi dejectum Imperio in privatum otium removit. Quae gloria post natum Imperium soli proces siteloquio clementiaque, &c. Aurelius Victor, Julian, and Themistius (Orat. Iii. And iv. ) adorn this exploit with all the artificial and gaudycoloring of their rhetoric. ]

[Footnote 80: Busbequius (p. 112) traversed the Lower Hungary andSclavonia at a time when they were reduced almost to a desert, by thereciprocal hostilities of the Turks and Christians. Yet he mentions withadmiration the unconquerable fertility of the soil; and observes thatthe height of the grass was sufficient to conceal a loaded wagon fromhis sight. See likewise Browne's Travels, in Harris's Collection, volii. P. 762 &c. ]

[Footnote 81: Zosimus gives a very large account of the war, and thenegotiation, (l. Ii. P. 123-130. ) But as he neither shows himself asoldier nor a politician, his narrative must be weighed with attention, and received with caution. ]

The city of Mursa, or Essek, celebrated in modern times for a bridgeof boats, five miles in length, over the River Drave, and the adjacentmorasses, [82] has been always considered as a place of importance inthe wars of Hungary. Magnentius, directing his march towards Mursa, setfire to the gates, and, by a sudden assault, had almost scaled the wallsof the town. The vigilance of the garrison extinguished the flames; theapproach of Constantius left him no time to continue the operations ofthe siege; and the emperor soon removed the only obstacle that couldembarrass his motions, by forcing a body of troops which had taken postin an adjoining amphitheatre. The field of battle round Mursa was anaked and level plain: on this ground the army of Constantius formed, with the Drave on their right; while their left, either from the natureof their disposition, or from the superiority of their cavalry, extendedfar beyond the right flank of Magnentius. [83] The troops on both sidesremained under arms, in anxious expectation, during the greatest part ofthe morning; and the son of Constantine, after animating his soldiersby an eloquent speech, retired into a church at some distance fromthe field of battle, and committed to his generals the conduct ofthis decisive day. [84] They deserved his confidence by the valor andmilitary skill which they exerted. They wisely began the action upon theleft; and advancing their whole wing of cavalry in an oblique line, they suddenly wheeled it on the right flank of the enemy, which wasunprepared to resist the impetuosity of their charge. But the Romans ofthe West soon rallied, by the habits of discipline; and the Barbariansof Germany supported the renown of their national bravery. Theengagement soon became general; was maintained with various and singularturns of fortune; and scarcely ended with the darkness of the night. Thesignal victory which Constantius obtained is attributed to the arms ofhis cavalry. His cuirassiers are described as so many massy statuesof steel, glittering with their scaly armor, and breaking with theirponderous lances the firm array of the Gallic legions. As soon as thelegions gave way, the lighter and more active squadrons of the secondline rode sword in hand into the intervals, and completed the disorder. In the mean while, the huge bodies of the Germans were exposed almostnaked to the dexterity of the Oriental archers; and whole troops ofthose Barbarians were urged by anguish and despair to precipitatethemselves into the broad and rapid stream of the Drave. [85] The numberof the slain was computed at fifty-four thousand men, and the slaughterof the conquerors was more considerable than that of the vanquished;[86] a circumstance which proves the obstinacy of the contest, andjustifies the observation of an ancient writer, that the forces of theempire were consumed in the fatal battle of Mursa, by the loss of aveteran army, sufficient to defend the frontiers, or to add new triumphsto the glory of Rome. [87] Notwithstanding the invectives of a servileorator, there is not the least reason to believe that the tyrantdeserted his own standard in the beginning of the engagement. He seemsto have displayed the virtues of a general and of a soldier till theday was irrecoverably lost, and his camp in the possession of the enemy. Magnentius then consulted his safety, and throwing away the Imperialornaments, escaped with some difficulty from the pursuit of the lighthorse, who incessantly followed his rapid flight from the banks of theDrave to the foot of the Julian Alps. [88]

[Footnote 82: This remarkable bridge, which is flanked with towers, andsupported on large wooden piles, was constructed A. D. 1566, by SultanSoliman, to facilitate the march of his armies into Hungary. ]

[Footnote 83: This position, and the subsequent evolutions, are clearly, though concisely, described by Julian, Orat. I. P. 36. ]

[Footnote 84: Sulpicius Severus, l. Ii. P. 405. The emperor passed theday in prayer with Valens, the Arian bishop of Mursa, who gained hisconfidence by announcing the success of the battle. M. De Tillemont(Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 1110) very properly remarks thesilence of Julian with regard to the personal prowess of Constantius inthe battle of Mursa. The silence of flattery is sometimes equal to themost positive and authentic evidence. ]

[Footnote 85: Julian. Orat. I. P. 36, 37; and Orat. Ii. P. 59, 60. Zonaras, tom ii. L. Xiii. P. 17. Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 130-133. The last of these celebrates the dexterity of the archer Menelaus, who could discharge three arrows at the same time; an advantagewhich, according to his apprehension of military affairs, materiallycontributed to the victory of Constantius. ]

[Footnote 86: According to Zonaras, Constantius, out of 80, 000men, lost 30, 000; and Magnentius lost 24, 000 out of 36, 000. The otherarticles of this account seem probable and authentic, but the numbers ofthe tyrant's army must have been mistaken, either by the author or histranscribers. Magnentius had collected the whole force of the West, Romans and Barbarians, into one formidable body, which cannot fairly beestimated at less than 100, 000 men. Julian. Orat. I. P. 34, 35. ]

[Footnote 87: Ingentes R. I. Vires ea dimicatione consumptae sunt, ad quaelibet bella externa idoneae, quae multum triumphorum possentsecuritatisque conferre. Eutropius, x. 13. The younger Victor expresseshimself to the same effect. ]

[Footnote 88: On this occasion, we must prefer the unsuspected testimonyof Zosimus and Zonaras to the flattering assertions of Julian. Theyounger Victor paints the character of Magnentius in a singular light:"Sermonis acer, animi tumidi, et immodice timidus; artifex tamen adoccultandam audaciae specie formidinem. " Is it most likely that in thebattle of Mursa his behavior was governed by nature or by art shouldincline for the latter. ]

The approach of winter supplied the indolence of Constantius withspecious reasons for deferring the prosecution of the war till theensuing spring. Magnentius had fixed his residence in the city ofAquileia, and showed a seeming resolution to dispute the passage ofthe mountains and morasses which fortified the confines of the Venetianprovince. The surprisal of a castle in the Alps by the secret march ofthe Imperialists, could scarcely have determined him to relinquish thepossession of Italy, if the inclinations of the people had supported thecause of their tyrant. [89] But the memory of the cruelties exercisedby his ministers, after the unsuccessful revolt of Nepotian, had lefta deep impression of horror and resentment on the minds of the Romans. That rash youth, the son of the princess Eutropia, and the nephew ofConstantine, had seen with indignation the sceptre of the West usurpedby a perfidious barbarian. Arming a desperate troop of slaves andgladiators, he overpowered the feeble guard of the domestic tranquillityof Rome, received the homage of the senate, and assuming the title ofAugustus, precariously reigned during a tumult of twenty-eight days. The march of some regular forces put an end to his ambitious hopes:the rebellion was extinguished in the blood of Nepotian, of his motherEutropia, and of his adherents; and the proscription was extended toall who had contracted a fatal alliance with the name and family ofConstantine. [90] But as soon as Constantius, after the battle of Mursa, became master of the sea-coast of Dalmatia, a band of noble exiles, whohad ventured to equip a fleet in some harbor of the Adriatic, soughtprotection and revenge in his victorious camp. By their secretintelligence with their countrymen, Rome and the Italian cities werepersuaded to display the banners of Constantius on their walls. Thegrateful veterans, enriched by the liberality of the father, signalizedtheir gratitude and loyalty to the son. The cavalry, the legions, and the auxiliaries of Italy, renewed their oath of allegiance toConstantius; and the usurper, alarmed by the general desertion, wascompelled, with the remains of his faithful troops, to retire beyond theAlps into the provinces of Gaul. The detachments, however, which wereordered either to press or to intercept the flight of Magnentius, conducted themselves with the usual imprudence of success; and allowedhim, in the plains of Pavia, an opportunity of turning on his pursuers, and of gratifying his despair by the carnage of a useless victory. [91]

[Footnote 89: Julian. Orat. I. P. 38, 39. In that place, however, aswell as in Oration ii. P. 97, he insinuates the general disposition ofthe senate, the people, and the soldiers of Italy, towards the party ofthe emperor. ]

[Footnote 90: The elder Victor describes, in a pathetic manner, themiserable condition of Rome: "Cujus stolidum ingenium adeo P. R. Patribusque exitio fuit, uti passim domus, fora, viae, templaque, cruore, cadaveri busque opplerentur bustorum modo. " Athanasius (tom. I. P. 677) deplores the fate of several illustrious victims, and Julian(Orat. Ii p 58) execrates the cruelty of Marcellinus, the implacableenemy of the house of Constantine. ]

[Footnote 91: Zosim. L. Ii. P. 133. Victor in Epitome. The panegyristsof Constantius, with their usual candor, forget to mention thisaccidental defeat. ]

The pride of Magnentius was reduced, by repeated misfortunes, to sue, and to sue in vain, for peace. He first despatched a senator, in whoseabilities he confided, and afterwards several bishops, whose holycharacter might obtain a more favorable audience, with the offer ofresigning the purple, and the promise of devoting the remainder of hislife to the service of the emperor. But Constantius, though he grantedfair terms of pardon and reconciliation to all who abandoned thestandard of rebellion, [92] avowed his inflexible resolution to inflicta just punishment on the crimes of an assassin, whom he preparedto overwhelm on every side by the effort of his victorious arms. An Imperial fleet acquired the easy possession of Africa and Spain, confirmed the wavering faith of the Moorish nations, and landed aconsiderable force, which passed the Pyrenees, and advanced towardsLyons, the last and fatal station of Magnentius. [93] The temper of thetyrant, which was never inclined to clemency, was urged by distress toexercise every act of oppression which could extort an immediate supplyfrom the cities of Gaul. [94] Their patience was at length exhausted;and Treves, the seat of Praetorian government, gave the signal ofrevolt, by shutting her gates against Decentius, who had been raisedby his brother to the rank either of Caesar or of Augustus. [95] FromTreves, Decentius was obliged to retire to Sens, where he wassoon surrounded by an army of Germans, whom the pernicious arts ofConstantius had introduced into the civil dissensions of Rome. [96] Inthe mean time, the Imperial troops forced the passages of the CottianAlps, and in the bloody combat of Mount Seleucus irrevocably fixed thetitle of rebels on the party of Magnentius. [97] He was unable to bringanother army into the field; the fidelity of his guards was corrupted;and when he appeared in public to animate them by his exhortations, he was saluted with a unanimous shout of "Long live the emperorConstantius!" The tyrant, who perceived that they were preparing todeserve pardon and rewards by the sacrifice of the most obnoxiouscriminal, prevented their design by falling on his sword; [98] a deathmore easy and more honorable than he could hope to obtain from the handsof an enemy, whose revenge would have been colored with the speciouspretence of justice and fraternal piety. The example of suicidewas imitated by Decentius, who strangled himself on the news of hisbrother's death. The author of the conspiracy, Marcellinus, hadlong since disappeared in the battle of Mursa, [99] and the publictranquillity was confirmed by the execution of the surviving leadersof a guilty and unsuccessful faction. A severe inquisition was extendedover all who, either from choice or from compulsion, had been involvedin the cause of rebellion. Paul, surnamed Catena from his superiorskill in the judicial exercise of tyranny, [99a] was sent to explore thelatent remains of the conspiracy in the remote province of Britain. Thehonest indignation expressed by Martin, vice-praefect of the island, wasinterpreted as an evidence of his own guilt; and the governor was urgedto the necessity of turning against his breast the sword with whichhe had been provoked to wound the Imperial minister. The most innocentsubjects of the West were exposed to exile and confiscation, to deathand torture; and as the timid are always cruel, the mind of Constantiuswas inaccessible to mercy. [100]

[Footnote 92: Zonaras, tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 17. Julian, in severalplaces of the two orations, expatiates on the clemency of Constantius tothe rebels. ]

[Footnote 93: Zosim. L. Ii. P. 133. Julian. Orat. I. P. 40, ii. P. 74. ]

[Footnote 94: Ammian. Xv. 6. Zosim. L. Ii. P. 123. Julian, who (Orat. I. P. 40) unveighs against the cruel effects of the tyrant's despair, mentions (Orat. I. P. 34) the oppressive edicts which were dictatedby his necessities, or by his avarice. His subjects were compelled topurchase the Imperial demesnes; a doubtful and dangerous species ofproperty, which, in case of a revolution, might be imputed to them as atreasonable usurpation. ]

[Footnote 95: The medals of Magnentius celebrate the victories of thetwo Augusti, and of the Caesar. The Caesar was another brother, namedDesiderius. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 757. ]

[Footnote 96: Julian. Orat. I. P. 40, ii. P. 74; with Spanheim, p. 263. His Commentary illustrates the transactions of this civil war. MonsSeleuci was a small place in the Cottian Alps, a few miles distant fromVapincum, or Gap, an episcopal city of Dauphine. See D'Anville, Noticede la Gaule, p. 464; and Longuerue, Description de la France, p. 327. ---- The Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 357, ed. Wess. ) places MonsSeleucu twenty-four miles from Vapinicum, (Gap, ) and twenty-six fromLucus. (le Luc, ) on the road to Die, (Dea Vocontiorum. ) The situationanswers to Mont Saleon, a little place on the right of the small riverBuech, which falls into the Durance. Roman antiquities have been foundin this place. St. Martin. Note to Le Beau, ii. 47. --M. ]

[Footnote 97: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 134. Liban. Orat. X. P. 268, 269. The latter most vehemently arraigns this cruel and selfish policy ofConstantius. ]

[Footnote 98: Julian. Orat. I. P. 40. Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 134. Socrates, l. Ii. C. 32. Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 7. The younger Victor describes hisdeath with some horrid circumstances: Transfosso latere, ut erat vasticorporis, vulnere naribusque et ore cruorem effundens, exspiravit. Ifwe can give credit to Zonaras, the tyrant, before he expired, had thepleasure of murdering, with his own hand, his mother and his brotherDesiderius. ]

[Footnote 99: Julian (Orat. I. P. 58, 59) seems at a loss to determine, whether he inflicted on himself the punishment of his crimes, whetherhe was drowned in the Drave, or whether he was carried by the avengingdaemons from the field of battle to his destined place of eternaltortures. ]

[Footnote 99a: This is scarcely correct, ut erat in complicandisnegotiis artifex dirum made ei Catenae inditum est cognomentum. Amm. Mar. Loc. Cit. --M. ]

[Footnote 100: Ammian. Xiv. 5, xxi. 16. ]

Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor. --Part I. 

 Constantius Sole Emperor. --Elevation And Death Of Gallus. -- Danger And Elevation Of Julian. --Sarmatian And Persian Wars. --Victories Of Julian In Gaul. 

The divided provinces of the empire were again united by the victory ofConstantius; but as that feeble prince was destitute of personal merit, either in peace or war; as he feared his generals, and distrusted hisministers; the triumph of his arms served only to establish the reignof the eunuchs over the Roman world. Those unhappy beings, the ancientproduction of Oriental jealousy and despotism, [1] were introduced intoGreece and Rome by the contagion of Asiatic luxury. [2] Their progresswas rapid; and the eunuchs, who, in the time of Augustus, had beenabhorred, as the monstrous retinue of an Egyptian queen, [3] weregradually admitted into the families of matrons, of senators, and of theemperors themselves. [4] Restrained by the severe edicts of Domitianand Nerva, cherished by the pride of Diocletian, reduced to an humblestation by the prudence of Constantine, [6] they multiplied in thepalaces of his degenerate sons, and insensibly acquired the knowledge, and at length the direction, of the secret councils of Constantius. Theaversion and contempt which mankind had so uniformly entertained forthat imperfect species, appears to have degraded their character, and tohave rendered them almost as incapable as they were supposed to be, ofconceiving any generous sentiment, or of performing any worthy action. [7] But the eunuchs were skilled in the arts of flattery and intrigue;and they alternately governed the mind of Constantius by his fears, hisindolence, and his vanity. [8] Whilst he viewed in a deceitful mirrorthe fair appearance of public prosperity, he supinely permitted them tointercept the complaints of the injured provinces, to accumulate immensetreasures by the sale of justice and of honors; to disgrace the mostimportant dignities, by the promotion of those who had purchasedat their hands the powers of oppression, [9] and to gratify theirresentment against the few independent spirits, who arrogantlyrefused to solicit the protection of slaves. Of these slaves the mostdistinguished was the chamberlain Eusebius, who ruled the monarch andthe palace with such absolute sway, that Constantius, according tothe sarcasm of an impartial historian, possessed some credit withthis haughty favorite. [10] By his artful suggestions, the emperor waspersuaded to subscribe the condemnation of the unfortunate Gallus, andto add a new crime to the long list of unnatural murders which pollutethe honor of the house of Constantine. 

[Footnote 1: Ammianus (l. Xiv. C. 6) imputes the first practice ofcastration to the cruel ingenuity of Semiramis, who is supposed to havereigned above nineteen hundred years before Christ. The use of eunuchsis of high antiquity, both in Asia and Egypt. They are mentioned in thelaw of Moses, Deuteron. Xxxiii. 1. See Goguet, Origines des Loix, &c. , Part i. L. I. C. 3. ]

[Footnote 2: Eunuchum dixti velle te; Quia solae utuntur hisreginae--Terent. Eunuch. Act i. Scene 2. This play is translated fromMeander, and the original must have appeared soon after the easternconquests of Alexander. ]

[Footnote 3: Miles. .. . Spadonibus Servire rugosis potest. Horat. Carm. V. 9, and Dacier ad loe. By the word spado, the Romans very forciblyexpressed their abhorrence of this mutilated condition. The Greekappellation of eunuchs, which insensibly prevailed, had a milder sound, and a more ambiguous sense. ]

[Footnote 4: We need only mention Posides, a freedman and eunuch ofClaudius, in whose favor the emperor prostituted some of the mosthonorable rewards of military valor. See Sueton. In Claudio, c. 28. Posides employed a great part of his wealth in building. 

 Ut Spado vincebat Capitolia Nostra Posides. Juvenal. Sat. Xiv. ]

[Footnote 5: Castrari mares vetuit. Sueton. In Domitian. C. 7. See DionCassius, l. Lxvii. P. 1107, l. Lxviii. P. 1119. ]

[Footnote 6: There is a passage in the Augustan History, p. 137, inwhich Lampridius, whilst he praises Alexander Severus and Constantinefor restraining the tyranny of the eunuchs, deplores the mischiefswhich they occasioned in other reigns. Huc accedit quod eunuchos nec inconsiliis nec in ministeriis habuit; qui soli principes perdunt, dumeos more gentium aut regum Persarum volunt vivere; qui a populo etiamamicissimum semovent; qui internuntii sunt, aliud quam respondetur, referentes; claudentes principem suum, et agentes ante omnia ne quidsciat. ]

[Footnote 7: Xenophon (Cyropaedia, l. Viii. P. 540) has stated thespecious reasons which engaged Cyrus to intrust his person to the guardof eunuchs. He had observed in animals, that although the practice ofcastration might tame their ungovernable fierceness, it did not diminishtheir strength or spirit; and he persuaded himself, that those who wereseparated from the rest of human kind, would be more firmly attached tothe person of their benefactor. But a long experience has contradictedthe judgment of Cyrus. Some particular instances may occur of eunuchsdistinguished by their fidelity, their valor, and their abilities; butif we examine the general history of Persia, India, and China, we shallfind that the power of the eunuchs has uniformly marked the decline andfall of every dynasty. ]

[Footnote 8: See Ammianus Marcellinus, l. Xxi. C. 16, l. Xxii. C. 4. Thewhole tenor of his impartial history serves to justify the invectivesof Mamertinus, of Libanius, and of Julian himself, who have insulted thevices of the court of Constantius. ]

[Footnote 9: Aurelius Victor censures the negligence of his sovereign inchoosing the governors of the provinces, and the generals of the army, and concludes his history with a very bold observation, as it is muchmore dangerous under a feeble reign to attack the ministers than themaster himself. "Uti verum absolvam brevi, ut Imperatore ipso clariusita apparitorum plerisque magis atrox nihil. "]

[Footnote 10: Apud quem (si vere dici debeat) multum Constantius potuit. Ammian. L. Xviii. C. 4. ]

When the two nephews of Constantine, Gallus and Julian, were saved fromthe fury of the soldiers, the former was about twelve, and the latterabout six, years of age; and, as the eldest was thought to be of asickly constitution, they obtained with the less difficulty a precariousand dependent life, from the affected pity of Constantius, who wassensible that the execution of these helpless orphans would have beenesteemed, by all mankind, an act of the most deliberate cruelty. [11]Different cities of Ionia and Bithynia were assigned for the places oftheir exile and education; but as soon as their growing years excitedthe jealousy of the emperor, he judged it more prudent to secure thoseunhappy youths in the strong castle of Macellum, near Caesarea. Thetreatment which they experienced during a six years' confinement, waspartly such as they could hope from a careful guardian, and partly suchas they might dread from a suspicious tyrant. [12] Their prison was anancient palace, the residence of the kings of Cappadocia; the situationwas pleasant, the buildings of stately, the enclosure spacious. Theypursued their studies, and practised their exercises, under the tuitionof the most skilful masters; and the numerous household appointed toattend, or rather to guard, the nephews of Constantine, was not unworthyof the dignity of their birth. But they could not disguise to themselvesthat they were deprived of fortune, of freedom, and of safety; secludedfrom the society of all whom they could trust or esteem, and condemnedto pass their melancholy hours in the company of slaves devoted to thecommands of a tyrant who had already injured them beyond the hopeof reconciliation. At length, however, the emergencies of the statecompelled the emperor, or rather his eunuchs, to invest Gallus, in thetwenty-fifth year of his age, with the title of Caesar, and to cementthis political connection by his marriage with the princess Constantina. After a formal interview, in which the two princes mutually engagedtheir faith never to undertake any thing to the prejudice of each other, they repaired without delay to their respective stations. Constantiuscontinued his march towards the West, and Gallus fixed his residence atAntioch; from whence, with a delegated authority, he administered thefive great dioceses of the eastern praefecture. [13] In this fortunatechange, the new Caesar was not unmindful of his brother Julian, whoobtained the honors of his rank, the appearances of liberty, and therestitution of an ample patrimony. [14]

[Footnote 11: Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. Iii. P. 90) reproaches theapostate with his ingratitude towards Mark, bishop of Arethusa, whohad contributed to save his life; and we learn, though from a lessrespectable authority, (Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 916, ) that Julian was concealed in the sanctuary of a church. * Note:Gallus and Julian were not sons of the same mother. Their father, JuliusConstantius, had had Gallus by his first wife, named Galla: Julianwas the son of Basilina, whom he had espoused in a second marriage. Tillemont. Hist. Des Emp. Vie de Constantin. Art. 3. --G. ]

[Footnote 12: The most authentic account of the education and adventuresof Julian is contained in the epistle or manifesto which he himselfaddressed to the senate and people of Athens. Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, ) on the side of the Pagans, and Socrates, (l. Iii. C. 1, )on that of the Christians, have preserved several interestingcircumstances. ]

[Footnote 13: For the promotion of Gallus, see Idatius, Zosimus, and thetwo Victors. According to Philostorgius, (l. Iv. C. 1, ) Theophilus, anArian bishop, was the witness, and, as it were, the guarantee of thissolemn engagement. He supported that character with generous firmness;but M. De Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 1120) thinks itvery improbable that a heretic should have possessed such virtue. ]

[Footnote 14: Julian was at first permitted to pursue his studies atConstantinople, but the reputation which he acquired soon excited thejealousy of Constantius; and the young prince was advised to withdrawhimself to the less conspicuous scenes of Bithynia and Ionia. ]

The writers the most indulgent to the memory of Gallus, and even Julianhimself, though he wished to cast a veil over the frailties of hisbrother, are obliged to confess that the Caesar was incapable ofreigning. Transported from a prison to a throne, he possessed neithergenius nor application, nor docility to compensate for the want ofknowledge and experience. A temper naturally morose and violent, instead of being corrected, was soured by solitude and adversity; theremembrance of what he had endured disposed him to retaliation ratherthan to sympathy; and the ungoverned sallies of his rage were oftenfatal to those who approached his person, or were subject to his power. [15] Constantina, his wife, is described, not as a woman, but as one ofthe infernal furies tormented with an insatiate thirst of human blood. [16] Instead of employing her influence to insinuate the mild counselsof prudence and humanity, she exasperated the fierce passions of herhusband; and as she retained the vanity, though she had renounced, thegentleness of her sex, a pearl necklace was esteemed an equivalent pricefor the murder of an innocent and virtuous nobleman. [17] The cruelty ofGallus was sometimes displayed in the undissembled violence of popularor military executions; and was sometimes disguised by the abuse of law, and the forms of judicial proceedings. The private houses of Antioch, and the places of public resort, were besieged by spies and informers;and the Caesar himself, concealed in a a plebeian habit, very frequentlycondescended to assume that odious character. Every apartment of thepalace was adorned with the instruments of death and torture, and ageneral consternation was diffused through the capital of Syria. Theprince of the East, as if he had been conscious how much he had to fear, and how little he deserved to reign, selected for the objects of hisresentment the provincials accused of some imaginary treason, and hisown courtiers, whom with more reason he suspected of incensing, by theirsecret correspondence, the timid and suspicious mind of Constantius. But he forgot that he was depriving himself of his only support, theaffection of the people; whilst he furnished the malice of his enemieswith the arms of truth, and afforded the emperor the fairest pretence ofexacting the forfeit of his purple, and of his life. [18]

[Footnote 15: See Julian. Ad S. P. Q. A. P. 271. Jerom. In Chron. Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, x. 14. I shall copy the words of Eutropius, who wrote his abridgment about fifteen years after the death of Gallus, when there was no longer any motive either to flatter or to depreciatehis character. "Multis incivilibus gestis Gallus Caesar. .. . Vir naturaferox et ad tyrannidem pronior, si suo jure imperare licuisset. "]

[Footnote 16: Megaera quidem mortalis, inflammatrix saevientis assidua, humani cruoris avida, &c. Ammian. Marcellin. L. Xiv. C. 1. The sincerityof Ammianus would not suffer him to misrepresent facts or characters, but his love of ambitious ornaments frequently betrayed him into anunnatural vehemence of expression. ]

[Footnote 17: His name was Clematius of Alexandria, and his only crimewas a refusal to gratify the desires of his mother-in-law; who solicitedhis death, because she had been disappointed of his love. Ammian. Xiv. C. I. ]

[Footnote 18: See in Ammianus (l. Xiv. C. 1, 7) a very ample detail ofthe cruelties of Gallus. His brother Julian (p. 272) insinuates, that asecret conspiracy had been formed against him; and Zosimus names (l. Ii. P. 135) the persons engaged in it; a minister of considerable rank, andtwo obscure agents, who were resolved to make their fortune. ]

As long as the civil war suspended the fate of the Roman world, Constantius dissembled his knowledge of the weak and crueladministration to which his choice had subjected the East; and thediscovery of some assassins, secretly despatched to Antioch by thetyrant of Gaul, was employed to convince the public, that the emperorand the Caesar were united by the same interest, and pursued by the sameenemies. [19] But when the victory was decided in favor of Constantius, his dependent colleague became less useful and less formidable. Everycircumstance of his conduct was severely and suspiciously examined, andit was privately resolved, either to deprive Gallus of the purple, orat least to remove him from the indolent luxury of Asia to the hardshipsand dangers of a German war. The death of Theophilus, consular of theprovince of Syria, who in a time of scarcity had been massacred by thepeople of Antioch, with the connivance, and almost at the instigation, of Gallus, was justly resented, not only as an act of wanton cruelty, but as a dangerous insult on the supreme majesty of Constantius. Twoministers of illustrious rank, Domitian the Oriental praefect, andMontius, quaestor of the palace, were empowered by a special commission[19a] to visit and reform the state of the East. They were instructed tobehave towards Gallus with moderation and respect, and, by the gentlestarts of persuasion, to engage him to comply with the invitation of hisbrother and colleague. The rashness of the praefect disappointed theseprudent measures, and hastened his own ruin, as well as that of hisenemy. On his arrival at Antioch, Domitian passed disdainfullybefore the gates of the palace, and alleging a slight pretence ofindisposition, continued several days in sullen retirement, to preparean inflammatory memorial, which he transmitted to the Imperial court. Yielding at length to the pressing solicitations of Gallus, the praefectcondescended to take his seat in council; but his first step was tosignify a concise and haughty mandate, importing that the Caesar shouldimmediately repair to Italy, and threatening that he himself wouldpunish his delay or hesitation, by suspending the usual allowance of hishousehold. The nephew and daughter of Constantine, who could ill brookthe insolence of a subject, expressed their resentment by instantlydelivering Domitian to the custody of a guard. The quarrel stilladmitted of some terms of accommodation. They were renderedimpracticable by the imprudent behavior of Montius, a statesman whosearts and experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of hisdisposition. [20] The quaestor reproached Gallus in a haughty language, that a prince who was scarcely authorized to remove a municipalmagistrate, should presume to imprison a Praetorian praefect; convokeda meeting of the civil and military officers; and required them, inthe name of their sovereign, to defend the person and dignity of hisrepresentatives. By this rash declaration of war, the impatient temperof Gallus was provoked to embrace the most desperate counsels. Heordered his guards to stand to their arms, assembled the populaceof Antioch, and recommended to their zeal the care of his safety andrevenge. His commands were too fatally obeyed. They rudely seized thepraefect and the quaestor, and tying their legs together with ropes, they dragged them through the streets of the city, inflicted a thousandinsults and a thousand wounds on these unhappy victims, and at lastprecipitated their mangled and lifeless bodies into the stream of theOrontes. [21]

[Footnote 19: Zonaras, l. Xiii. Tom. Ii. P. 17, 18. The assassins hadseduced a great number of legionaries; but their designs were discoveredand revealed by an old woman in whose cottage they lodged. ]

[Footnote 19a: The commission seems to have been granted to Domitianalone. Montius interfered to support his authority. Amm. Marc. Loc. Cit. --M]

[Footnote 20: In the present text of Ammianus, we read Asper, quidem, sed ad lenitatem propensior; which forms a sentence of contradictorynonsense. With the aid of an old manuscript, Valesius has rectifiedthe first of these corruptions, and we perceive a ray of light in thesubstitution of the word vafer. If we venture to change lenitatem intolexitatem, this alteration of a single letter will render the wholepassage clear and consistent. ]

[Footnote 21: Instead of being obliged to collect scattered andimperfect hints from various sources, we now enter into the full streamof the history of Ammianus, and need only refer to the seventh and ninthchapters of his fourteenth book. Philostorgius, however, (l. Iii. C. 28)though partial to Gallus, should not be entirely overlooked. ]

After such a deed, whatever might have been the designs of Gallus, itwas only in a field of battle that he could assert his innocence withany hope of success. But the mind of that prince was formed of an equalmixture of violence and weakness. Instead of assuming the title ofAugustus, instead of employing in his defence the troops and treasuresof the East, he suffered himself to be deceived by the affectedtranquillity of Constantius, who, leaving him the vain pageantry of acourt, imperceptibly recalled the veteran legions from the provincesof Asia. But as it still appeared dangerous to arrest Gallus in hiscapital, the slow and safer arts of dissimulation were practised withsuccess. The frequent and pressing epistles of Constantius were filledwith professions of confidence and friendship; exhorting the Caesar todischarge the duties of his high station, to relieve his colleague froma part of the public cares, and to assist the West by his presence, hiscounsels, and his arms. After so many reciprocal injuries, Gallus hadreason to fear and to distrust. But he had neglected the opportunitiesof flight and of resistance; he was seduced by the flattering assurancesof the tribune Scudilo, who, under the semblance of a rough soldier, disguised the most artful insinuation; and he depended on the creditof his wife Constantina, till the unseasonable death of that princesscompleted the ruin in which he had been involved by her impetuouspassions. [22]

[Footnote 22: She had preceded her husband, but died of a fever on theroad at a little place in Bithynia, called Coenum Gallicanum. ]

Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor. --Part II. 

After a long delay, the reluctant Caesar set forwards on his journey tothe Imperial court. From Antioch to Hadrianople, he traversed the wideextent of his dominions with a numerous and stately train; and as helabored to conceal his apprehensions from the world, and perhaps fromhimself, he entertained the people of Constantinople with an exhibitionof the games of the circus. The progress of the journey might, however, have warned him of the impending danger. In all the principal cities hewas met by ministers of confidence, commissioned to seize the offices ofgovernment, to observe his motions, and to prevent the hasty salliesof his despair. The persons despatched to secure the provinces which heleft behind, passed him with cold salutations, or affected disdain; andthe troops, whose station lay along the public road, were studiouslyremoved on his approach, lest they might be tempted to offer theirswords for the service of a civil war. [23] After Gallus had beenpermitted to repose himself a few days at Hadrianople, he received amandate, expressed in the most haughty and absolute style, that hissplendid retinue should halt in that city, while the Caesar himself, with only ten post-carriages, should hasten to the Imperial residence atMilan. 

In this rapid journey, the profound respect which was due to thebrother and colleague of Constantius, was insensibly changed into rudefamiliarity; and Gallus, who discovered in the countenances of theattendants that they already considered themselves as his guards, andmight soon be employed as his executioners, began to accuse his fatalrashness, and to recollect, with terror and remorse, the conduct bywhich he had provoked his fate. The dissimulation which had hithertobeen preserved, was laid aside at Petovio, [23a] in Pannonia. He wasconducted to a palace in the suburbs, where the general Barbatio, witha select band of soldiers, who could neither be moved by pity, norcorrupted by rewards, expected the arrival of his illustrious victim. Inthe close of the evening he was arrested, ignominiously stripped ofthe ensigns of Caesar, and hurried away to Pola, [23b] in Istria, asequestered prison, which had been so recently polluted with royalblood. The horror which he felt was soon increased by the appearance ofhis implacable enemy the eunuch Eusebius, who, with the assistance ofa notary and a tribune, proceeded to interrogate him concerning theadministration of the East. The Caesar sank under the weight of shameand guilt, confessed all the criminal actions and all the treasonabledesigns with which he was charged; and by imputing them to the advice ofhis wife, exasperated the indignation of Constantius, who reviewed withpartial prejudice the minutes of the examination. The emperor was easilyconvinced, that his own safety was incompatible with the life of hiscousin: the sentence of death was signed, despatched, and executed;and the nephew of Constantine, with his hands tied behind his back, was beheaded in prison like the vilest malefactor. [24] Those who areinclined to palliate the cruelties of Constantius, assert that he soonrelented, and endeavored to recall the bloody mandate; but that thesecond messenger, intrusted with the reprieve, was detained by theeunuchs, who dreaded the unforgiving temper of Gallus, and were desirousof reuniting to their empire the wealthy provinces of the East. [25]

[Footnote 23: The Thebaean legions, which were then quartered atHadrianople, sent a deputation to Gallus, with a tender of theirservices. Ammian. L. Xiv. C. 11. The Notitia (s. 6, 20, 38, edit. Labb. )mentions three several legions which bore the name of Thebaean. The zealof M. De Voltaire to destroy a despicable though celebrated legion, hastempted him on the slightest grounds to deny the existence of a Thenaeanlegion in the Roman armies. See Oeuvres de Voltaire, tom. Xv. P. 414, quarto edition. ]

[Footnote 23a: Pettau in Styria. --M]

[Footnote 23b: Rather to Flanonia. Now Fianone, near Pola. St. Martin. --M. ]

[Footnote 24: See the complete narrative of the journey and death ofGallus in Ammianus, l. Xiv. C. 11. Julian complains that his brotherwas put to death without a trial; attempts to justify, or at least toexcuse, the cruel revenge which he had inflicted on his enemies; butseems at last to acknowledge that he might justly have been deprived ofthe purple. ]

[Footnote 25: Philostorgius, l. Iv. C. 1. Zonaras, l. Xiii. Tom. Ii. P. 19. But the former was partial towards an Arian monarch, and the lattertranscribed, without choice or criticism, whatever he found in thewritings of the ancients. ]

Besides the reigning emperor, Julian alone survived, of all the numerousposterity of Constantius Chlorus. The misfortune of his royal birthinvolved him in the disgrace of Gallus. From his retirement in the happycountry of Ionia, he was conveyed under a strong guard to the courtof Milan; where he languished above seven months, in the continualapprehension of suffering the same ignominious death, which was dailyinflicted almost before his eyes, on the friends and adherents ofhis persecuted family. His looks, his gestures, his silence, werescrutinized with malignant curiosity, and he was perpetually assaultedby enemies whom he had never offended, and by arts to which he wasa stranger. [26] But in the school of adversity, Julian insensiblyacquired the virtues of firmness and discretion. He defended his honor, as well as his life, against the insnaring subtleties of the eunuchs, who endeavored to extort some declaration of his sentiments; and whilsthe cautiously suppressed his grief and resentment, he nobly disdained toflatter the tyrant, by any seeming approbation of his brother'smurder. Julian most devoutly ascribes his miraculous deliverance to theprotection of the gods, who had exempted his innocence from the sentenceof destruction pronounced by their justice against the impious house ofConstantine. [27] As the most effectual instrument of their providence, he gratefully acknowledges the steady and generous friendship of theempress Eusebia, [28] a woman of beauty and merit, who, by the ascendantwhich she had gained over the mind of her husband, counterbalanced, in some measure, the powerful conspiracy of the eunuchs. By theintercession of his patroness, Julian was admitted into the Imperialpresence: he pleaded his cause with a decent freedom, he was heard withfavor; and, notwithstanding the efforts of his enemies, who urgedthe danger of sparing an avenger of the blood of Gallus, the mildersentiment of Eusebia prevailed in the council. But the effects of asecond interview were dreaded by the eunuchs; and Julian was advised towithdraw for a while into the neighborhood of Milan, till the emperorthought proper to assign the city of Athens for the place of hishonorable exile. As he had discovered, from his earliest youth, apropensity, or rather passion, for the language, the manners, thelearning, and the religion of the Greeks, he obeyed with pleasure anorder so agreeable to his wishes. Far from the tumult of arms, andthe treachery of courts, he spent six months under the groves of theacademy, in a free intercourse with the philosophers of the age, whostudied to cultivate the genius, to encourage the vanity, and to inflamethe devotion of their royal pupil. Their labors were not unsuccessful;and Julian inviolably preserved for Athens that tender regard whichseldom fails to arise in a liberal mind, from the recollection of theplace where it has discovered and exercised its growing powers. Thegentleness and affability of manners, which his temper suggested and hissituation imposed, insensibly engaged the affections of the strangers, as well as citizens, with whom he conversed. Some of his fellow-studentsmight perhaps examine his behavior with an eye of prejudice andaversion; but Julian established, in the schools of Athens, a generalprepossession in favor of his virtues and talents, which was soondiffused over the Roman world. [29]

[Footnote 26: See Ammianus Marcellin. L. Xv. C. 1, 3, 8. Julian himselfin his epistle to the Athenians, draws a very lively and just picture ofhis own danger, and of his sentiments. He shows, however, a tendency toexaggerate his sufferings, by insinuating, though in obscure terms, thatthey lasted above a year; a period which cannot be reconciled with thetruth of chronology. ]

[Footnote 27: Julian has worked the crimes and misfortunes of the familyof Constantine into an allegorical fable, which is happily conceived andagreeably related. It forms the conclusion of the seventh Oration, fromwhence it has been detached and translated by the Abbe de la Bleterie, Vie de Jovien, tom. Ii. P. 385-408. ]

[Footnote 28: She was a native of Thessalonica, in Macedonia, of a noblefamily, and the daughter, as well as sister, of consuls. Her marriagewith the emperor may be placed in the year 352. In a divided age, thehistorians of all parties agree in her praises. See their testimoniescollected by Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 750-754. ]

[Footnote 29: Libanius and Gregory Nazianzen have exhausted the arts aswell as the powers of their eloquence, to represent Julian as the firstof heroes, or the worst of tyrants. Gregory was his fellow-student atAthens; and the symptoms which he so tragically describes, of the futurewickedness of the apostate, amount only to some bodily imperfections, and to some peculiarities in his speech and manner. He protests, however, that he then foresaw and foretold the calamities of the churchand state. (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iv. P. 121, 122. )]

Whilst his hours were passed in studious retirement, the empress, resolute to achieve the generous design which she had undertaken, wasnot unmindful of the care of his fortune. The death of the late Caesarhad left Constantius invested with the sole command, and oppressed bythe accumulated weight, of a mighty empire. Before the wounds of civildiscord could be healed, the provinces of Gaul were overwhelmed by adeluge of Barbarians. The Sarmatians no longer respected the barrierof the Danube. The impunity of rapine had increased the boldness andnumbers of the wild Isaurians: those robbers descended from their craggymountains to ravage the adjacent country, and had even presumed, thoughwithout success, to besiege the important city of Seleucia, which wasdefended by a garrison of three Roman legions. Above all, the Persianmonarch, elated by victory, again threatened the peace of Asia, and thepresence of the emperor was indispensably required, both in the Westand in the East. For the first time, Constantius sincerely acknowledged, that his single strength was unequal to such an extent of care and ofdominion. [30] Insensible to the voice of flattery, which assuredhim that his all-powerful virtue, and celestial fortune, would stillcontinue to triumph over every obstacle, he listened with complacency tothe advice of Eusebia, which gratified his indolence, without offendinghis suspicious pride. As she perceived that the remembrance of Gallusdwelt on the emperor's mind, she artfully turned his attention to theopposite characters of the two brothers, which from their infancy hadbeen compared to those of Domitian and of Titus. [31] She accustomedher husband to consider Julian as a youth of a mild, unambitiousdisposition, whose allegiance and gratitude might be secured by the giftof the purple, and who was qualified to fill with honor a subordinatestation, without aspiring to dispute the commands, or to shade theglories, of his sovereign and benefactor. After an obstinate, thoughsecret struggle, the opposition of the favorite eunuchs submitted tothe ascendency of the empress; and it was resolved that Julian, aftercelebrating his nuptials with Helena, sister of Constantius, should beappointed, with the title of Caesar, to reign over the countries beyondthe Alps. [32]

[Footnote 30: Succumbere tot necessitatibus tamque crebris unum se, quod nunquam fecerat, aperte demonstrans. Ammian. L. Xv. C. 8. Hethen expresses, in their own words, the fattering assurances of thecourtiers. ]

[Footnote 31: Tantum a temperatis moribus Juliani differens fratrisquantum inter Vespasiani filios fuit, Domitianum et Titum. Ammian. L. Xiv. C. 11. The circumstances and education of the two brothers, were sonearly the same, as to afford a strong example of the innate differenceof characters. ]

[Footnote 32: Ammianus, l. Xv. C. 8. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 137, 138. ]

Although the order which recalled him to court was probably accompaniedby some intimation of his approaching greatness, he appeals to thepeople of Athens to witness his tears of undissembled sorrow, when hewas reluctantly torn away from his beloved retirement. [33] He trembledfor his life, for his fame, and even for his virtue; and his soleconfidence was derived from the persuasion, that Minerva inspired allhis actions, and that he was protected by an invisible guard of angels, whom for that purpose she had borrowed from the Sun and Moon. Heapproached, with horror, the palace of Milan; nor could the ingenuousyouth conceal his indignation, when he found himself accosted with falseand servile respect by the assassins of his family. Eusebia, rejoicingin the success of her benevolent schemes, embraced him with thetenderness of a sister; and endeavored, by the most soothing caresses, to dispel his terrors, and reconcile him to his fortune. But theceremony of shaving his beard, and his awkward demeanor, when he firstexchanged the cloak of a Greek philosopher for the military habit ofa Roman prince, amused, during a few days, the levity of the Imperialcourt. [34]

[Footnote 33: Julian. Ad S. P. Q. A. P. 275, 276. Libanius, Orat. X. P. 268. Julian did not yield till the gods had signified their will byrepeated visions and omens. His piety then forbade him to resist. ]

[Footnote 34: Julian himself relates, (p. 274) with some humor, thecircumstances of his own metamorphoses, his downcast looks, and hisperplexity at being thus suddenly transported into a new world, whereevery object appeared strange and hostile. ]

The emperors of the age of Constantine no longer deigned to consultwith the senate in the choice of a colleague; but they were anxious thattheir nomination should be ratified by the consent of the army. On thissolemn occasion, the guards, with the other troops whose stations werein the neighborhood of Milan, appeared under arms; and Constantiusascended his lofty tribunal, holding by the hand his cousin Julian, whoentered the same day into the twenty-fifth year of his age. [35] Ina studied speech, conceived and delivered with dignity, the emperorrepresented the various dangers which threatened the prosperity of therepublic, the necessity of naming a Caesar for the administration ofthe West, and his own intention, if it was agreeable to their wishes, of rewarding with the honors of the purple the promising virtues of thenephew of Constantine. The approbation of the soldiers was testified bya respectful murmur; they gazed on the manly countenance of Julian, andobserved with pleasure, that the fire which sparkled in his eyes wastempered by a modest blush, on being thus exposed, for the firsttime, to the public view of mankind. As soon as the ceremony of hisinvestiture had been performed, Constantius addressed him with the toneof authority which his superior age and station permitted him to assume;and exhorting the new Caesar to deserve, by heroic deeds, that sacredand immortal name, the emperor gave his colleague the strongestassurances of a friendship which should never be impaired by time, norinterrupted by their separation into the most distant climes. As soon asthe speech was ended, the troops, as a token of applause, clashed theirshields against their knees; [36] while the officers who surrounded thetribunal expressed, with decent reserve, their sense of the merits ofthe representative of Constantius. 

[Footnote 35: See Ammian. Marcellin. L. Xv. C. 8. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 139. Aurelius Victor. Victor Junior in Epitom. Eutrop. X. 14. ]

[Footnote 36: Militares omnes horrendo fragore scuta genibus illidentes;quod est prosperitatis indicium plenum; nam contra cum hastis clypeiferiuntur, irae documentum est et doloris. .. . .. Ammianus adds, witha nice distinction, Eumque ut potiori reverentia servaretur, nec supramodum laudabant nec infra quam decebat. ]

The two princes returned to the palace in the same chariot; and duringthe slow procession, Julian repeated to himself a verse of his favoriteHomer, which he might equally apply to his fortune and to his fears. [37] The four-and-twenty days which the Caesar spent at Milan after hisinvestiture, and the first months of his Gallic reign, were devoted toa splendid but severe captivity; nor could the acquisition of honorcompensate for the loss of freedom. [38] His steps were watched, hiscorrespondence was intercepted; and he was obliged, by prudence, to decline the visits of his most intimate friends. Of his formerdomestics, four only were permitted to attend him; two pages, hisphysician, and his librarian; the last of whom was employed in the careof a valuable collection of books, the gift of the empress, who studiedthe inclinations as well as the interest of her friend. In the room ofthese faithful servants, a household was formed, such indeed as becamethe dignity of a Caesar; but it was filled with a crowd of slaves, destitute, and perhaps incapable, of any attachment for their newmaster, to whom, for the most part, they were either unknown orsuspected. His want of experience might require the assistance of a wisecouncil; but the minute instructions which regulated the service of histable, and the distribution of his hours, were adapted to a youth stillunder the discipline of his preceptors, rather than to the situation ofa prince intrusted with the conduct of an important war. If he aspiredto deserve the esteem of his subjects, he was checked by the fear ofdispleasing his sovereign; and even the fruits of his marriage-bed wereblasted by the jealous artifices of Eusebia [39] herself, who, on thisoccasion alone, seems to have been unmindful of the tenderness of hersex, and the generosity of her character. The memory of his father andof his brothers reminded Julian of his own danger, and his apprehensionswere increased by the recent and unworthy fate of Sylvanus. In thesummer which preceded his own elevation, that general had been chosento deliver Gaul from the tyranny of the Barbarians; but Sylvanus soondiscovered that he had left his most dangerous enemies in the Imperialcourt. A dexterous informer, countenanced by several of the principalministers, procured from him some recommendatory letters; and erasingthe whole of the contents, except the signature, filled up the vacantparchment with matters of high and treasonable import. By the industryand courage of his friends, the fraud was however detected, and in agreat council of the civil and military officers, held in the presenceof the emperor himself, the innocence of Sylvanus was publiclyacknowledged. But the discovery came too late; the report of thecalumny, and the hasty seizure of his estate, had already provoked theindignant chief to the rebellion of which he was so unjustly accused. He assumed the purple at his head- quarters of Cologne, and his activepowers appeared to menace Italy with an invasion, and Milan with asiege. In this emergency, Ursicinus, a general of equal rank, regained, by an act of treachery, the favor which he had lost by his eminentservices in the East. Exasperated, as he might speciously allege, by theinjuries of a similar nature, he hastened with a few followers to jointhe standard, and to betray the confidence, of his too credulous friend. After a reign of only twenty-eight days, Sylvanus was assassinated: thesoldiers who, without any criminal intention, had blindly followed theexample of their leader, immediately returned to their allegiance; andthe flatterers of Constantius celebrated the wisdom and felicity of themonarch who had extinguished a civil war without the hazard of a battle. [40]

[Footnote 37: The word purple which Homer had used as a vague but commonepithet for death, was applied by Julian to express, very aptly, thenature and object of his own apprehensions. ]

[Footnote 38: He represents, in the most pathetic terms, (p. 277, ) thedistress of his new situation. The provision for his table was, however, so elegant and sumptuous, that the young philosopher rejected it withdisdain. Quum legeret libellum assidue, quem Constantius ut privignumad studia mittens manu sua conscripserat, praelicenter disponens quid inconvivio Caesaris impendi deberit: Phasianum, et vulvam et sumen exigivetuit et inferri. Ammian. Marcellin. L. Xvi. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 39: If we recollect that Constantine, the father of Helena, died above eighteen years before, in a mature old age, it will appearprobable, that the daughter, though a virgin, could not be very youngat the time of her marriage. She was soon afterwards delivered of ason, who died immediately, quod obstetrix corrupta mercede, mox natumpraesecto plusquam convenerat umbilico necavit. She accompanied theemperor and empress in their journey to Rome, and the latter, quaesitumvenenum bibere per fraudem illexit, ut quotiescunque concepisset, immaturum abjicerit partum. Ammian. L. Xvi. C. 10. Our physicians willdetermine whether there exists such a poison. For my own part I aminclined to hope that the public malignity imputed the effects ofaccident as the guilt of Eusebia. ]

[Footnote 40: Ammianus (xv. V. ) was perfectly well informed of theconduct and fate of Sylvanus. He himself was one of the few followerswho attended Ursicinus in his dangerous enterprise. ]

The protection of the Rhaetian frontier, and the persecution of theCatholic church, detained Constantius in Italy above eighteen monthsafter the departure of Julian. Before the emperor returned into theEast, he indulged his pride and curiosity in a visit to the ancientcapital. [41] He proceeded from Milan to Rome along the Aemilian andFlaminian ways, and as soon as he approached within forty miles of thecity, the march of a prince who had never vanquished a foreign enemy, assumed the appearance of a triumphal procession. His splendid trainwas composed of all the ministers of luxury; but in a time of profoundpeace, he was encompassed by the glittering arms of the numeroussquadrons of his guards and cuirassiers. Their streaming banners ofsilk, embossed with gold, and shaped in the form of dragons, wavedround the person of the emperor. Constantius sat alone in a lofty car, resplendent with gold and precious gems; and, except when he bowedhis head to pass under the gates of the cities, he affected a statelydemeanor of inflexible, and, as it might seem, of insensible gravity. The severe discipline of the Persian youth had been introduced by theeunuchs into the Imperial palace; and such were the habits of patiencewhich they had inculcated, that during a slow and sultry march, he wasnever seen to move his hand towards his face, or to turn his eyes eitherto the right or to the left. He was received by the magistrates andsenate of Rome; and the emperor surveyed, with attention, the civilhonors of the republic, and the consular images of the noble families. The streets were lined with an innumerable multitude. Their repeatedacclamations expressed their joy at beholding, after an absence ofthirty-two years, the sacred person of their sovereign, and Constantiushimself expressed, with some pleasantry, he affected surprise that thehuman race should thus suddenly be collected on the same spot. The sonof Constantine was lodged in the ancient palace of Augustus: he presidedin the senate, harangued the people from the tribunal which Cicero hadso often ascended, assisted with unusual courtesy at the games of theCircus, and accepted the crowns of gold, as well as the Panegyrics whichhad been prepared for the ceremony by the deputies of the principalcities. His short visit of thirty days was employed in viewing themonuments of art and power which were scattered over the seven hills andthe interjacent valleys. He admired the awful majesty of the Capitol, the vast extent of the baths of Caracalla and Diocletian, the severesimplicity of the Pantheon, the massy greatness of the amphitheatre ofTitus, the elegant architecture of the theatre of Pompey and the Templeof Peace, and, above all, the stately structure of the Forum and columnof Trajan; acknowledging that the voice of fame, so prone to inventand to magnify, had made an inadequate report of the metropolis of theworld. The traveller, who has contemplated the ruins of ancient Rome, may conceive some imperfect idea of the sentiments which they musthave inspired when they reared their heads in the splendor of unsulliedbeauty. 

[See The Pantheon: The severe simplicity of the Pantheon]

[Footnote 41: For the particulars of the visit of Constantius to Rome, see Ammianus, l. Xvi. C. 10. We have only to add, that Themistius wasappointed deputy from Constantinople, and that he composed his fourthoration for his ceremony. ]

The satisfaction which Constantius had received from this journeyexcited him to the generous emulation of bestowing on the Romans somememorial of his own gratitude and munificence. His first idea was toimitate the equestrian and colossal statue which he had seen in theForum of Trajan; but when he had maturely weighed the difficulties ofthe execution, [42] he chose rather to embellish the capital by the giftof an Egyptian obelisk. In a remote but polished age, which seems tohave preceded the invention of alphabetical writing, a great number ofthese obelisks had been erected, in the cities of Thebes and Heliopolis, by the ancient sovereigns of Egypt, in a just confidence that thesimplicity of their form, and the hardness of their substance, wouldresist the injuries of time and violence. [43] Several of theseextraordinary columns had been transported to Rome by Augustus and hissuccessors, as the most durable monuments of their power and victory;[44] but there remained one obelisk, which, from its size or sanctity, escaped for a long time the rapacious vanity of the conquerors. It wasdesigned by Constantine to adorn his new city; [45] and, after beingremoved by his order from the pedestal where it stood before the Templeof the Sun at Heliopolis, was floated down the Nile to Alexandria. Thedeath of Constantine suspended the execution of his purpose, and thisobelisk was destined by his son to the ancient capital of the empire. A vessel of uncommon strength and capaciousness was provided to conveythis enormous weight of granite, at least a hundred and fifteen feet inlength, from the banks of the Nile to those of the Tyber. The obelisk ofConstantius was landed about three miles from the city, and elevated, bythe efforts of art and labor, in the great Circus of Rome. [46] [46a]

[Footnote 42: Hormisdas, a fugitive prince of Persia, observed to theemperor, that if he made such a horse, he must think of preparing asimilar stable, (the Forum of Trajan. ) Another saying of Hormisdas isrecorded, "that one thing only had displeased him, to find that men diedat Rome as well as elsewhere. " If we adopt this reading of the text ofAmmianus, (displicuisse, instead of placuisse, ) we may consider it asa reproof of Roman vanity. The contrary sense would be that of amisanthrope. ]

[Footnote 43: When Germanicus visited the ancient monuments of Thebes, the eldest of the priests explained to him the meaning of these hieroglyphics. Tacit. Annal. Ii. C. 60. But it seems probable, that beforethe useful invention of an alphabet, these natural or arbitrary signswere the common characters of the Egyptian nation. See Warburton'sDivine Legation of Moses, vol. Iii. P. 69-243. ]

[Footnote 44: See Plin. Hist. Natur. L. Xxxvi. C. 14, 15. ]

[Footnote 45: Ammian. Marcellin l. Xvii. C. 4. He gives us a Greekinterpretation of the hieroglyphics, and his commentator Lindenbrogiusadds a Latin inscription, which, in twenty verses of the age ofConstantius, contain a short history of the obelisk. ]

[Footnote 46: See Donat. Roma. Antiqua, l. Iii. C. 14, l. Iv. C. 12, and the learned, though confused, Dissertation of Bargaeus on Obelisks, inserted in the fourth volume of Graevius's Roman Antiquities, p. 1897-1936. This dissertation is dedicated to Pope Sixtus V. , who erected theobelisk of Constantius in the square before the patriarchal church ofat. John Lateran. ]

[Footnote 46a: It is doubtful whether the obelisk transported byConstantius to Rome now exists. Even from the text of Ammianus, it isuncertain whether the interpretation of Hermapion refers to the olderobelisk, (obelisco incisus est veteri quem videmus in Circo, ) raised, ashe himself states, in the Circus Maximus, long before, by Augustus, orto the one brought by Constantius. The obelisk in the square before thechurch of St. John Lateran is ascribed not to Rameses the Great but toThoutmos II. Champollion, 1. Lettre a M. De Blacas, p. 32. --M]

The departure of Constantius from Rome was hastened by the alarmingintelligence of the distress and danger of the Illyrian provinces. Thedistractions of civil war, and the irreparable loss which the Romanlegions had sustained in the battle of Mursa, exposed those countries, almost without defence, to the light cavalry of the Barbarians; andparticularly to the inroads of the Quadi, a fierce and powerful nation, who seem to have exchanged the institutions of Germany for the armsand military arts of their Sarmatian allies. [47] The garrisons of thefrontiers were insufficient to check their progress; and the indolentmonarch was at length compelled to assemble, from the extremities ofhis dominions, the flower of the Palatine troops, to take the field inperson, and to employ a whole campaign, with the preceding autumn andthe ensuing spring, in the serious prosecution of the war. Theemperor passed the Danube on a bridge of boats, cut in pieces all thatencountered his march, penetrated into the heart of the country of theQuadi, and severely retaliated the calamities which they had inflictedon the Roman province. The dismayed Barbarians were soon reduced to suefor peace: they offered the restitution of his captive subjects as anatonement for the past, and the noblest hostages as a pledge of theirfuture conduct. The generous courtesy which was shown to the first amongtheir chieftains who implored the clemency of Constantius, encouragedthe more timid, or the more obstinate, to imitate their example; and theImperial camp was crowded with the princes and ambassadors of the mostdistant tribes, who occupied the plains of the Lesser Poland, andwho might have deemed themselves secure behind the lofty ridge of theCarpathian Mountains. While Constantius gave laws to the Barbariansbeyond the Danube, he distinguished, with specious compassion, theSarmatian exiles, who had been expelled from their native country by therebellion of their slaves, and who formed a very considerable accessionto the power of the Quadi. The emperor, embracing a generous butartful system of policy, released the Sarmatians from the bands of thishumiliating dependence, and restored them, by a separate treaty, to thedignity of a nation united under the government of a king, the friendand ally of the republic. He declared his resolution of asserting thejustice of their cause, and of securing the peace of the provinces bythe extirpation, or at least the banishment, of the Limigantes, whosemanners were still infected with the vices of their servile origin. Theexecution of this design was attended with more difficulty than glory. The territory of the Limigantes was protected against the Romans by theDanube, against the hostile Barbarians by the Teyss. The marshylands which lay between those rivers, and were often covered by theirinundations, formed an intricate wilderness, pervious only to theinhabitants, who were acquainted with its secret paths and inaccessiblefortresses. On the approach of Constantius, the Limigantes tried theefficacy of prayers, of fraud, and of arms; but he sternly rejectedtheir supplications, defeated their rude stratagems, and repelled withskill and firmness the efforts of their irregular valor. One of theirmost warlike tribes, established in a small island towards the confluxof the Teyss and the Danube, consented to pass the river with theintention of surprising the emperor during the security of an amicableconference. They soon became the victims of the perfidy which theymeditated. Encompassed on every side, trampled down by the cavalry, slaughtered by the swords of the legions, they disdained to ask formercy; and with an undaunted countenance, still grasped their weapons inthe agonies of death. After this victory, a considerable body of Romanswas landed on the opposite banks of the Danube; the Taifalae, a Gothictribe engaged in the service of the empire, invaded the Limigantes onthe side of the Teyss; and their former masters, the free Sarmatians, animated by hope and revenge, penetrated through the hilly country, intothe heart of their ancient possessions. A general conflagration revealedthe huts of the Barbarians, which were seated in the depth of thewilderness; and the soldier fought with confidence on marshy ground, which it was dangerous for him to tread. In this extremity, the bravestof the Limigantes were resolved to die in arms, rather than to yield:but the milder sentiment, enforced by the authority of their elders, atlength prevailed; and the suppliant crowd, followed by their wives andchildren, repaired to the Imperial camp, to learn their fate from themouth of the conqueror. After celebrating his own clemency, which wasstill inclined to pardon their repeated crimes, and to spare the remnantof a guilty nation, Constantius assigned for the place of their exile aremote country, where they might enjoy a safe and honorable repose. TheLimigantes obeyed with reluctance; but before they could reach, at leastbefore they could occupy, their destined habitations, they returned tothe banks of the Danube, exaggerating the hardships of their situation, and requesting, with fervent professions of fidelity, that the emperorwould grant them an undisturbed settlement within the limits of theRoman provinces. Instead of consulting his own experience of theirincurable perfidy, Constantius listened to his flatterers, who wereready to represent the honor and advantage of accepting a colony ofsoldiers, at a time when it was much easier to obtain the pecuniarycontributions than the military service of the subjects of the empire. The Limigantes were permitted to pass the Danube; and the emperor gaveaudience to the multitude in a large plain near the modern city of Buda. They surrounded the tribunal, and seemed to hear with respect an orationfull of mildness and dignity when one of the Barbarians, casting hisshoe into the air, exclaimed with a loud voice, Marha! Marha! [47a] aword of defiance, which was received as a signal of the tumult. Theyrushed with fury to seize the person of the emperor; his royal throneand golden couch were pillaged by these rude hands; but the faithfuldefence of his guards, who died at his feet, allowed him a moment tomount a fleet horse, and to escape from the confusion. The disgracewhich had been incurred by a treacherous surprise was soon retrievedby the numbers and discipline of the Romans; and the combat was onlyterminated by the extinction of the name and nation of the Limigantes. The free Sarmatians were reinstated in the possession of theirancient seats; and although Constantius distrusted the levity of theircharacter, he entertained some hopes that a sense of gratitude mightinfluence their future conduct. He had remarked the lofty stature andobsequious demeanor of Zizais, one of the noblest of their chiefs. Heconferred on him the title of King; and Zizais proved that he was notunworthy to reign, by a sincere and lasting attachment to the interestsof his benefactor, who, after this splendid success, received the nameof Sarmaticus from the acclamations of his victorious army. [48]

[Footnote 47: The events of this Quadian and Sarmatian war are relatedby Ammianus, xvi. 10, xvii. 12, 13, xix. 11]

[Footnote 47a: Reinesius reads Warrha, Warrha, Guerre, War. Wagner noteas a mm. Marc xix. Ll. --M. ]

[Footnote 48: Genti Sarmatarum magno decori confidens apud eos regemdedit. Aurelius Victor. In a pompous oration pronounced by Constantiushimself, he expatiates on his own exploits with much vanity, and sometruth]

Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor. --Part III. 

While the Roman emperor and the Persian monarch, at the distanceof three thousand miles, defended their extreme limits against theBarbarians of the Danube and of the Oxus, their intermediate frontierexperienced the vicissitudes of a languid war, and a precarious truce. Two of the eastern ministers of Constantius, the Praetorian praefectMusonian, whose abilities were disgraced by the want of truth andintegrity, and Cassian, duke of Mesopotamia, a hardy and veteransoldier, opened a secret negotiation with the satrap Tamsapor. [49][49a] These overtures of peace, translated into the servile andflattering language of Asia, were transmitted to the camp of the GreatKing; who resolved to signify, by an ambassador, the terms which he wasinclined to grant to the suppliant Romans. Narses, whom he invested withthat character, was honorably received in his passage through Antiochand Constantinople: he reached Sirmium after a long journey, and, at hisfirst audience, respectfully unfolded the silken veil which covered thehaughty epistle of his sovereign. Sapor, King of Kings, and Brotherof the Sun and Moon, (such were the lofty titles affected by Orientalvanity, ) expressed his satisfaction that his brother, ConstantiusCaesar, had been taught wisdom by adversity. As the lawful successor ofDarius Hystaspes, Sapor asserted, that the River Strymon, in Macedonia, was the true and ancient boundary of his empire; declaring, however, that as an evidence of his moderation, he would content himself withthe provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, which had been fraudulentlyextorted from his ancestors. He alleged, that, without the restitutionof these disputed countries, it was impossible to establish any treatyon a solid and permanent basis; and he arrogantly threatened, that ifhis ambassador returned in vain, he was prepared to take the field inthe spring, and to support the justice of his cause by the strength ofhis invincible arms. Narses, who was endowed with the most polite andamiable manners, endeavored, as far as was consistent with his duty, tosoften the harshness of the message. [50] Both the style and substancewere maturely weighed in the Imperial council, and he was dismissedwith the following answer: "Constantius had a right to disclaim theofficiousness of his ministers, who had acted without any specificorders from the throne: he was not, however, averse to an equal andhonorable treaty; but it was highly indecent, as well as absurd, topropose to the sole and victorious emperor of the Roman world, the sameconditions of peace which he had indignantly rejected at the time whenhis power was contracted within the narrow limits of the East: thechance of arms was uncertain; and Sapor should recollect, that if theRomans had sometimes been vanquished in battle, they had almost alwaysbeen successful in the event of the war. " A few days after the departureof Narses, three ambassadors were sent to the court of Sapor, who wasalready returned from the Scythian expedition to his ordinary residenceof Ctesiphon. A count, a notary, and a sophist, had been selected forthis important commission; and Constantius, who was secretly anxious forthe conclusion of the peace, entertained some hopes that the dignityof the first of these ministers, the dexterity of the second, and therhetoric of the third, [51] would persuade the Persian monarch to abateof the rigor of his demands. But the progress of their negotiation wasopposed and defeated by the hostile arts of Antoninus, [52] a Romansubject of Syria, who had fled from oppression, and was admitted intothe councils of Sapor, and even to the royal table, where, according tothe custom of the Persians, the most important business was frequentlydiscussed. [53] The dexterous fugitive promoted his interest by the sameconduct which gratified his revenge. He incessantly urged the ambitionof his new master to embrace the favorable opportunity when the bravestof the Palatine troops were employed with the emperor in a distant waron the Danube. He pressed Sapor to invade the exhausted and defencelessprovinces of the East, with the numerous armies of Persia, nowfortified by the alliance and accession of the fiercest Barbarians. Theambassadors of Rome retired without success, and a second embassy, ofa still more honorable rank, was detained in strict confinement, andthreatened either with death or exile. 

[Footnote 49: Ammian. Xvi. 9. ]

[Footnote 49a: In Persian, Ten-schah-pour. St. Martin, ii. 177. --M. ]

[Footnote 50: Ammianus (xvii. 5) transcribes the haughty letter. Themistius (Orat. Iv. P. 57, edit. Petav. ) takes notice of the silkencovering. Idatius and Zonaras mention the journey of the ambassador; andPeter the Patrician (in Excerpt. Legat. P. 58) has informed us of hisbehavior. ]

[Footnote 51: Ammianus, xvii. 5, and Valesius ad loc. The sophist, or philosopher, (in that age these words were almost synonymous, ) wasEustathius the Cappadocian, the disciple of Jamblichus, and the friendof St. Basil. Eunapius (in Vit. Aedesii, p. 44-47) fondly attributes tothis philosophic ambassador the glory of enchanting the Barbarian kingby the persuasive charms of reason and eloquence. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 828, 1132. ]

[Footnote 52: Ammian. Xviii. 5, 6, 8. The decent and respectful behaviorof Antoninus towards the Roman general, sets him in a very interestinglight; and Ammianus himself speaks of the traitor with some compassionand esteem. ]

[Footnote 53: This circumstance, as it is noticed by Ammianus, serves toprove the veracity of Herodotus, (l. I. C. 133, ) and the permanency ofthe Persian manners. In every age the Persians have been addicted tointemperance, and the wines of Shiraz have triumphed over the law ofMahomet. Brisson de Regno Pers. L. Ii. P. 462-472, and Voyages en Perse, tom, iii. P. 90. ]

The military historian, [54] who was himself despatched to observe thearmy of the Persians, as they were preparing to construct a bridge ofboats over the Tigris, beheld from an eminence the plain of Assyria, asfar as the edge of the horizon, covered with men, with horses, and witharms. Sapor appeared in the front, conspicuous by the splendor ofhis purple. On his left hand, the place of honor among the Orientals, Grumbates, king of the Chionites, displayed the stern countenance of anaged and renowned warrior. The monarch had reserved a similar place onhis right hand for the king of the Albanians, who led his independenttribes from the shores of the Caspian. [54a] The satraps and generalswere distributed according to their several ranks, and the whole army, besides the numerous train of Oriental luxury, consisted of more thanone hundred thousand effective men, inured to fatigue, and selected fromthe bravest nations of Asia. The Roman deserter, who in some measureguided the councils of Sapor, had prudently advised, that, instead ofwasting the summer in tedious and difficult sieges, he should marchdirectly to the Euphrates, and press forwards without delay to seize thefeeble and wealthy metropolis of Syria. But the Persians were no sooneradvanced into the plains of Mesopotamia, than they discovered that everyprecaution had been used which could retard their progress, or defeattheir design. The inhabitants, with their cattle, were secured in placesof strength, the green forage throughout the country was set on fire, the fords of the rivers were fortified by sharp stakes; military engineswere planted on the opposite banks, and a seasonable swell of the watersof the Euphrates deterred the Barbarians from attempting the ordinarypassage of the bridge of Thapsacus. Their skilful guide, changing hisplan of operations, then conducted the army by a longer circuit, butthrough a fertile territory, towards the head of the Euphrates, wherethe infant river is reduced to a shallow and accessible stream. Saporoverlooked, with prudent disdain, the strength of Nisibis; but as hepassed under the walls of Amida, he resolved to try whether the majestyof his presence would not awe the garrison into immediate submission. The sacrilegious insult of a random dart, which glanced against theroyal tiara, convinced him of his error; and the indignant monarchlistened with impatience to the advice of his ministers, who conjuredhim not to sacrifice the success of his ambition to the gratification ofhis resentment. The following day Grumbates advanced towards the gateswith a select body of troops, and required the instant surrender of thecity, as the only atonement which could be accepted for such an actof rashness and insolence. His proposals were answered by a generaldischarge, and his only son, a beautiful and valiant youth, was piercedthrough the heart by a javelin, shot from one of the balistae. Thefuneral of the prince of the Chionites was celebrated according to therites of the country; and the grief of his aged father was alleviated bythe solemn promise of Sapor, that the guilty city of Amida should serveas a funeral pile to expiate the death, and to perpetuate the memory, ofhis son. 

[Footnote 54: Ammian. Lxviii. 6, 7, 8, 10. ]

[Footnote 54a: These perhaps were the barbarous tribes who inhabit thenorthern part of the present Schirwan, the Albania of the ancients. Thiscountry, now inhabited by the Lezghis, the terror of the neighboringdistricts, was then occupied by the same people, called by the ancientsLegae, by the Armenians Gheg, or Leg. The latter represent them asconstant allies of the Persians in their wars against Armenia and theEmpire. A little after this period, a certain Schergir was their king, and it is of him doubtless Ammianus Marcellinus speaks. St. Martin, ii. 285. --M. ]

The ancient city of Amid or Amida, [55] which sometimes assumes theprovincial appellation of Diarbekir, [56] is advantageously situate ina fertile plain, watered by the natural and artificial channels of theTigris, of which the least inconsiderable stream bends in a semicircularform round the eastern part of the city. The emperor Constantiushad recently conferred on Amida the honor of his own name, and theadditional fortifications of strong walls and lofty towers. It wasprovided with an arsenal of military engines, and the ordinary garrisonhad been reenforced to the amount of seven legions, when the place wasinvested by the arms of Sapor. [57] His first and most sanguine hopesdepended on the success of a general assault. To the several nationswhich followed his standard, their respective posts were assigned;the south to the Vertae; the north to the Albanians; the east tothe Chionites, inflamed with grief and indignation; the west to theSegestans, the bravest of his warriors, who covered their front with aformidable line of Indian elephants. [58] The Persians, on every side, supported their efforts, and animated their courage; and the monarchhimself, careless of his rank and safety, displayed, in the prosecutionof the siege, the ardor of a youthful soldier. After an obstinatecombat, the Barbarians were repulsed; they incessantly returned to thecharge; they were again driven back with a dreadful slaughter, and tworebel legions of Gauls, who had been banished into the East, signalizedtheir undisciplined courage by a nocturnal sally into the heart of thePersian camp. In one of the fiercest of these repeated assaults, Amidawas betrayed by the treachery of a deserter, who indicated to theBarbarians a secret and neglected staircase, scooped out of the rockthat hangs over the stream of the Tigris. Seventy chosen archers of theroyal guard ascended in silence to the third story of a lofty tower, which commanded the precipice; they elevated on high the Persianbanner, the signal of confidence to the assailants, and of dismay to thebesieged; and if this devoted band could have maintained their post afew minutes longer, the reduction of the place might have been purchasedby the sacrifice of their lives. After Sapor had tried, without success, the efficacy of force and of stratagem, he had recourse to the slowerbut more certain operations of a regular siege, in the conduct of whichhe was instructed by the skill of the Roman deserters. The trencheswere opened at a convenient distance, and the troops destined for thatservice advanced under the portable cover of strong hurdles, to fillup the ditch, and undermine the foundations of the walls. Wooden towerswere at the same time constructed, and moved forwards on wheels, tillthe soldiers, who were provided with every species of missile weapons, could engage almost on level ground with the troops who defended therampart. Every mode of resistance which art could suggest, or couragecould execute, was employed in the defence of Amida, and the works ofSapor were more than once destroyed by the fire of the Romans. But theresources of a besieged city may be exhausted. The Persians repairedtheir losses, and pushed their approaches; a large preach was made bythe battering-ram, and the strength of the garrison, wasted by the swordand by disease, yielded to the fury of the assault. The soldiers, thecitizens, their wives, their children, all who had not time to escapethrough the opposite gate, were involved by the conquerors in apromiscuous massacre. 

[Footnote 55: For the description of Amida, see D'Herbelot, BebliothequeOrientale, p. Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 108. Histoire de Timur Bec, parCherefeddin Ali, l. Iii. C. 41. Ahmed Arabsiades, tom. I. P. 331, c. 43. Voyages de Tavernier, tom. I. P. 301. Voyages d'Otter, tom. Ii. P. 273, and Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. Ii. P. 324-328. The last of thesetravellers, a learned and accurate Dane, has given a plan of Amida, which illustrates the operations of the siege. ]

[Footnote 56: Diarbekir, which is styled Amid, or Kara Amid, in thepublic writings of the Turks, contains above 16, 000 houses, and is theresidence of a pacha with three tails. The epithet of Kara is derivedfrom the blackness of the stone which composes the strong and ancientwall of Amida. ----In my Mem. Hist. Sur l'Armenie, l. I. P. 166, 173, Iconceive that I have proved this city, still called, by the Armenians, Dirkranagerd, the city of Tigranes, to be the same with the famousTigranocerta, of which the situation was unknown. St. Martin, i. 432. Onthe siege of Amida, see St. Martin's Notes, ii. 290. Faustus ofByzantium, nearly a contemporary, (Armenian, ) states that the Persians, on becoming masters of it, destroyed 40, 000 houses though Ammianusdescribes the city as of no great extent, (civitatis ambitum non nimiumamplae. ) Besides the ordinary population, and those who took refuge fromthe country, it contained 20, 000 soldiers. St. Martin, ii. 290. Thisinterpretation is extremely doubtful. Wagner (note on Ammianus)considers the whole population to amount only to--M. ]

[Footnote 57: The operations of the siege of Amida are very minutelydescribed by Ammianus, (xix. 1-9, ) who acted an honorable part in thedefence, and escaped with difficulty when the city was stormed by thePersians. ]

[Footnote 58: Of these four nations, the Albanians are too well knownto require any description. The Segestans [Sacastene. St. Martin. ]inhabited a large and level country, which still preserves their name, to the south of Khorasan, and the west of Hindostan. (See GeographiaNubiensis. P. 133, and D'Herbelot, Biblitheque Orientale, p. 797. )Notwithstanding the boasted victory of Bahram, (vol. I. P. 410, ) theSegestans, above fourscore years afterwards, appear as an independentnation, the ally of Persia. We are ignorant of the situation of theVertae and Chionites, but I am inclined to place them (at leastthe latter) towards the confines of India and Scythia. See Ammian. ----Klaproth considers the real Albanians the same with the ancientAlani, and quotes a passage of the emperor Julian in support of hisopinion. They are the Ossetae, now inhabiting part of Caucasus. TableauxHist. De l'Asie, p. 179, 180. --M. ----The Vertae are still unknown. Itis possible that the Chionites are the same as the Huns. These peoplewere already known; and we find from Armenian authors that they weremaking, at this period, incursions into Asia. They were often at warwith the Persians. The name was perhaps pronounced differently in theEast and in the West, and this prevents us from recognizing it. St. Martin, ii. 177. --M. ]

But the ruin of Amida was the safety of the Roman provinces. 

As soon as the first transports of victory had subsided, Sapor was atleisure to reflect, that to chastise a disobedient city, he had lost theflower of his troops, and the most favorable season for conquest. [59]Thirty thousand of his veterans had fallen under the walls of Amida, during the continuance of a siege, which lasted seventy-three days; andthe disappointed monarch returned to his capital with affected triumphand secret mortification. It is more than probable, that the inconstancyof his Barbarian allies was tempted to relinquish a war in which theyhad encountered such unexpected difficulties; and that the aged kingof the Chionites, satiated with revenge, turned away with horror from ascene of action where he had been deprived of the hope of his family andnation. The strength as well as the spirit of the army with whichSapor took the field in the ensuing spring was no longer equal to theunbounded views of his ambition. Instead of aspiring to the conquest ofthe East, he was obliged to content himself with the reduction of twofortified cities of Mesopotamia, Singara and Bezabde; [60] the onesituate in the midst of a sandy desert, the other in a small peninsula, surrounded almost on every side by the deep and rapid stream of theTigris. Five Roman legions, of the diminutive size to which they hadbeen reduced in the age of Constantine, were made prisoners, andsent into remote captivity on the extreme confines of Persia. Afterdismantling the walls of Singara, the conqueror abandoned that solitaryand sequestered place; but he carefully restored the fortificationsof Bezabde, and fixed in that important post a garrison or colony ofveterans; amply supplied with every means of defence, and animatedby high sentiments of honor and fidelity. Towards the close of thecampaign, the arms of Sapor incurred some disgrace by an unsuccessfulenterprise against Virtha, or Tecrit, a strong, or, as it wasuniversally esteemed till the age of Tamerlane, an impregnable fortressof the independent Arabs. [61] [61a]

[Footnote 59: Ammianus has marked the chronology of this year by threesigns, which do not perfectly coincide with each other, or withthe series of the history. 1 The corn was ripe when Sapor invadedMesopotamia; "Cum jam stipula flaveate turgerent;" a circumstance, which, in the latitude of Aleppo, would naturally refer us to the monthof April or May. See Harmer's Observations on Scripture vol. I. P. 41. Shaw's Travels, p. 335, edit 4to. 2. The progress of Sapor was checkedby the overflowing of the Euphrates, which generally happens in July andAugust. Plin. Hist. Nat. V. 21. Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. I. P. 696. 3. When Sapor had taken Amida, after a siege of seventy-three days, the autumn was far advanced. "Autumno praecipiti haedorumque improbosidere exorto. " To reconcile these apparent contradictions, we mustallow for some delay in the Persian king, some inaccuracy in thehistorian, and some disorder in the seasons. ]

[Footnote 60: The account of these sieges is given by Ammianus, xx. 6, 7. ----The Christian bishop of Bezabde went to the camp of the king ofPersia, to persuade him to check the waste of human blood Amm. Mare xx. 7. --M. ]

[Footnote 61: For the identity of Virtha and Tecrit, see D'Anville, Geographie. For the siege of that castle by Timur Bec or Tamerlane, seeCherefeddin, l. Iii. C. 33. The Persian biographer exaggerates the meritand difficulty of this exploit, which delivered the caravans of Bagdadfrom a formidable gang of robbers. ]

[Footnote 61a: St. Martin doubts whether it lay so much to the south. "The word Girtha means in Syriac a castle or fortress, and might beapplied to many places. "]

The defence of the East against the arms of Sapor required and wouldhave exercised, the abilities of the most consummate general; and itseemed fortunate for the state, that it was the actual province of thebrave Ursicinus, who alone deserved the confidence of the soldiersand people. In the hour of danger, [62] Ursicinus was removed from hisstation by the intrigues of the eunuchs; and the military command ofthe East was bestowed, by the same influence, on Sabinian, a wealthy andsubtle veteran, who had attained the infirmities, without acquiringthe experience, of age. By a second order, which issued from the samejealous and inconstant councils, Ursicinus was again despatched to thefrontier of Mesopotamia, and condemned to sustain the labors of a war, the honors of which had been transferred to his unworthy rival. Sabinianfixed his indolent station under the walls of Edessa; and while heamused himself with the idle parade of military exercise, and movedto the sound of flutes in the Pyrrhic dance, the public defence wasabandoned to the boldness and diligence of the former general ofthe East. But whenever Ursicinus recommended any vigorous plan ofoperations; when he proposed, at the head of a light and active army, towheel round the foot of the mountains, to intercept the convoys of theenemy, to harass the wide extent of the Persian lines, and to relievethe distress of Amida; the timid and envious commander alleged, that hewas restrained by his positive orders from endangering the safety ofthe troops. Amida was at length taken; its bravest defenders, who hadescaped the sword of the Barbarians, died in the Roman camp by the handof the executioner: and Ursicinus himself, after supporting the disgraceof a partial inquiry, was punished for the misconduct of Sabinian by theloss of his military rank. But Constantius soon experienced the truthof the prediction which honest indignation had extorted from his injuredlieutenant, that as long as such maxims of government were suffered toprevail, the emperor himself would find it is no easy task to defendhis eastern dominions from the invasion of a foreign enemy. When he hadsubdued or pacified the Barbarians of the Danube, Constantius proceededby slow marches into the East; and after he had wept over the smokingruins of Amida, he formed, with a powerful army, the siege of Becabde. The walls were shaken by the reiterated efforts of the most enormous ofthe battering-rams; the town was reduced to the last extremity; but itwas still defended by the patient and intrepid valor of the garrison, till the approach of the rainy season obliged the emperor to raise thesiege, and ingloviously to retreat into his winter quarters at Antioch. [63] The pride of Constantius, and the ingenuity of his courtiers, wereat a loss to discover any materials for panegyric in the events of thePersian war; while the glory of his cousin Julian, to whose militarycommand he had intrusted the provinces of Gaul, was proclaimed to theworld in the simple and concise narrative of his exploits. 

[Footnote 62: Ammianus (xviii. 5, 6, xix. 3, xx. 2) represents the meritand disgrace of Ursicinus with that faithful attention which a soldierowed to his general. Some partiality may be suspected, yet the wholeaccount is consistent and probable. ]

[Footnote 63: Ammian. Xx. 11. Omisso vano incepto, hiematurus Antiochiaeredit in Syriam aerumnosam, perpessus et ulcerum sed et atrocia, diuquedeflenda. It is thus that James Gronovius has restored an obscurepassage; and he thinks that this correction alone would have deserveda new edition of his author: whose sense may now be darkly perceived. I expected some additional light from the recent labors of the learnedErnestus. (Lipsiae, 1773. ) * Note: The late editor (Wagner) hasnothing better to suggest, and le menta with Gibbon, the silence ofErnesti. --M. ]

In the blind fury of civil discord, Constantius had abandoned to theBarbarians of Germany the countries of Gaul, which still acknowledgedthe authority of his rival. A numerous swarm of Franks and Alemanni wereinvited to cross the Rhine by presents and promises, by the hopes ofspoil, and by a perpetual grant of all the territories which they shouldbe able to subdue. [64] But the emperor, who for a temporary service hadthus imprudently provoked the rapacious spirit of the Barbarians, soondiscovered and lamented the difficulty of dismissing these formidableallies, after they had tasted the richness of the Roman soil. Regardlessof the nice distinction of loyalty and rebellion, these undisciplinedrobbers treated as their natural enemies all the subjects of theempire, who possessed any property which they were desirous of acquiringForty-five flourishing cities, Tongres, Cologne, Treves, Worms, Spires, Strasburgh, &c. , besides a far greater number of towns and villages, were pillaged, and for the most part reduced to ashes. The Barbarians ofGermany, still faithful to the maxims of their ancestors, abhorred theconfinement of walls, to which they applied the odious names of prisonsand sepulchres; and fixing their independent habitations on the banks ofrivers, the Rhine, the Moselle, and the Meuse, they secured themselvesagainst the danger of a surprise, by a rude and hasty fortification oflarge trees, which were felled and thrown across the roads. The Alemanniwere established in the modern countries of Alsace and Lorraine; theFranks occupied the island of the Batavians, together with an extensivedistrict of Brabant, which was then known by the appellation ofToxandria, [65] and may deserve to be considered as the original seatof their Gallic monarchy. [66] From the sources, to the mouth, of theRhine, the conquests of the Germans extended above forty miles to thewest of that river, over a country peopled by colonies of their own nameand nation: and the scene of their devastations was three times moreextensive than that of their conquests. At a still greater distance theopen towns of Gaul were deserted, and the inhabitants of the fortifiedcities, who trusted to their strength and vigilance, were obliged tocontent themselves with such supplies of corn as they could raise on thevacant land within the enclosure of their walls. The diminished legions, destitute of pay and provisions, of arms and discipline, trembled at theapproach, and even at the name, of the Barbarians. 

[Footnote 64: The ravages of the Germans, and the distress of Gaul, may be collected from Julian himself. Orat. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 277. Ammian. Xv. Ll. Libanius, Orat. X. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 140. Sozomen, l. Iii. C. L. (Mamertin. Grat. Art. C. Iv. )]

[Footnote 65: Ammianus, xvi. 8. This name seems to be derived from theToxandri of Pliny, and very frequently occurs in the histories ofthe middle age. Toxandria was a country of woods and morasses, whichextended from the neighborhood of Tongres to the conflux of the Vahaland the Rhine. See Valesius, Notit. Galliar. P. 558. ]

[Footnote 66: The paradox of P. Daniel, that the Franks never obtainedany permanent settlement on this side of the Rhine before the time ofClovis, is refuted with much learning and good sense by M. Biet, whohas proved by a chain of evidence, their uninterrupted possession ofToxandria, one hundred and thirty years before the accession of Clovis. The Dissertation of M. Biet was crowned by the Academy of Soissons, inthe year 1736, and seems to have been justly preferred to the discourseof his more celebrated competitor, the Abbe le Boeuf, an antiquarian, whose name was happily expressive of his talents. ]

Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor. --Part IV. 

Under these melancholy circumstances, an unexperienced youth wasappointed to save and to govern the provinces of Gaul, or rather, as heexpressed it himself, to exhibit the vain image of Imperial greatness. The retired scholastic education of Julian, in which he had been moreconversant with books than with arms, with the dead than with theliving, left him in profound ignorance of the practical arts of war andgovernment; and when he awkwardly repeated some military exercise whichit was necessary for him to learn, he exclaimed with a sigh, "O Plato, Plato, what a task for a philosopher!" Yet even this speculativephilosophy, which men of business are too apt to despise, had filled themind of Julian with the noblest precepts and the most shining examples;had animated him with the love of virtue, the desire of fame, and thecontempt of death. The habits of temperance recommended in the schools, are still more essential in the severe discipline of a camp. The simplewants of nature regulated the measure of his food and sleep. Rejectingwith disdain the delicacies provided for his table, he satisfied hisappetite with the coarse and common fare which was allotted to themeanest soldiers. During the rigor of a Gallic winter, he never suffereda fire in his bed-chamber; and after a short and interrupted slumber, hefrequently rose in the middle of the night from a carpet spread on thefloor, to despatch any urgent business, to visit his rounds, or to steala few moments for the prosecution of his favorite studies. [67] Theprecepts of eloquence, which he had hitherto practised on fancied topicsof declamation, were more usefully applied to excite or to assuage thepassions of an armed multitude: and although Julian, from his earlyhabits of conversation and literature, was more familiarly acquaintedwith the beauties of the Greek language, he had attained a competentknowledge of the Latin tongue. [68] Since Julian was not originallydesigned for the character of a legislator, or a judge, it is probablethat the civil jurisprudence of the Romans had not engaged anyconsiderable share of his attention: but he derived from his philosophicstudies an inflexible regard for justice, tempered by a dispositionto clemency; the knowledge of the general principles of equity andevidence, and the faculty of patiently investigating the most intricateand tedious questions which could be proposed for his discussion. The measures of policy, and the operations of war, must submit to thevarious accidents of circumstance and character, and the unpractisedstudent will often be perplexed in the application of the most perfecttheory. 

But in the acquisition of this important science, Julian was assistedby the active vigor of his own genius, as well as by the wisdom andexperience of Sallust, and officer of rank, who soon conceived asincere attachment for a prince so worthy of his friendship; and whoseincorruptible integrity was adorned by the talent of insinuating theharshest truths without wounding the delicacy of a royal ear. [69]

[Footnote 67: The private life of Julian in Gaul, and the severediscipline which he embraced, are displayed by Ammianus, (xvi. 5, ) whoprofesses to praise, and by Julian himself, who affects to ridicule, (Misopogon, p. 340, ) a conduct, which, in a prince of the house ofConstantine, might justly excite the surprise of mankind. ]

[Footnote 68: Aderat Latine quoque disserenti sufficiens sermo. Ammianusxvi. 5. But Julian, educated in the schools of Greece, always consideredthe language of the Romans as a foreign and popular dialect which hemight use on necessary occasions. ]

[Footnote 69: We are ignorant of the actual office of this excellentminister, whom Julian afterwards created praefect of Gaul. Sallust wasspeedly recalled by the jealousy of the emperor; and we may still read asensible but pedantic discourse, (p. 240-252, ) in which Julian deploresthe loss of so valuable a friend, to whom he acknowledges himselfindebted for his reputation. See La Bleterie, Preface a la Vie delovien, p. 20. ]

Immediately after Julian had received the purple at Milan, he was sentinto Gaul with a feeble retinue of three hundred and sixty soldiers. At Vienna, where he passed a painful and anxious winter in the hands ofthose ministers to whom Constantius had intrusted the direction of hisconduct, the Caesar was informed of the siege and deliverance ofAutun. That large and ancient city, protected only by a ruined wall andpusillanimous garrison, was saved by the generous resolution of a fewveterans, who resumed their arms for the defence of their country. Inhis march from Autun, through the heart of the Gallic provinces, Julianembraced with ardor the earliest opportunity of signalizing his courage. At the head of a small body of archers and heavy cavalry, he preferredthe shorter but the more dangerous of two roads; [69a] and sometimeseluding, and sometimes resisting, the attacks of the Barbarians, whowere masters of the field, he arrived with honor and safety at the campnear Rheims, where the Roman troops had been ordered to assemble. The aspect of their young prince revived the drooping spirits of thesoldiers, and they marched from Rheims in search of the enemy, witha confidence which had almost proved fatal to them. The Alemanni, familiarized to the knowledge of the country, secretly collected theirscattered forces, and seizing the opportunity of a dark and rainy day, poured with unexpected fury on the rear-guard of the Romans. Before theinevitable disorder could be remedied, two legions were destroyed; andJulian was taught by experience that caution and vigilance are the mostimportant lessons of the art of war. In a second and more successfulaction, he recovered and established his military fame; but as theagility of the Barbarians saved them from the pursuit, his victory wasneither bloody nor decisive. He advanced, however, to the banks ofthe Rhine, surveyed the ruins of Cologne, convinced himself of thedifficulties of the war, and retreated on the approach of winter, discontented with the court, with his army, and with his own success. [70] The power of the enemy was yet unbroken; and the Caesar had nosooner separated his troops, and fixed his own quarters at Sens, in thecentre of Gaul, than he was surrounded and besieged, by a numerous hostof Germans. Reduced, in this extremity, to the resources of his ownmind, he displayed a prudent intrepidity, which compensated for all thedeficiencies of the place and garrison; and the Barbarians, at the endof thirty days, were obliged to retire with disappointed rage. 

[Footnote 69a: Aliis per Arbor--quibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram indebere firrantibus. Amm. Marc. Xvi. 2. I do not know what place can bemeant by the mutilated name Arbor. Sedelanus is Saulieu, a small town ofthe department of the Cote d'Or, six leagues from Autun. Cora answersto the village of Cure, on the river of the same name, between Autunand Nevera 4; Martin, ii. 162. --M. ----Note: At Brocomages, Brumat, nearStrasburgh. St. Martin, ii. 184. --M. ]

[Footnote 70: Ammianus (xvi. 2, 3) appears much better satisfied withthe success of his first campaign than Julian himself; who very fairlyowns that he did nothing of consequence, and that he fled before theenemy. ]

The conscious pride of Julian, who was indebted only to his sword forthis signal deliverance, was imbittered by the reflection, that he wasabandoned, betrayed, and perhaps devoted to destruction, by those whowere bound to assist him, by every tie of honor and fidelity. Marcellus, master-general of the cavalry in Gaul, interpreting too strictlythe jealous orders of the court, beheld with supine indifference thedistress of Julian, and had restrained the troops under his command frommarching to the relief of Sens. If the Caesar had dissembled in silenceso dangerous an insult, his person and authority would have been exposedto the contempt of the world; and if an action so criminal had beensuffered to pass with impunity, the emperor would have confirmed thesuspicions, which received a very specious color from his past conducttowards the princes of the Flavian family. Marcellus was recalled, andgently dismissed from his office. [71] In his room Severus was appointedgeneral of the cavalry; an experienced soldier, of approved courage andfidelity, who could advise with respect, and execute with zeal; and whosubmitted, without reluctance to the supreme command which Julian, by the inrerest of his patroness Eusebia, at length obtained over thearmies of Gaul. [72] A very judicious plan of operations was adopted forthe approaching campaign. Julian himself, at the head of the remains ofthe veteran bands, and of some new levies which he had been permitted toform, boldly penetrated into the centre of the German cantonments, and carefully reestablished the fortifications of Saverne, in anadvantageous post, which would either check the incursions, or interceptthe retreat, of the enemy. At the same time, Barbatio, general of theinfantry, advanced from Milan with an army of thirty thousand men, andpassing the mountains, prepared to throw a bridge over the Rhine, in theneighborhood of Basil. It was reasonable to expect that the Alemanni, pressed on either side by the Roman arms, would soon be forced toevacuate the provinces of Gaul, and to hasten to the defence of theirnative country. But the hopes of the campaign were defeated by theincapacity, or the envy, or the secret instructions, of Barbatio; whoacted as if he had been the enemy of the Caesar, and the secret allyof the Barbarians. The negligence with which he permitted a troop ofpillagers freely to pass, and to return almost before the gates of hiscamp, may be imputed to his want of abilities; but the treasonable actof burning a number of boats, and a superfluous stock of provisions, which would have been of the most essential service to the army of Gaul, was an evidence of his hostile and criminal intentions. The Germansdespised an enemy who appeared destitute either of power or ofinclination to offend them; and the ignominious retreat of Barbatiodeprived Julian of the expected support; and left him to extricatehimself from a hazardous situation, where he could neither remain withsafety, nor retire with honor. [73]

[Footnote 71: Ammian. Xvi. 7. Libanius speaks rather more advantageouslyof the military talents of Marcellus, Orat. X. P. 272. And Julianinsinuates, that he would not have been so easily recalled, unless hehad given other reasons of offence to the court, p. 278. ]

[Footnote 72: Severus, non discors, non arrogans, sed longa militiaefrugalitate compertus; et eum recta praeeuntem secuturus, ut duetoremmorigeran miles. Ammian xvi. 11. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 140. ]

[Footnote 73: On the design and failure of the cooperation betweenJulian and Barbatio, see Ammianus (xvi. 11) and Libanius, (Orat. X. P. 273. ) Note: Barbatio seems to have allowed himself to be surprised anddefeated--M. ]

As soon as they were delivered from the fears of invasion, the Alemanniprepared to chastise the Roman youth, who presumed to dispute thepossession of that country, which they claimed as their own by theright of conquest and of treaties. They employed three days, and as manynights, in transporting over the Rhine their military powers. The fierceChnodomar, shaking the ponderous javelin which he had victoriouslywielded against the brother of Magnentius, led the van of theBarbarians, and moderated by his experience the martial ardor whichhis example inspired. [74] He was followed by six other kings, by tenprinces of regal extraction, by a long train of high-spirited nobles, and by thirty-five thousand of the bravest warriors of the tribes ofGermany. The confidence derived from the view of their own strength, wasincreased by the intelligence which they received from a deserter, thatthe Caesar, with a feeble army of thirteen thousand men, occupied apost about one-and-twenty miles from their camp of Strasburgh. With thisinadequate force, Julian resolved to seek and to encounter the Barbarianhost; and the chance of a general action was preferred to the tediousand uncertain operation of separately engaging the dispersed parties ofthe Alemanni. The Romans marched in close order, and in two columns; thecavalry on the right, the infantry on the left; and the day was so farspent when they appeared in sight of the enemy, that Julian was desirousof deferring the battle till the next morning, and of allowing histroops to recruit their exhausted strength by the necessary refreshmentsof sleep and food. Yielding, however, with some reluctance, to theclamors of the soldiers, and even to the opinion of his council, heexhorted them to justify by their valor the eager impatience, which, in case of a defeat, would be universally branded with the epithets ofrashness and presumption. The trumpets sounded, the military shout washeard through the field, and the two armies rushed with equal fury tothe charge. The Caesar, who conducted in person his right wing, dependedon the dexterity of his archers, and the weight of his cuirassiers. Buthis ranks were instantly broken by an irregular mixture of light horseand of light infantry, and he had the mortification of beholdingthe flight of six hundred of his most renowned cuirassiers. [75] Thefugitives were stopped and rallied by the presence and authority ofJulian, who, careless of his own safety, threw himself before them, and urging every motive of shame and honor, led them back against thevictorious enemy. The conflict between the two lines of infantry wasobstinate and bloody. The Germans possessed the superiority of strengthand stature, the Romans that of discipline and temper; and as theBarbarians, who served under the standard of the empire, united therespective advantages of both parties, their strenuous efforts, guidedby a skilful leader, at length determined the event of the day. TheRomans lost four tribunes, and two hundred and forty-three soldiers, inthis memorable battle of Strasburgh, so glorious to the Caesar, [76]and so salutary to the afflicted provinces of Gaul. Six thousand ofthe Alemanni were slain in the field, without including those who weredrowned in the Rhine, or transfixed with darts while they attempted toswim across the river. [77] Chnodomar himself was surrounded and takenprisoner, with three of his brave companions, who had devoted themselvesto follow in life or death the fate of their chieftain. Julian receivedhim with military pomp in the council of his officers; and expressing agenerous pity for the fallen state, dissembled his inward contemptfor the abject humiliation, of his captive. Instead of exhibiting thevanquished king of the Alemanni, as a grateful spectacle to the citiesof Gaul, he respectfully laid at the feet of the emperor this splendidtrophy of his victory. Chnodomar experienced an honorable treatment:but the impatient Barbarian could not long survive his defeat, hisconfinement, and his exile. [78]

[Footnote 74: Ammianus (xvi. 12) describes with his inflated eloquencethe figure and character of Chnodomar. Audax et fidens ingenti roborelacertorum, ubi ardor proelii sperabatur immanis, equo spumantesublimior, erectus in jaculum formidandae vastitatis, armorumquenitore conspicuus: antea strenuus et miles, et utilis praeter caeterosductor. .. Decentium Caesarem superavit aequo marte congressus. ]

[Footnote 75: After the battle, Julian ventured to revive the rigor ofancient discipline, by exposing these fugitives in female apparel tothe derision of the whole camp. In the next campaign, these troops noblyretrieved their honor. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 142. ]

[Footnote 76: Julian himself (ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 279) speaks of thebattle of Strasburgh with the modesty of conscious merit; Zosimuscompares it with the victory of Alexander over Darius; and yet we are ata loss to discover any of those strokes of military genius which fix theattention of ages on the conduct and success of a single day. ]

[Footnote 77: Ammianus, xvi. 12. Libanius adds 2000 more to thenumber of the slain, (Orat. X. P. 274. ) But these trifling differencesdisappear before the 60, 000 Barbarians, whom Zosimus has sacrificedto the glory of his hero, (l. Iii. P. 141. ) We might attribute thisextravagant number to the carelessness of transcribers, if thiscredulous or partial historian had not swelled the army of 35, 000Alemanni to an innumerable multitude of Barbarians, . It is our own faultif this detection does not inspire us with proper distrust on similaroccasions. ]

[Footnote 78: Ammian. Xvi. 12. Libanius, Orat. X. P. 276. ]

After Julian had repulsed the Alemanni from the provinces of the UpperRhine, he turned his arms against the Franks, who were seated nearerto the ocean, on the confines of Gaul and Germany; and who, fromtheir numbers, and still more from their intrepid valor, had ever beenesteemed the most formidable of the Barbarians. [79] Although theywere strongly actuated by the allurements of rapine, they professed adisinterested love of war; which they considered as the supreme honorand felicity of human nature; and their minds and bodies were socompletely hardened by perpetual action, that, according to the livelyexpression of an orator, the snows of winter were as pleasant to themas the flowers of spring. In the month of December, which followed thebattle of Strasburgh, Julian attacked a body of six hundred Franks, whohad thrown themselves into two castles on the Meuse. [80] In the midstof that severe season they sustained, with inflexible constancy, a siegeof fifty-four days; till at length, exhausted by hunger, and satisfiedthat the vigilance of the enemy, in breaking the ice of the river, leftthem no hopes of escape, the Franks consented, for the first time, todispense with the ancient law which commanded them to conquer or to die. The Caesar immediately sent his captives to the court of Constantius, who, accepting them as a valuable present, [81] rejoiced in theopportunity of adding so many heroes to the choicest troops of hisdomestic guards. The obstinate resistance of this handful of Franksapprised Julian of the difficulties of the expedition which he meditatedfor the ensuing spring, against the whole body of the nation. His rapiddiligence surprised and astonished the active Barbarians. Ordering hissoldiers to provide themselves with biscuit for twenty days, he suddenlypitched his camp near Tongres, while the enemy still supposed him in hiswinter quarters of Paris, expecting the slow arrival of his convoysfrom Aquitain. Without allowing the Franks to unite or deliberate, he skilfully spread his legions from Cologne to the ocean; and bythe terror, as well as by the success, of his arms, soon reduced thesuppliant tribes to implore the clemency, and to obey the commands, oftheir conqueror. The Chamavians submissively retired to their formerhabitations beyond the Rhine; but the Salians were permitted to possesstheir new establishment of Toxandria, as the subjects and auxiliariesof the Roman empire. [82] The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths; andperpetual inspectors were appointed to reside among the Franks, withthe authority of enforcing the strict observance of the conditions. An incident is related, interesting enough in itself, and by no meansrepugnant to the character of Julian, who ingeniously contrived both theplot and the catastrophe of the tragedy. When the Chamavians sued forpeace, he required the son of their king, as the only hostage on whomhe could rely. A mournful silence, interrupted by tears and groans, declared the sad perplexity of the Barbarians; and their aged chieflamented in pathetic language, that his private loss was now imbitteredby a sense of public calamity. While the Chamavians lay prostrate at thefoot of his throne, the royal captive, whom they believed to have beenslain, unexpectedly appeared before their eyes; and as soon as thetumult of joy was hushed into attention, the Caesar addressed theassembly in the following terms: "Behold the son, the prince, whom youwept. You had lost him by your fault. God and the Romans have restoredhim to you. I shall still preserve and educate the youth, rather as amonument of my own virtue, than as a pledge of your sincerity. Shouldyou presume to violate the faith which you have sworn, the arms ofthe republic will avenge the perfidy, not on the innocent, but on theguilty. " The Barbarians withdrew from his presence, impressed with thewarmest sentiments of gratitude and admiration. [83]

[Footnote 79: Libanius (Orat. Iii. P. 137) draws a very lively pictureof the manners of the Franks. ]

[Footnote 80: Ammianus, xvii. 2. Libanius, Orat. X. P. 278. The Greekorator, by misapprehending a passage of Julian, has been induced torepresent the Franks as consisting of a thousand men; and as his headwas always full of the Peloponnesian war, he compares them to theLacedaemonians, who were besieged and taken in the Island of Sphatoria. ]

[Footnote 81: Julian. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 280. Libanius, Orat. X. P. 278. According to the expression of Libanius, the emperor, which LaBleterie understands (Vie de Julien, p. 118) as an honest confession, and Valesius (ad Ammian. Xvii. 2) as a mean evasion, of the truth. DomBouquet, (Historiens de France, tom. I. P. 733, ) by substitutinganother word, would suppress both the difficulty and the spirit of thispassage. ]

[Footnote 82: Ammian. Xvii. 8. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 146-150, (hisnarrative is darkened by a mixture of fable, ) and Julian. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 280. His expression. This difference of treatment confirms theopinion that the Salian Franks were permitted to retain the settlementsin Toxandria. Note: A newly discovered fragment of Eunapius, whomZosimus probably transcribed, illustrates this transaction. "Juliancommanded the Romans to abstain from all hostile measures against theSalians, neither to waste or ravage their own country, for he calledevery country their own which was surrendered without resistance or toilon the part of the conquerors. " Mai, Script. Vez Nov. Collect. Ii. 256, and Eunapius in Niebuhr, Byzant. Hist. ]

[Footnote 83: This interesting story, which Zosimus has abridged, isrelated by Eunapius, (in Excerpt. Legationum, p. 15, 16, 17, ) with allthe amplifications of Grecian rhetoric: but the silence of Libanius, of Ammianus, and of Julian himself, renders the truth of it extremelysuspicious. ]

It was not enough for Julian to have delivered the provinces of Gaulfrom the Barbarians of Germany. He aspired to emulate the glory of thefirst and most illustrious of the emperors; after whose example, he composed his own commentaries of the Gallic war. [84] Caesar hasrelated, with conscious pride, the manner in which he twice passed theRhine. Julian could boast, that before he assumed the title of Augustus, he had carried the Roman eagles beyond that great river in threesuccessful expeditions. [85] The consternation of the Germans, afterthe battle of Strasburgh, encouraged him to the first attempt; and thereluctance of the troops soon yielded to the persuasive eloquence ofa leader, who shared the fatigues and dangers which he imposed on themeanest of the soldiers. The villages on either side of the Meyn, whichwere plentifully stored with corn and cattle, felt the ravages of aninvading army. The principal houses, constructed with some imitationof Roman elegance, were consumed by the flames; and the Caesar boldlyadvanced about ten miles, till his progress was stopped by a darkand impenetrable forest, undermined by subterraneous passages, whichthreatened with secret snares and ambush every step of the assailants. The ground was already covered with snow; and Julian, after repairing anancient castle which had been erected by Trajan, granted a truce of tenmonths to the submissive Barbarians. At the expiration of the truce, Julian undertook a second expedition beyond the Rhine, to humble thepride of Surmar and Hortaire, two of the kings of the Alemanni, who hadbeen present at the battle of Strasburgh. They promised to restoreall the Roman captives who yet remained alive; and as the Caesar hadprocured an exact account from the cities and villages of Gaul, of theinhabitants whom they had lost, he detected every attempt to deceivehim, with a degree of readiness and accuracy, which almost establishedthe belief of his supernatural knowledge. His third expedition wasstill more splendid and important than the two former. The Germans hadcollected their military powers, and moved along the opposite banks ofthe river, with a design of destroying the bridge, and of preventingthe passage of the Romans. But this judicious plan of defence wasdisconcerted by a skilful diversion. Three hundred light-armed andactive soldiers were detached in forty small boats, to fall down thestream in silence, and to land at some distance from the posts of theenemy. They executed their orders with so much boldness and celerity, that they had almost surprised the Barbarian chiefs, who returned inthe fearless confidence of intoxication from one of their nocturnalfestivals. Without repeating the uniform and disgusting tale ofslaughter and devastation, it is sufficient to observe, that Juliandictated his own conditions of peace to six of the haughtiest kings ofthe Alemanni, three of whom were permitted to view the severe disciplineand martial pomp of a Roman camp. Followed by twenty thousand captives, whom he had rescued from the chains of the Barbarians, the Caesarrepassed the Rhine, after terminating a war, the success of which hasbeen compared to the ancient glories of the Punic and Cimbric victories. 

[Footnote 84: Libanius, the friend of Julian, clearly insinuates(Orat. Ix. P. 178) that his hero had composed the history of hisGallic campaigns But Zosimus (l. Iii. P, 140) seems to have derivedhis information only from the Orations and the Epistles of Julian. Thediscourse which is addressed to the Athenians contains an accurate, though general, account of the war against the Germans. ]

[Footnote 85: See Ammian. Xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 2, and Zosim. L. Iii. P. 144. Julian ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 280. ]

As soon as the valor and conduct of Julian had secured an interval ofpeace, he applied himself to a work more congenial to his humane andphilosophic temper. The cities of Gaul, which had suffered from theinroads of the Barbarians, he diligently repaired; and seven importantposts, between Mentz and the mouth of the Rhine, are particularlymentioned, as having been rebuilt and fortified by the order of Julian. [86] The vanquished Germans had submitted to the just but humiliatingcondition of preparing and conveying the necessary materials. The activezeal of Julian urged the prosecution of the work; and such was thespirit which he had diffused among the troops, that the auxiliariesthemselves, waiving their exemption from any duties of fatigue, contended in the most servile labors with the diligence of the Romansoldiers. It was incumbent on the Caesar to provide for the subsistence, as well as for the safety, of the inhabitants and of the garrisons. Thedesertion of the former, and the mutiny of the latter, must have beenthe fatal and inevitable consequences of famine. The tillage of theprovinces of Gaul had been interrupted by the calamities of war; but thescanty harvests of the continent were supplied, by his paternal care, from the plenty of the adjacent island. Six hundred large barks, framedin the forest of the Ardennes, made several voyages to the coast ofBritain; and returning from thence, laden with corn, sailed up theRhine, and distributed their cargoes to the several towns and fortressesalong the banks of the river. [87] The arms of Julian had restored afree and secure navigation, which Constantinius had offered to purchaseat the expense of his dignity, and of a tributary present of twothousand pounds of silver. The emperor parsimoniously refused to hissoldiers the sums which he granted with a lavish and trembling hand tothe Barbarians. The dexterity, as well as the firmness, of Julian wasput to a severe trial, when he took the field with a discontented army, which had already served two campaigns, without receiving any regularpay or any extraordinary donative. [88]

[Footnote 86: Ammian. Xviii. 2. Libanius, Orat. X. P. 279, 280. Of theseseven posts, four are at present towns of some consequence; Bingen, Andernach, Bonn, and Nuyss. The other three, Tricesimae, Quadriburgium, and Castra Herculis, or Heraclea, no longer subsist; but there isroom to believe, that on the ground of Quadriburgium the Dutch haveconstructed the fort of Schenk, a name so offensive to the fastidiousdelicacy of Boileau. See D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 183. Boileau, Epitre iv. And the notes. Note: Tricesimae, Kellen, Mannert, quoted by Wagner. Heraclea, Erkeleus in the district of Juliers. St. Martin, ii. 311. --M. ]

[Footnote 87: We may credit Julian himself, (Orat. Ad S. P. Q. Atheniensem, p. 280, ) who gives a very particular account of thetransaction. Zosimus adds two hundred vessels more, (l. Iii. P. 145. ) Ifwe compute the 600 corn ships of Julian at only seventy tons each, theywere capable of exporting 120, 000 quarters, (see Arbuthnot's Weightsand Measures, p. 237;) and the country which could bear so largean exportation, must already have attained an improved state ofagriculture. ]

[Footnote 88: The troops once broke out into a mutiny, immediatelybefore the second passage of the Rhine. Ammian. Xvii. 9. ]

A tender regard for the peace and happiness of his subjects was theruling principle which directed, or seemed to direct, the administrationof Julian. [89] He devoted the leisure of his winter quarters to theoffices of civil government; and affected to assume, with more pleasure, the character of a magistrate than that of a general. Before he took thefield, he devolved on the provincial governors most of the public andprivate causes which had been referred to his tribunal; but, on hisreturn, he carefully revised their proceedings, mitigated the rigorof the law, and pronounced a second judgment on the judges themselves. Superior to the last temptation of virtuous minds, an indiscreet andintemperate zeal for justice, he restrained, with calmness and dignity, the warmth of an advocate, who prosecuted, for extortion, the presidentof the Narbonnese province. "Who will ever be found guilty, " exclaimedthe vehement Delphidius, "if it be enough to deny?" "And who, " repliedJulian, "will ever be innocent, if it be sufficient to affirm?" In thegeneral administration of peace and war, the interest of the sovereignis commonly the same as that of his people; but Constantius would havethought himself deeply injured, if the virtues of Julian had defraudedhim of any part of the tribute which he extorted from an oppressedand exhausted country. The prince who was invested with the ensigns ofroyalty, might sometimes presume to correct the rapacious insolence ofhis inferior agents, to expose their corrupt arts, and to introduce anequal and easier mode of collection. But the management of the financeswas more safely intrusted to Florentius, praetorian praefect of Gaul, an effeminate tyrant, incapable of pity or remorse: and the haughtyminister complained of the most decent and gentle opposition, whileJulian himself was rather inclined to censure the weakness of his ownbehavior. The Caesar had rejected, with abhorrence, a mandate for thelevy of an extraordinary tax; a new superindiction, which the praefecthad offered for his signature; and the faithful picture of the publicmisery, by which he had been obliged to justify his refusal, offendedthe court of Constantius. We may enjoy the pleasure of reading thesentiments of Julian, as he expresses them with warmth and freedom ina letter to one of his most intimate friends. After stating his ownconduct, he proceeds in the following terms: "Was it possible for thedisciple of Plato and Aristotle to act otherwise than I have done? CouldI abandon the unhappy subjects intrusted to my care? Was I not calledupon to defend them from the repeated injuries of these unfeelingrobbers? A tribune who deserts his post is punished with death, anddeprived of the honors of burial. With what justice could I pronouncehis sentence, if, in the hour of danger, I myself neglected a duty farmore sacred and far more important? God has placed me in this elevatedpost; his providence will guard and support me. Should I be condemned tosuffer, I shall derive comfort from the testimony of a pure and uprightconscience. Would to Heaven that I still possessed a counsellor likeSallust! If they think proper to send me a successor, I shall submitwithout reluctance; and had much rather improve the short opportunityof doing good, than enjoy a long and lasting impunity of evil. " [90] Theprecarious and dependent situation of Julian displayed his virtues andconcealed his defects. The young hero who supported, in Gaul, the throneof Constantius, was not permitted to reform the vices of the government;but he had courage to alleviate or to pity the distress of the people. Unless he had been able to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savageenemies, he could not entertain any rational hopes of securing thepublic tranquillity, either by the peace or conquest of Germany. Yetthe victories of Julian suspended, for a short time, the inroads of theBarbarians, and delayed the ruin of the Western Empire. 

[Footnote 89: Ammian. Xvi. 5, xviii. 1. Mamertinus in Panegyr. Vet. Xi. 4]

[Footnote 90: Ammian. Xvii. 3. Julian. Epistol. Xv. Edit. Spanheim. Sucha conduct almost justifies the encomium of Mamertinus. Ita illi annispatia divisa sunt, ut aut Barbaros domitet, aut civibus jura restituat, perpetuum professus, aut contra hostem, aut contra vitia, certamen. ]

His salutary influence restored the cities of Gaul, which had been solong exposed to the evils of civil discord, Barbarian war, and domestictyranny; and the spirit of industry was revived with the hopes ofenjoyment. Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, again flourishedunder the protection of the laws; and the curioe, or civil corporations, were again filled with useful and respectable members: the youth wereno longer apprehensive of marriage; and married persons were no longerapprehensive of posterity: the public and private festivals werecelebrated with customary pomp; and the frequent and secure intercourseof the provinces displayed the image of national prosperity. [91] A mindlike that of Julian must have felt the general happiness of which he wasthe author; but he viewed, with particular satisfaction and complacency, the city of Paris; the seat of his winter residence, and the object evenof his partial affection. [92] That splendid capital, which now embracesan ample territory on either side of the Seine, was originallyconfined to the small island in the midst of the river, from whence theinhabitants derived a supply of pure and salubrious water. The riverbathed the foot of the walls; and the town was accessible only by twowooden bridges. A forest overspread the northern side of the Seine, buton the south, the ground, which now bears the name of the University, was insensibly covered with houses, and adorned with a palace andamphitheatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of Mars for the exerciseof the Roman troops. The severity of the climate was tempered by theneighborhood of the ocean; and with some precautions, which experiencehad taught, the vine and fig-tree were successfully cultivated. But inremarkable winters, the Seine was deeply frozen; and the huge pieces ofice that floated down the stream, might be compared, by an Asiatic, tothe blocks of white marble which were extracted from the quarries ofPhrygia. The licentiousness and corruption of Antioch recalled to thememory of Julian the severe and simple manners of his beloved Lutetia;[93] where the amusements of the theatre were unknown or despised. Heindignantly contrasted the effeminate Syrians with the brave and honestsimplicity of the Gauls, and almost forgave the intemperance, which wasthe only stain of the Celtic character. [94] If Julian could now revisitthe capital of France, he might converse with men of science and genius, capable of understanding and of instructing a disciple of the Greeks; hemight excuse the lively and graceful follies of a nation, whose martialspirit has never been enervated by the indulgence of luxury; and hemust applaud the perfection of that inestimable art, which softens andrefines and embellishes the intercourse of social life. 

[Footnote 91: Libanius, Orat. Parental. In Imp. Julian. C. 38, inFabricius Bibliothec. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 263, 264. ]

[Footnote 92: See Julian. In Misopogon, p. 340, 341. The primitivestate of Paris is illustrated by Henry Valesius, (ad Ammian. Xx. 4, )his brother Hadrian Valesius, or de Valois, and M. D'Anville, (intheir respective Notitias of ancient Gaul, ) the Abbe de Longuerue, (Description de la France, tom. I. P. 12, 13, ) and M. Bonamy, (in theMem. De l'Aca demie des Inscriptions, tom. Xv. P. 656-691. )]

[Footnote 93: Julian, in Misopogon, p. 340. Leuce tia, or Lutetia, wasthe ancient name of the city, which, according to the fashion of thefourth century, assumed the territorial appellation of Parisii. ]

[Footnote 94: Julian in Misopogon, p. 359, 360. ]

Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine. --Part I. 

 The Motives, Progress, And Effects Of The Conversion OfConstantine. --Legal Establishment And Constitution Of The Christian OrCatholic Church. 

The public establishment of Christianity may be considered as one ofthose important and domestic revolutions which excite the most livelycuriosity, and afford the most valuable instruction. The victories andthe civil policy of Constantine no longer influence the state of Europe;but a considerable portion of the globe still retains the impressionwhich it received from the conversion of that monarch; and theecclesiastical institutions of his reign are still connected, by anindissoluble chain, with the opinions, the passions, and the interestsof the present generation. In the consideration of a subject which maybe examined with impartiality, but cannot be viewed with indifference, a difficulty immediately arises of a very unexpected nature; that ofascertaining the real and precise date of the conversion of Constantine. The eloquent Lactantius, in the midst of his court, seems impatient [1]to proclaim to the world the glorious example of the sovereign of Gaul;who, in the first moments of his reign, acknowledged and adored themajesty of the true and only God. [2] The learned Eusebius has ascribedthe faith of Constantine to the miraculous sign which was displayed inthe heavens whilst he meditated and prepared the Italian expedition. [3]The historian Zosimus maliciously asserts, that the emperor had imbruedhis hands in the blood of his eldest son, before he publicly renouncedthe gods of Rome and of his ancestors. [4] The perplexity produced bythese discordant authorities is derived from the behavior of Constantinehimself. According to the strictness of ecclesiastical language, thefirst of the Christian emperors was unworthy of that name, till themoment of his death; since it was only during his last illness thathe received, as a catechumen, the imposition of hands, [5] and wasafterwards admitted, by the initiatory rites of baptism, into the numberof the faithful. [6] The Christianity of Constantine must be allowedin a much more vague and qualified sense; and the nicest accuracy isrequired in tracing the slow and almost imperceptible gradations bywhich the monarch declared himself the protector, and at length theproselyte, of the church. It was an arduous task to eradicate the habitsand prejudices of his education, to acknowledge the divine powerof Christ, and to understand that the truth of his revelation wasincompatible with the worship of the gods. The obstacles which he hadprobably experienced in his own mind, instructed him to proceedwith caution in the momentous change of a national religion; and heinsensibly discovered his new opinions, as far as he could enforce themwith safety and with effect. During the whole course of his reign, thestream of Christianity flowed with a gentle, though accelerated, motion:but its general direction was sometimes checked, and sometimes diverted, by the accidental circumstances of the times, and by the prudence, orpossibly by the caprice, of the monarch. His ministers were permitted tosignify the intentions of their master in the various language whichwas best adapted to their respective principles; [7] and he artfullybalanced the hopes and fears of his subjects, by publishing in the sameyear two edicts; the first of which enjoined the solemn observance ofSunday, [8] and the second directed the regular consultation of theAruspices. [9] While this important revolution yet remained in suspense, the Christians and the Pagans watched the conduct of their sovereignwith the same anxiety, but with very opposite sentiments. The formerwere prompted by every motive of zeal, as well as vanity, to exaggeratethe marks of his favor, and the evidences of his faith. The latter, till their just apprehensions were changed into despair and resentment, attempted to conceal from the world, and from themselves, that thegods of Rome could no longer reckon the emperor in the number of theirvotaries. The same passions and prejudices have engaged the partialwriters of the times to connect the public profession of Christianitywith the most glorious or the most ignominious aera of the reign ofConstantine. 

[Footnote 1: The date of the Divine Institutions of Lactantius hasbeen accurately discussed, difficulties have been started, solutionsproposed, and an expedient imagined of two original editions; the formerpublished during the persecution of Diocletian, the latter under that ofLicinius. See Dufresnoy, Prefat. P. V. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. Tom. Vi. P. 465-470. Lardner's Credibility, part ii. Vol. Vii. P. 78-86. For my own part, I am almost convinced that Lactantius dedicated hisInstitutions to the sovereign of Gaul, at a time when Galerius, Maximin, and even Licinius, persecuted the Christians; that is, between the years306 and 311. ]

[Footnote 2: Lactant. Divin. Instit. I. L. Vii. 27. The first andmost important of these passages is indeed wanting in twenty-eightmanuscripts; but it is found in nineteen. If we weigh the comparativevalue of these manuscripts, one of 900 years old, in the king ofFrance's library may be alleged in its favor; but the passage is omittedin the correct manuscript of Bologna, which the P. De Montfauconascribes to the sixth or seventh century (Diarium Italic. P. 489. ) Thetaste of most of the editors (except Isaeus; see Lactant. Edit. Dufresnoy, tom. I. P. 596) has felt the genuine style of Lactantius. ]

[Footnote 3: Euseb. In Vit. Constant. L. I. C. 27-32. ]

[Footnote 4: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 104. ]

[Footnote 5: That rite was always used in making a catechumen, (seeBingham's Antiquities. L. X. C. I. P. 419. Dom Chardon, Hist. DesSacramens, tom. I. P. 62, ) and Constantine received it for the firsttime (Euseb. In Vit Constant. L. Iv. C. 61) immediately before hisbaptism and death. From the connection of these two facts, Valesius (adloc. Euseb. ) has drawn the conclusion which is reluctantly admittedby Tillemont, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 628, ) and opposed withfeeble arguments by Mosheim, (p. 968. )]

[Footnote 6: Euseb. In Vit. Constant. L. Iv. C. 61, 62, 63. The legendof Constantine's baptism at Rome, thirteen years before his death, wasinvented in the eighth century, as a proper motive for his donation. Such has been the gradual progress of knowledge, that a story, of whichCardinal Baronius (Annual Ecclesiast. A. D. 324, No. 43-49) declaredhimself the unblushing advocate, is now feebly supported, even withinthe verge of the Vatican. See the Antiquitates Christianae, tom. Ii. P. 232; a work published with six approbations at Rome, in the year 1751 byFather Mamachi, a learned Dominican. ]

[Footnote 7: The quaestor, or secretary, who composed the law of theTheodosian Code, makes his master say with indifference, "hominibussupradictae religionis, " (l. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 1. ) The minister ofecclesiastical affairs was allowed a more devout and respectful style, the legal, most holy, and Catholic worship. ]

[Footnote 8: Cod. Theodos. L. Ii. Viii. Tit. Leg. 1. Cod. Justinian. L. Iii. Tit. Xii. Leg. 3. Constantine styles the Lord's day dies solis, aname which could not offend the ears of his pagan subjects. ]

[Footnote 9: Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. X. Leg. L. Godefroy, in thecharacter of a commentator, endeavors (tom. Vi. P. 257) to excuseConstantine; but the more zealous Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 321, No. 17) censures his profane conduct with truth and asperity. ]

Whatever symptoms of Christian piety might transpire in the discoursesor actions of Constantine, he persevered till he was near forty yearsof age in the practice of the established religion; [10] and the sameconduct which in the court of Nicomedia might be imputed to his fear, could be ascribed only to the inclination or policy of the sovereign ofGaul. His liberality restored and enriched the temples of the gods;the medals which issued from his Imperial mint are impressed with thefigures and attributes of Jupiter and Apollo, of Mars and Hercules;and his filial piety increased the council of Olympus by the solemnapotheosis of his father Constantius. [11] But the devotion ofConstantine was more peculiarly directed to the genius of the Sun, the Apollo of Greek and Roman mythology; and he was pleased to berepresented with the symbols of the God of Light and Poetry. Theunerring shafts of that deity, the brightness of his eyes, his laurelwreath, immortal beauty, and elegant accomplishments, seem to point himout as the patron of a young hero. The altars of Apollo were crownedwith the votive offerings of Constantine; and the credulous multitudewere taught to believe, that the emperor was permitted to behold withmortal eyes the visible majesty of their tutelar deity; and that, eitherwalking or in a vision, he was blessed with the auspicious omens of along and victorious reign. The Sun was universally celebrated as theinvincible guide and protector of Constantine; and the Pagans mightreasonably expect that the insulted god would pursue with unrelentingvengeance the impiety of his ungrateful favorite. [12]

[Footnote 10: Theodoret. (l. I. C. 18) seems to insinuate that Helenagave her son a Christian education; but we may be assured, from thesuperior authority of Eusebius, (in Vit. Constant. L. Iii. C. 47, )that she herself was indebted to Constantine for the knowledge ofChristianity. ]

[Footnote 11: See the medals of Constantine in Ducange and Banduri. Asfew cities had retained the privilege of coining, almost all the medalsof that age issued from the mint under the sanction of the Imperialauthority. ]

[Footnote 12: The panegyric of Eumenius, (vii. Inter Panegyr. Vet. , )which was pronounced a few months before the Italian war, aboundswith the most unexceptionable evidence of the Pagan superstition ofConstantine, and of his particular veneration for Apollo, or the Sun; towhich Julian alludes. ]

As long as Constantine exercised a limited sovereignty over theprovinces of Gaul, his Christian subjects were protected by theauthority, and perhaps by the laws, of a prince, who wisely left tothe gods the care of vindicating their own honor. If we may credit theassertion of Constantine himself, he had been an indignant spectatorof the savage cruelties which were inflicted, by the hands of Romansoldiers, on those citizens whose religion was their only crime. [13] Inthe East and in the West, he had seen the different effects of severityand indulgence; and as the former was rendered still more odious by theexample of Galerius, his implacable enemy, the latter was recommended tohis imitation by the authority and advice of a dying father. The son ofConstantius immediately suspended or repealed the edicts of persecution, and granted the free exercise of their religious ceremonies to all thosewho had already professed themselves members of the church. They weresoon encouraged to depend on the favor as well as on the justice oftheir sovereign, who had imbibed a secret and sincere reverence for thename of Christ, and for the God of the Christians. [14]

[Footnote 13: Constantin. Orat. Ad Sanctos, c. 25. But it might easilybe shown, that the Greek translator has improved the sense of theLatin original; and the aged emperor might recollect the persecution ofDiocletian with a more lively abhorrence than he had actually felt tothe days of his youth and Paganism. ]

[Footnote 14: See Euseb. Hist. Eccles. L. Viii. 13, l. Ix. 9, and inVit. Const. L. I. C. 16, 17 Lactant. Divin. Institut. I. L. Caecilius deMort. Persecut. C. 25. ]

About five months after the conquest of Italy, the emperor made a solemnand authentic declaration of his sentiments by the celebrated edictof Milan, which restored peace to the Catholic church. In the personalinterview of the two western princes, Constantine, by the ascendantof genius and power, obtained the ready concurrence of his colleague, Licinius; the union of their names and authority disarmed the fury ofMaximin; and after the death of the tyrant of the East, the edict ofMilan was received as a general and fundamental law of the Roman world. [15]

[Footnote 15: Caecilius (de Mort. Persecut. C. 48) has preserved theLatin original; and Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. L. X. C. 5) has givena Greek translation of this perpetual edict, which refers to someprovisional regulations. ]

The wisdom of the emperors provided for the restitution of all thecivil and religious rights of which the Christians had been so unjustlydeprived. It was enacted that the places of worship, and public lands, which had been confiscated, should be restored to the church, withoutdispute, without delay, and without expense; and this severe injunctionwas accompanied with a gracious promise, that if any of the purchasershad paid a fair and adequate price, they should be indemnified fromthe Imperial treasury. The salutary regulations which guard the futuretranquillity of the faithful are framed on the principles of enlargedand equal toleration; and such an equality must have been interpretedby a recent sect as an advantageous and honorable distinction. Thetwo emperors proclaim to the world, that they have granted a free andabsolute power to the Christians, and to all others, of following thereligion which each individual thinks proper to prefer, to which he hasaddicted his mind, and which he may deem the best adapted to hisown use. They carefully explain every ambiguous word, remove everyexception, and exact from the governors of the provinces a strictobedience to the true and simple meaning of an edict, which was designedto establish and secure, without any limitation, the claims of religiousliberty. They condescend to assign two weighty reasons which haveinduced them to allow this universal toleration: the humane intention ofconsulting the peace and happiness of their people; and the pious hope, that, by such a conduct, they shall appease and propitiate the Deity, whose seat is in heaven. They gratefully acknowledge the many signalproofs which they have received of the divine favor; and they trust thatthe same Providence will forever continue to protect the prosperity ofthe prince and people. From these vague and indefinite expressions ofpiety, three suppositions may be deduced, of a different, but not of anincompatible nature. The mind of Constantine might fluctuate between thePagan and the Christian religions. According to the loose and complyingnotions of Polytheism, he might acknowledge the God of the Christians asone of the many deities who compose the hierarchy of heaven. Orperhaps he might embrace the philosophic and pleasing idea, that, notwithstanding the variety of names, of rites, and of opinions, all thesects, and all the nations of mankind, are united in the worship of thecommon Father and Creator of the universe. [16]

[Footnote 16: A panegyric of Constantine, pronounced seven or eightmonths after the edict of Milan, (see Gothofred. Chronolog. Legum, p. 7, and Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 246, ) uses the followingremarkable expression: "Summe rerum sator, cujus tot nomina sant, quotlinguas gentium esse voluisti, quem enim te ipse dici velin, scire nonpossumus. " (Panegyr. Vet. Ix. 26. ) In explaining Constantine's progressin the faith, Mosheim (p. 971, &c. ) is ingenious, subtle, prolix. ]

But the counsels of princes are more frequently influenced by views oftemporal advantage, than by considerations of abstract and speculativetruth. The partial and increasing favor of Constantine may naturally bereferred to the esteem which he entertained for the moral character ofthe Christians; and to a persuasion, that the propagation of the gospelwould inculcate the practice of private and public virtue. Whateverlatitude an absolute monarch may assume in his own conduct, whateverindulgence he may claim for his own passions, it is undoubtedly hisinterest that all his subjects should respect the natural and civilobligations of society. But the operation of the wisest laws isimperfect and precarious. They seldom inspire virtue, they cannot alwaysrestrain vice. Their power is insufficient to prohibit all that theycondemn, nor can they always punish the actions which they prohibit. The legislators of antiquity had summoned to their aid the powers ofeducation and of opinion. But every principle which had once maintainedthe vigor and purity of Rome and Sparta, was long since extinguishedin a declining and despotic empire. Philosophy still exercised hertemperate sway over the human mind, but the cause of virtue derived veryfeeble support from the influence of the Pagan superstition. Under thesediscouraging circumstances, a prudent magistrate might observe withpleasure the progress of a religion which diffused among the people apure, benevolent, and universal system of ethics, adapted to every dutyand every condition of life; recommended as the will and reason ofthe supreme Deity, and enforced by the sanction of eternal rewards orpunishments. The experience of Greek and Roman history could not informthe world how far the system of national manners might be reformed andimproved by the precepts of a divine revelation; and Constantine mightlisten with some confidence to the flattering, and indeed reasonable, assurances of Lactantius. The eloquent apologist seemed firmly toexpect, and almost ventured to promise, that the establishment ofChristianity would restore the innocence and felicity of the primitiveage; that the worship of the true God would extinguish war anddissension among those who mutually considered themselves as thechildren of a common parent; that every impure desire, every angry orselfish passion, would be restrained by the knowledge of the gospel; andthat the magistrates might sheath the sword of justice among a peoplewho would be universally actuated by the sentiments of truth and piety, of equity and moderation, of harmony and universal love. [17]

[Footnote 17: See the elegant description of Lactantius, (DivinInstitut. V. 8, ) who is much more perspicuous and positive than becomesa discreet prophet. ]

The passive and unresisting obedience, which bows under the yoke ofauthority, or even of oppression, must have appeared, in the eyes ofan absolute monarch, the most conspicuous and useful of the evangelicvirtues. [18] The primitive Christians derived the institution of civilgovernment, not from the consent of the people, but from the decreesof Heaven. The reigning emperor, though he had usurped the sceptreby treason and murder, immediately assumed the sacred character ofvicegerent of the Deity. To the Deity alone he was accountable for theabuse of his power; and his subjects were indissolubly bound, by theiroath of fidelity, to a tyrant, who had violated every law of nature andsociety. The humble Christians were sent into the world as sheep amongwolves; and since they were not permitted to employ force even in thedefence of their religion, they should be still more criminal if theywere tempted to shed the blood of their fellow-creatures in disputingthe vain privileges, or the sordid possessions, of this transitory life. Faithful to the doctrine of the apostle, who in the reign of Nero hadpreached the duty of unconditional submission, the Christians of thethree first centuries preserved their conscience pure and innocentof the guilt of secret conspiracy, or open rebellion. While theyexperienced the rigor of persecution, they were never provoked either tomeet their tyrants in the field, or indignantly to withdraw themselvesinto some remote and sequestered corner of the globe. [19] TheProtestants of France, of Germany, and of Britain, who asserted withsuch intrepid courage their civil and religious freedom, have beeninsulted by the invidious comparison between the conduct of theprimitive and of the reformed Christians. [20] Perhaps, instead ofcensure, some applause may be due to the superior sense and spirit ofour ancestors, who had convinced themselves that religion cannot abolishthe unalienable rights of human nature. [21] Perhaps the patience ofthe primitive church may be ascribed to its weakness, as well as to itsvirtue. 

A sect of unwarlike plebeians, without leaders, without arms, withoutfortifications, must have encountered inevitable destruction in a rashand fruitless resistance to the master of the Roman legions. But theChristians, when they deprecated the wrath of Diocletian, or solicitedthe favor of Constantine, could allege, with truth and confidence, thatthey held the principle of passive obedience, and that, in the spaceof three centuries, their conduct had always been conformable to theirprinciples. They might add, that the throne of the emperors would beestablished on a fixed and permanent basis, if all their subjects, embracing the Christian doctrine, should learn to suffer and to obey. 

[Footnote 18: The political system of the Christians is explained byGrotius, de Jure Belli et Pacis, l. I. C. 3, 4. Grotius was a republicanand an exile, but the mildness of his temper inclined him to support theestablished powers. ]

[Footnote 19: Tertullian. Apolog. C. 32, 34, 35, 36. Tamen nunquamAlbiniani, nec Nigriani vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani. Ad Scapulam, c. 2. If this assertion be strictly true, it excludes theChristians of that age from all civil and military employments, whichwould have compelled them to take an active part in the service of theirrespective governors. See Moyle's Works, vol. Ii. P. 349. ]

[Footnote 20: See the artful Bossuet, (Hist. Des Variations des EglisesProtestantes, tom. Iii. P. 210-258. ) and the malicious Bayle, (tom ii. P. 820. ) I name Bayle, for he was certainly the author of the Avis auxRefugies; consult the Dictionnaire Critique de Chauffepie, tom. I. Partii. P. 145. ]

[Footnote 21: Buchanan is the earliest, or at least the most celebrated, of the reformers, who has justified the theory of resistance. See hisDialogue de Jure Regni apud Scotos, tom. Ii. P. 28, 30, edit. Fol. Rudiman. ]

In the general order of Providence, princes and tyrants are consideredas the ministers of Heaven, appointed to rule or to chastise the nationsof the earth. But sacred history affords many illustrious examples ofthe more immediate interposition of the Deity in the government of hischosen people. The sceptre and the sword were committed to the hands ofMoses, of Joshua, of Gideon, of David, of the Maccabees; the virtuesof those heroes were the motive or the effect of the divine favor, thesuccess of their arms was destined to achieve the deliverance or thetriumph of the church. If the judges of Israel were occasional andtemporary magistrates, the kings of Judah derived from the royal unctionof their great ancestor an hereditary and indefeasible right, whichcould not be forfeited by their own vices, nor recalled by the capriceof their subjects. The same extraordinary providence, which was nolonger confined to the Jewish people, might elect Constantine andhis family as the protectors of the Christian world; and the devoutLactantius announces, in a prophetic tone, the future glories of hislong and universal reign. [22] Galerius and Maximin, Maxentius andLicinius, were the rivals who shared with the favorite of heaven theprovinces of the empire. The tragic deaths of Galerius and Maximin soongratified the resentment, and fulfilled the sanguine expectations, of the Christians. The success of Constantine against Maxentius andLicinius removed the two formidable competitors who still opposed thetriumph of the second David, and his cause might seem to claim thepeculiar interposition of Providence. The character of the Roman tyrantdisgraced the purple and human nature; and though the Christians mightenjoy his precarious favor, they were exposed, with the rest of hissubjects, to the effects of his wanton and capricious cruelty. Theconduct of Licinius soon betrayed the reluctance with which he hadconsented to the wise and humane regulations of the edict of Milan. Theconvocation of provincial synods was prohibited in his dominions; hisChristian officers were ignominiously dismissed; and if he avoidedthe guilt, or rather danger, of a general persecution, his partialoppressions were rendered still more odious by the violation of a solemnand voluntary engagement. [23] While the East, according to the livelyexpression of Eusebius, was involved in the shades of infernal darkness, the auspicious rays of celestial light warmed and illuminated theprovinces of the West. The piety of Constantine was admitted as anunexceptionable proof of the justice of his arms; and his use of victoryconfirmed the opinion of the Christians, that their hero was inspired, and conducted, by the Lord of Hosts. The conquest of Italy produced ageneral edict of toleration; and as soon as the defeat of Liciniushad invested Constantine with the sole dominion of the Roman world, heimmediately, by circular letters, exhorted all his subjects to imitate, without delay, the example of their sovereign, and to embrace the divinetruth of Christianity. [24]

[Footnote 22: Lactant Divin. Institut. I. L. Eusebius in the course ofhis history, his life, and his oration, repeatedly inculcates the divineright of Constantine to the empire. ]

[Footnote 23: Our imperfect knowledge of the persecution of Liciniusis derived from Eusebius, (Hist. L. X. C. 8. Vit. Constantin. L. I. C. 49-56, l. Ii. C. 1, 2. ) Aurelius Victor mentions his cruelty in generalterms. ]

[Footnote 24: Euseb. In Vit. Constant. L. Ii. C. 24-42 48-60. ]

Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine. --Part II. 

The assurance that the elevation of Constantine was intimately connectedwith the designs of Providence, instilled into the minds of theChristians two opinions, which, by very different means, assisted theaccomplishment of the prophecy. Their warm and active loyalty exhaustedin his favor every resource of human industry; and they confidentlyexpected that their strenuous efforts would be seconded by somedivine and miraculous aid. The enemies of Constantine have imputed tointerested motives the alliance which he insensibly contracted with theCatholic church, and which apparently contributed to the success of hisambition. In the beginning of the fourth century, the Christians stillbore a very inadequate proportion to the inhabitants of the empire; butamong a degenerate people, who viewed the change of masters with theindifference of slaves, the spirit and union of a religious partymight assist the popular leader, to whose service, from a principle ofconscience, they had devoted their lives and fortunes. [25] The exampleof his father had instructed Constantine to esteem and to reward themerit of the Christians; and in the distribution of public offices, he had the advantage of strengthening his government, by the choiceof ministers or generals, in whose fidelity he could repose a just andunreserved confidence. By the influence of these dignified missionaries, the proselytes of the new faith must have multiplied in the court andarmy; the Barbarians of Germany, who filled the ranks of the legions, were of a careless temper, which acquiesced without resistance in thereligion of their commander; and when they passed the Alps, it mayfairly be presumed, that a great number of the soldiers had alreadyconsecrated their swords to the service of Christ and of Constantine. [26] The habits of mankind and the interests of religion graduallyabated the horror of war and bloodshed, which had so long prevailedamong the Christians; and in the councils which were assembled underthe gracious protection of Constantine, the authority of the bishops wasseasonably employed to ratify the obligation of the military oath, andto inflict the penalty of excommunication on those soldiers who threwaway their arms during the peace of the church. [27] While Constantine, in his own dominions, increased the number and zeal of his faithfuladherents, he could depend on the support of a powerful faction in thoseprovinces which were still possessed or usurped by his rivals. A secretdisaffection was diffused among the Christian subjects of Maxentiusand Licinius; and the resentment, which the latter did not attempt toconceal, served only to engage them still more deeply in the interest ofhis competitor. The regular correspondence which connected the bishopsof the most distant provinces, enabled them freely to communicate theirwishes and their designs, and to transmit without danger any usefulintelligence, or any pious contributions, which might promote theservice of Constantine, who publicly declared that he had taken up armsfor the deliverance of the church. [28]

[Footnote 25: In the beginning of the last century, the Papists ofEngland were only a thirtieth, and the Protestants of France only afifteenth, part of the respective nations, to whom their spirit andpower were a constant object of apprehension. See the relations whichBentivoglio (who was then nuncio at Brussels, and afterwards cardinal)transmitted to the court of Rome, (Relazione, tom. Ii. P. 211, 241. )Bentivoglio was curious, well informed, but somewhat partial. ]

[Footnote 26: This careless temper of the Germans appears almostuniformly on the history of the conversion of each of the tribes. The legions of Constantine were recruited with Germans, (Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 86;) and the court even of his father had been filled withChristians. See the first book of the Life of Constantine, by Eusebius. ]

[Footnote 27: De his qui arma projiciunt in pace, placuit eos abstinerea communione. Council. Arelat. Canon. Iii. The best critics apply thesewords to the peace of the church. ]

[Footnote 28: Eusebius always considers the second civil war againstLicinius as a sort of religious crusade. At the invitation of thetyrant, some Christian officers had resumed their zones; or, inother words, had returned to the military service. Their conduct wasafterwards censured by the twelfth canon of the Council of Nice; if thisparticular application may be received, instead of the lo se and generalsense of the Greek interpreters, Balsamor Zonaras, and Alexis Aristenus. See Beveridge, Pandect. Eccles. Graec. Tom. I. P. 72, tom. Ii. P. 73Annotation. ]

The enthusiasm which inspired the troops, and perhaps the emperorhimself, had sharpened their swords while it satisfied their conscience. They marched to battle with the full assurance, that the same God, whohad formerly opened a passage to the Israelites through the waters ofJordan, and had thrown down the walls of Jericho at the sound of thetrumpets of Joshua, would display his visible majesty and power inthe victory of Constantine. The evidence of ecclesiastical historyis prepared to affirm, that their expectations were justified by theconspicuous miracle to which the conversion of the first Christianemperor has been almost unanimously ascribed. The real or imaginarycause of so important an event, deserves and demands the attention ofposterity; and I shall endeavor to form a just estimate of the famousvision of Constantine, by a distinct consideration of the standard, the dream, and the celestial sign; by separating the historical, thenatural, and the marvellous parts of this extraordinary story, which, inthe composition of a specious argument, have been artfully confounded inone splendid and brittle mass. 

I. An instrument of the tortures which were inflicted only on slaves andstrangers, became on object of horror in the eyes of a Roman citizen;and the ideas of guilt, of pain, and of ignominy, were closely unitedwith the idea of the cross. [29] The piety, rather than the humanity, of Constantine soon abolished in his dominions the punishment which theSavior of mankind had condescended to suffer; [30] but the emperor hadalready learned to despise the prejudices of his education, and ofhis people, before he could erect in the midst of Rome his own statue, bearing a cross in its right hand; with an inscription which referredthe victory of his arms, and the deliverance of Rome, to the virtue ofthat salutary sign, the true symbol of force and courage. [31] The samesymbol sanctified the arms of the soldiers of Constantine; the crossglittered on their helmet, was engraved on their shields, was interwoveninto their banners; and the consecrated emblems which adorned the personof the emperor himself, were distinguished only by richer materialsand more exquisite workmanship. [32] But the principal standard whichdisplayed the triumph of the cross was styled the Labarum, [33] anobscure, though celebrated name, which has been vainly derived fromalmost all the languages of the world. It is described [34] as a longpike intersected by a transversal beam. The silken veil, which hung downfrom the beam, was curiously inwrought with the images of the reigningmonarch and his children. The summit of the pike supported a crown ofgold which enclosed the mysterious monogram, at once expressive of thefigure of the cross, and the initial letters, of the name of Christ. [35] The safety of the labarum was intrusted to fifty guards, ofapproved valor and fidelity; their station was marked by honors andemoluments; and some fortunate accidents soon introduced an opinion, that as long as the guards of the labarum were engaged in the executionof their office, they were secure and invulnerable amidst the darts ofthe enemy. In the second civil war, Licinius felt and dreaded the powerof this consecrated banner, the sight of which, in the distressof battle, animated the soldiers of Constantine with an invincibleenthusiasm, and scattered terror and dismay through the ranks of theadverse legions. [36] The Christian emperors, who respected the exampleof Constantine, displayed in all their military expeditions the standardof the cross; but when the degenerate successors of Theodosius hadceased to appear in person at the head of their armies, the labarumwas deposited as a venerable but useless relic in the palace ofConstantinople. [37] Its honors are still preserved on the medals ofthe Flavian family. Their grateful devotion has placed the monogramof Christ in the midst of the ensigns of Rome. The solemn epithetsof, safety of the republic, glory of the army, restoration of publichappiness, are equally applied to the religious and military trophies;and there is still extant a medal of the emperor Constantius, where thestandard of the labarum is accompanied with these memorable words, ByThis Sign Thou Shalt Conquer. [38]

[Footnote 29: Nomen ipsum crucis absit non modo a corpore civium Romanorum, sed etiam a cogitatione, oculis, auribus. Cicero pro Raberio, c. 5. The Christian writers, Justin, Minucius Felix, Tertullian, Jerom, andMaximus of Turin, have investigated with tolerable success the figureor likeness of a cross in almost every object of nature or art; in theintersection of the meridian and equator, the human face, a bird flying, a man swimming, a mast and yard, a plough, a standard, &c. , &c. , &c. SeeLipsius de Cruce, l. I. C. 9. ]

[Footnote 30: See Aurelius Victor, who considers this law as one of theexamples of Constantine's piety. An edict so honorable to Christianitydeserved a place in the Theodosian Code, instead of the indirect mentionof it, which seems to result from the comparison of the fifth andeighteenth titles of the ninth book. ]

[Footnote 31: Eusebius, in Vit. Constantin. L. I. C. 40. This statue, or at least the cross and inscription, may be ascribed with moreprobability to the second, or even third, visit of Constantine to Rome. Immediately after the defeat of Maxentius, the minds of the senate andpeople were scarcely ripe for this public monument. ]

[Footnote 32: Agnoscas, regina, libens mea signa necesse est; Inquibus effigies crucis aut gemmata refulget Aut longis solido ex auropraefertur in hastis. Hoc signo invictus, transmissis Alpibus UltorServitium solvit miserabile Constantinus. Christus purpureum gemmantitextus in auro Signabat Labarum, clypeorum insignia Christus Scripserat;ardebat summis crux addita cristis. Prudent. In Symmachum, l. Ii. 464, 486. ]

[Footnote 33: The derivation and meaning of the word Labarum or Laborum, which is employed by Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose, Prudentius, &c. , stillremain totally unknown, in spite of the efforts of the critics, whohave ineffectually tortured the Latin, Greek, Spanish, Celtic, Teutonic, Illyric, Armenian, &c. , in search of an etymology. See Ducange, inGloss. Med. Et infim. Latinitat. Sub voce Labarum, and Godefroy, ad Cod. Theodos. Tom. Ii. P. 143. ]

[Footnote 34: Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. I. C. 30, 31. Baronius(Annal. Eccles. A. D. 312, No. 26) has engraved a representation of theLabarum. ]

[Footnote 35: Transversa X litera, summo capite circumflexo, Christumin scutis notat. Caecilius de M. P. C. 44, Cuper, (ad M. P. In edit. Lactant. Tom. Ii. P. 500, ) and Baronius (A. D. 312, No. 25) haveengraved from ancient monuments several specimens (as thus of thesemonograms) which became extremely fashionable in the Christian world. ]

[Footnote 36: Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. Ii. C. 7, 8, 9. Heintroduces the Labarum before the Italian expedition; but his narrativeseems to indicate that it was never shown at the head of an army tillConstantine above ten years afterwards, declared himself the enemy ofLicinius, and the deliverer of the church. ]

[Footnote 37: See Cod. Theod. L. Vi. Tit. Xxv. Sozomen, l. I. C. 2. Theophan. Chronograph. P. 11. Theophanes lived towards the end of theeighth century, almost five hundred years after Constantine. The modernGreeks were not inclined to display in the field the standard ofthe empire and of Christianity; and though they depended on everysuperstitious hope of defence, the promise of victory would haveappeared too bold a fiction. ]

[Footnote 38: The Abbe du Voisin, p. 103, &c. , alleges several of thesemedals, and quotes a particular dissertation of a Jesuit the Pere deGrainville, on this subject. ]

II. In all occasions of danger and distress, it was the practice of theprimitive Christians to fortify their minds and bodies by the sign ofthe cross, which they used, in all their ecclesiastical rites, in allthe daily occurrences of life, as an infallible preservative againstevery species of spiritual or temporal evil. [39] The authority of thechurch might alone have had sufficient weight to justify the devotion ofConstantine, who in the same prudent and gradual progress acknowledgedthe truth, and assumed the symbol, of Christianity. But the testimony ofa contemporary writer, who in a formal treatise has avenged the cause ofreligion, bestows on the piety of the emperor a more awful and sublimecharacter. He affirms, with the most perfect confidence, that in thenight which preceded the last battle against Maxentius, Constantine wasadmonished in a dream [39a] to inscribe the shields of his soldiers withthe celestial sign of God, the sacred monogram of the name of Christ;that he executed the commands of Heaven, and that his valor andobedience were rewarded by the decisive victory of the Milvian Bridge. Some considerations might perhaps incline a sceptical mind to suspectthe judgment or the veracity of the rhetorician, whose pen, either fromzeal or interest, was devoted to the cause of the prevailing faction. [40] He appears to have published his deaths of the persecutors atNicomedia about three years after the Roman victory; but the interval ofa thousand miles, and a thousand days, will allow an ample latitudefor the invention of declaimers, the credulity of party, and the tacitapprobation of the emperor himself who might listen without indignationto a marvellous tale, which exalted his fame, and promoted his designs. In favor of Licinius, who still dissembled his animosity to theChristians, the same author has provided a similar vision, of a form ofprayer, which was communicated by an angel, and repeated by the wholearmy before they engaged the legions of the tyrant Maximin. The frequentrepetition of miracles serves to provoke, where it does not subdue, thereason of mankind; [41] but if the dream of Constantine is separatelyconsidered, it may be naturally explained either by the policy or theenthusiasm of the emperor. Whilst his anxiety for the approaching day, which must decide the fate of the empire, was suspended by a short andinterrupted slumber, the venerable form of Christ, and the well-knownsymbol of his religion, might forcibly offer themselves to the activefancy of a prince who reverenced the name, and had perhaps secretlyimplored the power, of the God of the Christians. As readily might aconsummate statesman indulge himself in the use of one of those militarystratagems, one of those pious frauds, which Philip and Sertorius hademployed with such art and effect. [42] The praeternatural origin ofdreams was universally admitted by the nations of antiquity, and aconsiderable part of the Gallic army was already prepared to place theirconfidence in the salutary sign of the Christian religion. The secretvision of Constantine could be disproved only by the event; and theintrepid hero who had passed the Alps and the Apennine, might view withcareless despair the consequences of a defeat under the walls of Rome. The senate and people, exulting in their own deliverance from an odioustyrant, acknowledged that the victory of Constantine surpassed thepowers of man, without daring to insinuate that it had been obtained bythe protection of the gods. The triumphal arch, which was erected aboutthree years after the event, proclaims, in ambiguous language, thatby the greatness of his own mind, and by an instinct or impulse of theDivinity, he had saved and avenged the Roman republic. [43] The Paganorator, who had seized an earlier opportunity of celebrating the virtuesof the conqueror, supposes that he alone enjoyed a secret and intimatecommerce with the Supreme Being, who delegated the care of mortals tohis subordinate deities; and thus assigns a very plausible reasonwhy the subjects of Constantine should not presume to embrace the newreligion of their sovereign. [44]

[Footnote 39: Tertullian de Corona, c. 3. Athanasius, tom. I. P. 101. The learned Jesuit Petavius (Dogmata Theolog. L. Xv. C. 9, 10) hascollected many similar passages on the virtues of the cross, which inthe last age embarrassed our Protestant disputants. ]

[Footnote 39a: Manso has observed, that Gibbon ought not to haveseparated the vision of Constantine from the wonderful apparition in thesky, as the two wonders are closely connected in Eusebius. Manso, LebenConstantine, p. 82--M. ]

[Footnote 40: Caecilius de M. P. C. 44. It is certain, that thishistorical declamation was composed and published while Licinius, sovereign of the East, still preserved the friendship of Constantine andof the Christians. Every reader of taste must perceive that the styleis of a very different and inferior character to that of Lactantius;and such indeed is the judgment of Le Clerc and Lardner, (BibliothequeAncienne et Moderne, tom. Iii. P. 438. Credibility of the Gospel, &c. , part ii. Vol. Vii. P. 94. ) Three arguments from the title of thebook, and from the names of Donatus and Caecilius, are produced by theadvocates for Lactantius. (See the P. Lestocq, tom. Ii. P. 46-60. ) Eachof these proofs is singly weak and defective; but their concurrencehas great weight. I have often fluctuated, and shall tamely follow theColbert Ms. In calling the author (whoever he was) Caecilius. ]

[Footnote 41: Caecilius de M. P. C. 46. There seems to be some reasonin the observation of M. De Voltaire, (Euvres, tom. Xiv. P. 307. ) whoascribes to the success of Constantine the superior fame of hisLabarum above the angel of Licinius. Yet even this angel is favorablyentertained by Pagi, Tillemont, Fleury, &c. , who are fond of increasingtheir stock of miracles. ]

[Footnote 42: Besides these well-known examples, Tollius (Preface toBoileau's translation of Longinus) has discovered a vision of Antigonus, who assured his troops that he had seen a pentagon (the symbol ofsafety) with these words, "In this conquer. " But Tollius has mostinexcusably omitted to produce his authority, and his own character, literary as well as moral, is not free from reproach. (See Chauffepie, Dictionnaire Critique, tom. Iv. P. 460. ) Without insisting on thesilence of Diodorus Plutarch, Justin, &c. , it may be observed thatPolyaenus, who in a separate chapter (l. Iv. C. 6) has collectednineteen military stratagems of Antigonus, is totally ignorant of thisremarkable vision. ]

[Footnote 43: Instinctu Divinitatis, mentis magnitudine. The inscriptionon the triumphal arch of Constantine, which has been copied by Baronius, Gruter, &c. , may still be perused by every curious traveller. ]

[Footnote 44: Habes profecto aliquid cum illa mente Divina secretum;qua delegata nostra Diis Minoribus cura uni se tibi dignatur ostenderePanegyr. Vet. Ix. 2. ]

III. The philosopher, who with calm suspicion examines the dreams andomens, the miracles and prodigies, of profane or even of ecclesiasticalhistory, will probably conclude, that if the eyes of the spectators havesometimes been deceived by fraud, the understanding of the readershas much more frequently been insulted by fiction. Every event, orappearance, or accident, which seems to deviate from the ordinary courseof nature, has been rashly ascribed to the immediate action of theDeity; and the astonished fancy of the multitude has sometimes givenshape and color, language and motion, to the fleeting but uncommonmeteors of the air. [45] Nazarius and Eusebius are the two mostcelebrated orators, who, in studied panegyrics, have labored to exaltthe glory of Constantine. Nine years after the Roman victory, Nazarius[46] describes an army of divine warriors, who seemed to fall from thesky: he marks their beauty, their spirit, their gigantic forms, thestream of light which beamed from their celestial armor, their patiencein suffering themselves to be heard, as well as seen, by mortals; andtheir declaration that they were sent, that they flew, to the assistanceof the great Constantine. For the truth of this prodigy, the Paganorator appeals to the whole Gallic nation, in whose presence he was thenspeaking; and seems to hope that the ancient apparitions [47] would nowobtain credit from this recent and public event. The Christian fable ofEusebius, which, in the space of twenty-six years, might arise from theoriginal dream, is cast in a much more correct and elegant mould. In oneof the marches of Constantine, he is reported to have seen with his owneyes the luminous trophy of the cross, placed above the meridian sun andinscribed with the following words: By This Conquer. This amazing objectin the sky astonished the whole army, as well as the emperor himself, who was yet undetermined in the choice of a religion: but hisastonishment was converted into faith by the vision of the ensuingnight. Christ appeared before his eyes; and displaying the samecelestial sign of the cross, he directed Constantine to frame a similarstandard, and to march, with an assurance of victory, against Maxentiusand all his enemies. [48] The learned bishop of Caesarea appears to besensible, that the recent discovery of this marvellous anecdote wouldexcite some surprise and distrust among the most pious of his readers. Yet, instead of ascertaining the precise circumstances of time andplace, which always serve to detect falsehood or establish truth; [49]instead of collecting and recording the evidence of so many livingwitnesses who must have been spectators of this stupendous miracle; [50]Eusebius contents himself with alleging a very singular testimony; thatof the deceased Constantine, who, many years after the event, in thefreedom of conversation, had related to him this extraordinary incidentof his own life, and had attested the truth of it by a solemn oath. Theprudence and gratitude of the learned prelate forbade him to suspect theveracity of his victorious master; but he plainly intimates, that in afact of such a nature, he should have refused his assent to any meanerauthority. This motive of credibility could not survive the power ofthe Flavian family; and the celestial sign, which the Infidels mightafterwards deride, [51] was disregarded by the Christians of the agewhich immediately followed the conversion of Constantine. [52] But theCatholic church, both of the East and of the West, has adopted a prodigywhich favors, or seems to favor, the popular worship of the cross. Thevision of Constantine maintained an honorable place in the legend ofsuperstition, till the bold and sagacious spirit of criticism presumedto depreciate the triumph, and to arraign the truth, of the firstChristian emperor. [53]

[Footnote 45: M. Freret (Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Iv. P. 411-437) explains, by physical causes, many of the prodigies ofantiquity; and Fabricius, who is abused by both parties, vainly triesto introduce the celestial cross of Constantine among the solar halos. Bibliothec. Graec. Tom. Iv. P. 8-29. * Note: The great difficulty inresolving it into a natural phenomenon, arises from the inscription;even the most heated or awe-struck imagination would hardly discoverdistinct and legible letters in a solar halo. But the inscription mayhave been a later embellishment, or an interpretation of the meaningwhich the sign was construed to convey. Compare Heirichen, Excur inlocum Eusebii, and the authors quoted. ]

[Footnote 46: Nazarius inter Panegyr. Vet. X. 14, 15. It is unnecessaryto name the moderns, whose undistinguishing and ravenous appetite hasswallowed even the Pagan bait of Nazarius. ]

[Footnote 47: The apparitions of Castor and Pollux, particularly toannounce the Macedonian victory, are attested by historians and publicmonuments. See Cicero de Natura Deorum, ii. 2, iii. 5, 6. Florus, ii. 12. Valerius Maximus, l. I. C. 8, No. 1. Yet the most recent of thesemiracles is omitted, and indirectly denied, by Livy, (xlv. I. )]

[Footnote 48: Eusebius, l. I. C. 28, 29, 30. The silence of the sameEusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, is deeply felt by thoseadvocates for the miracle who are not absolutely callous. ]

[Footnote 49: The narrative of Constantine seems to indicate, that hesaw the cross in the sky before he passed the Alps against Maxentius. The scene has been fixed by provincial vanity at Treves, Besancon, &c. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 573. ]

[Footnote 50: The pious Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 1317)rejects with a sigh the useful Acts of Artemius, a veteran and a martyr, who attests as an eye-witness to the vision of Constantine. ]

[Footnote 51: Gelasius Cyzic. In Act. Concil. Nicen. L. I. C. 4. ]

[Footnote 52: The advocates for the vision are unable to produce asingle testimony from the Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries, who, in their voluminous writings, repeatedly celebrate the triumphof the church and of Constantine. As these venerable men had not anydislike to a miracle, we may suspect, (and the suspicion is confirmed bythe ignorance of Jerom, ) that they were all unacquainted with the lifeof Constantine by Eusebius. This tract was recovered by the diligenceof those who translated or continued his Ecclesiastical History, and whohave represented in various colors the vision of the cross. ]

[Footnote 53: Godefroy was the first, who, in the year 1643, (Not adPhilostorgium, l. I. C. 6, p. 16, ) expressed any doubt of a miraclewhich had been supported with equal zeal by Cardinal Baronius, and theCenturiators of Magdeburgh. Since that time, many of the Protestantcritics have inclined towards doubt and disbelief. The objections areurged, with great force, by M. Chauffepie, (Dictionnaire Critique, tom. Iv. P. 6--11;) and, in the year 1774, a doctor of Sorbonne, the Abbe duVeisin published an apology, which deserves the praise of learningand moderation. * Note: The first Excursus of Heinichen (in VitamConstantini, p. 507) contains a full summary of the opinions andarguments of the later writers who have discussed this interminablesubject. As to his conversion, where interest and inclination, statepolicy, and, if not a sincere conviction of its truth, at least arespect, an esteem, an awe of Christianity, thus coincided, Constantinehimself would probably have been unable to trace the actual history ofthe workings of his own mind, or to assign its real influence to eachconcurrent motive. --M]

The Protestant and philosophic readers of the present age will inclineto believe, that in the account of his own conversion, Constantineattested a wilful falsehood by a solemn and deliberate perjury. They maynot hesitate to pronounce, that in the choice of a religion, his mindwas determined only by a sense of interest; and that (according to theexpression of a profane poet) [54] he used the altars of the church as aconvenient footstool to the throne of the empire. A conclusion so harshand so absolute is not, however, warranted by our knowledge of humannature, of Constantine, or of Christianity. In an age of religiousfervor, the most artful statesmen are observed to feel some part of theenthusiasm which they inspire, and the most orthodox saints assumethe dangerous privilege of defending the cause of truth by the arms ofdeceit and falsehood. 

Personal interest is often the standard of our belief, as well as ofour practice; and the same motives of temporal advantage which mightinfluence the public conduct and professions of Constantine, wouldinsensibly dispose his mind to embrace a religion so propitious to hisfame and fortunes. His vanity was gratified by the flattering assurance, that he had been chosen by Heaven to reign over the earth; success hadjustified his divine title to the throne, and that title was foundedon the truth of the Christian revelation. As real virtue is sometimesexcited by undeserved applause, the specious piety of Constantine, if atfirst it was only specious, might gradually, by the influence of praise, of habit, and of example, be matured into serious faith and ferventdevotion. The bishops and teachers of the new sect, whose dress andmanners had not qualified them for the residence of a court, wereadmitted to the Imperial table; they accompanied the monarch in hisexpeditions; and the ascendant which one of them, an Egyptian or aSpaniard, [55] acquired over his mind, was imputed by the Pagans to theeffect of magic. [56] Lactantius, who has adorned the precepts ofthe gospel with the eloquence of Cicero, [57] and Eusebius, who hasconsecrated the learning and philosophy of the Greeks to the service ofreligion, [58] were both received into the friendship and familiarity oftheir sovereign; and those able masters of controversy could patientlywatch the soft and yielding moments of persuasion, and dexterouslyapply the arguments which were the best adapted to his character andunderstanding. Whatever advantages might be derived from the acquisitionof an Imperial proselyte, he was distinguished by the splendor of hispurple, rather than by the superiority of wisdom, or virtue, fromthe many thousands of his subjects who had embraced the doctrines ofChristianity. Nor can it be deemed incredible, that the mind of anunlettered soldier should have yielded to the weight of evidence, which, in a more enlightened age, has satisfied or subdued the reason of aGrotius, a Pascal, or a Locke. In the midst of the incessant laborsof his great office, this soldier employed, or affected to employ, thehours of the night in the diligent study of the Scriptures, and thecomposition of theological discourses; which he afterwards pronouncedin the presence of a numerous and applauding audience. In a very longdiscourse, which is still extant, the royal preacher expatiates onthe various proofs still extant, the royal preacher expatiates on thevarious proofs of religion; but he dwells with peculiar complacency onthe Sibylline verses, [59] and the fourth eclogue of Virgil. [60] Fortyyears before the birth of Christ, the Mantuan bard, as if inspiredby the celestial muse of Isaiah, had celebrated, with all the pomp oforiental metaphor, the return of the Virgin, the fall of the serpent, the approaching birth of a godlike child, the offspring of the greatJupiter, who should expiate the guilt of human kind, and governthe peaceful universe with the virtues of his father; the rise andappearance of a heavenly race, primitive nation throughout the world;and the gradual restoration of the innocence and felicity of the goldenage. The poet was perhaps unconscious of the secret sense and object ofthese sublime predictions, which have been so unworthily applied to theinfant son of a consul, or a triumvir; [61] but if a more splendid, andindeed specious interpretation of the fourth eclogue contributed tothe conversion of the first Christian emperor, Virgil may deserve to beranked among the most successful missionaries of the gospel. [62]

[Footnote 54:

 Lors Constantin dit ces propres paroles: J'ai renverse le culte des idoles: Sur les debris de leurs temples fumans Au Dieu du Ciel j'ai prodigue l'encens. Mais tous mes soins pour sa grandeur supreme N'eurent jamais d'autre objet que moi-meme;

 Les saints autels n'etoient a mes regards Qu'un marchepie du trone des Cesars. L'ambition, la fureur, les delices Etoient mes Dieux, avoient mes sacrifices. L'or des Chretiens, leur intrigues, leur sang Ont cimente ma fortune et mon rang. 

The poem which contains these lines may be read with pleasure, butcannot be named with decency. ]

[Footnote 55: This favorite was probably the great Osius, bishop ofCordova, who preferred the pastoral care of the whole church to thegovernment of a particular diocese. His character is magnificently, though concisely, expressed by Athanasius, (tom. I. P. 703. ) SeeTillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 524-561. Osius was accused, perhapsunjustly, of retiring from court with a very ample fortune. ]

[Footnote 56: See Eusebius (in Vit. Constant. Passim) and Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 104. ]

[Footnote 57: The Christianity of Lactantius was of a moral ratherthan of a mysterious cast. "Erat paene rudis (says the orthodox Bull)disciplinae Christianae, et in rhetorica melius quam in theologiaversatus. " Defensio Fidei Nicenae, sect. Ii. C. 14. ]

[Footnote 58: Fabricius, with his usual diligence, has collected a listof between three and four hundred authors quoted in the EvangelicalPreparation of Eusebius. See Bibl. Graec. L. V. C. 4, tom. Vi. P. 37-56. ]

[Footnote 59: See Constantin. Orat. Ad Sanctos, c. 19 20. He chieflydepends on a mysterious acrostic, composed in the sixth age after theDeluge, by the Erythraean Sibyl, and translated by Cicero into Latin. The initial letters of the thirty-four Greek verses form this propheticsentence: Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior of the World. ]

[Footnote 60: In his paraphrase of Virgil, the emperor has frequentlyassisted and improved the literal sense of the Latin ext. See Blondeldes Sibylles, l. I. C. 14, 15, 16. ]

[Footnote 61: The different claims of an elder and younger son ofPollio, of Julia, of Drusus, of Marcellus, are found to be incompatiblewith chronology, history, and the good sense of Virgil. ]

[Footnote 62: See Lowth de Sacra Poesi Hebraeorum Praelect. Xxi. P. 289-293. In the examination of the fourth eclogue, the respectable bishopof London has displayed learning, taste, ingenuity, and a temperateenthusiasm, which exalts his fancy without degrading his judgment. ]

Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine. --Part III. 

The awful mysteries of the Christian faith and worship were concealedfrom the eyes of strangers, and even of catechu mens, with an affectedsecrecy, which served to excite their wonder and curiosity. [63] Butthe severe rules of discipline which the prudence of the bishops hadinstituted, were relaxed by the same prudence in favor of an Imperialproselyte, whom it was so important to allure, by every gentlecondescension, into the pale of the church; and Constantine waspermitted, at least by a tacit dispensation, to enjoy most of theprivileges, before he had contracted any of the obligations, of aChristian. Instead of retiring from the congregation, when the voice ofthe deacon dismissed the profane multitude, he prayed with the faithful, disputed with the bishops, preached on the most sublime and intricatesubjects of theology, celebrated with sacred rites the vigil of Easter, and publicly declared himself, not only a partaker, but, in somemeasure, a priest and hierophant of the Christian mysteries. [64] Thepride of Constantine might assume, and his services had deserved, someextraordinary distinction: and ill-timed rigor might have blasted theunripened fruits of his conversion; and if the doors of the church hadbeen strictly closed against a prince who had deserted the altars ofthe gods, the master of the empire would have been left destitute ofany form of religious worship. In his last visit to Rome, he piouslydisclaimed and insulted the superstition of his ancestors, by refusingto lead the military procession of the equestrian order, and to offerthe public vows to the Jupiter of the Capitoline Hill. [65] Many yearsbefore his baptism and death, Constantine had proclaimed to the world, that neither his person nor his image should ever more be seen withinthe walls of an idolatrous temple; while he distributed through theprovinces a variety of medals and pictures, which represented theemperor in an humble and suppliant posture of Christian devotion. [66]

[Footnote 63: The distinction between the public and the secret parts ofdivine service, the missa catechumenorum and the missa fidelium, and themysterious veil which piety or policy had cast over the latter, are veryjudiciously explained by Thiers, Exposition du Saint Sacrament, l. I. C. 8- 12, p. 59-91: but as, on this subject, the Papists may reasonably besuspected, a Protestant reader will depend with more confidence on thelearned Bingham, Antiquities, l. X. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 64: See Eusebius in Vit. Const. L. Iv. C. 15-32, and the wholetenor of Constantine's Sermon. The faith and devotion of the emperorhas furnished Batonics with a specious argument in favor of his earlybaptism. Note: Compare Heinichen, Excursus iv. Et v. , where thesequestions are examined with candor and acuteness, and with constantreference to the opinions of more modern writers. --M. ]

[Footnote 65: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 105. ]

[Footnote 66: Eusebius in Vit. Constant. L. Iv. C. 15, 16. ]

The pride of Constantine, who refused the privileges of a catechumen, cannot easily be explained or excused; but the delay of his baptism maybe justified by the maxims and the practice of ecclesiastical antiquity. The sacrament of baptism [67] was regularly administered by the bishophimself, with his assistant clergy, in the cathedral church of thediocese, during the fifty days between the solemn festivals of Easterand Pentecost; and this holy term admitted a numerous band of infantsand adult persons into the bosom of the church. The discretion ofparents often suspended the baptism of their children till they couldunderstand the obligations which they contracted: the severity ofancient bishops exacted from the new converts a novitiate of two orthree years; and the catechumens themselves, from different motives ofa temporal or a spiritual nature, were seldom impatient to assume thecharacter of perfect and initiated Christians. The sacrament of baptismwas supposed to contain a full and absolute expiation of sin; and thesoul was instantly restored to its original purity, and entitled tothe promise of eternal salvation. Among the proselytes of Christianity, there are many who judged it imprudent to precipitate a salutary rite, which could not be repeated; to throw away an inestimable privilege, which could never be recovered. By the delay of their baptism, theycould venture freely to indulge their passions in the enjoyments of thisworld, while they still retained in their own hands the means of a sureand easy absolution. [68] The sublime theory of the gospel had madea much fainter impression on the heart than on the understanding ofConstantine himself. He pursued the great object of his ambition throughthe dark and bloody paths of war and policy; and, after the victory, he abandoned himself, without moderation, to the abuse of his fortune. Instead of asserting his just superiority above the imperfect heroismand profane philosophy of Trajan and the Antonines, the mature age ofConstantine forfeited the reputation which he had acquired in his youth. As he gradually advanced in the knowledge of truth, he proportionallydeclined in the practice of virtue; and the same year of his reign inwhich he convened the council of Nice, was polluted by the execution, or rather murder, of his eldest son. This date is alone sufficientto refute the ignorant and malicious suggestions of Zosimus, [69] whoaffirms, that, after the death of Crispus, the remorse of his fatheraccepted from the ministers of christianity the expiation which he hadvainly solicited from the Pagan pontiffs. At the time of the deathof Crispus, the emperor could no longer hesitate in the choice of areligion; he could no longer be ignorant that the church was possessedof an infallible remedy, though he chose to defer the application of ittill the approach of death had removed the temptation and danger ofa relapse. The bishops whom he summoned, in his last illness, to thepalace of Nicomedia, were edified by the fervor with which he requestedand received the sacrament of baptism, by the solemn protestation thatthe remainder of his life should be worthy of a disciple of Christ, and by his humble refusal to wear the Imperial purple after he had beenclothed in the white garment of a Neophyte. The example and reputationof Constantine seemed to countenance the delay of baptism. [70] Futuretyrants were encouraged to believe, that the innocent blood which theymight shed in a long reign would instantly be washed away in the watersof regeneration; and the abuse of religion dangerously undermined thefoundations of moral virtue. 

[Footnote 67: The theory and practice of antiquity, with regard to thesacrament of baptism, have been copiously explained by Dom Chardon, Hist. Des Sacremens, tom. I. P. 3-405; Dom Martenne de Ritibus EcclesiaeAntiquis, tom. I. ; and by Bingham, in the tenth and eleventh books ofhis Christian Antiquities. One circumstance may be observed, in whichthe modern churches have materially departed from the ancient custom. The sacrament of baptism (even when it was administered to infants) wasimmediately followed by confirmation and the holy communion. ]

[Footnote 68: The Fathers, who censured this criminal delay, could notdeny the certain and victorious efficacy even of a death-bed baptism. The ingenious rhetoric of Chrysostom could find only three argumentsagainst these prudent Christians. 1. That we should love and pursuevirtue for her own sake, and not merely for the reward. 2. That wemay be surprised by death without an opportunity of baptism. 3. Thatalthough we shall be placed in heaven, we shall only twinkle like littlestars, when compared to the suns of righteousness who have run theirappointed course with labor, with success, and with glory. Chrysos tomin Epist. Ad Hebraeos, Homil. Xiii. Apud Chardon, Hist. Des Sacremens, tom. I. P. 49. I believe that this delay of baptism, though attendedwith the most pernicious consequences, was never condemned by anygeneral or provincial council, or by any public act or declaration ofthe church. The zeal of the bishops was easily kindled on much slighteroccasion. * Note: This passage of Chrysostom, though not in his moreforcible manner, is not quite fairly represented. He is stronger inother places, in Act. Hom. Xxiii. --and Hom. I. Compare, likewise, thesermon of Gregory of Nysea on this subject, and Gregory Nazianzen. Afterall, to those who believed in the efficacy of baptism, what argumentcould be more conclusive, than the danger of dying without it? Orat. Xl. --M. ]

[Footnote 69: Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 104. For this disingenuous falsehoodhe has deserved and experienced the harshest treatment from all theecclesiastical writers, except Cardinal Baronius, (A. D. 324, No. 15-28, ) who had occasion to employ the infidel on a particular serviceagainst the Arian Eusebius. Note: Heyne, in a valuable note on thispassage of Zosimus, has shown decisively that this malicious way ofaccounting for the conversion of Constantine was not an invention ofZosimus. It appears to have been the current calumny eagerly adopted andpropagated by the exasperated Pagan party. Reitemeter, a later editorof Zosimus, whose notes are retained in the recent edition, in thecollection of the Byzantine historians, has a disquisition on thepassage, as candid, but not more conclusive than some which havepreceded him--M. ]

[Footnote 70: Eusebius, l. Iv. C. 61, 62, 63. The bishop of Caesareasupposes the salvation of Constantine with the most perfect confidence. ]

The gratitude of the church has exalted the virtues and excused thefailings of a generous patron, who seated Christianity on the throneof the Roman world; and the Greeks, who celebrate the festival of theImperial saint, seldom mention the name of Constantine without addingthe title of equal to the Apostles. [71] Such a comparison, if it alludeto the character of those divine missionaries, must be imputed to theextravagance of impious flattery. But if the parallel be confined tothe extent and number of their evangelic victories the success ofConstantine might perhaps equal that of the Apostles themselves. By theedicts of toleration, he removed the temporal disadvantages which hadhitherto retarded the progress of Christianity; and its active andnumerous ministers received a free permission, a liberal encouragement, to recommend the salutary truths of revelation by every argument whichcould affect the reason or piety of mankind. The exact balance of thetwo religions continued but a moment; and the piercing eye of ambitionand avarice soon discovered, that the profession of Christianity mightcontribute to the interest of the present, as well as of a future life. [72] The hopes of wealth and honors, the example of an emperor, hisexhortations, his irresistible smiles, diffused conviction among thevenal and obsequious crowds which usually fill the apartments of apalace. The cities which signalized a forward zeal by the voluntarydestruction of their temples, were distinguished by municipalprivileges, and rewarded with popular donatives; and the new capital ofthe East gloried in the singular advantage that Constantinople was neverprofaned by the worship of idols. [73] As the lower ranks of societyare governed by imitation, the conversion of those who possessedany eminence of birth, of power, or of riches, was soon followed bydependent multitudes. [74] The salvation of the common people waspurchased at an easy rate, if it be true that, in one year, twelvethousand men were baptized at Rome, besides a proportionable numberof women and children, and that a white garment, with twenty piecesof gold, had been promised by the emperor to every convert. [75] Thepowerful influence of Constantine was not circumscribed by the narrowlimits of his life, or of his dominions. The education which he bestowedon his sons and nephews secured to the empire a race of princes, whosefaith was still more lively and sincere, as they imbibed, in theirearliest infancy, the spirit, or at least the doctrine, of Christianity. War and commerce had spread the knowledge of the gospel beyond theconfines of the Roman provinces; and the Barbarians, who had disdainedas humble and proscribed sect, soon learned to esteem a religion whichhad been so lately embraced by the greatest monarch, and the mostcivilized nation, of the globe. [76] The Goths and Germans, who enlistedunder the standard of Rome, revered the cross which glittered at thehead of the legions, and their fierce countrymen received at the sametime the lessons of faith and of humanity. The kings of Iberia andArmenia [76a] worshipped the god of their protector; and their subjects, who have invariably preserved the name of Christians, soon formeda sacred and perpetual connection with their Roman brethren. TheChristians of Persia were suspected, in time of war, of preferring theirreligion to their country; but as long as peace subsisted betweenthe two empires, the persecuting spirit of the Magi was effectuallyrestrained by the interposition of Constantine. [77] The rays of thegospel illuminated the coast of India. The colonies of Jews, who hadpenetrated into Arabia and Ethiopia, [78] opposed the progress ofChristianity; but the labor of the missionaries was in some measurefacilitated by a previous knowledge of the Mosaic revelation; andAbyssinia still reveres the memory of Frumentius, [78a] who, in the timeof Constantine, devoted his life to the conversion of those sequesteredregions. Under the reign of his son Constantius, Theophilus, [79] whowas himself of Indian extraction, was invested with the double characterof ambassador and bishop. He embarked on the Red Sea with two hundredhorses of the purest breed of Cappadocia, which were sent by the emperorto the prince of the Sabaeans, or Homerites. Theophilus was intrustedwith many other useful or curious presents, which might raise theadmiration, and conciliate the friendship, of the Barbarians; and hesuccessfully employed several years in a pastoral visit to the churchesof the torrid zone. [80]

[Footnote 71: See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 429. TheGreeks, the Russians, and, in the darker ages, the Latins themselves, have been desirous of placing Constantine in the catalogue of saints. ]

[Footnote 72: See the third and fourth books of his life. He wasaccustomed to say, that whether Christ was preached in pretence, or intruth, he should still rejoice, (l. Iii. C. 58. )]

[Footnote 73: M. De Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 374, 616) has defended, with strength and spirit, the virgin purity ofConstantinople against some malevolent insinuations of the PaganZosimus. ]

[Footnote 74: The author of the Histoire Politique et Philosophiquedes deux Indes (tom. I. P. 9) condemns a law of Constantine, which gavefreedom to all the slaves who should embrace Christianity. The emperordid indeed publish a law, which restrained the Jews from circumcising, perhaps from keeping, any Christian slave. (See Euseb. In Vit. Constant. L. Iv. C. 27, and Cod. Theod. L. Xvi. Tit. Ix. , with Godefroy'sCommentary, tom. Vi. P. 247. ) But this imperfect exception related onlyto the Jews, and the great body of slaves, who were the property ofChristian or Pagan masters, could not improve their temporal conditionby changing their religion. I am ignorant by what guides the Abbe Raynalwas deceived; as the total absence of quotations is the unpardonableblemish of his entertaining history. ]

[Footnote 75: See Acta S Silvestri, and Hist. Eccles. Nicephor. Callist. L. Vii. C. 34, ap. Baronium Annal. Eccles. A. D. 324, No. 67, 74. Such evidence is contemptible enough; but these circumstances are inthemselves so probable, that the learned Dr. Howell (History of theWorld, vol. Iii. P. 14) has not scrupled to adopt them. ]

[Footnote 76: The conversion of the Barbarians under the reign ofConstantine is celebrated by the ecclesiastical historians. (SeeSozomen, l. Ii. C. 6, and Theodoret, l. I. C. 23, 24. ) But Rufinus, theLatin translator of Eusebius, deserves to be considered as an originalauthority. His information was curiously collected from one of thecompanions of the Apostle of Aethiopia, and from Bacurius, an Iberianprince, who was count of the domestics. Father Mamachi has given anample compilation on the progress of Christianity, in the first andsecond volumes of his great but imperfect work. ]

[Footnote 76a: According to the Georgian chronicles, Iberia (Georgia)was converted by the virgin Nino, who effected an extraordinary cure onthe wife of the king Mihran. The temple of the god Aramazt, or Armaz, not far from the capital Mtskitha, was destroyed, and the cross erectedin its place. Le Beau, i. 202, with St. Martin's Notes. ----St. Martinhas likewise clearly shown (St. Martin, Add. To Le Beau, i. 291) Armeniawas the first nation w hich embraced Christianity, (Addition to Le Beau, i. 76. And Memoire sur l'Armenie, i. 305. ) Gibbon himself suspected thistruth. --"Instead of maintaining that the conversion of Armenia was notattempted with any degree of success, till the sceptre was in the handsof an orthodox emperor, " I ought to have said, that the seeds of thefaith were deeply sown during the season of the last and greatestpersecution, that many Roman exiles might assist the labors of Gregory, and that the renowned Tiridates, the hero of the East, may dispute withConstantine the honor of being the first sovereign who embraced theChristian religion Vindication]

[Footnote 77: See, in Eusebius, (in Vit. L. Iv. C. 9, ) the pressing andpathetic epistle of Constantine in favor of his Christian brethren ofPersia. ]

[Footnote 78: See Basnage, Hist. Des Juifs, tom. Vii. P. 182, tom. Viii. P. 333, tom. Ix. P. 810. The curious diligence of this writer pursuesthe Jewish exiles to the extremities of the globe. ]

[Footnote 78a: Abba Salama, or Fremonatus, is mentioned in the TareekNegushti, chronicle of the kings of Abyssinia. Salt's Travels, vol. Ii. P. 464. --M. ]

[Footnote 79: Theophilus had been given in his infancy as a hostage byhis countrymen of the Isle of Diva, and was educated by the Romans inlearning and piety. The Maldives, of which Male, or Diva, may be thecapital, are a cluster of 1900 or 2000 minute islands in the IndianOcean. The ancients were imperfectly acquainted with the Maldives; butthey are described in the two Mahometan travellers of the ninth century, published by Renaudot, Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 30, 31 D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale p. 704. Hist. Generale des Voy ages, tom. Viii. ----See the dissertation of M. Letronne on this question. He conceivesthat Theophilus was born in the island of Dahlak, in the Arabian Gulf. His embassy was to Abyssinia rather than to India. Letronne, Materiauxpour l'Hist. Du Christianisme en Egypte Indie, et Abyssinie. Paris, 18323d Dissert. --M. ]

[Footnote 80: Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 4, 5, 6, with Godefroy's learnedobservations. The historical narrative is soon lost in an inquiryconcerning the seat of Paradise, strange monsters, &c. ]

The irresistible power of the Roman emperors was displayed in theimportant and dangerous change of the national religion. The terrorsof a military force silenced the faint and unsupported murmurs of thePagans, and there was reason to expect, that the cheerful submissionof the Christian clergy, as well as people, would be the resultof conscience and gratitude. It was long since established, as afundamental maxim of the Roman constitution, that every rank of citizenswas alike subject to the laws, and that the care of religion was theright as well as duty of the civil magistrate. Constantine and hissuccessors could not easily persuade themselves that they had forfeited, by their conversion, any branch of the Imperial prerogatives, orthat they were incapable of giving laws to a religion which they hadprotected and embraced. The emperors still continued to exercise asupreme jurisdiction over the ecclesiastical order, and the sixteenthbook of the Theodosian code represents, under a variety of titles, theauthority which they assumed in the government of the Catholic church. But the distinction of the spiritual and temporal powers, [81] which hadnever been imposed on the free spirit of Greece and Rome, was introducedand confirmed by the legal establishment of Christianity. The office ofsupreme pontiff, which, from the time of Numa to that of Augustus, hadalways been exercised by one of the most eminent of the senators, wasat length united to the Imperial dignity. The first magistrate of thestate, as often as he was prompted by superstition or policy, performedwith his own hands the sacerdotal functions; [82] nor was there anyorder of priests, either at Rome or in the provinces, who claimed a moresacred character among men, or a more intimate communication with thegods. But in the Christian church, which instrusts the service of thealtar to a perpetual succession of consecrated ministers, the monarch, whose spiritual rank is less honorable than that of the meanest deacon, was seated below the rails of the sanctuary, and confounded with therest of the faithful multitude. [83] The emperor might be saluted asthe father of his people, but he owed a filial duty and reverence to thefathers of the church; and the same marks of respect, which Constantinehad paid to the persons of saints and confessors, were soon exacted bythe pride of the episcopal order. [84] A secret conflict between thecivil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions embarrassed the operation ofthe Roman government; and a pious emperor was alarmed by the guilt anddanger of touching with a profane hand the ark of the covenant. Theseparation of men into the two orders of the clergy and of the laitywas, indeed, familiar to many nations of antiquity; and the priests ofIndia, of Persia, of Assyria, of Judea, of Aethiopia, of Egypt, and ofGaul, derived from a celestial origin the temporal power and possessionswhich they had acquired. These venerable institutions had graduallyassimilated themselves to the manners and government of their respectivecountries; [85] but the opposition or contempt of the civil power servedto cement the discipline of the primitive church. The Christians hadbeen obliged to elect their own magistrates, to raise and distribute apeculiar revenue, and to regulate the internal policy of their republicby a code of laws, which were ratified by the consent of the people andthe practice of three hundred years. When Constantine embraced the faithof the Christians, he seemed to contract a perpetual alliance witha distinct and independent society; and the privileges granted orconfirmed by that emperor, or by his successors, were accepted, notas the precarious favors of the court, but as the just and inalienablerights of the ecclesiastical order. 

[Footnote 81: See the epistle of Osius, ap. Athanasium, vol. I. P. 840. The public remonstrance which Osius was forced to address to the son, contained the same principles of ecclesiastical and civil governmentwhich he had secretly instilled into the mind of the father. ]

[Footnote 82: M. De la Bastiel has evidently proved, that Augustus andhis successors exercised in person all the sacred functions of pontifexmaximus, of high priest, of the Roman empire. ]

[Footnote 83: Something of a contrary practice had insensibly prevailedin the church of Constantinople; but the rigid Ambrose commandedTheodosius to retire below the rails, and taught him to know thedifference between a king and a priest. See Theodoret, l. V. C. 18. ]

[Footnote 84: At the table of the emperor Maximus, Martin, bishop ofTours, received the cup from an attendant, and gave it to the presbyter, his companion, before he allowed the emperor to drink; the empresswaited on Martin at table. Sulpicius Severus, in Vit. S Martin, c. 23, and Dialogue ii. 7. Yet it may be doubted, whether these extraordinarycompliments were paid to the bishop or the saint. The honors usuallygranted to the former character may be seen in Bingham's Antiquities, l. Ii. C. 9, and Vales ad Theodoret, l. Iv. C. 6. See the haughtyceremonial which Leontius, bishop of Tripoli, imposed on the empress. Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 754. (Patres Apostol. Tom. Ii. P. 179. )]

[Footnote 85: Plutarch, in his treatise of Isis and Osiris, informs usthat the kings of Egypt, who were not already priests, were initiated, after their election, into the sacerdotal order. ]

The Catholic church was administered by the spiritual and legaljurisdiction of eighteen hundred bishops; [86] of whom one thousand wereseated in the Greek, and eight hundred in the Latin, provinces of theempire. The extent and boundaries of their respective dioceses had beenvariously and accidentally decided by the zeal and success of the firstmissionaries, by the wishes of the people, and by the propagation of thegospel. Episcopal churches were closely planted along the banks of theNile, on the sea-coast of Africa, in the proconsular Asia, and throughthe southern provinces of Italy. The bishops of Gaul and Spain, ofThrace and Pontus, reigned over an ample territory, and delegated theirrural suffragans to execute the subordinate duties of the pastoraloffice. [87] A Christian diocese might be spread over a province, or reduced to a village; but all the bishops possessed an equal andindelible character: they all derived the same powers and privilegesfrom the apostles, from the people, and from the laws. While the civiland military professions were separated by the policy of Constantine, anew and perpetual order of ecclesiastical ministers, always respectable, sometimes dangerous, was established in the church and state. Theimportant review of their station and attributes may be distributedunder the following heads: I. Popular Election. II. Ordination of theClergy. III. Property. IV. Civil Jurisdiction. V. Spiritual censures. VI. Exercise of public oratory. VII. Privilege of legislativeassemblies. 

[Footnote 86: The numbers are not ascertained by any ancient writer ororiginal catalogue; for the partial lists of the eastern churches arecomparatively modern. The patient diligence of Charles a Sto Paolo, ofLuke Holstentius, and of Bingham, has laboriously investigated all theepiscopal sees of the Catholic church, which was almost commensuratewith the Roman empire. The ninth book of the Christian antiquities is avery accurate map of ecclesiastical geography. ]

[Footnote 87: On the subject of rural bishops, or Chorepiscopi, who voted in tynods, and conferred the minor orders, See Thomassin, Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. I. P. 447, &c. , and Chardon, Hist. DesSacremens, tom. V. P. 395, &c. They do not appear till the fourthcentury; and this equivocal character, which had excited the jealousyof the prelates, was abolished before the end of the tenth, both in theEast and the West. ]

I. The freedom of election subsisted long after the legal establishmentof Christianity; [88] and the subjects of Rome enjoyed in the churchthe privilege which they had lost in the republic, of choosing themagistrates whom they were bound to obey. As soon as a bishop had closedhis eyes, the metropolitan issued a commission to one of his suffragansto administer the vacant see, and prepare, within a limited time, thefuture election. The right of voting was vested in the inferior clergy, who were best qualified to judge of the merit of the candidates; inthe senators or nobles of the city, all those who were distinguishedby their rank or property; and finally in the whole body of the people, who, on the appointed day, flocked in multitudes from the most remoteparts of the diocese, [89] and sometimes silenced by their tumultuousacclamations, the voice of reason and the laws of discipline. Theseacclamations might accidentally fix on the head of the most deservingcompetitor; of some ancient presbyter, some holy monk, or some layman, conspicuous for his zeal and piety. But the episcopal chair wassolicited, especially in the great and opulent cities of the empire, asa temporal rather than as a spiritual dignity. The interested views, theselfish and angry passions, the arts of perfidy and dissimulation, thesecret corruption, the open and even bloody violence which had formerlydisgraced the freedom of election in the commonwealths of Greece andRome, too often influenced the choice of the successors of the apostles. While one of the candidates boasted the honors of his family, a secondallured his judges by the delicacies of a plentiful table, and a third, more guilty than his rivals, offered to share the plunder of the churchamong the accomplices of his sacrilegious hopes [90] The civil as wellas ecclesiastical laws attempted to exclude the populace from thissolemn and important transaction. The canons of ancient discipline, by requiring several episcopal qualifications, of age, station, &c. , restrained, in some measure, the indiscriminate caprice of the electors. The authority of the provincial bishops, who were assembled in thevacant church to consecrate the choice of the people, was interposed tomoderate their passions and to correct their mistakes. The bishopscould refuse to ordain an unworthy candidate, and the rage of contendingfactions sometimes accepted their impartial mediation. The submission, or the resistance, of the clergy and people, on various occasions, afforded different precedents, which were insensibly converted intopositive laws and provincial customs; [91] but it was every whereadmitted, as a fundamental maxim of religious policy, that no bishopcould be imposed on an orthodox church, without the consent of itsmembers. The emperors, as the guardians of the public peace, and as thefirst citizens of Rome and Constantinople, might effectually declaretheir wishes in the choice of a primate; but those absolute monarchsrespected the freedom of ecclesiastical elections; and while theydistributed and resumed the honors of the state and army, they allowedeighteen hundred perpetual magistrates to receive their importantoffices from the free suffrages of the people. [92] It was agreeableto the dictates of justice, that these magistrates should not desert anhonorable station from which they could not be removed; but the wisdomof councils endeavored, without much success, to enforce the residence, and to prevent the translation, of bishops. The discipline of the Westwas indeed less relaxed than that of the East; but the same passionswhich made those regulations necessary, rendered them ineffectual. Thereproaches which angry prelates have so vehemently urged againsteach other, serve only to expose their common guilt, and their mutualindiscretion. 

[Footnote 88: Thomassin (Discipline de l'Eglise, tom, ii. L. Ii. C. 1-8, p. 673-721) has copiously treated of the election of bishops during thefive first centuries, both in the East and in the West; but he shows avery partial bias in favor of the episcopal aristocracy. Bingham, (l. Iv. C. 2) is moderate; and Chardon (Hist. Des Sacremens tom. V. P. 108-128) is very clear and concise. * Note: This freedom was extremelylimited, and soon annihilated; already, from the third century, thedeacons were no longer nominated by the members of the community, but bythe bishops. Although it appears by the letters of Cyprian, that evenin his time, no priest could be elected without the consent of thecommunity. (Ep. 68, ) that election was far from being altogether free. The bishop proposed to his parishioners the candidate whom he hadchosen, and they were permitted to make such objections as might besuggested by his conduct and morals. (St. Cyprian, Ep. 33. ) They lostthis last right towards the middle of the fourth century. --G]

[Footnote 89: Incredibilis multitudo, non solum ex eo oppido, (Tours, )sed etiam ex vicinis urbibus ad suffragia ferenda convenerat, &c. Sulpicius Severus, in Vit. Martin. C. 7. The council of Laodicea, (canonxiii. ) prohibits mobs and tumults; and Justinian confines confined theright of election to the nobility. Novel. Cxxiii. L. ]

[Footnote 90: The epistles of Sidonius Apollinaris (iv. 25, vii. 5, 9)exhibit some of the scandals of the Gallican church; and Gaul was lesspolished and less corrupt than the East. ]

[Footnote 91: A compromise was sometimes introduced by law or byconsent; either the bishops or the people chose one of the threecandidates who had been named by the other party. ]

[Footnote 92: All the examples quoted by Thomassin (Discipline del'Eglise, tom. Ii. L. Iii. C. Vi. P. 704-714) appear to be extraordinaryacts of power, and even of oppression. The confirmation of the bishop ofAlexandria is mentioned by Philostorgius as a more regular proceeding. (Hist Eccles. L. Ii. Ll. ) * Note: The statement of Planck is moreconsistent with history: "From the middle of the fourth century, thebishops of some of the larger churches, particularly those of theImperial residence, were almost always chosen under the influence ofthe court, and often directly and immediately nominated by the emperor. "Planck, Geschichte der Christlich-kirchlichen Gesellschafteverfassung, verfassung, vol. I p 263. --M. ]

II. The bishops alone possessed the faculty of spiritual generation: andthis extraordinary privilege might compensate, in some degree, for thepainful celibacy [93] which was imposed as a virtue, as a duty, andat length as a positive obligation. The religions of antiquity, whichestablished a separate order of priests, dedicated a holy race, a tribeor family, to the perpetual service of the gods. [94] Such institutionswere founded for possession, rather than conquest. The children ofthe priests enjoyed, with proud and indolent security, their sacredinheritance; and the fiery spirit of enthusiasm was abated by the cares, the pleasures, and the endearments of domestic life. But the Christiansanctuary was open to every ambitious candidate, who aspired to itsheavenly promises or temporal possessions. This office of priests, likethat of soldiers or magistrates, was strenuously exercised by thosemen, whose temper and abilities had prompted them to embrace theecclesiastical profession, or who had been selected by a discerningbishop, as the best qualified to promote the glory and interest of thechurch. The bishops [95] (till the abuse was restrained by the prudenceof the laws) might constrain the reluctant, and protect the distressed;and the imposition of hands forever bestowed some of the most valuableprivileges of civil society. The whole body of the Catholic clergy, morenumerous perhaps than the legions, was exempted [95a] by the emperorsfrom all service, private or public, all municipal offices, and allpersonal taxes and contributions, which pressed on their fellow-citizens with intolerable weight; and the duties of their holyprofession were accepted as a full discharge of their obligations to therepublic. [96] Each bishop acquired an absolute and indefeasible rightto the perpetual obedience of the clerk whom he ordained: the clergy ofeach episcopal church, with its dependent parishes, formed a regularand permanent society; and the cathedrals of Constantinople [97] andCarthage [98] maintained their peculiar establishment of five hundredecclesiastical ministers. Their ranks [99] and numbers were insensiblymultiplied by the superstition of the times, which introduced into thechurch the splendid ceremonies of a Jewish or Pagan temple; and a longtrain of priests, deacons, sub-deacons, acolythes, exorcists, readers, singers, and doorkeepers, contributed, in their respective stations, toswell the pomp and harmony of religious worship. The clerical nameand privileges were extended to many pious fraternities, who devoutlysupported the ecclesiastical throne. [100] Six hundred parabolani, oradventurers, visited the sick at Alexandria; eleven hundred copiatoe, or grave-diggers, buried the dead at Constantinople; and the swarms ofmonks, who arose from the Nile, overspread and darkened the face of theChristian world. 

[Footnote 93: The celibacy of the clergy during the first five or sixcenturies, is a subject of discipline, and indeed of controversy, which has been very diligently examined. See in particular, Thomassin, Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. I. L. Ii. C. Lx. Lxi. P. 886-902, andBingham's Antiquities, l. Iv. C. 5. By each of these learned but partialcritics, one half of the truth is produced, and the other is concealed. ----Note: Compare Planck, (vol. I. P. 348. ) This century, the third, first brought forth the monks, or the spirit of monkery, the celibacy ofthe clergy. Planck likewise observes, that from the history of Eusebiusalone, names of married bishops and presbyters may be adduced bydozens. --M. ]

[Footnote 94: Diodorus Siculus attests and approves the hereditarysuccession of the priesthood among the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and theIndians, (l. I. P. 84, l. Ii. P. 142, 153, edit. Wesseling. ) The magiare described by Ammianus as a very numerous family: "Per saecula multaad praesens una eademque prosapia multitudo creata, Deorum cultibusdedicata. " (xxiii. 6. ) Ausonius celebrates the Stirps Druidarum, (DeProfessorib. Burdigal. Iv. ;) but we may infer from the remark of Caesar, (vi. 13, ) that in the Celtic hierarchy, some room was left for choiceand emulation. ]

[Footnote 95: The subject of the vocation, ordination, obedience, &c. , of the clergy, is laboriously discussed by Thomassin (Disciplinede l'Eglise, tom. Ii. P. 1-83) and Bingham, (in the 4th book of hisAntiquities, more especially the 4th, 6th, and 7th chapters. ) Whenthe brother of St. Jerom was ordained in Cyprus, the deacons forciblystopped his mouth, lest he should make a solemn protestation, whichmight invalidate the holy rites. ]

[Footnote 95a: This exemption was very much limited. The municipaloffices were of two kinds; the one attached to the individual in hischaracter of inhabitant, the other in that of proprietor. Constantinehad exempted ecclesiastics from offices of the first description. (Cod. Theod. Xvi. T. Ii. Leg. 1, 2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. L. X. C. Vii. )They sought, also, to be exempted from those of the second, (munerapatrimoniorum. ) The rich, to obtain this privilege, obtained subordinatesituations among the clergy. Constantine published in 320 an edict, bywhich he prohibited the more opulent citizens (decuriones and curiales)from embracing the ecclesiastical profession, and the bishops fromadmitting new ecclesiastics, before a place should be vacant by thedeath of the occupant, (Godefroy ad Cod. Theod. T. Xii. T. I. De Decur. )Valentinian the First, by a rescript still more general enacted thatno rich citizen should obtain a situation in the church, (De Episc 1. Lxvii. ) He also enacted that ecclesiastics, who wished to be exempt fromoffices which they were bound to discharge as proprietors, should beobliged to give up their property to their relations. Cod Theodos l. Xiit. I. Leb. 49--G. ]

[Footnote 96: The charter of immunities, which the clergy obtained fromthe Christian emperors, is contained in the 16th book of the Theodosiancode; and is illustrated with tolerable candor by the learned Godefroy, whose mind was balanced by the opposite prejudices of a civilian and aProtestant. ]

[Footnote 97: Justinian. Novell. Ciii. Sixty presbyters, or priests, onehundred deacons, forty deaconesses, ninety sub-deacons, one hundred andten readers, twenty-five chanters, and one hundred door-keepers; inall, five hundred and twenty-five. This moderate number was fixed by theemperor to relieve the distress of the church, which had been involvedin debt and usury by the expense of a much higher establishment. ]

[Footnote 98: Universus clerus ecclesiae Carthaginiensis. .. . Ferequingenti vei amplius; inter quos quamplurima erant lectores infantuli. Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. V. 9, p. 78, edit. Ruinart. Thisremnant of a more prosperous state still subsisted under the oppressionof the Vandals. ]

[Footnote 99: The number of seven orders has been fixed in the Latinchurch, exclusive of the episcopal character. But the four inferiorranks, the minor orders, are now reduced to empty and useless titles. ]

[Footnote 100: See Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 42, 43. Godefroy's Commentary, and the Ecclesiastical History of Alexandria, show the danger of these pious institutions, which often disturbed thepeace of that turbulent capital. ]

Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine. --Part IV. 

III. The edict of Milan secured the revenue as well as the peace of thechurch. [101] The Christians not only recovered the lands and houses ofwhich they had been stripped by the persecuting laws of Diocletian, but they acquired a perfect title to all the possessions which theyhad hitherto enjoyed by the connivance of the magistrate. As soon asChristianity became the religion of the emperor and the empire, thenational clergy might claim a decent and honorable maintenance; and thepayment of an annual tax might have delivered the people from the moreoppressive tribute, which superstition imposes on her votaries. But asthe wants and expenses of the church increased with her prosperity, theecclesiastical order was still supported and enriched by the voluntaryoblations of the faithful. Eight years after the edict of Milan, Constantine granted to all his subjects the free and universalpermission of bequeathing their fortunes to the holy Catholic church;[102] and their devout liberality, which during their lives was checkedby luxury or avarice, flowed with a profuse stream at the hour of theirdeath. The wealthy Christians were encouraged by the example of theirsovereign. An absolute monarch, who is rich without patrimony, may becharitable without merit; and Constantine too easily believed that heshould purchase the favor of Heaven, if he maintained the idle at theexpense of the industrious; and distributed among the saints the wealthof the republic. The same messenger who carried over to Africa the headof Maxentius, might be intrusted with an epistle to Caecilian, bishop ofCarthage. The emperor acquaints him, that the treasurers of the provinceare directed to pay into his hands the sum of three thousand folles, oreighteen thousand pounds sterling, and to obey his further requisitionsfor the relief of the churches of Africa, Numidia, and Mauritania. [103]The liberality of Constantine increased in a just proportion to hisfaith, and to his vices. He assigned in each city a regular allowance ofcorn, to supply the fund of ecclesiastical charity; and the persons ofboth sexes who embraced the monastic life became the peculiar favoritesof their sovereign. The Christian temples of Antioch, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Constantinople &c. , displayed the ostentatious piety of aprince, ambitious in a declining age to equal the perfect labors ofantiquity. [104] The form of these religious edifices was simple andoblong; though they might sometimes swell into the shape of a dome, andsometimes branch into the figure of a cross. The timbers were framedfor the most part of cedars of Libanus; the roof was covered with tiles, perhaps of gilt brass; and the walls, the columns, the pavement, wereencrusted with variegated marbles. The most precious ornaments of goldand silver, of silk and gems, were profusely dedicated to the service ofthe altar; and this specious magnificence was supported on the solid andperpetual basis of landed property. In the space of two centuries, fromthe reign of Constantine to that of Justinian, the eighteen hundredchurches of the empire were enriched by the frequent and unalienablegifts of the prince and people. An annual income of six hundred poundssterling may be reasonably assigned to the bishops, who were placed atan equal distance between riches and poverty, [105] but the standard oftheir wealth insensibly rose with the dignity and opulence of thecities which they governed. An authentic but imperfect [106] rent-rollspecifies some houses, shops, gardens, and farms, which belonged to thethree Basilicoe of Rome, St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. John Lateran, inthe provinces of Italy, Africa, and the East. They produce, besidesa reserved rent of oil, linen, paper, aromatics, &c. , a clear annualrevenue of twenty-two thousand pieces of gold, or twelve thousand poundssterling. In the age of Constantine and Justinian, the bishops no longerpossessed, perhaps they no longer deserved, the unsuspecting confidenceof their clergy and people. The ecclesiastical revenues of each diocesewere divided into four parts for the respective uses of the bishophimself, of his inferior clergy, of the poor, and of the public worship;and the abuse of this sacred trust was strictly and repeatedly checked. [107] The patrimony of the church was still subject to all the publiccompositions of the state. [108] The clergy of Rome, Alexandria, Chessaionica, &c. , might solicit and obtain some partial exemptions; butthe premature attempt of the great council of Rimini, which aspired touniversal freedom, was successfully resisted by the son of Constantine. [109]

[Footnote 101: The edict of Milan (de M. P. C. 48) acknowledges, byreciting, that there existed a species of landed property, ad juscorporis eorum, id est, ecclesiarum non hominum singulorum pertinentia. Such a solemn declaration of the supreme magistrate must have beenreceived in all the tribunals as a maxim of civil law. ]

[Footnote 102: Habeat unusquisque licentiam sanctissimo Catholicae(ecclesioe) venerabilique concilio, decedens bonorum quod optavitrelinquere. Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 4. This law waspublished at Rome, A. D. 321, at a time when Constantine might foreseethe probability of a rupture with the emperor of the East. ]

[Footnote 103: Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. L. X. 6; in Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 28. He repeatedly expatiates on the liberality of the Christianhero, which the bishop himself had an opportunity of knowing, and evenof lasting. ]

[Footnote 104: Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. L. X. C. 2, 3, 4. The bishop ofCaesarea who studied and gratified the taste of his master, pronouncedin public an elaborate description of the church of Jerusalem, (in VitCons. L. Vi. C. 46. ) It no longer exists, but he has inserted in thelife of Constantine (l. Iii. C. 36) a short account of the architectureand ornaments. He likewise mentions the church of the Holy Apostles atConstantinople, (l. Iv. C. 59. )]

[Footnote 105: See Justinian. Novell. Cxxiii. 3. The revenue of thepatriarchs, and the most wealthy bishops, is not expressed: the highestannual valuation of a bishopric is stated at thirty, and the lowest attwo, pounds of gold; the medium might be taken at sixteen, but thesevaluations are much below the real value. ]

[Footnote 106: See Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 324, No. 58, 65, 70, 71. ) Every record which comes from the Vatican is justly suspected; yetthese rent-rolls have an ancient and authentic color; and it is at leastevident, that, if forged, they were forged in a period when farms notkingdoms, were the objects of papal avarice. ]

[Footnote 107: See Thomassin, Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. Iii. L. Ii. C. 13, 14, 15, p. 689-706. The legal division of the ecclesiasticalrevenue does not appear to have been established in the time of Ambroseand Chrysostom. Simplicius and Gelasius, who were bishops of Rome in thelatter part of the fifth century, mention it in their pastoral lettersas a general law, which was already confirmed by the custom of Italy. ]

[Footnote 108: Ambrose, the most strenuous assertor of ecclesiasticalprivileges, submits without a murmur to the payment of the land tax. "Sitri butum petit Imperator, non negamus; agri ecclesiae solvunt tributumsolvimus quae sunt Caesaris Caesari, et quae sunt Dei Deo; tributumCaesaris est; non negatur. " Baronius labors to interpret this tribute asan act of charity rather than of duty, (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 387;) butthe words, if not the intentions of Ambrose are more candidly explainedby Thomassin, Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. Iii. L. I. C. 34. P. 668. ]

[Footnote 109: In Ariminense synodo super ecclesiarum et clericorumprivilegiis tractatu habito, usque eo dispositio progressa est, ut juqaquae viderentur ad ecclesiam pertinere, a publica functione cessarentinquietudine desistente; quod nostra videtur dudum sanctio repulsisse. Cod. Theod. L. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 15. Had the synod of Rimini carriedthis point, such practical merit might have atoned for some speculativeheresies. ]

IV. The Latin clergy, who erected their tribunal on the ruins ofthe civil and common law, have modestly accepted, as the gift ofConstantine, [110] the independent jurisdiction, which was the fruit oftime, of accident, and of their own industry. But the liberality ofthe Christian emperors had actually endowed them with some legalprerogatives, which secured and dignified the sacerdotal character. [111] 1. Under a despotic government, the bishops alone enjoyed andasserted the inestimable privilege of being tried only by their peers;and even in a capital accusation, a synod of their brethren were thesole judges of their guilt or innocence. Such a tribunal, unless itwas inflamed by personal resentment or religious discord, might befavorable, or even partial, to the sacerdotal order: but Constantinewas satisfied, [112] that secret impunity would be less perniciousthan public scandal: and the Nicene council was edited by his publicdeclaration, that if he surprised a bishop in the act of adultery, he should cast his Imperial mantle over the episcopal sinner. 2. Thedomestic jurisdiction of the bishops was at once a privilege and arestraint of the ecclesiastical order, whose civil causes were decentlywithdrawn from the cognizance of a secular judge. Their venial offenceswere not exposed to the shame of a public trial or punishment; and thegentle correction which the tenderness of youth may endure from itsparents or instructors, was inflicted by the temperate severity of thebishops. But if the clergy were guilty of any crime which could notbe sufficiently expiated by their degradation from an honorable andbeneficial profession, the Roman magistrate drew the sword of justice, without any regard to ecclesiastical immunities. 3. The arbitrationof the bishops was ratified by a positive law; and the judges wereinstructed to execute, without appeal or delay, the episcopal decrees, whose validity had hitherto depended on the consent of the parties. Theconversion of the magistrates themselves, and of the whole empire, mightgradually remove the fears and scruples of the Christians. But theystill resorted to the tribunal of the bishops, whose abilitiesand integrity they esteemed; and the venerable Austin enjoyedthe satisfaction of complaining that his spiritual functions wereperpetually interrupted by the invidious labor of deciding the claim orthe possession of silver and gold, of lands and cattle. 4. The ancientprivilege of sanctuary was transferred to the Christian temples, and extended, by the liberal piety of the younger Theodosius, to theprecincts of consecrated ground. [113] The fugitive, and even guiltysuppliants, were permitted to implore either the justice, or the mercy, of the Deity and his ministers. The rash violence of despotism wassuspended by the mild interposition of the church; and the livesor fortunes of the most eminent subjects might be protected by themediation of the bishop. 

[Footnote 110: From Eusebius (in Vit. Constant. L. Iv. C. 27) andSozomen (l. I. C. 9) we are assured that the episcopal jurisdictionwas extended and confirmed by Constantine; but the forgery of a famousedict, which was never fairly inserted in the Theodosian Code (seeat the end, tom. Vi. P. 303, ) is demonstrated by Godefroy in the mostsatisfactory manner. It is strange that M. De Montesquieu, who was alawyer as well as a philosopher, should allege this edict of Constantine(Esprit des Loix, l. Xxix. C. 16) without intimating any suspicion. ]

[Footnote 111: The subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction has beeninvolved in a mist of passion, of prejudice, and of interest. Two ofthe fairest books which have fallen into my hands, are the Institutesof Canon Law, by the Abbe de Fleury, and the Civil History of Naples, by Giannone. Their moderation was the effect of situation as well as oftemper. Fleury was a French ecclesiastic, who respected the authority ofthe parliaments; Giannone was an Italian lawyer, who dreaded the powerof the church. And here let me observe, that as the general propositionswhich I advance are the result of many particular and imperfect facts, Imust either refer the reader to those modern authors who have expresslytreated the subject, or swell these notes disproportioned size. ]

[Footnote 112: Tillemont has collected from Rufinus, Theodoret, &c. , the sentiments and language of Constantine. Mem Eccles tom. Iii p. 749, 759. ]

[Footnote 113: See Cod. Theod. L. Ix. Tit. Xlv. Leg. 4. In the works ofFra Paolo. (tom. Iv. P. 192, &c. , ) there is an excellent discourseon the origin, claims, abuses, and limits of sanctuaries. He justlyobserves, that ancient Greece might perhaps contain fifteen or twentyaxyla or sanctuaries; a number which at present may be found in Italywithin the walls of a single city. ]

V. The bishop was the perpetual censor of the morals of his peopleThe discipline of penance was digested into a system of canonicaljurisprudence, [114] which accurately defined the duty of private orpublic confession, the rules of evidence, the degrees of guilt, andthe measure of punishment. It was impossible to execute this spiritualcensure, if the Christian pontiff, who punished the obscure sins of themultitude, respected the conspicuous vices and destructive crimes ofthe magistrate: but it was impossible to arraign the conduct of themagistrate, without, controlling the administration of civil government. Some considerations of religion, or loyalty, or fear, protected thesacred persons of the emperors from the zeal or resentment of thebishops; but they boldly censured and excommunicated the subordinatetyrants, who were not invested with the majesty of the purple. St. Athanasius excommunicated one of the ministers of Egypt; and theinterdict which he pronounced, of fire and water, was solemnlytransmitted to the churches of Cappadocia. [115] Under the reign ofthe younger Theodosius, the polite and eloquent Synesius, one of thedescendants of Hercules, [116] filled the episcopal seat of Ptolemais, near the ruins of ancient Cyrene, [117] and the philosophic bishopsupported with dignity the character which he had assumed withreluctance. [118] He vanquished the monster of Libya, the presidentAndronicus, who abused the authority of a venal office, invented newmodes of rapine and torture, and aggravated the guilt of oppressionby that of sacrilege. [119] After a fruitless attempt to reclaim thehaughty magistrate by mild and religious admonition, Synesius proceedsto inflict the last sentence of ecclesiastical justice, [120] whichdevotes Andronicus, with his associates and their families, to theabhorrence of earth and heaven. The impenitent sinners, more cruel thanPhalaris or Sennacherib, more destructive than war, pestilence, or acloud of locusts, are deprived of the name and privileges of Christians, of the participation of the sacraments, and of the hope of Paradise. Thebishop exhorts the clergy, the magistrates, and the people, to renounceall society with the enemies of Christ; to exclude them from theirhouses and tables; and to refuse them the common offices of life, and the decent rites of burial. The church of Ptolemais, obscure andcontemptible as she may appear, addresses this declaration to all hersister churches of the world; and the profane who reject her decrees, will be involved in the guilt and punishment of Andronicus and hisimpious followers. These spiritual terrors were enforced by a dexterousapplication to the Byzantine court; the trembling president imploredthe mercy of the church; and the descendants of Hercules enjoyed thesatisfaction of raising a prostrate tyrant from the ground. [121] Suchprinciples and such examples insensibly prepared the triumph of theRoman pontiffs, who have trampled on the necks of kings. 

[Footnote 114: The penitential jurisprudence was continually improvedby the canons of the councils. But as many cases were still left tothe discretion of the bishops, they occasionally published, afterthe example of the Roman Praetor, the rules of discipline which theyproposed to observe. Among the canonical epistles of the fourth century, those of Basil the Great were the most celebrated. They are inserted inthe Pandects of Beveridge, (tom. Ii. P. 47-151, ) and are translated byChardon, Hist. Des Sacremens, tom. Iv. P. 219-277. ]

[Footnote 115: Basil, Epistol. Xlvii. In Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 370. N. 91, ) who declares that he purposely relates it, to convincegovern that they were not exempt from a sentence of excommunication hisopinion, even a royal head is not safe from the thunders of the Vatican;and the cardinal shows himself much more consistent than the lawyers andtheologians of the Gallican church. ]

[Footnote 116: The long series of his ancestors, as high as Eurysthenes, the first Doric king of Sparta, and the fifth in lineal descentfrom Hercules, was inscribed in the public registers of Cyrene, aLacedaemonian colony. (Synes. Epist. Lvii. P. 197, edit. Petav. ) Such apure and illustrious pedigree of seventeen hundred years, without addingthe royal ancestors of Hercules, cannot be equalled in the history ofmankind. ]

[Footnote 117: Synesius (de Regno, p. 2) pathetically deplores thefallen and ruined state of Cyrene. Ptolemais, a new city, 82 milesto the westward of Cyrene, assumed the metropolitan honors of thePentapolis, or Upper Libya, which were afterwards transferred toSozusa. ]

[Footnote 118: Synesius had previously represented his owndisqualifications. He loved profane studies and profane sports; hewas incapable of supporting a life of celibacy; he disbelieved theresurrection; and he refused to preach fables to the people unless hemight be permitted to philosophize at home. Theophilus primate of Egypt, who knew his merit, accepted this extraordinary compromise. ]

[Footnote 119: The promotion of Andronicus was illegal; since he was anative of Berenice, in the same province. The instruments of torture arecuriously specified; the press that variously pressed on distended thefingers, the feet, the nose, the ears, and the lips of the victims. ]

[Footnote 120: The sentence of excommunication is expressed in arhetorical style. (Synesius, Epist. Lviii. P. 201-203. ) The method ofinvolving whole families, though somewhat unjust, was improved intonational interdicts. ]

[Footnote 121: See Synesius, Epist. Xlvii. P. 186, 187. Epist. Lxxii. P. 218, 219 Epist. Lxxxix. P. 230, 231. ]

VI. Every popular government has experienced the effects of rude orartificial eloquence. The coldest nature is animated, the firmest reasonis moved, by the rapid communication of the prevailing impulse; and eachhearer is affected by his own passions, and by those of the surroundingmultitude. The ruin of civil liberty had silenced the demagogues ofAthens, and the tribunes of Rome; the custom of preaching which seemsto constitute a considerable part of Christian devotion, had not beenintroduced into the temples of antiquity; and the ears of monarchs werenever invaded by the harsh sound of popular eloquence, till the pulpitsof the empire were filled with sacred orators, who possessed someadvantages unknown to their profane predecessors. [122] The argumentsand rhetoric of the tribune were instantly opposed with equal arms, by skilful and resolute antagonists; and the cause of truth andreason might derive an accidental support from the conflict of hostilepassions. The bishop, or some distinguished presbyter, to whom hecautiously delegated the powers of preaching, harangued, without thedanger of interruption or reply, a submissive multitude, whose minds hadbeen prepared and subdued by the awful ceremonies of religion. Such wasthe strict subordination of the Catholic church, that the same concertedsounds might issue at once from a hundred pulpits of Italy or Egypt, if they were tuned [123] by the master hand of the Roman or Alexandrianprimate. The design of this institution was laudable, but the fruitswere not always salutary. The preachers recommended the practice of thesocial duties; but they exalted the perfection of monastic virtue, whichis painful to the individual, and useless to mankind. Their charitableexhortations betrayed a secret wish that the clergy might be permittedto manage the wealth of the faithful, for the benefit of the poor. Themost sublime representations of the attributes and laws of the Deitywere sullied by an idle mixture of metaphysical subleties, puerilerites, and fictitious miracles: and they expatiated, with the mostfervent zeal, on the religious merit of hating the adversaries, and obeying the ministers of the church. When the public peace wasdistracted by heresy and schism, the sacred orators sounded the trumpetof discord, and, perhaps, of sedition. The understandings of theircongregations were perplexed by mystery, their passions were inflamedby invectives; and they rushed from the Christian temples of Antiochor Alexandria, prepared either to suffer or to inflict martyrdom. Thecorruption of taste and language is strongly marked in the vehementdeclamations of the Latin bishops; but the compositions of Gregory andChrysostom have been compared with the most splendid models of Attic, orat least of Asiatic, eloquence. [124]

[Footnote 122: See Thomassin (Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. Ii. L. Iii. C. 83, p. 1761-1770, ) and Bingham, (Antiquities, vol. I. L. Xiv. C. 4, p. 688- 717. ) Preaching was considered as the most important office ofthe bishop but this function was sometimes intrusted to such presbytersas Chrysoetom and Augustin. ]

[Footnote 123: Queen Elizabeth used this expression, and practised thisart whenever she wished to prepossess the minds of her people in favorof any extraordinary measure of government. The hostile effects of thismusic were apprehended by her successor, and severely felt by his son. "When pulpit, drum ecclesiastic, " &c. See Heylin's Life of ArchbishopLaud, p. 153. ]

[Footnote 124: Those modest orators acknowledged, that, as they weredestitute of the gift of miracles, they endeavored to acquire the artsof eloquence. ]

VII. The representatives of the Christian republic were regularlyassembled in the spring and autumn of each year; and these synodsdiffused the spirit of ecclesiastical discipline and legislationthrough the hundred and twenty provinces of the Roman world. [125] Thearchbishop or metropolitan was empowered, by the laws, to summon thesuffragan bishops of his province; to revise their conduct, to vindicatetheir rights, to declare their faith, and to examine the merits ofthe candidates who were elected by the clergy and people to supply thevacancies of the episcopal college. The primates of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Carthage, and afterwards Constantinople, who exercised a moreample jurisdiction, convened the numerous assembly of their dependentbishops. But the convocation of great and extraordinary synods was theprerogative of the emperor alone. Whenever the emergencies of the churchrequired this decisive measure, he despatched a peremptory summons tothe bishops, or the deputies of each province, with an order for theuse of post-horses, and a competent allowance for the expenses of theirjourney. At an early period, when Constantine was the protector, ratherthan the proselyte, of Christianity, he referred the African controversyto the council of Arles; in which the bishops of York of Treves, ofMilan, and of Carthage, met as friends and brethren, to debate in theirnative tongue on the common interest of the Latin or Western church. [126] Eleven years afterwards, a more numerous and celebrated assemblywas convened at Nice in Bithynia, to extinguish, by their finalsentence, the subtle disputes which had arisen in Egypt on the subjectof the Trinity. Three hundred and eighteen bishops obeyed the summons oftheir indulgent master; the ecclesiastics of every rank, and sect, and denomination, have been computed at two thousand and forty-eightpersons; [127] the Greeks appeared in person; and the consent of theLatins was expressed by the legates of the Roman pontiff. The session, which lasted about two months, was frequently honored by the presence ofthe emperor. Leaving his guards at the door, he seated himself (withthe permission of the council) on a low stool in the midst of the hall. Constantine listened with patience, and spoke with modesty: and whilehe influenced the debates, he humbly professed that he was theminister, not the judge, of the successors of the apostles, who hadbeen established as priests and as gods upon earth. [128] Such profoundreverence of an absolute monarch towards a feeble and unarmed assemblyof his own subjects, can only be compared to the respect with which thesenate had been treated by the Roman princes who adopted the policy ofAugustus. Within the space of fifty years, a philosophic spectator ofthe vicissitudes of human affairs might have contemplated Tacitus in thesenate of Rome, and Constantine in the council of Nice. The fathersof the Capitol and those of the church had alike degenerated from thevirtues of their founders; but as the bishops were more deeply rooted inthe public opinion, they sustained their dignity with more decent pride, and sometimes opposed with a manly spirit the wishes of their sovereign. The progress of time and superstition erased the memory of the weakness, the passion, the ignorance, which disgraced these ecclesiastical synods;and the Catholic world has unanimously submitted [129] to the infallibledecrees of the general councils. [130]

[Footnote 125: The council of Nice, in the fourth, fifth, sixth, andseventh canons, has made some fundamental regulations concerning synods, metropolitan, and primates. The Nicene canons have been variouslytortured, abused, interpolated, or forged, according to the interestof the clergy. The Suburbicarian churches, assigned (by Rufinus) to thebishop of Rome, have been made the subject of vehement controversy (SeeSirmond, Opera, tom. Iv. P. 1-238. )]

[Footnote 126: We have only thirty-three or forty-seven episcopalsubscriptions: but Addo, a writer indeed of small account, reckons sixhundred bishops in the council of Arles. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 422. ]

[Footnote 127: See Tillemont, tom. Vi. P. 915, and Beausobre, Hist. Du Mani cheisme, tom i p. 529. The name of bishop, which is given byEusychius to the 2048 ecclesiastics, (Annal. Tom. I. P. 440, vers. Pocock, ) must be extended far beyond the limits of an orthodox or evenepiscopal ordination. ]

[Footnote 128: See Euseb. In Vit. Constantin. L. Iii. C. 6-21. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiastiques, tom. Vi. P. 669-759. ]

[Footnote 129: Sancimus igitur vicem legum obtinere, quae a quatuorSanctis Coueiliis. .. . Expositae sunt act firmatae. Praedictarum enimquat uor synodorum dogmata sicut sanctas Scripturas et regulas sicutleges observamus. Justinian. Novell. Cxxxi. Beveridge (ad Pandect. Proleg. P. 2) remarks, that the emperors never made new laws inecclesiastical matters; and Giannone observes, in a very differentspirit, that they gave a legal sanction to the canons of councils. Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. I. P. 136. ]

[Footnote 130: See the article Concile in the Eucyclopedie, tom. Iii. P. 668-879, edition de Lucques. The author, M. De docteur Bouchaud, has discussed, according to the principles of the Gallican church, the principal questions which relate to the form and constitution ofgeneral, national, and provincial councils. The editors (see Preface, p. Xvi. ) have reason to be proud of this article. Those who consult theirimmense compilation, seldom depart so well satisfied. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part I. 

Persecution Of Heresy. --The Schism Of The Donatists. --The ArianControversy. --Athanasius. --Distracted State Of The Church And EmpireUnder Constantine And His Sons. --Toleration Of Paganism. 

The grateful applause of the clergy has consecrated the memory ofa prince who indulged their passions and promoted their interest. Constantine gave them security, wealth, honors, and revenge; and thesupport of the orthodox faith was considered as the most sacred andimportant duty of the civil magistrate. The edict of Milan, the greatcharter of toleration, had confirmed to each individual of the Romanworld the privilege of choosing and professing his own religion. Butthis inestimable privilege was soon violated; with the knowledge oftruth, the emperor imbibed the maxims of persecution; and the sectswhich dissented from the Catholic church were afflicted and oppressedby the triumph of Christianity. Constantine easily believed thatthe Heretics, who presumed to dispute his opinions, or to oppose hiscommands, were guilty of the most absurd and criminal obstinacy; andthat a seasonable application of moderate severities might save thoseunhappy men from the danger of an everlasting condemnation. Not amoment was lost in excluding the ministers and teachers of the separatedcongregations from any share of the rewards and immunities which theemperor had so liberally bestowed on the orthodox clergy. But as thesectaries might still exist under the cloud of royal disgrace, theconquest of the East was immediately followed by an edict whichannounced their total destruction. [1] After a preamble filled withpassion and reproach, Constantine absolutely prohibits the assemblies ofthe Heretics, and confiscates their public property to the use eitherof the revenue or of the Catholic church. The sects against whom theImperial severity was directed, appear to have been the adherentsof Paul of Samosata; the Montanists of Phrygia, who maintained anenthusiastic succession of prophecy; the Novatians, who sternly rejectedthe temporal efficacy of repentance; the Marcionites and Valentinians, under whose leading banners the various Gnostics of Asia and Egypthad insensibly rallied; and perhaps the Manichaeans, who had recentlyimported from Persia a more artful composition of Oriental and Christiantheology. [2] The design of extirpating the name, or at least ofrestraining the progress, of these odious Heretics, was prosecuted withvigor and effect. Some of the penal regulations were copied from theedicts of Diocletian; and this method of conversion was applauded by thesame bishops who had felt the hand of oppression, and pleaded for therights of humanity. Two immaterial circumstances may serve, however, to prove that the mind of Constantine was not entirely corrupted bythe spirit of zeal and bigotry. Before he condemned the Manichaeans andtheir kindred sects, he resolved to make an accurate inquiry intothe nature of their religious principles. As if he distrusted theimpartiality of his ecclesiastical counsellors, this delicate commissionwas intrusted to a civil magistrate, whose learning and moderation hejustly esteemed, and of whose venal character he was probably ignorant. [3] The emperor was soon convinced, that he had too hastily proscribedthe orthodox faith and the exemplary morals of the Novatians, who haddissented from the church in some articles of discipline which were notperhaps essential to salvation. By a particular edict, he exemptedthem from the general penalties of the law; [4] allowed them to builda church at Constantinople, respected the miracles of their saints, invited their bishop Acesius to the council of Nice; and gentlyridiculed the narrow tenets of his sect by a familiar jest; which, fromthe mouth of a sovereign, must have been received with applause andgratitude. [5]

[Footnote 1: Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. L. Iii. C. 63, 64, 65, 66. ]

[Footnote 2: After some examination of the various opinions ofTillemont, Beausobre, Lardner, &c. , I am convinced that Manes did notpropagate his sect, even in Persia, before the year 270. It is strange, that a philosophic and foreign heresy should have penetrated so rapidlyinto the African provinces; yet I cannot easily reject the edict ofDiocletian against the Manichaeans, which may be found in Baronius. (Annal Eccl. A. D. 287. )]

[Footnote 3: Constantinus enim, cum limatius superstitionum quaeroretsectas, Manichaeorum et similium, &c. Ammian. Xv. 15. Strategius, whofrom this commission obtained the surname of Musonianus, was a Christianof the Arian sect. He acted as one of the counts at the council ofSardica. Libanius praises his mildness and prudence. Vales. Ad locumAmmian. ]

[Footnote 4: Cod. Theod. L. Xvi. Tit. 5, leg. 2. As the general law isnot inserted in the Theodosian Code, it probable that, in the year 438, the sects which it had condemned were already extinct. ]

[Footnote 5: Sozomen, l. I. C. 22. Socrates, l. I. C. 10. Thesehistorians have been suspected, but I think without reason, of anattachment to the Novatian doctrine. The emperor said to the bishop, "Acesius, take a ladder, and get up to heaven by yourself. " Most of theChristian sects have, by turns, borrowed the ladder of Acesius. ]

The complaints and mutual accusations which assailed the throne ofConstantine, as soon as the death of Maxentius had submitted Africa tohis victorious arms, were ill adapted to edify an imperfect proselyte. He learned, with surprise, that the provinces of that great country, from the confines of Cyrene to the columns of Hercules, were distractedwith religious discord. [6] The source of the division was derived froma double election in the church of Carthage; the second, in rank andopulence, of the ecclesiastical thrones of the West. Caecilian andMajorinus were the two rival prelates of Africa; and the death of thelatter soon made room for Donatus, who, by his superior abilities andapparent virtues, was the firmest support of his party. The advantagewhich Caecilian might claim from the priority of his ordination, wasdestroyed by the illegal, or at least indecent, haste, with which it hadbeen performed, without expecting the arrival of the bishops of Numidia. The authority of these bishops, who, to the number of seventy, condemnedCaecilian, and consecrated Majorinus, is again weakened by the infamyof some of their personal characters; and by the female intrigues, sacrilegious bargains, and tumultuous proceedings, which are imputedto this Numidian council. [7] The bishops of the contending factionsmaintained, with equal ardor and obstinacy, that their adversaries weredegraded, or at least dishonored, by the odious crime of deliveringthe Holy Scriptures to the officers of Diocletian. From their mutualreproaches, as well as from the story of this dark transaction, it mayjustly be inferred, that the late persecution had imbittered the zeal, without reforming the manners, of the African Christians. Thatdivided church was incapable of affording an impartial judicature; thecontroversy was solemnly tried in five successive tribunals, whichwere appointed by the emperor; and the whole proceeding, from thefirst appeal to the final sentence, lasted above three years. A severeinquisition, which was taken by the Praetorian vicar, and the proconsulof Africa, the report of two episcopal visitors who had been sent toCarthage, the decrees of the councils of Rome and of Arles, and thesupreme judgment of Constantine himself in his sacred consistory, were all favorable to the cause of Caecilian; and he was unanimouslyacknowledged by the civil and ecclesiastical powers, as the true andlawful primate of Africa. The honors and estates of the church wereattributed to his suffragan bishops, and it was not without difficulty, that Constantine was satisfied with inflicting the punishment of exileon the principal leaders of the Donatist faction. As their cause wasexamined with attention, perhaps it was determined with justice. Perhapstheir complaint was not without foundation, that the credulity of theemperor had been abused by the insidious arts of his favorite Osius. Theinfluence of falsehood and corruption might procure the condemnationof the innocent, or aggravate the sentence of the guilty. Such an act, however, of injustice, if it concluded an importunate dispute, might benumbered among the transient evils of a despotic administration, whichare neither felt nor remembered by posterity. 

[Footnote 6: The best materials for this part of ecclesiastical historymay be found in the edition of Optatus Milevitanus, published (Paris, 1700) by M. Dupin, who has enriched it with critical notes, geographicaldiscussions, original records, and an accurate abridgment of the wholecontroversy. M. De Tillemont has bestowed on the Donatists the greatestpart of a volume, (tom. Vi. Part i. ;) and I am indebted to him for anample collection of all the passages of his favorite St. Augustin, whichrelate to those heretics. ]

[Footnote 7: Schisma igitur illo tempore confusae mulieris iracundiapeperit; ambitus nutrivit; avaritia roboravit. Optatus, l. I. C. 19. Thelanguage of Purpurius is that of a furious madman. Dicitur te necasselilios sororis tuae duos. Purpurius respondit: Putas me terreri a te. . Occidi; et occido eos qui contra me faciunt. Acta Concil. Cirtenais, ad calc. Optat. P. 274. When Caecilian was invited to an assembly ofbishops, Purpurius said to his brethren, or rather to his accomplices, "Let him come hither to receive our imposition of hands, and we willbreak his head by way of penance. " Optat. L. I. C. 19. ]

But this incident, so inconsiderable that it scarcely deserves a placein history, was productive of a memorable schism which afflicted theprovinces of Africa above three hundred years, and was extinguished onlywith Christianity itself. The inflexible zeal of freedom and fanaticismanimated the Donatists to refuse obedience to the usurpers, whoseelection they disputed, and whose spiritual powers they denied. Excluded from the civil and religious communion of mankind, they boldlyexcommunicated the rest of mankind, who had embraced the impious partyof Caecilian, and of the Traditors, from which he derived his pretendedordination. They asserted with confidence, and almost with exultation, that the Apostolical succession was interrupted; that all the bishops ofEurope and Asia were infected by the contagion of guilt and schism; andthat the prerogatives of the Catholic church were confined to the chosenportion of the African believers, who alone had preserved inviolate theintegrity of their faith and discipline. This rigid theory was supportedby the most uncharitable conduct. Whenever they acquired a proselyte, even from the distant provinces of the East, they carefully repeatedthe sacred rites of baptism [8] and ordination; as they rejected thevalidity of those which he had already received from the hands ofheretics or schismatics. Bishops, virgins, and even spotless infants, were subjected to the disgrace of a public penance, before they could beadmitted to the communion of the Donatists. If they obtained possessionof a church which had been used by their Catholic adversaries, theypurified the unhallowed building with the same zealous care which atemple of idols might have required. They washed the pavement, scrapedthe walls, burnt the altar, which was commonly of wood, melted theconsecrated plate, and cast the Holy Eucharist to the dogs, withevery circumstance of ignominy which could provoke and perpetuate theanimosity of religious factions. [9] Notwithstanding this irreconcilableaversion, the two parties, who were mixed and separated in all thecities of Africa, had the same language and manners, the same zealand learning, the same faith and worship. Proscribed by the civil andecclesiastical powers of the empire, the Donatists still maintained insome provinces, particularly in Numidia, their superior numbers; andfour hundred bishops acknowledged the jurisdiction of their primate. Butthe invincible spirit of the sect sometimes preyed on its own vitals:and the bosom of their schismatical church was torn by intestinedivisions. A fourth part of the Donatist bishops followed theindependent standard of the Maximianists. The narrow and solitary pathwhich their first leaders had marked out, continued to deviate from thegreat society of mankind. Even the imperceptible sect of the Rogatianscould affirm, without a blush, that when Christ should descend to judgethe earth, he would find his true religion preserved only in a fewnameless villages of the Caesarean Mauritania. [10]

[Footnote 8: The councils of Arles, of Nice, and of Trent, confirmedthe wise and moderate practice of the church of Rome. The Donatists, however, had the advantage of maintaining the sentiment of Cyprian, andof a considerable part of the primitive church. Vincentius Lirinesis (p. 532, ap. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 138) has explained why theDonatists are eternally burning with the Devil, while St. Cyprian reignsin heaven with Jesus Christ. ]

[Footnote 9: See the sixth book of Optatus Milevitanus, p. 91-100. ]

[Footnote 10: Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiastiques, tom. Vi. Part i. P. 253. He laughs at their partial credulity. He revered Augustin, the greatdoctor of the system of predestination. ]

The schism of the Donatists was confined to Africa: the more diffusivemischief of the Trinitarian controversy successively penetrated intoevery part of the Christian world. The former was an accidental quarrel, occasioned by the abuse of freedom; the latter was a high and mysteriousargument, derived from the abuse of philosophy. From the age ofConstantine to that of Clovis and Theodoric, the temporal interests bothof the Romans and Barbarians were deeply involved in the theologicaldisputes of Arianism. The historian may therefore be permittedrespectfully to withdraw the veil of the sanctuary; and to deduce theprogress of reason and faith, of error and passion from the school ofPlato, to the decline and fall of the empire. 

The genius of Plato, informed by his own meditation, or by thetraditional knowledge of the priests of Egypt, [11] had ventured toexplore the mysterious nature of the Deity. When he had elevated hismind to the sublime contemplation of the first self-existent, necessarycause of the universe, the Athenian sage was incapable of conceivinghow the simple unity of his essence could admit the infinite varietyof distinct and successive ideas which compose the model of theintellectual world; how a Being purely incorporeal could execute thatperfect model, and mould with a plastic hand the rude and independentchaos. The vain hope of extricating himself from these difficulties, which must ever oppress the feeble powers of the human mind, mightinduce Plato to consider the divine nature under the threefoldmodification--of the first cause, the reason, or Logos, and the soulor spirit of the universe. His poetical imagination sometimes fixed andanimated these metaphysical abstractions; the three archical on originalprinciples were represented in the Platonic system as three Gods, unitedwith each other by a mysterious and ineffable generation; and the Logoswas particularly considered under the more accessible character of theSon of an Eternal Father, and the Creator and Governor of the world. Such appear to have been the secret doctrines which were cautiouslywhispered in the gardens of the academy; and which, according to themore recent disciples of Plato, [11a] could not be perfectly understood, till after an assiduous study of thirty years. [12]

[Footnote 11: Plato Aegyptum peragravit ut a sacerdotibus Barbarisnumeros et coelestia acciperet. Cicero de Finibus, v. 25. The Egyptiansmight still preserve the traditional creed of the Patriarchs. Josephushas persuaded many of the Christian fathers, that Plato derived apart of his knowledge from the Jews; but this vain opinion cannot bereconciled with the obscure state and unsocial manners of the Jewishpeople, whose scriptures were not accessible to Greek curiosity tillmore than one hundred years after the death of Plato. See Marsham Canon. Chron. P. 144 Le Clerc, Epistol. Critic. Vii. P. 177-194. ]

[Footnote 11a: This exposition of the doctrine of Plato appears to mecontrary to the true sense of that philosopher's writings. The brilliantimagination which he carried into metaphysical inquiries, his style, full of allegories and figures, have misled those interpreters who didnot seek, from the whole tenor of his works and beyond the images whichthe writer employs, the system of this philosopher. In my opinion, thereis no Trinity in Plato; he has established no mysterious generationbetween the three pretended principles which he is made to distinguish. Finally, he conceives only as attributes of the Deity, or of matter, those ideas, of which it is supposed that he made substances, realbeings. ----According to Plato, God and matter existed from all eternity. Before the creation of the world, matter had in itself a principle ofmotion, but without end or laws: it is this principle which Plato callsthe irrational soul of the world, because, according to his doctrine, every spontaneous and original principle of motion is called soul. Godwished to impress form upon matter, that is to say, 1. To mould matter, and make it into a body; 2. To regulate its motion, and subject it tosome end and to certain laws. The Deity, in this operation, could notact but according to the ideas existing in his intelligence: their unionfilled this, and formed the ideal type of the world. It is this idealworld, this divine intelligence, existing with God from all eternity, and called by Plato which he is supposed to personify, tosubstantialize; while an attentive examination is sufficient to convinceus that he has never assigned it an existence external to the Deity, (hors de la Divinite, ) and that he considered the as the aggregate ofthe ideas of God, the divine understanding in its relation to the world. The contrary opinion is irreconcilable with all his philosophy: thus hesays that to the idea of the Deity is essentially united that ofintelligence, of a logos. He would thus have admitted a double logos;one inherent in the Deity as an attribute, the other independentlyexisting as a substance. He affirms that the intelligence, the principleof order cannot exist but as an attribute of a soul, the principle ofmotion and of life, of which the nature is unknown to us. How, then, according to this, could he consider the logos as a substance endowedwith an independent existence? In other places, he explains it by thesetwo words, knowledge, science, which signify the attributes of theDeity. When Plato separates God, the ideal archetype of the world andmatter, it is to explain how, according to his system, God hasproceeded, at the creation, to unite the principle of order which he hadwithin himself, his proper intelligence, the principle of motion, to theprinciple of motion, the irrational soul which was in matter. When hespeaks of the place occupied by the ideal world, it is to designate thedivine intelligence, which is its cause. Finally, in no part of hiswritings do we find a true personification of the pretended beings ofwhich he is said to have formed a trinity: and if this personificationexisted, it would equally apply to many other notions, of which might beformed many different trinities. This error, into which many ancient aswell as modern interpreters of Plato have fallen, was very natural. Besides the snares which were concealed in his figurative style; besidesthe necessity of comprehending as a whole the system of his ideas, andnot to explain isolated passages, the nature of his doctrine itselfwould conduce to this error. When Plato appeared, the uncertainty ofhuman knowledge, and the continual illusions of the senses, wereacknowledged, and had given rise to a general scepticism. Socrates hadaimed at raising morality above the influence of this scepticism: Platoendeavored to save metaphysics, by seeking in the human intellect asource of certainty which the senses could not furnish. He invented thesystem of innate ideas, of which the aggregate formed, according to him, the ideal world, and affirmed that these ideas were real attributes, notonly attached to our conceptions of objects, but to the nature of theobjects themselves; a nature of which from them we might obtain aknowledge. He gave, then, to these ideas a positive existence asattributes; his commentators could easily give them a real existence assubstances; especially as the terms which he used to designate them, essential beauty, essential goodness, lent themselves to thissubstantialization, (hypostasis. )--G. ----We have retained this view ofthe original philosophy of Plato, in which there is probably much truth. The genius of Plato was rather metaphysical than impersonative: hispoetry was in his language, rather than, like that of the Orientals, inhis conceptions. --M. ]

[Footnote 12: The modern guides who lead me to the knowledge of thePlatonic system are Cudworth, Basnage, Le Clerc, and Brucker. As thelearning of these writers was equal, and their intention different, aninquisitive observer may derive instruction from their disputes, andcertainty from their agreement. ]

The arms of the Macedonians diffused over Asia and Egypt the languageand learning of Greece; and the theological system of Plato was taught, with less reserve, and perhaps with some improvements, in the celebratedschool of Alexandria. [13] A numerous colony of Jews had been invited, by the favor of the Ptolemies, to settle in their new capital. [14]While the bulk of the nation practised the legal ceremonies, and pursuedthe lucrative occupations of commerce, a few Hebrews, of a moreliberal spirit, devoted their lives to religious and philosophicalcontemplation. [15] They cultivated with diligence, and embraced withardor, the theological system of the Athenian sage. But their nationalpride would have been mortified by a fair confession of their formerpoverty: and they boldly marked, as the sacred inheritance of theirancestors, the gold and jewels which they had so lately stolen fromtheir Egyptian masters. One hundred years before the birth of Christ, a philosophical treatise, which manifestly betrays the style andsentiments of the school of Plato, was produced by the Alexandrian Jews, and unanimously received as a genuine and valuable relic of the inspiredWisdom of Solomon. [16] A similar union of the Mosaic faith and theGrecian philosophy, distinguishes the works of Philo, which werecomposed, for the most part, under the reign of Augustus. [17] Thematerial soul of the universe [18] might offend the piety of theHebrews: but they applied the character of the Logos to the Jehovah ofMoses and the patriarchs; and the Son of God was introduced upon earthunder a visible, and even human appearance, to perform those familiaroffices which seem incompatible with the nature and attributes of theUniversal Cause. [19]

[Footnote 13: Brucker, Hist. Philosoph. Tom. I. P. 1349-1357. TheAlexandrian school is celebrated by Strabo (l. Xvii. ) and Ammianus, (xxii. 6. ) Note: The philosophy of Plato was not the only source ofthat professed in the school of Alexandria. That city, in which Greek, Jewish, and Egyptian men of letters were assembled, was the scene of astrange fusion of the system of these three people. The Greeks brought aPlatonism, already much changed; the Jews, who had acquired at Babylona great number of Oriental notions, and whose theological opinions hadundergone great changes by this intercourse, endeavored to reconcilePlatonism with their new doctrine, and disfigured it entirely: lastly, the Egyptians, who were not willing to abandon notions for which theGreeks themselves entertained respect, endeavored on their sideto reconcile their own with those of their neighbors. It is inEcclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon that we trace the influenceof Oriental philosophy rather than that of Platonism. We find in thesebooks, and in those of the later prophets, as in Ezekiel, notionsunknown to the Jews before the Babylonian captivity, of which we do notdiscover the germ in Plato, but which are manifestly derived fromthe Orientals. Thus God represented under the image of light, and theprinciple of evil under that of darkness; the history of the good andbad angels; paradise and hell, &c. , are doctrines of which the origin, or at least the positive determination, can only be referred to theOriental philosophy. Plato supposed matter eternal; the Orientals andthe Jews considered it as a creation of God, who alone was eternal. Itis impossible to explain the philosophy of the Alexandrian school solelyby the blending of the Jewish theology with the Greek philosophy. TheOriental philosophy, however little it may be known, is recognized atevery instant. Thus, according to the Zend Avesta, it is by the Word(honover) more ancient than the world, that Ormuzd created the universe. This word is the logos of Philo, consequently very different from thatof Plato. I have shown that Plato never personified the logos as theideal archetype of the world: Philo ventured this personification. TheDeity, according to him, has a double logos; the first is the idealarchetype of the world, the ideal world, the first-born of the Deity;the second is the word itself of God, personified under the image of abeing acting to create the sensible world, and to make it like tothe ideal world: it is the second-born of God. Following out hisimaginations, Philo went so far as to personify anew the ideal world, under the image of a celestial man, the primitive type of man, and thesensible world under the image of another man less perfect than thecelestial man. Certain notions of the Oriental philosophy may havegiven rise to this strange abuse of allegory, which it is sufficient torelate, to show what alterations Platonism had already undergone, andwhat was their source. Philo, moreover, of all the Jews of Alexandria, is the one whose Platonism is the most pure. It is from this mixture ofOrientalism, Platonism, and Judaism, that Gnosticism arose, which hadproduced so many theological and philosophical extravagancies, and inwhich Oriental notions evidently predominate. --G. ]

[Footnote 14: Joseph. Antiquitat, l. Xii. C. 1, 3. Basnage, Hist. DesJuifs, l. Vii. C. 7. ]

[Footnote 15: For the origin of the Jewish philosophy, see Eusebius, Praeparat. Evangel. Viii. 9, 10. According to Philo, the Therapeutaestudied philosophy; and Brucker has proved (Hist. Philosoph. Tom. Ii. P. 787) that they gave the preference to that of Plato. ]

[Footnote 16: See Calmet, Dissertations sur la Bible, tom. Ii. P. 277. The book of the Wisdom of Solomon was received by many of the fathers asthe work of that monarch: and although rejected by the Protestantsfor want of a Hebrew original, it has obtained, with the rest of theVulgate, the sanction of the council of Trent. ]

[Footnote 17: The Platonism of Philo, which was famous to a proverb, is proved beyond a doubt by Le Clerc, (Epist. Crit. Viii. P. 211-228. )Basnage (Hist. Des Juifs, l. Iv. C. 5) has clearly ascertained, thatthe theological works of Philo were composed before the death, and mostprobably before the birth, of Christ. In such a time of darkness, theknowledge of Philo is more astonishing than his errors. Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. S. I. C. I. P. 12. ]

[Footnote 18: Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. Besidesthis material soul, Cudworth has discovered (p. 562) in Amelius, Porphyry, Plotinus, and, as he thinks, in Plato himself, a superior, spiritual upercosmian soul of the universe. But this double soul isexploded by Brucker, Basnage, and Le Clerc, as an idle fancy of thelatter Platonists. ]

[Footnote 19: Petav. Dogmata Theologica, tom. Ii. L. Viii. C. 2, p. 791. Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. S. I. C. L. P. 8, 13. This notion, till itwas abused by the Arians, was freely adopted in the Christian theology. Tertullian (adv. Praxeam, c. 16) has a remarkable and dangerous passage. After contrasting, with indiscreet wit, the nature of God, and theactions of Jehovah, he concludes: Scilicet ut haec de filio Dei noncredenda fuisse, si non scripta essent; fortasse non credenda del'atre licet scripta. * Note: Tertullian is here arguing against thePatripassians; those who asserted that the Father was born of theVirgin, died and was buried. --M. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part II. 

The eloquence of Plato, the name of Solomon, the authority of the schoolof Alexandria, and the consent of the Jews and Greeks, were insufficientto establish the truth of a mysterious doctrine, which might please, butcould not satisfy, a rational mind. A prophet, or apostle, inspiredby the Deity, can alone exercise a lawful dominion over the faith ofmankind: and the theology of Plato might have been forever confoundedwith the philosophical visions of the Academy, the Porch, and theLycaeum, if the name and divine attributes of the Logos had not beenconfirmed by the celestial pen of the last and most sublime of theEvangelists. [20] The Christian Revelation, which was consummated underthe reign of Nerva, disclosed to the world the amazing secret, that theLogos, who was with God from the beginning, and was God, who had madeall things, and for whom all things had been made, was incarnate in theperson of Jesus of Nazareth; who had been born of a virgin, and suffereddeath on the cross. Besides the genera design of fixing on a perpetualbasis the divine honors of Christ, the most ancient and respectable ofthe ecclesiastical writers have ascribed to the evangelic theologian aparticular intention to confute two opposite heresies, which disturbedthe peace of the primitive church. [21] I. The faith of the Ebionites, [22] perhaps of the Nazarenes, [23] was gross and imperfect. Theyrevered Jesus as the greatest of the prophets, endowed with supernaturalvirtue and power. They ascribed to his person and to his future reignall the predictions of the Hebrew oracles which relate to the spiritualand everlasting kingdom of the promised Messiah. [24] Some of them mightconfess that he was born of a virgin; but they obstinately rejected thepreceding existence and divine perfections of the Logos, or Son of God, which are so clearly defined in the Gospel of St. John. About fiftyyears afterwards, the Ebionites, whose errors are mentioned by JustinMartyr with less severity than they seem to deserve, [25] formed a veryinconsiderable portion of the Christian name. II. The Gnostics, whowere distinguished by the epithet of Docetes, deviated into the contraryextreme; and betrayed the human, while they asserted the divine, natureof Christ. Educated in the school of Plato, accustomed to the sublimeidea of the Logos, they readily conceived that the brightest Aeon, or Emanation of the Deity, might assume the outward shape and visibleappearances of a mortal; [26] but they vainly pretended, that theimperfections of matter are incompatible with the purity of a celestialsubstance. 

While the blood of Christ yet smoked on Mount Calvary, the Docetesinvented the impious and extravagant hypothesis, that, instead ofissuing from the womb of the Virgin, [27] he had descended on the banksof the Jordan in the form of perfect manhood; that he had imposed on thesenses of his enemies, and of his disciples; and that the ministers ofPilate had wasted their impotent rage on an ury phantom, who seemed toexpire on the cross, and, after three days, to rise from the dead. [28]

[Footnote 20: The Platonists admired the beginning of the Gospel of St. John as containing an exact transcript of their own principles. Augustinde Civitat. Dei, x. 29. Amelius apud Cyril. Advers. Julian. L. Viii. P. 283. But in the third and fourth centuries, the Platonists of Alexandriamight improve their Trinity by the secret study of the Christiantheology. Note: A short discussion on the sense in which St. John hasused the word Logos, will prove that he has not borrowed it from thephilosophy of Plato. The evangelist adopts this word without previousexplanation, as a term with which his contemporaries were alreadyfamiliar, and which they could at once comprehend. To know the sensewhich he gave to it, we must inquire that which it generally bore in histime. We find two: the one attached to the word logos by the Jews ofPalestine, the other by the school of Alexandria, particularly by Philo. The Jews had feared at all times to pronounce the name of Jehovah; theyhad formed a habit of designating God by one of his attributes; theycalled him sometimes Wisdom, sometimes the Word. By the word of the Lordwere the heavens made. (Psalm xxxiii. 6. ) Accustomed to allegories, theyoften addressed themselves to this attribute of the Deity as a realbeing. Solomon makes Wisdom say "The Lord possessed me in the beginningof his way, before his works of old. I was set up from everlasting, fromthe beginning, or ever the earth was. " (Prov. Viii. 22, 23. ) Theirresidence in Persia only increased this inclination to sustainedallegories. In the Ecclesiasticus of the son of Sirach, and the Book ofWisdom, we find allegorical descriptions of Wisdom like the following:"I came out of the mouth of the Most High; I covered the earth as acloud;. .. I alone compassed the circuit of heaven, and walked in thebottom of the deep. .. The Creator created me from the beginning, beforethe world, and I shall never fail. " (Eccles. Xxiv. 35- 39. ) See also theWisdom of Solomon, c. Vii. V. 9. [The latter book is clearlyAlexandrian. --M. ] We see from this that the Jews understood from theHebrew and Chaldaic words which signify Wisdom, the Word, and which weretranslated into Greek, a simple attribute of the Deity, allegoricallypersonified, but of which they did not make a real particular beingseparate from the Deity. The school of Alexandria, on the contrary, andPhilo among the rest, mingling Greek with Jewish and Oriental notions, and abandoning himself to his inclination to mysticism, personified thelogos, and represented it a distinct being, created by God, andintermediate between God and man. This is the second logos of Philo, that which acts from the beginning of the world, alone in its kind, creator of the sensible world, formed by God according to the idealworld which he had in himself, and which was the first logos, the first-born of the Deity. The logos taken in this sense, then, was a createdbeing, but, anterior to the creation of the world, near to God, andcharged with his revelations to mankind. ----Which of these two senses isthat which St. John intended to assign to the word logos in the firstchapter of his Gospel, and in all his writings? St. John was a Jew, bornand educated in Palestine; he had no knowledge, at least very little, ofthe philosophy of the Greeks, and that of the Grecizing Jews: he wouldnaturally, then, attach to the word logos the sense attached to it bythe Jews of Palestine. If, in fact, we compare the attributes which heassigns to the logos with those which are assigned to it in Proverbs, inthe Wisdom of Solomon, in Ecclesiasticus, we shall see that they are thesame. The Word was in the world, and the world was made by him; in himwas life, and the life was the light of men, (c. I. V. 10-14. ) It isimpossible not to trace in this chapter the ideas which the Jews hadformed of the allegorized logos. The evangelist afterwards reallypersonifies that which his predecessors have personified onlypoetically; for he affirms "that the Word became flesh, " (v. 14. ) It wasto prove this that he wrote. Closely examined, the ideas which he givesof the logos cannot agree with those of Philo and the school ofAlexandria; they correspond, on the contrary, with those of the Jews ofPalestine. Perhaps St. John, employing a well-known term to explain adoctrine which was yet unknown, has slightly altered the sense; it isthis alteration which we appear to discover on comparing differentpassages of his writings. ----It is worthy of remark, that the Jews ofPalestine, who did not perceive this alteration, could find nothingextraordinary in what St. John said of the Logos; at least theycomprehended it without difficulty, while the Greeks and Grecizing Jews, on their part, brought to it prejudices and preconceptions easilyreconciled with those of the evangelist, who did not expresslycontradict them. This circumstance must have much favored the progressof Christianity. Thus the fathers of the church in the two firstcenturies and later, formed almost all in the school of Alexandria, gaveto the Logos of St. John a sense nearly similar to that which itreceived from Philo. Their doctrine approached very near to that whichin the fourth century the council of Nice condemned in the person ofArius. --G. ----M. Guizot has forgotten the long residence of St. John atEphesus, the centre of the mingling opinions of the East and West, whichwere gradually growing up into Gnosticism. (See Matter. Hist. DuGnosticisme, vol. I. P. 154. ) St. John's sense of the Logos seems as farremoved from the simple allegory ascribed to the Palestinian Jews asfrom the Oriental impersonation of the Alexandrian. The simple truth maybe that St. John took the familiar term, and, as it were infused into itthe peculiar and Christian sense in which it is used in his writings. --M. ]

[Footnote 21: See Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom. I. P. 377. The Gospel according to St. John is supposed to have been publishedabout seventy years after the death of Christ. ]

[Footnote 22: The sentiments of the Ebionites are fairly stated byMosheim (p. 331) and Le Clerc, (Hist. Eccles. P. 535. ) The Clementines, published among the apostolical fathers, are attributed by the criticsto one of these sectaries. ]

[Footnote 23: Stanch polemics, like a Bull, (Judicium Eccles. Cathol. C. 2, ) insist on the orthodoxy of the Nazarenes; which appears less pureand certain in the eyes of Mosheim, (p. 330. )]

[Footnote 24: The humble condition and sufferings of Jesus have alwaysbeen a stumbling-block to the Jews. "Deus. .. Contrariis coloribusMessiam depinxerat: futurus erat Rex, Judex, Pastor, " &c. See Limborchet Orobio Amica Collat. P. 8, 19, 53-76, 192-234. But this objection hasobliged the believing Christians to lift up their eyes to a spiritualand everlasting kingdom. ]

[Footnote 25: Justin Martyr, Dialog. Cum Tryphonte, p. 143, 144. See LeClerc, Hist. Eccles. P. 615. Bull and his editor Grabe (Judicium Eccles. Cathol. C. 7, and Appendix) attempt to distort either the sentimentsor the words of Justin; but their violent correction of the text isrejected even by the Benedictine editors. ]

[Footnote 26: The Arians reproached the orthodox party with borrowingtheir Trinity from the Valentinians and Marcionites. See Beausobre, Hist. De Manicheisme, l. Iii. C. 5, 7. ]

[Footnote 27: Non dignum est ex utero credere Deum, et Deum Christum. .. . Non dignum est ut tanta majestas per sordes et squalores muli eristransire credatur. The Gnostics asserted the impurity of matter, and ofmarriage; and they were scandalized by the gross interpretations of thefathers, and even of Augustin himself. See Beausobre, tom. Ii. P. 523, * Note: The greater part of the Docetae rejected the true divinityof Jesus Christ, as well as his human nature. They belonged to theGnostics, whom some philosophers, in whose party Gibbon has enlisted, make to derive their opinions from those of Plato. These philosophersdid not consider that Platonism had undergone continual alterations, and that those who gave it some analogy with the notions of the Gnosticswere later in their origin than most of the sects comprehended underthis name Mosheim has proved (in his Instit. Histor. Eccles. Major. S. I. P. 136, sqq and p. 339, sqq. ) that the Oriental philosophy, combinedwith the cabalistical philosophy of the Jews, had given birth toGnosticism. The relations which exist between this doctrine and therecords which remain to us of that of the Orientals, the Chaldean andPersian, have been the source of the errors of the Gnostic Christians, who wished to reconcile their ancient notions with their new belief. Itis on this account that, denying the human nature of Christ, theyalso denied his intimate union with God, and took him for one of thesubstances (aeons) created by God. As they believed in the eternity ofmatter, and considered it to be the principle of evil, in opposition tothe Deity, the first cause and principle of good, they were unwilling toadmit that one of the pure substances, one of the aeons which came forthfrom God, had, by partaking in the material nature, allied himself tothe principle of evil; and this was their motive for rejecting the realhumanity of Jesus Christ. See Ch. G. F. Walch, Hist. Of Heresies inGerm. T. I. P. 217, sqq. Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. Ii. P 639. --G. ]

[Footnote 28: Apostolis adhuc in saeculo superstitibus apud JudaeamChristi sanguine recente, et phanlasma corpus Domini asserebatur. Cotelerius thinks (Patres Apostol. Tom. Ii. P. 24) that those who willnot allow the Docetes to have arisen in the time of the Apostles, maywith equal reason deny that the sun shines at noonday. These Docetes, who formed the most considerable party among the Gnostics, were socalled, because they granted only a seeming body to Christ. * Note: Thename of Docetae was given to these sectaries only in the course of thesecond century: this name did not designate a sect, properly so called;it applied to all the sects who taught the non- reality of the materialbody of Christ; of this number were the Valentinians, the Basilidians, the Ophites, the Marcionites, (against whom Tertullian wrote his book, De Carne Christi, ) and other Gnostics. In truth, Clement of Alexandria(l. Iii. Strom. C. 13, p. 552) makes express mention of a sect ofDocetae, and even names as one of its heads a certain Cassianus;but every thing leads us to believe that it was not a distinct sect. Philastrius (de Haeres, c. 31) reproaches Saturninus with being aDocete. Irenaeus (adv. Haer. C. 23) makes the same reproach againstBasilides. Epiphanius and Philastrius, who have treated in detail oneach particular heresy, do not specially name that of the Docetae. Serapion, bishop of Antioch, (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. L. Vi. C. 12, ) andClement of Alexandria, (l. Vii. Strom. P. 900, ) appear to be the firstwho have used the generic name. It is not found in any earlier record, though the error which it points out existed even in the time of theApostles. See Ch. G. F. Walch, Hist. Of Her. V. I. P. 283. Tillemont, Mempour servir a la Hist Eccles. Ii. P. 50. Buddaeus de Eccles. Apost. C. 5 & 7--G. ]

The divine sanction, which the Apostle had bestowed on the fundamentalprinciple of the theology of Plato, encouraged the learned proselytes ofthe second and third centuries to admire and study the writings of theAthenian sage, who had thus marvellously anticipated one of the mostsurprising discoveries of the Christian revelation. The respectable nameof Plato was used by the orthodox, [29] and abused by the heretics, [30]as the common support of truth and error: the authority of his skilfulcommentators, and the science of dialectics, were employed to justifythe remote consequences of his opinions and to supply the discreetsilence of the inspired writers. The same subtle and profound questionsconcerning the nature, the generation, the distinction, and the equalityof the three divine persons of the mysterious Triad, or Trinity, [31]were agitated in the philosophical and in the Christian schools ofAlexandria. An eager spirit of curiosity urged them to explore thesecrets of the abyss; and the pride of the professors, and of theirdisciples, was satisfied with the sciences of words. But the mostsagacious of the Christian theologians, the great Athanasius himself, has candidly confessed, [32] that whenever he forced his understandingto meditate on the divinity of the Logos, his toilsome and unavailingefforts recoiled on themselves; that the more he thought, the lesshe comprehended; and the more he wrote, the less capable was he ofexpressing his thoughts. In every step of the inquiry, we are compelledto feel and acknowledge the immeasurable disproportion between thesize of the object and the capacity of the human mind. We may strive toabstract the notions of time, of space, and of matter, which so closelyadhere to all the perceptions of our experimental knowledge. But as soonas we presume to reason of infinite substance, of spiritual generation;as often as we deduce any positive conclusions from a negative idea, weare involved in darkness, perplexity, and inevitable contradiction. Asthese difficulties arise from the nature of the subject, they oppress, with the same insuperable weight, the philosophic and the theologicaldisputant; but we may observe two essential and peculiar circumstances, which discriminated the doctrines of the Catholic church from theopinions of the Platonic school. 

[Footnote 29: Some proofs of the respect which the Christiansentertained for the person and doctrine of Plato may be found in De laMothe le Vayer, tom. V. P. 135, &c. , edit. 1757; and Basnage, Hist. DesJuifs tom. Iv. P. 29, 79, &c. ]

[Footnote 30: Doleo bona fide, Platonem omnium heraeticorumcondimentarium factum. Tertullian. De Anima, c. 23. Petavius (Dogm. Theolog. Tom. Iii. Proleg. 2) shows that this was a general complaint. Beausobre (tom. I. L. Iii. C. 9, 10) has deduced the Gnostic errorsfrom Platonic principles; and as, in the school of Alexandria, thoseprinciples were blended with the Oriental philosophy, (Brucker, tom. I. P. 1356, ) the sentiment of Beausobre may be reconciled with the opinionof Mosheim, (General History of the Church, vol. I. P. 37. )]

[Footnote 31: If Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, (see Dupin, BibliothequeEcclesiastique, tom. I. P. 66, ) was the first who employed the wordTriad, Trinity, that abstract term, which was already familiar to theschools of philosophy, must have been introduced into the theology ofthe Christians after the middle of the second century. ]

[Footnote 32: Athanasius, tom. I. P. 808. His expressions have anuncommon energy; and as he was writing to monks, there could not be anyoccasion for him to affect a rational language. ]

I. A chosen society of philosophers, men of a liberal education andcurious disposition, might silently meditate, and temperately discussin the gardens of Athens or the library of Alexandria, the abstrusequestions of metaphysical science. The lofty speculations, whichneither convinced the understanding, nor agitated the passions, of thePlatonists themselves, were carelessly overlooked by the idle, the busy, and even the studious part of mankind. [33] But after the Logos had beenrevealed as the sacred object of the faith, the hope, and the religiousworship of the Christians, the mysterious system was embraced by anumerous and increasing multitude in every province of the Roman world. Those persons who, from their age, or sex, or occupations, were theleast qualified to judge, who were the least exercised in the habitsof abstract reasoning, aspired to contemplate the economy of theDivine Nature: and it is the boast of Tertullian, [34] that a Christianmechanic could readily answer such questions as had perplexed the wisestof the Grecian sages. Where the subject lies so far beyond ourreach, the difference between the highest and the lowest of humanunderstandings may indeed be calculated as infinitely small; yet thedegree of weakness may perhaps be measured by the degree of obstinacyand dogmatic confidence. These speculations, instead of being treated asthe amusement of a vacant hour, became the most serious business of thepresent, and the most useful preparation for a future, life. A theology, which it was incumbent to believe, which it was impious to doubt, andwhich it might be dangerous, and even fatal, to mistake, became thefamiliar topic of private meditation and popular discourse. The coldindifference of philosophy was inflamed by the fervent spirit ofdevotion; and even the metaphors of common language suggested thefallacious prejudices of sense and experience. The Christians, whoabhorred the gross and impure generation of the Greek mythology, [35]were tempted to argue from the familiar analogy of the filial andpaternal relations. The character of Son seemed to imply a perpetualsubordination to the voluntary author of his existence; [36] but as theact of generation, in the most spiritual and abstracted sense, must besupposed to transmit the properties of a common nature, [37] they durstnot presume to circumscribe the powers or the duration of the Son ofan eternal and omnipotent Father. Fourscore years after the death ofChrist, the Christians of Bithynia, declared before the tribunal ofPliny, that they invoked him as a god: and his divine honors have beenperpetuated in every age and country, by the various sects who assumethe name of his disciples. [38] Their tender reverence for the memory ofChrist, and their horror for the profane worship of any created being, would have engaged them to assert the equal and absolute divinity of theLogos, if their rapid ascent towards the throne of heaven had not beenimperceptibly checked by the apprehension of violating the unity andsole supremacy of the great Father of Christ and of the Universe. Thesuspense and fluctuation produced in the minds of the Christians bythese opposite tendencies, may be observed in the writings of thetheologians who flourished after the end of the apostolic age, andbefore the origin of the Arian controversy. Their suffrage is claimed, with equal confidence, by the orthodox and by the heretical parties; andthe most inquisitive critics have fairly allowed, that if they had thegood fortune of possessing the Catholic verity, they have deliveredtheir conceptions in loose, inaccurate, and sometimes contradictorylanguage. [39]

[Footnote 33: In a treatise, which professed to explain the opinionsof the ancient philosophers concerning the nature of the gods we mightexpect to discover the theological Trinity of Plato. But Cicero veryhonestly confessed, that although he had translated the Timaeus, hecould never understand that mysterious dialogue. See Hieronym. Praef. Adl. Xii. In Isaiam, tom. V. P. 154. ]

[Footnote 34: Tertullian. In Apolog. C. 46. See Bayle, Dictionnaire, aumot Simonide. His remarks on the presumption of Tertullian are profoundand interesting. ]

[Footnote 35: Lactantius, iv. 8. Yet the Probole, or Prolatio, which themost orthodox divines borrowed without scruple from the Valentinians, and illustrated by the comparisons of a fountain and stream, the sun andits rays, &c. , either meant nothing, or favored a material idea of thedivine generation. See Beausobre, tom. I. L. Iii. C. 7, p. 548. ]

[Footnote 36: Many of the primitive writers have frankly confessed, thatthe Son owed his being to the will of the Father. ----See Clarke'sScripture Trinity, p. 280-287. On the other hand, Athanasius and hisfollowers seem unwilling to grant what they are afraid to deny. Theschoolmen extricate themselves from this difficulty by the distinctionof a preceding and a concomitant will. Petav. Dogm. Theolog. Tom. Ii. L. Vi. C. 8, p. 587-603. ]

[Footnote 37: See Petav. Dogm. Theolog. Tom. Ii. L. Ii. C. 10, p. 159. ]

[Footnote 38: Carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem. Plin. Epist. X. 97. The sense of Deus, Elohim, in the ancient languages, iscritically examined by Le Clerc, (Ars Critica, p. 150-156, ) and thepropriety of worshipping a very excellent creature is ably defended bythe Socinian Emlyn, (Tracts, p. 29-36, 51-145. )]

[Footnote 39: See Daille de Usu Patrum, and Le Clerc, BibliothequeUniverselle, tom. X. P. 409. To arraign the faith of the Ante-Nicenefathers, was the object, or at least has been the effect, of thestupendous work of Petavius on the Trinity, (Dogm. Theolog. Tom. Ii. ;)nor has the deep impression been erased by the learned defence of BishopBull. Note: Dr. Burton's work on the doctrine of the Ante-Nicene fathersmust be consulted by those who wish to obtain clear notions on thissubject. --M. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part III. 

II. The devotion of individuals was the first circumstance whichdistinguished the Christians from the Platonists: the second was theauthority of the church. The disciples of philosophy asserted the rightsof intellectual freedom, and their respect for the sentiments of theirteachers was a liberal and voluntary tribute, which they offered tosuperior reason. But the Christians formed a numerous and disciplinedsociety; and the jurisdiction of their laws and magistrates was strictlyexercised over the minds of the faithful. The loose wanderings of theimagination were gradually confined by creeds and confessions; [40] thefreedom of private judgment submitted to the public wisdom of synods;the authority of a theologian was determined by his ecclesiastical rank;and the episcopal successors of the apostles inflicted the censures ofthe church on those who deviated from the orthodox belief. But in an ageof religious controversy, every act of oppression adds new force tothe elastic vigor of the mind; and the zeal or obstinacy of a spiritualrebel was sometimes stimulated by secret motives of ambition or avarice. A metaphysical argument became the cause or pretence of politicalcontests; the subtleties of the Platonic school were used as the badgesof popular factions, and the distance which separated their respectivetenets were enlarged or magnified by the acrimony of dispute. As longas the dark heresies of Praxeas and Sabellius labored to confound theFather with the Son, [41] the orthodox party might be excused if theyadhered more strictly and more earnestly to the distinction, than to theequality, of the divine persons. But as soon as the heat of controversyhad subsided, and the progress of the Sabellians was no longer an objectof terror to the churches of Rome, of Africa, or of Egypt, the tideof theological opinion began to flow with a gentle but steady motiontowards the contrary extreme; and the most orthodox doctors allowedthemselves the use of the terms and definitions which had been censuredin the mouth of the sectaries. [42] After the edict of tolerationhad restored peace and leisure to the Christians, the Trinitariancontroversy was revived in the ancient seat of Platonism, the learned, the opulent, the tumultuous city of Alexandria; and the flame ofreligious discord was rapidly communicated from the schools to theclergy, the people, the province, and the East. The abstruse question ofthe eternity of the Logos was agitated in ecclesiastic conferences andpopular sermons; and the heterodox opinions of Arius [43] were soonmade public by his own zeal, and by that of his adversaries. His mostimplacable adversaries have acknowledged the learning and blameless lifeof that eminent presbyter, who, in a former election, had declared, andperhaps generously declined, his pretensions to the episcopal throne. [44] His competitor Alexander assumed the office of his judge. Theimportant cause was argued before him; and if at first he seemed tohesitate, he at length pronounced his final sentence, as an absoluterule of faith. [45] The undaunted presbyter, who presumed to resist theauthority of his angry bishop, was separated from the community ofthe church. But the pride of Arius was supported by the applause of anumerous party. He reckoned among his immediate followers two bishopsof Egypt, seven presbyters, twelve deacons, and (what may appear almostincredible) seven hundred virgins. A large majority of the bishops ofAsia appeared to support or favor his cause; and their measures wereconducted by Eusebius of Caesarea, the most learned of the Christianprelates; and by Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had acquired the reputationof a statesman without forfeiting that of a saint. Synods in Palestineand Bithynia were opposed to the synods of Egypt. The attention of theprince and people was attracted by this theological dispute; and thedecision, at the end of six years, [46] was referred to the supremeauthority of the general council of Nice. 

[Footnote 40: The most ancient creeds were drawn up with the greatestlatitude. See Bull, (Judicium Eccles. Cathol. , ) who tries to preventEpiscopius from deriving any advantage from this observation. ]

[Footnote 41: The heresies of Praxeas, Sabellius, &c. , are accuratelyexplained by Mosheim (p. 425, 680-714. ) Praxeas, who came to Rome aboutthe end of the second century, deceived, for some time, the simplicityof the bishop, and was confuted by the pen of the angry Tertullian. ]

[Footnote 42: Socrates acknowledges, that the heresy of Arius proceededfrom his strong desire to embrace an opinion the most diametricallyopposite to that of Sabellius. ]

[Footnote 43: The figure and manners of Arius, the character andnumbers of his first proselytes, are painted in very lively colors byEpiphanius, (tom. I. Haeres. Lxix. 3, p. 729, ) and we cannot butregret that he should soon forget the historian, to assume the task ofcontroversy. ]

[Footnote 44: See Philostorgius (l. I. C. 3, ) and Godefroy's ampleCommentary. Yet the credibility of Philostorgius is lessened, in theeyes of the orthodox, by his Arianism; and in those of rational critics, by his passion, his prejudice, and his ignorance. ]

[Footnote 45: Sozomen (l. I. C. 15) represents Alexander as indifferent, and even ignorant, in the beginning of the controversy; while Socrates(l. I. C. 5) ascribes the origin of the dispute to the vain curiosityof his theological speculations. Dr. Jortin (Remarks on EcclesiasticalHistory, vol. Ii. P. 178) has censured, with his usual freedom, theconduct of Alexander. ]

[Footnote 46: The flames of Arianism might burn for some time in secret;but there is reason to believe that they burst out with violence asearly as the year 319. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 774-780. ]

 When the mysteries of the Christian faith were dangerouslyexposed to public debate, it might be observed, that the humanunderstanding was capable of forming three district, though imperfectsystems, concerning the nature of the Divine Trinity; and it waspronounced, that none of these systems, in a pure and absolute sense, were exempt from heresy and error. [47] I. According to the firsthypothesis, which was maintained by Arius and his disciples, the Logoswas a dependent and spontaneous production, created from nothing by thewill of the father. The Son, by whom all things were made, [48] had beenbegotten before all worlds, and the longest of the astronomical periodscould be compared only as a fleeting moment to the extent of hisduration; yet this duration was not infinite, [49] and there had beena time which preceded the ineffable generation of the Logos. On thisonly-begotten Son, the Almighty Father had transfused his ample spirit, and impressed the effulgence of his glory. Visible image of invisibleperfection, he saw, at an immeasurable distance beneath his feet, thethrones of the brightest archangels; yet he shone only with a reflectedlight, and, like the sons of the Romans emperors, who were investedwith the titles of Caesar or Augustus, [50] he governed the universein obedience to the will of his Father and Monarch. II. In the secondhypothesis, the Logos possessed all the inherent, incommunicableperfections, which religion and philosophy appropriate to the SupremeGod. Three distinct and infinite minds or substances, three coequal andcoeternal beings, composed the Divine Essence; [51] and it would haveimplied contradiction, that any of them should not have existed, or thatthey should ever cease to exist. [52] The advocates of a system whichseemed to establish three independent Deities, attempted to preserve theunity of the First Cause, so conspicuous in the design and order ofthe world, by the perpetual concord of their administration, and theessential agreement of their will. A faint resemblance of this unity ofaction may be discovered in the societies of men, and even ofanimals. The causes which disturb their harmony, proceed only from theimperfection and inequality of their faculties; but the omnipotencewhich is guided by infinite wisdom and goodness, cannot fail of choosingthe same means for the accomplishment of the same ends. III. Threebeings, who, by the self-derived necessity of their existence, possessall the divine attributes in the most perfect degree; who are eternal induration, infinite in space, and intimately present to each other, andto the whole universe; irresistibly force themselves on the astonishedmind, as one and the same being, [53] who, in the economy of grace, aswell as in that of nature, may manifest himself under different forms, and be considered under different aspects. By this hypothesis, a realsubstantial trinity is refined into a trinity of names, and abstractmodifications, that subsist only in the mind which conceives them. The Logos is no longer a person, but an attribute; and it is only in afigurative sense that the epithet of Son can be applied to the eternalreason, which was with God from the beginning, and by which, not bywhom, all things were made. The incarnation of the Logos is reduced toa mere inspiration of the Divine Wisdom, which filled the soul, anddirected all the actions, of the man Jesus. Thus, after revolving aroundthe theological circle, we are surprised to find that the Sabellianends where the Ebionite had begun; and that the incomprehensible mysterywhich excites our adoration, eludes our inquiry. [54]

[Footnote 47: Quid credidit? Certe, aut tria nomina audiens tres Deosesse credidit, et idololatra effectus est; aut in tribus vocabulistrinominem credens Deum, in Sabellii haeresim incurrit; aut edoctus abArianis unum esse verum Deum Patrem, filium et spiritum sanctum crediditcreaturas. Aut extra haec quid credere potuerit nescio. Hieronym adv. Luciferianos. Jerom reserves for the last the orthodox system, which ismore complicated and difficult. ]

[Footnote 48: As the doctrine of absolute creation from nothing wasgradually introduced among the Christians, (Beausobre, tom. Ii. P. 165-215, ) the dignity of the workman very naturally rose with that of thework. ]

[Footnote 49: The metaphysics of Dr. Clarke (Scripture Trinity, p. 276-280) could digest an eternal generation from an infinite cause. ]

[Footnote 50: This profane and absurd simile is employed by several ofthe primitive fathers, particularly by Athenagoras, in his Apology tothe emperor Marcus and his son; and it is alleged, without censure, byBull himself. See Defens. Fid. Nicen. Sect. Iii. C. 5, No. 4. ]

[Footnote 51: See Cudworth's Intellectual System, p. 559, 579. Thisdangerous hypothesis was countenanced by the two Gregories, of Nyssa andNazianzen, by Cyril of Alexandria, John of Damascus, &c. See Cudworth, p. 603. Le Clerc, Bibliotheque Universelle, tom xviii. P. 97-105. ]

[Footnote 52: Augustin seems to envy the freedom of the Philosophers. Liberis verbis loquuntur philosophi. .. . Nos autem non dicimus duo veltria principia, duos vel tres Deos. De Civitat. Dei, x. 23. ]

[Footnote 53: Boetius, who was deeply versed in the philosophy of Platoand Aristotle, explains the unity of the Trinity by the indifference ofthe three persons. See the judicious remarks of Le Clerc, BibliothequeChoisie, tom. Xvi. P. 225, &c. ]

[Footnote 54: If the Sabellians were startled at this conclusion, theywere driven another precipice into the confession, that the Father wasborn of a virgin, that he had suffered on the cross; and thus deservedthe epithet of Patripassians, with which they were branded by theiradversaries. See the invectives of Tertullian against Praxeas, and thetemperate reflections of Mosheim, (p. 423, 681;) and Beausobre, tom. I. L. Iii. C. 6, p. 533. ]

If the bishops of the council of Nice [55] had been permitted to followthe unbiased dictates of their conscience, Arius and his associatescould scarcely have flattered themselves with the hopes of obtaining amajority of votes, in favor of an hypothesis so directly averse tothe two most popular opinions of the Catholic world. The Arians soonperceived the danger of their situation, and prudently assumed thosemodest virtues, which, in the fury of civil and religious dissensions, are seldom practised, or even praised, except by the weaker party. Theyrecommended the exercise of Christian charity and moderation; urged theincomprehensible nature of the controversy, disclaimed the use of anyterms or definitions which could not be found in the Scriptures; andoffered, by very liberal concessions, to satisfy their adversarieswithout renouncing the integrity of their own principles. The victoriousfaction received all their proposals with haughty suspicion; andanxiously sought for some irreconcilable mark of distinction, the rejection of which might involve the Arians in the guilt andconsequences of heresy. A letter was publicly read, and ignominiouslytorn, in which their patron, Eusebius of Nicomedia, ingenuouslyconfessed, that the admission of the Homoousion, or Consubstantial, a word already familiar to the Platonists, was incompatible with theprinciples of their theological system. The fortunate opportunity waseagerly embraced by the bishops, who governed the resolutions of thesynod; and, according to the lively expression of Ambrose, [56] theyused the sword, which heresy itself had drawn from the scabbard, to cutoff the head of the hated monster. The consubstantiality of the Fatherand the Son was established by the council of Nice, and has beenunanimously received as a fundamental article of the Christian faith, by the consent of the Greek, the Latin, the Oriental, and the Protestantchurches. But if the same word had not served to stigmatize theheretics, and to unite the Catholics, it would have been inadequate tothe purpose of the majority, by whom it was introduced into the orthodoxcreed. This majority was divided into two parties, distinguished bya contrary tendency to the sentiments of the Tritheists and of theSabellians. But as those opposite extremes seemed to overthrow thefoundations either of natural or revealed religion, they mutually agreedto qualify the rigor of their principles; and to disavow the just, butinvidious, consequences, which might be urged by their antagonists. Theinterest of the common cause inclined them to join their numbers, and toconceal their differences; their animosity was softened by the healingcounsels of toleration, and their disputes were suspended by the useof the mysterious Homoousion, which either party was free to interpretaccording to their peculiar tenets. The Sabellian sense, which, aboutfifty years before, had obliged the council of Antioch [57] toprohibit this celebrated term, had endeared it to those theologians whoentertained a secret but partial affection for a nominal Trinity. Butthe more fashionable saints of the Arian times, the intrepid Athanasius, the learned Gregory Nazianzen, and the other pillars of the church, who supported with ability and success the Nicene doctrine, appeared toconsider the expression of substance as if it had been synonymouswith that of nature; and they ventured to illustrate their meaning, byaffirming that three men, as they belong to the same common species, areconsubstantial, or homoousian to each other. [58] This pure and distinctequality was tempered, on the one hand, by the internal connection, andspiritual penetration which indissolubly unites the divine persons;[59] and, on the other, by the preeminence of the Father, which wasacknowledged as far as it is compatible with the independence of theSon. [60] Within these limits, the almost invisible and tremulous ballof orthodoxy was allowed securely to vibrate. On either side, beyondthis consecrated ground, the heretics and the daemons lurked in ambushto surprise and devour the unhappy wanderer. But as the degrees oftheological hatred depend on the spirit of the war, rather than on theimportance of the controversy, the heretics who degraded, were treatedwith more severity than those who annihilated, the person of the Son. The life of Athanasius was consumed in irreconcilable opposition to theimpious madness of the Arians; [61] but he defended above twentyyears the Sabellianism of Marcellus of Ancyra; and when at last hewas compelled to withdraw himself from his communion, he continued tomention, with an ambiguous smile, the venial errors of his respectablefriend. [62]

[Footnote 55: The transactions of the council of Nice are related by theancients, not only in a partial, but in a very imperfect manner. Such apicture as Fra Paolo would have drawn, can never be recovered; but suchrude sketches as have been traced by the pencil of bigotry, and that ofreason, may be seen in Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. V. P. 669-759, ) andin Le Clerc, (Bibliotheque Universelle, tom. X p. 435-454. )]

[Footnote 56: We are indebted to Ambrose (De Fide, l. Iii. ) knowledgeof this curious anecdote. Hoc verbum quod viderunt adversariis esseformidini; ut ipsis gladio, ipsum nefandae caput haereseos. ]

[Footnote 57: See Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. Sect. Ii. C. I. P. 25-36. Hethinks it his duty to reconcile two orthodox synods. ]

[Footnote 58: According to Aristotle, the stars were homoousian to eachother. "That Homoousios means of one substance in kind, hath been shownby Petavius, Curcellaeus, Cudworth, Le Clerc, &c. , and to prove it wouldbe actum agere. " This is the just remark of Dr. Jortin, (vol. Ii p. 212, ) who examines the Arian controversy with learning, candor, andingenuity. ]

[Footnote 59: See Petavius, (Dogm. Theolog. Tom. Ii. L. Iv. C. 16, p. 453, &c. , ) Cudworth, (p. 559, ) Bull, (sect. Iv. P. 285-290, edit. Grab. ) The circumincessio, is perhaps the deepest and darkest he wholetheological abyss. ]

[Footnote 60: The third section of Bull's Defence of the Nicene Faith, which some of his antagonists have called nonsense, and others heresy, is consecrated to the supremacy of the Father. ]

[Footnote 61: The ordinary appellation with which Athanasius and hisfollowers chose to compliment the Arians, was that of Ariomanites. ]

[Footnote 62: Epiphanius, tom i. Haeres. Lxxii. 4, p. 837. See theadventures of Marcellus, in Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. V. I. P. 880-899. ) His work, in one book, of the unity of God, was answered in thethree books, which are still extant, of Eusebius. ----After a long andcareful examination, Petavius (tom. Ii. L. I. C. 14, p. 78) hasreluctantly pronounced the condemnation of Marcellus. ]

The authority of a general council, to which the Arians themselves hadbeen compelled to submit, inscribed on the banners of the orthodox partythe mysterious characters of the word Homoousion, which essentiallycontributed, notwithstanding some obscure disputes, some nocturnalcombats, to maintain and perpetuate the uniformity of faith, or at leastof language. The consubstantialists, who by their success have deservedand obtained the title of Catholics, gloried in the simplicity andsteadiness of their own creed, and insulted the repeated variations oftheir adversaries, who were destitute of any certain rule of faith. Thesincerity or the cunning of the Arian chiefs, the fear of the laws or ofthe people, their reverence for Christ, their hatred of Athanasius, allthe causes, human and divine, that influence and disturb the counselsof a theological faction, introduced among the sectaries a spirit ofdiscord and inconstancy, which, in the course of a few years, erectedeighteen different models of religion, [63] and avenged the violateddignity of the church. The zealous Hilary, [64] who, from the peculiarhardships of his situation, was inclined to extenuate rather than toaggravate the errors of the Oriental clergy, declares, that in the wideextent of the ten provinces of Asia, to which he had been banished, there could be found very few prelates who had preserved the knowledgeof the true God. [65] The oppression which he had felt, the disordersof which he was the spectator and the victim, appeased, during a shortinterval, the angry passions of his soul; and in the following passage, of which I shall transcribe a few lines, the bishop of Poitiers unwarilydeviates into the style of a Christian philosopher. "It is a thing, "says Hilary, "equally deplorable and dangerous, that there are as manycreeds as opinions among men, as many doctrines as inclinations, and asmany sources of blasphemy as there are faults among us; because we makecreeds arbitrarily, and explain them as arbitrarily. The Homoousion isrejected, and received, and explained away by successive synods. Thepartial or total resemblance of the Father and of the Son is a subjectof dispute for these unhappy times. Every year, nay, every moon, we makenew creeds to describe invisible mysteries. We repent of what wehave done, we defend those who repent, we anathematize those whom wedefended. We condemn either the doctrine of others in ourselves, or ourown in that of others; and reciprocally tearing one another to pieces, we have been the cause of each other's ruin. " [66]

[Footnote 63: Athanasius, in his epistle concerning the Synods ofSeleucia and Rimini, (tom. I. P. 886-905, ) has given an ample list ofArian creeds, which has been enlarged and improved by the labors of theindefatigable Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 477. )]

[Footnote 64: Erasmus, with admirable sense and freedom, has delineatedthe just character of Hilary. To revise his text, to compose the annalsof his life, and to justify his sentiments and conduct, is the provinceof the Benedictine editors. ]

[Footnote 65: Absque episcopo Eleusio et paucis cum eo, ex majore parteAsianae decem provinciae, inter quas consisto, vere Deum nesciunt. Atqueutinam penitus nescirent! cum procliviore enim venia ignorarent quamobtrectarent. Hilar. De Synodis, sive de Fide Orientalium, c. 63, p. 1186, edit. Benedict. In the celebrated parallel between atheism andsuperstition, the bishop of Poitiers would have been surprised in thephilosophic society of Bayle and Plutarch. ]

[Footnote 66: Hilarius ad Constantium, l. I. C. 4, 5, p. 1227, 1228. This remarkable passage deserved the attention of Mr. Locke, who hastranscribed it (vol. Iii. P. 470) into the model of his new common-placebook. ]

It will not be expected, it would not perhaps be endured, that I shouldswell this theological digression, by a minute examination of theeighteen creeds, the authors of which, for the most part, disclaimed theodious name of their parent Arius. It is amusing enough to delineate theform, and to trace the vegetation, of a singular plant; but the tediousdetail of leaves without flowers, and of branches without fruit, would soon exhaust the patience, and disappoint the curiosity, of thelaborious student. One question, which gradually arose from the Ariancontroversy, may, however, be noticed, as it served to produce anddiscriminate the three sects, who were united only by their commonaversion to the Homoousion of the Nicene synod. 1. If they were askedwhether the Son was like unto the Father, the question was resolutelyanswered in the negative, by the heretics who adhered to the principlesof Arius, or indeed to those of philosophy; which seem to establish aninfinite difference between the Creator and the most excellent of hiscreatures. This obvious consequence was maintained by Aetius, [67] onwhom the zeal of his adversaries bestowed the surname of the Atheist. His restless and aspiring spirit urged him to try almost everyprofession of human life. He was successively a slave, or at leasta husbandman, a travelling tinker, a goldsmith, a physician, aschoolmaster, a theologian, and at last the apostle of a new church, which was propagated by the abilities of his disciple Eunomius. [68]Armed with texts of Scripture, and with captious syllogisms from thelogic of Aristotle, the subtle Aetius had acquired the fame of aninvincible disputant, whom it was impossible either to silence or toconvince. Such talents engaged the friendship of the Arian bishops, tillthey were forced to renounce, and even to persecute, a dangerous ally, who, by the accuracy of his reasoning, had prejudiced their cause in thepopular opinion, and offended the piety of their most devoted followers. 2. The omnipotence of the Creator suggested a specious and respectfulsolution of the likeness of the Father and the Son; and faith mighthumbly receive what reason could not presume to deny, that the SupremeGod might communicate his infinite perfections, and create a beingsimilar only to himself. [69] These Arians were powerfully supportedby the weight and abilities of their leaders, who had succeeded to themanagement of the Eusebian interest, and who occupied the principalthrones of the East. They detested, perhaps with some affectation, theimpiety of Aetius; they professed to believe, either without reserve, oraccording to the Scriptures, that the Son was different from all othercreatures, and similar only to the Father. But they denied, the hewas either of the same, or of a similar substance; sometimes boldlyjustifying their dissent, and sometimes objecting to the use of the wordsubstance, which seems to imply an adequate, or at least, a distinct, notion of the nature of the Deity. 3. The sect which deserted thedoctrine of a similar substance, was the most numerous, at least in theprovinces of Asia; and when the leaders of both parties were assembledin the council of Seleucia, [70] their opinion would have prevailed by amajority of one hundred and five to forty-three bishops. The Greek word, which was chosen to express this mysterious resemblance, bears so closean affinity to the orthodox symbol, that the profane of every age havederided the furious contests which the difference of a single diphthongexcited between the Homoousians and the Homoiousians. As it frequentlyhappens, that the sounds and characters which approach the nearestto each other accidentally represent the most opposite ideas, theobservation would be itself ridiculous, if it were possible to mark anyreal and sensible distinction between the doctrine of the Semi-Arians, as they were improperly styled, and that of the Catholics themselves. The bishop of Poitiers, who in his Phrygian exile very wisely aimed ata coalition of parties, endeavors to prove that by a pious and faithfulinterpretation, [71] the Homoiousion may be reduced to a consubstantialsense. Yet he confesses that the word has a dark and suspiciousaspect; and, as if darkness were congenial to theological disputes, theSemi-Arians, who advanced to the doors of the church, assailed them withthe most unrelenting fury. 

[Footnote 67: In Philostorgius (l. Iii. C. 15) the character andadventures of Aetius appear singular enough, though they are carefullysoftened by the hand of a friend. The editor, Godefroy, (p. 153, ) whowas more attached to his principles than to his author, has collectedthe odious circumstances which his various adversaries have preserved orinvented. ]

[Footnote 68: According to the judgment of a man who respected boththese sectaries, Aetius had been endowed with a stronger understandingand Eunomius had acquired more art and learning. (Philostorgius l. Viii. C. 18. ) The confession and apology of Eunomius (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. Tom. Viii. P. 258-305) is one of the few heretical pieces whichhave escaped. ]

[Footnote 69: Yet, according to the opinion of Estius and Bull, (p. 297, ) there is one power--that of creation--which God cannot communicateto a creature. Estius, who so accurately defined the limits ofOmnipotence was a Dutchman by birth, and by trade a scholastic divine. Dupin Bibliot. Eccles. Tom. Xvii. P. 45. ]

[Footnote 70: Sabinus ap. Socrat. (l. Ii. C. 39) had copied the acts:Athanasius and Hilary have explained the divisions of this Arian synod;the other circumstances which are relative to it are carefully collectedby Baro and Tillemont]

[Footnote 71: Fideli et pia intelligentia. .. De Synod. C. 77, p. 1193. In his his short apologetical notes (first published by the Benedictinesfrom a MS. Of Chartres) he observes, that he used this cautiousexpression, qui intelligerum et impiam, p. 1206. See p. 1146. Philostorgius, who saw those objects through a different medium, isinclined to forget the difference of the important diphthong. See inparticular viii. 17, and Godefroy, p. 352. ]

The provinces of Egypt and Asia, which cultivated the language andmanners of the Greeks, had deeply imbibed the venom of the Ariancontroversy. The familiar study of the Platonic system, a vain andargumentative disposition, a copious and flexible idiom, supplied theclergy and people of the East with an inexhaustible flow of words anddistinctions; and, in the midst of their fierce contentions, they easilyforgot the doubt which is recommended by philosophy, and the submissionwhich is enjoined by religion. The inhabitants of the West were of aless inquisitive spirit; their passions were not so forcibly moved byinvisible objects, their minds were less frequently exercised by thehabits of dispute; and such was the happy ignorance of the Gallicanchurch, that Hilary himself, above thirty years after the first generalcouncil, was still a stranger to the Nicene creed. [72] The Latins hadreceived the rays of divine knowledge through the dark and doubtfulmedium of a translation. The poverty and stubbornness of their nativetongue was not always capable of affording just equivalents for theGreek terms, for the technical words of the Platonic philosophy, [73]which had been consecrated, by the gospel or by the church, to expressthe mysteries of the Christian faith; and a verbal defect mightintroduce into the Latin theology a long train of error or perplexity. [74] But as the western provincials had the good fortune of derivingtheir religion from an orthodox source, they preserved with steadinessthe doctrine which they had accepted with docility; and when the Arianpestilence approached their frontiers, they were supplied with theseasonable preservative of the Homoousion, by the paternal care of theRoman pontiff. Their sentiments and their temper were displayed in thememorable synod of Rimini, which surpassed in numbers the council ofNice, since it was composed of above four hundred bishops of Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum. From the first debates itappeared, that only fourscore prelates adhered to the party, thoughthey affected to anathematize the name and memory, of Arius. But thisinferiority was compensated by the advantages of skill, of experience, and of discipline; and the minority was conducted by Valens andUrsacius, two bishops of Illyricum, who had spent their lives in theintrigues of courts and councils, and who had been trained under theEusebian banner in the religious wars of the East. By their argumentsand negotiations, they embarrassed, they confounded, they at lastdeceived, the honest simplicity of the Latin bishops; who sufferedthe palladium of the faith to be extorted from their hand by fraud andimportunity, rather than by open violence. The council of Rimini wasnot allowed to separate, till the members had imprudently subscribed acaptious creed, in which some expressions, susceptible of an hereticalsense, were inserted in the room of the Homoousion. It was on thisoccasion, that, according to Jerom, the world was surprised to finditself Arian. [75] But the bishops of the Latin provinces had no soonerreached their respective dioceses, than they discovered their mistake, and repented of their weakness. The ignominious capitulation wasrejected with disdain and abhorrence; and the Homoousian standard, whichhad been shaken but not overthrown, was more firmly replanted in all thechurches of the West. [76]

[Footnote 72: Testor Deumcoeli atque terrae me cum neutrum audissem, semper tamen utrumque sensisse. .. . Regeneratus pridem et in episcopatualiquantisper manens fidem Nicenam nunquam nisi exsulaturus audivi. Hilar. De Synodis, c. Xci. P. 1205. The Benedictines are persuaded thathe governed the diocese of Poitiers several years before his exile. ]

[Footnote 73: Seneca (Epist. Lviii. ) complains that even the of thePlatonists (the ens of the bolder schoolmen) could not be expressed by aLatin noun. ]

[Footnote 74: The preference which the fourth council of the Lateranat length gave to a numerical rather than a generical unity (See Petav. Tom. Ii. L. V. C. 13, p. 424) was favored by the Latin language: seemsto excite the idea of substance, trinitas of qualities. ]

[Footnote 75: Ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus est. Hieronym. Adv. Lucifer. Tom. I. P. 145. ]

[Footnote 76: The story of the council of Rimini is very elegantly toldby Sulpicius Severus, (Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 419-430, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1647, ) and by Jerom, in his dialogue against the Luciferians. The designof the latter is to apologize for the conduct of the Latin bishops, whowere deceived, and who repented. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part IV. 

Such was the rise and progress, and such were the natural revolutionsof those theological disputes, which disturbed the peace of Christianityunder the reigns of Constantine and of his sons. But as those princespresumed to extend their despotism over the faith, as well as over thelives and fortunes, of their subjects, the weight of their suffragesometimes inclined the ecclesiastical balance: and the prerogatives ofthe King of Heaven were settled, or changed, or modified, in the cabinetof an earthly monarch. The unhappy spirit of discord which pervaded theprovinces of the East, interrupted the triumph of Constantine; butthe emperor continued for some time to view, with cool and carelessindifference, the object of the dispute. As he was yet ignorant of thedifficulty of appeasing the quarrels of theologians, he addressed tothe contending parties, to Alexander and to Arius, a moderating epistle;[77] which may be ascribed, with far greater reason, to the untutoredsense of a soldier and statesman, than to the dictates of any of hisepiscopal counsellors. He attributes the origin of the whole controversyto a trifling and subtle question, concerning an incomprehensiblepoint of law, which was foolishly asked by the bishop, and imprudentlyresolved by the presbyter. He laments that the Christian people, who hadthe same God, the same religion, and the same worship, should be dividedby such inconsiderable distinctions; and he seriously recommend to theclergy of Alexandria the example of the Greek philosophers; who couldmaintain their arguments without losing their temper, and asserttheir freedom without violating their friendship. The indifference andcontempt of the sovereign would have been, perhaps, the most effectualmethod of silencing the dispute, if the popular current had been lessrapid and impetuous, and if Constantine himself, in the midst of factionand fanaticism, could have preserved the calm possession of his ownmind. But his ecclesiastical ministers soon contrived to seduce theimpartiality of the magistrate, and to awaken the zeal of the proselyte. He was provoked by the insults which had been offered to his statues;he was alarmed by the real, as well as the imaginary magnitude ofthe spreading mischief; and he extinguished the hope of peace andtoleration, from the moment that he assembled three hundred bishopswithin the walls of the same palace. The presence of the monarch swelledthe importance of the debate; his attention multiplied the arguments;and he exposed his person with a patient intrepidity, which animatedthe valor of the combatants. Notwithstanding the applause which hasbeen bestowed on the eloquence and sagacity of Constantine, [78] a Romangeneral, whose religion might be still a subject of doubt, and whosemind had not been enlightened either by study or by inspiration, was indifferently qualified to discuss, in the Greek language, ametaphysical question, or an article of faith. But the credit of hisfavorite Osius, who appears to have presided in the council of Nice, might dispose the emperor in favor of the orthodox party; and awell-timed insinuation, that the same Eusebius of Nicomedia, who nowprotected the heretic, had lately assisted the tyrant, [79] mightexasperate him against their adversaries. The Nicene creed was ratifiedby Constantine; and his firm declaration, that those who resisted thedivine judgment of the synod, must prepare themselves for an immediateexile, annihilated the murmurs of a feeble opposition; which, fromseventeen, was almost instantly reduced to two, protesting bishops. Eusebius of Caesarea yielded a reluctant and ambiguous consent to theHomoousion; [80] and the wavering conduct of the Nicomedian Eusebiusserved only to delay, about three months, his disgrace and exile. [81]The impious Arius was banished into one of the remote provinces ofIllyricum; his person and disciples were branded by law with the odiousname of Porphyrians; his writings were condemned to the flames, and acapital punishment was denounced against those in whose possession theyshould be found. The emperor had now imbibed the spirit of controversy, and the angry, sarcastic style of his edicts was designed to inspire hissubjects with the hatred which he had conceived against the enemies ofChrist. [82]

[Footnote 77: Eusebius, in Vit. Constant. L. Ii. C. 64-72. Theprinciples of toleration and religious indifference, contained in thisepistle, have given great offence to Baronius, Tillemont, &c. , whosuppose that the emperor had some evil counsellor, either Satan orEusebius, at his elbow. See Cortin's Remarks, tom. Ii. P. 183. * Note:Heinichen (Excursus xi. ) quotes with approbation the term "goldenwords, " applied by Ziegler to this moderate and tolerant letter ofConstantine. May an English clergyman venture to express his regret that"the fine gold soon became dim" in the Christian church?--M. ]

[Footnote 78: Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. L. Iii. C. 13. ]

[Footnote 79: Theodoret has preserved (l. I. C. 20) an epistle fromConstantine to the people of Nicomedia, in which the monarch declareshimself the public accuser of one of his subjects; he styles Eusebiusand complains of his hostile behavior during the civil war. ]

[Footnote 80: See in Socrates, (l. I. C. 8, ) or rather in Theodoret, (l. I. C. 12, ) an original letter of Eusebius of Caesarea, in which heattempts to justify his subscribing the Homoousion. The character ofEusebius has always been a problem; but those who have read the secondcritical epistle of Le Clerc, (Ars Critica, tom. Iii. P. 30-69, ) mustentertain a very unfavorable opinion of the orthodoxy and sincerity ofthe bishop of Caesarea. ]

[Footnote 81: Athanasius, tom. I. P. 727. Philostorgius, l. I. C. 10, and Godefroy's Commentary, p. 41. ]

[Footnote 82: Socrates, l. I. C. 9. In his circular letters, whichwere addressed to the several cities, Constantine employed against theheretics the arms of ridicule and comic raillery. ]

But, as if the conduct of the emperor had been guided by passion insteadof principle, three years from the council of Nice were scarcely elapsedbefore he discovered some symptoms of mercy, and even of indulgence, towards the proscribed sect, which was secretly protected by hisfavorite sister. The exiles were recalled, and Eusebius, who graduallyresumed his influence over the mind of Constantine, was restored to theepiscopal throne, from which he had been ignominiously degraded. Ariushimself was treated by the whole court with the respect which would havebeen due to an innocent and oppressed man. His faith was approved bythe synod of Jerusalem; and the emperor seemed impatient to repair hisinjustice, by issuing an absolute command, that he should be solemnlyadmitted to the communion in the cathedral of Constantinople. On thesame day, which had been fixed for the triumph of Arius, he expired;and the strange and horrid circumstances of his death might excite asuspicion, that the orthodox saints had contributed more efficaciouslythan by their prayers, to deliver the church from the most formidableof her enemies. [83] The three principal leaders of the Catholics, Athanasius of Alexandria, Eustathius of Antioch, and Paul ofConstantinople were deposed on various f accusations, by the sentence ofnumerous councils; and were afterwards banished into distant provincesby the first of the Christian emperors, who, in the last moments of hislife, received the rites of baptism from the Arian bishop of Nicomedia. The ecclesiastical government of Constantine cannot be justifiedfrom the reproach of levity and weakness. But the credulous monarch, unskilled in the stratagems of theological warfare, might be deceived bythe modest and specious professions of the heretics, whose sentiments henever perfectly understood; and while he protected Arius, and persecutedAthanasius, he still considered the council of Nice as the bulwark ofthe Christian faith, and the peculiar glory of his own reign. [84]

[Footnote 83: We derive the original story from Athanasius, (tom. I. P. 670, ) who expresses some reluctance to stigmatize the memory of thedead. He might exaggerate; but the perpetual commerce of Alexandria andConstantinople would have rendered it dangerous to invent. Those whopress the literal narrative of the death of Arius (his bowels suddenlyburst out in a privy) must make their option between poison andmiracle. ]

[Footnote 84: The change in the sentiments, or at least in the conduct, of Constantine, may be traced in Eusebius, (in Vit. Constant. L. Iii. C. 23, l. Iv. C. 41, ) Socrates, (l. I. C. 23-39, ) Sozomen, (l. Ii. C. 16-34, ) Theodoret, (l. I. C. 14-34, ) and Philostorgius, (l. Ii. C. 1-17. ) But the first of these writers was too near the scene of action, and the others were too remote from it. It is singular enough, that theimportant task of continuing the history of the church should have beenleft for two laymen and a heretic. ]

The sons of Constantine must have been admitted from their childhoodinto the rank of catechumens; but they imitated, in the delay oftheir baptism, the example of their father. Like him they presumed topronounce their judgment on mysteries into which they had never beenregularly initiated; [85] and the fate of the Trinitarian controversydepended, in a great measure, on the sentiments of Constantius; whoinherited the provinces of the East, and acquired the possession of thewhole empire. The Arian presbyter or bishop, who had secreted forhis use the testament of the deceased emperor, improved the fortunateoccasion which had introduced him to the familiarity of a prince, whose public counsels were always swayed by his domestic favorites. Theeunuchs and slaves diffused the spiritual poison through the palace, andthe dangerous infection was communicated by the female attendants tothe guards, and by the empress to her unsuspicious husband. [86] Thepartiality which Constantius always expressed towards the Eusebianfaction, was insensibly fortified by the dexterous management of theirleaders; and his victory over the tyrant Magnentius increased hisinclination, as well as ability, to employ the arms of power in thecause of Arianism. While the two armies were engaged in the plains ofMursa, and the fate of the two rivals depended on the chance of war, theson of Constantine passed the anxious moments in a church of the martyrsunder the walls of the city. His spiritual comforter, Valens, the Arianbishop of the diocese, employed the most artful precautions to obtainsuch early intelligence as might secure either his favor or his escape. A secret chain of swift and trusty messengers informed him of thevicissitudes of the battle; and while the courtiers stood tremblinground their affrighted master, Valens assured him that the Galliclegions gave way; and insinuated with some presence of mind, thatthe glorious event had been revealed to him by an angel. The gratefulemperor ascribed his success to the merits and intercession of thebishop of Mursa, whose faith had deserved the public and miraculousapprobation of Heaven. [87] The Arians, who considered as their own thevictory of Constantius, preferred his glory to that of his father. [88]Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, immediately composed the description of acelestial cross, encircled with a splendid rainbow; which during thefestival of Pentecost, about the third hour of the day, had appearedover the Mount of Olives, to the edification of the devout pilgrims, andthe people of the holy city. [89] The size of the meteor was graduallymagnified; and the Arian historian has ventured to affirm, that it wasconspicuous to the two armies in the plains of Pannonia; and that thetyrant, who is purposely represented as an idolater, fled before theauspicious sign of orthodox Christianity. [90]

[Footnote 85: Quia etiam tum catechumenus sacramentum fidei meritovideretiu potuisse nescire. Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 410. ]

[Footnote 86: Socrates, l. Ii. C. 2. Sozomen, l. Iii. C. 18. Athanas. Tom. I. P. 813, 834. He observes that the eunuchs are the naturalenemies of the Son. Compare Dr. Jortin's Remarks on EcclesiasticalHistory, vol. Iv. P. 3 with a certain genealogy in Candide, (ch. Iv. , )which ends with one of the first companions of Christopher Columbus. ]

[Footnote 87: Sulpicius Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 405, 406. ]

[Footnote 88: Cyril (apud Baron. A. D. 353, No. 26) expressly observesthat in the reign of Constantine, the cross had been found in the bowelsof the earth; but that it had appeared, in the reign of Constantius, inthe midst of the heavens. This opposition evidently proves, that Cyrilwas ignorant of the stupendous miracle to which the conversion ofConstantine is attributed; and this ignorance is the more surprising, since it was no more than twelve years after his death that Cyril wasconsecrated bishop of Jerusalem, by the immediate successor of Eusebiusof Caesarea. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 715. ]

[Footnote 89: It is not easy to determine how far the ingenuity of Cyrilmight be assisted by some natural appearances of a solar halo. ]

[Footnote 90: Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 26. He is followed by theauthor of the Alexandrian Chronicle, by Cedrenus, and by Nicephorus. (SeeGothofred. Dissert. P. 188. ) They could not refuse a miracle, even fromthe hand of an enemy. ]

The sentiments of a judicious stranger, who has impartially consideredthe progress of civil or ecclesiastical discord, are always entitled toour notice; and a short passage of Ammianus, who served in the armies, and studied the character of Constantius, is perhaps of more value thanmany pages of theological invectives. "The Christian religion, which, in itself, " says that moderate historian, "is plain and simple, heconfounded by the dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling theparties by the weight of his authority, he cherished and promulgated, byverbal disputes, the differences which his vain curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of bishops galloping from everyside to the assemblies, which they call synods; and while they laboredto reduce the whole sect to their own particular opinions, the publicestablishment of the posts was almost ruined by their hasty and repeatedjourneys. " [91] Our more intimate knowledge of the ecclesiasticaltransactions of the reign of Constantius would furnish an amplecommentary on this remarkable passage, which justifies the rationalapprehensions of Athanasius, that the restless activity of the clergy, who wandered round the empire in search of the true faith, would excitethe contempt and laughter of the unbelieving world. [92] As soon as theemperor was relieved from the terrors of the civil war, he devotedthe leisure of his winter quarters at Arles, Milan, Sirmium, andConstantinople, to the amusement or toils of controversy: the sword ofthe magistrate, and even of the tyrant, was unsheathed, to enforce thereasons of the theologian; and as he opposed the orthodox faith of Nice, it is readily confessed that his incapacity and ignorance were equalto his presumption. [93] The eunuchs, the women, and the bishops, whogoverned the vain and feeble mind of the emperor, had inspired him withan insuperable dislike to the Homoousion; but his timid consciencewas alarmed by the impiety of Aetius. The guilt of that atheist wasaggravated by the suspicious favor of the unfortunate Gallus; and eventhe death of the Imperial ministers, who had been massacred at Antioch, were imputed to the suggestions of that dangerous sophist. The mind ofConstantius, which could neither be moderated by reason, nor fixed byfaith, was blindly impelled to either side of the dark and empty abyss, by his horror of the opposite extreme; he alternately embraced andcondemned the sentiments, he successively banished and recalled theleaders, of the Arian and Semi-Arian factions. [94] During the season ofpublic business or festivity, he employed whole days, and even nights, in selecting the words, and weighing the syllables, which composed hisfluctuating creeds. The subject of his meditations still pursuedand occupied his slumbers: the incoherent dreams of the emperor werereceived as celestial visions, and he accepted with complacency thelofty title of bishop of bishops, from those ecclesiastics who forgotthe interest of their order for the gratification of their passions. Thedesign of establishing a uniformity of doctrine, which had engagedhim to convene so many synods in Gaul, Italy, Illyricum, and Asia, wasrepeatedly baffled by his own levity, by the divisions of the Arians, and by the resistance of the Catholics; and he resolved, as the lastand decisive effort, imperiously to dictate the decrees of a generalcouncil. The destructive earthquake of Nicomedia, the difficulty offinding a convenient place, and perhaps some secret motives of policy, produced an alteration in the summons. The bishops of the East weredirected to meet at Seleucia, in Isauria; while those of the Westheld their deliberations at Rimini, on the coast of the Hadriatic; andinstead of two or three deputies from each province, the whole episcopalbody was ordered to march. The Eastern council, after consuming fourdays in fierce and unavailing debate, separated without any definitiveconclusion. The council of the West was protracted till the seventhmonth. Taurus, the Praetorian praefect was instructed not to dismissthe prelates till they should all be united in the same opinion; andhis efforts were supported by the power of banishing fifteen of the mostrefractory, and a promise of the consulship if he achieved so difficultan adventure. His prayers and threats, the authority of the sovereign, the sophistry of Valens and Ursacius, the distress of cold and hunger, and the tedious melancholy of a hopeless exile, at length extorted thereluctant consent of the bishops of Rimini. The deputies of the East andof the West attended the emperor in the palace of Constantinople, and heenjoyed the satisfaction of imposing on the world a profession offaith which established the likeness, without expressing theconsubstantiality, of the Son of God. [95] But the triumph of Arianismhad been preceded by the removal of the orthodox clergy, whom itwas impossible either to intimidate or to corrupt; and the reign ofConstantius was disgraced by the unjust and ineffectual persecution ofthe great Athanasius. 

[Footnote 91: So curious a passage well deserves to be transcribed. Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem, anili superstitioneconfundens; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam componenda graviusexcitaret discidia plurima; quae progressa fusius aluit concertationeverborum, ut catervis antistium jumentis publicis ultro citroquediscarrentibus, per synodos (quas appellant) dum ritum omnem ad suumsahere conantur (Valesius reads conatur) rei vehiculariae concideretservos. Ammianus, xxi. 16. ]

[Footnote 92: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 870. ]

[Footnote 93: Socrates, l. Ii. C. 35-47. Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 12-30. Theodore li. C. 18-32. Philostorg. L. Iv. C. 4--12, l. V. C. 1-4, l. Vi. C. 1-5]

[Footnote 94: Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 23. Athanas. Tom. I. P. 831. Tillemont(Mem Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 947) has collected several instances of thehaughty fanaticism of Constantius from the detached treatises of Luciferof Cagliari. The very titles of these treaties inspire zeal and terror;"Moriendum pro Dei Filio. " "De Regibus Apostaticis. " "De non conveniendocum Haeretico. " "De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus. "]

[Footnote 95: Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 418-430. The Greekhistorians were very ignorant of the affairs of the West. ]

We have seldom an opportunity of observing, either in active orspeculative life, what effect may be produced, or what obstacles may besurmounted, by the force of a single mind, when it is inflexibly appliedto the pursuit of a single object. The immortal name of Athanasius [96]will never be separated from the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, to whose defence he consecrated every moment and every faculty of hisbeing. Educated in the family of Alexander, he had vigorously opposedthe early progress of the Arian heresy: he exercised the importantfunctions of secretary under the aged prelate; and the fathers of theNicene council beheld with surprise and respect the rising virtues ofthe young deacon. In a time of public danger, the dull claims of ageand of rank are sometimes superseded; and within five months after hisreturn from Nice, the deacon Athanasius was seated on the archiepiscopalthrone of Egypt. He filled that eminent station above forty-six years, and his long administration was spent in a perpetual combat against thepowers of Arianism. Five times was Athanasius expelled from his throne;twenty years he passed as an exile or a fugitive: and almost everyprovince of the Roman empire was successively witness to his merit, andhis sufferings in the cause of the Homoousion, which he considered asthe sole pleasure and business, as the duty, and as the glory of hislife. Amidst the storms of persecution, the archbishop of Alexandria waspatient of labor, jealous of fame, careless of safety; and although hismind was tainted by the contagion of fanaticism, Athanasius displayed asuperiority of character and abilities, which would have qualified him, far better than the degenerate sons of Constantine, for the governmentof a great monarchy. His learning was much less profound and extensivethan that of Eusebius of Caesarea, and his rude eloquence could not becompared with the polished oratory of Gregory of Basil; but wheneverthe primate of Egypt was called upon to justify his sentiments, or hisconduct, his unpremeditated style, either of speaking or writing, wasclear, forcible, and persuasive. He has always been revered, in theorthodox school, as one of the most accurate masters of the Christiantheology; and he was supposed to possess two profane sciences, lessadapted to the episcopal character, the knowledge of jurisprudence, [97] and that of divination. [98] Some fortunate conjectures of futureevents, which impartial reasoners might ascribe to the experience andjudgment of Athanasius, were attributed by his friends to heavenlyinspiration, and imputed by his enemies to infernal magic. 

[Footnote 96: We may regret that Gregory Nazianzen composed a panegyricinstead of a life of Athanasius; but we should enjoy and improve theadvantage of drawing our most authentic materials from the rich fundof his own epistles and apologies, (tom. I. P. 670-951. ) I shall notimitate the example of Socrates, (l. Ii. C. L. ) who published the firstedition of the history, without giving himself the trouble to consultthe writings of Athanasius. Yet even Socrates, the more curious Sozomen, and the learned Theodoret, connect the life of Athanasius with theseries of ecclesiastical history. The diligence of Tillemont, (tom. Viii, ) and of the Benedictine editors, has collected every fact, andexamined every difficulty]

[Footnote 97: Sulpicius Severus (Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 396) calls hima lawyer, a jurisconsult. This character cannot now be discovered eitherin the life or writings of Athanasius. ]

[Footnote 98: Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, quaeve auguralesportenderent alites scientissime callens aliquoties praedixisse futura. Ammianus, xv. 7. A prophecy, or rather a joke, is related by Sozomen, (l. Iv c. 10, ) which evidently proves (if the crows speak Latin) thatAthanasius understood the language of the crows. ]

But as Athanasius was continually engaged with the prejudices andpassions of every order of men, from the monk to the emperor, theknowledge of human nature was his first and most important science. Hepreserved a distinct and unbroken view of a scene which was incessantlyshifting; and never failed to improve those decisive moments whichare irrecoverably past before they are perceived by a common eye. Thearchbishop of Alexandria was capable of distinguishing how far he mightboldly command, and where he must dexterously insinuate; how long hemight contend with power, and when he must withdraw from persecution;and while he directed the thunders of the church against heresy andrebellion, he could assume, in the bosom of his own party, the flexibleand indulgent temper of a prudent leader. The election of Athanasius hasnot escaped the reproach of irregularity and precipitation; [99] but thepropriety of his behavior conciliated the affections both of the clergyand of the people. The Alexandrians were impatient to rise in arms forthe defence of an eloquent and liberal pastor. In his distress he alwaysderived support, or at least consolation, from the faithful attachmentof his parochial clergy; and the hundred bishops of Egypt adhered, withunshaken zeal, to the cause of Athanasius. In the modest equipage whichpride and policy would affect, he frequently performed the episcopalvisitation of his provinces, from the mouth of the Nile to the confinesof Aethiopia; familiarly conversing with the meanest of the populace, and humbly saluting the saints and hermits of the desert. [100] Norwas it only in ecclesiastical assemblies, among men whose educationand manners were similar to his own, that Athanasius displayed theascendancy of his genius. He appeared with easy and respectful firmnessin the courts of princes; and in the various turns of his prosperousand adverse fortune he never lost the confidence of his friends, or theesteem of his enemies. 

[Footnote 99: The irregular ordination of Athanasius was slightlymentioned in the councils which were held against him. See Philostorg. L. Ii. C. 11, and Godefroy, p. 71; but it can scarcely be supposed thatthe assembly of the bishops of Egypt would solemnly attest a publicfalsehood. Athanas. Tom. I. P. 726. ]

[Footnote 100: See the history of the Fathers of the Desert, publishedby Rosweide; and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. , in the lives ofAntony, Pachomius, &c. Athanasius himself, who did not disdain tocompose the life of his friend Antony, has carefully observed how oftenthe holy monk deplored and prophesied the mischiefs of the Arian heresyAthanas. Tom. Ii. P. 492, 498, &c. ]

In his youth, the primate of Egypt resisted the great Constantine, whohad repeatedly signified his will, that Arius should be restored to theCatholic communion. [101] The emperor respected, and might forgive, this inflexible resolution; and the faction who considered Athanasius astheir most formidable enemy, was constrained to dissemble their hatred, and silently to prepare an indirect and distant assault. They scatteredrumors and suspicions, represented the archbishop as a proud andoppressive tyrant, and boldly accused him of violating the treaty whichhad been ratified in the Nicene council, with the schismatic followersof Meletius. [102] Athanasius had openly disapproved that ignominiouspeace, and the emperor was disposed to believe that he had abused hisecclesiastical and civil power, to prosecute those odious sectaries:that he had sacrilegiously broken a chalice in one of their churches ofMareotis; that he had whipped or imprisoned six of their bishops; andthat Arsenius, a seventh bishop of the same party, had been murdered, or at least mutilated, by the cruel hand of the primate. [103] Thesecharges, which affected his honor and his life, were referred byConstantine to his brother Dalmatius the censor, who resided at Antioch;the synods of Caesarea and Tyre were successively convened; and thebishops of the East were instructed to judge the cause of Athanasius, before they proceeded to consecrate the new church of the Resurrectionat Jerusalem. The primate might be conscious of his innocence; but hewas sensible that the same implacable spirit which had dictated theaccusation, would direct the proceeding, and pronounce the sentence. Heprudently declined the tribunal of his enemies; despised the summons ofthe synod of Caesarea; and, after a long and artful delay, submittedto the peremptory commands of the emperor, who threatened to punish hiscriminal disobedience if he refused to appear in the council of Tyre. [104] Before Athanasius, at the head of fifty Egyptian prelates, sailedfrom Alexandria, he had wisely secured the alliance of the Meletians;and Arsenius himself, his imaginary victim, and his secret friend, wasprivately concealed in his train. The synod of Tyre was conducted byEusebius of Caesarea, with more passion, and with less art, than hislearning and experience might promise; his numerous faction repeated thenames of homicide and tyrant; and their clamors were encouraged by theseeming patience of Athanasius, who expected the decisive moment toproduce Arsenius alive and unhurt in the midst of the assembly. Thenature of the other charges did not admit of such clear and satisfactoryreplies; yet the archbishop was able to prove, that in the village, where he was accused of breaking a consecrated chalice, neither churchnor altar nor chalice could really exist. 

The Arians, who had secretly determined the guilt and condemnation oftheir enemy, attempted, however, to disguise their injustice by theimitation of judicial forms: the synod appointed an episcopal commissionof six delegates to collect evidence on the spot; and this measure whichwas vigorously opposed by the Egyptian bishops, opened new scenesof violence and perjury. [105] After the return of the deputies fromAlexandria, the majority of the council pronounced the final sentenceof degradation and exile against the primate of Egypt. The decree, expressed in the fiercest language of malice and revenge, wascommunicated to the emperor and the Catholic church; and the bishopsimmediately resumed a mild and devout aspect, such as became their holypilgrimage to the Sepulchre of Christ. [106]

[Footnote 101: At first Constantine threatened in speaking, butrequested in writing. His letters gradually assumed a menacing tone; bywhile he required that the entrance of the church should be open toall, he avoided the odious name of Arius. Athanasius, like a skilfulpolitician, has accurately marked these distinctions, (tom. I. P. 788. )which allowed him some scope for excuse and delay]

[Footnote 102: The Meletians in Egypt, like the Donatists in Africa, were produced by an episcopal quarrel which arose from the persecution. I have not leisure to pursue the obscure controversy, which seemsto have been misrepresented by the partiality of Athanasius and theignorance of Epiphanius. See Mosheim's General History of the Church, vol. I. P. 201. ]

[Footnote 103: The treatment of the six bishops is specified by Sozomen, (l. Ii. C. 25;) but Athanasius himself, so copious on the subject ofArsenius and the chalice, leaves this grave accusation without areply. Note: This grave charge, if made, (and it rests entirely onthe authority of Soz omen, ) seems to have been silently dropped bythe parties themselves: it is never alluded to in the subsequentinvestigations. From Sozomen himself, who gives the unfavorable reportof the commission of inquiry sent to Egypt concerning the cup. It doesnot appear that they noticed this accusation of personal violence. --M]

[Footnote 104: Athanas, tom. I. P. 788. Socrates, l. I. C. 28. Sozomen, l. Ii. C 25. The emperor, in his Epistle of Convocation, (Euseb. In Vit. Constant. L. Iv. C. 42, ) seems to prejudge some members of theclergy and it was more than probable that the synod would apply thosereproaches to Athanasius. ]

[Footnote 105: See, in particular, the second Apology of Athanasius, (tom. I. P. 763-808, ) and his Epistles to the Monks, (p. 808-866. )They are justified by original and authentic documents; but they wouldinspire more confidence if he appeared less innocent, and his enemiesless absurd. ]

[Footnote 106: Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. L. Iv. C. 41-47. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part V. 

But the injustice of these ecclesiastical judges had not beencountenanced by the submission, or even by the presence, of Athanasius. He resolved to make a bold and dangerous experiment, whether the thronewas inaccessible to the voice of truth; and before the final sentencecould be pronounced at Tyre, the intrepid primate threw himself into abark which was ready to hoist sail for the Imperial city. The requestof a formal audience might have been opposed or eluded; but Athanasiusconcealed his arrival, watched the moment of Constantine's return froman adjacent villa, and boldly encountered his angry sovereign as hepassed on horseback through the principal street of Constantinople. So strange an apparition excited his surprise and indignation; and theguards were ordered to remove the importunate suitor; but his resentmentwas subdued by involuntary respect; and the haughty spirit of theemperor was awed by the courage and eloquence of a bishop, who imploredhis justice and awakened his conscience. [107] Constantine listened tothe complaints of Athanasius with impartial and even gracious attention;the members of the synod of Tyre were summoned to justify theirproceedings; and the arts of the Eusebian faction would have beenconfounded, if they had not aggravated the guilt of the primate, by thedexterous supposition of an unpardonable offence; a criminal design tointercept and detain the corn-fleet of Alexandria, which supplied thesubsistence of the new capital. [108] The emperor was satisfied that thepeace of Egypt would be secured by the absence of a popular leader; buthe refused to fill the vacancy of the archiepiscopal throne; and thesentence, which, after long hesitation, he pronounced, was that of ajealous ostracism, rather than of an ignominious exile. In the remoteprovince of Gaul, but in the hospitable court of Treves, Athanasiuspassed about twenty eight months. The death of the emperor changed theface of public affairs and, amidst the general indulgence of a youngreign, the primate was restored to his country by an honorable edict ofthe younger Constantine, who expressed a deep sense of the innocence andmerit of his venerable guest. [109]

[Footnote 107: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 804. In a church dedicated to St. Athanasius this situation would afford a better subject for a picture, than most of the stories of miracles and martyrdoms. ]

[Footnote 108: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 729. Eunapius has related (in Vit. Sophist. P. 36, 37, edit. Commelin) a strange example of the cruelty andcredulity of Constantine on a similar occasion. The eloquent Sopater, aSyrian philosopher, enjoyed his friendship, and provoked the resentmentof Ablavius, his Praetorian praefect. The corn-fleet was detained forwant of a south wind; the people of Constantinople were discontented;and Sopater was beheaded, on a charge that he had bound the winds by thepower of magic. Suidas adds, that Constantine wished to prove, by thisexecution, that he had absolutely renounced the superstition of theGentiles. ]

[Footnote 109: In his return he saw Constantius twice, at Viminiacum, and at Caesarea in Cappadocia, (Athanas. Tom. I. P. 676. ) Tillemontsupposes that Constantine introduced him to the meeting of the threeroyal brothers in Pannonia, (Memoires Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 69. )]

The death of that prince exposed Athanasius to a second persecution;and the feeble Constantius, the sovereign of the East, soon becamethe secret accomplice of the Eusebians. Ninety bishops of that sect orfaction assembled at Antioch, under the specious pretence of dedicatingthe cathedral. They composed an ambiguous creed, which is faintly tingedwith the colors of Semi-Arianism, and twenty-five canons, which stillregulate the discipline of the orthodox Greeks. [110] It was decided, with some appearance of equity, that a bishop, deprived by a synod, should not resume his episcopal functions till he had been absolved bythe judgment of an equal synod; the law was immediately applied tothe case of Athanasius; the council of Antioch pronounced, or ratherconfirmed, his degradation: a stranger, named Gregory, was seated on histhrone; and Philagrius, [111] the praefect of Egypt, was instructedto support the new primate with the civil and military powers ofthe province. Oppressed by the conspiracy of the Asiatic prelates, Athanasius withdrew from Alexandria, and passed three years [112] as anexile and a suppliant on the holy threshold of the Vatican. [113] Bythe assiduous study of the Latin language, he soon qualified himselfto negotiate with the western clergy; his decent flattery swayed anddirected the haughty Julius; the Roman pontiff was persuaded to considerhis appeal as the peculiar interest of the Apostolic see: and hisinnocence was unanimously declared in a council of fifty bishops ofItaly. At the end of three years, the primate was summoned to the courtof Milan by the emperor Constans, who, in the indulgence of unlawfulpleasures, still professed a lively regard for the orthodox faith. Thecause of truth and justice was promoted by the influence of gold, [114]and the ministers of Constans advised their sovereign to require theconvocation of an ecclesiastical assembly, which might act as therepresentatives of the Catholic church. Ninety-four bishops of the West, seventy-six bishops of the East, encountered each other at Sardica, onthe verge of the two empires, but in the dominions of the protector ofAthanasius. Their debates soon degenerated into hostile altercations;the Asiatics, apprehensive for their personal safety, retired toPhilippopolis in Thrace; and the rival synods reciprocally hurled theirspiritual thunders against their enemies, whom they piously condemned asthe enemies of the true God. Their decrees were published and ratifiedin their respective provinces: and Athanasius, who in the West wasrevered as a saint, was exposed as a criminal to the abhorrence of theEast. [115] The council of Sardica reveals the first symptoms of discordand schism between the Greek and Latin churches which were separatedby the accidental difference of faith, and the permanent distinction oflanguage. 

[Footnote 110: See Beveridge, Pandect. Tom. I. P. 429-452, and tom. Ii. Annotation. P. 182. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 310-324. St. Hilary of Poitiers has mentioned this synod of Antioch with too muchfavor and respect. He reckons ninety-seven bishops. ]

[Footnote 111: This magistrate, so odious to Athanasius, is praised byGregory Nazianzen, tom. I. Orat. Xxi. P. 390, 391. 

Saepe premente Deo fert Deus alter opem. 

For the credit of human nature, I am always pleased to discover somegood qualities in those men whom party has represented as tyrants andmonsters. ]

[Footnote 112: The chronological difficulties which perplex theresidence of Athanasius at Rome, are strenuously agitated by Valesius(Observat ad Calcem, tom. Ii. Hist. Eccles. L. I. C. 1-5) and Tillemont, (Men: Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 674, &c. ) I have followed the simplehypothesis of Valesius, who allows only one journey, after the intrusionGregory. ]

[Footnote 113: I cannot forbear transcribing a judicious observation ofWetstein, (Prolegomen. N. S. P. 19: ) Si tamen Historiam Ecclesiasticamvelimus consulere, patebit jam inde a seculo quarto, cum, ortiscontroversiis, ecclesiae Graeciae doctores in duas partes scinderentur, ingenio, eloquentia, numero, tantum non aequales, eam partem quaevincere cupiebat Romam confugisse, majestatemque pontificis comitercoluisse, eoque pacto oppressis per pontificem et episcopos Latinosadversariis praevaluisse, atque orthodoxiam in conciliis stabilivisse. Eam ob causam Athanasius, non sine comitatu, Roman petiit, pluresqueannos ibi haesit. ]

[Footnote 114: Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 12. If any corruption was usedto promote the interest of religion, an advocate of Athanasius mightjustify or excuse this questionable conduct, by the example of Cato andSidney; the former of whom is said to have given, and the latter to havereceived, a bribe in the cause of liberty. ]

[Footnote 115: The canon which allows appeals to the Roman pontiffs, has almost raised the council of Sardica to the dignity of a generalcouncil; and its acts have been ignorantly or artfully confounded withthose of the Nicene synod. See Tillemont, tom. Vii. P. 689, and Geddos'sTracts, vol. Ii. P. 419-460. ]

During his second exile in the West, Athanasius was frequently admittedto the Imperial presence; at Capua, Lodi, Milan, Verona, Padua, Aquileia, and Treves. The bishop of the diocese usually assisted atthese interviews; the master of the offices stood before the veil orcurtain of the sacred apartment; and the uniform moderation of theprimate might be attested by these respectable witnesses, to whoseevidence he solemnly appeals. [116] Prudence would undoubtedly suggestthe mild and respectful tone that became a subject and a bishop. Inthese familiar conferences with the sovereign of the West, Athanasiusmight lament the error of Constantius, but he boldly arraigned the guiltof his eunuchs and his Arian prelates; deplored the distress and dangerof the Catholic church; and excited Constans to emulate the zeal andglory of his father. The emperor declared his resolution of employingthe troops and treasures of Europe in the orthodox cause; and signified, by a concise and peremptory epistle to his brother Constantius, thatunless he consented to the immediate restoration of Athanasius, hehimself, with a fleet and army, would seat the archbishop on the throneof Alexandria. [117] But this religious war, so horrible to nature, wasprevented by the timely compliance of Constantius; and the emperor ofthe East condescended to solicit a reconciliation with a subject whom hehad injured. Athanasius waited with decent pride, till he had receivedthree successive epistles full of the strongest assurances of theprotection, the favor, and the esteem of his sovereign; who invited himto resume his episcopal seat, and who added the humiliating precautionof engaging his principal ministers to attest the sincerity of hisintentions. They were manifested in a still more public manner, by thestrict orders which were despatched into Egypt to recall the adherentsof Athanasius, to restore their privileges, to proclaim their innocence, and to erase from the public registers the illegal proceedings which hadbeen obtained during the prevalence of the Eusebian faction. After everysatisfaction and security had been given, which justice or even delicacycould require, the primate proceeded, by slow journeys, through theprovinces of Thrace, Asia, and Syria; and his progress was marked by theabject homage of the Oriental bishops, who excited his contemptwithout deceiving his penetration. [118] At Antioch he saw theemperor Constantius; sustained, with modest firmness, the embraces andprotestations of his master, and eluded the proposal of allowing theArians a single church at Alexandria, by claiming, in the other citiesof the empire, a similar toleration for his own party; a reply whichmight have appeared just and moderate in the mouth of an independentprince. The entrance of the archbishop into his capital was atriumphal procession; absence and persecution had endeared him to theAlexandrians; his authority, which he exercised with rigor, was morefirmly established; and his fame was diffused from Aethiopia to Britain, over the whole extent of the Christian world. [119]

[Footnote 116: As Athanasius dispersed secret invectives againstConstantius, (see the Epistle to the Monks, ) at the same time that heassured him of his profound respect, we might distrust the professionsof the archbishop. Tom. I. P. 677. ]

[Footnote 117: Notwithstanding the discreet silence of Athanasius, andthe manifest forgery of a letter inserted by Socrates, these menaces areproved by the unquestionable evidence of Lucifer of Cagliari, and evenof Constantius himself. See Tillemont, tom. Viii. P. 693]

[Footnote 118: I have always entertained some doubts concerning theretraction of Ursacius and Valens, (Athanas. Tom. I. P. 776. ) Theirepistles to Julius, bishop of Rome, and to Athanasius himself, are of sodifferent a cast from each other, that they cannot both be genuine. Theone speaks the language of criminals who confess their guilt andinfamy; the other of enemies, who solicit on equal terms an honorablereconciliation. * Note: I cannot quite comprehend the ground of Gibbon'sdoubts. Athanasius distinctly asserts the fact of their retractation. (Athan. Op. I. P. 124, edit. Benedict. ) The epistles are apparentlytranslations from the Latin, if, in fact, more than the substance of theepistles. That to Athanasius is brief, almost abrupt. Their retractationis likewise mentioned in the address of the orthodox bishops of Riminito Constantius. Athan. De Synodis, Op t. I. P 723-M. ]

[Footnote 119: The circumstances of his second return may be collectedfrom Athanasius himself, tom. I. P. 769, and 822, 843. Socrates, l. Ii. C. 18, Sozomen, l. Iii. C. 19. Theodoret, l. Ii. C. 11, 12. Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 12. ]

But the subject who has reduced his prince to the necessity ofdissembling, can never expect a sincere and lasting forgiveness; andthe tragic fate of Constans soon deprived Athanasius of a powerful andgenerous protector. The civil war between the assassin and the onlysurviving brother of Constans, which afflicted the empire above threeyears, secured an interval of repose to the Catholic church; and thetwo contending parties were desirous to conciliate the friendship of abishop, who, by the weight of his personal authority, might determinethe fluctuating resolutions of an important province. He gave audienceto the ambassadors of the tyrant, with whom he was afterwards accusedof holding a secret correspondence; [120] and the emperor Constantiusrepeatedly assured his dearest father, the most reverend Athanasius, that, notwithstanding the malicious rumors which were circulated bytheir common enemies, he had inherited the sentiments, as well as thethrone, of his deceased brother. [121] Gratitude and humanity would havedisposed the primate of Egypt to deplore the untimely fate of Constans, and to abhor the guilt of Magnentius; but as he clearly understood thatthe apprehensions of Constantius were his only safeguard, the fervorof his prayers for the success of the righteous cause might perhaps besomewhat abated. The ruin of Athanasius was no longer contrived bythe obscure malice of a few bigoted or angry bishops, who abusedthe authority of a credulous monarch. The monarch himself avowed theresolution, which he had so long suppressed, of avenging his privateinjuries; [122] and the first winter after his victory, which he passedat Arles, was employed against an enemy more odious to him than thevanquished tyrant of Gaul. 

[Footnote 120: Athanasius (tom. I. P. 677, 678) defends his innocenceby pathetic complaints, solemn assertions, and specious arguments. Headmits that letters had been forged in his name, but he requests thathis own secretaries and those of the tyrant might be examined, whetherthose letters had been written by the former, or received by thelatter. ]

[Footnote 121: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 825-844. ]

[Footnote 122: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 861. Theodoret, l. Ii. C. 16. The emperor declared that he was more desirous to subdue Athanasius, than he had been to vanquish Magnentius or Sylvanus. ]

If the emperor had capriciously decreed the death of the most eminentand virtuous citizen of the republic, the cruel order would have beenexecuted without hesitation, by the ministers of open violence or ofspecious injustice. The caution, the delay, the difficulty with whichhe proceeded in the condemnation and punishment of a popular bishop, discovered to the world that the privileges of the church had alreadyrevived a sense of order and freedom in the Roman government. Thesentence which was pronounced in the synod of Tyre, and subscribed bya large majority of the Eastern bishops, had never been expresslyrepealed; and as Athanasius had been once degraded from his episcopaldignity by the judgment of his brethren, every subsequent act might beconsidered as irregular, and even criminal. But the memory of the firmand effectual support which the primate of Egypt had derived from theattachment of the Western church, engaged Constantius to suspend theexecution of the sentence till he had obtained the concurrence of theLatin bishops. Two years were consumed in ecclesiastical negotiations;and the important cause between the emperor and one of his subjects wassolemnly debated, first in the synod of Arles, and afterwards in thegreat council of Milan, [123] which consisted of above three hundredbishops. Their integrity was gradually undermined by the arguments ofthe Arians, the dexterity of the eunuchs, and the pressing solicitationsof a prince who gratified his revenge at the expense of his dignity, and exposed his own passions, whilst he influenced those of the clergy. Corruption, the most infallible symptom of constitutional liberty, wassuccessfully practised; honors, gifts, and immunities were offered andaccepted as the price of an episcopal vote; [124] and the condemnationof the Alexandrian primate was artfully represented as the only measurewhich could restore the peace and union of the Catholic church. Thefriends of Athanasius were not, however, wanting to their leader, or totheir cause. With a manly spirit, which the sanctity of their characterrendered less dangerous, they maintained, in public debate, and inprivate conference with the emperor, the eternal obligation of religionand justice. They declared, that neither the hope of his favor, northe fear of his displeasure, should prevail on them to join in thecondemnation of an absent, an innocent, a respectable brother. [125]They affirmed, with apparent reason, that the illegal and obsoletedecrees of the council of Tyre had long since been tacitly abolished bythe Imperial edicts, the honorable reestablishment of the archbishopof Alexandria, and the silence or recantation of his most clamorousadversaries. They alleged, that his innocence had been attested by theunanimous bishops of Egypt, and had been acknowledged in the councils ofRome and Sardica, [126] by the impartial judgment of the Latin church. They deplored the hard condition of Athanasius, who, after enjoying somany years his seat, his reputation, and the seeming confidence of hissovereign, was again called upon to confute the most groundless andextravagant accusations. Their language was specious; their conduct washonorable: but in this long and obstinate contest, which fixed the eyesof the whole empire on a single bishop, the ecclesiastical factions wereprepared to sacrifice truth and justice to the more interesting objectof defending or removing the intrepid champion of the Nicene faith. The Arians still thought it prudent to disguise, in ambiguous language, their real sentiments and designs; but the orthodox bishops, armed withthe favor of the people, and the decrees of a general council, insistedon every occasion, and particularly at Milan, that their adversariesshould purge themselves from the suspicion of heresy, before theypresumed to arraign the conduct of the great Athanasius. [127]

[Footnote 123: The affairs of the council of Milan are so imperfectlyand erroneously related by the Greek writers, that we must rejoice inthe supply of some letters of Eusebius, extracted by Baronius from thearchives of the church of Vercellae, and of an old life of Dionysius ofMilan, published by Bollandus. See Baronius, A. D. 355, and Tillemont, tom. Vii. P. 1415. ]

[Footnote 124: The honors, presents, feasts, which seduced so manybishops, are mentioned with indignation by those who were too pure ortoo proud to accept them. "We combat (says Hilary of Poitiers) againstConstantius the Antichrist; who strokes the belly instead of scourgingthe back;" qui non dorsa caedit; sed ventrem palpat. Hilarius contraConstant c. 5, p. 1240. ]

[Footnote 125: Something of this opposition is mentioned by Ammianus(x. 7, ) who had a very dark and superficial knowledge of ecclesiasticalhistory. Liberius. .. Perseveranter renitebatur, nec visum hominem, nec auditum damnare, nefas ultimum saepe exclamans; aperte scilicetrecalcitrans Imperatoris arbitrio. Id enim ille Athanasio semperinfestus, &c. ]

[Footnote 126: More properly by the orthodox part of the council ofSardica. If the bishops of both parties had fairly voted, the divisionwould have been 94 to 76. M. De Tillemont (see tom. Viii. P. 1147-1158)is justly surprised that so small a majority should have proceededas vigorously against their adversaries, the principal of whom theyimmediately deposed. ]

[Footnote 127: Sulp. Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 412. ]

But the voice of reason (if reason was indeed on the side of Athanasius)was silenced by the clamors of a factious or venal majority; and thecouncils of Arles and Milan were not dissolved, till the archbishop ofAlexandria had been solemnly condemned and deposed by the judgment ofthe Western, as well as of the Eastern, church. The bishops who hadopposed, were required to subscribe, the sentence, and to unite inreligious communion with the suspected leaders of the adverse party. Aformulary of consent was transmitted by the messengers of state tothe absent bishops: and all those who refused to submit their privateopinion to the public and inspired wisdom of the councils of Arles andMilan, were immediately banished by the emperor, who affected to executethe decrees of the Catholic church. Among those prelates who led thehonorable band of confessors and exiles, Liberius of Rome, Osius ofCordova, Paulinus of Treves, Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of Vercellae, Lucifer of Cagliari and Hilary of Poitiers, may deserve to beparticularly distinguished. The eminent station of Liberius, whogoverned the capital of the empire; the personal merit and longexperience of the venerable Osius, who was revered as the favorite ofthe great Constantine, and the father of the Nicene faith, placed thoseprelates at the head of the Latin church: and their example, either ofsubmission or resistance, would probable be imitated by the episcopalcrowd. But the repeated attempts of the emperor to seduce or tointimidate the bishops of Rome and Cordova, were for some timeineffectual. The Spaniard declared himself ready to suffer underConstantius, as he had suffered threescore years before under hisgrandfather Maximian. The Roman, in the presence of his sovereign, asserted the innocence of Athanasius and his own freedom. When he wasbanished to Beraea in Thrace, he sent back a large sum which had beenoffered for the accommodation of his journey; and insulted the court ofMilan by the haughty remark, that the emperor and his eunuchs might wantthat gold to pay their soldiers and their bishops. [128] The resolutionof Liberius and Osius was at length subdued by the hardships of exileand confinement. The Roman pontiff purchased his return by somecriminal compliances; and afterwards expiated his guilt by a seasonablerepentance. Persuasion and violence were employed to extort thereluctant signature of the decrepit bishop of Cordova, whose strengthwas broken, and whose faculties were perhaps impaired by the weight ofa hundred years; and the insolent triumph of the Arians provoked someof the orthodox party to treat with inhuman severity the character, orrather the memory, of an unfortunate old man, to whose former servicesChristianity itself was so deeply indebted. [129]

[Footnote 128: The exile of Liberius is mentioned by Ammianus, xv. 7. See Theodoret, l. Ii. C. 16. Athanas. Tom. I. P. 834-837. Hilar. Fragment l. ]

[Footnote 129: The life of Osius is collected by Tillemont, (tom. Vii. P. 524-561, ) who in the most extravagant terms first admires, and thenreprobates, the bishop of Cordova. In the midst of their lamentations onhis fall, the prudence of Athanasius may be distinguished from the blindand intemperate zeal of Hilary. ]

The fall of Liberius and Osius reflected a brighter lustre on thefirmness of those bishops who still adhered, with unshaken fidelity, to the cause of Athanasius and religious truth. The ingenious maliceof their enemies had deprived them of the benefit of mutual comfort andadvice, separated those illustrious exiles into distant provinces, andcarefully selected the most inhospitable spots of a great empire. [130] Yet they soon experienced that the deserts of Libya, and themost barbarous tracts of Cappadocia, were less inhospitable than theresidence of those cities in which an Arian bishop could satiate, without restraint, the exquisite rancor of theological hatred. [131]Their consolation was derived from the consciousness of rectitudeand independence, from the applause, the visits, the letters, and theliberal alms of their adherents, [132] and from the satisfactionwhich they soon enjoyed of observing the intestine divisions of theadversaries of the Nicene faith. Such was the nice and capricioustaste of the emperor Constantius; and so easily was he offended by theslightest deviation from his imaginary standard of Christian truth, that he persecuted, with equal zeal, those who defended theconsubstantiality, those who asserted the similar substance, and thosewho denied the likeness of the Son of God. Three bishops, degraded andbanished for those adverse opinions, might possibly meet in the sameplace of exile; and, according to the difference of their temper, mighteither pity or insult the blind enthusiasm of their antagonists, whosepresent sufferings would never be compensated by future happiness. 

[Footnote 130: The confessors of the West were successively banished tothe deserts of Arabia or Thebais, the lonely places of Mount Taurus, thewildest parts of Phrygia, which were in the possession of the impiousMontanists, &c. When the heretic Aetius was too favorably entertained atMopsuestia in Cilicia, the place of his exile was changed, by the adviceof Acacius, to Amblada, a district inhabited by savages and infested bywar and pestilence. Philostorg. L. V. C. 2. ]

[Footnote 131: See the cruel treatment and strange obstinacy ofEusebius, in his own letters, published by Baronius, A. D. 356, No. 92-102. ]

[Footnote 132: Caeterum exules satis constat, totius orbis studiiscelebratos pecuniasque eis in sumptum affatim congestas, legationibusquoque plebis Catholicae ex omnibus fere provinciis frequentatos. Sulp. Sever Hist. Sacra, p. 414. Athanas. Tom. I. P. 836, 840. ]

The disgrace and exile of the orthodox bishops of the West were designedas so many preparatory steps to the ruin of Athanasius himself. [133]Six-and-twenty months had elapsed, during which the Imperial courtsecretly labored, by the most insidious arts, to remove him fromAlexandria, and to withdraw the allowance which supplied his popularliberality. But when the primate of Egypt, deserted and proscribed bythe Latin church, was left destitute of any foreign support, Constantiusdespatched two of his secretaries with a verbal commission to announceand execute the order of his banishment. As the justice of the sentencewas publicly avowed by the whole party, the only motive which couldrestrain Constantius from giving his messengers the sanction of awritten mandate, must be imputed to his doubt of the event; and to asense of the danger to which he might expose the second city, and themost fertile province, of the empire, if the people should persist inthe resolution of defending, by force of arms, the innocence of theirspiritual father. Such extreme caution afforded Athanasius a speciouspretence respectfully to dispute the truth of an order, which he couldnot reconcile, either with the equity, or with the former declarations, of his gracious master. The civil powers of Egypt found themselvesinadequate to the task of persuading or compelling the primate toabdicate his episcopal throne; and they were obliged to concludea treaty with the popular leaders of Alexandria, by which it wasstipulated, that all proceedings and all hostilities should be suspendedtill the emperor's pleasure had been more distinctly ascertained. Bythis seeming moderation, the Catholics were deceived into a false andfatal security; while the legions of the Upper Egypt, and of Libya, advanced, by secret orders and hasty marches, to besiege, or rather tosurprise, a capital habituated to sedition, and inflamed by religiouszeal. [134] The position of Alexandria, between the sea and the LakeMareotis, facilitated the approach and landing of the troops; who wereintroduced into the heart of the city, before any effectual measurescould be taken either to shut the gates or to occupy the importantposts of defence. At the hour of midnight, twenty-three days after thesignature of the treaty, Syrianus, duke of Egypt, at the head of fivethousand soldiers, armed and prepared for an assault, unexpectedlyinvested the church of St. Theonas, where the archbishop, with a part ofhis clergy and people, performed their nocturnal devotions. The doors ofthe sacred edifice yielded to the impetuosity of the attack, which wasaccompanied with every horrid circumstance of tumult and bloodshed;but, as the bodies of the slain, and the fragments of military weapons, remained the next day an unexceptionable evidence in the possessionof the Catholics, the enterprise of Syrianus may be considered as asuccessful irruption rather than as an absolute conquest. The otherchurches of the city were profaned by similar outrages; and, during atleast four months, Alexandria was exposed to the insults of a licentiousarmy, stimulated by the ecclesiastics of a hostile faction. Many ofthe faithful were killed; who may deserve the name of martyrs, if theirdeaths were neither provoked nor revenged; bishops and presbyters weretreated with cruel ignominy; consecrated virgins were stripped naked, scourged and violated; the houses of wealthy citizens were plundered;and, under the mask of religious zeal, lust, avarice, and privateresentment were gratified with impunity, and even with applause. ThePagans of Alexandria, who still formed a numerous and discontentedparty, were easily persuaded to desert a bishop whom they feared andesteemed. The hopes of some peculiar favors, and the apprehension ofbeing involved in the general penalties of rebellion, engaged themto promise their support to the destined successor of Athanasius, the famous George of Cappadocia. The usurper, after receiving theconsecration of an Arian synod, was placed on the episcopal throne bythe arms of Sebastian, who had been appointed Count of Egypt for theexecution of that important design. In the use, as well as in theacquisition, of power, the tyrant, George disregarded the laws ofreligion, of justice, and of humanity; and the same scenes of violenceand scandal which had been exhibited in the capital, were repeatedin more than ninety episcopal cities of Egypt. Encouraged by success, Constantius ventured to approve the conduct of his minister. By a publicand passionate epistle, the emperor congratulates the deliverance ofAlexandria from a popular tyrant, who deluded his blind votaries by themagic of his eloquence; expatiates on the virtues and piety of the mostreverend George, the elected bishop; and aspires, as the patron andbenefactor of the city to surpass the fame of Alexander himself. Buthe solemnly declares his unalterable resolution to pursue with fire andsword the seditious adherents of the wicked Athanasius, who, by flyingfrom justice, has confessed his guilt, and escaped the ignominious deathwhich he had so often deserved. [135]

[Footnote 133: Ample materials for the history of this third persecutionof Athanasius may be found in his own works. See particularly his veryable Apology to Constantius, (tom. I. P. 673, ) his first Apology for hisflight (p. 701, ) his prolix Epistle to the Solitaries, (p. 808, ) andthe original protest of the people of Alexandria against the violencescommitted by Syrianus, (p. 866. ) Sozomen (l. Iv. C. 9) has thrown intothe narrative two or three luminous and important circumstances. ]

[Footnote 134: Athanasius had lately sent for Antony, and some of hischosen monks. They descended from their mountains, announced to theAlexandrians the sanctity of Athanasius, and were honorably conducted bythe archbishop as far as the gates of the city. Athanas tom. Ii. P. 491, 492. See likewise Rufinus, iii. 164, in Vit. Patr. P. 524. ]

[Footnote 135: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 694. The emperor, or his Ariansecretaries while they express their resentment, betray their fears andesteem of Athanasius. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part VI. 

Athanasius had indeed escaped from the most imminent dangers; and theadventures of that extraordinary man deserve and fix our attention. Onthe memorable night when the church of St. Theonas was invested by thetroops of Syrianus, the archbishop, seated on his throne, expected, with calm and intrepid dignity, the approach of death. While the publicdevotion was interrupted by shouts of rage and cries of terror, he animated his trembling congregation to express their religiousconfidence, by chanting one of the psalms of David which celebratesthe triumph of the God of Israel over the haughty and impious tyrantof Egypt. The doors were at length burst open: a cloud of arrows wasdischarged among the people; the soldiers, with drawn swords, rushedforwards into the sanctuary; and the dreadful gleam of their arms wasreflected by the holy luminaries which burnt round the altar. [136]Athanasius still rejected the pious importunity of the monks andpresbyters, who were attached to his person; and nobly refused to deserthis episcopal station, till he had dismissed in safety the last of thecongregation. The darkness and tumult of the night favored the retreatof the archbishop; and though he was oppressed by the waves of anagitated multitude, though he was thrown to the ground, and left withoutsense or motion, he still recovered his undaunted courage, and eludedthe eager search of the soldiers, who were instructed by their Arianguides, that the head of Athanasius would be the most acceptable presentto the emperor. From that moment the primate of Egypt disappeared fromthe eyes of his enemies, and remained above six years concealed inimpenetrable obscurity. [137]

[Footnote 136: These minute circumstances are curious, as they areliterally transcribed from the protest, which was publicly presentedthree days afterwards by the Catholics of Alexandria. See Athanas. Tom. L. N. 867]

[Footnote 137: The Jansenists have often compared Athanasius andArnauld, and have expatiated with pleasure on the faith and zeal, themerit and exile, of those celebrated doctors. This concealed parallel isvery dexterously managed by the Abbe de la Bleterie, Vie de Jovien, tom. I. P. 130. ]

The despotic power of his implacable enemy filled the whole extent ofthe Roman world; and the exasperated monarch had endeavored, by a verypressing epistle to the Christian princes of Ethiopia, [137a] to excludeAthanasius from the most remote and sequestered regions of the earth. Counts, praefects, tribunes, whole armies, were successively employed topursue a bishop and a fugitive; the vigilance of the civil and militarypowers was excited by the Imperial edicts; liberal rewards were promisedto the man who should produce Athanasius, either alive or dead; and themost severe penalties were denounced against those who should dare toprotect the public enemy. [138] But the deserts of Thebais were nowpeopled by a race of wild, yet submissive fanatics, who preferred thecommands of their abbot to the laws of their sovereign. The numerousdisciples of Antony and Pachonnus received the fugitive primate as theirfather, admired the patience and humility with which he conformed totheir strictest institutions, collected every word which dropped fromhis lips as the genuine effusions of inspired wisdom; and persuadedthemselves that their prayers, their fasts, and their vigils, were lessmeritorious than the zeal which they expressed, and the dangerswhich they braved, in the defence of truth and innocence. [139] Themonasteries of Egypt were seated in lonely and desolate places, on thesummit of mountains, or in the islands of the Nile; and the sacred hornor trumpet of Tabenne was the well-known signal which assembled severalthousand robust and determined monks, who, for the most part, had beenthe peasants of the adjacent country. When their dark retreats wereinvaded by a military force, which it was impossible to resist, theysilently stretched out their necks to the executioner; and supportedtheir national character, that tortures could never wrest from anEgyptian the confession of a secret which he was resolved not todisclose. [140] The archbishop of Alexandria, for whose safetythey eagerly devoted their lives, was lost among a uniform andwell-disciplined multitude; and on the nearer approach of danger, he wasswiftly removed, by their officious hands, from one place of concealmentto another, till he reached the formidable deserts, which the gloomyand credulous temper of superstition had peopled with daemons and savagemonsters. The retirement of Athanasius, which ended only with the lifeof Constantius, was spent, for the most part, in the society of themonks, who faithfully served him as guards, as secretaries, and asmessengers; but the importance of maintaining a more intimate connectionwith the Catholic party tempted him, whenever the diligence of thepursuit was abated, to emerge from the desert, to introduce himself intoAlexandria, and to trust his person to the discretion of his friends andadherents. His various adventures might have furnished the subject of avery entertaining romance. He was once secreted in a dry cistern, whichhe had scarcely left before he was betrayed by the treachery of a femaleslave; [141] and he was once concealed in a still more extraordinaryasylum, the house of a virgin, only twenty years of age, and who wascelebrated in the whole city for her exquisite beauty. At the hourof midnight, as she related the story many years afterwards, she wassurprised by the appearance of the archbishop in a loose undress, who, advancing with hasty steps, conjured her to afford him the protectionwhich he had been directed by a celestial vision to seek under herhospitable roof. The pious maid accepted and preserved the sacred pledgewhich was intrusted to her prudence and courage. Without imparting thesecret to any one, she instantly conducted Athanasius into her mostsecret chamber, and watched over his safety with the tenderness of afriend and the assiduity of a servant. As long as the danger continued, she regularly supplied him with books and provisions, washed his feet, managed his correspondence, and dexterously concealed from the eye ofsuspicion this familiar and solitary intercourse between a saint whosecharacter required the most unblemished chastity, and a female whosecharms might excite the most dangerous emotions. [142] During the sixyears of persecution and exile, Athanasius repeated his visits to hisfair and faithful companion; and the formal declaration, that he saw thecouncils of Rimini and Seleucia, [143] forces us to believe that hewas secretly present at the time and place of their convocation. Theadvantage of personally negotiating with his friends, and of observingand improving the divisions of his enemies, might justify, in a prudentstatesman, so bold and dangerous an enterprise: and Alexandriawas connected by trade and navigation with every seaport of theMediterranean. From the depth of his inaccessible retreat the intrepidprimate waged an incessant and offensive war against the protectorof the Arians; and his seasonable writings, which were diligentlycirculated and eagerly perused, contributed to unite and animate theorthodox party. In his public apologies, which he addressed to theemperor himself, he sometimes affected the praise of moderation;whilst at the same time, in secret and vehement invectives, he exposedConstantius as a weak and wicked prince, the executioner of his family, the tyrant of the republic, and the Antichrist of the church. In theheight of his prosperity, the victorious monarch, who had chastised therashness of Gallus, and suppressed the revolt of Sylvanus, who had takenthe diadem from the head of Vetranio, and vanquished in the field thelegions of Magnentius, received from an invisible hand a wound, which hecould neither heal nor revenge; and the son of Constantine was thefirst of the Christian princes who experienced the strength of thoseprinciples, which, in the cause of religion, could resist the mostviolent exertions [144] of the civil power. 

[Footnote 137a: These princes were called Aeizanas and Saiazanas. Athanasius calls them the kings of Axum. In the superscription of hisletter, Constantius gives them no title. Mr. Salt, during his firstjourney in Ethiopia, (in 1806, ) discovered, in the ruins of Axum, along and very interesting inscription relating to these princes. It waserected to commemorate the victory of Aeizanas over the Bougaitae, (St. Martin considers them the Blemmyes, whose true name is Bedjah orBodjah. ) Aeizanas is styled king of the Axumites, the Homerites, ofRaeidan, of the Ethiopians, of the Sabsuites, of Silea, of Tiamo, ofthe Bougaites. And of Kaei. It appears that at this time the king of theEthiopians ruled over the Homerites, the inhabitants of Yemen. He wasnot yet a Christian, as he calls himself son of the invincible Mars. Another brother besides Saiazanas, named Adephas, is mentioned, thoughAeizanas seems to have been sole king. See St. Martin, note on Le Beau, ii. 151. Salt's Travels. De Sacy, note in Annales des Voyages, xii. P. 53. --M. ]

[Footnote 138: Hinc jam toto orbe profugus Athanasius, nec ullusci tutus ad latendum supererat locus. Tribuni, Praefecti, Comites, exercitus quoque ad pervestigandum cum moventur edictis Imperialibus;praemia dela toribus proponuntur, si quis eum vivum, si id minus, caputcerte Atha casii detulisset. Rufin. L. I. C. 16. ]

[Footnote 139: Gregor. Nazianzen. Tom. I. Orat. Xxi. P. 384, 385. SeeTillemont Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 176-410, 820-830. ]

[Footnote 140: Et nulla tormentorum vis inveneri, adhuc potuit, quaeobdurato illius tractus latroni invito elicere potuit, ut nomen propriumdicat Ammian. Xxii. 16, and Valesius ad locum. ]

[Footnote 141: Rufin. L. I. C. 18. Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 10. This andthe following story will be rendered impossible, if we suppose thatAthanasius always inhabited the asylum which he accidentally oroccasionally had used. ]

[Footnote 142: Paladius, (Hist. Lausiac. C. 136, in Vit. Patrum, p. 776, ) the original author of this anecdote, had conversed with thedamsel, who in her old age still remembered with pleasure so piousand honorable a connection. I cannot indulge the delicacy of Baronius, Valesius, Tillemont, &c. , who almost reject a story so unworthy, as theydeem it, of the gravity of ecclesiastical history. ]

[Footnote 143: Athanas. Tom. I. P. 869. I agree with Tillemont, (tom. Iii. P. 1197, ) that his expressions imply a personal, though perhapssecret visit to the synods. ]

[Footnote 144: The epistle of Athanasius to the monks is filled withreproaches, which the public must feel to be true, (vol. I. P. 834, 856;) and, in compliment to his readers, he has introduced thecomparisons of Pharaoh, Ahab, Belshazzar, &c. The boldness of Hilary wasattended with less danger, if he published his invective in Gaul afterthe revolt of Julian; but Lucifer sent his libels to Constantius, andalmost challenged the reward of martyrdom. See Tillemont, tom. Vii. P. 905. ]

 The persecution of Athanasius, and of so many respectablebishops, who suffered for the truth of their opinions, or at least forthe integrity of their conscience, was a just subject of indignation anddiscontent to all Christians, except those who were blindly devotedto the Arian faction. The people regretted the loss of their faithfulpastors, whose banishment was usually followed by the intrusion of astranger [145] into the episcopal chair; and loudly complained, that theright of election was violated, and that they were condemned to obey amercenary usurper, whose person was unknown, and whose principles weresuspected. The Catholics might prove to the world, that they were notinvolved in the guilt and heresy of their ecclesiastical governor, bypublicly testifying their dissent, or by totally separating themselvesfrom his communion. The first of these methods was invented at Antioch, and practised with such success, that it was soon diffused over theChristian world. The doxology or sacred hymn, which celebrates the gloryof the Trinity, is susceptible of very nice, but material, inflections;and the substance of an orthodox, or an heretical, creed, may beexpressed by the difference of a disjunctive, or a copulative, particle. Alternate responses, and a more regular psalmody, [146] were introducedinto the public service by Flavianus and Diodorus, two devout and activelaymen, who were attached to the Nicene faith. Under their conducta swarm of monks issued from the adjacent desert, bands ofwell-disciplined singers were stationed in the cathedral of Antioch, the Glory to the Father, And the Son, And the Holy Ghost, [147] wastriumphantly chanted by a full chorus of voices; and the Catholicsinsulted, by the purity of their doctrine, the Arian prelate, who hadusurped the throne of the venerable Eustathius. The same zeal whichinspired their songs prompted the more scrupulous members of theorthodox party to form separate assemblies, which were governed by thepresbyters, till the death of their exiled bishop allowed the electionand consecration of a new episcopal pastor. [148] The revolutions of thecourt multiplied the number of pretenders; and the same city was oftendisputed, under the reign of Constantius, by two, or three, or evenfour, bishops, who exercised their spiritual jurisdiction over theirrespective followers, and alternately lost and regained the temporalpossessions of the church. The abuse of Christianity introduced into theRoman government new causes of tyranny and sedition; the bands of civilsociety were torn asunder by the fury of religious factions; and theobscure citizen, who might calmly have surveyed the elevation and fallof successive emperors, imagined and experienced, that his own life andfortune were connected with the interests of a popular ecclesiastic. The example of the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople, may serve torepresent the state of the empire, and the temper of mankind, under thereign of the sons of Constantine. 

[Footnote 145: Athanasius (tom. I. P. 811) complains in general of thispractice, which he afterwards exemplifies (p. 861) in the pretendedelection of Faelix. Three eunuchs represented the Roman people, andthree prelates, who followed the court, assumed the functions of thebishops of the Suburbicarian provinces. ]

[Footnote 146: Thomassin (Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. I. L. Ii. C. 72, 73, p. 966-984) has collected many curious facts concerning the originand progress of church singing, both in the East and West. * Note: Ariusappears to have been the first who availed himself of this means ofimpressing his doctrines on the popular ear: he composed songsfor sailors, millers, and travellers, and set them to common airs;"beguiling the ignorant, by the sweetness of his music, into the impietyof his doctrines. " Philostorgius, ii. 2. Arian singers used to paradethe streets of Constantinople by night, till Chrysostom arrayed againstthem a band of orthodox choristers. Sozomen, viii. 8. --M. ]

[Footnote 147: Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 13. Godefroy has examined thissubject with singular accuracy, (p. 147, &c. ) There were three heterodoxforms: "To the Father by the Son, and in the Holy Ghost. " "To theFather, and the Son in the Holy Ghost;" and "To the Father in the Sonand the Holy Ghost. "]

[Footnote 148: After the exile of Eustathius, under the reign ofConstantine, the rigid party of the orthodox formed a separation whichafterwards degenerated into a schism, and lasted about fourscore years. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 35-54, 1137-1158, tom. Viii. P. 537-632, 1314-1332. In many churches, the Arians and Homoousians, whohad renounced each other's communion, continued for some time to join inprayer. Philostorgius, l. Iii. C. 14. ]

I. The Roman pontiff, as long as he maintained his station and hisprinciples, was guarded by the warm attachment of a great people; andcould reject with scorn the prayers, the menaces, and the oblations ofan heretical prince. When the eunuchs had secretly pronounced the exileof Liberius, the well-grounded apprehension of a tumult engaged them touse the utmost precautions in the execution of the sentence. The capitalwas invested on every side, and the praefect was commanded to seize theperson of the bishop, either by stratagem or by open force. The orderwas obeyed, and Liberius, with the greatest difficulty, at the hour ofmidnight, was swiftly conveyed beyond the reach of the Roman people, before their consternation was turned into rage. As soon as they wereinformed of his banishment into Thrace, a general assembly was convened, and the clergy of Rome bound themselves, by a public and solemn oath, never to desert their bishop, never to acknowledge the usurper Faelix;who, by the influence of the eunuchs, had been irregularly chosen andconsecrated within the walls of a profane palace. At the end of twoyears, their pious obstinacy subsisted entire and unshaken; andwhen Constantius visited Rome, he was assailed by the importunatesolicitations of a people, who had preserved, as the last remnantof their ancient freedom, the right of treating their sovereign withfamiliar insolence. The wives of many of the senators and most honorablecitizens, after pressing their husbands to intercede in favor ofLiberius, were advised to undertake a commission, which in their handswould be less dangerous, and might prove more successful. The emperorreceived with politeness these female deputies, whose wealth and dignitywere displayed in the magnificence of their dress and ornaments: headmired their inflexible resolution of following their beloved pastorto the most distant regions of the earth; and consented that the twobishops, Liberius and Faelix, should govern in peace their respectivecongregations. But the ideas of toleration were so repugnant to thepractice, and even to the sentiments, of those times, that when theanswer of Constantius was publicly read in the Circus of Rome, soreasonable a project of accommodation was rejected with contempt andridicule. The eager vehemence which animated the spectators in thedecisive moment of a horse-race, was now directed towards a differentobject; and the Circus resounded with the shout of thousands, whorepeatedly exclaimed, "One God, One Christ, One Bishop!" The zeal of theRoman people in the cause of Liberius was not confined to words alone;and the dangerous and bloody sedition which they excited soon after thedeparture of Constantius determined that prince to accept the submissionof the exiled prelate, and to restore him to the undivided dominion ofthe capital. After some ineffectual resistance, his rival was expelledfrom the city by the permission of the emperor and the power of theopposite faction; the adherents of Faelix were inhumanly murdered in thestreets, in the public places, in the baths, and even in the churches;and the face of Rome, upon the return of a Christian bishop, renewed thehorrid image of the massacres of Marius, and the proscriptions of Sylla. [149]

[Footnote 149: See, on this ecclesiastical revolution of Rome, Ammianus, xv. 7 Athanas. Tom. I. P. 834, 861. Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 15. Theodoret, l. Ii c. 17. Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. Ii. P. 413. Hieronym. Chron. Marcellin. Et Faustin. Libell. P. 3, 4. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. ]

II. Notwithstanding the rapid increase of Christians under the reign ofthe Flavian family, Rome, Alexandria, and the other great cities of theempire, still contained a strong and powerful faction of Infidels, whoenvied the prosperity, and who ridiculed, even in their theatres, thetheological disputes of the church. Constantinople alone enjoyed theadvantage of being born and educated in the bosom of the faith. Thecapital of the East had never been polluted by the worship of idols;and the whole body of the people had deeply imbibed the opinions, thevirtues, and the passions, which distinguished the Christians ofthat age from the rest of mankind. After the death of Alexander, theepiscopal throne was disputed by Paul and Macedonius. By their zeal andabilities they both deserved the eminent station to which they aspired;and if the moral character of Macedonius was less exceptionable, hiscompetitor had the advantage of a prior election and a more orthodoxdoctrine. His firm attachment to the Nicene creed, which has given Paula place in the calendar among saints and martyrs, exposed him to theresentment of the Arians. In the space of fourteen years he was fivetimes driven from his throne; to which he was more frequently restoredby the violence of the people, than by the permission of the prince; andthe power of Macedonius could be secured only by the death of his rival. The unfortunate Paul was dragged in chains from the sandy deserts ofMesopotamia to the most desolate places of Mount Taurus, [150] confinedin a dark and narrow dungeon, left six days without food, and at lengthstrangled, by the order of Philip, one of the principal ministers of theemperor Constantius. [151] The first blood which stained the new capitalwas spilt in this ecclesiastical contest; and many persons were slainon both sides, in the furious and obstinate seditions of the people. Thecommission of enforcing a sentence of banishment against Paul had beenintrusted to Hermogenes, the master-general of the cavalry; but theexecution of it was fatal to himself. The Catholics rose in the defenceof their bishop; the palace of Hermogenes was consumed; the firstmilitary officer of the empire was dragged by the heels through thestreets of Constantinople, and, after he expired, his lifeless corpsewas exposed to their wanton insults. [152] The fate of Hermogenesinstructed Philip, the Praetorian praefect, to act with more precautionon a similar occasion. In the most gentle and honorable terms, herequired the attendance of Paul in the baths of Xeuxippus, which had aprivate communication with the palace and the sea. A vessel, which layready at the garden stairs, immediately hoisted sail; and, while thepeople were still ignorant of the meditated sacrilege, their bishop wasalready embarked on his voyage to Thessalonica. They soon beheld, withsurprise and indignation, the gates of the palace thrown open, andthe usurper Macedonius seated by the side of the praefect on a loftychariot, which was surrounded by troops of guards with drawn swords. Themilitary procession advanced towards the cathedral; the Arians andthe Catholics eagerly rushed to occupy that important post; and threethousand one hundred and fifty persons lost their lives in the confusionof the tumult. Macedonius, who was supported by a regular force, obtained a decisive victory; but his reign was disturbed by clamor andsedition; and the causes which appeared the least connected with thesubject of dispute, were sufficient to nourish and to kindle theflame of civil discord. As the chapel in which the body of the greatConstantine had been deposited was in a ruinous condition, the bishoptransported those venerable remains into the church of St. Acacius. Thisprudent and even pious measure was represented as a wicked profanationby the whole party which adhered to the Homoousian doctrine. Thefactions immediately flew to arms, the consecrated ground was used astheir field of battle; and one of the ecclesiastical historians hasobserved, as a real fact, not as a figure of rhetoric, that the wellbefore the church overflowed with a stream of blood, which filled theporticos and the adjacent courts. The writer who should impute thesetumults solely to a religious principle, would betray a very imperfectknowledge of human nature; yet it must be confessed that the motivewhich misled the sincerity of zeal, and the pretence which disguisedthe licentiousness of passion, suppressed the remorse which, inanother cause, would have succeeded to the rage of the Christians atConstantinople. [153]

[Footnote 150: Cucusus was the last stage of his life and sufferings. The situation of that lonely town, on the confines of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and the Lesser Armenia, has occasioned some geographicalperplexity; but we are directed to the true spot by the course of theRoman road from Caesarea to Anazarbus. See Cellarii Geograph. Tom. Ii. P. 213. Wesseling ad Itinerar. P. 179, 703. ]

[Footnote 151: Athanasius (tom. I. P. 703, 813, 814) affirms, in themost positive terms, that Paul was murdered; and appeals, not only tocommon fame, but even to the unsuspicious testimony of Philagrius, one of the Arian persecutors. Yet he acknowledges that the hereticsattributed to disease the death of the bishop of Constantinople. Athanasius is servilely copied by Socrates, (l. Ii. C. 26;) but Sozomen, who discovers a more liberal temper. Presumes (l. Iv. C. 2) to insinuatea prudent doubt. ]

[Footnote 152: Ammianus (xiv. 10) refers to his own account of thistragic event. But we no longer possess that part of his history. Note:The murder of Hermogenes took place at the first expulsion of Paul fromthe see of Constantinople. --M. ]

[Footnote 153: See Socrates, l. Ii. C. 6, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 26, 27, 38, and Sozomen, l. Iii. 3, 4, 7, 9, l. Iv. C. Ii. 21. The acts of St. Paul of Constantinople, of which Photius has made an abstract, (Phot. Bibliot. P. 1419-1430, ) are an indifferent copy of these historians;but a modern Greek, who could write the life of a saint without addingfables and miracles, is entitled to some commendation. ]

Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. --Part VII. 

The cruel and arbitrary disposition of Constantius, which did not alwaysrequire the provocations of guilt and resistance, was justly exasperatedby the tumults of his capital, and the criminal behavior of a faction, which opposed the authority and religion of their sovereign. Theordinary punishments of death, exile, and confiscation, were inflictedwith partial vigor; and the Greeks still revere the holy memory of twoclerks, a reader, and a sub-deacon, who were accused of the murder ofHermogenes, and beheaded at the gates of Constantinople. By an edict ofConstantius against the Catholics which has not been judged worthy of aplace in the Theodosian code, those who refused to communicate with theArian bishops, and particularly with Macedonius, were deprived of theimmunities of ecclesiastics, and of the rights of Christians; theywere compelled to relinquish the possession of the churches; and werestrictly prohibited from holding their assemblies within the walls ofthe city. The execution of this unjust law, in the provinces of Thraceand Asia Minor, was committed to the zeal of Macedonius; the civil andmilitary powers were directed to obey his commands; and the crueltiesexercised by this Semi- Arian tyrant in the support of the Homoiousion, exceeded the commission, and disgraced the reign, of Constantius. Thesacraments of the church were administered to the reluctant victims, who denied the vocation, and abhorred the principles, of Macedonius. The rites of baptism were conferred on women and children, who, for thatpurpose, had been torn from the arms of their friends and parents; themouths of the communicants were held open by a wooden engine, while theconsecrated bread was forced down their throat; the breasts of tendervirgins were either burnt with red-hot egg-shells, or inhumanlycompressed betweens harp and heavy boards. [154] The Novatians ofConstantinople and the adjacent country, by their firm attachment tothe Homoousian standard, deserved to be confounded with the Catholicsthemselves. Macedonius was informed, that a large district ofPaphlagonia [155] was almost entirely inhabited by those sectaries. Heresolved either to convert or to extirpate them; and as he distrusted, on this occasion, the efficacy of an ecclesiastical mission, hecommanded a body of four thousand legionaries to march against therebels, and to reduce the territory of Mantinium under his spiritualdominion. The Novatian peasants, animated by despair and religious fury, boldly encountered the invaders of their country; and though many ofthe Paphlagonians were slain, the Roman legions were vanquished by anirregular multitude, armed only with scythes and axes; and, except a fewwho escaped by an ignominious flight, four thousand soldiers were leftdead on the field of battle. The successor of Constantius has expressed, in a concise but lively manner, some of the theological calamities whichafflicted the empire, and more especially the East, in the reign ofa prince who was the slave of his own passions, and of those of hiseunuchs: "Many were imprisoned, and persecuted, and driven intoexile. Whole troops of those who are styled heretics, were massacred, particularly at Cyzicus, and at Samosata. In Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Galatia, and in many other provinces, towns and villages were laidwaste, and utterly destroyed. " [156]

[Footnote 154: Socrates, l. Ii. C. 27, 38. Sozomen, l. Iv. C. 21. Theprincipal assistants of Macedonius, in the work of persecution, werethe two bishops of Nicomedia and Cyzicus, who were esteemed for theirvirtues, and especially for their charity. I cannot forbear remindingthe reader, that the difference between the Homoousion and Homoiousion, is almost invisible to the nicest theological eye. ]

[Footnote 155: We are ignorant of the precise situation of Mantinium. Inspeaking of these four bands of legionaries, Socrates, Sozomen, andthe author of the acts of St. Paul, use the indefinite terms of, whichNicephorus very properly translates thousands. Vales. Ad Socrat. L. Ii. C. 38. ]

[Footnote 156: Julian. Epist. Lii. P. 436, edit. Spanheim. ]

While the flames of the Arian controversy consumed the vitals of theempire, the African provinces were infested by their peculiar enemies, the savage fanatics, who, under the name of Circumcellions, formed thestrength and scandal of the Donatist party. [157] The severe executionof the laws of Constantine had excited a spirit of discontent andresistance, the strenuous efforts of his son Constans, to restore theunity of the church, exasperated the sentiments of mutual hatred, which had first occasioned the separation; and the methods of forceand corruption employed by the two Imperial commissioners, Paul andMacarius, furnished the schismatics with a specious contrast between themaxims of the apostles and the conduct of their pretended successors. [158] The peasants who inhabited the villages of Numidia and Mauritania, were a ferocious race, who had been imperfectly reduced under theauthority of the Roman laws; who were imperfectly converted to theChristian faith; but who were actuated by a blind and furious enthusiasmin the cause of their Donatist teachers. They indignantly supportedthe exile of their bishops, the demolition of their churches, and theinterruption of their secret assemblies. The violence of the officers ofjustice, who were usually sustained by a military guard, wassometimes repelled with equal violence; and the blood of some popularecclesiastics, which had been shed in the quarrel, inflamed their rudefollowers with an eager desire of revenging the death of these holymartyrs. By their own cruelty and rashness, the ministers of persecutionsometimes provoked their fate; and the guilt of an accidental tumultprecipitated the criminals into despair and rebellion. Driven from theirnative villages, the Donatist peasants assembled in formidable gangson the edge of the Getulian desert; and readily exchanged the habits oflabor for a life of idleness and rapine, which was consecrated by thename of religion, and faintly condemned by the doctors of the sect. The leaders of the Circumcellions assumed the title of captains of thesaints; their principal weapon, as they were indifferently provided withswords and spears, was a huge and weighty club, which they termed anIsraelite; and the well-known sound of "Praise be to God, " which theyused as their cry of war, diffused consternation over the unarmedprovinces of Africa. At first their depredations were colored by theplea of necessity; but they soon exceeded the measure of subsistence, indulged without control their intemperance and avarice, burnt thevillages which they had pillaged, and reigned the licentious tyrants ofthe open country. The occupations of husbandry, and the administrationof justice, were interrupted; and as the Circumcellions pretended torestore the primitive equality of mankind, and to reform the abuses ofcivil society, they opened a secure asylum for the slaves and debtors, who flocked in crowds to their holy standard. When they were notresisted, they usually contented themselves with plunder, but theslightest opposition provoked them to acts of violence and murder; andsome Catholic priests, who had imprudently signalized their zeal, weretortured by the fanatics with the most refined and wanton barbarity. The spirit of the Circumcellions was not always exerted against theirdefenceless enemies; they engaged, and sometimes defeated, the troopsof the province; and in the bloody action of Bagai, they attacked inthe open field, but with unsuccessful valor, an advanced guard of theImperial cavalry. The Donatists who were taken in arms, received, andthey soon deserved, the same treatment which might have been shown tothe wild beasts of the desert. The captives died, without a murmur, either by the sword, the axe, or the fire; and the measures ofretaliation were multiplied in a rapid proportion, which aggravated thehorrors of rebellion, and excluded the hope of mutual forgiveness. Inthe beginning of the present century, the example of the Circumcellionshas been renewed in the persecution, the boldness, the crimes, and theenthusiasm of the Camisards; and if the fanatics of Languedoc surpassedthose of Numidia, by their military achievements, the Africansmaintained their fierce independence with more resolution andperseverance. [159]

[Footnote 157: See Optatus Milevitanus, (particularly iii. 4, ) with theDonatis history, by M. Dupin, and the original pieces at the end of hisedition. The numerous circumstances which Augustin has mentioned, of thefury of the Circumcellions against others, and against themselves, have been laboriously collected by Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 147-165; and he has often, though without design, exposed injuries whichhad provoked those fanatics. ]

[Footnote 158: It is amusing enough to observe the language of oppositeparties, when they speak of the same men and things. Gratus, bishop ofCarthage, begins the acclamations of an orthodox synod, "Gratias Deoomnipotenti et Christu Jesu. .. Qui imperavit religiosissimo ConstantiImperatori, ut votum gereret unitatis, et mitteret ministros sanctioperis famulos Dei Paulum et Macarium. " Monument. Vet. Ad Calcem Optati, p. 313. "Ecce subito, " (says the Donatist author of the Passion ofMarculus), "de Constantis regif tyrannica domo. . Pollutum Macarianaepersecutionis murmur increpuit, et duabus bestiis ad Africam missis, eodem scilicet Macario et Paulo, execrandum prorsus ac dirumecclesiae certamen indictum est; ut populus Christianus ad unionem cumtraditoribus faciendam, nudatis militum gladiis et draconum praesentibussignis, et tubarum vocibus cogeretur. " Monument. P. 304. ]

[Footnote 159: The Histoire des Camisards, in 3 vols. 12mo. Villefranche, 1760 may be recommended as accurate and impartial. Itrequires some attention to discover the religion of the author. ]

Such disorders are the natural effects of religious tyranny, but therage of the Donatists was inflamed by a frenzy of a very extraordinarykind; and which, if it really prevailed among them in so extravagant adegree, cannot surely be paralleled in any country or in any age. Manyof these fanatics were possessed with the horror of life, and the desireof martyrdom; and they deemed it of little moment by what means, orby what hands, they perished, if their conduct was sanctified by theintention of devoting themselves to the glory of the true faith, andthe hope of eternal happiness. [160] Sometimes they rudely disturbedthe festivals, and profaned the temples of Paganism, with the design ofexciting the most zealous of the idolaters to revenge the insultedhonor of their gods. They sometimes forced their way into the courtsof justice, and compelled the affrighted judge to give orders for theirimmediate execution. They frequently stopped travellers on the publichighways, and obliged them to inflict the stroke of martyrdom, by thepromise of a reward, if they consented, and by the threat of instantdeath, if they refused to grant so very singular a favor. When they weredisappointed of every other resource, they announced the day onwhich, in the presence of their friends and brethren, they should eastthemselves headlong from some lofty rock; and many precipices wereshown, which had acquired fame by the number of religious suicides. In the actions of these desperate enthusiasts, who were admired by oneparty as the martyrs of God, and abhorred by the other as the victims ofSatan, an impartial philosopher may discover the influence and the lastabuse of that inflexible spirit which was originally derived from thecharacter and principles of the Jewish nation. 

[Footnote 160: The Donatist suicides alleged in their justification theexample of Razias, which is related in the 14th chapter of the secondbook of the Maccabees. ]

The simple narrative of the intestine divisions, which distracted thepeace, and dishonored the triumph, of the church, will confirm theremark of a Pagan historian, and justify the complaint of a venerablebishop. The experience of Ammianus had convinced him, that the enmity ofthe Christians towards each other, surpassed the fury of savage beastsagainst man; [161] and Gregory Nazianzen most pathetically laments, that the kingdom of heaven was converted, by discord, into the image ofchaos, of a nocturnal tempest, and of hell itself. [162] The fierce andpartial writers of the times, ascribing all virtue to themselves, andimputing all guilt to their adversaries, have painted the battle of theangels and daemons. Our calmer reason will reject such pure and perfectmonsters of vice or sanctity, and will impute an equal, or at least anindiscriminate, measure of good and evil to the hostile sectaries, whoassumed and bestowed the appellations of orthodox and heretics. Theyhad been educated in the same religion and the same civil society. Theirhopes and fears in the present, or in a future life, were balanced inthe same proportion. On either side, the error might be innocent, thefaith sincere, the practice meritorious or corrupt. Their passions wereexcited by similar objects; and they might alternately abuse thefavor of the court, or of the people. The metaphysical opinions of theAthanasians and the Arians could not influence their moral character;and they were alike actuated by the intolerant spirit which has beenextracted from the pure and simple maxims of the gospel. 

[Footnote 161: Nullus infestas hominibus bestias, ut sunt sibi feralesplerique Christianorum, expertus. Ammian. Xxii. 5. ]

[Footnote 162: Gregor, Nazianzen, Orav. I. P. 33. See Tillemont, tom vi. P. 501, qua to edit. ]

A modern writer, who, with a just confidence, has prefixed to his ownhistory the honorable epithets of political and philosophical, [163]accuses the timid prudence of Montesquieu, for neglecting to enumerate, among the causes of the decline of the empire, a law of Constantine, bywhich the exercise of the Pagan worship was absolutely suppressed, anda considerable part of his subjects was left destitute of priests, of temples, and of any public religion. The zeal of the philosophichistorian for the rights of mankind, has induced him to acquiesce inthe ambiguous testimony of those ecclesiastics, who have too lightlyascribed to their favorite hero the merit of a general persecution. [164] Instead of alleging this imaginary law, which would have blazedin the front of the Imperial codes, we may safely appeal to the originalepistle, which Constantine addressed to the followers of the ancientreligion; at a time when he no longer disguised his conversion, nordreaded the rivals of his throne. He invites and exhorts, in the mostpressing terms, the subjects of the Roman empire to imitate the exampleof their master; but he declares, that those who still refuse to opentheir eyes to the celestial light, may freely enjoy their temples andtheir fancied gods. A report, that the ceremonies of paganism weresuppressed, is formally contradicted by the emperor himself, who wiselyassigns, as the principle of his moderation, the invincible force ofhabit, of prejudice, and of superstition. [165] Without violating thesanctity of his promise, without alarming the fears of the Pagans, theartful monarch advanced, by slow and cautious steps, to undermine theirregular and decayed fabric of polytheism. The partial acts of severitywhich he occasionally exercised, though they were secretly promoted by aChristian zeal, were colored by the fairest pretences of justice and thepublic good; and while Constantine designed to ruin the foundations, heseemed to reform the abuses, of the ancient religion. After the exampleof the wisest of his predecessors, he condemned, under the most rigorouspenalties, the occult and impious arts of divination; which excitedthe vain hopes, and sometimes the criminal attempts, of those who werediscontented with their present condition. An ignominious silence wasimposed on the oracles, which had been publicly convicted of fraudand falsehood; the effeminate priests of the Nile were abolished; andConstantine discharged the duties of a Roman censor, when he gave ordersfor the demolition of several temples of Phoenicia; in which every modeof prostitution was devoutly practised in the face of day, and to thehonor of Venus. [166] The Imperial city of Constantinople was, in somemeasure, raised at the expense, and was adorned with the spoils, of theopulent temples of Greece and Asia; the sacred property was confiscated;the statues of gods and heroes were transported, with rude familiarity, among a people who considered them as objects, not of adoration, butof curiosity; the gold and silver were restored to circulation; andthe magistrates, the bishops, and the eunuchs, improved the fortunateoccasion of gratifying, at once, their zeal, their avarice, and theirresentment. But these depredations were confined to a small part of theRoman world; and the provinces had been long since accustomed toendure the same sacrilegious rapine, from the tyranny of princes andproconsuls, who could not be suspected of any design to subvert theestablished religion. [167]

[Footnote 163: Histoire Politique et Philosophique des Etablissemens desEuropeens dans les deux Indes, tom. I. P. 9. ]

[Footnote 164: According to Eusebius, (in Vit. Constantin. L. Ii. C. 45, ) the emperor prohibited, both in cities and in the country, theabominable acts or parts of idolatry. L Socrates (l. I. C. 17) andSozomen (l. Ii. C. 4, 5) have represented the conduct of Constantinewith a just regard to truth and history; which has been neglected byTheodoret (l. V. C. 21) and Orosius, (vii. 28. ) Tum deinde (says thelatter) primus Constantinus justo ordine et pio vicem vertit edicto;siquidem statuit citra ullam hominum caedem, paganorum templa claudi. ]

[Footnote 165: See Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. L. Ii. C. 56, 60. In the sermon to the assembly of saints, which the emperor pronouncedwhen he was mature in years and piety, he declares to the idolaters (c. Xii. ) that they are permitted to offer sacrifices, and to exercise everypart of their religious worship. ]

[Footnote 166: See Eusebius, in Vit. Constantin. L. Iii. C. 54-58, and l. Iv. C. 23, 25. These acts of authority may be compared with thesuppression of the Bacchanals, and the demolition of the temple of Isis, by the magistrates of Pagan Rome. ]

[Footnote 167: Eusebius (in Vit. Constan. L. Iii. C. 54-58) and Libanius(Orat. Pro Templis, p. 9, 10, edit. Gothofred) both mention the pioussacrilege of Constantine, which they viewed in very different lights. The latter expressly declares, that "he made use of the sacred money, but made no alteration in the legal worship; the temples indeed wereimpoverished, but the sacred rites were performed there. " Lardner'sJewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. Iv. P. 140. ]

The sons of Constantine trod in the footsteps of their father, with morezeal, and with less discretion. The pretences of rapine and oppressionwere insensibly multiplied; [168] every indulgence was shown to theillegal behavior of the Christians; every doubt was explained tothe disadvantage of Paganism; and the demolition of the temples wascelebrated as one of the auspicious events of the reign of Constans andConstantius. [169] The name of Constantius is prefixed to a concise law, which might have superseded the necessity of any future prohibitions. "It is our pleasure, that in all places, and in all cities, the templesbe immediately shut, and carefully guarded, that none may have the powerof offending. It is likewise our pleasure, that all our subjects shouldabstain from sacrifices. If any one should be guilty of such an act, let him feel the sword of vengeance, and after his execution, lethis property be confiscated to the public use. We denounce the samepenalties against the governors of the provinces, if they neglectto punish the criminals. " [170] But there is the strongest reason tobelieve, that this formidable edict was either composed without beingpublished, or was published without being executed. The evidence offacts, and the monuments which are still extant of brass and marble, continue to prove the public exercise of the Pagan worship during thewhole reign of the sons of Constantine. In the East, as well as in theWest, in cities, as well as in the country, a great number of templeswere respected, or at least were spared; and the devout multitude stillenjoyed the luxury of sacrifices, of festivals, and of processions, bythe permission, or by the connivance, of the civil government. Aboutfour years after the supposed date of this bloody edict, Constantiusvisited the temples of Rome; and the decency of his behavior isrecommended by a pagan orator as an example worthy of the imitationof succeeding princes. "That emperor, " says Symmachus, "suffered theprivileges of the vestal virgins to remain inviolate; he bestowedthe sacerdotal dignities on the nobles of Rome, granted the customaryallowance to defray the expenses of the public rites and sacrifices;and, though he had embraced a different religion, he never attempted todeprive the empire of the sacred worship of antiquity. " [171] The senatestill presumed to consecrate, by solemn decrees, the divine memory oftheir sovereigns; and Constantine himself was associated, after hisdeath, to those gods whom he had renounced and insulted during his life. The title, the ensigns, the prerogatives, of sovereign pontiff, whichhad been instituted by Numa, and assumed by Augustus, were accepted, without hesitation, by seven Christian emperors; who were invested witha more absolute authority over the religion which they had deserted, than over that which they professed. [172]

[Footnote 168: Ammianus (xxii. 4) speaks of some court eunuchs who werespoliis templorum pasti. Libanius says (Orat. Pro Templ. P. 23) that theemperor often gave away a temple, like a dog, or a horse, or a slave, ora gold cup; but the devout philosopher takes care to observe that thesesacrilegious favorites very seldom prospered. ]

[Footnote 169: See Gothofred. Cod. Theodos. Tom. Vi. P. 262. Liban. Orat. Parental c. X. In Fabric. Bibl. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 235. ]

[Footnote 170: Placuit omnibus locis atque urbibus universis claudiprotinus empla, et accessu vetitis omnibus licentiam delinquendiperditis abnegari. Volumus etiam cunctos a sacrificiis abstinere. Quod siquis aliquid forte hujusmodi perpetraverit, gladio sternatur:facultates etiam perempti fisco decernimus vindicari: et similiteradfligi rectores provinciarum si facinora vindicare neglexerint. Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. X. Leg. 4. Chronology has discovered somecontradiction in the date of this extravagant law; the only one, perhaps, by which the negligence of magistrates is punished by deathand confiscation. M. De la Bastie (Mem. De l'Academie, tom. Xv. P. 98) conjectures, with a show of reason, that this was no more than theminutes of a law, the heads of an intended bill, which were foundin Scriniis Memoriae among the papers of Constantius, and afterwardsinserted, as a worthy model, in the Theodosian Code. ]

[Footnote 171: Symmach. Epistol. X. 54. ]

[Footnote 172: The fourth Dissertation of M. De la Bastie, sur leSouverain Pontificat des Empereurs Romains, (in the Mem. De l'Acad. Tom. Xv. P. 75- 144, ) is a very learned and judicious performance, which explains the state, and prove the toleration, of Paganism fromConstantino to Gratian. The assertion of Zosimus, that Gratian was thefirst who refused the pontifical robe, is confirmed beyond a doubt; andthe murmurs of bigotry on that subject are almost silenced. ]

The divisions of Christianity suspended the ruin of Paganism; [173]and the holy war against the infidels was less vigorously prosecuted byprinces and bishops, who were more immediately alarmed by the guilt anddanger of domestic rebellion. The extirpation of idolatry [174] mighthave been justified by the established principles of intolerance: butthe hostile sects, which alternately reigned in the Imperial court weremutually apprehensive of alienating, and perhaps exasperating, the mindsof a powerful, though declining faction. Every motive of authorityand fashion, of interest and reason, now militated on the side ofChristianity; but two or three generations elapsed, before theirvictorious influence was universally felt. The religion which hadso long and so lately been established in the Roman empire was stillrevered by a numerous people, less attached indeed to speculativeopinion, than to ancient custom. The honors of the state and armywere indifferently bestowed on all the subjects of Constantine andConstantius; and a considerable portion of knowledge and wealth andvalor was still engaged in the service of polytheism. The superstitionof the senator and of the peasant, of the poet and the philosopher, wasderived from very different causes, but they met with equal devotionin the temples of the gods. Their zeal was insensibly provoked by theinsulting triumph of a proscribed sect; and their hopes were revived bythe well-grounded confidence, that the presumptive heir of the empire, a young and valiant hero, who had delivered Gaul from the arms of theBarbarians, had secretly embraced the religion of his ancestors. 

[Footnote 173: As I have freely anticipated the use of pagans andpaganism, I shall now trace the singular revolutions of those celebratedwords. 1. In the Doric dialect, so familiar to the Italians, signifiesa fountain; and the rural neighborhood, which frequented the samefountain, derived the common appellation of pagus and pagans. (Festussub voce, and Servius ad Virgil. Georgic. Ii. 382. ) 2. By an easyextension of the word, pagan and rural became almost synonymous, (Plin. Hist. Natur. Xxviii. 5;) and the meaner rustics acquired that name, which has been corrupted into peasants in the modern languages ofEurope. 3. The amazing increase of the military order introduced thenecessity of a correlative term, (Hume's Essays, vol. I. P. 555;) andall the people who were not enlisted in the service of the prince werebranded with the contemptuous epithets of pagans. (Tacit. Hist. Iii. 24, 43, 77. Juvenal. Satir. 16. Tertullian de Pallio, c. 4. ) 4. TheChristians were the soldiers of Christ; their adversaries, whorefused his sacrament, or military oath of baptism might deserve themetaphorical name of pagans; and this popular reproach was introduced asearly as the reign of Valentinian (A. D. 365) into Imperial laws(Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 18) and theological writings. 5. Christianity gradually filled the cities of the empire: the oldreligion, in the time of Prudentius (advers. Symmachum, l. I. Ad fin. )and Orosius, (in Praefat. Hist. , ) retired and languished in obscurevillages; and the word pagans, with its new signification, reverted toits primitive origin. 6. Since the worship of Jupiter and his family hasexpired, the vacant title of pagans has been successively applied toall the idolaters and polytheists of the old and new world. 7. The LatinChristians bestowed it, without scruple, on their mortal enemies, theMahometans; and the purest Unitarians were branded with the unjustreproach of idolatry and paganism. See Gerard Vossius, EtymologiconLinguae Latinae, in his works, tom. I. P. 420; Godefroy's Commentaryon the Theodosian Code, tom. Vi. P. 250; and Ducange, Mediae et InfimaeLatinitat. Glossar. ]

[Footnote 174: In the pure language of Ionia and Athens were ancient andfamiliar words. The former expressed a likeness, an apparition (Homer. Odys. Xi. 601, ) a representation, an image, created either by fancyor art. The latter denoted any sort of service or slavery. The Jews ofEgypt, who translated the Hebrew Scriptures, restrained the use ofthese words (Exod. Xx. 4, 5) to the religious worship of an image. Thepeculiar idiom of the Hellenists, or Grecian Jews, has been adopted bythe sacred and ecclesiastical writers and the reproach of idolatry hasstigmatized that visible and abject mode of superstition, which somesects of Christianity should not hastily impute to the polytheists ofGreece and Rome. ]

Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. --Part I

Julian Is Declared Emperor By The Legions Of Gaul. --His March AndSuccess. --The Death Of Constantius. --Civil Administration Of Julian. While the Romans languished under the ignominious tyranny of eunuchsand bishops, the praises of Julian were repeated with transport in everypart of the empire, except in the palace of Constantius. The barbariansof Germany had felt, and still dreaded, the arms of the youngCaesar; his soldiers were the companions of his victory; the gratefulprovincials enjoyed the blessings of his reign; but the favorites, whohad opposed his elevation, were offended by his virtues; and they justlyconsidered the friend of the people as the enemy of the court. As longas the fame of Julian was doubtful, the buffoons of the palace, whowere skilled in the language of satire, tried the efficacy of those artswhich they had so often practised with success. They easily discovered, that his simplicity was not exempt from affectation: the ridiculousepithets of a hairy savage, of an ape invested with the purple, wereapplied to the dress and person of the philosophic warrior; and hismodest despatches were stigmatized as the vain and elaborate fictionsof a loquacious Greek, a speculative soldier, who had studied the art ofwar amidst the groves of the academy. [1] The voice of malicious follywas at length silenced by the shouts of victory; the conqueror of theFranks and Alemanni could no longer be painted as an object of contempt;and the monarch himself was meanly ambitious of stealing from hislieutenant the honorable reward of his labors. In the letters crownedwith laurel, which, according to ancient custom, were addressed to theprovinces, the name of Julian was omitted. "Constantius had made hisdispositions in person; he had signalized his valor in the foremostranks; his military conduct had secured the victory; and the captiveking of the barbarians was presented to him on the field of battle, "from which he was at that time distant about forty days' journey. [2]So extravagant a fable was incapable, however, of deceiving the publiccredulity, or even of satisfying the pride of the emperor himself. Secretly conscious that the applause and favor of the Romans accompaniedthe rising fortunes of Julian, his discontented mind was prepared toreceive the subtle poison of those artful sycophants, who colored theirmischievous designs with the fairest appearances of truth and candor. [3] Instead of depreciating the merits of Julian, they acknowledged, and even exaggerated, his popular fame, superior talents, and importantservices. But they darkly insinuated, that the virtues of the Caesarmight instantly be converted into the most dangerous crimes, if theinconstant multitude should prefer their inclinations to their duty;or if the general of a victorious army should be tempted from hisallegiance by the hopes of revenge and independent greatness. Thepersonal fears of Constantius were interpreted by his council as alaudable anxiety for the public safety; whilst in private, and perhapsin his own breast, he disguised, under the less odious appellation offear, the sentiments of hatred and envy, which he had secretly conceivedfor the inimitable virtues of Julian. 

[Footnote 1: Omnes qui plus poterant in palatio, adulandi professoresjam docti, recte consulta, prospereque completa vertebant inderidiculum: talia sine modo strepentes insulse; in odium venit cumvictoriis suis; capella, non homo; ut hirsutum Julianum carpentes, appellantesque loquacem talpam, et purpuratam simiam, et litterionemGraecum: et his congruentia plurima atque vernacula principiresonantes, audire haec taliaque gestienti, virtutes ejus obruere verbisimpudentibus conabantur, et segnem incessentes et timidum et umbratilem, gestaque secus verbis comptioribus exornantem. Ammianus, s. Xvii. 11. * Note: The philosophers retaliated on the courtiers. Marius (saysEunapius in a newly-discovered fragment) was wont to call his antagonistSylla a beast half lion and half fox. Constantius had nothing of thelion, but was surrounded by a whole litter of foxes. Mai. Script. Byz. Nov. Col. Ii. 238. Niebuhr. Byzant. Hist. 66. --M. ]

[Footnote 2: Ammian. Xvi. 12. The orator Themistius (iv. P. 56, 57)believed whatever was contained in the Imperial letters, which wereaddressed to the senate of Constantinople Aurelius Victor, who publishedhis Abridgment in the last year of Constantius, ascribes the Germanvictories to the wisdom of the emperor, and the fortune of the Caesar. Yet the historian, soon afterwards, was indebted to the favor or esteemof Julian for the honor of a brass statue, and the important offices ofconsular of the second Pannonia, and praefect of the city, Ammian. Xxi. 10. ]

[Footnote 3: Callido nocendi artificio, accusatoriam diritatem laudumtitulis peragebant. . . Hae voces fuerunt ad inflammanda odia probriaomnibus potentiores. See Mamertin, in Actione Gratiarum in Vet Panegyr. Xi. 5, 6. ]

The apparent tranquillity of Gaul, and the imminent danger of theeastern provinces, offered a specious pretence for the design which wasartfully concerted by the Imperial ministers. They resolved to disarmthe Caesar; to recall those faithful troops who guarded his person anddignity; and to employ, in a distant war against the Persian monarch, the hardy veterans who had vanquished, on the banks of the Rhine, thefiercest nations of Germany. While Julian used the laborious hours ofhis winter quarters at Paris in the administration of power, which, inhis hands, was the exercise of virtue, he was surprised by the hastyarrival of a tribune and a notary, with positive orders, from theemperor, which they were directed to execute, and he was commanded notto oppose. Constantius signified his pleasure, that four entire legions, the Celtae, and Petulants, the Heruli, and the Batavians, should beseparated from the standard of Julian, under which they had acquiredtheir fame and discipline; that in each of the remaining bands threehundred of the bravest youths should be selected; and that this numerousdetachment, the strength of the Gallic army, should instantly begintheir march, and exert their utmost diligence to arrive, before theopening of the campaign, on the frontiers of Persia. [4] The Caesarforesaw and lamented the consequences of this fatal mandate. Most of theauxiliaries, who engaged their voluntary service, had stipulated, thatthey should never be obliged to pass the Alps. The public faith of Rome, and the personal honor of Julian, had been pledged for the observanceof this condition. Such an act of treachery and oppression would destroythe confidence, and excite the resentment, of the independent warriorsof Germany, who considered truth as the noblest of their virtues, andfreedom as the most valuable of their possessions. The legionaries, who enjoyed the title and privileges of Romans, were enlisted for thegeneral defence of the republic; but those mercenary troops heard withcold indifference the antiquated names of the republic and of Rome. Attached, either from birth or long habit, to the climate and manners ofGaul, they loved and admired Julian; they despised, and perhaps hated, the emperor; they dreaded the laborious march, the Persian arrows, andthe burning deserts of Asia. They claimed as their own the country whichthey had saved; and excused their want of spirit, by pleading the sacredand more immediate duty of protecting their families and friends. 

The apprehensions of the Gauls were derived from the knowledge of theimpending and inevitable danger. As soon as the provinces were exhaustedof their military strength, the Germans would violate a treaty which hadbeen imposed on their fears; and notwithstanding the abilities and valorof Julian, the general of a nominal army, to whom the public calamitieswould be imputed, must find himself, after a vain resistance, either aprisoner in the camp of the barbarians, or a criminal in the palace ofConstantius. If Julian complied with the orders which he had received, he subscribed his own destruction, and that of a people who deservedhis affection. But a positive refusal was an act of rebellion, anda declaration of war. The inexorable jealousy of the emperor, theperemptory, and perhaps insidious, nature of his commands, left not anyroom for a fair apology, or candid interpretation; and the dependentstation of the Caesar scarcely allowed him to pause or to deliberate. Solitude increased the perplexity of Julian; he could no longer apply tothe faithful counsels of Sallust, who had been removed from his officeby the judicious malice of the eunuchs: he could not even enforce hisrepresentations by the concurrence of the ministers, who would havebeen afraid or ashamed to approve the ruin of Gaul. The moment had beenchosen, when Lupicinus, [5] the general of the cavalry, was despatchedinto Britain, to repulse the inroads of the Scots and Picts; andFlorentius was occupied at Vienna by the assessment of the tribute. The latter, a crafty and corrupt statesman, declining to assume aresponsible part on this dangerous occasion, eluded the pressing andrepeated invitations of Julian, who represented to him, that in everyimportant measure, the presence of the praefect was indispensable in thecouncil of the prince. In the mean while the Caesar was oppressed bythe rude and importunate solicitations of the Imperial messengers, whopresumed to suggest, that if he expected the return of his ministers, hewould charge himself with the guilt of the delay, and reserve for themthe merit of the execution. Unable to resist, unwilling to comply, Julian expressed, in the most serious terms, his wish, and even hisintention, of resigning the purple, which he could not preserve withhonor, but which he could not abdicate with safety. 

[Footnote 4: The minute interval, which may be interposed, between thehyeme adulta and the primo vere of Ammianus, (xx. L. 4, ) instead ofallowing a sufficient space for a march of three thousand miles, wouldrender the orders of Constantius as extravagant as they were unjust. Thetroops of Gaul could not have reached Syria till the end of autumn. The memory of Ammianus must have been inaccurate, and his languageincorrect. * Note: The late editor of Ammianus attempts to vindicatehis author from the charge of inaccuracy. "It is clear, from the wholecourse of the narrative, that Constantius entertained this design ofdemanding his troops from Julian, immediately after the taking of Amida, in the autumn of the preceding year, and had transmitted his orders intoGaul, before it was known that Lupicinus had gone into Britain with theHerulians and Batavians. " Wagner, note to Amm. Xx. 4. But it seemsalso clear that the troops were in winter quarters (hiemabant) when theorders arrived. Ammianus can scarcely be acquitted of incorrectness inhis language at least. --M]

[Footnote 5: Ammianus, xx. L. The valor of Lupicinus, and his militaryskill, are acknowledged by the historian, who, in his affected language, accuses the general of exalting the horns of his pride, bellowing ina tragic tone, and exciting a doubt whether he was more cruel oravaricious. The danger from the Scots and Picts was so serious thatJulian himself had some thoughts of passing over into the island. ]

After a painful conflict, Julian was compelled to acknowledge, thatobedience was the virtue of the most eminent subject, and that thesovereign alone was entitled to judge of the public welfare. He issuedthe necessary orders for carrying into execution the commands ofConstantius; a part of the troops began their march for the Alps;and the detachments from the several garrisons moved towards theirrespective places of assembly. They advanced with difficulty through thetrembling and affrighted crowds of provincials, who attempted to excitetheir pity by silent despair, or loud lamentations, while the wives ofthe soldiers, holding their infants in their arms, accused the desertionof their husbands, in the mixed language of grief, of tenderness, andof indignation. This scene of general distress afflicted the humanity ofthe Caesar; he granted a sufficient number of post-wagons to transportthe wives and families of the soldiers, [6] endeavored to alleviate thehardships which he was constrained to inflict, and increased, by themost laudable arts, his own popularity, and the discontent of the exiledtroops. The grief of an armed multitude is soon converted into rage;their licentious murmurs, which every hour were communicated from tentto tent with more boldness and effect, prepared their minds for themost daring acts of sedition; and by the connivance of their tribunes, aseasonable libel was secretly dispersed, which painted in lively colorsthe disgrace of the Caesar, the oppression of the Gallic army, and thefeeble vices of the tyrant of Asia. The servants of Constantius wereastonished and alarmed by the progress of this dangerous spirit. Theypressed the Caesar to hasten the departure of the troops; but theyimprudently rejected the honest and judicious advice of Julian; whoproposed that they should not march through Paris, and suggested thedanger and temptation of a last interview. 

[Footnote 6: He granted them the permission of the cursus clavularis, orclabularis. These post-wagons are often mentioned in the Code, and weresupposed to carry fifteen hundred pounds weight. See Vales. Ad Ammian. Xx. 4. ]

As soon as the approach of the troops was announced, the Caesar wentout to meet them, and ascended his tribunal, which had been erected ina plain before the gates of the city. After distinguishing the officersand soldiers, who by their rank or merit deserved a peculiar attention, Julian addressed himself in a studied oration to the surroundingmultitude: he celebrated their exploits with grateful applause;encouraged them to accept, with alacrity, the honor of serving underthe eye of a powerful and liberal monarch; and admonished them, thatthe commands of Augustus required an instant and cheerful obedience. The soldiers, who were apprehensive of offending their general by anindecent clamor, or of belying their sentiments by false and venalacclamations, maintained an obstinate silence; and after a shortpause, were dismissed to their quarters. The principal officers wereentertained by the Caesar, who professed, in the warmest language offriendship, his desire and his inability to reward, according to theirdeserts, the brave companions of his victories. They retired from thefeast, full of grief and perplexity; and lamented the hardship oftheir fate, which tore them from their beloved general and their nativecountry. The only expedient which could prevent their separation wasboldly agitated and approved the popular resentment was insensiblymoulded into a regular conspiracy; their just reasons of complaint wereheightened by passion, and their passions were inflamed by wine; as, on the eve of their departure, the troops were indulged in licentiousfestivity. At the hour of midnight, the impetuous multitude, withswords, and bows, and torches in their hands, rushed into the suburbs;encompassed the palace; [7] and, careless of future dangers, pronouncedthe fatal and irrevocable words, Julian Augustus! The prince, whoseanxious suspense was interrupted by their disorderly acclamations, secured the doors against their intrusion; and as long as it was in hispower, secluded his person and dignity from the accidents of a nocturnaltumult. At the dawn of day, the soldiers, whose zeal was irritatedby opposition, forcibly entered the palace, seized, with respectfulviolence, the object of their choice, guarded Julian with drawn swordsthrough the streets of Paris, placed him on the tribunal, and withrepeated shouts saluted him as their emperor. Prudence, as well asloyalty, inculcated the propriety of resisting their treasonabledesigns; and of preparing, for his oppressed virtue, the excuseof violence. Addressing himself by turns to the multitude and toindividuals, he sometimes implored their mercy, and sometimes expressedhis indignation; conjured them not to sully the fame of their immortalvictories; and ventured to promise, that if they would immediatelyreturn to their allegiance, he would undertake to obtain from theemperor not only a free and gracious pardon, but even the revocationof the orders which had excited their resentment. But the soldiers, whowere conscious of their guilt, chose rather to depend on the gratitudeof Julian, than on the clemency of the emperor. Their zeal wasinsensibly turned into impatience, and their impatience into rage. The inflexible Caesar sustained, till the third hour of the day, theirprayers, their reproaches, and their menaces; nor did he yield, till hehad been repeatedly assured, that if he wished to live, he must consentto reign. He was exalted on a shield in the presence, and amidst theunanimous acclamations, of the troops; a rich military collar, which wasoffered by chance, supplied the want of a diadem; [8] the ceremony wasconcluded by the promise of a moderate donative; and the new emperor, overwhelmed with real or affected grief retired into the most secretrecesses of his apartment. [10]

[Footnote 7: Most probably the palace of the baths, (Thermarum, ) ofwhich a solid and lofty hall still subsists in the Rue de la Harpe. The buildings covered a considerable space of the modern quarter of theuniversity; and the gardens, under the Merovingian kings, communicatedwith the abbey of St. Germain des Prez. By the injuries of time and theNormans, this ancient palace was reduced, in the twelfth century, to amaze of ruins, whose dark recesses were the scene of licentious love. 

 Explicat aula sinus montemque amplectitur alis; Multiplici latebra scelerum tersura ruborem. . .. . Pereuntis saepe pudoris Celatura nefas, Venerisque accommoda furtis. 

(These lines are quoted from the Architrenius, l. Iv. C. 8, a poeticalwork of John de Hauteville, or Hanville, a monk of St. Alban's, aboutthe year 1190. See Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. I. Dissert. Ii. ) Yet such thefts might be less pernicious to mankind than thetheological disputes of the Sorbonne, which have been since agitated onthe same ground. Bonamy, Mem. De l'Academie, tom. Xv. P. 678-632]

[Footnote 8: Even in this tumultuous moment, Julian attended tothe forms of superstitious ceremony, and obstinately refused theinauspicious use of a female necklace, or a horse collar, which theimpatient soldiers would have employed in the room of a diadem. ]

[Footnote 9: An equal proportion of gold and silver, five pieces of theformer one pound of the latter; the whole amounting to about five poundsten shillings of our money. ]

[Footnote 10: For the whole narrative of this revolt, we may appealto authentic and original materials; Julian himself, (ad S. P. Q. Atheniensem, p. 282, 283, 284, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parental. C. 44-48, inFabricius, Bibliot. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 269-273, ) Ammianus, (xx. 4, )and Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 151, 152, 153. ) who, in the reign of Julian, appears to follow the more respectable authority of Eunapius. With suchguides we might neglect the abbreviators and ecclesiastical historians. ]

The grief of Julian could proceed only from his innocence; out hisinnocence must appear extremely doubtful [11] in the eyes of those whohave learned to suspect the motives and the professions of princes. Hislively and active mind was susceptible of the various impressions ofhope and fear, of gratitude and revenge, of duty and of ambition, of thelove of fame, and of the fear of reproach. But it is impossible for usto calculate the respective weight and operation of these sentiments;or to ascertain the principles of action which might escape theobservation, while they guided, or rather impelled, the steps of Julianhimself. The discontent of the troops was produced by the malice of hisenemies; their tumult was the natural effect of interest and of passion;and if Julian had tried to conceal a deep design under the appearancesof chance, he must have employed the most consummate artifice withoutnecessity, and probably without success. He solemnly declares, in thepresence of Jupiter, of the Sun, of Mars, of Minerva, and of all theother deities, that till the close of the evening which preceded hiselevation, he was utterly ignorant of the designs of the soldiers; [12]and it may seem ungenerous to distrust the honor of a hero and the truthof a philosopher. Yet the superstitious confidence that Constantiuswas the enemy, and that he himself was the favorite, of the gods, mightprompt him to desire, to solicit, and even to hasten the auspiciousmoment of his reign, which was predestined to restore the ancientreligion of mankind. When Julian had received the intelligence of theconspiracy, he resigned himself to a short slumber; and afterwardsrelated to his friends that he had seen the genius of the empirewaiting with some impatience at his door, pressing for admittance, and reproaching his want of spirit and ambition. [13] Astonishedand perplexed, he addressed his prayers to the great Jupiter, whoimmediately signified, by a clear and manifest omen, that he shouldsubmit to the will of heaven and of the army. The conduct whichdisclaims the ordinary maxims of reason, excites our suspicion andeludes our inquiry. Whenever the spirit of fanaticism, at once socredulous and so crafty, has insinuated itself into a noble mind, itinsensibly corrodes the vital principles of virtue and veracity. 

[Footnote 11: Eutropius, a respectable witness, uses a doubtfulexpression, "consensu militum. " (x. 15. ) Gregory Nazianzen, whoseignorance night excuse his fanaticism, directly charges the apostatewith presumption, madness, and impious rebellion, Orat. Iii. P. 67. ]

[Footnote 12: Julian. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 284. The devout Abbe dela Bleterie (Vie de Julien, p. 159) is almost inclined to respect thedevout protestations of a Pagan. ]

[Footnote 13: Ammian. Xx. 5, with the note of Lindenbrogius on theGenius of the empire. Julian himself, in a confidential letter to hisfriend and physician, Oribasius, (Epist. Xvii. P. 384, ) mentions anotherdream, to which, before the event, he gave credit; of a stately treethrown to the ground, of a small plant striking a deep root into theearth. Even in his sleep, the mind of the Caesar must have been agitatedby the hopes and fears of his fortune. Zosimus (l. Iii. P. 155) relatesa subsequent dream. ]

To moderate the zeal of his party, to protect the persons of hisenemies, [14] to defeat and to despise the secret enterprises which wereformed against his life and dignity, were the cares which employedthe first days of the reign of the new emperor. Although he was firmlyresolved to maintain the station which he had assumed, he was stilldesirous of saving his country from the calamities of civil war, ofdeclining a contest with the superior forces of Constantius, andof preserving his own character from the reproach of perfidy andingratitude. Adorned with the ensigns of military and imperial pomp, Julian showed himself in the field of Mars to the soldiers, who glowedwith ardent enthusiasm in the cause of their pupil, their leader, and their friend. He recapitulated their victories, lamented theirsufferings, applauded their resolution, animated their hopes, andchecked their impetuosity; nor did he dismiss the assembly, till he hadobtained a solemn promise from the troops, that if the emperor of theEast would subscribe an equitable treaty, they would renounce any viewsof conquest, and satisfy themselves with the tranquil possession of theGallic provinces. On this foundation he composed, in his own name, andin that of the army, a specious and moderate epistle, [15] whichwas delivered to Pentadius, his master of the offices, and to hischamberlain Eutherius; two ambassadors whom he appointed to receive theanswer, and observe the dispositions of Constantius. This epistle isinscribed with the modest appellation of Caesar; but Julian solicits ina peremptory, though respectful, manner, the confirmation of the titleof Augustus. He acknowledges the irregularity of his own election, whilehe justifies, in some measure, the resentment and violence of the troopswhich had extorted his reluctant consent. He allows the supremacy ofhis brother Constantius; and engages to send him an annual present ofSpanish horses, to recruit his army with a select number of barbarianyouths, and to accept from his choice a Praetorian praefect of approveddiscretion and fidelity. But he reserves for himself the nomination ofhis other civil and military officers, with the troops, the revenue, and the sovereignty of the provinces beyond the Alps. He admonishesthe emperor to consult the dictates of justice; to distrust the arts ofthose venal flatterers, who subsist only by the discord of princes;and to embrace the offer of a fair and honorable treaty, equallyadvantageous to the republic and to the house of Constantine. In thisnegotiation Julian claimed no more than he already possessed. Thedelegated authority which he had long exercised over the provinces ofGaul, Spain, and Britain, was still obeyed under a name more independentand august. The soldiers and the people rejoiced in a revolution whichwas not stained even with the blood of the guilty. Florentius was afugitive; Lupicinus a prisoner. The persons who were disaffected to thenew government were disarmed and secured; and the vacant offices weredistributed, according to the recommendation of merit, by a prince whodespised the intrigues of the palace, and the clamors of the soldiers. [16]

[Footnote 14: The difficult situation of the prince of a rebellious armyis finely described by Tacitus, (Hist. 1, 80-85. ) But Otho had much moreguilt, and much less abilities, than Julian. ]

[Footnote 15: To this ostensible epistle he added, says Ammianus, private letters, objurgatorias et mordaces, which the historian had notseen, and would not have published. Perhaps they never existed. ]

[Footnote 16: See the first transactions of his reign, in Julian. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 285, 286. Ammianus, xx. 5, 8. Liban. Orat. Parent. C. 49, 50, p. 273-275. ]

The negotiations of peace were accompanied and supported by the mostvigorous preparations for war. The army, which Julian held in readinessfor immediate action, was recruited and augmented by the disordersof the times. The cruel persecutions of the faction of Magnentius hadfilled Gaul with numerous bands of outlaws and robbers. They cheerfullyaccepted the offer of a general pardon from a prince whom they couldtrust, submitted to the restraints of military discipline, andretained only their implacable hatred to the person and government ofConstantius. [17] As soon as the season of the year permitted Julian totake the field, he appeared at the head of his legions; threw a bridgeover the Rhine in the neighborhood of Cleves; and prepared to chastisethe perfidy of the Attuarii, a tribe of Franks, who presumed that theymight ravage, with impunity, the frontiers of a divided empire. Thedifficulty, as well as glory, of this enterprise, consisted in alaborious march; and Julian had conquered, as soon as he could penetrateinto a country, which former princes had considered as inaccessible. After he had given peace to the Barbarians, the emperor carefullyvisited the fortifications along the Qhine from Cleves to Basil;surveyed, with peculiar attention, the territories which he hadrecovered from the hands of the Alemanni, passed through Besancon, [18]which had severely suffered from their fury, and fixed his headquartersat Vienna for the ensuing winter. The barrier of Gaul was improved andstrengthened with additional fortifications; and Julian entertained somehopes that the Germans, whom he had so often vanquished, might, in hisabsence, be restrained by the terror of his name. Vadomair [19] was theonly prince of the Alemanni whom he esteemed or feared and while thesubtle Barbarian affected to observe the faith of treaties, the progressof his arms threatened the state with an unseasonable and dangerous war. The policy of Julian condescended to surprise the prince of the Alemanniby his own arts: and Vadomair, who, in the character of a friend, hadincautiously accepted an invitation from the Roman governors, was seizedin the midst of the entertainment, and sent away prisoner into the heartof Spain. Before the Barbarians were recovered from their amazement, the emperor appeared in arms on the banks of the Rhine, and, once morecrossing the river, renewed the deep impressions of terror and respectwhich had been already made by four preceding expeditions. [20]

[Footnote 17: Liban. Orat. Parent. C. 50, p. 275, 276. A strangedisorder, since it continued above seven years. In the factions of theGreek republics, the exiles amounted to 20, 000 persons; and Isocratesassures Philip, that it would be easier to raise an army from thevagabonds than from the cities. See Hume's Essays, tom. I. P. 426, 427. ]

[Footnote 18: Julian (Epist. Xxxviii. P. 414) gives a short descriptionof Vesontio, or Besancon; a rocky peninsula almost encircled by theRiver Doux; once a magnificent city, filled with temples, &c. , nowreduced to a small town, emerging, however, from its ruins. ]

[Footnote 19: Vadomair entered into the Roman service, and was promotedfrom a barbarian kingdom to the military rank of duke of Phoenicia. Hestill retained the same artful character, (Ammian. Xxi. 4;) but underthe reign of Valens, he signalized his valor in the Armenian war, (xxix. 1. )]

[Footnote 20: Ammian. Xx. 10, xxi. 3, 4. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 155. ]

Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. --Part II. 

The ambassadors of Julian had been instructed to execute, with theutmost diligence, their important commission. But, in their passagethrough Italy and Illyricum, they were detained by the tedious andaffected delays of the provincial governors; they were conducted byslow journeys from Constantinople to Caesarea in Cappadocia; and whenat length they were admitted to the presence of Constantius, they foundthat he had already conceived, from the despatches of his own officers, the most unfavorable opinion of the conduct of Julian, and of the Gallicarmy. The letters were heard with impatience; the trembling messengerswere dismissed with indignation and contempt; and the looks, gestures, the furious language of the monarch, expressed the disorder of his soul. The domestic connection, which might have reconciled the brother and thehusband of Helena, was recently dissolved by the death of that princess, whose pregnancy had been several times fruitless, and was at last fatalto herself. [21] The empress Eusebia had preserved, to the last momentof her life, the warm, and even jealous, affection which she hadconceived for Julian; and her mild influence might have moderated theresentment of a prince, who, since her death, was abandoned to his ownpassions, and to the arts of his eunuchs. But the terror of a foreigninvasion obliged him to suspend the punishment of a private enemy:he continued his march towards the confines of Persia, and thought itsufficient to signify the conditions which might entitle Julian andhis guilty followers to the clemency of their offended sovereign. Herequired, that the presumptuous Caesar should expressly renounce theappellation and rank of Augustus, which he had accepted from the rebels;that he should descend to his former station of a limited and dependentminister; that he should vest the powers of the state and army in thehands of those officers who were appointed by the Imperial court; andthat he should trust his safety to the assurances of pardon, which wereannounced by Epictetus, a Gallic bishop, and one of the Arian favoritesof Constantius. Several months were ineffectually consumed in a treatywhich was negotiated at the distance of three thousand miles betweenParis and Antioch; and, as soon as Julian perceived that his modest andrespectful behavior served only to irritate the pride of an implacableadversary, he boldly resolved to commit his life and fortune to thechance of a civil war. He gave a public and military audience to thequaestor Leonas: the haughty epistle of Constantius was read to theattentive multitude; and Julian protested, with the most flatteringdeference, that he was ready to resign the title of Augustus, if hecould obtain the consent of those whom he acknowledged as the authorsof his elevation. The faint proposal was impetuously silenced; and theacclamations of "Julian Augustus, continue to reign, by the authorityof the army, of the people, of the republic which you have saved, "thundered at once from every part of the field, and terrified the paleambassador of Constantius. A part of the letter was afterwards read, in which the emperor arraigned the ingratitude of Julian, whom he hadinvested with the honors of the purple; whom he had educated with somuch care and tenderness; whom he had preserved in his infancy, when hewas left a helpless orphan. 

"An orphan!" interrupted Julian, who justified his cause by indulginghis passions: "does the assassin of my family reproach me that I wasleft an orphan? He urges me to revenge those injuries which I have longstudied to forget. " The assembly was dismissed; and Leonas, who, withsome difficulty, had been protected from the popular fury, was sent backto his master with an epistle, in which Julian expressed, in a strain ofthe most vehement eloquence, the sentiments of contempt, of hatred, and of resentment, which had been suppressed and imbittered by thedissimulation of twenty years. After this message, which might beconsidered as a signal of irreconcilable war, Julian, who, some weeksbefore, had celebrated the Christian festival of the Epiphany, [22] madea public declaration that he committed the care of his safety to theImmortal Gods; and thus publicly renounced the religion as well as thefriendship of Constantius. [23]

[Footnote 21: Her remains were sent to Rome, and interred near those ofher sister Constantina, in the suburb of the Via Nomentana. Ammian. Xxi. 1. Libanius has composed a very weak apology, to justify his hero froma very absurd charge of poisoning his wife, and rewarding her physicianwith his mother's jewels. (See the seventh of seventeen new orations, published at Venice, 1754, from a MS. In St. Mark's Library, p. 117-127. ) Elpidius, the Praetorian praefect of the East, to whoseevidence the accuser of Julian appeals, is arraigned by Libanius, aseffeminate and ungrateful; yet the religion of Elpidius is praised byJerom, (tom. I. P. 243, ) and his Ammianus (xxi. 6. )]

[Footnote 22: Feriarum die quem celebrantes mense Januario, ChristianiEpiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solemniter numineorato discessit. Ammian. Xxi. 2. Zonaras observes, that it was onChristmas day, and his assertion is not inconsistent; since the churchesof Egypt, Asia, and perhaps Gaul, celebrated on the same day (the sixthof January) the nativity and the baptism of their Savior. The Romans, as ignorant as their brethren of the real date of his birth, fixedthe solemn festival to the 25th of December, the Brumalia, or wintersolstice, when the Pagans annually celebrated the birth of the sun. See Bingham's Antiquities of the Christian Church, l. Xx. C. 4, andBeausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheismo tom. Ii. P. 690-700. ]

[Footnote 23: The public and secret negotiations between Constantius andJulian must be extracted, with some caution, from Julian himself. (Orat. Ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 286. ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 51, p. 276, )Ammianus, (xx. 9, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 154, ) and even Zonaras, (tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 20, 21, 22, ) who, on this occasion, appears to havepossessed and used some valuable materials. ]

The situation of Julian required a vigorous and immediate resolution. He had discovered, from intercepted letters, that his adversary, sacrificing the interest of the state to that of the monarch, had againexcited the Barbarians to invade the provinces of the West. The positionof two magazines, one of them collected on the banks of the Lake ofConstance, the other formed at the foot of the Cottian Alps, seemed toindicate the march of two armies; and the size of those magazines, eachof which consisted of six hundred thousand quarters of wheat, or ratherflour, [24] was a threatening evidence of the strength and numbers ofthe enemy who prepared to surround him. But the Imperial legions werestill in their distant quarters of Asia; the Danube was feebly guarded;and if Julian could occupy, by a sudden incursion, the importantprovinces of Illyricum, he might expect that a people of soldiers wouldresort to his standard, and that the rich mines of gold and silverwould contribute to the expenses of the civil war. He proposed this boldenterprise to the assembly of the soldiers; inspired them with a justconfidence in their general, and in themselves; and exhorted them tomaintain their reputation of being terrible to the enemy, moderate totheir fellow-citizens, and obedient to their officers. His spiriteddiscourse was received with the loudest acclamations, and the sametroops which had taken up arms against Constantius, when he summonedthem to leave Gaul, now declared with alacrity, that they would followJulian to the farthest extremities of Europe or Asia. The oath offidelity was administered; and the soldiers, clashing their shields, andpointing their drawn swords to their throats, devoted themselves, withhorrid imprecations, to the service of a leader whom they celebrated asthe deliverer of Gaul and the conqueror of the Germans. [25] This solemnengagement, which seemed to be dictated by affection rather than byduty, was singly opposed by Nebridius, who had been admitted to theoffice of Praetorian praefect. That faithful minister, alone andunassisted, asserted the rights of Constantius, in the midst of an armedand angry multitude, to whose fury he had almost fallen an honorable, but useless sacrifice. After losing one of his hands by the stroke of asword, he embraced the knees of the prince whom he had offended. Juliancovered the praefect with his Imperial mantle, and, protecting him fromthe zeal of his followers, dismissed him to his own house, with lessrespect than was perhaps due to the virtue of an enemy. [26] The highoffice of Nebridius was bestowed on Sallust; and the provinces of Gaul, which were now delivered from the intolerable oppression of taxes, enjoyed the mild and equitable administration of the friend of Julian, who was permitted to practise those virtues which he had instilled intothe mind of his pupil. [27]

[Footnote 24: Three hundred myriads, or three millions of medimni, acorn measure familiar to the Athenians, and which contained six Romanmodii. Julian explains, like a soldier and a statesman, the danger ofhis situation, and the necessity and advantages of an offensive war, (adS. P. Q. Athen. P. 286, 287. )]

[Footnote 25: See his oration, and the behavior of the troops, inAmmian. Xxi. 5. ]

[Footnote 26: He sternly refused his hand to the suppliant praefect, whom he sent into Tuscany. (Ammian. Xxi. 5. ) Libanius, with savagefury, insults Nebridius, applauds the soldiers, and almost censures thehumanity of Julian. (Orat. Parent. C. 53, p. 278. )]

[Footnote 27: Ammian. Xxi. 8. In this promotion, Julian obeyed the lawwhich he publicly imposed on himself. Neque civilis quisquam judex necmilitaris rector, alio quodam praeter merita suffragante, ad potioremveniat gradum. (Ammian. Xx. 5. ) Absence did not weaken his regard forSallust, with whose name (A. D. 363) he honored the consulship. ]

The hopes of Julian depended much less on the number of his troops, thanon the celerity of his motions. In the execution of a daring enterprise, he availed himself of every precaution, as far as prudence couldsuggest; and where prudence could no longer accompany his steps, hetrusted the event to valor and to fortune. In the neighborhood of Basilhe assembled and divided his army. [28] One body, which consisted of tenthousand men, was directed under the command of Nevitta, general of thecavalry, to advance through the midland parts of Rhaetia and Noricum. A similar division of troops, under the orders of Jovius and Jovinus, prepared to follow the oblique course of the highways, through the Alps, and the northern confines of Italy. The instructions to the generalswere conceived with energy and precision: to hasten their march in closeand compact columns, which, according to the disposition of the ground, might readily be changed into any order of battle; to secure themselvesagainst the surprises of the night by strong posts and vigilant guards;to prevent resistance by their unexpected arrival; to elude examinationby their sudden departure; to spread the opinion of their strength, andthe terror of his name; and to join their sovereign under the wallsof Sirmium. For himself Julian had reserved a more difficult andextraordinary part. He selected three thousand brave and activevolunteers, resolved, like their leader, to cast behind them every hopeof a retreat; at the head of this faithful band, he fearlessly plungedinto the recesses of the Marcian, or Black Forest, which conceals thesources of the Danube; [29] and, for many days, the fate of Julianwas unknown to the world. The secrecy of his march, his diligence, andvigor, surmounted every obstacle; he forced his way over mountains andmorasses, occupied the bridges or swam the rivers, pursued his directcourse, [30] without reflecting whether he traversed the territory ofthe Romans or of the Barbarians, and at length emerged, between Ratisbonand Vienna, at the place where he designed to embark his troops onthe Danube. By a well-concerted stratagem, he seized a fleet of lightbrigantines, [31] as it lay at anchor; secured a apply of coarseprovisions sufficient to satisfy the indelicate, and voracious, appetiteof a Gallic army; and boldly committed himself to the stream of theDanube. The labors of the mariners, who plied their oars with incessantdiligence, and the steady continuance of a favorable wind, carried hisfleet above seven hundred miles in eleven days; [32] and he had alreadydisembarked his troops at Bononia, [32a] only nineteen miles fromSirmium, before his enemies could receive any certain intelligence thathe had left the banks of the Rhine. In the course of this long andrapid navigation, the mind of Julian was fixed on the object of hisenterprise; and though he accepted the deputations of some cities, whichhastened to claim the merit of an early submission, he passed before thehostile stations, which were placed along the river, without indulgingthe temptation of signalizing a useless and ill-timed valor. The banksof the Danube were crowded on either side with spectators, who gazed onthe military pomp, anticipated the importance of the event, and diffusedthrough the adjacent country the fame of a young hero, who advancedwith more than mortal speed at the head of the innumerable forces of theWest. Lucilian, who, with the rank of general of the cavalry, commandedthe military powers of Illyricum, was alarmed and perplexed by thedoubtful reports, which he could neither reject nor believe. He hadtaken some slow and irresolute measures for the purpose of collectinghis troops, when he was surprised by Dagalaiphus, an active officer, whom Julian, as soon as he landed at Bononia, had pushed forwards withsome light infantry. The captive general, uncertain of his life ordeath, was hastily thrown upon a horse, and conducted to the presence ofJulian; who kindly raised him from the ground, and dispelled the terrorand amazement which seemed to stupefy his faculties. But Lucilian had nosooner recovered his spirits, than he betrayed his want of discretion, by presuming to admonish his conqueror that he had rashly ventured, with a handful of men, to expose his person in the midst of his enemies. "Reserve for your master Constantius these timid remonstrances, " repliedJulian, with a smile of contempt: "when I gave you my purple to kiss, I received you not as a counsellor, but as a suppliant. " Conscious thatsuccess alone could justify his attempt, and that boldness only couldcommand success, he instantly advanced, at the head of three thousandsoldiers, to attack the strongest and most populous city of the Illyrianprovinces. As he entered the long suburb of Sirmium, he was receivedby the joyful acclamations of the army and people; who, crowned withflowers, and holding lighted tapers in their hands, conducted theiracknowledged sovereign to his Imperial residence. Two days were devotedto the public joy, which was celebrated by the games of the circus;but, early on the morning of the third day, Julian marched to occupy thenarrow pass of Succi, in the defiles of Mount Haemus; which, almost inthe midway between Sirmium and Constantinople, separates the provincesof Thrace and Dacia, by an abrupt descent towards the former, and agentle declivity on the side of the latter. [33] The defence of thisimportant post was intrusted to the brave Nevitta; who, as well as thegenerals of the Italian division, successfully executed the plan of themarch and junction which their master had so ably conceived. [34]

[Footnote 28: Ammianus (xxi. 8) ascribes the same practice, and the samemotive, to Alexander the Great and other skilful generals. ]

[Footnote 29: This wood was a part of the great Hercynian forest, which, is the time of Caesar, stretched away from the country of the Rauraci(Basil) into the boundless regions of the north. See Cluver, GermaniaAntiqua. L. Iii. C. 47. ]

[Footnote 30: Compare Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 53, p. 278, 279, withGregory Nazianzen, Orat. Iii. P. 68. Even the saint admires the speedand secrecy of this march. A modern divine might apply to the progressof Julian the lines which were originally designed for anotherapostate:--

 --So eagerly the fiend, O'er bog, or steep, through strait, rough, dense, or rare, With head, hands, wings, or feet, pursues his way, And swims, or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies. ]

[Footnote 31: In that interval the Notitia places two or three fleets, the Lauriacensis, (at Lauriacum, or Lorch, ) the Arlapensis, theMaginensis; and mentions five legions, or cohorts, of Libernarii, whoshould be a sort of marines. Sect. Lviii. Edit. Labb. ]

[Footnote 32: Zosimus alone (l. Iii. P. 156) has specified thisinteresting circumstance. Mamertinus, (in Panegyr. Vet. Xi. 6, 7, 8, )who accompanied Julian, as count of the sacred largesses, describes thisvoyage in a florid and picturesque manner, challenges Triptolemus andthe Argonauts of Greece, &c. ]

[Footnote 32a: Banostar. Mannert. --M. ]

[Footnote 33: The description of Ammianus, which might be supported bycollateral evidence, ascertains the precise situation of the AngustineSuccorum, or passes of Succi. M. D'Anville, from the triflingresemblance of names, has placed them between Sardica and Naissus. Formy own justification I am obliged to mention the only error which I havediscovered in the maps or writings of that admirable geographer. ]

[Footnote 34: Whatever circumstances we may borrow elsewhere, Ammianus(xx. 8, 9, 10) still supplies the series of the narrative. ]

The homage which Julian obtained, from the fears or the inclination ofthe people, extended far beyond the immediate effect of his arms. [35]The praefectures of Italy and Illyricum were administered by Taurus andFlorentius, who united that important office with the vain honors of theconsulship; and as those magistrates had retired with precipitation tothe court of Asia, Julian, who could not always restrain the levity ofhis temper, stigmatized their flight by adding, in all the Acts ofthe Year, the epithet of fugitive to the names of the two consuls. The provinces which had been deserted by their first magistratesacknowledged the authority of an emperor, who, conciliating thequalities of a soldier with those of a philosopher, was equally admiredin the camps of the Danube and in the cities of Greece. From his palace, or, more properly, from his head-quarters of Sirmium and Naissus, hedistributed to the principal cities of the empire, a labored apologyfor his own conduct; published the secret despatches of Constantius; andsolicited the judgment of mankind between two competitors, the oneof whom had expelled, and the other had invited, the Barbarians. [36]Julian, whose mind was deeply wounded by the reproach of ingratitude, aspired to maintain, by argument as well as by arms, the superior meritsof his cause; and to excel, not only in the arts of war, but in those ofcomposition. His epistle to the senate and people of Athens [37] seemsto have been dictated by an elegant enthusiasm; which prompted him tosubmit his actions and his motives to the degenerate Athenians of hisown times, with the same humble deference as if he had been pleading, in the days of Aristides, before the tribunal of the Areopagus. Hisapplication to the senate of Rome, which was still permitted to bestowthe titles of Imperial power, was agreeable to the forms of the expiringrepublic. An assembly was summoned by Tertullus, praefect of the city;the epistle of Julian was read; and, as he appeared to be master ofItaly his claims were admitted without a dissenting voice. His obliquecensure of the innovations of Constantine, and his passionate invectiveagainst the vices of Constantius, were heard with less satisfaction;and the senate, as if Julian had been present, unanimously exclaimed, "Respect, we beseech you, the author of your own fortune. " [38] Anartful expression, which, according to the chance of war, might bedifferently explained; as a manly reproof of the ingratitude of theusurper, or as a flattering confession, that a single act of suchbenefit to the state ought to atone for all the failings of Constantius. 

[Footnote 35: Ammian. Xxi. 9, 10. Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 54, p. 279, 280. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 156, 157. ]

[Footnote 36: Julian (ad S. P. Q. Athen. P. 286) positively asserts, that he intercepted the letters of Constantius to the Barbarians; andLibanius as positively affirms, that he read them on his march to thetroops and the cities. Yet Ammianus (xxi. 4) expresses himself withcool and candid hesitation, si famoe solius admittenda est fides. Hespecifies, however, an intercepted letter from Vadomair to Constantius, which supposes an intimate correspondence between them. "disciplinam nonhabet. "]

[Footnote 37: Zosimus mentions his epistles to the Athenians, theCorinthians, and the Lacedaemonians. The substance was probably thesame, though the address was properly varied. The epistle to theAthenians is still extant, (p. 268-287, ) and has afforded much valuableinformation. It deserves the praises of the Abbe de la Bleterie, (Pref. A l'Histoire de Jovien, p. 24, 25, ) and is one of the best manifestoesto be found in any language. ]

[Footnote 38: Auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus. Ammian. Xxi. 10. It isamusing enough to observe the secret conflicts of the senate betweenflattery and fear. See Tacit. Hist. I. 85. ]

The intelligence of the march and rapid progress of Julian was speedilytransmitted to his rival, who, by the retreat of Sapor, had obtainedsome respite from the Persian war. Disguising the anguish of his soulunder the semblance of contempt, Constantius professed his intention ofreturning into Europe, and of giving chase to Julian; for he never spokeof his military expedition in any other light than that of a huntingparty. [39] In the camp of Hierapolis, in Syria, he communicated thisdesign to his army; slightly mentioned the guilt and rashness of theCaesar; and ventured to assure them, that if the mutineers of Gaulpresumed to meet them in the field, they would be unable to sustain thefire of their eyes, and the irresistible weight of their shout of onset. The speech of the emperor was received with military applause, andTheodotus, the president of the council of Hierapolis, requested, withtears of adulation, that his city might be adorned with the head ofthe vanquished rebel. [40] A chosen detachment was despatched away inpost-wagons, to secure, if it were yet possible, the pass of Succi;the recruits, the horses, the arms, and the magazines, which had beenprepared against Sapor, were appropriated to the service of the civilwar; and the domestic victories of Constantius inspired his partisanswith the most sanguine assurances of success. The notary Gaudentius hadoccupied in his name the provinces of Africa; the subsistence ofRome was intercepted; and the distress of Julian was increased byan unexpected event, which might have been productive of fatalconsequences. Julian had received the submission of two legions and acohort of archers, who were stationed at Sirmium; but he suspected, withreason, the fidelity of those troops which had been distinguished by theemperor; and it was thought expedient, under the pretence of the exposedstate of the Gallic frontier, to dismiss them from the most importantscene of action. They advanced, with reluctance, as far as the confinesof Italy; but as they dreaded the length of the way, and the savagefierceness of the Germans, they resolved, by the instigation of oneof their tribunes, to halt at Aquileia, and to erect the banners ofConstantius on the walls of that impregnable city. The vigilance ofJulian perceived at once the extent of the mischief, and the necessityof applying an immediate remedy. By his order, Jovinus led back apart of the army into Italy; and the siege of Aquileia was formed withdiligence, and prosecuted with vigor. But the legionaries, who seemed tohave rejected the yoke of discipline, conducted the defence of the placewith skill and perseverance; vited the rest of Italy to imitate theexample of their courage and loyalty; and threatened the retreat ofJulian, if he should be forced to yield to the superior numbers of thearmies of the East. [41]

[Footnote 39: Tanquam venaticiam praedam caperet: hoc enim ad Jeniendumsuorum metum subinde praedicabat. Ammian. Xxii. 7. ]

[Footnote 40: See the speech and preparations in Ammianus, xxi. 13. The vile Theodotus afterwards implored and obtained his pardon from themerciful conqueror, who signified his wish of diminishing his enemiesand increasing the numbers of his friends, (xxii. 14. )]

[Footnote 41: Ammian. Xxi. 7, 11, 12. He seems to describe, withsuperfluous labor, the operations of the siege of Aquileia, which, onthis occasion, maintained its impregnable fame. Gregory Nazianzen(Orat. Iii. P. 68) ascribes this accidental revolt to the wisdom ofConstantius, whose assured victory he announces with some appearance oftruth. Constantio quem credebat procul dubio fore victorem; nemo enimomnium tunc ab hac constanti sententia discrepebat. Ammian. Xxi. 7. ]

But the humanity of Julian was preserved from the cruel alternativewhich he pathetically laments, of destroying or of being himselfdestroyed: and the seasonable death of Constantius delivered the Romanempire from the calamities of civil war. The approach of winter couldnot detain the monarch at Antioch; and his favorites durst not opposehis impatient desire of revenge. A slight fever, which was perhapsoccasioned by the agitation of his spirits, was increased by thefatigues of the journey; and Constantius was obliged to halt at thelittle town of Mopsucrene, twelve miles beyond Tarsus, where he expired, after a short illness, in the forty-fifth year of his age, and thetwenty-fourth of his reign. [42] His genuine character, which wascomposed of pride and weakness, of superstition and cruelty, has beenfully displayed in the preceding narrative of civil and ecclesiasticalevents. The long abuse of power rendered him a considerable object inthe eyes of his contemporaries; but as personal merit can alone deservethe notice of posterity, the last of the sons of Constantine maybe dismissed from the world, with the remark, that he inherited thedefects, without the abilities, of his father. Before Constantiusexpired, he is said to have named Julian for his successor; nor does itseem improbable, that his anxious concern for the fate of a young andtender wife, whom he left with child, may have prevailed, in his lastmoments, over the harsher passions of hatred and revenge. Eusebius, andhis guilty associates, made a faint attempt to prolong the reign of theeunuchs, by the election of another emperor; but their intrigues wererejected with disdain, by an army which now abhorred the thought ofcivil discord; and two officers of rank were instantly despatched, toassure Julian, that every sword in the empire would be drawn for hisservice. The military designs of that prince, who had formed threedifferent attacks against Thrace, were prevented by this fortunateevent. Without shedding the blood of his fellow-citizens, he escapedthe dangers of a doubtful conflict, and acquired the advantages of acomplete victory. Impatient to visit the place of his birth, and the newcapital of the empire, he advanced from Naissus through the mountainsof Haemus, and the cities of Thrace. When he reached Heraclea, at thedistance of sixty miles, all Constantinople was poured forth to receivehim; and he made his triumphal entry amidst the dutiful acclamationsof the soldiers, the people, and the senate. At innumerable multitudepressed around him with eager respect and were perhaps disappointedwhen they beheld the small stature and simple garb of a hero, whoseunexperienced youth had vanquished the Barbarians of Germany, andwho had now traversed, in a successful career, the whole continent ofEurope, from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Bosphorus. [43]A few days afterwards, when the remains of the deceased emperor werelanded in the harbor, the subjects of Julian applauded the real oraffected humanity of their sovereign. On foot, without his diadem, andclothed in a mourning habit, he accompanied the funeral as far as thechurch of the Holy Apostles, where the body was deposited: and if thesemarks of respect may be interpreted as a selfish tribute to the birthand dignity of his Imperial kinsman, the tears of Julian professedto the world that he had forgot the injuries, and remembered only theobligations, which he had received from Constantius. [44] As soon asthe legions of Aquileia were assured of the death of the emperor, theyopened the gates of the city, and, by the sacrifice of their guiltyleaders, obtained an easy pardon from the prudence or lenity of Julian;who, in the thirty-second year of his age, acquired the undisputedpossession of the Roman empire. [45]

[Footnote 42: His death and character are faithfully delineated byAmmianus, (xxi. 14, 15, 16;) and we are authorized to despise and detestthe foolish calumny of Gregory, (Orat. Iii. P. 68, ) who accuses Julianof contriving the death of his benefactor. The private repentance of theemperor, that he had spared and promoted Julian, (p. 69, and Orat. Xxi. P. 389, ) is not improbable in itself, nor incompatible with the publicverbal testament which prudential considerations might dictate in thelast moments of his life. Note: Wagner thinks this sudden change ofsentiment altogether a fiction of the attendant courtiers and chiefs ofthe army. Who up to this time had been hostile to Julian. Note in locoAmmian. --M. ]

[Footnote 43: In describing the triumph of Julian, Ammianus (xxii. L, 2) assumes the lofty tone of an orator or poet; while Libanius (Orat. Parent, c. 56, p. 281) sinks to the grave simplicity of an historian. ]

[Footnote 44: The funeral of Constantius is described by Ammianus, (xxi. 16. ) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 119, ) Mamertinus, in (Panegyr. Vet. Xi. 27, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. Lvi. P. 283, ) andPhilostorgius, (l. Vi. C. 6, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 265. )These writers, and their followers, Pagans, Catholics, Arians, beheldwith very different eyes both the dead and the living emperor. ]

[Footnote 45: The day and year of the birth of Julian are not perfectlyascertained. The day is probably the sixth of November, and the yearmust be either 331 or 332. Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 693. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. P. 50. I have preferred the earlier date. ]

Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. --Part III. 

Philosophy had instructed Julian to compare the advantages of actionand retirement; but the elevation of his birth, and the accidents ofhis life, never allowed him the freedom of choice. He might perhapssincerely have preferred the groves of the academy, and the society ofAthens; but he was constrained, at first by the will, and afterwardsby the injustice, of Constantius, to expose his person and fame to thedangers of Imperial greatness; and to make himself accountable to theworld, and to posterity, for the happiness of millions. [46] Julianrecollected with terror the observation of his master Plato, [47] thatthe government of our flocks and herds is always committed to beingsof a superior species; and that the conduct of nations requires anddeserves the celestial powers of the gods or of the genii. From thisprinciple he justly concluded, that the man who presumes to reign, should aspire to the perfection of the divine nature; that he shouldpurify his soul from her mortal and terrestrial part; that he shouldextinguish his appetites, enlighten his understanding, regulate hispassions, and subdue the wild beast, which, according to the livelymetaphor of Aristotle, [48] seldom fails to ascend the throne of adespot. The throne of Julian, which the death of Constantius fixed onan independent basis, was the seat of reason, of virtue, and perhaps ofvanity. He despised the honors, renounced the pleasures, and dischargedwith incessant diligence the duties, of his exalted station; and therewere few among his subjects who would have consented to relieve him fromthe weight of the diadem, had they been obliged to submit their timeand their actions to the rigorous laws which that philosophic emperorimposed on himself. One of his most intimate friends, [49] who had oftenshared the frugal simplicity of his table, has remarked, that his lightand sparing diet (which was usually of the vegetable kind) left his mindand body always free and active, for the various and important businessof an author, a pontiff, a magistrate, a general, and a prince. In oneand the same day, he gave audience to several ambassadors, and wrote, or dictated, a great number of letters to his generals, his civilmagistrates, his private friends, and the different cities of hisdominions. He listened to the memorials which had been received, considered the subject of the petitions, and signified his intentionsmore rapidly than they could be taken in short-hand by the diligenceof his secretaries. He possessed such flexibility of thought, and suchfirmness of attention, that he could employ his hand to write, his earto listen, and his voice to dictate; and pursue at once three severaltrains of ideas without hesitation, and without error. While hisministers reposed, the prince flew with agility from one labor toanother, and, after a hasty dinner, retired into his library, till thepublic business, which he had appointed for the evening, summoned him tointerrupt the prosecution of his studies. The supper of the emperor wasstill less substantial than the former meal; his sleep was never cloudedby the fumes of indigestion; and except in the short interval of amarriage, which was the effect of policy rather than love, the chasteJulian never shared his bed with a female companion. [50] He wassoon awakened by the entrance of fresh secretaries, who had slept thepreceding day; and his servants were obliged to wait alternatelywhile their indefatigable master allowed himself scarcely any otherrefreshment than the change of occupation. The predecessors of Julian, his uncle, his brother, and his cousin, indulged their puerile taste forthe games of the Circus, under the specious pretence of complyingwith the inclinations of the people; and they frequently remainedthe greatest part of the day as idle spectators, and as a part of thesplendid spectacle, till the ordinary round of twenty-four races [51]was completely finished. On solemn festivals, Julian, who felt andprofessed an unfashionable dislike to these frivolous amusements, condescended to appear in the Circus; and after bestowing a carelessglance at five or six of the races, he hastily withdrew with theimpatience of a philosopher, who considered every moment as lost thatwas not devoted to the advantage of the public or the improvement of hisown mind. [52] By this avarice of time, he seemed to protract the shortduration of his reign; and if the dates were less securely ascertained, we should refuse to believe, that only sixteen months elapsed betweenthe death of Constantius and the departure of his successor for thePersian war. The actions of Julian can only be preserved by the careof the historian; but the portion of his voluminous writings, which isstill extant, remains as a monument of the application, as well as ofthe genius, of the emperor. The Misopogon, the Caesars, several of hisorations, and his elaborate work against the Christian religion, werecomposed in the long nights of the two winters, the former of which hepassed at Constantinople, and the latter at Antioch. 

[Footnote 46: Julian himself (p. 253-267) has expressed thesephilosophical ideas with much eloquence and some affectation, in a veryelaborate epistle to Themistius. The Abbe de la Bleterie, (tom. Ii. P. 146-193, ) who has given an elegant translation, is inclined to believethat it was the celebrated Themistius, whose orations are still extant. ]

[Footnote 47: Julian. Ad Themist. P. 258. Petavius (not. P. 95) observesthat this passage is taken from the fourth book De Legibus; but eitherJulian quoted from memory, or his MSS. Were different from ours Xenophonopens the Cyropaedia with a similar reflection. ]

[Footnote 48: Aristot. Ap. Julian. P. 261. The MS. Of Vossius, unsatisfied with the single beast, affords the stronger reading of whichthe experience of despotism may warrant. ]

[Footnote 49: Libanius (Orat. Parentalis, c. Lxxxiv. Lxxxv. P. 310, 311, 312) has given this interesting detail of the private life of Julian. Hehimself (in Misopogon, p. 350) mentions his vegetable diet, and upbraidsthe gross and sensual appetite of the people of Antioch. ]

[Footnote 50: Lectulus. .. Vestalium toris purior, is the praise whichMamertinus (Panegyr. Vet. Xi. 13) addresses to Julian himself. Libaniusaffirms, in sober peremptory language, that Julian never knew a womanbefore his marriage, or after the death of his wife, (Orat. Parent. C. Lxxxviii. P. 313. ) The chastity of Julian is confirmed by the impartialtestimony of Ammianus, (xxv. 4, ) and the partial silence of theChristians. Yet Julian ironically urges the reproach of the people ofAntioch, that he almost always (in Misopogon, p. 345) lay alone. Thissuspicious expression is explained by the Abbe de la Bleterie (Hist. DeJovien, tom. Ii. P. 103-109) with candor and ingenuity. ]

[Footnote 51: See Salmasius ad Sueton in Claud. C. Xxi. A twenty-fifthrace, or missus, was added, to complete the number of one hundredchariots, four of which, the four colors, started each heat. 

Centum quadrijugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 

It appears, that they ran five or seven times round the Mota (Sueton inDomitian. C. 4;) and (from the measure of the Circus Maximus at Rome, the Hippodrome at Constantinople, &c. ) it might be about a four milecourse. ]

[Footnote 52: Julian. In Misopogon, p. 340. Julius Caesar had offendedthe Roman people by reading his despatches during the actual race. Augustus indulged their taste, or his own, by his constant attention tothe important business of the Circus, for which he professed the warmestinclination. Sueton. In August. C. Xlv. ]

The reformation of the Imperial court was one of the first and mostnecessary acts of the government of Julian. [53] Soon after his entranceinto the palace of Constantinople, he had occasion for the service ofa barber. An officer, magnificently dressed, immediately presentedhimself. "It is a barber, " exclaimed the prince, with affected surprise, "that I want, and not a receiver-general of the finances. " [54] Hequestioned the man concerning the profits of his employment and wasinformed, that besides a large salary, and some valuable perquisites, he enjoyed a daily allowance for twenty servants, and as many horses. A thousand barbers, a thousand cup-bearers, a thousand cooks, weredistributed in the several offices of luxury; and the number of eunuchscould be compared only with the insects of a summer's day. The monarchwho resigned to his subjects the superiority of merit and virtue, wasdistinguished by the oppressive magnificence of his dress, his table, his buildings, and his train. The stately palaces erected by Constantineand his sons, were decorated with many colored marbles, and ornaments ofmassy gold. The most exquisite dainties were procured, to gratify theirpride, rather than their taste; birds of the most distant climates, fishfrom the most remote seas, fruits out of their natural season, winterroses, and summer snows. [56] The domestic crowd of the palace surpassedthe expense of the legions; yet the smallest part of this costlymultitude was subservient to the use, or even to the splendor, of thethrone. The monarch was disgraced, and the people was injured, by thecreation and sale of an infinite number of obscure, and even titularemployments; and the most worthless of mankind might purchase theprivilege of being maintained, without the necessity of labor, from thepublic revenue. The waste of an enormous household, the increase offees and perquisites, which were soon claimed as a lawful debt, andthe bribes which they extorted from those who feared their enmity, orsolicited their favor, suddenly enriched these haughty menials. Theyabused their fortune, without considering their past, or their future, condition; and their rapine and venality could be equalled only by theextravagance of their dissipations. Their silken robes were embroideredwith gold, their tables were served with delicacy and profusion; thehouses which they built for their own use, would have covered the farmof an ancient consul; and the most honorable citizens were obliged todismount from their horses, and respectfully to salute a eunuch whomthey met on the public highway. The luxury of the palace excited thecontempt and indignation of Julian, who usually slept on the ground, whoyielded with reluctance to the indispensable calls of nature; and whoplaced his vanity, not in emulating, but in despising, the pomp ofroyalty. 

[Footnote 53: The reformation of the palace is described by Ammianus, (xxii. 4, ) Libanius, Orat. (Parent. C. Lxii. P. 288, &c. , ) Mamertinus, in Panegyr. (Vet. Xi. 11, ) Socrates, (l. Iii. C. L. , ) and Zonaras, (tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 24. )]

[Footnote 54: Ego non rationalem jussi sed tonsorem acciri. Zonaras usesthe less natural image of a senator. Yet an officer of the finances, who was satisfied with wealth, might desire and obtain the honors of thesenate. ]

[Footnote 56: The expressions of Mamertinus are lively and forcible. Quis etiam prandiorum et caenarum laboratas magnitudines Romanuspopulus sensit; cum quaesitissimae dapes non gustu sed difficultatibusaestimarentur; miracula avium, longinqui maris pisces, aheni temporispoma, aestivae nives, hybernae rosae]

By the total extirpation of a mischief which was magnified even beyondits real extent, he was impatient to relieve the distress, and toappease the murmurs of the people; who support with less uneasiness theweight of taxes, if they are convinced that the fruits of their industryare appropriated to the service of the state. But in the execution ofthis salutary work, Julian is accused of proceeding with too much hasteand inconsiderate severity. By a single edict, he reduced the palaceof Constantinople to an immense desert, and dismissed with ignominy thewhole train of slaves and dependants, [57] without providing any just, or at least benevolent, exceptions, for the age, the services, or thepoverty, of the faithful domestics of the Imperial family. Such indeedwas the temper of Julian, who seldom recollected the fundamental maximof Aristotle, that true virtue is placed at an equal distance betweenthe opposite vices. 

The splendid and effeminate dress of the Asiatics, the curls and paint, the collars and bracelets, which had appeared so ridiculous in theperson of Constantine, were consistently rejected by his philosophicsuccessor. But with the fopperies, Julian affected to renounce thedecencies of dress; and seemed to value himself for his neglect of thelaws of cleanliness. In a satirical performance, which was designed forthe public eye, the emperor descants with pleasure, and even withpride, on the length of his nails, and the inky blackness of his hands;protests, that although the greatest part of his body was coveredwith hair, the use of the razor was confined to his head alone; andcelebrates, with visible complacency, the shaggy and populous [58]beard, which he fondly cherished, after the example of the philosophersof Greece. Had Julian consulted the simple dictates of reason, the firstmagistrate of the Romans would have scorned the affectation of Diogenes, as well as that of Darius. 

[Footnote 57: Yet Julian himself was accused of bestowing whole townson the eunuchs, (Orat. Vii. Against Polyclet. P. 117-127. ) Libaniuscontents himself with a cold but positive denial of the fact, whichseems indeed to belong more properly to Constantius. This charge, however, may allude to some unknown circumstance. ]

[Footnote 58: In the Misopogon (p. 338, 339) he draws a verysingular picture of himself, and the following words are strangelycharacteristic. The friends of the Abbe de la Bleterie adjured him, in the name of the French nation, not to translate this passage, sooffensive to their delicacy, (Hist. De Jovien, tom. Ii. P. 94. ) Likehim, I have contented myself with a transient allusion; but the littleanimal which Julian names, is a beast familiar to man, and signifieslove. ]

But the work of public reformation would have remained imperfect, ifJulian had only corrected the abuses, without punishing the crimes, ofhis predecessor's reign. "We are now delivered, " says he, in a familiarletter to one of his intimate friends, "we are now surprisinglydelivered from the voracious jaws of the Hydra. [59] I do not mean toapply the epithet to my brother Constantius. He is no more; may theearth lie light on his head! But his artful and cruel favorites studiedto deceive and exasperate a prince, whose natural mildness cannotbe praised without some efforts of adulation. It is not, however, myintention, that even those men should be oppressed: they are accused, and they shall enjoy the benefit of a fair and impartial trial. " Toconduct this inquiry, Julian named six judges of the highest rank in thestate and army; and as he wished to escape the reproach of condemninghis personal enemies, he fixed this extraordinary tribunal atChalcedon, on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; and transferred to thecommissioners an absolute power to pronounce and execute their finalsentence, without delay, and without appeal. The office of president wasexercised by the venerable praefect of the East, a second Sallust, [60]whose virtues conciliated the esteem of Greek sophists, and of Christianbishops. He was assisted by the eloquent Mamertinus, [61] one of theconsuls elect, whose merit is loudly celebrated by the doubtful evidenceof his own applause. But the civil wisdom of two magistrates wasoverbalanced by the ferocious violence of four generals, Nevitta, Agilo, Jovinus, and Arbetio. Arbetio, whom the public would have seen withless surprise at the bar than on the bench, was supposed to possess thesecret of the commission; the armed and angry leaders of the Jovianand Herculian bands encompassed the tribunal; and the judges werealternately swayed by the laws of justice, and by the clamors offaction. [62]

[Footnote 59: Julian, epist. Xxiii. P. 389. He uses the words in writingto his friend Hermogenes, who, like himself, was conversant with theGreek poets. ]

[Footnote 60: The two Sallusts, the praefect of Gaul, and the praefectof the East, must be carefully distinguished, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 696. ) I have used the surname of Secundus, as a convenientepithet. The second Sallust extorted the esteem of the Christiansthemselves; and Gregory Nazianzen, who condemned his religion, hascelebrated his virtues, (Orat. Iii. P. 90. ) See a curious note of theAbbe de la Bleterie, Vie de Julien, p. 363. Note: Gibbonus secundumhabet pro numero, quod tamen est viri agnomen Wagner, nota in loc. Amm. It is not a mistake; it is rather an error in taste. Wagner inclines totransfer the chief guilt to Arbetio. --M. ]

[Footnote 61: Mamertinus praises the emperor (xi. L. ) for bestowingthe offices of Treasurer and Praefect on a man of wisdom, firmness, integrity, &c. , like himself. Yet Ammianus ranks him (xxi. L. ) among theministers of Julian, quorum merita norat et fidem. ]

[Footnote 62: The proceedings of this chamber of justice are related byAmmianus, (xxii. 3, ) and praised by Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 74, p. 299, 300. )]

The chamberlain Eusebius, who had so long abused the favor ofConstantius, expiated, by an ignominious death, the insolence, thecorruption, and cruelty of his servile reign. The executions of Pauland Apodemius (the former of whom was burnt alive) were accepted asan inadequate atonement by the widows and orphans of so many hundredRomans, whom those legal tyrants had betrayed and murdered. But justiceherself (if we may use the pathetic expression of Ammianus) [63] appearedto weep over the fate of Ursulus, the treasurer of the empire; andhis blood accused the ingratitude of Julian, whose distress had beenseasonably relieved by the intrepid liberality of that honest minister. The rage of the soldiers, whom he had provoked by his indiscretion, wasthe cause and the excuse of his death; and the emperor, deeply woundedby his own reproaches and those of the public, offered some consolationto the family of Ursulus, by the restitution of his confiscatedfortunes. Before the end of the year in which they had been adorned withthe ensigns of the prefecture and consulship, [64] Taurus and Florentiuswere reduced to implore the clemency of the inexorable tribunal ofChalcedon. The former was banished to Vercellae in Italy, and a sentenceof death was pronounced against the latter. A wise prince should haverewarded the crime of Taurus: the faithful minister, when he was nolonger able to oppose the progress of a rebel, had taken refuge inthe court of his benefactor and his lawful sovereign. But the guilt ofFlorentius justified the severity of the judges; and his escape servedto display the magnanimity of Julian, who nobly checked the interesteddiligence of an informer, and refused to learn what place concealed thewretched fugitive from his just resentment. [65] Some months after thetribunal of Chalcedon had been dissolved, the praetorian vicegerent ofAfrica, the notary Gaudentius, and Artemius [66] duke of Egypt, wereexecuted at Antioch. Artemius had reigned the cruel and corrupt tyrantof a great province; Gaudentius had long practised the arts of calumnyagainst the innocent, the virtuous, and even the person of Julianhimself. Yet the circumstances of their trial and condemnation wereso unskillfully managed, that these wicked men obtained, in the publicopinion, the glory of suffering for the obstinate loyalty with whichthey had supported the cause of Constantius. The rest of his servantswere protected by a general act of oblivion; and they were left to enjoywith impunity the bribes which they had accepted, either to defend theoppressed, or to oppress the friendless. This measure, which, on thesoundest principles of policy, may deserve our approbation, was executedin a manner which seemed to degrade the majesty of the throne. Julianwas tormented by the importunities of a multitude, particularly ofEgyptians, who loudly redemanded the gifts which they had imprudentlyor illegally bestowed; he foresaw the endless prosecution of vexatioussuits; and he engaged a promise, which ought always to have been sacred, that if they would repair to Chalcedon, he would meet them in person, tohear and determine their complaints. But as soon as they were landed, he issued an absolute order, which prohibited the watermen fromtransporting any Egyptian to Constantinople; and thus detained hisdisappointed clients on the Asiatic shore till, their patience and moneybeing utterly exhausted, they were obliged to return with indignantmurmurs to their native country. [67]

[Footnote 63: Ursuli vero necem ipsa mihi videtur flesse justitia. Libanius, who imputes his death to the soldiers, attempts to criminatethe court of the largesses. ]

[Footnote 64: Such respect was still entertained for the venerable namesof the commonwealth, that the public was surprised and scandalized tohear Taurus summoned as a criminal under the consulship of Taurus. The summons of his colleague Florentius was probably delayed till thecommencement of the ensuing year. ]

[Footnote 65: Ammian. Xx. 7. ]

[Footnote 66: For the guilt and punishment of Artemius, see Julian(Epist. X. P. 379) and Ammianus, (xxii. 6, and Vales, ad hoc. ) Themerit of Artemius, who demolished temples, and was put to death by anapostate, has tempted the Greek and Latin churches to honor him as amartyr. But as ecclesiastical history attests that he was not onlya tyrant, but an Arian, it is not altogether easy to justify thisindiscreet promotion. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 1319. ]

[Footnote 67: See Ammian. Xxii. 6, and Vales, ad locum; and the CodexTheodosianus, l. Ii. Tit. Xxxix. Leg. I. ; and Godefroy's Commentary, tom. I. P. 218, ad locum. ]

Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. --Part IV. 

The numerous army of spies, of agents, and informers enlisted byConstantius to secure the repose of one man, and to interrupt that ofmillions, was immediately disbanded by his generous successor. Julianwas slow in his suspicions, and gentle in his punishments; and hiscontempt of treason was the result of judgment, of vanity, and ofcourage. Conscious of superior merit, he was persuaded that few amonghis subjects would dare to meet him in the field, to attempt his life, or even to seat themselves on his vacant throne. The philosopher couldexcuse the hasty sallies of discontent; and the hero could despise theambitious projects which surpassed the fortune or the abilities of therash conspirators. A citizen of Ancyra had prepared for his own use apurple garment; and this indiscreet action, which, under the reign ofConstantius, would have been considered as a capital offence, [68] wasreported to Julian by the officious importunity of a private enemy. Themonarch, after making some inquiry into the rank and character ofhis rival, despatched the informer with a present of a pair of purpleslippers, to complete the magnificence of his Imperial habit. A moredangerous conspiracy was formed by ten of the domestic guards, who hadresolved to assassinate Julian in the field of exercise near Antioch. Their intemperance revealed their guilt; and they were conducted inchains to the presence of their injured sovereign, who, after a livelyrepresentation of the wickedness and folly of their enterprise, insteadof a death of torture, which they deserved and expected, pronounced asentence of exile against the two principal offenders. The only instancein which Julian seemed to depart from his accustomed clemency, was theexecution of a rash youth, who, with a feeble hand, had aspired toseize the reins of empire. But that youth was the son of Marcellus, thegeneral of cavalry, who, in the first campaign of the Gallic war, haddeserted the standard of the Caesar and the republic. Without appearingto indulge his personal resentment, Julian might easily confoundthe crime of the son and of the father; but he was reconciled by thedistress of Marcellus, and the liberality of the emperor endeavored toheal the wound which had been inflicted by the hand of justice. [69]

[Footnote 68: The president Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c. , des Romains, c. Xiv. In his works, tom. Iii. P. 448, 449, ) excusesthis minute and absurd tyranny, by supposing that actions the mostindifferent in our eyes might excite, in a Roman mind, the idea ofguilt and danger. This strange apology is supported by a strangemisapprehension of the English laws, "chez une nation. .. . Ou il estdefendu da boire a la sante d'une certaine personne. "]

[Footnote 69: The clemency of Julian, and the conspiracy which wasformed against his life at Antioch, are described by Ammianus (xxii. 9, 10, and Vales, ad loc. ) and Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 99, p. 323. )]

Julian was not insensible of the advantages of freedom. [70] From hisstudies he had imbibed the spirit of ancient sages and heroes; hislife and fortunes had depended on the caprice of a tyrant; and whenhe ascended the throne, his pride was sometimes mortified by thereflection, that the slaves who would not dare to censure his defectswere not worthy to applaud his virtues. [71] He sincerely abhorred thesystem of Oriental despotism, which Diocletian, Constantine, and thepatient habits of fourscore years, had established in the empire. Amotive of superstition prevented the execution of the design, whichJulian had frequently meditated, of relieving his head from the weightof a costly diadem; [72] but he absolutely refused the title of Dominus, or Lord, [73] a word which was grown so familiar to the ears of theRomans, that they no longer remembered its servile and humiliatingorigin. The office, or rather the name, of consul, was cherished by aprince who contemplated with reverence the ruins of the republic; andthe same behavior which had been assumed by the prudence of Augustuswas adopted by Julian from choice and inclination. On the calends ofJanuary, at break of day, the new consuls, Mamertinus and Nevitta, hastened to the palace to salute the emperor. As soon as he was informedof their approach, he leaped from his throne, eagerly advanced tomeet them, and compelled the blushing magistrates to receive thedemonstrations of his affected humility. From the palace they proceededto the senate. The emperor, on foot, marched before their litters; andthe gazing multitude admired the image of ancient times, or secretlyblamed a conduct, which, in their eyes, degraded the majesty of thepurple. [74] But the behavior of Julian was uniformly supported. Duringthe games of the Circus, he had, imprudently or designedly, performedthe manumission of a slave in the presence of the consul. The momenthe was reminded that he had trespassed on the jurisdiction of anothermagistrate, he condemned himself to pay a fine of ten pounds of gold;and embraced this public occasion of declaring to the world, that hewas subject, like the rest of his fellow-citizens, to the laws, [75] andeven to the forms, of the republic. The spirit of his administration, and his regard for the place of his nativity, induced Julian to conferon the senate of Constantinople the same honors, privileges, andauthority, which were still enjoyed by the senate of ancient Rome. [76]A legal fiction was introduced, and gradually established, that one halfof the national council had migrated into the East; and the despoticsuccessors of Julian, accepting the title of Senators, acknowledgedthemselves the members of a respectable body, which was permittedto represent the majesty of the Roman name. From Constantinople, theattention of the monarch was extended to the municipal senates of theprovinces. He abolished, by repeated edicts, the unjust and perniciousexemptions which had withdrawn so many idle citizens from the servicesof their country; and by imposing an equal distribution of publicduties, he restored the strength, the splendor, or, according to theglowing expression of Libanius, [77] the soul of the expiring citiesof his empire. The venerable age of Greece excited the most tendercompassion in the mind of Julian, which kindled into rapture when herecollected the gods, the heroes, and the men superior to heroes and togods, who have bequeathed to the latest posterity the monuments of theirgenius, or the example of their virtues. He relieved the distress, andrestored the beauty, of the cities of Epirus and Peloponnesus. [78]Athens acknowledged him for her benefactor; Argos, for her deliverer. The pride of Corinth, again rising from her ruins with the honors ofa Roman colony, exacted a tribute from the adjacent republics, for thepurpose of defraying the games of the Isthmus, which were celebratedin the amphitheatre with the hunting of bears and panthers. From thistribute the cities of Elis, of Delphi, and of Argos, which had inheritedfrom their remote ancestors the sacred office of perpetuating theOlympic, the Pythian, and the Nemean games, claimed a just exemption. The immunity of Elis and Delphi was respected by the Corinthians; butthe poverty of Argos tempted the insolence of oppression; and the feeblecomplaints of its deputies were silenced by the decree of a provincialmagistrate, who seems to have consulted only the interest of the capitalin which he resided. Seven years after this sentence, Julian [79]allowed the cause to be referred to a superior tribunal; and hiseloquence was interposed, most probably with success, in the defence ofa city, which had been the royal seat of Agamemnon, [80] and had givento Macedonia a race of kings and conquerors. [81]

[Footnote 70: According to some, says Aristotle, (as he is quoted byJulian ad Themist. P. 261, ) the form of absolute government is contraryto nature. Both the prince and the philosopher choose, how ever toinvolve this eternal truth in artful and labored obscurity. ]

[Footnote 71: That sentiment is expressed almost in the words of Julianhimself. Ammian. Xxii. 10. ]

[Footnote 72: Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 95, p. 320, ) who mentions thewish and design of Julian, insinuates, in mysterious language that theemperor was restrained by some particular revelation. ]

[Footnote 73: Julian in Misopogon, p. 343. As he never abolished, by anypublic law, the proud appellations of Despot, or Dominus, they arestill extant on his medals, (Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. P. 38, 39;) and theprivate displeasure which he affected to express, only gave a differenttone to the servility of the court. The Abbe de la Bleterie (Hist. DeJovien, tom. Ii. P. 99-102) has curiously traced the origin and progressof the word Dominus under the Imperial government. ]

[Footnote 74: Ammian. Xxii. 7. The consul Mamertinus (in Panegyr. Vet. Xi. 28, 29, 30) celebrates the auspicious day, like an elegant slave, astonished and intoxicated by the condescension of his master. ]

[Footnote 75: Personal satire was condemned by the laws of thetwelve tables: Si male condiderit in quem quis carmina, jus estJudiciumque--Horat. Sat. Ii. 1. 82. -----Julian (in Misopogon, p. 337)owns himself subject to the law; and the Abbe de la Bleterie (Hist. DeJovien, tom. Ii. P. 92) has eagerly embraced a declaration so agreeableto his own system, and, indeed, to the true spirit of the Imperialconstitution. ]

[Footnote 76: Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 158. ]

[Footnote 77: See Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 71, p. 296, ) Ammianus, (xxii. 9, ) and the Theodosian Code (l. Xii. Tit. I. Leg. 50-55. ) withGodefroy's Commentary, (tom. Iv. P. 390-402. ) Yet the whole subject ofthe Curia, notwithstanding very ample materials, still remains the mostobscure in the legal history of the empire. ]

[Footnote 78: Quae paulo ante arida et siti anhelantia visebantur, eanunc perlui, mundari, madere; Fora, Deambulacra, Gymnasia, laetis etgaudentibus populis frequentari; dies festos, et celebrari veteres, et novos in honorem principis consecrari, (Mamertin. Xi. 9. ) Heparticularly restored the city of Nicopolis and the Actiac games, whichhad been instituted by Augustus. ]

[Footnote 79: Julian. Epist. Xxxv. P. 407-411. This epistle, whichillustrates the declining age of Greece, is omitted by the Abbe de laBleterie, and strangely disfigured by the Latin translator, who, byrendering tributum, and populus, directly contradicts the sense of theoriginal. ]

[Footnote 80: He reigned in Mycenae at the distance of fifty stadia, orsix miles from Argos: but these cities, which alternately flourished, are confounded by the Greek poets. Strabo, l. Viii. P. 579, edit. Amstel. 1707. ]

[Footnote 81: Marsham, Canon. Chron. P. 421. This pedigree from Temenusand Hercules may be suspicious; yet it was allowed, after a strictinquiry, by the judges of the Olympic games, (Herodot. L. V. C. 22, ) ata time when the Macedonian kings were obscure and unpopular in Greece. When the Achaean league declared against Philip, it was thought decentthat the deputies of Argos should retire, (T. Liv. Xxxii. 22. )]

The laborious administration of military and civil affairs, which weremultiplied in proportion to the extent of the empire, exercised theabilities of Julian; but he frequently assumed the two characters ofOrator [82] and of Judge, [83] which are almost unknown to the modernsovereigns of Europe. The arts of persuasion, so diligently cultivatedby the first Caesars, were neglected by the military ignorance andAsiatic pride of their successors; and if they condescended to haranguethe soldiers, whom they feared, they treated with silent disdain thesenators, whom they despised. The assemblies of the senate, whichConstantius had avoided, were considered by Julian as the place where hecould exhibit, with the most propriety, the maxims of a republican, andthe talents of a rhetorician. He alternately practised, as in a schoolof declamation, the several modes of praise, of censure, of exhortation;and his friend Libanius has remarked, that the study of Homer taughthim to imitate the simple, concise style of Menelaus, the copiousness ofNestor, whose words descended like the flakes of a winter's snow, or thepathetic and forcible eloquence of Ulysses. The functions of a judge, which are sometimes incompatible with those of a prince, were exercisedby Julian, not only as a duty, but as an amusement; and although hemight have trusted the integrity and discernment of his Praetorianpraefects, he often placed himself by their side on the seat ofjudgment. The acute penetration of his mind was agreeably occupied indetecting and defeating the chicanery of the advocates, who labored todisguise the truths of facts, and to pervert the sense of the laws. He sometimes forgot the gravity of his station, asked indiscreet orunseasonable questions, and betrayed, by the loudness of his voice, and the agitation of his body, the earnest vehemence with which hemaintained his opinion against the judges, the advocates, and theirclients. But his knowledge of his own temper prompted him to encourage, and even to solicit, the reproof of his friends and ministers; andwhenever they ventured to oppose the irregular sallies of his passions, the spectators could observe the shame, as well as the gratitude, oftheir monarch. The decrees of Julian were almost always founded on theprinciples of justice; and he had the firmness to resist the two mostdangerous temptations, which assault the tribunal of a sovereign, underthe specious forms of compassion and equity. He decided the merits ofthe cause without weighing the circumstances of the parties; and thepoor, whom he wished to relieve, were condemned to satisfy the justdemands of a wealthy and noble adversary. He carefully distinguishedthe judge from the legislator; [84] and though he meditated a necessaryreformation of the Roman jurisprudence, he pronounced sentence accordingto the strict and literal interpretation of those laws, which themagistrates were bound to execute, and the subjects to obey. 

[Footnote 82: His eloquence is celebrated by Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 75, 76, p. 300, 301, ) who distinctly mentions the orators of Homer. Socrates (l. Iii. C. 1) has rashly asserted that Julian was theonly prince, since Julius Caesar, who harangued the senate. Allthe predecessors of Nero, (Tacit. Annal. Xiii. 3, ) and many of hissuccessors, possessed the faculty of speaking in public; and it mightbe proved by various examples, that they frequently exercised it in thesenate. ]

[Footnote 83: Ammianus (xxi. 10) has impartially stated the merits anddefects of his judicial proceedings. Libanius (Orat. Parent. C. 90, 91, p. 315, &c. ) has seen only the fair side, and his picture, ifit flatters the person, expresses at least the duties, of the judge. Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 120, ) who suppresses the virtues, andexaggerates even the venial faults of the Apostate, triumphantlyasks, whether such a judge was fit to be seated between Minos andRhadamanthus, in the Elysian Fields. ]

[Footnote 84: Of the laws which Julian enacted in a reign of sixteenmonths, fifty-four have been admitted into the codes of Theodosius andJustinian. (Gothofred. Chron. Legum, p. 64-67. ) The Abbe de la Bleterie(tom. Ii. P. 329-336) has chosen one of these laws to give an idea ofJulian's Latin style, which is forcible and elaborate, but less purethan his Greek. ]

The generality of princes, if they were stripped of their purple, andcast naked into the world, would immediately sink to the lowest rankof society, without a hope of emerging from their obscurity. But thepersonal merit of Julian was, in some measure, independent of hisfortune. Whatever had been his choice of life, by the force of intrepidcourage, lively wit, and intense application, he would have obtained, orat least he would have deserved, the highest honors of his profession;and Julian might have raised himself to the rank of minister, orgeneral, of the state in which he was born a private citizen. If thejealous caprice of power had disappointed his expectations, if he hadprudently declined the paths of greatness, the employment of the sametalents in studious solitude would have placed beyond the reach ofkings his present happiness and his immortal fame. When we inspect, with minute, or perhaps malevolent attention, the portrait of Julian, something seems wanting to the grace and perfection of the whole figure. His genius was less powerful and sublime than that of Caesar; nor didhe possess the consummate prudence of Augustus. The virtues of Trajanappear more steady and natural, and the philosophy of Marcus is moresimple and consistent. Yet Julian sustained adversity with firmness, andprosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and twentyyears from the death of Alexander Severus, the Romans beheld an emperorwho made no distinction between his duties and his pleasures; wholabored to relieve the distress, and to revive the spirit, of hissubjects; and who endeavored always to connect authority with merit, and happiness with virtue. Even faction, and religious faction, wasconstrained to acknowledge the superiority of his genius, in peace aswell as in war, and to confess, with a sigh, that the apostate Julianwas a lover of his country, and that he deserved the empire of theworld. [85]

[Footnote 85:

 . .. Ductor fortissimus armis; Conditor et legum celeberrimus; ore manuque Consultor patriae; sed non consultor habendae Religionis; amans tercentum millia Divum. Pertidus ille Deo, sed non et perfidus orbi. Prudent. Apotheosis, 450, &c. 

The consciousness of a generous sentiment seems to have raised theChristian post above his usual mediocrity. ]

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian. --Part I. 

The Religion Of Julian. --Universal Toleration. --He Attempts To RestoreAnd Reform The Pagan Worship--To Rebuild The Temple Of Jerusalem--HisArtful Persecution Of The Christians. --Mutual Zeal And Injustice. Thecharacter of Apostate has injured the reputation of Julian; and theenthusiasm which clouded his virtues has exaggerated the real andapparent magnitude of his faults. Our partial ignorance may representhim as a philosophic monarch, who studied to protect, with an equalhand, the religious factions of the empire; and to allay the theologicalfever which had inflamed the minds of the people, from the edicts ofDiocletian to the exile of Athanasius. A more accurate view of thecharacter and conduct of Julian will remove this favorable prepossessionfor a prince who did not escape the general contagion of the times. Weenjoy the singular advantage of comparing the pictures which have beendelineated by his fondest admirers and his implacable enemies. Theactions of Julian are faithfully related by a judicious and candidhistorian, the impartial spectator of his life and death. The unanimousevidence of his contemporaries is confirmed by the public and privatedeclarations of the emperor himself; and his various writings expressthe uniform tenor of his religious sentiments, which policy would haveprompted him to dissemble rather than to affect. A devout and sincereattachment for the gods of Athens and Rome constituted the rulingpassion of Julian; [1] the powers of an enlightened understanding werebetrayed and corrupted by the influence of superstitious prejudice; andthe phantoms which existed only in the mind of the emperor had a realand pernicious effect on the government of the empire. The vehement zealof the Christians, who despised the worship, and overturned thealtars of those fabulous deities, engaged their votary in a state ofirreconcilable hostility with a very numerous party of his subjects;and he was sometimes tempted by the desire of victory, or the shame ofa repulse, to violate the laws of prudence, and even of justice. Thetriumph of the party, which he deserted and opposed, has fixed a stainof infamy on the name of Julian; and the unsuccessful apostate has beenoverwhelmed with a torrent of pious invectives, of which the signalwas given by the sonorous trumpet [2] of Gregory Nazianzen. [3] Theinteresting nature of the events which were crowded into the short reignof this active emperor, deserve a just and circumstantial narrative. His motives, his counsels, and his actions, as far as they are connectedwith the history of religion, will be the subject of the presentchapter. 

[Footnote 1: I shall transcribe some of his own expressions from a shortreligious discourse which the Imperial pontiff composed to censure thebold impiety of a Cynic. Orat. Vii. P. 212. The variety and copiousnessof the Greek tongue seem inadequate to the fervor of his devotion. ]

[Footnote 2: The orator, with some eloquence, much enthusiasm, and morevanity, addresses his discourse to heaven and earth, to men and angels, to the living and the dead; and above all, to the great Constantius, anodd Pagan expression. He concludes with a bold assurance, that he haserected a monument not less durable, and much more portable, than thecolumns of Hercules. See Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iii. P. 50, iv. P. 134. ]

[Footnote 3: See this long invective, which has been injudiciouslydivided into two orations in Gregory's works, tom. I. P. 49-134, Paris, 1630. It was published by Gregory and his friend Basil, (iv. P. 133, )about six months after the death of Julian, when his remains had beencarried to Tarsus, (iv. P. 120;) but while Jovian was still on thethrone, (iii. P. 54, iv. P. 117) I have derived much assistance from aFrench version and remarks, printed at Lyons, 1735. ]

The cause of his strange and fatal apostasy may be derived from theearly period of his life, when he was left an orphan in the hands ofthe murderers of his family. The names of Christ and of Constantius, the ideas of slavery and of religion, were soon associated in a youthfulimagination, which was susceptible of the most lively impressions. Thecare of his infancy was intrusted to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, [4] who was related to him on the side of his mother; and till Julianreached the twentieth year of his age, he received from his Christianpreceptors the education, not of a hero, but of a saint. The emperor, less jealous of a heavenly than of an earthly crown, contented himselfwith the imperfect character of a catechumen, while he bestowed theadvantages of baptism [5] on the nephews of Constantine. [6] They wereeven admitted to the inferior offices of the ecclesiastical order; andJulian publicly read the Holy Scriptures in the church of Nicomedia. The study of religion, which they assiduously cultivated, appeared toproduce the fairest fruits of faith and devotion. [7] They prayed, theyfasted, they distributed alms to the poor, gifts to the clergy, andoblations to the tombs of the martyrs; and the splendid monument ofSt. Mamas, at Caesarea, was erected, or at least was undertaken, by thejoint labor of Gallus and Julian. [8] They respectfully conversed withthe bishops, who were eminent for superior sanctity, and solicited thebenediction of the monks and hermits, who had introduced into Cappadociathe voluntary hardships of the ascetic life. [9] As the two princesadvanced towards the years of manhood, they discovered, in theirreligious sentiments, the difference of their characters. The dull andobstinate understanding of Gallus embraced, with implicit zeal, thedoctrines of Christianity; which never influenced his conduct, ormoderated his passions. The mild disposition of the younger brother wasless repugnant to the precepts of the gospel; and his active curiositymight have been gratified by a theological system, which explains themysterious essence of the Deity, and opens the boundless prospectof invisible and future worlds. But the independent spirit of Julianrefused to yield the passive and unresisting obedience which wasrequired, in the name of religion, by the haughty ministers of thechurch. Their speculative opinions were imposed as positive laws, andguarded by the terrors of eternal punishments; but while they prescribedthe rigid formulary of the thoughts, the words, and the actions of theyoung prince; whilst they silenced his objections, and severely checkedthe freedom of his inquiries, they secretly provoked his impatientgenius to disclaim the authority of his ecclesiastical guides. Hewas educated in the Lesser Asia, amidst the scandals of the Ariancontroversy. [10] The fierce contests of the Eastern bishops, theincessant alterations of their creeds, and the profane motives whichappeared to actuate their conduct, insensibly strengthened the prejudiceof Julian, that they neither understood nor believed the religion forwhich they so fiercely contended. Instead of listening to the proofs ofChristianity with that favorable attention which adds weight to themost respectable evidence, he heard with suspicion, and disputed withobstinacy and acuteness, the doctrines for which he already entertainedan invincible aversion. Whenever the young princes were directed tocompose declamations on the subject of the prevailing controversies, Julian always declared himself the advocate of Paganism; under thespecious excuse that, in the defence of the weaker cause, his learningand ingenuity might be more advantageously exercised and displayed. 

[Footnote 4: Nicomediae ab Eusebio educatus Episcopo, quem generelongius contingebat, (Ammian. Xxii. 9. ) Julian never expresses anygratitude towards that Arian prelate; but he celebrates his preceptor, the eunuch Mardonius, and describes his mode of education, whichinspired his pupil with a passionate admiration for the genius, andperhaps the religion of Homer. Misopogon, p. 351, 352. ]

[Footnote 5: Greg. Naz. Iii. P. 70. He labored to effect that holy markin the blood, perhaps of a Taurobolium. Baron. Annal. Eccles. A. D. 361, No. 3, 4. ]

[Footnote 6: Julian himself (Epist. Li. P. 454) assures the Alexandriansthat he had been a Christian (he must mean a sincere one) till thetwentieth year of his age. ]

[Footnote 7: See his Christian, and even ecclesiastical education, inGregory, (iii. P. 58, ) Socrates, (l. Iii. C. 1, ) and Sozomen, (l. V. C. 2. ) He escaped very narrowly from being a bishop, and perhaps a saint. ]

[Footnote 8: The share of the work which had been allotted to Gallus, was prosecuted with vigor and success; but the earth obstinatelyrejected and subverted the structures which were imposed by thesacrilegious hand of Julian. Greg. Iii. P. 59, 60, 61. Such a partialearthquake, attested by many living spectators, would form one of theclearest miracles in ecclesiastical story. ]

[Footnote 9: The philosopher (Fragment, p. 288, ) ridicules the ironchains, &c, of these solitary fanatics, (see Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Ix. P. 661, 632, ) who had forgot that man is by nature a gentle andsocial animal. The Pagan supposes, that because they had renounced thegods, they were possessed and tormented by evil daemons. ]

[Footnote 10: See Julian apud Cyril, l. Vi. P. 206, l. Viii. P. 253, 262. "You persecute, " says he, "those heretics who do not mourn thedead man precisely in the way which you approve. " He shows himself atolerable theologian; but he maintains that the Christian Trinity is notderived from the doctrine of Paul, of Jesus, or of Moses. ]

As soon as Gallus was invested with the honors of the purple, Julian waspermitted to breathe the air of freedom, of literature, and of Paganism. [11] The crowd of sophists, who were attracted by the taste andliberality of their royal pupil, had formed a strict alliance betweenthe learning and the religion of Greece; and the poems of Homer, insteadof being admired as the original productions of human genius, wereseriously ascribed to the heavenly inspiration of Apollo and the muses. The deities of Olympus, as they are painted by the immortal bard, imprint themselves on the minds which are the least addicted tosuperstitious credulity. Our familiar knowledge of their names andcharacters, their forms and attributes, seems to bestow on those airybeings a real and substantial existence; and the pleasing enchantmentproduces an imperfect and momentary assent of the imagination to thosefables, which are the most repugnant to our reason and experience. Inthe age of Julian, every circumstance contributed to prolong and fortifythe illusion; the magnificent temples of Greece and Asia; the works ofthose artists who had expressed, in painting or in sculpture, the divineconceptions of the poet; the pomp of festivals and sacrifices; thesuccessful arts of divination; the popular traditions of oracles andprodigies; and the ancient practice of two thousand years. The weaknessof polytheism was, in some measure, excused by the moderation of itsclaims; and the devotion of the Pagans was not incompatible with themost licentious scepticism. [12] Instead of an indivisible and regularsystem, which occupies the whole extent of the believing mind, themythology of the Greeks was composed of a thousand loose and flexibleparts, and the servant of the gods was at liberty to define the degreeand measure of his religious faith. The creed which Julian adoptedfor his own use was of the largest dimensions; and, by strangecontradiction, he disdained the salutary yoke of the gospel, whilst hemade a voluntary offering of his reason on the altars of Jupiter andApollo. One of the orations of Julian is consecrated to the honor ofCybele, the mother of the gods, who required from her effeminate prieststhe bloody sacrifice, so rashly performed by the madness of the Phrygianboy. The pious emperor condescends to relate, without a blush, andwithout a smile, the voyage of the goddess from the shores of Pergamusto the mouth of the Tyber, and the stupendous miracle, which convincedthe senate and people of Rome that the lump of clay, which theirambassadors had transported over the seas, was endowed with life, andsentiment, and divine power. [13] For the truth of this prodigy heappeals to the public monuments of the city; and censures, with someacrimony, the sickly and affected taste of those men, who impertinentlyderided the sacred traditions of their ancestors. [14]

[Footnote 11: Libanius, Orat. Parentalis, c. 9, 10, p. 232, &c. Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. Iii. P 61. Eunap. Vit. Sophist. In Maximo, p. 68, 69, 70, edit Commelin. ]

[Footnote 12: A modern philosopher has ingeniously compared thedifferent operation of theism and polytheism, with regard to the doubtor conviction which they produce in the human mind. See Hume's Essaysvol. Ii. P. 444- 457, in 8vo. Edit. 1777. ]

[Footnote 13: The Idaean mother landed in Italy about the end of thesecond Punic war. The miracle of Claudia, either virgin or matron, whocleared her fame by disgracing the graver modesty of the Roman Indies, is attested by a cloud of witnesses. Their evidence is collected byDrakenborch, (ad Silium Italicum, xvii. 33;) but we may observe thatLivy (xxix. 14) slides over the transaction with discreet ambiguity. ]

[Footnote 14: I cannot refrain from transcribing the emphatical words ofJulian: Orat. V. P. 161. Julian likewise declares his firm belief inthe ancilia, the holy shields, which dropped from heaven on the Quirinalhill; and pities the strange blindness of the Christians, who preferredthe cross to these celestial trophies. Apud Cyril. L. Vi. P. 194. ]

But the devout philosopher, who sincerely embraced, and warmlyencouraged, the superstition of the people, reserved for himself theprivilege of a liberal interpretation; and silently withdrew from thefoot of the altars into the sanctuary of the temple. The extravagance ofthe Grecian mythology proclaimed, with a clear and audible voice, thatthe pious inquirer, instead of being scandalized or satisfied with theliteral sense, should diligently explore the occult wisdom, which hadbeen disguised, by the prudence of antiquity, under the mask of follyand of fable. [15] The philosophers of the Platonic school, [16]Plotinus, Porphyry, and the divine Iamblichus, were admired as the mostskilful masters of this allegorical science, which labored to softenand harmonize the deformed features of Paganism. Julian himself, who wasdirected in the mysterious pursuit by Aedesius, the venerable successorof Iamblichus, aspired to the possession of a treasure, which heesteemed, if we may credit his solemn asseverations, far above theempire of the world. [17] It was indeed a treasure, which derived itsvalue only from opinion; and every artist who flattered himself that hehad extracted the precious ore from the surrounding dross, claimed anequal right of stamping the name and figure the most agreeable to hispeculiar fancy. The fable of Atys and Cybele had been already explainedby Porphyry; but his labors served only to animate the pious industry ofJulian, who invented and published his own allegory of that ancient andmystic tale. This freedom of interpretation, which might gratify thepride of the Platonists, exposed the vanity of their art. Without atedious detail, the modern reader could not form a just idea of thestrange allusions, the forced etymologies, the solemn trifling, andthe impenetrable obscurity of these sages, who professed to revealthe system of the universe. As the traditions of Pagan mythology werevariously related, the sacred interpreters were at liberty to selectthe most convenient circumstances; and as they translated an arbitrarycipher, they could extract from any fable any sense which was adapted totheir favorite system of religion and philosophy. The lascivious form ofa naked Venus was tortured into the discovery of some moral precept, orsome physical truth; and the castration of Atys explained the revolutionof the sun between the tropics, or the separation of the human soul fromvice and error. [18]

[Footnote 15: See the principles of allegory, in Julian, (Orat. Vii. P. 216, 222. ) His reasoning is less absurd than that of some moderntheologians, who assert that an extravagant or contradictory doctrinemust be divine; since no man alive could have thought of inventing it. ]

[Footnote 16: Eunapius has made these sophists the subject of a partialand fanatical history; and the learned Brucker (Hist. Philosoph. Tom. Ii. P. 217-303) has employed much labor to illustrate their obscurelives and incomprehensible doctrines. ]

[Footnote 17: Julian, Orat. Vii p 222. He swears with the most ferventand enthusiastic devotion; and trembles, lest he should betray too muchof these holy mysteries, which the profane might deride with an impiousSardonic laugh. ]

[Footnote 18: See the fifth oration of Julian. But all the allegorieswhich ever issued from the Platonic school are not worth the short poemof Catullus on the same extraordinary subject. The transition of Atys, from the wildest enthusiasm to sober, pathetic complaint, for hisirretrievable loss, must inspire a man with pity, a eunuch withdespair. ]

The theological system of Julian appears to have contained the sublimeand important principles of natural religion. But as the faith, which isnot founded on revelation, must remain destitute of any firm assurance, the disciple of Plato imprudently relapsed into the habits of vulgarsuperstition; and the popular and philosophic notion of the Deity seemsto have been confounded in the practice, the writings, and even inthe mind of Julian. [19] The pious emperor acknowledged and adored theEternal Cause of the universe, to whom he ascribed all the perfectionsof an infinite nature, invisible to the eyes and inaccessible to theunderstanding, of feeble mortals. The Supreme God had created, orrather, in the Platonic language, had generated, the gradual successionof dependent spirits, of gods, of daemons, of heroes, and of men; andevery being which derived its existence immediately from the FirstCause, received the inherent gift of immortality. That so preciousan advantage might be lavished upon unworthy objects, the Creator hadintrusted to the skill and power of the inferior gods the office offorming the human body, and of arranging the beautiful harmony of theanimal, the vegetable, and the mineral kingdoms. To the conduct of thesedivine ministers he delegated the temporal government of this lowerworld; but their imperfect administration is not exempt from discordor error. The earth and its inhabitants are divided among them, and thecharacters of Mars or Minerva, of Mercury or Venus, may be distinctlytraced in the laws and manners of their peculiar votaries. As long asour immortal souls are confined in a mortal prison, it is our interest, as well as our duty, to solicit the favor, and to deprecate the wrath, of the powers of heaven; whose pride is gratified by the devotionof mankind; and whose grosser parts may be supposed to derive somenourishment from the fumes of sacrifice. [20] The inferior gods mightsometimes condescend to animate the statues, and to inhabit the temples, which were dedicated to their honor. They might occasionally visit theearth, but the heavens were the proper throne and symbol of their glory. The invariable order of the sun, moon, and stars, was hastily admittedby Julian, as a proof of their eternal duration; and their eternity wasa sufficient evidence that they were the workmanship, not of an inferiordeity, but of the Omnipotent King. In the system of Platonists, thevisible was a type of the invisible world. The celestial bodies, as theywere informed by a divine spirit, might be considered as the objectsthe most worthy of religious worship. The Sun, whose genial influencepervades and sustains the universe, justly claimed the adoration ofmankind, as the bright representative of the Logos, the lively, therational, the beneficent image of the intellectual Father. [21]

[Footnote 19: The true religion of Julian may be deduced from theCaesars, p. 308, with Spanheim's notes and illustrations, fromthe fragments in Cyril, l. Ii. P. 57, 58, and especially from thetheological oration in Solem Regem, p. 130-158, addressed in theconfidence of friendship, to the praefect Sallust. ]

[Footnote 20: Julian adopts this gross conception by ascribing to hisfavorite Marcus Antoninus, (Caesares, p. 333. ) The Stoics and Platonistshesitated between the analogy of bodies and the purity of spirits; yetthe gravest philosophers inclined to the whimsical fancy of Aristophanesand Lucian, that an unbelieving age might starve the immortal gods. SeeObservations de Spanheim, p. 284, 444, &c. ]

[Footnote 21: Julian. Epist. Li. In another place, (apud Cyril. L. Ii. P. 69, ) he calls the Sun God, and the throne of God. Julian believedthe Platonician Trinity; and only blames the Christians for preferring amortal to an immortal Logos. ]

In every age, the absence of genuine inspiration is supplied by thestrong illusions of enthusiasm, and the mimic arts of imposture. If, in the time of Julian, these arts had been practised only by the paganpriests, for the support of an expiring cause, some indulgence mightperhaps be allowed to the interest and habits of the sacerdotalcharacter. But it may appear a subject of surprise and scandal, thatthe philosophers themselves should have contributed to abuse thesuperstitious credulity of mankind, [22] and that the Grecian mysteriesshould have been supported by the magic or theurgy of the modernPlatonists. They arrogantly pretended to control the order of nature, toexplore the secrets of futurity, to command the service of the inferiordaemons, to enjoy the view and conversation of the superior gods, and bydisengaging the soul from her material bands, to reunite that immortalparticle with the Infinite and Divine Spirit. 

[Footnote 22: The sophists of Eunapias perform as many miracles as thesaints of the desert; and the only circumstance in their favor is, thatthey are of a less gloomy complexion. Instead of devils with horns andtails, Iamblichus evoked the genii of love, Eros and Anteros, from twoadjacent fountains. Two beautiful boys issued from the water, fondlyembraced him as their father, and retired at his command, p. 26, 27. ]

The devout and fearless curiosity of Julian tempted the philosopherswith the hopes of an easy conquest; which, from the situation of theiryoung proselyte, might be productive of the most important consequences. [23] Julian imbibed the first rudiments of the Platonic doctrines fromthe mouth of Aedesius, who had fixed at Pergamus his wandering andpersecuted school. But as the declining strength of that venerable sagewas unequal to the ardor, the diligence, the rapid conception of hispupil, two of his most learned disciples, Chrysanthes and Eusebius, supplied, at his own desire, the place of their aged master. Thesephilosophers seem to have prepared and distributed their respectiveparts; and they artfully contrived, by dark hints and affected disputes, to excite the impatient hopes of the aspirant, till they delivered himinto the hands of their associate, Maximus, the boldest and most skilfulmaster of the Theurgic science. By his hands, Julian was secretlyinitiated at Ephesus, in the twentieth year of his age. His residence atAthens confirmed this unnatural alliance of philosophy and superstition. 

He obtained the privilege of a solemn initiation into the mysteries ofEleusis, which, amidst the general decay of the Grecian worship, stillretained some vestiges of their primaeval sanctity; and such was thezeal of Julian, that he afterwards invited the Eleusinian pontiff to thecourt of Gaul, for the sole purpose of consummating, by mystic rites andsacrifices, the great work of his sanctification. As these ceremonieswere performed in the depth of caverns, and in the silence of the night, and as the inviolable secret of the mysteries was preserved by thediscretion of the initiated, I shall not presume to describe the horridsounds, and fiery apparitions, which were presented to the senses, orthe imagination, of the credulous aspirant, [24] till the visions ofcomfort and knowledge broke upon him in a blaze of celestial light. [25]In the caverns of Ephesus and Eleusis, the mind of Julian was penetratedwith sincere, deep, and unalterable enthusiasm; though he mightsometimes exhibit the vicissitudes of pious fraud and hypocrisy, whichmay be observed, or at least suspected, in the characters of the mostconscientious fanatics. From that moment he consecrated his life to theservice of the gods; and while the occupations of war, of government, and of study, seemed to claim the whole measure of his time, a statedportion of the hours of the night was invariably reserved for theexercise of private devotion. The temperance which adorned the severemanners of the soldier and the philosopher was connected with somestrict and frivolous rules of religious abstinence; and it was in honorof Pan or Mercury, of Hecate or Isis, that Julian, on particular days, denied himself the use of some particular food, which might have beenoffensive to his tutelar deities. By these voluntary fasts, he preparedhis senses and his understanding for the frequent and familiar visitswith which he was honored by the celestial powers. Notwithstanding themodest silence of Julian himself, we may learn from his faithful friend, the orator Libanius, that he lived in a perpetual intercourse withthe gods and goddesses; that they descended upon earth to enjoy theconversation of their favorite hero; that they gently interrupted hisslumbers by touching his hand or his hair; that they warned him of everyimpending danger, and conducted him, by their infallible wisdom, inevery action of his life; and that he had acquired such an intimateknowledge of his heavenly guests, as readily to distinguish the voice ofJupiter from that of Minerva, and the form of Apollo from the figure ofHercules. [26] These sleeping or waking visions, the ordinary effects ofabstinence and fanaticism, would almost degrade the emperor to the levelof an Egyptian monk. But the useless lives of Antony or Pachomius wereconsumed in these vain occupations. Julian could break from the dreamof superstition to arm himself for battle; and after vanquishing in thefield the enemies of Rome, he calmly retired into his tent, to dictatethe wise and salutary laws of an empire, or to indulge his genius in theelegant pursuits of literature and philosophy. 

[Footnote 23: The dexterous management of these sophists, who playedtheir credulous pupil into each other's hands, is fairly told byEunapius (p. 69- 79) with unsuspecting simplicity. The Abbe de laBleterie understands, and neatly describes, the whole comedy, (Vie deJulian, p. 61-67. )]

[Footnote 24: When Julian, in a momentary panic, made the sign of thecross the daemons instantly disappeared, (Greg. Naz. Orat. Iii. P. 71. )Gregory supposes that they were frightened, but the priests declaredthat they were indignant. The reader, according to the measure of hisfaith, will determine this profound question. ]

[Footnote 25: A dark and distant view of the terrors and joys ofinitiation is shown by Dion Chrysostom, Themistius, Proclus, andStobaeus. The learned author of the Divine Legation has exhibited theirwords, (vol. I. P. 239, 247, 248, 280, edit. 1765, ) which he dexterouslyor forcibly applies to his own hypothesis. ]

[Footnote 26: Julian's modesty confined him to obscure and occasionalhints: but Libanius expiates with pleasure on the facts and visions ofthe religious hero. (Legat. Ad Julian. P. 157, and Orat. Parental. C. Lxxxiii. P. 309, 310. )]

The important secret of the apostasy of Julian was intrusted to thefidelity of the initiated, with whom he was united by the sacred tiesof friendship and religion. [27] The pleasing rumor was cautiouslycirculated among the adherents of the ancient worship; and hisfuture greatness became the object of the hopes, the prayers, and thepredictions of the Pagans, in every province of the empire. From thezeal and virtues of their royal proselyte, they fondly expected the cureof every evil, and the restoration of every blessing; and instead ofdisapproving of the ardor of their pious wishes, Julian ingenuouslyconfessed, that he was ambitious to attain a situation in which he mightbe useful to his country and to his religion. But this religion wasviewed with a hostile eye by the successor of Constantine, whosecapricious passions altercately saved and threatened the life of Julian. The arts of magic and divination were strictly prohibited under adespotic government, which condescended to fear them; and if the Paganswere reluctantly indulged in the exercise of their superstition, therank of Julian would have excepted him from the general toleration. Theapostate soon became the presumptive heir of the monarchy, and his deathcould alone have appeased the just apprehensions of the Christians. [28]But the young prince, who aspired to the glory of a hero rather than ofa martyr, consulted his safety by dissembling his religion; and the easytemper of polytheism permitted him to join in the public worship of asect which he inwardly despised. Libanius has considered the hypocrisyof his friend as a subject, not of censure, but of praise. "As thestatues of the gods, " says that orator, "which have been defiled withfilth, are again placed in a magnificent temple, so the beauty of truthwas seated in the mind of Julian, after it had been purified from theerrors and follies of his education. His sentiments were changed; but asit would have been dangerous to have avowed his sentiments, his conductstill continued the same. Very different from the ass in Aesop, whodisguised himself with a lion's hide, our lion was obliged to concealhimself under the skin of an ass; and, while he embraced the dictatesof reason, to obey the laws of prudence and necessity. " [29] Thedissimulation of Julian lasted about ten years, from his secretinitiation at Ephesus to the beginning of the civil war; when hedeclared himself at once the implacable enemy of Christ and ofConstantius. This state of constraint might contribute to strengthen hisdevotion; and as soon as he had satisfied the obligation of assisting, on solemn festivals, at the assemblies of the Christians, Julianreturned, with the impatience of a lover, to burn his free and voluntaryincense on the domestic chapels of Jupiter and Mercury. But as every actof dissimulation must be painful to an ingenuous spirit, the professionof Christianity increased the aversion of Julian for a religion whichoppressed the freedom of his mind, and compelled him to hold a conductrepugnant to the noblest attributes of human nature, sincerity andcourage. 

[Footnote 27: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. X. P. 233, 234. Gallus had somereason to suspect the secret apostasy of his brother; and in a letter, which may be received as genuine, he exhorts Julian to adhere to thereligion of their ancestors; an argument which, as it should seem, wasnot yet perfectly ripe. See Julian, Op. P. 454, and Hist. De Jovien tomii. P. 141. ]

[Footnote 28: Gregory, (iii. P. 50, ) with inhuman zeal, censuresConstantius for paring the infant apostate. His French translator (p. 265) cautiously observes, that such expressions must not be prises a lalettre. ]

[Footnote 29: Libanius, Orat. Parental. C ix. P. 233. ]

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian. --Part II. 

The inclination of Julian might prefer the gods of Homer, and of theScipios, to the new faith, which his uncle had established in the Romanempire; and in which he himself had been sanctified by the sacrament ofbaptism. But, as a philosopher, it was incumbent on him to justify hisdissent from Christianity, which was supported by the number of itsconverts, by the chain of prophecy, the splendor of or miracles, and theweight of evidence. The elaborate work, [30] which he composed amidstthe preparations of the Persian war, contained the substance of thosearguments which he had long revolved in his mind. Some fragments havebeen transcribed and preserved, by his adversary, the vehement Cyrilof Alexandria; [31] and they exhibit a very singular mixture of wit andlearning, of sophistry and fanaticism. The elegance of the style and therank of the author, recommended his writings to the public attention;[32] and in the impious list of the enemies of Christianity, thecelebrated name of Porphyry was effaced by the superior merit orreputation of Julian. The minds of the faithful were either seduced, or scandalized, or alarmed; and the pagans, who sometimes presumed toengage in the unequal dispute, derived, from the popular work of theirImperial missionary, an inexhaustible supply of fallacious objections. But in the assiduous prosecution of these theological studies, theemperor of the Romans imbibed the illiberal prejudices and passions of apolemic divine. He contracted an irrevocable obligation to maintain andpropagate his religious opinions; and whilst he secretly applauded thestrength and dexterity with which he wielded the weapons ofcontroversy, he was tempted to distrust the sincerity, or to despisethe understandings, of his antagonists, who could obstinately resist theforce of reason and eloquence. 

[Footnote 30: Fabricius (Biblioth. Graec. L. V. C. Viii, p. 88-90)and Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. Iv. P. 44-47) have accuratelycompiled all that can now be discovered of Julian's work against theChristians. ]

[Footnote 31: About seventy years after the death of Julian, he executeda task which had been feebly attempted by Philip of Side, a prolix andcontemptible writer. Even the work of Cyril has not entirely satisfiedthe most favorable judges; and the Abbe de la Bleterie (Preface al'Hist. De Jovien, p. 30, 32) wishes that some theologien philosophe (astrange centaur) would undertake the refutation of Julian. ]

[Footnote 32: Libanius, (Orat. Parental. C. Lxxxvii. P. 313, ) who hasbeen suspected of assisting his friend, prefers this divine vindication(Orat. Ix in necem Julian. P. 255, edit. Morel. ) to the writings ofPorphyry. His judgment may be arraigned, (Socrates, l. Iii. C. 23, ) butLibanius cannot be accused of flattery to a dead prince. ]

The Christians, who beheld with horror and indignation the apostasy ofJulian, had much more to fear from his power than from his arguments. The pagans, who were conscious of his fervent zeal, expected, perhapswith impatience, that the flames of persecution should be immediatelykindled against the enemies of the gods; and that the ingenious maliceof Julian would invent some cruel refinements of death and torture whichhad been unknown to the rude and inexperienced fury of his predecessors. But the hopes, as well as the fears, of the religious factions wereapparently disappointed, by the prudent humanity of a prince, [33] whowas careful of his own fame, of the public peace, and of the rights ofmankind. Instructed by history and reflection, Julian was persuaded, that if the diseases of the body may sometimes be cured by salutaryviolence, neither steel nor fire can eradicate the erroneous opinions ofthe mind. The reluctant victim may be dragged to the foot of the altar;but the heart still abhors and disclaims the sacrilegious act of thehand. Religious obstinacy is hardened and exasperated by oppression;and, as soon as the persecution subsides, those who have yielded arerestored as penitents, and those who have resisted are honored as saintsand martyrs. If Julian adopted the unsuccessful cruelty of Diocletianand his colleagues, he was sensible that he should stain his memory withthe name of a tyrant, and add new glories to the Catholic church, which had derived strength and increase from the severity of the paganmagistrates. Actuated by these motives, and apprehensive of disturbingthe repose of an unsettled reign, Julian surprised the world by anedict, which was not unworthy of a statesman, or a philosopher. Heextended to all the inhabitants of the Roman world the benefits of afree and equal toleration; and the only hardship which he inflicted onthe Christians, was to deprive them of the power of tormenting theirfellow-subjects, whom they stigmatized with the odious titles ofidolaters and heretics. The pagans received a gracious permission, orrather an express order, to open All their temples; [34] and they wereat once delivered from the oppressive laws, and arbitrary vexations, which they had sustained under the reign of Constantine, and of hissons. At the same time the bishops and clergy, who had been banishedby the Arian monarch, were recalled from exile, and restored to theirrespective churches; the Donatists, the Novatians, the Macedonians, theEunomians, and those who, with a more prosperous fortune, adhered tothe doctrine of the Council of Nice. Julian, who understood and deridedtheir theological disputes, invited to the palace the leaders of thehostile sects, that he might enjoy the agreeable spectacle of theirfurious encounters. The clamor of controversy sometimes provokedthe emperor to exclaim, "Hear me! the Franks have heard me, and theAlemanni;" but he soon discovered that he was now engaged with moreobstinate and implacable enemies; and though he exerted the powers oforatory to persuade them to live in concord, or at least in peace, hewas perfectly satisfied, before he dismissed them from his presence, that he had nothing to dread from the union of the Christians. Theimpartial Ammianus has ascribed this affected clemency to the desireof fomenting the intestine divisions of the church, and the insidiousdesign of undermining the foundations of Christianity, was inseparablyconnected with the zeal which Julian professed, to restore the ancientreligion of the empire. [35]

[Footnote 33: Libanius (Orat. Parent. C. Lviii. P. 283, 284) haseloquently explained the tolerating principles and conduct of hisImperial friend. In a very remarkable epistle to the people of Bostra, Julian himself (Epist. Lii. ) professes his moderation, and betrays hiszeal, which is acknowledged by Ammianus, and exposed by Gregory (Orat. Iii. P. 72)]

[Footnote 34: In Greece the temples of Minerva were opened by hisexpress command, before the death of Constantius, (Liban. Orat. Parent. C. 55, p. 280;) and Julian declares himself a Pagan in his publicmanifesto to the Athenians. This unquestionable evidence may correct thehasty assertion of Ammianus, who seems to suppose Constantinople to bethe place where he discovered his attachment to the gods]

[Footnote 35: Ammianus, xxii. 5. Sozomen, l. V. C. 5. Bestia moritur, tranquillitas redit. .. . Omnes episcopi qui de propriis sedibus fuerantexterminati per indulgentiam novi principis ad acclesias redeunt. Jerom. Adversus Luciferianos, tom. Ii. P. 143. Optatus accuses the Donatistsfor owing their safety to an apostate, (l. Ii. C. 16, p. 36, 37, edit. Dupin. )]

As soon as he ascended the throne, he assumed, according to the customof his predecessors, the character of supreme pontiff; not only asthe most honorable title of Imperial greatness, but as a sacred andimportant office; the duties of which he was resolved to execute withpious diligence. As the business of the state prevented the emperor fromjoining every day in the public devotion of his subjects, he dedicateda domestic chapel to his tutelar deity the Sun; his gardens were filledwith statues and altars of the gods; and each apartment of the palacedisplaced the appearance of a magnificent temple. Every morning hesaluted the parent of light with a sacrifice; the blood of anothervictim was shed at the moment when the Sun sunk below the horizon;and the Moon, the Stars, and the Genii of the night received theirrespective and seasonable honors from the indefatigable devotion ofJulian. On solemn festivals, he regularly visited the temple of the godor goddess to whom the day was peculiarly consecrated, and endeavored toexcite the religion of the magistrates and people by the example ofhis own zeal. Instead of maintaining the lofty state of a monarch, distinguished by the splendor of his purple, and encompassed bythe golden shields of his guards, Julian solicited, with respectfuleagerness, the meanest offices which contributed to the worship of thegods. Amidst the sacred but licentious crowd of priests, of inferiorministers, and of female dancers, who were dedicated to the service ofthe temple, it was the business of the emperor to bring the wood, to blow the fire, to handle the knife, to slaughter the victim, and, thrusting his bloody hands into the bowels of the expiring animal, todraw forth the heart or liver, and to read, with the consummate skill ofan haruspex, imaginary signs of future events. The wisest of the Paganscensured this extravagant superstition, which affected to despise therestraints of prudence and decency. Under the reign of a prince, whopractised the rigid maxims of economy, the expense of religious worshipconsumed a very large portion of the revenue a constant supply of thescarcest and most beautiful birds was transported from distant climates, to bleed on the altars of the gods; a hundred oxen were frequentlysacrificed by Julian on one and the same day; and it soon became apopular jest, that if he should return with conquest from the Persianwar, the breed of horned cattle must infallibly be extinguished. Yetthis expense may appear inconsiderable, when it is compared with thesplendid presents which were offered either by the hand, or by order, of the emperor, to all the celebrated places of devotion in the Romanworld; and with the sums allotted to repair and decorate the ancienttemples, which had suffered the silent decay of time, or therecent injuries of Christian rapine. Encouraged by the example, theexhortations, the liberality, of their pious sovereign, the cities andfamilies resumed the practice of their neglected ceremonies. "Every partof the world, " exclaims Libanius, with devout transport, "displayedthe triumph of religion; and the grateful prospect of flaming altars, bleeding victims, the smoke of incense, and a solemn train of priestsand prophets, without fear and without danger. The sound of prayer andof music was heard on the tops of the highest mountains; and the sameox afforded a sacrifice for the gods, and a supper for their joyousvotaries. " [36]

[Footnote 36: The restoration of the Pagan worship is described byJulian, (Misopogon, p. 346, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 60, p. 286, 287, and Orat. Consular. Ad Julian. P. 245, 246, edit. Morel. , )Ammianus, (xxii. 12, ) and Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 121. )These writers agree in the essential, and even minute, facts; but thedifferent lights in which they view the extreme devotion of Julian, areexpressive of the gradations of self-applause, passionate admiration, mild reproof, and partial invective. ]

But the genius and power of Julian were unequal to the enterprise ofrestoring a religion which was destitute of theological principles, ofmoral precepts, and of ecclesiastical discipline; which rapidly hastenedto decay and dissolution, and was not susceptible of any solid orconsistent reformation. The jurisdiction of the supreme pontiff, moreespecially after that office had been united with the Imperial dignity, comprehended the whole extent of the Roman empire. Julian named for hisvicars, in the several provinces, the priests and philosophers whom heesteemed the best qualified to cooperate in the execution of his greatdesign; and his pastoral letters, [37] if we may use that name, stillrepresent a very curious sketch of his wishes and intentions. Hedirects, that in every city the sacerdotal order should be composed, without any distinction of birth and fortune, of those persons who werethe most conspicuous for the love of the gods, and of men. "If theyare guilty, " continues he, "of any scandalous offence, they should becensured or degraded by the superior pontiff; but as long as they retaintheir rank, they are entitled to the respect of the magistrates andpeople. Their humility may be shown in the plainness of their domesticgarb; their dignity, in the pomp of holy vestments. When they aresummoned in their turn to officiate before the altar, they ought not, during the appointed number of days, to depart from the precincts ofthe temple; nor should a single day be suffered to elapse, withoutthe prayers and the sacrifice, which they are obliged to offer forthe prosperity of the state, and of individuals. The exercise of theirsacred functions requires an immaculate purity, both of mind and body;and even when they are dismissed from the temple to the occupations ofcommon life, it is incumbent on them to excel in decency and virtue therest of their fellow-citizens. The priest of the gods should never beseen in theatres or taverns. His conversation should be chaste, hisdiet temperate, his friends of honorable reputation; and if he sometimesvisits the Forum or the Palace, he should appear only as the advocateof those who have vainly solicited either justice or mercy. His studiesshould be suited to the sanctity of his profession. Licentious tales, or comedies, or satires, must be banished from his library, which oughtsolely to consist of historical or philosophical writings; of history, which is founded in truth, and of philosophy, which is connected withreligion. The impious opinions of the Epicureans and sceptics deservehis abhorrence and contempt; [38] but he should diligently study thesystems of Pythagoras, of Plato, and of the Stoics, which unanimouslyteach that there are gods; that the world is governed by theirprovidence; that their goodness is the source of every temporalblessing; and that they have prepared for the human soul a future stateof reward or punishment. " The Imperial pontiff inculcates, in the mostpersuasive language, the duties of benevolence and hospitality; exhortshis inferior clergy to recommend the universal practice of thosevirtues; promises to assist their indigence from the public treasury;and declares his resolution of establishing hospitals in every city, where the poor should be received without any invidious distinctionof country or of religion. Julian beheld with envy the wise and humaneregulations of the church; and he very frankly confesses his intentionto deprive the Christians of the applause, as well as advantage, whichthey had acquired by the exclusive practice of charity and beneficence. [39] The same spirit of imitation might dispose the emperor to adoptseveral ecclesiastical institutions, the use and importance of whichwere approved by the success of his enemies. But if these imaginaryplans of reformation had been realized, the forced and imperfectcopy would have been less beneficial to Paganism, than honorable toChristianity. [40] The Gentiles, who peaceably followed the customsof their ancestors, were rather surprised than pleased with theintroduction of foreign manners; and in the short period of his reign, Julian had frequent occasions to complain of the want of fervor of hisown party. [41]

[Footnote 37: See Julian. Epistol. Xlix. Lxii. Lxiii. , and a long andcurious fragment, without beginning or end, (p. 288-305. ) The supremepontiff derides the Mosaic history and the Christian discipline, prefersthe Greek poets to the Hebrew prophets, and palliates, with the skill ofa Jesuit the relative worship of images. ]

[Footnote 38: The exultation of Julian (p. 301) that these impious sectsand even their writings, are extinguished, may be consistent enough withthe sacerdotal character; but it is unworthy of a philosopher to wishthat any opinions and arguments the most repugnant to his own should beconcealed from the knowledge of mankind. ]

[Footnote 39: Yet he insinuates, that the Christians, under the pretenceof charity, inveigled children from their religion and parents, conveyedthem on shipboard, and devoted those victims to a life of poverty orpervitude in a remote country, (p. 305. ) Had the charge been proved itwas his duty, not to complain, but to punish. ]

[Footnote 40: Gregory Nazianzen is facetious, ingenious, andargumentative, (Orat. Iii. P. 101, 102, &c. ) He ridicules the folly ofsuch vain imitation; and amuses himself with inquiring, what lessons, moral or theological, could be extracted from the Grecian fables. ]

[Footnote 41: He accuses one of his pontiffs of a secret confederacywith the Christian bishops and presbyters, (Epist. Lxii. ) &c. Epist. Lxiii. ]

The enthusiasm of Julian prompted him to embrace the friends of Jupiteras his personal friends and brethren; and though he partially overlookedthe merit of Christian constancy, he admired and rewarded the nobleperseverance of those Gentiles who had preferred the favor of the godsto that of the emperor. [42] If they cultivated the literature, as wellas the religion, of the Greeks, they acquired an additional claim to thefriendship of Julian, who ranked the Muses in the number of his tutelardeities. In the religion which he had adopted, piety and learning werealmost synonymous; [43] and a crowd of poets, of rhetoricians, andof philosophers, hastened to the Imperial court, to occupy the vacantplaces of the bishops, who had seduced the credulity of Constantius. Hissuccessor esteemed the ties of common initiation as far more sacred thanthose of consanguinity; he chose his favorites among the sages, who weredeeply skilled in the occult sciences of magic and divination; and everyimpostor, who pretended to reveal the secrets of futurity, was assuredof enjoying the present hour in honor and affluence. [44] Among thephilosophers, Maximus obtained the most eminent rank in the friendshipof his royal disciple, who communicated, with unreserved confidence, hisactions, his sentiments, and his religious designs, during the anxioussuspense of the civil war. [45] As soon as Julian had taken possessionof the palace of Constantinople, he despatched an honorable and pressinginvitation to Maximus, who then resided at Sardes in Lydia, withChrysanthius, the associate of his art and studies. The prudent andsuperstitious Chrysanthius refused to undertake a journey which showeditself, according to the rules of divination, with the most threateningand malignant aspect: but his companion, whose fanaticism was of abolder cast, persisted in his interrogations, till he had extorted fromthe gods a seeming consent to his own wishes, and those of the emperor. The journey of Maximus through the cities of Asia displayed the triumphof philosophic vanity; and the magistrates vied with each other inthe honorable reception which they prepared for the friend of theirsovereign. Julian was pronouncing an oration before the senate, whenhe was informed of the arrival of Maximus. The emperor immediatelyinterrupted his discourse, advanced to meet him, and after a tenderembrace, conducted him by the hand into the midst of the assembly; wherehe publicly acknowledged the benefits which he had derived from theinstructions of the philosopher. Maximus, [46] who soon acquired theconfidence, and influenced the councils of Julian, was insensiblycorrupted by the temptations of a court. His dress became more splendid, his demeanor more lofty, and he was exposed, under a succeeding reign, to a disgraceful inquiry into the means by which the disciple of Platohad accumulated, in the short duration of his favor, a very scandalousproportion of wealth. Of the other philosophers and sophists, who wereinvited to the Imperial residence by the choice of Julian, or by thesuccess of Maximus, few were able to preserve their innocence ortheir reputation. The liberal gifts of money, lands, and houses, wereinsufficient to satiate their rapacious avarice; and the indignation ofthe people was justly excited by the remembrance of their abject povertyand disinterested professions. The penetration of Julian could notalways be deceived: but he was unwilling to despise the characters ofthose men whose talents deserved his esteem: he desired to escape thedouble reproach of imprudence and inconstancy; and he was apprehensiveof degrading, in the eyes of the profane, the honor of letters and ofreligion. [48]

[Footnote 42: He praises the fidelity of Callixene, priestess of Ceres, who had been twice as constant as Penelope, and rewards her with thepriesthood of the Phrygian goddess at Pessinus, (Julian. Epist. Xxi. ) Heapplauds the firmness of Sopater of Hierapolis, who had been repeatedlypressed by Constantius and Gallus to apostatize, (Epist. Xxvii p. 401. )]

[Footnote 43: Orat. Parent. C. 77, p. 202. The same sentiment isfrequently inculcated by Julian, Libanius, and the rest of their party. ]

[Footnote 44: The curiosity and credulity of the emperor, who triedevery mode of divination, are fairly exposed by Ammianus, xxii. 12. ]

[Footnote 45: Julian. Epist. Xxxviii. Three other epistles, (xv. Xvi. Xxxix. , ) in the same style of friendship and confidence, are addressedto the philosopher Maximus. ]

[Footnote 46: Eunapius (in Maximo, p. 77, 78, 79, and in Chrysanthio, p. 147, 148) has minutely related these anecdotes, which he conceives tobe the most important events of the age. Yet he fairly confesses thefrailty of Maximus. His reception at Constantinople is described byLibanius (Orat. Parent. C. 86, p. 301) and Ammianus, (xxii. 7. ) * Note:Eunapius wrote a continuation of the History of Dexippus. Some valuablefragments of this work have been recovered by M. Mai, and reprinted inNiebuhr's edition of the Byzantine Historians. --M. ]

[Footnote 47: Chrysanthius, who had refused to quit Lydia, was createdhigh priest of the province. His cautious and temperate use of powersecured him after the revolution; and he lived in peace, while Maximus, Priscus, &c. , were persecuted by the Christian ministers. See theadventures of those fanatic sophists, collected by Brucker, tom ii. P. 281-293. ]

[Footnote 48: Sec Libanius (Orat. Parent. C. 101, 102, p. 324, 325, 326) and Eunapius, (Vit. Sophist. In Proaeresio, p. 126. ) Some students, whose expectations perhaps were groundless, or extravagant, retired indisgust, (Greg. Naz. Orat. Iv. P. 120. ) It is strange that we should notbe able to contradict the title of one of Tillemont's chapters, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 960, ) "La Cour de Julien est pleine dephilosphes et de gens perdus. "]

The favor of Julian was almost equally divided between the Pagans, who had firmly adhered to the worship of their ancestors, and theChristians, who prudently embraced the religion of their sovereign. Theacquisition of new proselytes [49] gratified the ruling passions of hissoul, superstition and vanity; and he was heard to declare, with theenthusiasm of a missionary, that if he could render each individualricher than Midas, and every city greater than Babylon, he should notesteem himself the benefactor of mankind, unless, at the same time, he could reclaim his subjects from their impious revolt against theimmortal gods. [50] A prince who had studied human nature, and whopossessed the treasures of the Roman empire, could adapt his arguments, his promises, and his rewards, to every order of Christians; [51] andthe merit of a seasonable conversion was allowed to supply the defectsof a candidate, or even to expiate the guilt of a criminal. As the armyis the most forcible engine of absolute power, Julian applied himself, with peculiar diligence, to corrupt the religion of his troops, without whose hearty concurrence every measure must be dangerous andunsuccessful; and the natural temper of soldiers made this conquest aseasy as it was important. The legions of Gaul devoted themselves to thefaith, as well as to the fortunes, of their victorious leader; and evenbefore the death of Constantius, he had the satisfaction of announcingto his friends, that they assisted with fervent devotion, and voraciousappetite, at the sacrifices, which were repeatedly offered in his camp, of whole hecatombs of fat oxen. [52] The armies of the East, whichhad been trained under the standard of the cross, and of Constantius, required a more artful and expensive mode of persuasion. On the daysof solemn and public festivals, the emperor received the homage, andrewarded the merit, of the troops. His throne of state was encircledwith the military ensigns of Rome and the republic; the holy name ofChrist was erased from the Labarum; and the symbols of war, of majesty, and of pagan superstition, were so dexterously blended, that thefaithful subject incurred the guilt of idolatry, when he respectfullysaluted the person or image of his sovereign. The soldiers passedsuccessively in review; and each of them, before he received fromthe hand of Julian a liberal donative, proportioned to his rank andservices, was required to cast a few grains of incense into the flamewhich burnt upon the altar. Some Christian confessors might resist, andothers might repent; but the far greater number, allured by the prospectof gold, and awed by the presence of the emperor, contracted thecriminal engagement; and their future perseverance in the worship of thegods was enforced by every consideration of duty and of interest. 

By the frequent repetition of these arts, and at the expense of sumswhich would have purchased the service of half the nations of Scythia, Julian gradually acquired for his troops the imaginary protection ofthe gods, and for himself the firm and effectual support of the Romanlegions. [53] It is indeed more than probable, that the restoration andencouragement of Paganism revealed a multitude of pretended Christians, who, from motives of temporal advantage, had acquiesced in the religionof the former reign; and who afterwards returned, with the sameflexibility of conscience, to the faith which was professed by thesuccessors of Julian. 

[Footnote 49: Under the reign of Lewis XIV. His subjects of every rankaspired to the glorious title of Convertisseur, expressive of theirzea and success in making proselytes. The word and the idea are growingobsolete in France may they never be introduced into England. ]

[Footnote 50: See the strong expressions of Libanius, which wereprobably those of Julian himself, (Orat. Parent. C. 59, p. 285. )]

[Footnote 51: When Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. X. P. 167) is desirous tomagnify the Christian firmness of his brother Caesarius, physician tothe Imperial court, he owns that Caesarius disputed with a formidableadversary. In his invectives he scarcely allows any share of wit orcourage to the apostate. ]

[Footnote 52: Julian, Epist. Xxxviii. Ammianus, xxii. 12. Adeo utin dies paene singulos milites carnis distentiore sagina victitantesincultius, potusque aviditate correpti, humeris impositi transeuntiumper plateas, ex publicis aedibus. .. .. Ad sua diversoria portarentur. Thedevout prince and the indignant historian describe the same scene;and in Illyricum or Antioch, similar causes must have produced similareffects. ]

[Footnote 53: Gregory (Orat. Iii. P. 74, 75, 83-86) and Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. Lxxxi. Lxxxii. P. 307, 308, ). The sophist owns and justifiesthe expense of these military conversions. ]

While the devout monarch incessantly labored to restore and propagatethe religion of his ancestors, he embraced the extraordinary designof rebuilding the temple of Jerusalem. In a public epistle [54] to thenation or community of the Jews, dispersed through the provinces, hepities their misfortunes, condemns their oppressors, praises theirconstancy, declares himself their gracious protector, and expressesa pious hope, that after his return from the Persian war, he may bepermitted to pay his grateful vows to the Almighty in his holy cityof Jerusalem. The blind superstition, and abject slavery, of thoseunfortunate exiles, must excite the contempt of a philosophic emperor;but they deserved the friendship of Julian, by their implacable hatredof the Christian name. The barren synagogue abhorred and envied thefecundity of the rebellious church; the power of the Jews was not equalto their malice; but their gravest rabbis approved the private murderof an apostate; [55] and their seditious clamors had often awakened theindolence of the Pagan magistrates. Under the reign of Constantine, the Jews became the subjects of their revolted children nor was it longbefore they experienced the bitterness of domestic tyranny. The civilimmunities which had been granted, or confirmed, by Severus, weregradually repealed by the Christian princes; and a rash tumult, excitedby the Jews of Palestine, [56] seemed to justify the lucrative modes ofoppression which were invented by the bishops and eunuchs of thecourt of Constantius. The Jewish patriarch, who was still permitted toexercise a precarious jurisdiction, held his residence at Tiberias; [57]and the neighboring cities of Palestine were filled with the remainsof a people who fondly adhered to the promised land. But the edict ofHadrian was renewed and enforced; and they viewed from afar the walls ofthe holy city, which were profaned in their eyes by the triumph of thecross and the devotion of the Christians. [58]

[Footnote 54: Julian's epistle (xxv. ) is addressed to the community ofthe Jews. Aldus (Venet. 1499) has branded it with an; but this stigmais justly removed by the subsequent editors, Petavius and Spanheim. Thisepistle is mentioned by Sozomen, (l. V. C. 22, ) and the purport of itis confirmed by Gregory, (Orat. Iv. P. 111. ) and by Julian himself(Fragment. P. 295. )]

[Footnote 55: The Misnah denounced death against those who abandoned thefoundation. The judgment of zeal is explained by Marsham (Canon. Chron. P. 161, 162, edit. Fol. London, 1672) and Basnage, (Hist. Des Juifs, tom. Viii. P. 120. ) Constantine made a law to protect Christian convertsfrom Judaism. Cod. Theod. L. Xvi. Tit. Viii. Leg. 1. Godefroy, tom. Vi. P. 215. ]

[Footnote 56: Et interea (during the civil war of Magnentius) Judaeorumseditio, qui Patricium, nefarie in regni speciem sustulerunt, oppressa. Aurelius Victor, in Constantio, c. Xlii. See Tillemont, Hist. DesEmpereurs, tom. Iv. P. 379, in 4to. ]

[Footnote 57: The city and synagogue of Tiberias are curiously describedby Reland. Palestin. Tom. Ii. P. 1036-1042. ]

[Footnote 58: Basnage has fully illustrated the state of the Jews underConstantine and his successors, (tom. Viii. C. Iv. P. 111-153. )]

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian. --Part III. 

In the midst of a rocky and barren country, the walls of Jerusalem [59]enclosed the two mountains of Sion and Acra, within an oval figure ofabout three English miles. [60] Towards the south, the upper town, andthe fortress of David, were erected on the lofty ascent of Mount Sion:on the north side, the buildings of the lower town covered the spacioussummit of Mount Acra; and a part of the hill, distinguished by the nameof Moriah, and levelled by human industry, was crowned with the statelytemple of the Jewish nation. After the final destruction of the templeby the arms of Titus and Hadrian, a ploughshare was drawn over theconsecrated ground, as a sign of perpetual interdiction. Sion wasdeserted; and the vacant space of the lower city was filled withthe public and private edifices of the Aelian colony, which spreadthemselves over the adjacent hill of Calvary. The holy places werepolluted with mountains of idolatry; and, either from design oraccident, a chapel was dedicated to Venus, on the spot which had beensanctified by the death and resurrection of Christ. [61] [61a] Almostthree hundred years after those stupendous events, the profane chapel ofVenus was demolished by the order of Constantine; and the removal of theearth and stones revealed the holy sepulchre to the eyes of mankind. A magnificent church was erected on that mystic ground, by the firstChristian emperor; and the effects of his pious munificence wereextended to every spot which had been consecrated by the footstep ofpatriarchs, of prophets, and of the Son of God. [62]

[Footnote 59: Reland (Palestin. L. I. P. 309, 390, l. Iii. P. 838)describes, with learning and perspicuity, Jerusalem, and the face of theadjacent country. ]

[Footnote 60: I have consulted a rare and curious treatise of M. D'Anville, (sur l'Ancienne Jerusalem, Paris, 1747, p. 75. ) Thecircumference of the ancient city (Euseb. Preparat. Evangel. L. Ix. C. 36) was 27 stadia, or 2550 toises. A plan, taken on the spot, assignsno more than 1980 for the modern town. The circuit is defined by naturallandmarks, which cannot be mistaken or removed. ]

[Footnote 61: See two curious passages in Jerom, (tom. I. P. 102, tom. Vi. P. 315, ) and the ample details of Tillemont, (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. I. P. 569. Tom. Ii. P. 289, 294, 4to edition. )]

[Footnote 61a: On the site of the Holy Sepulchre, compare the chapterin Professor Robinson's Travels in Palestine, which has renewed the oldcontroversy with great vigor. To me, this temple of Venus, said tohave been erected by Hadrian to insult the Christians, is not the leastsuspicious part of the whole legend. -M. 1845. ]

[Footnote 62: Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. L. Iii. C. 25-47, 51-53. Theemperor likewise built churches at Bethlem, the Mount of Olives, and theoa of Mambre. The holy sepulchre is described by Sandys, (Travels, p. 125-133, ) and curiously delineated by Le Bruyn, (Voyage au Levant, p. 28-296. )]

The passionate desire of contemplating the original monuments of theirredemption attracted to Jerusalem a successive crowd of pilgrims, fromthe shores of the Atlantic Ocean, and the most distant countries of theEast; [63] and their piety was authorized by the example of the empressHelena, who appears to have united the credulity of age with the warmfeelings of a recent conversion. Sages and heroes, who have visitedthe memorable scenes of ancient wisdom or glory, have confessed theinspiration of the genius of the place; [64] and the Christian who kneltbefore the holy sepulchre, ascribed his lively faith, and his ferventdevotion, to the more immediate influence of the Divine Spirit. Thezeal, perhaps the avarice, of the clergy of Jerusalem, cherished andmultiplied these beneficial visits. They fixed, by unquestionabletradition, the scene of each memorable event. They exhibited theinstruments which had been used in the passion of Christ; the nails andthe lance that had pierced his hands, his feet, and his side; the crownof thorns that was planted on his head; the pillar at which he wasscourged; and, above all, they showed the cross on which he suffered, and which was dug out of the earth in the reign of those princes, whoinserted the symbol of Christianity in the banners of the Roman legions. [65] Such miracles as seemed necessary to account for its extraordinarypreservation, and seasonable discovery, were gradually propagatedwithout opposition. The custody of the true cross, which on EasterSunday was solemnly exposed to the people, was intrusted to the bishopof Jerusalem; and he alone might gratify the curious devotion of thepilgrims, by the gift of small pieces, which they encased in gold orgems, and carried away in triumph to their respective countries. But asthis gainful branch of commerce must soon have been annihilated, it wasfound convenient to suppose, that the marvelous wood possessed asecret power of vegetation; and that its substance, though continuallydiminished, still remained entire and unimpaired. [66] It might perhapshave been expected, that the influence of the place and the belief ofa perpetual miracle, should have produced some salutary effects on themorals, as well as on the faith, of the people. Yet the most respectableof the ecclesiastical writers have been obliged to confess, not onlythat the streets of Jerusalem were filled with the incessant tumult ofbusiness and pleasure, [67] but that every species of vice--adultery, theft, idolatry, poisoning, murder--was familiar to the inhabitantsof the holy city. [68] The wealth and preeminence of the churchof Jerusalem excited the ambition of Arian, as well as orthodox, candidates; and the virtues of Cyril, who, since his death, has beenhonored with the title of Saint, were displayed in the exercise, ratherthan in the acquisition, of his episcopal dignity. [69]

[Footnote 63: The Itinerary from Bourdeaux to Jerusalem was composed inthe year 333, for the use of pilgrims; among whom Jerom (tom. I. P. 126)mentions the Britons and the Indians. The causes of this superstitiousfashion are discussed in the learned and judicious preface of Wesseling. (Itinarar. P. 537-545. ) ----Much curious information on this subject iscollected in the first chapter of Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzuge. --M. ]

[Footnote 64: Cicero (de Finibus, v. 1) has beautifully expressed thecommon sense of mankind. ]

[Footnote 65: Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 326, No. 42-50) andTillemont (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Xii. P. 8-16) are the historians andchampions of the miraculous invention of the cross, under the reign ofConstantine. Their oldest witnesses are Paulinus, Sulpicius Severus, Rufinus, Ambrose, and perhaps Cyril of Jerusalem. The silence ofEusebius, and the Bourdeaux pilgrim, which satisfies those who thinkperplexes those who believe. See Jortin's sensible remarks, vol. Ii. P238-248. ]

[Footnote 66: This multiplication is asserted by Paulinus, (Epist. Xxxvi. See Dupin. Bibliot. Eccles. Tom. Iii. P. 149, ) who seems tohave improved a rhetorical flourish of Cyril into a real fact. The samesupernatural privilege must have been communicated to the Virgin'smilk, (Erasmi Opera, tom. I. P. 778, Lugd. Batav. 1703, in Colloq. DePeregrinat. Religionis ergo, ) saints' heads, &c. And other relics, whichare repeated in so many different churches. * Note: Lord Mahon, in amemoir read before the Society of Antiquaries, (Feb. 1831, ) has tracedin a brief but interesting manner, the singular adventures of the "true"cross. It is curious to inquire, what authority we have, except oflate tradition, for the Hill of Calvary. There is none in the sacredwritings; the uniform use of the common word, instead of any wordexpressing assent or acclivity, is against the notion. --M. ]

[Footnote 67: Jerom, (tom. I. P. 103, ) who resided in the neighboringvillage of Bethlem, describes the vices of Jerusalem from his personalexperience. ]

[Footnote 68: Gregor. Nyssen, apud Wesseling, p. 539. The whole epistle, which condemns either the use or the abuse of religious pilgrimage, ispainful to the Catholic divines, while it is dear and familiar to ourProtestant polemics. ]

[Footnote 69: He renounced his orthodox ordination, officiated asa deacon, and was re-ordained by the hands of the Arians. But Cyrilafterwards changed with the times, and prudently conformed to the Nicenefaith. Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. , ) who treats his memory withtenderness and respect, has thrown his virtues into the text, and hisfaults into the notes, in decent obscurity, at the end of the volume. ]

The vain and ambitious mind of Julian might aspire to restore theancient glory of the temple of Jerusalem. [70] As the Christians werefirmly persuaded that a sentence of everlasting destruction had beenpronounced against the whole fabric of the Mosaic law, the Imperialsophist would have converted the success of his undertaking into aspecious argument against the faith of prophecy, and the truth ofrevelation. [71] He was displeased with the spiritual worship of thesynagogue; but he approved the institutions of Moses, who had notdisdained to adopt many of the rites and ceremonies of Egypt. [72]The local and national deity of the Jews was sincerely adored by apolytheist, who desired only to multiply the number of the gods; [73]and such was the appetite of Julian for bloody sacrifice, that hisemulation might be excited by the piety of Solomon, who had offered, atthe feast of the dedication, twenty-two thousand oxen, and one hundredand twenty thousand sheep. [74] These considerations might influence hisdesigns; but the prospect of an immediate and important advantage wouldnot suffer the impatient monarch to expect the remote and uncertainevent of the Persian war. He resolved to erect, without delay, on thecommanding eminence of Moriah, a stately temple, which might eclipsethe splendor of the church of the resurrection on the adjacent hill ofCalvary; to establish an order of priests, whose interested zeal woulddetect the arts, and resist the ambition, of their Christian rivals;and to invite a numerous colony of Jews, whose stern fanaticism would bealways prepared to second, and even to anticipate, the hostile measuresof the Pagan government. Among the friends of the emperor (if the namesof emperor, and of friend, are not incompatible) the first place wasassigned, by Julian himself, to the virtuous and learned Alypius. [75] The humanity of Alypius was tempered by severe justice andmanly fortitude; and while he exercised his abilities in the civiladministration of Britain, he imitated, in his poetical compositions, the harmony and softness of the odes of Sappho. This minister, to whomJulian communicated, without reserve, his most careless levities, andhis most serious counsels, received an extraordinary commission torestore, in its pristine beauty, the temple of Jerusalem; and thediligence of Alypius required and obtained the strenuous support of thegovernor of Palestine. At the call of their great deliverer, the Jews, from all the provinces of the empire, assembled on the holy mountain oftheir fathers; and their insolent triumph alarmed and exasperated theChristian inhabitants of Jerusalem. The desire of rebuilding the templehas in every age been the ruling passion of the children of Israel. Inthis propitious moment the men forgot their avarice, and the women theirdelicacy; spades and pickaxes of silver were provided by the vanity ofthe rich, and the rubbish was transported in mantles of silk and purple. Every purse was opened in liberal contributions, every hand claimeda share in the pious labor, and the commands of a great monarch wereexecuted by the enthusiasm of a whole people. [76]

[Footnote 70: Imperii sui memoriam magnitudine operum gestiens propagareAmmian. Xxiii. 1. The temple of Jerusalem had been famous even among theGentiles. They had many temples in each city, (at Sichem five, atGaza eight, at Rome four hundred and twenty-four;) but the wealth andreligion of the Jewish nation was centred in one spot. ]

[Footnote 71: The secret intentions of Julian are revealed by the latebishop of Gloucester, the learned and dogmatic Warburton; who, with theauthority of a theologian, prescribes the motives and conduct of theSupreme Being. The discourse entitled Julian (2d edition, London, 1751)is strongly marked with all the peculiarities which are imputed to theWarburtonian school. ]

[Footnote 72: I shelter myself behind Maimonides, Marsham, Spencer, LeClerc, Warburton, &c. , who have fairly derided the fears, the folly, andthe falsehood of some superstitious divines. See Divine Legation, vol. Iv. P. 25, &c. ]

[Footnote 73: Julian (Fragment. P. 295) respectfully styles him, andmentions him elsewhere (Epist. Lxiii. ) with still higher reverence. Hedoubly condemns the Christians for believing, and for renouncing, thereligion of the Jews. Their Deity was a true, but not the only, God ApulCyril. L. Ix. P. 305, 306. ]

[Footnote 74: 1 Kings, viii. 63. 2 Chronicles, vii. 5. Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. L. Viii. C. 4, p. 431, edit. Havercamp. As the bloodand smoke of so many hecatombs might be inconvenient, Lightfoot, theChristian Rabbi, removes them by a miracle. Le Clerc (ad loca) is boldenough to suspect to fidelity of the numbers. * Note: According to thehistorian Kotobeddym, quoted by Burckhardt, (Travels in Arabia, p. 276, )the Khalif Mokteder sacrificed, during his pilgrimage to Mecca, inthe year of the Hejira 350, forty thousand camels and cows, and fiftythousand sheep. Barthema describes thirty thousand oxen slain, and theircarcasses given to the poor. Quarterly Review, xiii. P. 39--M. ]

[Footnote 75: Julian, epist. Xxix. Xxx. La Bleterie has neglected totranslate the second of these epistles. ]

[Footnote 76: See the zeal and impatience of the Jews in GregoryNazianzen (Orat. Iv. P. 111) and Theodoret. (l. Iii. C. 20. )]

Yet, on this occasion, the joint efforts of power and enthusiasm wereunsuccessful; and the ground of the Jewish temple, which is now coveredby a Mahometan mosque, [77] still continued to exhibit the same edifyingspectacle of ruin and desolation. Perhaps the absence and death of theemperor, and the new maxims of a Christian reign, might explain theinterruption of an arduous work, which was attempted only in the lastsix months of the life of Julian. [78] But the Christians entertaineda natural and pious expectation, that, in this memorable contest, the honor of religion would be vindicated by some signal miracle. Anearthquake, a whirlwind, and a fiery eruption, which overturned andscattered the new foundations of the temple, are attested, with somevariations, by contemporary and respectable evidence. [79] This publicevent is described by Ambrose, [80] bishop of Milan, in an epistle tothe emperor Theodosius, which must provoke the severe animadversionof the Jews; by the eloquent Chrysostom, [81] who might appeal to thememory of the elder part of his congregation at Antioch; and by GregoryNazianzen, [82] who published his account of the miracle before theexpiration of the same year. The last of these writers has boldlydeclared, that this preternatural event was not disputed by theinfidels; and his assertion, strange as it may seem is confirmed by theunexceptionable testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus. [83] The philosophicsoldier, who loved the virtues, without adopting the prejudices, of hismaster, has recorded, in his judicious and candid history of his owntimes, the extraordinary obstacles which interrupted the restoration ofthe temple of Jerusalem. "Whilst Alypius, assisted by the governor ofthe province, urged, with vigor and diligence, the execution of thework, horrible balls of fire breaking out near the foundations, withfrequent and reiterated attacks, rendered the place, from time to time, inaccessible to the scorched and blasted workmen; and the victoriouselement continuing in this manner obstinately and resolutely bent, as itwere, to drive them to a distance, the undertaking was abandoned. "[83a] Such authority should satisfy a believing, and must astonish anincredulous, mind. Yet a philosopher may still require the originalevidence of impartial and intelligent spectators. At this importantcrisis, any singular accident of nature would assume the appearance, andproduce the effects of a real prodigy. This glorious deliverance wouldbe speedily improved and magnified by the pious art of the clergy ofJerusalem, and the active credulity of the Christian world and, at thedistance of twenty years, a Roman historian, care less of theologicaldisputes, might adorn his work with the specious and splendid miracle. [84]

[Footnote 77: Built by Omar, the second Khalif, who died A. D. 644. Thisgreat mosque covers the whole consecrated ground of the Jewish temple, and constitutes almost a square of 760 toises, or one Roman mile incircumference. See D'Anville, Jerusalem, p. 45. ]

[Footnote 78: Ammianus records the consults of the year 363, beforehe proceeds to mention the thoughts of Julian. Templum. . .. Instauraresumptibus cogitabat immodicis. Warburton has a secret wish to anticipatethe design; but he must have understood, from former examples, that theexecution of such a work would have demanded many years. ]

[Footnote 79: The subsequent witnesses, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Philostorgius, &c. , add contradictions rather than authority. Comparethe objections of Basnage (Hist. Des Juifs, tom. Viii. P. 156-168) withWarburton's answers, (Julian, p. 174-258. ) The bishop has ingeniouslyexplained the miraculous crosses which appeared on the garments of thespectators by a similar instance, and the natural effects of lightning. ]

[Footnote 80: Ambros. Tom. Ii. Epist. Xl. P. 946, edit. Benedictin. Hecomposed this fanatic epistle (A. D. 388) to justify a bishop who hadbeen condemned by the civil magistrate for burning a synagogue. ]

[Footnote 81: Chrysostom, tom. I. P. 580, advers. Judaeos et Gentes, tom. Ii. P. 574, de Sto Babyla, edit. Montfaucon. I have followed thecommon and natural supposition; but the learned Benedictine, who datesthe composition of these sermons in the year 383, is confident they werenever pronounced from the pulpit. ]

[Footnote 82: Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iv. P. 110-113. ]

[Footnote 83: Ammian. Xxiii. 1. Cum itaque rei fortiter instaretAlypius, juvaretque provinciae rector, metuendi globi flammarum propefundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes fecere locum exustis aliquotiesoperantibus inaccessum; hocque modo elemento destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum. Warburton labors (p. 60-90) to extort a confessionof the miracle from the mouths of Julian and Libanius, and to employ theevidence of a rabbi who lived in the fifteenth century. Such witnessescan only be received by a very favorable judge. ]

[Footnote 83a: Michaelis has given an ingenious and sufficientlyprobable explanation of this remarkable incident, which the positivetestimony of Ammianus, a contemporary and a pagan, will not permit usto call in question. It was suggested by a passage in Tacitus. Thathistorian, speaking of Jerusalem, says, [I omit the first part of thequotation adduced by M. Guizot, which only by a most extraordinarymistranslation of muri introrsus sinuati by "enfoncemens" could be madeto bear on the question. --M. ] The Temple itself was a kind of citadel, which had its own walls, superior in their workmanship and constructionto those of the city. The porticos themselves, which surrounded thetemple, were an excellent fortification. There was a fountain ofconstantly running water; subterranean excavations under the mountain;reservoirs and cisterns to collect the rain-water. Tac. Hist. V. Ii. 12. These excavations and reservoirs must have been very considerable. The latter furnished water during the whole siege of Jerusalem to1, 100, 000 inhabitants, for whom the fountain of Siloe could not havesufficed, and who had no fresh rain-water, the siege having taken placefrom the month of April to the month of August, a period of the yearduring which it rarely rains in Jerusalem. As to the excavations, theyserved after, and even before, the return of the Jews from Babylon, to contain not only magazines of oil, wine, and corn, but also thetreasures which were laid up in the Temple. Josephus has related severalincidents which show their extent. When Jerusalem was on the point ofbeing taken by Titus, the rebel chiefs, placing their last hopesin these vast subterranean cavities, formed a design of concealingthemselves there, and remaining during the conflagration of the city, and until the Romans had retired to a distance. The greater part had nottime to execute their design; but one of them, Simon, the Son of Gioras, having provided himself with food, and tools to excavate the earthdescended into this retreat with some companions: he remained there tillTitus had set out for Rome: under the pressure of famine he issued forthon a sudden in the very place where the Temple had stood, and appearedin the midst of the Roman guard. He was seized and carried to Rome forthe triumph. His appearance made it be suspected that other Jewsmight have chosen the same asylum; search was made, and a great numberdiscovered. Joseph. De Bell. Jud. L. Vii. C. 2. It is probable thatthe greater part of these excavations were the remains of the time ofSolomon, when it was the custom to work to a great extent under ground:no other date can be assigned to them. The Jews, on their return fromthe captivity, were too poor to undertake such works; and, althoughHerod, on rebuilding the Temple, made some excavations, (Joseph. Ant. Jud. Xv. 11, vii. , ) the haste with which that building was completedwill not allow us to suppose that they belonged to that period. Somewere used for sewers and drains, others served to conceal the immensetreasures of which Crassus, a hundred and twenty years before, plunderedthe Jews, and which doubtless had been since replaced. The Temple wasdestroyed A. C. 70; the attempt of Julian to rebuild it, and the factrelated by Ammianus, coincide with the year 363. There had then elapsedbetween these two epochs an interval of near 300 years, during which theexcavations, choked up with ruins, must have become full of inflammableair. The workmen employed by Julian as they were digging, arrived atthe excavations of the Temple; they would take torches to explore them;sudden flames repelled those who approached; explosions were heard, andthese phenomena were renewed every time that they penetrated into newsubterranean passages. This explanation is confirmed by the relationof an event nearly similar, by Josephus. King Herod having heard thatimmense treasures had been concealed in the sepulchre of David, hedescended into it with a few confidential persons; he found in the firstsubterranean chamber only jewels and precious stuffs: but having wishedto penetrate into a second chamber, which had been long closed, hewas repelled, when he opened it, by flames which killed those whoaccompanied him. (Ant. Jud. Xvi. 7, i. ) As here there is no room formiracle, this fact may be considered as a new proof of the veracity ofthat related by Ammianus and the contemporary writers. --G. ----To theillustrations of the extent of the subterranean chambers adduced byMichaelis, may be added, that when John of Gischala, during the siege, surprised the Temple, the party of Eleazar took refuge within them. Bell. Jud. Vi. 3, i. The sudden sinking of the hill of Sion whenJerusalem was occupied by Barchocab, may have been connected withsimilar excavations. Hist. Of Jews, vol. Iii. 122 and 186. --M. ----It isa fact now popularly known, that when mines which have been long closedare opened, one of two things takes place; either the torches areextinguished and the men fall first into a swoor and soon die; or, ifthe air is inflammable, a little flame is seen to flicker round thelamp, which spreads and multiplies till the conflagration becomesgeneral, is followed by an explosion, and kill all who are in theway. --G. ]

[Footnote 84: Dr. Lardner, perhaps alone of the Christian critics, presumes to doubt the truth of this famous miracle. (Jewish and HeathenTestimonies, vol. Iv. P. 47-71. )]

The silence of Jerom would lead to a suspicion that the same story whichwas celebrated at a distance, might be despised on the spot. * Note:Gibbon has forgotten Basnage, to whom Warburton replied. --M. 

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian. --Part IV. 

The restoration of the Jewish temple was secretly connected with theruin of the Christian church. Julian still continued to maintain thefreedom of religious worship, without distinguishing whether thisuniversal toleration proceeded from his justice or his clemency. Heaffected to pity the unhappy Christians, who were mistaken in the mostimportant object of their lives; but his pity was degraded by contempt, his contempt was embittered by hatred; and the sentiments of Julian wereexpressed in a style of sarcastic wit, which inflicts a deep and deadlywound, whenever it issues from the mouth of a sovereign. As he wassensible that the Christians gloried in the name of their Redeemer, he countenanced, and perhaps enjoined, the use of the less honorableappellation of Galilaeans. [85] He declared, that by the folly of theGalilaeans, whom he describes as a sect of fanatics, contemptible tomen, and odious to the gods, the empire had been reduced to the brink ofdestruction; and he insinuates in a public edict, that a frantic patientmight sometimes be cured by salutary violence. [86] An ungenerousdistinction was admitted into the mind and counsels of Julian, that, according to the difference of their religious sentiments, one partof his subjects deserved his favor and friendship, while the other wasentitled only to the common benefits that his justice could not refuseto an obedient people. According to a principle, pregnant with mischiefand oppression, the emperor transferred to the pontiffs of his ownreligion the management of the liberal allowances for the publicrevenue, which had been granted to the church by the piety ofConstantine and his sons. The proud system of clerical honors andimmunities, which had been constructed with so much art and labor, was levelled to the ground; the hopes of testamentary donations wereintercepted by the rigor of the laws; and the priests of the Christiansect were confounded with the last and most ignominious class of thepeople. Such of these regulations as appeared necessary to check theambition and avarice of the ecclesiastics, were soon afterwards imitatedby the wisdom of an orthodox prince. The peculiar distinctions whichpolicy has bestowed, or superstition has lavished, on the sacerdotalorder, must be confined to those priests who profess the religion of thestate. But the will of the legislator was not exempt from prejudice andpassion; and it was the object of the insidious policy of Julian, todeprive the Christians of all the temporal honors and advantages whichrendered them respectable in the eyes of the world. [88]

[Footnote 85: Greg. Naz. Orat. Iii. P. 81. And this law was confirmed bythe invariable practice of Julian himself. Warburton has justly observed(p. 35, ) that the Platonists believed in the mysterious virtue ofwords and Julian's dislike for the name of Christ might proceed fromsuperstition, as well as from contempt. ]

[Footnote 86: Fragment. Julian. P. 288. He derides the (Epist. Vii. , )and so far loses sight of the principles of toleration, as to wish(Epist. Xlii. ). ]

[Footnote 88: These laws, which affected the clergy, may be found in theslight hints of Julian himself, (Epist. Lii. ) in the vague declamationsof Gregory, (Orat. Iii. P. 86, 87, ) and in the positive assertions ofSozomen, (l. V. C. 5. )]

A just and severe censure has been inflicted on the law which prohibitedthe Christians from teaching the arts of grammar and rhetoric. [89] Themotives alleged by the emperor to justify this partial and oppressivemeasure, might command, during his lifetime, the silence of slaves andthe applause of Gatterers. Julian abuses the ambiguous meaning of a wordwhich might be indifferently applied to the language and the religion ofthe Greeks: he contemptuously observes, that the men who exalt themerit of implicit faith are unfit to claim or to enjoy the advantages ofscience; and he vainly contends, that if they refuse to adore thegods of Homer and Demosthenes, they ought to content themselves withexpounding Luke and Matthew in the church of the Galilaeans. [90] In allthe cities of the Roman world, the education of the youth was intrustedto masters of grammar and rhetoric; who were elected by the magistrates, maintained at the public expense, and distinguished by many lucrativeand honorable privileges. The edict of Julian appears to have includedthe physicians, and professors of all the liberal arts; and theemperor, who reserved to himself the approbation of the candidates, wasauthorized by the laws to corrupt, or to punish, the religious constancyof the most learned of the Christians. [91] As soon as the resignationof the more obstinate [92] teachers had established the unrivalleddominion of the Pagan sophists, Julian invited the rising generation toresort with freedom to the public schools, in a just confidence, thattheir tender minds would receive the impressions of literature andidolatry. If the greatest part of the Christian youth should be deterredby their own scruples, or by those of their parents, from accepting thisdangerous mode of instruction, they must, at the same time, relinquishthe benefits of a liberal education. Julian had reason to expect that, in the space of a few years, the church would relapse into its primaevalsimplicity, and that the theologians, who possessed an adequate shareof the learning and eloquence of the age, would be succeeded by ageneration of blind and ignorant fanatics, incapable of defending thetruth of their own principles, or of exposing the various follies ofPolytheism. [93]

[Footnote 89: Inclemens. .. . Perenni obruendum silentio. Ammian. Xxii. 10, ixv. 5. ]

[Footnote 90: The edict itself, which is still extant among the epistlesof Julian, (xlii. , ) may be compared with the loose invectives of Gregory(Orat. Iii. P. 96. ) Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 1291-1294) hascollected the seeming differences of ancients and moderns. They may beeasily reconciled. The Christians were directly forbid to teach, theywere indirectly forbid to learn; since they would not frequent theschools of the Pagans. ]

[Footnote 91: Codex Theodos. L. Xiii. Tit. Iii. De medicis etprofessoribus, leg. 5, (published the 17th of June, received, at Spoletoin Italy, the 29th of July, A. D. 363, ) with Godefroy's Illustrations, tom. V. P. 31. ]

[Footnote 92: Orosius celebrates their disinterested resolution, Sicut amajori bus nostris compertum habemus, omnes ubique propemodum. .. Officium quam fidem deserere maluerunt, vii. 30. Proaeresius, aChristian sophist, refused to accept the partial favor of the emperorHieronym. In Chron. P. 185, edit. Scaliger. Eunapius in Proaeresio p. 126. ]

[Footnote 93: They had recourse to the expedient of composing booksfor their own schools. Within a few months Apollinaris produced hisChristian imitations of Homer, (a sacred history in twenty-four books, )Pindar, Euripides, and Menander; and Sozomen is satisfied, that theyequalled, or excelled, the originals. * Note: Socrates, however, impliesthat, on the death of Julian, they were contemptuously thrown aside bythe Christians. Socr. Hist. Iii. 16. --M. ]

It was undoubtedly the wish and design of Julian to deprive theChristians of the advantages of wealth, of knowledge, and of power; butthe injustice of excluding them from all offices of trust and profitseems to have been the result of his general policy, rather than theimmediate consequence of any positive law. [94] Superior merit mightdeserve and obtain, some extraordinary exceptions; but the greater partof the Christian officers were gradually removed from their employmentsin the state, the army, and the provinces. The hopes of futurecandidates were extinguished by the declared partiality of a prince, whomaliciously reminded them, that it was unlawful for a Christian to usethe sword, either of justice, or of war; and who studiously guardedthe camp and the tribunals with the ensigns of idolatry. The powers ofgovernment were intrusted to the pagans, who professed an ardent zealfor the religion of their ancestors; and as the choice of the emperorwas often directed by the rules of divination, the favorites whom hepreferred as the most agreeable to the gods, did not always obtain theapprobation of mankind. [95] Under the administration of their enemies, the Christians had much to suffer, and more to apprehend. The temper ofJulian was averse to cruelty; and the care of his reputation, which wasexposed to the eyes of the universe, restrained the philosophic monarchfrom violating the laws of justice and toleration, which he himself hadso recently established. But the provincial ministers of his authoritywere placed in a less conspicuous station. In the exercise of arbitrarypower, they consulted the wishes, rather than the commands, of theirsovereign; and ventured to exercise a secret and vexatious tyrannyagainst the sectaries, on whom they were not permitted to confer thehonors of martyrdom. The emperor, who dissembled as long as possible hisknowledge of the injustice that was exercised in his name, expressedhis real sense of the conduct of his officers, by gentle reproofs andsubstantial rewards. [96]

[Footnote 94: It was the instruction of Julian to his magistrates, (Epist. Vii. , ). Sozomen (l. V. C. 18) and Socrates (l. Iii. C. 13) mustbe reduced to the standard of Gregory, (Orat. Iii. P. 95, ) not lessprone to exaggeration, but more restrained by the actual knowledge ofhis contemporary readers. ]

[Footnote 95: Libanius, Orat. Parent. 88, p. 814. ]

[Footnote 96: Greg. Naz. Orat. Iii. P. 74, 91, 92. Socrates, l. Iii. C. 14. The doret, l. Iii. C. 6. Some drawback may, however, be allowed forthe violence of their zeal, not less partial than the zeal of Julian]

The most effectual instrument of oppression, with which they werearmed, was the law that obliged the Christians to make full andample satisfaction for the temples which they had destroyed underthe preceding reign. The zeal of the triumphant church had not alwaysexpected the sanction of the public authority; and the bishops, who weresecure of impunity, had often marched at the head of their congregation, to attack and demolish the fortresses of the prince of darkness. Theconsecrated lands, which had increased the patrimony of the sovereign orof the clergy, were clearly defined, and easily restored. But on theselands, and on the ruins of Pagan superstition, the Christians hadfrequently erected their own religious edifices: and as it was necessaryto remove the church before the temple could be rebuilt, the justiceand piety of the emperor were applauded by one party, while the otherdeplored and execrated his sacrilegious violence. [97] After the groundwas cleared, the restitution of those stately structures which had beenlevelled with the dust, and of the precious ornaments which had beenconverted to Christian uses, swelled into a very large account ofdamages and debt. The authors of the injury had neither the ability northe inclination to discharge this accumulated demand: and the impartialwisdom of a legislator would have been displayed in balancingthe adverse claims and complaints, by an equitable and temperatearbitration. 

But the whole empire, and particularly the East, was thrown intoconfusion by the rash edicts of Julian; and the Pagan magistrates, inflamed by zeal and revenge, abused the rigorous privilege of the Romanlaw, which substitutes, in the place of his inadequate property, theperson of the insolvent debtor. Under the preceding reign, Mark, bishopof Arethusa, [98] had labored in the conversion of his people with armsmore effectual than those of persuasion. [99] The magistrates requiredthe full value of a temple which had been destroyed by his intolerantzeal: but as they were satisfied of his poverty, they desired only tobend his inflexible spirit to the promise of the slightest compensation. They apprehended the aged prelate, they inhumanly scourged him, theytore his beard; and his naked body, annointed with honey, was suspended, in a net, between heaven and earth, and exposed to the stings of insectsand the rays of a Syrian sun. [100] From this lofty station, Mark stillpersisted to glory in his crime, and to insult the impotent rage of hispersecutors. He was at length rescued from their hands, and dismissed toenjoy the honor of his divine triumph. The Arians celebrated thevirtue of their pious confessor; the Catholics ambitiously claimed hisalliance; [101] and the Pagans, who might be susceptible of shame orremorse, were deterred from the repetition of such unavailing cruelty. [102] Julian spared his life: but if the bishop of Arethusa had savedthe infancy of Julian, [103] posterity will condemn the ingratitude, instead of praising the clemency, of the emperor. 

[Footnote 97: If we compare the gentle language of Libanius (Orat. Parent c. 60. P. 286) with the passionate exclamations of Gregory, (Orat. Iii. P. 86, 87, ) we may find it difficult to persuade ourselvesthat the two orators are really describing the same events. ]

[Footnote 98: Restan, or Arethusa, at the equal distance of sixteenmiles between Emesa (Hems) and Epiphania, (Hamath, ) was founded, or atleast named, by Seleucus Nicator. Its peculiar aera dates from the yearof Rome 685, according to the medals of the city. In the decline of theSeleucides, Emesa and Arethusa were usurped by the Arab Sampsiceramus, whose posterity, the vassals of Rome, were not extinguished in the reignof Vespasian. ----See D'Anville's Maps and Geographie Ancienne, tom. Ii. P. 134. Wesseling, Itineraria, p. 188, and Noris. Epoch Syro-Macedon, p. 80, 481, 482. ]

[Footnote 99: Sozomen, l. V. C. 10. It is surprising, that Gregory andTheodoret should suppress a circumstance, which, in their eyes, musthave enhanced the religious merit of the confessor. ]

[Footnote 100: The sufferings and constancy of Mark, which Gregoryhas so tragically painted, (Orat. Iii. P. 88-91, ) are confirmed by theunexceptionable and reluctant evidence of Libanius. Epist. 730, p. 350, 351. Edit. Wolf. Amstel. 1738. ]

[Footnote 101: Certatim eum sibi (Christiani) vindicant. It is thus thatLa Croze and Wolfius (ad loc. ) have explained a Greek word, whose truesignification had been mistaken by former interpreters, and even byLe Clerc, (Bibliotheque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. Iii. P. 371. ) YetTillemont is strangely puzzled to understand (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 1390) how Gregory and Theodoret could mistake a Semi-Arian bishop for asaint. ]

[Footnote 102: See the probable advice of Sallust, (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iii. P. 90, 91. ) Libanius intercedes for a similar offender, lestthey should find many Marks; yet he allows, that if Orion had secretedthe consecrated wealth, he deserved to suffer the punishment of Marsyas;to be flayed alive, (Epist. 730, p. 349-351. )]

[Footnote 103: Gregory (Orat. Iii. P. 90) is satisfied that, by savingthe apostate, Mark had deserved still more than he had suffered. ]

At the distance of five miles from Antioch, the Macedonian kings ofSyria had consecrated to Apollo one of the most elegant places ofdevotion in the Pagan world. [104] A magnificent temple rose in honorof the god of light; and his colossal figure [105] almost filled thecapacious sanctuary, which was enriched with gold and gems, and adornedby the skill of the Grecian artists. The deity was represented in abending attitude, with a golden cup in his hand, pouring out a libationon the earth; as if he supplicated the venerable mother to give tohis arms the cold and beauteous Daphne: for the spot was ennobled byfiction; and the fancy of the Syrian poets had transported the amoroustale from the banks of the Peneus to those of the Orontes. The ancientrites of Greece were imitated by the royal colony of Antioch. A streamof prophecy, which rivalled the truth and reputation of the Delphicoracle, flowed from the Castalian fountain of Daphne. [106] In theadjacent fields a stadium was built by a special privilege, [107] whichhad been purchased from Elis; the Olympic games were celebrated at theexpense of the city; and a revenue of thirty thousand pounds sterlingwas annually applied to the public pleasures. [108] The perpetual resortof pilgrims and spectators insensibly formed, in the neighborhood of thetemple, the stately and populous village of Daphne, which emulated thesplendor, without acquiring the title, of a provincial city. The templeand the village were deeply bosomed in a thick grove of laurels andcypresses, which reached as far as a circumference of ten miles, andformed in the most sultry summers a cool and impenetrable shade. Athousand streams of the purest water, issuing from every hill, preservedthe verdure of the earth, and the temperature of the air; the senseswere gratified with harmonious sounds and aromatic odors; and thepeaceful grove was consecrated to health and joy, to luxury and love. The vigorous youth pursued, like Apollo, the object of his desires; andthe blushing maid was warned, by the fate of Daphne, to shun the follyof unseasonable coyness. The soldier and the philosopher wisely avoidedthe temptation of this sensual paradise: [109] where pleasure, assumingthe character of religion, imperceptibly dissolved the firmness of manlyvirtue. But the groves of Daphne continued for many ages to enjoy theveneration of natives and strangers; the privileges of the holy groundwere enlarged by the munificence of succeeding emperors; and everygeneration added new ornaments to the splendor of the temple. [110]

[Footnote 104: The grove and temple of Daphne are described by Strabo, (l. Xvi. P. 1089, 1090, edit. Amstel. 1707, ) Libanius, (Naenia, p. 185-188. Antiochic. Orat. Xi. P. 380, 381, ) and Sozomen, (l. V. C. 19. ) Wesseling (Itinerar. P. 581) and Casaubon (ad Hist. August. P. 64)illustrate this curious subject. ]

[Footnote 105: Simulacrum in eo Olympiaci Jovis imitamenti aequiparansmagnitudinem. Ammian. Xxii. 13. The Olympic Jupiter was sixty feet high, and his bulk was consequently equal to that of a thousand men. See acurious Memoire of the Abbe Gedoyn, (Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Ix. P. 198. )]

[Footnote 106: Hadrian read the history of his future fortunes on aleaf dipped in the Castalian stream; a trick which, according to thephysician Vandale, (de Oraculis, p. 281, 282, ) might be easily performedby chemical preparations. The emperor stopped the source of suchdangerous knowledge; which was again opened by the devout curiosity ofJulian. ]

[Footnote 107: It was purchased, A. D. 44, in the year 92 of the aera ofAntioch, (Noris. Epoch. Syro-Maced. P. 139-174, ) for the term ofninety Olympiads. But the Olympic games of Antioch were not regularlycelebrated till the reign of Commodus. See the curious details in theChronicle of John Malala, (tom. I. P. 290, 320, 372-381, ) a writer whosemerit and authority are confined within the limits of his native city. ]

[Footnote 108: Fifteen talents of gold, bequeathed by Sosibius, who diedin the reign of Augustus. The theatrical merits of the Syrian cities inthe reign of Constantine, are computed in the Expositio totius Murd, p. 8, (Hudson, Geograph. Minor tom. Iii. )]

[Footnote 109: Avidio Cassio Syriacas legiones dedi luxuria diffluenteset Daphnicis moribus. These are the words of the emperor MarcusAntoninus in an original letter preserved by his biographer in Hist. August. P. 41. Cassius dismissed or punished every soldier who was seenat Daphne. ]

[Footnote 110: Aliquantum agrorum Daphnensibus dedit, (Pompey, ) quolucus ibi spatiosior fieret; delectatus amoenitate loci et aquarumabundantiz, Eutropius, vi. 14. Sextus Rufus, de Provinciis, c. 16. ]

When Julian, on the day of the annual festival, hastened to adorethe Apollo of Daphne, his devotion was raised to the highest pitchof eagerness and impatience. His lively imagination anticipated thegrateful pomp of victims, of libations and of incense; a long processionof youths and virgins, clothed in white robes, the symbol of theirinnocence; and the tumultuous concourse of an innumerable people. Butthe zeal of Antioch was diverted, since the reign of Christianity, intoa different channel. Instead of hecatombs of fat oxen sacrificed by thetribes of a wealthy city to their tutelar deity the emperor complainsthat he found only a single goose, provided at the expense of a priest, the pale and solitary in habitant of this decayed temple. [111] Thealtar was deserted, the oracle had been reduced to silence, and the holyground was profaned by the introduction of Christian and funereal rites. After Babylas [112] (a bishop of Antioch, who died in prison in thepersecution of Decius) had rested near a century in his grave, his body, by the order of Caesar Gallus, was transported into the midst of thegrove of Daphne. A magnificent church was erected over his remains;a portion of the sacred lands was usurped for the maintenance of theclergy, and for the burial of the Christians at Antioch, who wereambitious of lying at the feet of their bishop; and the priests ofApollo retired, with their affrighted and indignant votaries. As soon asanother revolution seemed to restore the fortune of Paganism, the churchof St. Babylas was demolished, and new buildings were added to themouldering edifice which had been raised by the piety of Syrian kings. But the first and most serious care of Julian was to deliver hisoppressed deity from the odious presence of the dead and livingChristians, who had so effectually suppressed the voice of fraud orenthusiasm. [113] The scene of infection was purified, according tothe forms of ancient rituals; the bodies were decently removed; andthe ministers of the church were permitted to convey the remains ofSt. Babylas to their former habitation within the walls of Antioch. The modest behavior which might have assuaged the jealousy of ahostile government was neglected, on this occasion, by the zeal of theChristians. The lofty car, that transported the relics of Babylas, wasfollowed, and accompanied, and received, by an innumerable multitude;who chanted, with thundering acclamations, the Psalms of David the mostexpressive of their contempt for idols and idolaters. The return of thesaint was a triumph; and the triumph was an insult on the religion ofthe emperor, who exerted his pride to dissemble his resentment. Duringthe night which terminated this indiscreet procession, the temple ofDaphne was in flames; the statue of Apollo was consumed; and thewalls of the edifice were left a naked and awful monument of ruin. TheChristians of Antioch asserted, with religious confidence, that thepowerful intercession of St. Babylas had pointed the lightnings ofheaven against the devoted roof: but as Julian was reduced to thealternative of believing either a crime or a miracle, he chose, withouthesitation, without evidence, but with some color of probability, toimpute the fire of Daphne to the revenge of the Galilaeans. [114] Theiroffence, had it been sufficiently proved, might have justified theretaliation, which was immediately executed by the order of Julian, ofshutting the doors, and confiscating the wealth, of the cathedral ofAntioch. To discover the criminals who were guilty of the tumult, ofthe fire, or of secreting the riches of the church, several of theecclesiastics were tortured; [115] and a Presbyter, of the name ofTheodoret, was beheaded by the sentence of the Count of the East. Butthis hasty act was blamed by the emperor; who lamented, with real oraffected concern, that the imprudent zeal of his ministers would tarnishhis reign with the disgrace of persecution. [116]

[Footnote 111: Julian (Misopogon, p. 367, 362) discovers his owncharacter with naivete, that unconscious simplicity which alwaysconstitutes genuine humor. ]

[Footnote 112: Babylas is named by Eusebius in the succession of thebishops of Antioch, (Hist. Eccles. L. Vi. C. 29, 39. ) His triumph overtwo emperors (the first fabulous, the second historical) is diffuselycelebrated by Chrysostom, (tom. Ii. P. 536-579, edit. Montfaucon. )Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Iii. Part ii. P. 287-302, 459-465) becomesalmost a sceptic. ]

[Footnote 113: Ecclesiastical critics, particularly those who loverelics, exult in the confession of Julian (Misopogon, p. 361) andLibanius, (Laenia, p. 185, ) that Apollo was disturbed by the vicinityof one dead man. Yet Ammianus (xxii. 12) clears and purifies the wholeground, according to the rites which the Athenians formerly practised inthe Isle of Delos. ]

[Footnote 114: Julian (in Misopogon, p. 361) rather insinuates, thanaffirms, their guilt. Ammianus (xxii. 13) treats the imputation aslevissimus rumor, and relates the story with extraordinary candor. ]

[Footnote 115: Quo tam atroci casu repente consumpto, ad id usquee imperatoris ira provexit, ut quaestiones agitare juberet solitoacriores, (yet Julian blames the lenity of the magistrates of Antioch, )et majorem ecclesiam Antiochiae claudi. This interdiction was performedwith some circumstances of indignity and profanation; and the seasonabledeath of the principal actor, Julian's uncle, is related with muchsuperstitious complacency by the Abbe de la Bleterie. Vie de Julien, p. 362-369. ]

[Footnote 116: Besides the ecclesiastical historians, who are more orless to be suspected, we may allege the passion of St. Theodore, in theActa Sincera of Ruinart, p. 591. The complaint of Julian gives it anoriginal and authentic air. ]

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian. --Part V. 

The zeal of the ministers of Julian was instantly checked by the frownof their sovereign; but when the father of his country declares himselfthe leader of a faction, the license of popular fury cannot easily berestrained, nor consistently punished. Julian, in a public composition, applauds the devotion and loyalty of the holy cities of Syria, whosepious inhabitants had destroyed, at the first signal, the sepulchresof the Galilaeans; and faintly complains, that they had revengedthe injuries of the gods with less moderation than he should haverecommended. [117] This imperfect and reluctant confession may appearto confirm the ecclesiastical narratives; that in the cities of Gaza, Ascalon, Caesarea, Heliopolis, &c. , the Pagans abused, without prudenceor remorse, the moment of their prosperity. That the unhappy objectsof their cruelty were released from torture only by death; and as theirmangled bodies were dragged through the streets, they were pierced(such was the universal rage) by the spits of cooks, and the distaffs ofenraged women; and that the entrails of Christian priests and virgins, after they had been tasted by those bloody fanatics, were mixed withbarley, and contemptuously thrown to the unclean animals of the city. [118] Such scenes of religious madness exhibit the most contemptible andodious picture of human nature; but the massacre of Alexandria attractsstill more attention, from the certainty of the fact, the rank of thevictims, and the splendor of the capital of Egypt. 

[Footnote 117: Julian. Misopogon, p. 361. ]

[Footnote 118: See Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iii. P. 87. ) Sozomen (l. V. C. 9) may be considered as an original, though not impartial, witness. He was a native of Gaza, and had conversed with the confessor Zeno, who, as bishop of Maiuma, lived to the age of a hundred, (l. Vii. C. 28. )Philostorgius (l. Vii. C. 4, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 284) addssome tragic circumstances, of Christians who were literally sacrificedat the altars of the gods, &c. ]

George, [119] from his parents or his education, surnamed theCappadocian, was born at Epiphania in Cilicia, in a fuller's shop. Fromthis obscure and servile origin he raised himself by the talents of aparasite; and the patrons, whom he assiduously flattered, procured fortheir worthless dependent a lucrative commission, or contract, to supplythe army with bacon. His employment was mean; he rendered it infamous. He accumulated wealth by the basest arts of fraud and corruption; buthis malversations were so notorious, that George was compelled to escapefrom the pursuits of justice. After this disgrace, in which he appearsto have saved his fortune at the expense of his honor, he embraced, withreal or affected zeal, the profession of Arianism. From the love, orthe ostentation, of learning, he collected a valuable library ofhistory rhetoric, philosophy, and theology, [120] and the choice ofthe prevailing faction promoted George of Cappadocia to the throne ofAthanasius. The entrance of the new archbishop was that of a Barbarianconqueror; and each moment of his reign was polluted by cruelty andavarice. The Catholics of Alexandria and Egypt were abandoned to atyrant, qualified, by nature and education, to exercise the officeof persecution; but he oppressed with an impartial hand the variousinhabitants of his extensive diocese. The primate of Egypt assumed thepomp and insolence of his lofty station; but he still betrayed the vicesof his base and servile extraction. The merchants of Alexandria wereimpoverished by the unjust, and almost universal, monopoly, which heacquired, of nitre, salt, paper, funerals, &c. : and the spiritual fatherof a great people condescended to practise the vile and pernicious artsof an informer. The Alexandrians could never forget, nor forgive, the tax, which he suggested, on all the houses of the city; under anobsolete claim, that the royal founder had conveyed to his successors, the Ptolemies and the Caesars, the perpetual property of the soil. ThePagans, who had been flattered with the hopes of freedom and toleration, excited his devout avarice; and the rich temples of Alexandria wereeither pillaged or insulted by the haughty prince, who exclaimed, in aloud and threatening tone, "How long will these sepulchres be permittedto stand?" Under the reign of Constantius, he was expelled by thefury, or rather by the justice, of the people; and it was not without aviolent struggle, that the civil and military powers of the statecould restore his authority, and gratify his revenge. The messenger whoproclaimed at Alexandria the accession of Julian, announced the downfallof the archbishop. George, with two of his obsequious ministers, CountDiodorus, and Dracontius, master of the mint were ignominiously draggedin chains to the public prison. At the end of twenty-four days, theprison was forced open by the rage of a superstitious multitude, impatient of the tedious forms of judicial proceedings. The enemies ofgods and men expired under their cruel insults; the lifeless bodies ofthe archbishop and his associates were carried in triumph throughthe streets on the back of a camel; [120] and the inactivity of theAthanasian party [121] was esteemed a shining example of evangelicalpatience. The remains of these guilty wretches were thrown into thesea; and the popular leaders of the tumult declared their resolution todisappoint the devotion of the Christians, and to intercept the futurehonors of these martyrs, who had been punished, like their predecessors, by the enemies of their religion. [122] The fears of the Pagans werejust, and their precautions ineffectual. The meritorious death of thearchbishop obliterated the memory of his life. The rival of Athanasiuswas dear and sacred to the Arians, and the seeming conversion of thosesectaries introduced his worship into the bosom of the Catholic church. [123] The odious stranger, disguising every circumstance of time andplace, assumed the mask of a martyr, a saint, and a Christian hero;[124] and the infamous George of Cappadocia has been transformed[125] into the renowned St. George of England, the patron of arms, ofchivalry, and of the garter. [126]

[Footnote 119: The life and death of George of Cappadocia are describedby Ammianus, (xxii. 11, ) Gregory of Nazianzen, (Orat. Xxi. P. 382, 385, 389, 390, ) and Epiphanius, (Haeres. Lxxvi. ) The invectives of the twosaints might not deserve much credit, unless they were confirmed by thetestimony of the cool and impartial infidel. ]

[Footnote 120: After the massacre of George, the emperor Julianrepeatedly sent orders to preserve the library for his own use, and totorture the slaves who might be suspected of secreting any books. Hepraises the merit of the collection, from whence he had borrowedand transcribed several manuscripts while he pursued his studies inCappadocia. He could wish, indeed, that the works of the Galiaeansmight perish but he requires an exact account even of those theologicalvolumes lest other treatises more valuable should be confounded in theirless Julian. Epist. Ix. Xxxvi. ]

[Footnote 120a: Julian himself says, that they tore him to pieces likedogs, Epist. X. --M. ]

[Footnote 121: Philostorgius, with cautious malice, insinuates theirguilt, l. Vii. C. Ii. Godefroy p. 267. ]

[Footnote 122: Cineres projecit in mare, id metuens ut clamabat, ne, collectis supremis, aedes illis exstruerentur ut reliquis, qui deviarea religione compulsi, pertulere, cruciabiles poenas, adusque gloriosammortem intemerata fide progressi, et nunc Martyres appellantur. Ammian. Xxii. 11. Epiphanius proves to the Arians, that George was not amartyr. ]

[Footnote 123: Some Donatists (Optatus Milev. P. 60, 303, edit. Dupin; and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vi. P. 713, in 4to. ) andPriscillianists (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 517, in 4to. )have in like manner usurped the honors of the Catholic saints andmartyrs. ]

[Footnote 124: The saints of Cappadocia, Basil, and the Gregories, wereignorant of their holy companion. Pope Gelasius, (A. D. 494, ) the firstCatholic who acknowledges St. George, places him among the martyrs"qui Deo magis quam hominibus noti sunt. " He rejects his Acts as thecomposition of heretics. Some, perhaps, not the oldest, of the spuriousActs, are still extant; and, through a cloud of fiction, we may yetdistinguish the combat which St. George of Cappadocia sustained, in thepresence of Queen Alexandria, against the magician Afhanasius. ]

[Footnote 125: This transformation is not given as absolutely certain, but as extremely probable. See the Longueruana, tom. I. P. 194. ----Note: The late Dr. Milner (the Roman Catholic bishop) wrote a tractto vindicate the existence and the orthodoxy of the tutelar saint ofEngland. He succeeds, I think, in tracing the worship of St. George upto a period which makes it improbable that so notorious an Arian couldbe palmed upon the Catholic church as a saint and a martyr. The Actsrejected by Gelasius may have been of Arian origin, and designed toingraft the story of their hero on the obscure adventures of someearlier saint. See an Historical and Critical Inquiry into the Existenceand Character of Saint George, in a letter to the Earl of Leicester, bythe Rev. J. Milner. F. S. A. London 1792. --M. ]

[Footnote 126: A curious history of the worship of St. George, from thesixth century, (when he was already revered in Palestine, in Armeniaat Rome, and at Treves in Gaul, ) might be extracted from Dr. Heylin(History of St. George, 2d edition, London, 1633, in 4to. P. 429) andthe Bollandists, (Act. Ss. Mens. April. Tom. Iii. P. 100-163. ) His fameand popularity in Europe, and especially in England, proceeded from theCrusades. ]

About the same time that Julian was informed of the tumult ofAlexandria, he received intelligence from Edessa, that the proudand wealthy faction of the Arians had insulted the weakness of theValentinians, and committed such disorders as ought not to be sufferedwith impunity in a well-regulated state. Without expecting the slowforms of justice, the exasperated prince directed his mandate to themagistrates of Edessa, [127] by which he confiscated the whole propertyof the church: the money was distributed among the soldiers; the landswere added to the domain; and this act of oppression was aggravatedby the most ungenerous irony. "I show myself, " says Julian, "the truefriend of the Galilaeans. Their admirable law has promised the kingdomof heaven to the poor; and they will advance with more diligence in thepaths of virtue and salvation, when they are relieved by my assistancefrom the load of temporal possessions. Take care, " pursued the monarch, in a more serious tone, "take care how you provoke my patience andhumanity. If these disorders continue, I will revenge on the magistratesthe crimes of the people; and you will have reason to dread, notonly confiscation and exile, but fire and the sword. " The tumults ofAlexandria were doubtless of a more bloody and dangerous nature: but aChristian bishop had fallen by the hands of the Pagans; and the publicepistle of Julian affords a very lively proof of the partial spirit ofhis administration. His reproaches to the citizens of Alexandria aremingled with expressions of esteem and tenderness; and he laments, that, on this occasion, they should have departed from the gentle and generousmanners which attested their Grecian extraction. He gravely censuresthe offence which they had committed against the laws of justiceand humanity; but he recapitulates, with visible complacency, theintolerable provocations which they had so long endured from the impioustyranny of George of Cappadocia. Julian admits the principle, thata wise and vigorous government should chastise the insolence of thepeople; yet, in consideration of their founder Alexander, and of Serapistheir tutelar deity, he grants a free and gracious pardon to the guiltycity, for which he again feels the affection of a brother. [128]

[Footnote 127: Julian. Epist. Xliii. ]

[Footnote 128: Julian. Epist. X. He allowed his friends to assuage hisanger Ammian. Xxii. 11. ]

After the tumult of Alexandria had subsided, Athanasius, amidst thepublic acclamations, seated himself on the throne from whence hisunworthy competitor had been precipitated: and as the zeal of thearchbishop was tempered with discretion, the exercise of his authoritytended not to inflame, but to reconcile, the minds of the people. Hispastoral labors were not confined to the narrow limits of Egypt. Thestate of the Christian world was present to his active and capaciousmind; and the age, the merit, the reputation of Athanasius, enabled himto assume, in a moment of danger, the office of Ecclesiastical Dictator. [129] Three years were not yet elapsed since the majority of the bishopsof the West had ignorantly, or reluctantly, subscribed the Confession ofRimini. They repented, they believed, but they dreaded the unseasonablerigor of their orthodox brethren; and if their pride was stronger thantheir faith, they might throw themselves into the arms of the Arians, toescape the indignity of a public penance, which must degrade them to thecondition of obscure laymen. At the same time the domestic differencesconcerning the union and distinction of the divine persons, wereagitated with some heat among the Catholic doctors; and the progress ofthis metaphysical controversy seemed to threaten a public and lastingdivision of the Greek and Latin churches. By the wisdom of a selectsynod, to which the name and presence of Athanasius gave the authorityof a general council, the bishops, who had unwarily deviated into error, were admitted to the communion of the church, on the easy condition ofsubscribing the Nicene Creed; without any formal acknowledgment of theirpast fault, or any minute definition of their scholastic opinions. Theadvice of the primate of Egypt had already prepared the clergy of Gauland Spain, of Italy and Greece, for the reception of this salutarymeasure; and, notwithstanding the opposition of some ardent spirits, [130] the fear of the common enemy promoted the peace and harmony of theChristians. [131]

[Footnote 129: See Athanas. Ad Rufin. Tom. Ii. P. 40, 41, and Greg. Nazianzen Orat. Iii. P. 395, 396; who justly states the temperate zealof the primate, as much more meritorious than his prayers, his fasts, his persecutions, &c. ]

[Footnote 130: I have not leisure to follow the blind obstinacy ofLucifer of Cagliari. See his adventures in Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 900-926;) and observe how the color of the narrative insensiblychanges, as the confessor becomes a schismatic. ]

[Footnote 131: Assensus est huic sententiae Occidens, et, per tamnecessarium conilium, Satanae faucibus mundus ereptus. The lively andartful dialogue of Jerom against the Luciferians (tom. Ii. P. 135-155)exhibits an original picture of the ecclesiastical policy of the times. ]

The skill and diligence of the primate of Egypt had improved the seasonof tranquillity, before it was interrupted by the hostile edicts of theemperor. [132] Julian, who despised the Christians, honored Athanasiuswith his sincere and peculiar hatred. For his sake alone, he introducedan arbitrary distinction, repugnant at least to the spirit of his formerdeclarations. He maintained, that the Galilaeans, whom he had recalledfrom exile, were not restored, by that general indulgence, tothe possession of their respective churches; and he expressed hisastonishment, that a criminal, who had been repeatedly condemned by thejudgment of the emperors, should dare to insult the majesty of the laws, and insolently usurp the archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria, withoutexpecting the orders of his sovereign. As a punishment for the imaginaryoffence, he again banished Athanasius from the city; and he was pleasedto suppose, that this act of justice would be highly agreeable to hispious subjects. The pressing solicitations of the people soon convincedhim, that the majority of the Alexandrians were Christians; and thatthe greatest part of the Christians were firmly attached to the cause oftheir oppressed primate. But the knowledge of their sentiments, insteadof persuading him to recall his decree, provoked him to extend to allEgypt the term of the exile of Athanasius. The zeal of the multituderendered Julian still more inexorable: he was alarmed by the danger ofleaving at the head of a tumultuous city, a daring and popular leader;and the language of his resentment discovers the opinion which heentertained of the courage and abilities of Athanasius. The executionof the sentence was still delayed, by the caution or negligence ofEcdicius, praefect of Egypt, who was at length awakened from hislethargy by a severe reprimand. "Though you neglect, " says Julian, "towrite to me on any other subject, at least it is your duty to inform meof your conduct towards Athanasius, the enemy of the gods. My intentionshave been long since communicated to you. I swear by the great Serapis, that unless, on the calends of December, Athanasius has departed fromAlexandria, nay, from Egypt, the officers of your government shall paya fine of one hundred pounds of gold. You know my temper: I am slow tocondemn, but I am still slower to forgive. " This epistle was enforced bya short postscript, written with the emperor's own hand. "The contemptthat is shown for all the gods fills me with grief and indignation. There is nothing that I should see, nothing that I should hear, withmore pleasure, than the expulsion of Athanasius from all Egypt. Theabominable wretch! Under my reign, the baptism of several Grecian ladiesof the highest rank has been the effect of his persecutions. " [133] Thedeath of Athanasius was not expressly commanded; but the praefect ofEgypt understood that it was safer for him to exceed, than to neglect, the orders of an irritated master. The archbishop prudently retired tothe monasteries of the Desert; eluded, with his usual dexterity, thesnares of the enemy; and lived to triumph over the ashes of a prince, who, in words of formidable import, had declared his wish that the wholevenom of the Galilaean school were contained in the single person ofAthanasius. [134] [134a]

[Footnote 132: Tillemont, who supposes that George was massacred inAugust crowds the actions of Athanasius into a narrow space, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 360. ) An original fragment, published by theMarquis Maffei, from the old Chapter library of Verona, (OsservazioniLetterarie, tom. Iii. P. 60-92, ) affords many important dates, which areauthenticated by the computation of Egyptian months. ]

[Footnote 133: I have preserved the ambiguous sense of the last word, the ambiguity of a tyrant who wished to find, or to create, guilt. ]

[Footnote 134: The three epistles of Julian, which explain hisintentions and conduct with regard to Athanasius, should be disposed inthe following chronological order, xxvi. X. Vi. * See likewise, Greg. Nazianzen xxi. P. 393. Sozomen, l. V. C. 15. Socrates, l. Iii. C. 14. Theodoret, l iii. C. 9, and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 361-368, who has used some materials prepared by the Bollandists. ]

[Footnote 134a: The sentence in the text is from Epist. Li. Addressed tothe people of Alexandria. --M. ]

I have endeavored faithfully to represent the artful system by whichJulian proposed to obtain the effects, without incurring the guilt, or reproach, of persecution. But if the deadly spirit of fanaticismperverted the heart and understanding of a virtuous prince, it must, atthe same time, be confessed that the real sufferings of the Christianswere inflamed and magnified by human passions and religious enthusiasm. The meekness and resignation which had distinguished the primitivedisciples of the gospel, was the object of the applause, rather than ofthe imitation of their successors. The Christians, who had now possessedabove forty years the civil and ecclesiastical government of the empire, had contracted the insolent vices of prosperity, [135] and the habit ofbelieving that the saints alone were entitled to reign over the earth. As soon as the enmity of Julian deprived the clergy of the privilegeswhich had been conferred by the favor of Constantine, they complainedof the most cruel oppression; and the free toleration of idolaters andheretics was a subject of grief and scandal to the orthodox party. [136] The acts of violence, which were no longer countenanced bythe magistrates, were still committed by the zeal of the people. AtPessinus, the altar of Cybele was overturned almost in the presence ofthe emperor; and in the city of Caesarea in Cappadocia, the temple ofFortune, the sole place of worship which had been left to the Pagans, was destroyed by the rage of a popular tumult. On these occasions, a prince, who felt for the honor of the gods, was not disposed tointerrupt the course of justice; and his mind was still more deeplyexasperated, when he found that the fanatics, who had deserved andsuffered the punishment of incendiaries, were rewarded with the honorsof martyrdom. [137] The Christian subjects of Julian were assured of thehostile designs of their sovereign; and, to their jealous apprehension, every circumstance of his government might afford some grounds ofdiscontent and suspicion. In the ordinary administration of thelaws, the Christians, who formed so large a part of the people, mustfrequently be condemned: but their indulgent brethren, without examiningthe merits of the cause, presumed their innocence, allowed theirclaims, and imputed the severity of their judge to the partial maliceof religious persecution. [138] These present hardships, intolerable asthey might appear, were represented as a slight prelude of the impendingcalamities. The Christians considered Julian as a cruel and craftytyrant; who suspended the execution of his revenge till he should returnvictorious from the Persian war. They expected, that as soon as hehad triumphed over the foreign enemies of Rome, he would lay aside theirksome mask of dissimulation; that the amphitheatre would stream withthe blood of hermits and bishops; and that the Christians who stillpersevered in the profession of the faith, would be deprived of thecommon benefits of nature and society. [139] Every calumny [140] thatcould wound the reputation of the Apostate, was credulously embraced bythe fears and hatred of his adversaries; and their indiscreet clamorsprovoked the temper of a sovereign, whom it was their duty to respect, and their interest to flatter. 

They still protested, that prayers and tears were their only weaponsagainst the impious tyrant, whose head they devoted to the justice ofoffended Heaven. But they insinuated, with sullen resolution, thattheir submission was no longer the effect of weakness; and that, inthe imperfect state of human virtue, the patience, which is foundedon principle, may be exhausted by persecution. It is impossible todetermine how far the zeal of Julian would have prevailed over his goodsense and humanity; but if we seriously reflect on the strength andspirit of the church, we shall be convinced, that before the emperorcould have extinguished the religion of Christ, he must have involvedhis country in the horrors of a civil war. [141]

[Footnote 135: See the fair confession of Gregory, (Orat. Iii. P. 61, 62. )]

[Footnote 136: Hear the furious and absurd complaint of Optatus, (deSchismat Denatist. L. Ii. C. 16, 17. )]

[Footnote 137: Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iii. P. 91, iv. P. 133. He praisesthe rioters of Caesarea. See Sozomen, l. V. 4, 11. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 649, 650) owns, that their behavior was not dansl'ordre commun: but he is perfectly satisfied, as the great St. Basilalways celebrated the festival of these blessed martyrs. ]

[Footnote 138: Julian determined a lawsuit against the new Christiancity at Maiuma, the port of Gaza; and his sentence, though it might beimputed to bigotry, was never reversed by his successors. Sozomen, l. V. C. 3. Reland, Palestin. Tom. Ii. P. 791. ]

[Footnote 139: Gregory (Orat. Iii. P. 93, 94, 95. Orat. Iv. P. 114)pretends to speak from the information of Julian's confidants, whomOrosius (vii. 30) could not have seen. ]

[Footnote 140: Gregory (Orat. Iii. P. 91) charges the Apostate withsecret sacrifices of boys and girls; and positively affirms, that thedead bodies were thrown into the Orontes. See Theodoret, l. Iii. C. 26, 27; and the equivocal candor of the Abbe de la Bleterie, Vie de Julien, p. 351, 352. Yet contemporary malice could not impute to Julian thetroops of martyrs, more especially in the West, which Baronius sogreedily swallows, and Tillemont so faintly rejects, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 1295-1315. )]

[Footnote 141: The resignation of Gregory is truly edifying, (Orat. Iv. P. 123, 124. ) Yet, when an officer of Julian attempted to seize thechurch of Nazianzus, he would have lost his life, if he had not yieldedto the zeal of the bishop and people, (Orat. Xix. P. 308. ) See thereflections of Chrysostom, as they are alleged by Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 575. )]

Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian. --Part I. 

Residence Of Julian At Antioch. --His Successful Expedition AgainstThe Persians. --Passage Of The Tigris--The Retreat And Death OfJulian. --Election Of Jovian. --He Saves The Roman Army By A DisgracefulTreaty. The philosophical fable which Julian composed under the nameof the Caesars, [1] is one of the most agreeable and instructiveproductions of ancient wit. [2] During the freedom and equality of thedays of the Saturnalia, Romulus prepared a feast for the deities ofOlympus, who had adopted him as a worthy associate, and for the Romanprinces, who had reigned over his martial people, and the vanquishednations of the earth. The immortals were placed in just order on theirthrones of state, and the table of the Caesars was spread below the Moonin the upper region of the air. The tyrants, who would have disgracedthe society of gods and men, were thrown headlong, by the inexorableNemesis, into the Tartarean abyss. The rest of the Caesars successivelyadvanced to their seats; and as they passed, the vices, the defects, theblemishes of their respective characters, were maliciously noticedby old Silenus, a laughing moralist, who disguised the wisdom of aphilosopher under the mask of a Bacchanal. [3] As soon as the feastwas ended, the voice of Mercury proclaimed the will of Jupiter, that acelestial crown should be the reward of superior merit. Julius Caesar, Augustus, Trajan, and Marcus Antoninus, were selected as the mostillustrious candidates; the effeminate Constantine [4] was not excludedfrom this honorable competition, and the great Alexander was invited todispute the prize of glory with the Roman heroes. Each of the candidateswas allowed to display the merit of his own exploits; but, in thejudgment of the gods, the modest silence of Marcus pleaded morepowerfully than the elaborate orations of his haughty rivals. When thejudges of this awful contest proceeded to examine the heart, and toscrutinize the springs of action, the superiority of the Imperial Stoicappeared still more decisive and conspicuous. [5] Alexander and Caesar, Augustus, Trajan, and Constantine, acknowledged, with a blush, thatfame, or power, or pleasure had been the important object of theirlabors: but the gods themselves beheld, with reverence and love, a virtuous mortal, who had practised on the throne the lessons ofphilosophy; and who, in a state of human imperfection, had aspired toimitate the moral attributes of the Deity. The value of this agreeablecomposition (the Caesars of Julian) is enhanced by the rank of theauthor. A prince, who delineates, with freedom, the vices and virtues ofhis predecessors, subscribes, in every line, the censure or approbationof his own conduct. 

[Footnote 1: See this fable or satire, p. 306-336 of the Leipsig editionof Julian's works. The French version of the learned Ezekiel Spanheim(Paris, 1683) is coarse, languid, and correct; and his notes, proofs, illustrations, &c. , are piled on each other till they form a mass of557 close-printed quarto pages. The Abbe' de la Bleterie (Vie de Jovien, tom. I. P. 241-393) has more happily expressed the spirit, as well asthe sense, of the original, which he illustrates with some concise andcurious notes. ]

[Footnote 2: Spanheim (in his preface) has most learnedly discussed theetymology, origin, resemblance, and disagreement of the Greek satyrs, a dramatic piece, which was acted after the tragedy; and the Latinsatires, (from Satura, ) a miscellaneous composition, either in prose orverse. But the Caesars of Julian are of such an original cast, that thecritic is perplexed to which class he should ascribe them. * Note: Seealso Casaubon de Satira, with Rambach's observations. --M. ]

[Footnote 3: This mixed character of Silenus is finely painted in thesixth eclogue of Virgil. ]

[Footnote 4: Every impartial reader must perceive and condemn thepartiality of Julian against his uncle Constantine, and the Christianreligion. On this occasion, the interpreters are compelled, by a mostsacred interest, to renounce their allegiance, and to desert the causeof their author. ]

[Footnote 5: Julian was secretly inclined to prefer a Greek to aRoman. But when he seriously compared a hero with a philosopher, he wassensible that mankind had much greater obligations to Socrates than toAlexander, (Orat. Ad Themistium, p. 264. )]

In the cool moments of reflection, Julian preferred the useful andbenevolent virtues of Antoninus; but his ambitious spirit was inflamedby the glory of Alexander; and he solicited, with equal ardor, theesteem of the wise, and the applause of the multitude. In the season oflife when the powers of the mind and body enjoy the most active vigor, the emperor who was instructed by the experience, and animated by thesuccess, of the German war, resolved to signalize his reign by some moresplendid and memorable achievement. The ambassadors of the East, fromthe continent of India, and the Isle of Ceylon, [6] had respectfullysaluted the Roman purple. [7] The nations of the West esteemed anddreaded the personal virtues of Julian, both in peace and war. Hedespised the trophies of a Gothic victory, and was satisfied that therapacious Barbarians of the Danube would be restrained from any futureviolation of the faith of treaties by the terror of his name, and theadditional fortifications with which he strengthened the Thracian andIllyrian frontiers. The successor of Cyrus and Artaxerxes was the onlyrival whom he deemed worthy of his arms; and he resolved, by the finalconquest of Persia, to chastise the naughty nation which had so longresisted and insulted the majesty of Rome. [9] As soon as the Persianmonarch was informed that the throne of Constantius was filed by aprince of a very different character, he condescended to make someartful, or perhaps sincere, overtures towards a negotiation of peace. But the pride of Sapor was astonished by the firmness of Julian;who sternly declared, that he would never consent to hold a peacefulconference among the flames and ruins of the cities of Mesopotamia; andwho added, with a smile of contempt, that it was needless to treat byambassadors, as he himself had determined to visit speedily the courtof Persia. The impatience of the emperor urged the diligence of themilitary preparations. The generals were named; and Julian, marchingfrom Constantinople through the provinces of Asia Minor, arrived atAntioch about eight months after the death of his predecessor. Hisardent desire to march into the heart of Persia, was checked by theindispensable duty of regulating the state of the empire; by his zeal torevive the worship of the gods; and by the advice of his wisest friends;who represented the necessity of allowing the salutary interval ofwinter quarters, to restore the exhausted strength of the legions ofGaul, and the discipline and spirit of the Eastern troops. Julian waspersuaded to fix, till the ensuing spring, his residence at Antioch, among a people maliciously disposed to deride the haste, and to censurethe delays, of their sovereign. [10]

[Footnote 6: Inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum aonis optimatesmittentibus. .. . Ab usque Divis et Serendivis. Ammian. Xx. 7. This island, to which the names of Taprobana, Serendib, and Ceylon, havebeen successively applied, manifests how imperfectly the seas and landsto the east of Cape Comorin were known to the Romans. 1. Under the reignof Claudius, a freedman, who farmed the customs of the Red Sea, wasaccidentally driven by the winds upon this strange and undiscoveredcoast: he conversed six months with the natives; and the king of Ceylon, who heard, for the first time, of the power and justice of Rome, waspersuaded to send an embassy to the emperor. (Plin. Hist. Nat. Vi. 24. )2. The geographers (and even Ptolemy) have magnified, above fifteentimes, the real size of this new world, which they extended as far asthe equator, and the neighborhood of China. * Note: The name of Divagens or Divorum regio, according to the probable conjecture of M. Letronne, (Trois Mem. Acad. P. 127, ) was applied by the ancients to thewhole eastern coast of the Indian Peninsula, from Ceylon to the Canges. The name may be traced in Devipatnam, Devidan, Devicotta, Divinelly, thepoint of Divy. ----M. Letronne, p. 121, considers the freedman with hisembassy from Ceylon to have been an impostor. --M. ]

[Footnote 7: These embassies had been sent to Constantius. Ammianus, whounwarily deviates into gross flattery, must have forgotten the length ofthe way, and the short duration of the reign of Julian. ]

[Footnote 8: Gothos saepe fallaces et perfidos; hostes quaerere semeliores aiebat: illis enim sufficere mercators Galatas per quos ubiquesine conditionis discrimine venumdantur. (Ammian. Xxii. 7. ) Within lessthan fifteen years, these Gothic slaves threatened and subdued theirmasters. ]

[Footnote 9: Alexander reminds his rival Caesar, who depreciated thefame and merit of an Asiatic victory, that Crassus and Antony had feltthe Persian arrows; and that the Romans, in a war of three hundredyears, had not yet subdued the single province of Mesopotamia orAssyria, (Caesares, p. 324. )]

[Footnote 10: The design of the Persian war is declared by Ammianus, (xxii. 7, 12, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 79, 80, p. 305, 306, )Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 158, ) and Socrates, (l. Iii. C. 19. )]

If Julian had flattered himself, that his personal connection with thecapital of the East would be productive of mutual satisfaction to theprince and people, he made a very false estimate of his own character, and of the manners of Antioch. [11] The warmth of the climate disposedthe natives to the most intemperate enjoyment of tranquillity andopulence; and the lively licentiousness of the Greeks was blendedwith the hereditary softness of the Syrians. Fashion was the only law, pleasure the only pursuit, and the splendor of dress and furniture wasthe only distinction of the citizens of Antioch. The arts of luxury werehonored; the serious and manly virtues were the subject of ridicule; andthe contempt for female modesty and reverent age announced the universalcorruption of the capital of the East. The love of spectacles was thetaste, or rather passion, of the Syrians; the most skilful artists wereprocured from the adjacent cities; [12] a considerable share of therevenue was devoted to the public amusements; and the magnificence ofthe games of the theatre and circus was considered as the happiness andas the glory of Antioch. The rustic manners of a prince who disdainedsuch glory, and was insensible of such happiness, soon disgusted thedelicacy of his subjects; and the effeminate Orientals could neitherimitate, nor admire, the severe simplicity which Julian alwaysmaintained, and sometimes affected. The days of festivity, consecrated, by ancient custom, to the honor of the gods, were the only occasions inwhich Julian relaxed his philosophic severity; and those festivalswere the only days in which the Syrians of Antioch could reject theallurements of pleasure. The majority of the people supported the gloryof the Christian name, which had been first invented by their ancestors:[13] they contended themselves with disobeying the moral precepts, butthey were scrupulously attached to the speculative doctrines of theirreligion. The church of Antioch was distracted by heresy and schism; butthe Arians and the Athanasians, the followers of Meletius and those ofPaulinus, [14] were actuated by the same pious hatred of their commonadversary. 

[Footnote 11: The Satire of Julian, and the Homilies of St. Chrysostom, exhibit the same picture of Antioch. The miniature which the Abbe de laBleterie has copied from thence, (Vie de Julian, p. 332, ) is elegant andcorrect. ]

[Footnote 12: Laodicea furnished charioteers; Tyre and Berytus, comedians; Caesarea, pantomimes; Heliopolis, singers; Gaza, gladiators, Ascalon, wrestlers; and Castabala, rope-dancers. See the Expositiototius Mundi, p. 6, in the third tome of Hudson's Minor Geographers. ]

[Footnote 13: The people of Antioch ingenuously professed theirattachment to the Chi, (Christ, ) and the Kappa, (Constantius. ) Julian inMisopogon, p. 357. ]

[Footnote 14: The schism of Antioch, which lasted eighty-five years, (A. D. 330-415, ) was inflamed, while Julian resided in that city, by theindiscreet ordination of Paulinus. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Iii. P. 803 of the quarto edition, (Paris, 1701, &c, ) which henceforward Ishall quote. ]

The strongest prejudice was entertained against the character of anapostate, the enemy and successor of a prince who had engaged theaffections of a very numerous sect; and the removal of St. Babylasexcited an implacable opposition to the person of Julian. His subjectscomplained, with superstitious indignation, that famine had pursued theemperor's steps from Constantinople to Antioch; and the discontent ofa hungry people was exasperated by the injudicious attempt to relievetheir distress. The inclemency of the season had affected the harvestsof Syria; and the price of bread, [15] in the markets of Antioch, hadnaturally risen in proportion to the scarcity of corn. But the fairand reasonable proportion was soon violated by the rapacious arts ofmonopoly. In this unequal contest, in which the produce of the land isclaimed by one party as his exclusive property, is used by another as alucrative object of trade, and is required by a third for the daily andnecessary support of life, all the profits of the intermediate agentsare accumulated on the head of the defenceless customers. The hardshipsof their situation were exaggerated and increased by their ownimpatience and anxiety; and the apprehension of a scarcity graduallyproduced the appearances of a famine. When the luxurious citizensof Antioch complained of the high price of poultry and fish, Julianpublicly declared, that a frugal city ought to be satisfied with aregular supply of wine, oil, and bread; but he acknowledged, that it wasthe duty of a sovereign to provide for the subsistence of his people. With this salutary view, the emperor ventured on a very dangerous anddoubtful step, of fixing, by legal authority, the value of corn. Heenacted, that, in a time of scarcity, it should be sold at a price whichhad seldom been known in the most plentiful years; and that his ownexample might strengthen his laws, he sent into the market four hundredand twenty-two thousand modii, or measures, which were drawn by hisorder from the granaries of Hierapolis, of Chalcis, and even of Egypt. The consequences might have been foreseen, and were soon felt. TheImperial wheat was purchased by the rich merchants; the proprietors ofland, or of corn, withheld from the city the accustomed supply; and thesmall quantities that appeared in the market were secretly sold at anadvanced and illegal price. Julian still continued to applaud his ownpolicy, treated the complaints of the people as a vain and ungratefulmurmur, and convinced Antioch that he had inherited the obstinacy, though not the cruelty, of his brother Gallus. [16] The remonstrances ofthe municipal senate served only to exasperate his inflexible mind. He was persuaded, perhaps with truth, that the senators of Antioch whopossessed lands, or were concerned in trade, had themselves contributedto the calamities of their country; and he imputed the disrespectfulboldness which they assumed, to the sense, not of public duty, but ofprivate interest. The whole body, consisting of two hundred of the mostnoble and wealthy citizens, were sent, under a guard, from the palace tothe prison; and though they were permitted, before the close of evening, to return to their respective houses, [17] the emperor himself couldnot obtain the forgiveness which he had so easily granted. The samegrievances were still the subject of the same complaints, which wereindustriously circulated by the wit and levity of the Syrian Greeks. During the licentious days of the Saturnalia, the streets of the cityresounded with insolent songs, which derided the laws, the religion, the personal conduct, and even the beard, of the emperor; the spiritof Antioch was manifested by the connivance of the magistrates, and theapplause of the multitude. [18] The disciple of Socrates was too deeplyaffected by these popular insults; but the monarch, endowed with a quicksensibility, and possessed of absolute power, refused his passionsthe gratification of revenge. A tyrant might have proscribed, withoutdistinction, the lives and fortunes of the citizens of Antioch; andthe unwarlike Syrians must have patiently submitted to the lust, therapaciousness and the cruelty, of the faithful legions of Gaul. A mildersentence might have deprived the capital of the East of its honors andprivileges; and the courtiers, perhaps the subjects, of Julian, wouldhave applauded an act of justice, which asserted the dignity of thesupreme magistrate of the republic. [19] But instead of abusing, orexerting, the authority of the state, to revenge his personal injuries, Julian contented himself with an inoffensive mode of retaliation, whichit would be in the power of few princes to employ. He had been insultedby satires and libels; in his turn, he composed, under the title ofthe Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and asevere satire on the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. ThisImperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace; andthe Misopogon [20] still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the humanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Though heaffected to laugh, he could not forgive. [21] His contempt wasexpressed, and his revenge might be gratified, by the nomination of agovernor [22] worthy only of such subjects; and the emperor, foreverrenouncing the ungrateful city, proclaimed his resolution to pass theensuing winter at Tarsus in Cilicia. [23]

[Footnote 15: Julian states three different proportions, of five, ten, or fifteen medii of wheat for one piece of gold, according to thedegrees of plenty and scarcity, (in Misopogon, p. 369. ) From this fact, and from some collateral examples, I conclude, that under the successorsof Constantine, the moderate price of wheat was about thirty-twoshillings the English quarter, which is equal to the average priceof the sixty-four first years of the present century. See Arbuthnot'sTables of Coins, Weights, and Measures, p. 88, 89. Plin. Hist. Natur. Xviii. 12. Mem. De l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Xxviii. P. 718-721. Smith's Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, vol. I. P 246. This last I am proud to quote as the work of a sage and afriend. ]

[Footnote 16: Nunquam a proposito declinabat, Galli similis fratris, licet incruentus. Ammian. Xxii. 14. The ignorance of the mostenlightened princes may claim some excuse; but we cannot be satisfiedwith Julian's own defence, (in Misopogon, p. 363, 369, ) or the elaborateapology of Libanius, (Orat. Parental c. Xcvii. P. 321. )]

[Footnote 17: Their short and easy confinement is gently touched byLibanius, (Orat. Parental. C. Xcviii. P. 322, 323. )]

[Footnote 18: Libanius, (ad Antiochenos de Imperatoris ira, c. 17, 18, 19, in Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 221-223, ) like a skilfuladvocate, severely censures the folly of the people, who suffered forthe crime of a few obscure and drunken wretches. ]

[Footnote 19: Libanius (ad Antiochen. C. Vii. P. 213) reminds Antioch ofthe recent chastisement of Caesarea; and even Julian (in Misopogon, p. 355) insinuates how severely Tarentum had expiated the insult to theRoman ambassadors. ]

[Footnote 20: On the subject of the Misopogon, see Ammianus, (xxii. 14, )Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, c. Xcix. P. 323, ) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 133) and the Chronicle of Antioch, by John Malala, (tom. Ii. P. 15, 16. ) I have essential obligations to the translation and notes ofthe Abbe de la Bleterie, (Vie de Jovien, tom. Ii. P. 1-138. )]

[Footnote 21: Ammianus very justly remarks, Coactus dissimulare protempore ira sufflabatur interna. The elaborate irony of Julian at lengthbursts forth into serious and direct invective. ]

[Footnote 22: Ipse autem Antiochiam egressurus, Heliopoliten quendamAlexandrum Syriacae jurisdictioni praefecit, turbulentum etsaevum; dicebatque non illum meruisse, sed Antiochensibus avaris etcontumeliosis hujusmodi judicem convenire. Ammian. Xxiii. 2. Libanius, (Epist. 722, p. 346, 347, ) who confesses to Julian himself, that he hadshared the general discontent, pretends that Alexander was a useful, though harsh, reformer of the manners and religion of Antioch. ]

[Footnote 23: Julian, in Misopogon, p. 364. Ammian. Xxiii. 2, andValesius, ad loc. Libanius, in a professed oration, invites him toreturn to his loyal and penitent city of Antioch. ]

Yet Antioch possessed one citizen, whose genius and virtues might atone, in the opinion of Julian, for the vice and folly of his country. Thesophist Libanius was born in the capital of the East; he publiclyprofessed the arts of rhetoric and declamation at Nice, Nicomedia, Constantinople, Athens, and, during the remainder of his life, atAntioch. His school was assiduously frequented by the Grecian youth; hisdisciples, who sometimes exceeded the number of eighty, celebrated theirincomparable master; and the jealousy of his rivals, who persecuted himfrom one city to another, confirmed the favorable opinion which Libaniusostentatiously displayed of his superior merit. The preceptors of Julianhad extorted a rash but solemn assurance, that he would never attendthe lectures of their adversary: the curiosity of the royal youthwas checked and inflamed: he secretly procured the writings of thisdangerous sophist, and gradually surpassed, in the perfect imitation ofhis style, the most laborious of his domestic pupils. [24] When Julianascended the throne, he declared his impatience to embrace and rewardthe Syrian sophist, who had preserved, in a degenerate age, theGrecian purity of taste, of manners, and of religion. The emperor'sprepossession was increased and justified by the discreet pride of hisfavorite. Instead of pressing, with the foremost of the crowd, intothe palace of Constantinople, Libanius calmly expected his arrivalat Antioch; withdrew from court on the first symptoms of coldness andindifference; required a formal invitation for each visit; and taughthis sovereign an important lesson, that he might command the obedienceof a subject, but that he must deserve the attachment of a friend. The sophists of every age, despising, or affecting to despise, theaccidental distinctions of birth and fortune, [25] reserve their esteemfor the superior qualities of the mind, with which they themselves areso plentifully endowed. Julian might disdain the acclamations of a venalcourt, who adored the Imperial purple; but he was deeply flattered bythe praise, the admonition, the freedom, and the envy of an independentphilosopher, who refused his favors, loved his person, celebrated hisfame, and protected his memory. The voluminous writings of Libaniusstill exist; for the most part, they are the vain and idle compositionsof an orator, who cultivated the science of words; the productions ofa recluse student, whose mind, regardless of his contemporaries, wasincessantly fixed on the Trojan war and the Athenian commonwealth. Yet the sophist of Antioch sometimes descended from this imaginaryelevation; he entertained a various and elaborate correspondence; [26]he praised the virtues of his own times; he boldly arraigned the abuseof public and private life; and he eloquently pleaded the cause ofAntioch against the just resentment of Julian and Theodosius. It is thecommon calamity of old age, [27] to lose whatever might have rendered itdesirable; but Libanius experienced the peculiar misfortune of survivingthe religion and the sciences, to which he had consecrated his genius. The friend of Julian was an indignant spectator of the triumph ofChristianity; and his bigotry, which darkened the prospect of thevisible world, did not inspire Libanius with any lively hopes ofcelestial glory and happiness. [28]

[Footnote 24: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. Vii. P. 230, 231. ]

[Footnote 25: Eunapius reports, that Libanius refused the honorary rankof Praetorian praefect, as less illustrious than the title of Sophist, (in Vit. Sophist. P. 135. ) The critics have observed a similar sentimentin one of the epistles (xviii. Edit. Wolf) of Libanius himself. ]

[Footnote 26: Near two thousand of his letters--a mode of compositionin which Libanius was thought to excel--are still extant, and alreadypublished. The critics may praise their subtle and elegant brevity; yetDr. Bentley (Dissertation upon Phalaris, p. 48) might justly, thoughquaintly observe, that "you feel, by the emptiness and deadness ofthem, that you converse with some dreaming pedant, with his elbow on hisdesk. "]

[Footnote 27: His birth is assigned to the year 314. He mentions theseventy-sixth year of his age, (A. D. 390, ) and seems to allude to someevents of a still later date. ]

[Footnote 28: Libanius has composed the vain, prolix, but curiousnarrative of his own life, (tom. Ii. P. 1-84, edit. Morell, ) of whichEunapius (p. 130-135) has left a concise and unfavorable account. Amongthe moderns, Tillemont, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 571-576, )Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 376-414, ) and Lardner, (HeathenTestimonies, tom. Iv. P. 127-163, ) have illustrated the character andwritings of this famous sophist. ]

Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian. --Part II. 

The martial impatience of Julian urged him to take the field in thebeginning of the spring; and he dismissed, with contempt and reproach, the senate of Antioch, who accompanied the emperor beyond the limits oftheir own territory, to which he was resolved never to return. After alaborious march of two days, [29] he halted on the third at Beraea, or Aleppo, where he had the mortification of finding a senate almostentirely Christian; who received with cold and formal demonstrations ofrespect the eloquent sermon of the apostle of paganism. The son of oneof the most illustrious citizens of Beraea, who had embraced, either from interest or conscience, the religion of the emperor, wasdisinherited by his angry parent. The father and the son were invitedto the Imperial table. Julian, placing himself between them, attempted, without success, to inculcate the lesson and example of toleration;supported, with affected calmness, the indiscreet zeal of the agedChristian, who seemed to forget the sentiments of nature, and the dutyof a subject; and at length, turning towards the afflicted youth, "Sinceyou have lost a father, " said he, "for my sake, it is incumbent on me tosupply his place. " [30] The emperor was received in a manner much moreagreeable to his wishes at Batnae, [30a] a small town pleasantly seatedin a grove of cypresses, about twenty miles from the city of Hierapolis. The solemn rites of sacrifice were decently prepared by the inhabitantsof Batnae, who seemed attached to the worship of their tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but the serious piety of Julian was offended by thetumult of their applause; and he too clearly discerned, that the smokewhich arose from their altars was the incense of flattery, rather thanof devotion. The ancient and magnificent temple which had sanctified, for so many ages, the city of Hierapolis, [31] no longer subsisted; andthe consecrated wealth, which afforded a liberal maintenance to morethan three hundred priests, might hasten its downfall. Yet Julianenjoyed the satisfaction of embracing a philosopher and a friend, whosereligious firmness had withstood the pressing and repeated solicitationsof Constantius and Gallus, as often as those princes lodged at hishouse, in their passage through Hierapolis. In the hurry of militarypreparation, and the careless confidence of a familiar correspondence, the zeal of Julian appears to have been lively and uniform. He had nowundertaken an important and difficult war; and the anxiety of the eventrendered him still more attentive to observe and register the mosttrifling presages, from which, according to the rules of divination, anyknowledge of futurity could be derived. [32] He informed Libanius ofhis progress as far as Hierapolis, by an elegant epistle, [33] whichdisplays the facility of his genius, and his tender friendship for thesophist of Antioch. 

[Footnote 29: From Antioch to Litarbe, on the territory of Chalcis, theroad, over hills and through morasses, was extremely bad; and the loosestones were cemented only with sand, (Julian. Epist. Xxvii. ) Itis singular enough that the Romans should have neglected the greatcommunication between Antioch and the Euphrates. See Wesseling Itinerar. P. 190 Bergier, Hist des Grands Chemins, tom. Ii. P. 100]

[Footnote 30: Julian alludes to this incident, (epist. Xxvii. , ) whichis more distinctly related by Theodoret, (l. Iii. C. 22. ) The intolerantspirit of the father is applauded by Tillemont, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 534. ) and even by La Bleterie, (Vie de Julien, p. 413. )]

[Footnote 30a: This name, of Syriac origin, is found in the Arabic, andmeans a place in a valley where waters meet. Julian says, the name ofthe city is Barbaric, the situation Greek. The geographer Abulfeda (tab. Syriac. P. 129, edit. Koehler) speaks of it in a manner to justify thepraises of Julian. --St. Martin. Notes to Le Beau, iii. 56. --M. ]

[Footnote 31: See the curious treatise de Dea Syria, inserted amongthe works of Lucian, (tom. Iii. P. 451-490, edit. Reitz. ) The singularappellation of Ninus vetus (Ammian. Xiv. 8) might induce a suspicion, that Heirapolis had been the royal seat of the Assyrians. ]

[Footnote 32: Julian (epist. Xxviii. ) kept a regular account of allthe fortunate omens; but he suppresses the inauspicious signs, whichAmmianus (xxiii. 2) has carefully recorded. ]

[Footnote 33: Julian. Epist. Xxvii. P. 399-402. ]

Hierapolis, [33a] situate almost on the banks of the Euphrates, [34]had been appointed for the general rendezvous of the Roman troops, who immediately passed the great river on a bridge of boats, which waspreviously constructed. [35] If the inclinations of Julian had beensimilar to those of his predecessor, he might have wasted the activeand important season of the year in the circus of Samosata or in thechurches of Edessa. But as the warlike emperor, instead of Constantius, had chosen Alexander for his model, he advanced without delay toCarrhae, [36] a very ancient city of Mesopotamia, at the distance offourscore miles from Hierapolis. The temple of the Moon attracted thedevotion of Julian; but the halt of a few days was principally employedin completing the immense preparations of the Persian war. The secret ofthe expedition had hitherto remained in his own breast; but as Carrhaeis the point of separation of the two great roads, he could no longerconceal whether it was his design to attack the dominions of Saporon the side of the Tigris, or on that of the Euphrates. The emperordetached an army of thirty thousand men, under the command of hiskinsman Procopius, and of Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. Theywere ordered to direct their march towards Nisibis, and to securethe frontier from the desultory incursions of the enemy, before theyattempted the passage of the Tigris. Their subsequent operations wereleft to the discretion of the generals; but Julian expected, that afterwasting with fire and sword the fertile districts of Media and Adiabene, they might arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon at the same time that hehimself, advancing with equal steps along the banks of the Euphrates, should besiege the capital of the Persian monarchy. The success of thiswell-concerted plan depended, in a great measure, on the powerful andready assistance of the king of Armenia, who, without exposing thesafety of his own dominions, might detach an army of four thousandhorse, and twenty thousand foot, to the assistance of the Romans. [37]But the feeble Arsaces Tiranus, [38] king of Armenia, had degeneratedstill more shamefully than his father Chosroes, from the manly virtuesof the great Tiridates; and as the pusillanimous monarch was averseto any enterprise of danger and glory, he could disguise his timidindolence by the more decent excuses of religion and gratitude. Heexpressed a pious attachment to the memory of Constantius, from whosehands he had received in marriage Olympias, the daughter of the praefectAblavius; and the alliance of a female, who had been educated asthe destined wife of the emperor Constans, exalted the dignity ofa Barbarian king. [39] Tiranus professed the Christian religion; hereigned over a nation of Christians; and he was restrained, by everyprinciple of conscience and interest, from contributing to the victory, which would consummate the ruin of the church. The alienated mind ofTiranus was exasperated by the indiscretion of Julian, who treated theking of Armenia as his slave, and as the enemy of the gods. The haughtyand threatening style of the Imperial mandates [40] awakened the secretindignation of a prince, who, in the humiliating state of dependence, was still conscious of his royal descent from the Arsacides, the lordsof the East, and the rivals of the Roman power. [40a]

[Footnote 33a: Or Bambyce, now Bambouch; Manbedj Arab. , or Maboug, Syr. It was twenty-four Roman miles from the Euphrates. --M. ]

[Footnote 34: I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging myobligations to M. D'Anville, for his recent geography of the Euphratesand Tigris, (Paris, 1780, in 4to. , ) which particularly illustrates theexpedition of Julian. ]

[Footnote 35: There are three passages within a few miles of eachother; 1. Zeugma, celebrated by the ancients; 2. Bir, frequented by themoderns; and, 3. The bridge of Menbigz, or Hierapolis, at the distanceof four parasangs from the city. ----- Djisr Manbedj is the same withthe ancient Zeugma. St. Martin, iii. 58--M. ]

[Footnote 36: Haran, or Carrhae, was the ancient residence of theSabaeans, and of Abraham. See the Index Geographicus of Schultens, (adcalcem Vit. Saladin. , ) a work from which I have obtained much Orientalknowledge concerning the ancient and modern geography of Syria and theadjacent countries. ----On an inedited medal in the collection of thelate M. Tochon. Of the Academy of Inscriptions, it is read Xappan. St. Martin. Iii 60--M. ]

[Footnote 37: See Xenophon. Cyropaed. L. Iii. P. 189, edit. Hutchinson. Artavasdes might have supplied Marc Antony with 16, 000 horse, armed anddisciplined after the Parthian manner, (Plutarch, in M. Antonio. Tom. V. P. 117. )]

[Footnote 38: Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armeniac. L. Iii. C. 11, p. 242) fixes his accession (A. D. 354) to the 17th year of Constantius. ----Arsaces Tiranus, or Diran, had ceased to reign twenty-five yearsbefore, in 337. The intermediate changes in Armenia, and the characterof this Arsaces, the son of Diran, are traced by M. St. Martin, atconsiderable length, in his supplement to Le Beau, ii. 208-242. As longas his Grecian queen Olympias maintained her influence, Arsaces wasfaithful to the Roman and Christian alliance. On the accession ofJulian, the same influence made his fidelity to waver; but Olympiashaving been poisoned in the sacramental bread by the agency ofPharandcem, the former wife of Arsaces, another change took place inArmenian politics unfavorable to the Christian interest. The patriarchNarses retired from the impious court to a safe seclusion. YetPharandsem was equally hostile to the Persian influence, and Arsacesbegan to support with vigor the cause of Julian. He made an inroad intothe Persian dominions with a body of Rans and Alans as auxiliaries;wasted Aderbidgan and Sapor, who had been defeated near Tauriz, wasengaged in making head against his troops in Persarmenia, at the time ofthe death of Julian. Such is M. St. Martin's view, (ii. 276, et sqq. , )which rests on the Armenian historians, Faustos of Byzantium, and Mezrobthe biographer of the Partriarch Narses. In the history of Armeniaby Father Chamitch, and translated by Avdall, Tiran is still king ofArmenia, at the time of Julian's death. F. Chamitch follows Moses ofChorene, The authority of Gibbon. --M. ]

[Footnote 39: Ammian. Xx. 11. Athanasius (tom. I. P. 856) says, in general terms, that Constantius gave to his brother's widow, anexpression more suitable to a Roman than a Christian. ]

[Footnote 40: Ammianus (xxiii. 2) uses a word much too soft for theoccasion, monuerat. Muratori (Fabricius, Bibliothec. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 86) has published an epistle from Julian to the satrap Arsaces; fierce, vulgar, and (though it might deceive Sozomen, l. Vi. C. 5) most probablyspurious. La Bleterie (Hist. De Jovien, tom. Ii. P. 339) translates andrejects it. Note: St. Martin considers it genuine: the Armenian writersmention such a letter, iii. 37. --M. ]

[Footnote 40a: Arsaces did not abandon the Roman alliance, but gave itonly feeble support. St. Martin, iii. 41--M. ]

The military dispositions of Julian were skilfully contrived to deceivethe spies and to divert the attention of Sapor. The legions appearedto direct their march towards Nisibis and the Tigris. On a sudden theywheeled to the right; traversed the level and naked plain of Carrhae;and reached, on the third day, the banks of the Euphrates, where thestrong town of Nicephorium, or Callinicum, had been founded by theMacedonian kings. From thence the emperor pursued his march, aboveninety miles, along the winding stream of the Euphrates, till, atlength, about one month after his departure from Antioch, he discoveredthe towers of Circesium, [40b] the extreme limit of the Roman dominions. The army of Julian, the most numerous that any of the Caesars had everled against Persia, consisted of sixty-five thousand effective andwell-disciplined soldiers. The veteran bands of cavalry and infantry, ofRomans and Barbarians, had been selected from the different provinces;and a just preeminence of loyalty and valor was claimed by the hardyGauls, who guarded the throne and person of their beloved prince. A formidable body of Scythian auxiliaries had been transported fromanother climate, and almost from another world, to invade a distantcountry, of whose name and situation they were ignorant. The loveof rapine and war allured to the Imperial standard several tribes ofSaracens, or roving Arabs, whose service Julian had commanded, whilehe sternly refuse the payment of the accustomed subsidies. The broadchannel of the Euphrates [41] was crowded by a fleet of eleven hundredships, destined to attend the motions, and to satisfy the wants, of theRoman army. The military strength of the fleet was composed of fiftyarmed galleys; and these were accompanied by an equal number offlat-bottomed boats, which might occasionally be connected into theform of temporary bridges. The rest of the ships, partly constructedof timber, and partly covered with raw hides, were laden with an almostinexhaustible supply of arms and engines, of utensils and provisions. The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very large magazine ofvinegar and biscuit for the use of the soldiers, but he prohibited theindulgence of wine; and rigorously stopped a long string of superfluouscamels that attempted to follow the rear of the army. The River Chaborasfalls into the Euphrates at Circesium; [42] and as soon as the trumpetgave the signal of march, the Romans passed the little stream whichseparated two mighty and hostile empires. The custom of ancientdiscipline required a military oration; and Julian embraced everyopportunity of displaying his eloquence. He animated the impatient andattentive legions by the example of the inflexible courage and glorioustriumphs of their ancestors. He excited their resentment by a livelypicture of the insolence of the Persians; and he exhorted them toimitate his firm resolution, either to extirpate that perfidious nation, or to devote his life in the cause of the republic. The eloquence ofJulian was enforced by a donative of one hundred and thirty pieces ofsilver to every soldier; and the bridge of the Chaboras was instantlycut away, to convince the troops that they must place their hopes ofsafety in the success of their arms. Yet the prudence of the emperorinduced him to secure a remote frontier, perpetually exposed to theinroads of the hostile Arabs. A detachment of four thousand men wasleft at Circesium, which completed, to the number of ten thousand, theregular garrison of that important fortress. [43]

[Footnote 40b: Kirkesia the Carchemish of the Scriptures. --M. ]

[Footnote 41: Latissimum flumen Euphraten artabat. Ammian. Xxiii. 3Somewhat higher, at the fords of Thapsacus, the river is four stadia or800 yards, almost half an English mile, broad. (Xenophon, Anabasis, l. I. P. 41, edit. Hutchinson, with Foster's Observations, p. 29, &c. , inthe 2d volume of Spelman's translation. ) If the breadth of the Euphratesat Bir and Zeugma is no more than 130 yards, (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. Ii. P. 335, ) the enormous difference must chiefly arise from the depthof the channel. ]

[Footnote 42: Munimentum tutissimum et fabre politum, Abora (theOrientals aspirate Chaboras or Chabour) et Euphrates ambiunt flumina, velut spatium insulare fingentes. Ammian. Xxiii. 5. ]

[Footnote 43: The enterprise and armament of Julian are describedby himself, (Epist. Xxvii. , ) Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxiii. 3, 4, 5, )Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 108, 109, p. 332, 333, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 160, 161, 162) Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. L, ) and John Malala, (tom. Ii. P. 17. )]

From the moment that the Romans entered the enemy's country, [44] thecountry of an active and artful enemy, the order of march was disposedin three columns. [45] The strength of the infantry, and consequently ofthe whole army was placed in the centre, under the peculiar commandof their master-general Victor. On the right, the brave Nevitta led acolumn of several legions along the banks of the Euphrates, and almostalways in sight of the fleet. The left flank of the army was protectedby the column of cavalry. Hormisdas and Arinthaeus were appointedgenerals of the horse; and the singular adventures of Hormisdas [46]are not undeserving of our notice. He was a Persian prince, of the royalrace of the Sassanides, who, in the troubles of the minority ofSapor, had escaped from prison to the hospitable court of the greatConstantine. Hormisdas at first excited the compassion, and at lengthacquired the esteem, of his new masters; his valor and fidelity raisedhim to the military honors of the Roman service; and though a Christian, he might indulge the secret satisfaction of convincing his ungratefulcountry, than at oppressed subject may prove the most dangerous enemy. Such was the disposition of the three principal columns. The front andflanks of the army were covered by Lucilianus with a flying detachmentof fifteen hundred light-armed soldiers, whose active vigilance observedthe most distant signs, and conveyed the earliest notice, of any hostileapproach. Dagalaiphus, and Secundinus duke of Osrhoene, conductedthe troops of the rear-guard; the baggage securely proceeded in theintervals of the columns; and the ranks, from a motive either of useor ostentation, were formed in such open order, that the whole line ofmarch extended almost ten miles. The ordinary post of Julian was at thehead of the centre column; but as he preferred the duties of a generalto the state of a monarch, he rapidly moved, with a small escort oflight cavalry, to the front, the rear, the flanks, wherever his presencecould animate or protect the march of the Roman army. The country whichthey traversed from the Chaboras, to the cultivated lands of Assyria, may be considered as a part of the desert of Arabia, a dry and barrenwaste, which could never be improved by the most powerful arts of humanindustry. Julian marched over the same ground which had been trod aboveseven hundred years before by the footsteps of the younger Cyrus, andwhich is described by one of the companions of his expedition, the sageand heroic Xenophon. [47] "The country was a plain throughout, as evenas the sea, and full of wormwood; and if any other kind of shrubs orreeds grew there, they had all an aromatic smell, but no trees could beseen. Bustards and ostriches, antelopes and wild asses, [48] appearedto be the only inhabitants of the desert; and the fatigues of the marchwere alleviated by the amusements of the chase. " The loose sand of thedesert was frequently raised by the wind into clouds of dust; and agreat number of the soldiers of Julian, with their tents, were suddenlythrown to the ground by the violence of an unexpected hurricane. 

[Footnote 44: Before he enters Persia, Ammianus copiously describes(xxiii. P. 396-419, edit. Gronov. In 4to. ) the eighteen great provinces, (as far as the Seric, or Chinese frontiers, ) which were subject to theSassanides. ]

[Footnote 45: Ammianus (xxiv. 1) and Zosimus (l. Iii. P. 162, 163)rately expressed the order of march. ]

[Footnote 46: The adventures of Hormisdas are related with some mixtureof fable, (Zosimus, l. Ii. P. 100-102; Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurstom. Iv. P. 198. ) It is almost impossible that he should be the brother(frater germanus) of an eldest and posthumous child: nor do I recollectthat Ammianus ever gives him that title. * Note: St. Martin conceivesthat he was an elder brother by another mother who had several children, ii. 24--M. ]

[Footnote 47: See the first book of the Anabasis, p. 45, 46. Thispleasing work is original and authentic. Yet Xenophon's memory, perhapsmany years after the expedition, has sometimes betrayed him; and thedistances which he marks are often larger than either a soldier or ageographer will allow. ]

[Footnote 48: Mr. Spelman, the English translator of the Anabasis, (vol. I. P. 51, ) confounds the antelope with the roebuck, and the wild asswith the zebra. ]

The sandy plains of Mesopotamia were abandoned to the antelopes and wildasses of the desert; but a variety of populous towns and villages werepleasantly situated on the banks of the Euphrates, and in the islandswhich are occasionally formed by that river. The city of Annah, orAnatho, [49] the actual residence of an Arabian emir, is composed oftwo long streets, which enclose, within a natural fortification, asmall island in the midst, and two fruitful spots on either side, ofthe Euphrates. The warlike inhabitants of Anatho showed a dispositionto stop the march of a Roman emperor; till they were diverted from suchfatal presumption by the mild exhortations of Prince Hormisdas, andthe approaching terrors of the fleet and army. They implored, andexperienced, the clemency of Julian, who transplanted the people to anadvantageous settlement, near Chalcis in Syria, and admitted Pusaeus, the governor, to an honorable rank in his service and friendship. Butthe impregnable fortress of Thilutha could scorn the menace of asiege; and the emperor was obliged to content himself with an insultingpromise, that, when he had subdued the interior provinces of Persia, Thilutha would no longer refuse to grace the triumph of the emperor. Theinhabitants of the open towns, unable to resist, and unwilling toyield, fled with precipitation; and their houses, filled with spoiland provisions, were occupied by the soldiers of Julian, who massacred, without remorse and without punishment, some defenceless women. Duringthe march, the Surenas, [49a] or Persian general, and Malek Rodosaces, the renowned emir of the tribe of Gassan, [50] incessantly hoveredround the army; every straggler was intercepted; every detachment wasattacked; and the valiant Hormisdas escaped with some difficulty fromtheir hands. But the Barbarians were finally repulsed; the countrybecame every day less favorable to the operations of cavalry; and whenthe Romans arrived at Macepracta, they perceived the ruins of the wall, which had been constructed by the ancient kings of Assyria, to securetheir dominions from the incursions of the Medes. These preliminaries ofthe expedition of Julian appear to have employed about fifteen days; andwe may compute near three hundred miles from the fortress of Circesiumto the wall of Macepracta. [1]

[Footnote 49: See Voyages de Tavernier, part i. L. Iii. P. 316, and moreespecially Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. I. Lett. Xvii. P. 671, &c. He was ignorant of the old name and condition of Annah. Our blindtravellers seldom possess any previous knowledge of the countries whichthey visit. Shaw and Tournefort deserve an honorable exception. ]

[Footnote 49a: This is not a title, but the name of a great Persianfamily. St. Martin, iii. 79. --M. ]

[Footnote 50: Famosi nominis latro, says Ammianus; a high encomiumfor an Arab. The tribe of Gassan had settled on the edge of Syria, andreigned some time in Damascus, under a dynasty of thirty-one kings, oremirs, from the time of Pompey to that of the Khalif Omar. D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 360. Pococke, Specimen Hist. Arabicae, p. 75-78. The name of Rodosaces does not appear in the list. * Note:Rodosaces-malek is king. St. Martin considers that Gibbon has falleninto an error in bringing the tribe of Gassan to the Euphrates. InAmmianus it is Assan. M. St. Martin would read Massanitarum, the samewith the Mauzanitae of Malala. --M. ]

[Footnote 51: See Ammianus, (xxiv. 1, 2, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parental. C. 110, 111, p. 334, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 164-168. ) * Note: This Syriac orChaldaic has relation to its position; it easily bears the significationof the division of the waters. M. St. M. Considers it the Missice ofPliny, v. 26. St. Martin, iii. 83. --M. ]

The fertile province of Assyria, [52] which stretched beyond the Tigris, as far as the mountains of Media, [53] extended about four hundred milesfrom the ancient wall of Macepracta, to the territory of Basra, wherethe united streams of the Euphrates and Tigris discharge themselves intothe Persian Gulf. [54] The whole country might have claimed the peculiarname of Mesopotamia; as the two rivers, which are never more distantthan fifty, approach, between Bagdad and Babylon, within twenty-fivemiles, of each other. A multitude of artificial canals, dug without muchlabor in a soft and yielding soil connected the rivers, and intersectedthe plain of Assyria. The uses of these artificial canals were variousand important. They served to discharge the superfluous waters from oneriver into the other, at the season of their respective inundations. Subdividing themselves into smaller and smaller branches, they refreshedthe dry lands, and supplied the deficiency of rain. They facilitated theintercourse of peace and commerce; and, as the dams could be speedilybroke down, they armed the despair of the Assyrians with the means ofopposing a sudden deluge to the progress of an invading army. To thesoil and climate of Assyria, nature had denied some of her choicestgifts, the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree; [54a] but the food whichsupports the life of man, and particularly wheat and barley, wereproduced with inexhaustible fertility; and the husbandman, who committedhis seed to the earth, was frequently rewarded with an increase of two, or even of three, hundred. The face of the country was interspersedwith groves of innumerable palm-trees; [55] and the diligent nativescelebrated, either in verse or prose, the three hundred and sixty usesto which the trunk, the branches, the leaves, the juice, and the fruit, were skilfully applied. Several manufactures, especially those ofleather and linen, employed the industry of a numerous people, andafforded valuable materials for foreign trade; which appears, however, to have been conducted by the hands of strangers. Babylon had beenconverted into a royal park; but near the ruins of the ancient capital, new cities had successively arisen, and the populousness of the countrywas displayed in the multitude of towns and villages, which were builtof bricks dried in the sun, and strongly cemented with bitumen; thenatural and peculiar production of the Babylonian soil. While thesuccessors of Cyrus reigned over Asia, the province of Syria alonemaintained, during a third part of the year, the luxurious plenty of thetable and household of the Great King. Four considerable villageswere assigned for the subsistence of his Indian dogs; eight hundredstallions, and sixteen thousand mares, were constantly kept, at theexpense of the country, for the royal stables; and as the daily tribute, which was paid to the satrap, amounted to one English bushe of silver, we may compute the annual revenue of Assyria at more than twelve hundredthousand pounds sterling. [56]

[Footnote 52: The description of Assyria, is furnished by Herodotus, (l. I. C. 192, &c. , ) who sometimes writes for children, and sometimesfor philosophers; by Strabo, (l. Xvi. P. 1070-1082, ) and by Ammianus, (l. Xxiii. C. 6. ) The most useful of the modern travellers are Tavernier, (part i. L. Ii. P. 226-258, ) Otter, (tom. Ii. P. 35-69, and 189-224, )and Niebuhr, (tom. Ii. P. 172-288. ) Yet I much regret that the IrakArabi of Abulfeda has not been translated. ]

[Footnote 53: Ammianus remarks, that the primitive Assyria, whichcomprehended Ninus, (Nineveh, ) and Arbela, had assumed the more recentand peculiar appellation of Adiabene; and he seems to fix Teredon, Vologesia, and Apollonia, as the extreme cities of the actual provinceof Assyria. ]

[Footnote 54: The two rivers unite at Apamea, or Corna, (one hundredmiles from the Persian Gulf, ) into the broad stream of the Pasitigris, or Shutul-Arab. The Euphrates formerly reached the sea by a separatechannel, which was obstructed and diverted by the citizens of Orchoe, about twenty miles to the south-east of modern Basra. (D'Anville, in theMemoires de l'Acad. Des Inscriptions, tom. Xxx. P. 171-191. )]

[Footnote 54a: We are informed by Mr. Gibbon, that nature has denied tothe soil an climate of Assyria some of her choicest gifts, the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree. This might have been the case ir the age ofAmmianus Marcellinus, but it is not so at the present day; and it is acurious fact that the grape, the olive, and the fig, are the most commonfruits in the province, and may be seen in every garden. MacdonaldKinneir, Geogr. Mem. On Persia 239--M. ]

[Footnote 55: The learned Kaempfer, as a botanist, an antiquary, and atraveller, has exhausted (Amoenitat. Exoticae, Fasicul. Iv. P. 660-764)the whole subject of palm-trees. ]

[Footnote 56: Assyria yielded to the Persian satrap an Artaba of silvereach day. The well-known proportion of weights and measures (see BishopHooper's elaborate Inquiry, ) the specific gravity of water and silver, and the value of that metal, will afford, after a short process, theannual revenue which I have stated. Yet the Great King received nomore than 1000 Euboic, or Tyrian, talents (252, 000l. ) from Assyria. The comparison of two passages in Herodotus, (l. I. C. 192, l. Iii. C. 89-96) reveals an important difference between the gross, and the net, revenue of Persia; the sums paid by the province, and the gold or silverdeposited in the royal treasure. The monarch might annually save threemillions six hundred thousand pounds, of the seventeen or eighteenmillions raised upon the people. ]

Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian. --Part III. 

The fields of Assyria were devoted by Julian to the calamities of war;and the philosopher retaliated on a guiltless people the acts of rapineand cruelty which had been committed by their haughty master in theRoman provinces. The trembling Assyrians summoned the rivers to theirassistance; and completed, with their own hands, the ruin of theircountry. The roads were rendered impracticable; a flood of waters waspoured into the camp; and, during several days, the troops of Julianwere obliged to contend with the most discouraging hardships. But everyobstacle was surmounted by the perseverance of the legionaries, who wereinured to toil as well as to danger, and who felt themselves animatedby the spirit of their leader. The damage was gradually repaired;the waters were restored to their proper channels; whole groves ofpalm-trees were cut down, and placed along the broken parts of the road;and the army passed over the broad and deeper canals, on bridges offloating rafts, which were supported by the help of bladders. Two citiesof Assyria presumed to resist the arms of a Roman emperor: and theyboth paid the severe penalty of their rashness. At the distance of fiftymiles from the royal residence of Ctesiphon, Perisabor, [57a] or Anbar, held the second rank in the province; a city, large, populous, and wellfortified, surrounded with a double wall, almost encompassed by a branchof the Euphrates, and defended by the valor of a numerous garrison. Theexhortations of Hormisdas were repulsed with contempt; and the ears ofthe Persian prince were wounded by a just reproach, that, unmindful ofhis royal birth, he conducted an army of strangers against his king andcountry. The Assyrians maintained their loyalty by a skilful, as wellas vigorous, defence; till the lucky stroke of a battering-ram, havingopened a large breach, by shattering one of the angles of the wall, theyhastily retired into the fortifications of the interior citadel. Thesoldiers of Julian rushed impetuously into the town, and after thefull gratification of every military appetite, Perisabor was reduced toashes; and the engines which assaulted the citadel were planted on theruins of the smoking houses. The contest was continued by an incessantand mutual discharge of missile weapons; and the superiority which theRomans might derive from the mechanical powers of their balistae andcatapultae was counterbalanced by the advantage of the ground on theside of the besieged. But as soon as an Helepolis had been constructed, which could engage on equal terms with the loftiest ramparts, thetremendous aspect of a moving turret, that would leave no hope ofresistance or mercy, terrified the defenders of the citadel into anhumble submission; and the place was surrendered only two days afterJulian first appeared under the walls of Perisabor. Two thousand fivehundred persons, of both sexes, the feeble remnant of a flourishingpeople, were permitted to retire; the plentiful magazines of corn, of arms, and of splendid furniture, were partly distributed among thetroops, and partly reserved for the public service; the useless storeswere destroyed by fire or thrown into the stream of the Euphrates; andthe fate of Amida was revenged by the total ruin of Perisabor. 

[Footnote 57a: Libanius says that it was a great city of Assyria, called after the name of the reigning king. The orator of Antioch is notmistaken. The Persians and Syrians called it Fyrouz Schapour or FyrouzSchahbour; in Persian, the victory of Schahpour. It owed that name toSapor the First. It was before called Anbar St. Martin, iii. 85. --M. ]

The city or rather fortress, of Maogamalcha, which was defended bysixteen large towers, a deep ditch, and two strong and solid walls ofbrick and bitumen, appears to have been constructed at the distance ofeleven miles, as the safeguard of the capital of Persia. The emperor, apprehensive of leaving such an important fortress in his rear, immediately formed the siege of Maogamalcha; and the Roman army wasdistributed, for that purpose, into three divisions. Victor, at the headof the cavalry, and of a detachment of heavy-armed foot, was ordered toclear the country, as far as the banks of the Tigris, and the suburbs ofCtesiphon. The conduct of the attack was assumed by Julian himself, whoseemed to place his whole dependence in the military engines whichhe erected against the walls; while he secretly contrived a moreefficacious method of introducing his troops into the heart of the cityUnder the direction of Nevitta and Dagalaiphus, the trenches were openedat a considerable distance, and gradually prolonged as far as the edgeof the ditch. The ditch was speedily filled with earth; and, by theincessant labor of the troops, a mine was carried under the foundationsof the walls, and sustained, at sufficient intervals, by props oftimber. Three chosen cohorts, advancing in a single file, silentlyexplored the dark and dangerous passage; till their intrepid leaderwhispered back the intelligence, that he was ready to issue from hisconfinement into the streets of the hostile city. Julian checked theirardor, that he might insure their success; and immediately divertedthe attention of the garrison, by the tumult and clamor of a generalassault. The Persians, who, from their walls, contemptuously beheld theprogress of an impotent attack, celebrated with songs of triumph theglory of Sapor; and ventured to assure the emperor, that he mightascend the starry mansion of Ormusd, before he could hope to take theimpregnable city of Maogamalcha. The city was already taken. History hasrecorded the name of a private soldier the first who ascended from themine into a deserted tower. The passage was widened by his companions, who pressed forwards with impatient valor. Fifteen hundred enemies werealready in the midst of the city. The astonished garrison abandoned thewalls, and their only hope of safety; the gates were instantly burstopen; and the revenge of the soldier, unless it were suspended by lustor avarice, was satiated by an undistinguishing massacre. The governor, who had yielded on a promise of mercy, was burnt alive, a few daysafterwards, on a charge of having uttered some disrespectful wordsagainst the honor of Prince Hormisdas. The fortifications were razed tothe ground; and not a vestige was left, that the city of Maogamalcha hadever existed. The neighborhood of the capital of Persia was adorned withthree stately palaces, laboriously enriched with every production thatcould gratify the luxury and pride of an Eastern monarch. The pleasantsituation of the gardens along the banks of the Tigris, was improved, according to the Persian taste, by the symmetry of flowers, fountains, and shady walks: and spacious parks were enclosed for the receptionof the bears, lions, and wild boars, which were maintained at aconsiderable expense for the pleasure of the royal chase. The park wallswere broken down, the savage game was abandoned to the darts of thesoldiers, and the palaces of Sapor were reduced to ashes, by the commandof the Roman emperor. Julian, on this occasion, showed himself ignorant, or careless, of the laws of civility, which the prudence and refinementof polished ages have established between hostile princes. Yet thesewanton ravages need not excite in our breasts any vehement emotions ofpity or resentment. A simple, naked statue, finished by the hand of aGrecian artist, is of more genuine value than all these rude and costlymonuments of Barbaric labor; and, if we are more deeply affected by theruin of a palace than by the conflagration of a cottage, our humanitymust have formed a very erroneous estimate of the miseries of humanlife. [57]

[Footnote 57a: And as guilty of a double treachery, having first engagedto surrender the city, and afterwards valiantly defended it. Gibbon, perhaps, should have noticed this charge, though he may have rejected itas improbable Compare Zosimus. Iii. 23. --M. ]

[Footnote 57: The operations of the Assyrian war are circumstantiallyrelated by Ammianus, (xxiv. 2, 3, 4, 5, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 112-123, p. 335-347, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 168-180, ) and GregoryNazianzen, (Orat iv. P. 113, 144. ) The military criticisms of the saintare devoutly copied by Tillemont, his faithful slave. ]

Julian was an object of hatred and terror to the Persian and thepainters of that nation represented the invader of their country underthe emblem of a furious lion, who vomited from his mouth a consumingfire. [58] To his friends and soldiers the philosophic hero appearedin a more amiable light; and his virtues were never more conspicuouslydisplayed, than in the last and most active period of his life. Hepractised, without effort, and almost without merit, the habitualqualities of temperance and sobriety. According to the dictates of thatartificial wisdom, which assumes an absolute dominion over the mindand body, he sternly refused himself the indulgence of the most naturalappetites. [59] In the warm climate of Assyria, which solicited aluxurious people to the gratification of every sensual desire, [60] ayouthful conqueror preserved his chastity pure and inviolate; nor wasJulian ever tempted, even by a motive of curiosity, to visit his femalecaptives of exquisite beauty, [61] who, instead of resisting his power, would have disputed with each other the honor of his embraces. With thesame firmness that he resisted the allurements of love, he sustained thehardships of war. When the Romans marched through the flat and floodedcountry, their sovereign, on foot, at the head of his legions, sharedtheir fatigues and animated their diligence. In every useful labor, thehand of Julian was prompt and strenuous; and the Imperial purple was wetand dirty as the coarse garment of the meanest soldier. The two siegesallowed him some remarkable opportunities of signalizing his personalvalor, which, in the improved state of the military art, can seldombe exerted by a prudent general. The emperor stood before the citadelbefore the citadel of Perisabor, insensible of his extreme danger, and encouraged his troops to burst open the gates of iron, till he wasalmost overwhelmed under a cloud of missile weapons and huge stones, that were directed against his person. As he examined the exteriorfortifications of Maogamalcha, two Persians, devoting themselves fortheir country, suddenly rushed upon him with drawn cimeters: the emperordexterously received their blows on his uplifted shield; and, with asteady and well-aimed thrust, laid one of his adversaries dead athis feet. The esteem of a prince who possesses the virtues which heapproves, is the noblest recompense of a deserving subject; and theauthority which Julian derived from his personal merit, enabled him torevive and enforce the rigor of ancient discipline. He punished withdeath or ignominy the misbehavior of three troops of horse, who, ina skirmish with the Surenas, had lost their honor and one of theirstandards: and he distinguished with obsidional [62] crowns the valor ofthe foremost soldiers, who had ascended into the city of Maogamalcha. 

After the siege of Perisabor, the firmness of the emperor was exercisedby the insolent avarice of the army, who loudly complained, that theirservices were rewarded by a trifling donative of one hundred piecesof silver. His just indignation was expressed in the grave and manlylanguage of a Roman. "Riches are the object of your desires; thoseriches are in the hands of the Persians; and the spoils of this fruitfulcountry are proposed as the prize of your valor and discipline. Believeme, " added Julian, "the Roman republic, which formerly possessed suchimmense treasures, is now reduced to want and wretchedness once ourprinces have been persuaded, by weak and interested ministers, topurchase with gold the tranquillity of the Barbarians. The revenue isexhausted; the cities are ruined; the provinces are dispeopled. For myself, the only inheritance that I have received from my royalancestors is a soul incapable of fear; and as long as I am convincedthat every real advantage is seated in the mind, I shall not blush toacknowledge an honorable poverty, which, in the days of ancient virtue, was considered as the glory of Fabricius. That glory, and that virtue, may be your own, if you will listen to the voice of Heaven and of yourleader. But if you will rashly persist, if you are determined to renewthe shameful and mischievous examples of old seditions, proceed. Asit becomes an emperor who has filled the first rank among men, I amprepared to die, standing; and to despise a precarious life, which, every hour, may depend on an accidental fever. If I have been foundunworthy of the command, there are now among you, (I speak it with prideand pleasure, ) there are many chiefs whose merit and experience areequal to the conduct of the most important war. Such has been thetemper of my reign, that I can retire, without regret, and withoutapprehension, to the obscurity of a private station" [63] The modestresolution of Julian was answered by the unanimous applause and cheerfulobedience of the Romans, who declared their confidence of victory, whilethey fought under the banners of their heroic prince. Their courage waskindled by his frequent and familiar asseverations, (for such wisheswere the oaths of Julian, ) "So may I reduce the Persians under theyoke!" "Thus may I restore the strength and splendor of the republic!"The love of fame was the ardent passion of his soul: but it was notbefore he trampled on the ruins of Maogamalcha, that he allowedhimself to say, "We have now provided some materials for the sophist ofAntioch. " [64]

[Footnote 58: Libanius de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. 13, p. 162. ]

[Footnote 59: The famous examples of Cyrus, Alexander, and Scipio, wereacts of justice. Julian's chastity was voluntary, and, in his opinion, meritorious. ]

[Footnote 60: Sallust (ap. Vet. Scholiast. Juvenal. Satir. I. 104)observes, that nihil corruptius moribus. The matrons and virgins ofBabylon freely mingled with the men in licentious banquets; and asthey felt the intoxication of wine and love, they gradually, andalmost completely, threw aside the encumbrance of dress; ad ultimum imacorporum velamenta projiciunt. Q. Curtius, v. 1. ]

[Footnote 61: Ex virginibus autem quae speciosae sunt captae, et inPerside, ubi faeminarum pulchritudo excellit, nec contrectare aliquamvotuit nec videre. Ammian. Xxiv. 4. The native race of Persians issmall and ugly; but it has been improved by the perpetual mixture ofCircassian blood, (Herodot. L. Iii. C. 97. Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. Iii. P. 420. )]

[Footnote 62: Obsidionalibus coronis donati. Ammian. Xxiv. 4. EitherJulian or his historian were unskillful antiquaries. He should havegiven mural crowns. The obsidional were the reward of a general who haddelivered a besieged city, (Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. V. 6. )]

[Footnote 63: I give this speech as original and genuine. Ammianus mighthear, could transcribe, and was incapable of inventing, it. I have usedsome slight freedoms, and conclude with the most forcibic sentence. ]

[Footnote 64: Ammian. Xxiv. 3. Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 122, p. 346. ]

The successful valor of Julian had triumphed over all the obstacles thatopposed his march to the gates of Ctesiphon. But the reduction, or eventhe siege, of the capital of Persia, was still at a distance: nor canthe military conduct of the emperor be clearly apprehended, without aknowledge of the country which was the theatre of his bold and skilfuloperations. [65] Twenty miles to the south of Bagdad, and on the easternbank of the Tigris, the curiosity of travellers has observed some ruinsof the palaces of Ctesiphon, which, in the time of Julian, was a greatand populous city. The name and glory of the adjacent Seleucia wereforever extinguished; and the only remaining quarter of that Greekcolony had resumed, with the Assyrian language and manners, theprimitive appellation of Coche. Coche was situate on the western sideof the Tigris; but it was naturally considered as a suburb of Ctesiphon, with which we may suppose it to have been connected by a permanentbridge of boats. 

The united parts contribute to form the common epithet of Al Modain, thecities, which the Orientals have bestowed on the winter residence ofthe Sassinadees; and the whole circumference of the Persian capital wasstrongly fortified by the waters of the river, by lofty walls, and byimpracticable morasses. Near the ruins of Seleucia, the camp of Julianwas fixed, and secured, by a ditch and rampart, against the sallies ofthe numerous and enterprising garrison of Coche. In this fruitful andpleasant country, the Romans were plentifully supplied with water andforage: and several forts, which might have embarrassed the motionsof the army, submitted, after some resistance, to the efforts of theirvalor. The fleet passed from the Euphrates into an artificial derivationof that river, which pours a copious and navigable stream into theTigris, at a small distance below the great city. If they had followedthis royal canal, which bore the name of Nahar-Malcha, [66] theintermediate situation of Coche would have separated the fleet and armyof Julian; and the rash attempt of steering against the current of theTigris, and forcing their way through the midst of a hostile capital, must have been attended with the total destruction of the Roman navy. The prudence of the emperor foresaw the danger, and provided the remedy. As he had minutely studied the operations of Trajan in the same country, he soon recollected that his warlike predecessor had dug a new andnavigable canal, which, leaving Coche on the right hand, conveyed thewaters of the Nahar-Malcha into the river Tigris, at some distance abovethe cities. From the information of the peasants, Julian ascertained thevestiges of this ancient work, which were almost obliterated by designor accident. By the indefatigable labor of the soldiers, a broad anddeep channel was speedily prepared for the reception of the Euphrates. A strong dike was constructed to interrupt the ordinary current of theNahar-Malcha: a flood of waters rushed impetuously into their new bed;and the Roman fleet, steering their triumphant course into the Tigris, derided the vain and ineffectual barriers which the Persians ofCtesiphon had erected to oppose their passage. 

[Footnote 65: M. D'Anville, (Mem. De l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Xxxviii p. 246-259) has ascertained the true position and distance ofBabylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, &c. The Roman traveller, Pietrodella Valle, (tom. I. Lett. Xvii. P. 650-780, ) seems to be the mostintelligent spectator of that famous province. He is a gentleman and ascholar, but intolerably vain and prolix. ]

[Footnote 66: The Royal Canal (Nahar-Malcha) might be successivelyrestored, altered, divided, &c. , (Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. Tom. Ii. P. 453;) and these changes may serve to explain the seemingcontradictions of antiquity. In the time of Julian, it must have falleninto the Euphrates below Ctesiphon. ]

As it became necessary to transport the Roman army over the Tigris, another labor presented itself, of less toil, but of more danger, thanthe preceding expedition. The stream was broad and rapid; the ascentsteep and difficult; and the intrenchments which had been formed on theridge of the opposite bank, were lined with a numerous army of heavycuirrasiers, dexterous archers, and huge elephants; who (according tothe extravagant hyperbole of Libanius) could trample with the same easea field of corn, or a legion of Romans. [67] In the presence of such anenemy, the construction of a bridge was impracticable; and the intrepidprince, who instantly seized the only possible expedient, concealedhis design, till the moment of execution, from the knowledge of theBarbarians, of his own troops, and even of his generals themselves. Under the specious pretence of examining the state of the magazines, fourscore vessels [67a] were gradually unladen; and a select detachment, apparently destined for some secret expedition, was ordered to stand totheir arms on the first signal. Julian disguised the silent anxiety ofhis own mind with smiles of confidence and joy; and amused the hostilenations with the spectacle of military games, which he insultinglycelebrated under the walls of Coche. The day was consecrated topleasure; but, as soon as the hour of supper was passed, the emperorsummoned the generals to his tent, and acquainted them that he hadfixed that night for the passage of the Tigris. They stood in silentand respectful astonishment; but, when the venerable Sallust assumed theprivilege of his age and experience, the rest of the chiefs supportedwith freedom the weight of his prudent remonstrances. [68] Juliancontented himself with observing, that conquest and safety depended onthe attempt; that instead of diminishing, the number of their enemieswould be increased, by successive reenforcements; and that a longerdelay would neither contract the breadth of the stream, nor level theheight of the bank. The signal was instantly given, and obeyed; the mostimpatient of the legionaries leaped into five vessels that lay nearestto the bank; and as they plied their oars with intrepid diligence, theywere lost, after a few moments, in the darkness of the night. A flamearose on the opposite side; and Julian, who too clearly understoodthat his foremost vessels, in attempting to land, had been fired bythe enemy, dexterously converted their extreme danger into a presageof victory. "Our fellow-soldiers, " he eagerly exclaimed, "are alreadymasters of the bank; see--they make the appointed signal; let us hastento emulate and assist their courage. " The united and rapid motion ofa great fleet broke the violence of the current, and they reached theeastern shore of the Tigris with sufficient speed to extinguish theflames, and rescue their adventurous companions. The difficulties of asteep and lofty ascent were increased by the weight of armor, andthe darkness of the night. A shower of stones, darts, and fire, wasincessantly discharged on the heads of the assailants; who, afteran arduous struggle, climbed the bank and stood victorious upon therampart. As soon as they possessed a more equal field, Julian, who, withhis light infantry, had led the attack, [69] darted through the ranksa skilful and experienced eye: his bravest soldiers, according to theprecepts of Homer, [70] were distributed in the front and rear: and allthe trumpets of the Imperial army sounded to battle. The Romans, aftersending up a military shout, advanced in measured steps to the animatingnotes of martial music; launched their formidable javelins; and rushedforwards with drawn swords, to deprive the Barbarians, by a closeronset, of the advantage of their missile weapons. The whole engagementlasted above twelve hours; till the gradual retreat of the Persianswas changed into a disorderly flight, of which the shameful examplewas given by the principal leader, and the Surenas himself. They werepursued to the gates of Ctesiphon; and the conquerors might have enteredthe dismayed city, [71] if their general, Victor, who was dangerouslywounded with an arrow, had not conjured them to desist from a rashattempt, which must be fatal, if it were not successful. On their side, the Romans acknowledged the loss of only seventy-five men; while theyaffirmed, that the Barbarians had left on the field of battle twothousand five hundred, or even six thousand, of their bravest soldiers. The spoil was such as might be expected from the riches and luxury ofan Oriental camp; large quantities of silver and gold, splendid armsand trappings, and beds and tables of massy silver. [71a] The victoriousemperor distributed, as the rewards of valor, some honorable gifts, civic, and mural, and naval crowns; which he, and perhaps he alone, esteemed more precious than the wealth of Asia. A solemn sacrifice wasoffered to the god of war, but the appearances of the victims threatenedthe most inauspicious events; and Julian soon discovered, by lessambiguous signs, that he had now reached the term of his prosperity. [72]

[Footnote 67: Rien n'est beau que le vrai; a maxim which should beinscribed on the desk of every rhetorician. ]

[Footnote 67a: This is a mistake; each vessel (according to Zosimustwo, according to Ammianus five) had eighty men. Amm. Xxiv. 6, withWagner's note. Gibbon must have read octogenas for octogenis. The fivevessels selected for this service were remarkably large and strongprovision transports. The strength of the fleet remained with Julian tocarry over the army--M. ]

[Footnote 68: Libanius alludes to the most powerful of the generals. Ihave ventured to name Sallust. Ammianus says, of all the leaders, quodacri metu territ acrimetu territi duces concordi precatu precaut fieriprohibere tentarent. * Note: It is evident that Gibbon has mistakenthe sense of Libanius; his words can only apply to a commander of adetachment, not to so eminent a person as the Praefect of the East. St. Martin, iii. 313. ---M. ]

[Footnote 69: Hinc Imperator. .. . (says Ammianus) ipse cum levisarmaturae auxiliis per prima postremaque discurrens, &c. Yet Zosimus, his friend, does not allow him to pass the river till two days after thebattle. ]

[Footnote 70: Secundum Homericam dispositionem. A similar disposition isascribed to the wise Nestor, in the fourth book of the Iliad; and Homerwas never absent from the mind of Julian. ]

[Footnote 71: Persas terrore subito miscuerunt, versisque agminibustotius gentis, apertas Ctesiphontis portas victor miles intrasset, nimajor praedarum occasio fuisset, quam cura victoriae, (Sextus Rufus deProvinciis c. 28. ) Their avarice might dispose them to hear the adviceof Victor. ]

[Footnote 71a: The suburbs of Ctesiphon, according to a new fragment ofEunapius, were so full of provisions, that the soldiers were in dangerof suffering from excess. Mai, p. 260. Eunapius in Niebuhr. Nov. Byz. Coll. 68. Julian exhibited warlike dances and games in his camp torecreate the soldiers Ibid. --M. ]

[Footnote 72: The labor of the canal, the passage of the Tigris, andthe victory, are described by Ammianus, (xxiv. 5, 6, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 124-128, p. 347-353, ) Greg. Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 115, )Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 181-183, ) and Sextus Rufus, (de Provinciis, c. 28. )]

On the second day after the battle, the domestic guards, the Jovians andHerculians, and the remaining troops, which composed near two thirdsof the whole army, were securely wafted over the Tigris. [73] Whilethe Persians beheld from the walls of Ctesiphon the desolation of theadjacent country, Julian cast many an anxious look towards the North, infull expectation, that as he himself had victoriously penetrated to thecapital of Sapor, the march and junction of his lieutenants, Sebastianand Procopius, would be executed with the same courage and diligence. His expectations were disappointed by the treachery of the Armenianking, who permitted, and most probably directed, the desertion ofhis auxiliary troops from the camp of the Romans; [74] and by thedissensions of the two generals, who were incapable of forming orexecuting any plan for the public service. When the emperor hadrelinquished the hope of this important reenforcement, he condescendedto hold a council of war, and approved, after a full debate, thesentiment of those generals, who dissuaded the siege of Ctesiphon, as afruitless and pernicious undertaking. It is not easy for us to conceive, by what arts of fortification a city thrice besieged and taken by thepredecessors of Julian could be rendered impregnable against an army ofsixty thousand Romans, commanded by a brave and experienced general, and abundantly supplied with ships, provisions, battering engines, andmilitary stores. But we may rest assured, from the love of glory, andcontempt of danger, which formed the character of Julian, that he wasnot discouraged by any trivial or imaginary obstacles. [75] At thevery time when he declined the siege of Ctesiphon, he rejected, withobstinacy and disdain, the most flattering offers of a negotiation ofpeace. Sapor, who had been so long accustomed to the tardy ostentationof Constantius, was surprised by the intrepid diligence of hissuccessor. As far as the confines of India and Scythia, the satrapsof the distant provinces were ordered to assemble their troops, andto march, without delay, to the assistance of their monarch. But theirpreparations were dilatory, their motions slow; and before Sapor couldlead an army into the field, he received the melancholy intelligence ofthe devastation of Assyria, the ruin of his palaces, and the slaughterof his bravest troops, who defended the passage of the Tigris. The prideof royalty was humbled in the dust; he took his repasts on the ground;and the disorder of his hair expressed the grief and anxiety of hismind. Perhaps he would not have refused to purchase, with one halfof his kingdom, the safety of the remainder; and he would have gladlysubscribed himself, in a treaty of peace, the faithful and dependentally of the Roman conqueror. Under the pretence of private business, aminister of rank and confidence was secretly despatched to embrace theknees of Hormisdas, and to request, in the language of a suppliant, thathe might be introduced into the presence of the emperor. The Sassanianprince, whether he listened to the voice of pride or humanity, whether he consulted the sentiments of his birth, or the duties of hissituation, was equally inclined to promote a salutary measure, whichwould terminate the calamities of Persia, and secure the triumph ofRome. He was astonished by the inflexible firmness of a hero, whoremembered, most unfortunately for himself and for his country, thatAlexander had uniformly rejected the propositions of Darius. But asJulian was sensible, that the hope of a safe and honorable peace mightcool the ardor of his troops, he earnestly requested that Hormisdaswould privately dismiss the minister of Sapor, and conceal thisdangerous temptation from the knowledge of the camp. [76]

[Footnote 73: The fleet and army were formed in three divisions, ofwhich the first only had passed during the night. ]

[Footnote 74: Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. L. Iii. C. 15, p. 246)supplies us with a national tradition, and a spurious letter. I haveborrowed only the leading circumstance, which is consistent with truth, probability, and Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 131, p. 355. )]

[Footnote 75: Civitas inexpugnabilis, facinus audax et importunum. Ammianus, xxiv. 7. His fellow-soldier, Eutropius, turns aside from thedifficulty, Assyriamque populatus, castra apud Ctesiphontem stativaaliquandiu habuit: remeansbue victor, &c. X. 16. Zosimus is artful orignorant, and Socrates inaccurate. ]

[Footnote 76: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 130, p. 354, c. 139, p. 361. Socrates, l. Iii. C. 21. The ecclesiastical historian imputes therefusal of peace to the advice of Maximus. Such advice was unworthy of aphilosopher; but the philosopher was likewise a magician, who flatteredthe hopes and passions of his master. ]

Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian. --Part IV. 

The honor, as well as interest, of Julian, forbade him to consume histime under the impregnable walls of Ctesiphon and as often as he defiedthe Barbarians, who defended the city, to meet him on the open plain, they prudently replied, that if he desired to exercise his valor, he might seek the army of the Great King. He felt the insult, and heaccepted the advice. Instead of confining his servile march to the banksof the Euphrates and Tigris, he resolved to imitate the adventurousspirit of Alexander, and boldly to advance into the inland provinces, till he forced his rival to contend with him, perhaps in the plains ofArbela, for the empire of Asia. The magnanimity of Julian was applaudedand betrayed, by the arts of a noble Persian, who, in the cause ofhis country, had generously submitted to act a part full of danger, offalsehood, and of shame. [77] With a train of faithful followers, hedeserted to the Imperial camp; exposed, in a specious tale, the injurieswhich he had sustained; exaggerated the cruelty of Sapor, the discontentof the people, and the weakness of the monarchy; and confidently offeredhimself as the hostage and guide of the Roman march. The most rationalgrounds of suspicion were urged, without effect, by the wisdom andexperience of Hormisdas; and the credulous Julian, receiving the traitorinto his bosom, was persuaded to issue a hasty order, which, in theopinion of mankind, appeared to arraign his prudence, and to endangerhis safety. He destroyed, in a single hour, the whole navy, which hadbeen transported above five hundred miles, at so great an expense oftoil, of treasure, and of blood. Twelve, or, at the most, twenty-twosmall vessels were saved, to accompany, on carriages, the march of thearmy, and to form occasional bridges for the passage of the rivers. A supply of twenty days' provisions was reserved for the use of thesoldiers; and the rest of the magazines, with a fleet of eleven hundredvessels, which rode at anchor in the Tigris, were abandoned to theflames, by the absolute command of the emperor. The Christian bishops, Gregory and Augustin, insult the madness of the Apostate, who executed, with his own hands, the sentence of divine justice. Their authority, ofless weight, perhaps, in a military question, is confirmed by the cooljudgment of an experienced soldier, who was himself spectator of theconflagration, and who could not disapprove the reluctant murmurs of thetroops. [78] Yet there are not wanting some specious, and perhaps solid, reasons, which might justify the resolution of Julian. The navigation ofthe Euphrates never ascended above Babylon, nor that of the Tigris aboveOpis. [79] The distance of the last-mentioned city from the Roman campwas not very considerable: and Julian must soon have renounced the vainand impracticable attempt of forcing upwards a great fleet against thestream of a rapid river, [80] which in several places was embarrassedby natural or artificial cataracts. [81] The power of sails and oars wasinsufficient; it became necessary to tow the ships against the currentof the river; the strength of twenty thousand soldiers was exhaustedin this tedious and servile labor, and if the Romans continued to marchalong the banks of the Tigris, they could only expect to return homewithout achieving any enterprise worthy of the genius or fortune oftheir leader. If, on the contrary, it was advisable to advance into theinland country, the destruction of the fleet and magazines was theonly measure which could save that valuable prize from the hands of thenumerous and active troops which might suddenly be poured from the gatesof Ctesiphon. Had the arms of Julian been victorious, we should nowadmire the conduct, as well as the courage, of a hero, who, by deprivinghis soldiers of the hopes of a retreat, left them only the alternativeof death or conquest. [82]

[Footnote 77: The arts of this new Zopyrus (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Iv. P. 115, 116) may derive some credit from the testimony of twoabbreviators, (Sextus Rufus and Victor, ) and the casual hints ofLibanius (Orat. Parent. C. 134, p. 357) and Ammianus, (xxiv. 7. ) Thecourse of genuine history is interrupted by a most unseasonable chasm inthe text of Ammianus. ]

[Footnote 78: See Ammianus, (xxiv. 7, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, c. 132, 133, p. 356, 357, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 183, ) Zonaras, (tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 26) Gregory, (Orat. Iv. P. 116, ) and Augustin, (de CivitateDei, l. Iv. C. 29, l. V. C. 21. ) Of these Libanius alone attempts afaint apology for his hero; who, according to Ammianus, pronounced hisown condemnation by a tardy and ineffectual attempt to extinguish theflames. ]

[Footnote 79: Consult Herodotus, (l. I. C. 194, ) Strabo, (l. Xvi. P. 1074, ) and Tavernier, (part i. L. Ii. P. 152. )]

[Footnote 80: A celeritate Tigris incipit vocari, ita appellant Medisagittam. Plin. Hist. Natur. Vi. 31. ]

[Footnote 81: One of these dikes, which produces an artificial cascadeor cataract, is described by Tavernier (part i. L. Ii. P. 226) andThevenot, (part ii. L. I. P. 193. ) The Persians, or Assyrians, laboredto interrupt the navigation of the river, (Strabo, l. Xv. P. 1075. D'Anville, l'Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 98, 99. )]

[Footnote 82: Recollect the successful and applauded rashness ofAgathocles and Cortez, who burnt their ships on the coast of Africa andMexico. ]

The cumbersome train of artillery and wagons, which retards theoperations of a modern army, were in a great measure unknown in thecamps of the Romans. [83] Yet, in every age, the subsistence of sixtythousand men must have been one of the most important cares of a prudentgeneral; and that subsistence could only be drawn from his own or fromthe enemy's country. Had it been possible for Julian to maintain abridge of communication on the Tigris, and to preserve the conqueredplaces of Assyria, a desolated province could not afford any large orregular supplies, in a season of the year when the lands were coveredby the inundation of the Euphrates, [84] and the unwholesome air wasdarkened with swarms of innumerable insects. [85] The appearance of thehostile country was far more inviting. The extensive region that liesbetween the River Tigris and the mountains of Media, was filled withvillages and towns; and the fertile soil, for the most part, was ina very improved state of cultivation. Julian might expect, that aconqueror, who possessed the two forcible instruments of persuasion, steel and gold, would easily procure a plentiful subsistence from thefears or avarice of the natives. But, on the approach of the Romans, therich and smiling prospect was instantly blasted. Wherever they moved, the inhabitants deserted the open villages, and took shelter in thefortified towns; the cattle was driven away; the grass and ripe cornwere consumed with fire; and, as soon as the flames had subsided whichinterrupted the march of Julian, he beheld the melancholy face of asmoking and naked desert. This desperate but effectual method of defencecan only be executed by the enthusiasm of a people who prefer theirindependence to their property; or by the rigor of an arbitrarygovernment, which consults the public safety without submitting to theirinclinations the liberty of choice. On the present occasion the zealand obedience of the Persians seconded the commands of Sapor; andthe emperor was soon reduced to the scanty stock of provisions, whichcontinually wasted in his hands. Before they were entirely consumed, hemight still have reached the wealthy and unwarlike cities of Ecbatana orSusa, by the effort of a rapid and well-directed march; [86] but he wasdeprived of this last resource by his ignorance of the roads, and by theperfidy of his guides. The Romans wandered several days in the countryto the eastward of Bagdad; the Persian deserter, who had artfully ledthem into the spare, escaped from their resentment; and his followers, as soon as they were put to the torture, confessed the secret of theconspiracy. The visionary conquests of Hyrcania and India, which had solong amused, now tormented, the mind of Julian. Conscious that his ownimprudence was the cause of the public distress, he anxiously balancedthe hopes of safety or success, without obtaining a satisfactory answer, either from gods or men. At length, as the only practicable measure, heembraced the resolution of directing his steps towards the banks ofthe Tigris, with the design of saving the army by a hasty march tothe confines of Corduene; a fertile and friendly province, whichacknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. The desponding troops obeyedthe signal of the retreat, only seventy days after they had passed theChaboras, with the sanguine expectation of subverting the throne ofPersia. [87]

[Footnote 83: See the judicious reflections of the author of the Essaisur la Tactique, tom. Ii. P. 287-353, and the learned remarks of M. Guichardt Nouveaux Memoires Militaires, tom. I. P. 351-382, on thebaggage and subsistence of the Roman armies. ]

[Footnote 84: The Tigris rises to the south, the Euphrates to the north, of the Armenian mountains. The former overflows in March, the latterin July. These circumstances are well explained in the GeographicalDissertation of Foster, inserted in Spelman's Expedition of Cyras, vol. Ii. P. 26. ]

[Footnote 85: Ammianus (xxiv. 8) describes, as he had felt, theinconveniency of the flood, the heat, and the insects. The lands ofAssyria, oppressed by the Turks, and ravaged by the Curds or Arabs, yield an increase of ten, fifteen, and twenty fold, for the seed whichis cast into the ground by the wretched and unskillful husbandmen. Voyage de Niebuhr, tom. Ii. P. 279, 285. ]

[Footnote 86: Isidore of Charax (Mansion. Parthic. P. 5, 6, in Hudson, Geograph. Minor. Tom. Ii. ) reckons 129 schaeni from Seleucia, andThevenot, (part i. L. I. Ii. P. 209-245, ) 128 hours of march fromBagdad to Ecbatana, or Hamadan. These measures cannot exceed an ordinaryparasang, or three Roman miles. ]

[Footnote 87: The march of Julian from Ctesiphon is circumstantially, but not clearly, described by Ammianus, (xxiv. 7, 8, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 134, p. 357, ) and Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 183. ) The two lastseem ignorant that their conqueror was retreating; and Libanius absurdlyconfines him to the banks of the Tigris. ]

As long as the Romans seemed to advance into the country, their marchwas observed and insulted from a distance, by several bodies of Persiancavalry; who, showing themselves sometimes in loose, and sometimesin close order, faintly skirmished with the advanced guards. Thesedetachments were, however, supported by a much greater force; and theheads of the columns were no sooner pointed towards the Tigris than acloud of dust arose on the plain. The Romans, who now aspired only tothe permission of a safe and speedy retreat, endeavored to persuadethemselves, that this formidable appearance was occasioned by a troopof wild asses, or perhaps by the approach of some friendly Arabs. Theyhalted, pitched their tents, fortified their camp, passed the wholenight in continual alarms; and discovered at the dawn of day, thatthey were surrounded by an army of Persians. This army, which might beconsidered only as the van of the Barbarians, was soon followed by themain body of cuirassiers, archers, and elephants, commanded by Meranes, a general of rank and reputation. He was accompanied by two of theking's sons, and many of the principal satraps; and fame and expectationexaggerated the strength of the remaining powers, which slowly advancedunder the conduct of Sapor himself. As the Romans continued their march, their long array, which was forced to bend or divide, according to thevarieties of the ground, afforded frequent and favorable opportunitiesto their vigilant enemies. The Persians repeatedly charged with fury;they were repeatedly repulsed with firmness; and the action at Maronga, which almost deserved the name of a battle, was marked by a considerableloss of satraps and elephants, perhaps of equal value in the eyes oftheir monarch. These splendid advantages were not obtained withoutan adequate slaughter on the side of the Romans: several officers ofdistinction were either killed or wounded; and the emperor himself, who, on all occasions of danger, inspired and guided the valor of his troops, was obliged to expose his person, and exert his abilities. The weight ofoffensive and defensive arms, which still constituted the strength andsafety of the Romans, disabled them from making any long or effectualpursuit; and as the horsemen of the East were trained to dart theirjavelins, and shoot their arrows, at full speed, and in every possibledirection, [88] the cavalry of Persia was never more formidable than inthe moment of a rapid and disorderly flight. But the most certain andirreparable loss of the Romans was that of time. The hardy veterans, accustomed to the cold climate of Gaul and Germany, fainted under thesultry heat of an Assyrian summer; their vigor was exhausted by theincessant repetition of march and combat; and the progress of the armywas suspended by the precautions of a slow and dangerous retreat, inthe presence of an active enemy. Every day, every hour, as the supplydiminished, the value and price of subsistence increased in the Romancamp. [89] Julian, who always contented himself with such food as ahungry soldier would have disdained, distributed, for the use of thetroops, the provisions of the Imperial household, and whatever could bespared, from the sumpter-horses, of the tribunes and generals. But thisfeeble relief served only to aggravate the sense of the public distress;and the Romans began to entertain the most gloomy apprehensions that, before they could reach the frontiers of the empire, they should allperish, either by famine, or by the sword of the Barbarians. [90]

[Footnote 88: Chardin, the most judicious of modern travellers, describes (tom. Ii. P. 57, 58, &c. , edit. In 4to. ) the education anddexterity of the Persian horsemen. Brissonius (de Regno Persico, p. 650651, &c. , ) has collected the testimonies of antiquity. ]

[Footnote 89: In Mark Antony's retreat, an attic choenix sold for fiftydrachmae, or, in other words, a pound of flour for twelve or fourteenshillings barley bread was sold for its weight in silver. It isimpossible to peruse the interesting narrative of Plutarch, (tom. V. P. 102-116, ) without perceiving that Mark Antony and Julian were pursued bythe same enemies, and involved in the same distress. ]

[Footnote 90: Ammian. Xxiv. 8, xxv. 1. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 184, 185, 186. Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 134, 135, p. 357, 358, 359. The sophistof Antioch appears ignorant that the troops were hungry. ]

While Julian struggled with the almost insuperable difficulties of hissituation, the silent hours of the night were still devoted to studyand contemplation. Whenever he closed his eyes in short and interruptedslumbers, his mind was agitated with painful anxiety; nor can it bethought surprising, that the Genius of the empire should once moreappear before him, covering with a funeral veil his head, and his hornof abundance, and slowly retiring from the Imperial tent. The monarchstarted from his couch, and stepping forth to refresh his weariedspirits with the coolness of the midnight air, he beheld a fiery meteor, which shot athwart the sky, and suddenly vanished. Julian was convincedthat he had seen the menacing countenance of the god of war; [91]the council which he summoned, of Tuscan Haruspices, [92] unanimouslypronounced that he should abstain from action; but on this occasion, necessity and reason were more prevalent than superstition; and thetrumpets sounded at the break of day. The army marched through a hillycountry; and the hills had been secretly occupied by the Persians. Julian led the van with the skill and attention of a consummate general;he was alarmed by the intelligence that his rear was suddenly attacked. The heat of the weather had tempted him to lay aside his cuirass; buthe snatched a shield from one of his attendants, and hastened, with asufficient reenforcement, to the relief of the rear-guard. A similardanger recalled the intrepid prince to the defence of the front; and, as he galloped through the columns, the centre of the left was attacked, and almost overpowered by the furious charge of the Persian cavalry andelephants. This huge body was soon defeated, by the well-timed evolutionof the light infantry, who aimed their weapons, with dexterityand effect, against the backs of the horsemen, and the legs of theelephants. The Barbarians fled; and Julian, who was foremost in everydanger, animated the pursuit with his voice and gestures. His tremblingguards, scattered and oppressed by the disorderly throng of friends andenemies, reminded their fearless sovereign that he was without armor;and conjured him to decline the fall of the impending ruin. As theyexclaimed, [93] a cloud of darts and arrows was discharged from theflying squadrons; and a javelin, after razing the skin of his arm, transpierced the ribs, and fixed in the inferior part of the liver. Julian attempted to draw the deadly weapon from his side; but hisfingers were cut by the sharpness of the steel, and he fell senselessfrom his horse. His guards flew to his relief; and the wounded emperorwas gently raised from the ground, and conveyed out of the tumult of thebattle into an adjacent tent. The report of the melancholy event passedfrom rank to rank; but the grief of the Romans inspired them withinvincible valor, and the desire of revenge. The bloody and obstinateconflict was maintained by the two armies, till they were separated bythe total darkness of the night. The Persians derived some honorfrom the advantage which they obtained against the left wing, whereAnatolius, master of the offices, was slain, and the praefect Sallustvery narrowly escaped. But the event of the day was adverse to theBarbarians. They abandoned the field; their two generals, Meranes andNohordates, [94] fifty nobles or satraps, and a multitude of theirbravest soldiers; and the success of the Romans, if Julian had survived, might have been improved into a decisive and useful victory. 

[Footnote 91: Ammian. Xxv. 2. Julian had sworn in a passion, nunquamse Marti sacra facturum, (xxiv. 6. ) Such whimsical quarrels were notuncommon between the gods and their insolent votaries; and even theprudent Augustus, after his fleet had been twice shipwrecked, excludedNeptune from the honors of public processions. See Hume's PhilosophicalReflections. Essays, vol. Ii. P. 418. ]

[Footnote 92: They still retained the monopoly of the vain but lucrativescience, which had been invented in Hetruria; and professed to derivetheir knowledge of signs and omens from the ancient books of Tarquitius, a Tuscan sage. ]

[Footnote 93: Clambant hinc inde candidati (see the note of Valesius)quos terror, ut fugientium molem tanquam ruinam male compositi culminisdeclinaret. Ammian. Xxv 3. ]

[Footnote 94: Sapor himself declared to the Romans, that it was hispractice to comfort the families of his deceased satraps, by sendingthem, as a present, the heads of the guards and officers who had notfallen by their master's side. Libanius, de nece Julian. Ulcis. C. Xiii. P. 163. ]

The first words that Julian uttered, after his recovery from thefainting fit into which he had been thrown by loss of blood, wereexpressive of his martial spirit. He called for his horse and arms, and was impatient to rush into the battle. His remaining strength wasexhausted by the painful effort; and the surgeons, who examined hiswound, discovered the symptoms of approaching death. He employedthe awful moments with the firm temper of a hero and a sage; thephilosophers who had accompanied him in this fatal expedition, comparedthe tent of Julian with the prison of Socrates; and the spectators, whom duty, or friendship, or curiosity, had assembled round his couch, listened with respectful grief to the funeral oration of their dyingemperor. [95] "Friends and fellow-soldiers, the seasonable period of mydeparture is now arrived, and I discharge, with the cheerfulness of aready debtor, the demands of nature. I have learned from philosophy, howmuch the soul is more excellent than the body; and that the separationof the nobler substance should be the subject of joy, rather than ofaffliction. I have learned from religion, that an early death has oftenbeen the reward of piety; [96] and I accept, as a favor of the gods, themortal stroke that secures me from the danger of disgracing a character, which has hitherto been supported by virtue and fortitude. I die withoutremorse, as I have lived without guilt. I am pleased to reflect on theinnocence of my private life; and I can affirm with confidence, thatthe supreme authority, that emanation of the Divine Power, has beenpreserved in my hands pure and immaculate. Detesting the corrupt anddestructive maxims of despotism, I have considered the happiness of thepeople as the end of government. Submitting my actions to the laws ofprudence, of justice, and of moderation, I have trusted the event tothe care of Providence. Peace was the object of my counsels, as longas peace was consistent with the public welfare; but when the imperiousvoice of my country summoned me to arms, I exposed my person to thedangers of war, with the clear foreknowledge (which I had acquired fromthe art of divination) that I was destined to fall by the sword. I nowoffer my tribute of gratitude to the Eternal Being, who has not sufferedme to perish by the cruelty of a tyrant, by the secret dagger ofconspiracy, or by the slow tortures of lingering disease. He hasgiven me, in the midst of an honorable career, a splendid and gloriousdeparture from this world; and I hold it equally absurd, equallybase, to solicit, or to decline, the stroke of fate. This much I haveattempted to say; but my strength fails me, and I feel the approachof death. I shall cautiously refrain from any word that may tend toinfluence your suffrages in the election of an emperor. My choice mightbe imprudent or injudicious; and if it should not be ratified by theconsent of the army, it might be fatal to the person whom I shouldrecommend. I shall only, as a good citizen, express my hopes, that theRomans may be blessed with the government of a virtuous sovereign. "After this discourse, which Julian pronounced in a firm and gentle toneof voice, he distributed, by a military testament, [97] the remainsof his private fortune; and making some inquiry why Anatolius was notpresent, he understood, from the answer of Sallust, that Anatoliuswas killed; and bewailed, with amiable inconsistency, the loss ofhis friend. At the same time he reproved the immoderate grief of thespectators; and conjured them not to disgrace, by unmanly tears, thefate of a prince, who in a few moments would be united with heaven, andwith the stars. [98] The spectators were silent; and Julian entered intoa metaphysical argument with the philosophers Priscus and Maximus, onthe nature of the soul. The efforts which he made, of mind as well asbody, most probably hastened his death. His wound began to bleed withfresh violence; his respiration was embarrassed by the swelling of theveins; he called for a draught of cold water, and, as soon as he haddrank it, expired without pain, about the hour of midnight. Such wasthe end of that extraordinary man, in the thirty-second year of hisage, after a reign of one year and about eight months, from the deathof Constantius. In his last moments he displayed, perhaps with someostentation, the love of virtue and of fame, which had been the rulingpassions of his life. [99]

[Footnote 95: The character and situation of Julian might countenancethe suspicion that he had previously composed the elaborate oration, which Ammianus heard, and has transcribed. The version of the Abbe de laBleterie is faithful and elegant. I have followed him in expressingthe Platonic idea of emanations, which is darkly insinuated in theoriginal. ]

[Footnote 96: Herodotus (l. I. C. 31, ) has displayed that doctrine inan agreeable tale. Yet the Jupiter, (in the 16th book of the Iliad, ) wholaments with tears of blood the death of Sarpedon his son, had a veryimperfect notion of happiness or glory beyond the grave. ]

[Footnote 97: The soldiers who made their verbal or nuncupatorytestaments, upon actual service, (in procinctu, ) were exempted from theformalities of the Roman law. See Heineccius, (Antiquit. Jur. Roman. Tom. I. P. 504, ) and Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. Xxvii. )]

[Footnote 98: This union of the human soul with the divine aetherealsubstance of the universe, is the ancient doctrine of Pythagoras andPlato: but it seems to exclude any personal or conscious immortality. See Warburton's learned and rational observations. Divine Legation, volii. P. 199-216. ]

[Footnote 99: The whole relation of the death of Julian is given byAmmianus, (xxv. 3, ) an intelligent spectator. Libanius, who turns withhorror from the scene, has supplied some circumstances, (Orat. Parental. C 136-140, p. 359-362. ) The calumnies of Gregory, and the legendsof more recent saints, may now be silently despised. * Note: A veryremarkable fragment of Eunapius describes, not without spirit, thestruggle between the terror of the army on account of their periloussituation, and their grief for the death of Julian. "Even the vulgarfelt that they would soon provide a general, but such a generalas Julian they would never find, even though a god in the form ofman--Julian, who, with a mind equal to the divinity, triumphed overthe evil propensities of human nature, --* * who held commerce withimmaterial beings while yet in the material body--who condescended torule because a ruler was necessary to the welfare of mankind. " Mai, Nov. Coll. Ii. 261. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 69. ]

The triumph of Christianity, and the calamities of the empire, may, insome measure, be ascribed to Julian himself, who had neglected tosecure the future execution of his designs, by the timely and judiciousnomination of an associate and successor. But the royal race ofConstantius Chlorus was reduced to his own person; and if he entertainedany serious thoughts of investing with the purple the most worthy amongthe Romans, he was diverted from his resolution by the difficulty of thechoice, the jealousy of power, the fear of ingratitude, and the naturalpresumption of health, of youth, and of prosperity. His unexpected deathleft the empire without a master, and without an heir, in a state ofperplexity and danger, which, in the space of fourscore years, had neverbeen experienced, since the election of Diocletian. In a governmentwhich had almost forgotten the distinction of pure and noble blood, thesuperiority of birth was of little moment; the claims of official rankwere accidental and precarious; and the candidates, who might aspire toascend the vacant throne could be supported only by the consciousness ofpersonal merit, or by the hopes of popular favor. But the situation ofa famished army, encompassed on all sides by a host of Barbarians, shortened the moments of grief and deliberation. In this scene of terrorand distress, the body of the deceased prince, according to his owndirections, was decently embalmed; and, at the dawn of day, the generalsconvened a military senate, at which the commanders of the legions, andthe officers both of cavalry and infantry, were invited to assist. Three or four hours of the night had not passed away without some secretcabals; and when the election of an emperor was proposed, the spirit offaction began to agitate the assembly. Victor and Arinthaeus collectedthe remains of the court of Constantius; the friends of Julian attachedthemselves to the Gallic chiefs, Dagalaiphus and Nevitta; and themost fatal consequences might be apprehended from the discord of twofactions, so opposite in their character and interest, in their maximsof government, and perhaps in their religious principles. The superiorvirtues of Sallust could alone reconcile their divisions, and unitetheir suffrages; and the venerable praefect would immediately have beendeclared the successor of Julian, if he himself, with sincere and modestfirmness, had not alleged his age and infirmities, so unequal to theweight of the diadem. The generals, who were surprised and perplexed byhis refusal, showed some disposition to adopt the salutary advice of aninferior officer, [100] that they should act as they would have actedin the absence of the emperor; that they should exert their abilitiesto extricate the army from the present distress; and, if they werefortunate enough to reach the confines of Mesopotamia, they shouldproceed with united and deliberate counsels in the election of a lawfulsovereign. While they debated, a few voices saluted Jovian, who was nomore than first [101] of the domestics, with the names of Emperor andAugustus. The tumultuary acclamation [101a] was instantly repeated bythe guards who surrounded the tent, and passed, in a few minutes, to theextremities of the line. The new prince, astonished with his own fortunewas hastily invested with the Imperial ornaments, and received an oathof fidelity from the generals, whose favor and protection he so latelysolicited. The strongest recommendation of Jovian was the merit of hisfather, Count Varronian, who enjoyed, in honorable retirement, the fruitof his long services. In the obscure freedom of a private station, the son indulged his taste for wine and women; yet he supported, withcredit, the character of a Christian [102] and a soldier. Without beingconspicuous for any of the ambitious qualifications which excitethe admiration and envy of mankind, the comely person of Jovian, hischeerful temper, and familiar wit, had gained the affection of hisfellow-soldiers; and the generals of both parties acquiesced in apopular election, which had not been conducted by the arts of theirenemies. The pride of this unexpected elevation was moderated by thejust apprehension, that the same day might terminate the life and reignof the new emperor. The pressing voice of necessity was obeyed withoutdelay; and the first orders issued by Jovian, a few hours after hispredecessor had expired, were to prosecute a march, which could aloneextricate the Romans from their actual distress. [103]

[Footnote 100: Honoratior aliquis miles; perhaps Ammianus himself. Themodest and judicious historian describes the scene of the election, atwhich he was undoubtedly present, (xxv. 5. )]

[Footnote 101: The primus or primicerius enjoyed the dignity of asenator, and though only a tribune, he ranked with the military dukes. Cod. Theodosian. L. Vi. Tit. Xxiv. These privileges are perhaps morerecent than the time of Jovian. ]

[Footnote 101a: The soldiers supposed that the acclamations proclaimedthe name of Julian, restored, as they fondly thought, to health, notthat of Jovian. Loc. --M. ]

[Footnote 102: The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, (l. Iii. C. 22, )Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. 3, ) and Theodoret, (l. Iv. C. 1, ) ascribe to Jovianthe merit of a confessor under the preceding reign; and piously supposethat he refused the purple, till the whole army unanimously exclaimedthat they were Christians. Ammianus, calmly pursuing his narrative, overthrows the legend by a single sentence. Hostiis pro Joviano extisqueinspectis, pronuntiatum est, &c. , xxv. 6. ]

[Footnote 103: Ammianus (xxv. 10) has drawn from the life an impartialportrait of Jovian; to which the younger Victor has added someremarkable strokes. The Abbe de la Bleterie (Histoire de Jovien, tom. I. P. 1-238) has composed an elaborate history of his short reign; a workremarkably distinguished by elegance of style, critical disquisition, and religious prejudice. ]

Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian. --Part V. 

The esteem of an enemy is most sincerely expressed by his fears; andthe degree of fear may be accurately measured by the joy with which hecelebrates his deliverance. The welcome news of the death of Julian, which a deserter revealed to the camp of Sapor, inspired the despondingmonarch with a sudden confidence of victory. He immediately detached theroyal cavalry, perhaps the ten thousand Immortals, [104] to secondand support the pursuit; and discharged the whole weight of his unitedforces on the rear-guard of the Romans. The rear-guard was throwninto disorder; the renowned legions, which derived their titles fromDiocletian, and his warlike colleague, were broke and trampled down bythe elephants; and three tribunes lost their lives in attempting to stopthe flight of their soldiers. The battle was at length restored by thepersevering valor of the Romans; the Persians were repulsed with agreat slaughter of men and elephants; and the army, after marching andfighting a long summer's day, arrived, in the evening, at Samara, on thebanks of the Tigris, about one hundred miles above Ctesiphon. [105]On the ensuing day, the Barbarians, instead of harassing the march, attacked the camp, of Jovian; which had been seated in a deep andsequestered valley. From the hills, the archers of Persia insultedand annoyed the wearied legionaries; and a body of cavalry, which hadpenetrated with desperate courage through the Praetorian gate, was cutin pieces, after a doubtful conflict, near the Imperial tent. In thesucceeding night, the camp of Carche was protected by the lofty dikesof the river; and the Roman army, though incessantly exposed to thevexatious pursuit of the Saracens, pitched their tents near the city ofDura, [106] four days after the death of Julian. The Tigris was stillon their left; their hopes and provisions were almost consumed; andthe impatient soldiers, who had fondly persuaded themselves that thefrontiers of the empire were not far distant, requested their newsovereign, that they might be permitted to hazard the passage of theriver. With the assistance of his wisest officers, Jovian endeavored tocheck their rashness; by representing, that if they possessed sufficientskill and vigor to stem the torrent of a deep and rapid stream, theywould only deliver themselves naked and defenceless to the Barbarians, who had occupied the opposite banks, Yielding at length to theirclamorous importunities, he consented, with reluctance, that fivehundred Gauls and Germans, accustomed from their infancy to the watersof the Rhine and Danube, should attempt the bold adventure, which mightserve either as an encouragement, or as a warning, for the rest of thearmy. In the silence of the night, they swam the Tigris, surprised anunguarded post of the enemy, and displayed at the dawn of day the signalof their resolution and fortune. The success of this trial disposedthe emperor to listen to the promises of his architects, who propose toconstruct a floating bridge of the inflated skins of sheep, oxen, andgoats, covered with a floor of earth and fascines. [107] Two importantdays were spent in the ineffectual labor; and the Romans, who alreadyendured the miseries of famine, cast a look of despair on the Tigris, and upon the Barbarians; whose numbers and obstinacy increased with thedistress of the Imperial army. [108]

[Footnote 104: Regius equitatus. It appears, from Irocopius, that theImmortals, so famous under Cyrus and his successors, were revived, if wemay use that improper word, by the Sassanides. Brisson de Regno Persico, p. 268, &c. ]

[Footnote 105: The obscure villages of the inland country areirrecoverably lost; nor can we name the field of battle where Julianfell: but M. D'Anville has demonstrated the precise situation of Sumere, Carche, and Dura, along the banks of the Tigris, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. Ii. P. 248 L'Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 95, 97. ) In the ninthcentury, Sumere, or Samara, became, with a slight change of name, theroyal residence of the khalifs of the house of Abbas. * Note: Sormanray, called by the Arabs Samira, where D'Anville placed Samara, is toomuch to the south; and is a modern town built by Caliph Morasen. Serra-man-rai means, in Arabic, it rejoices every one who sees it. St. Martin, iii. 133. --M. ]

[Footnote 106: Dura was a fortified place in the wars of Antiochusagainst the rebels of Media and Persia, (Polybius, l. V. C. 48, 52, p. 548, 552 edit. Casaubon, in 8vo. )]

[Footnote 107: A similar expedient was proposed to the leaders of theten thousand, and wisely rejected. Xenophon, Anabasis, l. Iii. P. 255, 256, 257. It appears, from our modern travellers, that rafts floating onbladders perform the trade and navigation of the Tigris. ]

[Footnote 108: The first military acts of the reign of Jovian arerelated by Ammianus, (xxv. 6, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 146, p. 364, )and Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 189, 190, 191. ) Though we may distrust thefairness of Libanius, the ocular testimony of Eutropius (uno a Persisatque altero proelio victus, x. 17) must incline us to suspect thatAmmianus had been too jealous of the honor of the Roman arms. ]

In this hopeless condition, the fainting spirits of the Romans wererevived by the sound of peace. The transient presumption of Sapor hadvanished: he observed, with serious concern, that, in the repetition ofdoubtful combats, he had lost his most faithful and intrepid nobles, hisbravest troops, and the greatest part of his train of elephants: andthe experienced monarch feared to provoke the resistance of despair, thevicissitudes of fortune, and the unexhausted powers of the Roman empire;which might soon advance to elieve, or to revenge, the successor ofJulian. The Surenas himself, accompanied by another satrap, appearedin the camp of Jovian; [109] and declared, that the clemency of hissovereign was not averse to signify the conditions on which he wouldconsent to spare and to dismiss the Caesar with the relics of hiscaptive army. [109a] The hopes of safety subdued the firmness of theRomans; the emperor was compelled, by the advice of his council, andthe cries of his soldiers, to embrace the offer of peace; [109b] and thepraefect Sallust was immediately sent, with the general Arinthaeus, tounderstand the pleasure of the Great King. The crafty Persian delayed, under various pretenses, the conclusion of the agreement; starteddifficulties, required explanations, suggested expedients, receded fromhis concessions, increased his demands, and wasted four days in the artsof negotiation, till he had consumed the stock of provisions which yetremained in the camp of the Romans. Had Jovian been capable of executinga bold and prudent measure, he would have continued his march, withunremitting diligence; the progress of the treaty would have suspendedthe attacks of the Barbarians; and, before the expiration of the fourthday, he might have safely reached the fruitful province of Corduene, atthe distance only of one hundred miles. [110] The irresolute emperor, instead of breaking through the toils of the enemy, expected his fatewith patient resignation; and accepted the humiliating conditions ofpeace, which it was no longer in his power to refuse. The five provincesbeyond the Tigris, which had been ceded by the grandfather of Sapor, were restored to the Persian monarchy. He acquired, by a singlearticle, the impregnable city of Nisibis; which had sustained, in threesuccessive sieges, the effort of his arms. Singara, and the castle ofthe Moors, one of the strongest places of Mesopotamia, were likewisedismembered from the empire. It was considered as an indulgence, thatthe inhabitants of those fortresses were permitted to retire with theireffects; but the conqueror rigorously insisted, that the Romans shouldforever abandon the king and kingdom of Armenia. [110a] A peace, orrather a long truce, of thirty years, was stipulated between the hostilenations; the faith of the treaty was ratified by solemn oathsand religious ceremonies; and hostages of distinguished rank werereciprocally delivered to secure the performance of the conditions. [111]

[Footnote 109: Sextus Rufus (de Provinciis, c. 29) embraces a poorsubterfuge of national vanity. Tanta reverentia nominis Romani fuit, uta Persis primus de pace sermo haberetur. ---He is called Junius by JohnMalala; the same, M. St. Martin conjectures, with a satrap of Gordyenenamed Jovianus, or Jovinianus; mentioned in Ammianus Marcellinus, xviii. 6. --M. ]

[Footnote 109a: The Persian historians couch the message of Shah-pourin these Oriental terms: "I have reassembled my numerous army. I amresolved to revenge my subjects, who have been plundered, made captives, and slain. It is for this that I have bared my arm, and girded my loins. If you consent to pay the price of the blood which has been shed, todeliver up the booty which has been plundered, and to restore the cityof Nisibis, which is in Irak, and belongs to our empire, though now inyour possession, I will sheathe the sword of war; but should you refusethese terms, the hoofs of my horse, which are hard as steel, shallefface the name of the Romans from the earth; and my glorious cimeter, that destroys like fire, shall exterminate the people of your empire. "These authorities do not mention the death of Julian. Malcolm's Persia, i. 87. --M. ]

[Footnote 109b: The Paschal chronicle, not, as M. St. Martin says, supported by John Malala, places the mission of this ambassador beforethe death of Julian. The king of Persia was then in Persarmenia, ignorant of the death of Julian; he only arrived at the army subsequentto that event. St. Martin adopts this view, and finds or extorts supportfor it, from Libanius and Ammianus, iii. 158. --M. ]

[Footnote 110: It is presumptuous to controvert the opinion of Ammianus, a soldier and a spectator. Yet it is difficult to understand how themountains of Corduene could extend over the plains of Assyria, as lowas the conflux of the Tigris and the great Zab; or how an army of sixtythousand men could march one hundred miles in four days. Note: *Yet this appears to be the case (in modern maps: ) the march is thedifficulty. --M. ]

[Footnote 110a: Sapor availed himself, a few years after, of thedissolution of the alliance between the Romans and the Armenians. SeeSt. M. Iii. 163. --M. ]

[Footnote 111: The treaty of Dura is recorded with grief or indignationby Ammianus, (xxv. 7, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 142, p. 364, )Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 190, 191, ) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. Iv. P. 117, 118, who imputes the distress to Julian, the deliverance to Jovian, )and Eutropius, (x. 17. ) The last-mentioned writer, who was present inmilitary station, styles this peace necessarium quidem sed ignoblem. ]

The sophist of Antioch, who saw with indignation the sceptre of his heroin the feeble hand of a Christian successor, professes to admire themoderation of Sapor, in contenting himself with so small a portion ofthe Roman empire. If he had stretched as far as the Euphrates theclaims of his ambition, he might have been secure, says Libanius, of notmeeting with a refusal. If he had fixed, as the boundary of Persia, the Orontes, the Cydnus, the Sangarius, or even the Thracian Bosphorus, flatterers would not have been wanting in the court of Jovian toconvince the timid monarch, that his remaining provinces would stillafford the most ample gratifications of power and luxury. [112]Without adopting in its full force this malicious insinuation, wemust acknowledge, that the conclusion of so ignominious a treaty wasfacilitated by the private ambition of Jovian. The obscure domestic, exalted to the throne by fortune, rather than by merit, was impatient toescape from the hands of the Persians, that he might prevent the designsof Procopius, who commanded the army of Mesopotamia, and establish hisdoubtful reign over the legions and provinces which were still ignorantof the hasty and tumultuous choice of the camp beyond the Tigris. [113]In the neighborhood of the same river, at no very considerable distancefrom the fatal station of Dura, [114] the ten thousand Greeks, withoutgenerals, or guides, or provisions, were abandoned, above twelve hundredmiles from their native country, to the resentment of a victoriousmonarch. The difference of their conduct and success depended much moreon their character than on their situation. Instead of tamely resigningthemselves to the secret deliberations and private views of a singleperson, the united councils of the Greeks were inspired by the generousenthusiasm of a popular assembly; where the mind of each citizen isfilled with the love of glory, the pride of freedom, and the contemptof death. Conscious of their superiority over the Barbarians in arms anddiscipline, they disdained to yield, they refused to capitulate: everyobstacle was surmounted by their patience, courage, and military skill;and the memorable retreat of the ten thousand exposed and insulted theweakness of the Persian monarchy. [115]

[Footnote 112: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 143, p. 364, 365. ]

[Footnote 113: Conditionibus. .. .. Dispendiosis Romanae reipublicaeimpositis. .. . Quibus cupidior regni quam gloriae Jovianus, imperiorudis, adquievit. Sextus Rufus de Provinciis, c. 29. La Bleterie hasexpressed, in a long, direct oration, these specious considerations ofpublic and private interest, (Hist. De Jovien, tom. I. P. 39, &c. )]

[Footnote 114: The generals were murdered on the bauks of the Zabatus, (Ana basis, l. Ii. P. 156, l. Iii. P. 226, ) or great Zab, a river ofAssyria, 400 feet broad, which falls into the Tigris fourteen hoursbelow Mosul. The error of the Greeks bestowed on the greater and lesserZab the names of the Walf, (Lycus, ) and the Goat, (Capros. ) They createdthese animals to attend the Tiger of the East. ]

[Footnote 115: The Cyropoedia is vague and languid; the Anabasiscircumstance and animated. Such is the eternal difference betweenfiction and truth. ]

As the price of his disgraceful concessions, the emperor mightperhaps have stipulated, that the camp of the hungry Romans should beplentifully supplied; [116] and that they should be permitted to passthe Tigris on the bridge which was constructed by the hands of thePersians. But, if Jovian presumed to solicit those equitable terms, theywere sternly refused by the haughty tyrant of the East, whose clemencyhad pardoned the invaders of his country. The Saracens sometimesintercepted the stragglers of the march; but the generals and troopsof Sapor respected the cessation of arms; and Jovian was suffered toexplore the most convenient place for the passage of the river. Thesmall vessels, which had been saved from the conflagration of the fleet, performed the most essential service. They first conveyed the emperorand his favorites; and afterwards transported, in many successivevoyages, a great part of the army. But, as every man was anxious for hispersonal safety, and apprehensive of being left on the hostile shore, the soldiers, who were too impatient to wait the slow returns of theboats, boldly ventured themselves on light hurdles, or inflated skins;and, drawing after them their horses, attempted, with various success, to swim across the river. Many of these daring adventurers wereswallowed by the waves; many others, who were carried along by theviolence of the stream, fell an easy prey to the avarice or cruelty ofthe wild Arabs: and the loss which the army sustained in the passage ofthe Tigris, was not inferior to the carnage of a day of battle. As soonas the Romans were landed on the western bank, they were delivered fromthe hostile pursuit of the Barbarians; but, in a laborious march oftwo hundred miles over the plains of Mesopotamia, they endured the lastextremities of thirst and hunger. They were obliged to traverse thesandy desert, which, in the extent of seventy miles, did not afford asingle blade of sweet grass, nor a single spring of fresh water; andthe rest of the inhospitable waste was untrod by the footsteps eitherof friends or enemies. Whenever a small measure of flour could bediscovered in the camp, twenty pounds weight were greedily purchasedwith ten pieces of gold: [117] the beasts of burden were slaughtered anddevoured; and the desert was strewed with the arms and baggage ofthe Roman soldiers, whose tattered garments and meagre countenancesdisplayed their past sufferings and actual misery. A small convoy ofprovisions advanced to meet the army as far as the castle of Ur; andthe supply was the more grateful, since it declared the fidelityof Sebastian and Procopius. At Thilsaphata, [118] the emperor mostgraciously received the generals of Mesopotamia; and the remains of aonce flourishing army at length reposed themselves under the wallsof Nisibis. The messengers of Jovian had already proclaimed, in thelanguage of flattery, his election, his treaty, and his return; andthe new prince had taken the most effectual measures to secure theallegiance of the armies and provinces of Europe, by placing themilitary command in the hands of those officers, who, from motivesof interest, or inclination, would firmly support the cause of theirbenefactor. [119]

[Footnote 116: According to Rufinus, an immediate supply of provisionswas stipulated by the treaty, and Theodoret affirms, that the obligationwas faithfully discharged by the Persians. Such a fact is probable butundoubtedly false. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 702. ]

[Footnote 117: We may recollect some lines of Lucan, (Pharsal. Iv. 95, )who describes a similar distress of Caesar's army in Spain:-- ----Saevafames aderat--Miles eget: toto censu non prodigus emit Exiguam Cererem. Proh lucri pallida tabes! Non deest prolato jejunus venditor auro. See Guichardt (Nouveaux Memoires Militaires, tom. I. P. 370-382. )His analysis of the two campaigns in Spain and Africa is the noblestmonument that has ever been raised to the fame of Caesar. ]

[Footnote 118: M. D'Anville (see his Maps, and l'Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 92, 93) traces their march, and assigns the true position of Hatra, Ur, and Thilsaphata, which Ammianus has mentioned. ----He does notcomplain of the Samiel, the deadly hot wind, which Thevenot (Voyages, part ii. L. I. P. 192) so much dreaded. ----Hatra, now Kadhr. Ur, Kasror Skervidgi. Thilsaphata is unknown--M. ]

[Footnote 119: The retreat of Jovian is described by Ammianus, (xxv. 9, ) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 143, p. 365, ) and Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 194. )]

The friends of Julian had confidently announced the success of hisexpedition. They entertained a fond persuasion that the temples of thegods would be enriched with the spoils of the East; that Persia wouldbe reduced to the humble state of a tributary province, governed by thelaws and magistrates of Rome; that the Barbarians would adopt the dress, and manners, and language of their conquerors; and that the youth ofEcbatana and Susa would study the art of rhetoric under Grecian masters. [120] The progress of the arms of Julian interrupted his communicationwith the empire; and, from the moment that he passed the Tigris, hisaffectionate subjects were ignorant of the fate and fortunes of theirprince. Their contemplation of fancied triumphs was disturbed by themelancholy rumor of his death; and they persisted to doubt, afterthey could no longer deny, the truth of that fatal event. [121] Themessengers of Jovian promulgated the specious tale of a prudent andnecessary peace; the voice of fame, louder and more sincere, revealedthe disgrace of the emperor, and the conditions of the ignominioustreaty. The minds of the people were filled with astonishment and grief, with indignation and terror, when they were informed, that the unworthysuccessor of Julian relinquished the five provinces which had beenacquired by the victory of Galerius; and that he shamefully surrenderedto the Barbarians the important city of Nisibis, the firmest bulwark ofthe provinces of the East. [122] The deep and dangerous question, howfar the public faith should be observed, when it becomes incompatiblewith the public safety, was freely agitated in popular conversation;and some hopes were entertained that the emperor would redeem hispusillanimous behavior by a splendid act of patriotic perfidy. Theinflexible spirit of the Roman senate had always disclaimed the unequalconditions which were extorted from the distress of their captivearmies; and, if it were necessary to satisfy the national honor, bydelivering the guilty general into the hands of the Barbarians, thegreatest part of the subjects of Jovian would have cheerfully acquiescedin the precedent of ancient times. [123]

[Footnote 120: Libanius, (Orat. Parent. C. 145, p. 366. ) Such were thenatural hopes and wishes of a rhetorician. ]

[Footnote 121: The people of Carrhae, a city devoted to Paganism, buriedthe inauspicious messenger under a pile of stones, (Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 196. ) Libanius, when he received the fatal intelligence, cast his eye onhis sword; but he recollected that Plato had condemned suicide, and thathe must live to compose the Panegyric of Julian, (Libanius de Vita sua, tom. Ii. P. 45, 46. )]

[Footnote 122: Ammianus and Eutropius may be admitted as fair andcredible witnesses of the public language and opinions. The peopleof Antioch reviled an ignominious peace, which exposed them to thePersians, on a naked and defenceless frontier, (Excerpt. Valesiana, p. 845, ex Johanne Antiocheno. )]

[Footnote 123: The Abbe de la Bleterie, (Hist. De Jovien, tom. I. P. 212-227. ) though a severe casuist, has pronounced that Jovian was notbound to execute his promise; since he could not dismember the empire, nor alienate, without their consent, the allegiance of his people. I have never found much delight or instruction in such politicalmetaphysics. ]

But the emperor, whatever might be the limits of his constitutionalauthority, was the absolute master of the laws and arms of the state;and the same motives which had forced him to subscribe, now pressed himto execute, the treaty of peace. He was impatient to secure an empireat the expense of a few provinces; and the respectable names ofreligion and honor concealed the personal fears and ambition of Jovian. Notwithstanding the dutiful solicitations of the inhabitants, decency, as well as prudence, forbade the emperor to lodge in the palace ofNisibis; but the next morning after his arrival. Bineses, the ambassadorof Persia, entered the place, displayed from the citadel the standardof the Great King, and proclaimed, in his name, the cruel alternativeof exile or servitude. The principal citizens of Nisibis, who, till thatfatal moment, had confided in the protection of their sovereign, threwthemselves at his feet. They conjured him not to abandon, or, at least, not to deliver, a faithful colony to the rage of a Barbarian tyrant, exasperated by the three successive defeats which he had experiencedunder the walls of Nisibis. They still possessed arms and courage torepel the invaders of their country: they requested only the permissionof using them in their own defence; and, as soon as they had assertedtheir independence, they should implore the favor of being againadmitted into the ranks of his subjects. Their arguments, theireloquence, their tears, were ineffectual. Jovian alleged, with someconfusion, the sanctity of oaths; and, as the reluctance with which heaccepted the present of a crown of gold, convinced the citizens of theirhopeless condition, the advocate Sylvanus was provoked to exclaim, "Oemperor! may you thus be crowned by all the cities of your dominions!"Jovian, who in a few weeks had assumed the habits of a prince, [124] wasdispleased with freedom, and offended with truth: and as he reasonablysupposed, that the discontent of the people might incline them to submitto the Persian government, he published an edict, under pain of death, that they should leave the city within the term of three days. Ammianushas delineated in lively colors the scene of universal despair, which heseems to have viewed with an eye of compassion. [125] The martial youthdeserted, with indignant grief, the walls which they had so gloriouslydefended: the disconsolate mourner dropped a last tear over the tombof a son or husband, which must soon be profaned by the rude hand of aBarbarian master; and the aged citizen kissed the threshold, and clungto the doors, of the house where he had passed the cheerful and carelesshours of infancy. The highways were crowded with a trembling multitude:the distinctions of rank, and sex, and age, were lost in the generalcalamity. Every one strove to bear away some fragment from the wreck ofhis fortunes; and as they could not command the immediate service of anadequate number of horses or wagons, they were obliged to leavebehind them the greatest part of their valuable effects. The savageinsensibility of Jovian appears to have aggravated the hardships ofthese unhappy fugitives. They were seated, however, in a new-builtquarter of Amida; and that rising city, with the reenforcement of a veryconsiderable colony, soon recovered its former splendor, and becamethe capital of Mesopotamia. [126] Similar orders were despatched by theemperor for the evacuation of Singara and the castle of the Moors;and for the restitution of the five provinces beyond the Tigris. Saporenjoyed the glory and the fruits of his victory; and this ignominiouspeace has justly been considered as a memorable aera in the declineand fall of the Roman empire. The predecessors of Jovian had sometimesrelinquished the dominion of distant and unprofitable provinces; but, since the foundation of the city, the genius of Rome, the god Terminus, who guarded the boundaries of the republic, had never retired before thesword of a victorious enemy. [127]

[Footnote 124: At Nisibis he performed a royal act. A brave officer, hisnamesake, who had been thought worthy of the purple, was dragged fromsupper, thrown into a well, and stoned to death without any form oftrial or evidence of guilt. Anomian. Xxv. 8. ]

[Footnote 125: See xxv. 9, and Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 194, 195. ]

[Footnote 126: Chron. Paschal. P. 300. The ecclesiastical Notitie may beconsulted. ]

[Footnote 127: Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 192, 193. Sextus Rufus de Provinciis, c. 29. Augustin de Civitat. Dei, l. Iv. C. 29. This general positionmust be applied and interpreted with some caution. ]

After Jovian had performed those engagements which the voice of hispeople might have tempted him to violate, he hastened away from thescene of his disgrace, and proceeded with his whole court to enjoy theluxury of Antioch. [128] Without consulting the dictates of religiouszeal, he was prompted, by humanity and gratitude, to bestow the lasthonors on the remains of his deceased sovereign: [129] and Procopius, who sincerely bewailed the loss of his kinsman, was removed fromthe command of the army, under the decent pretence of conducting thefuneral. The corpse of Julian was transported from Nisibis to Tarsus, in a slow march of fifteen days; and, as it passed through the citiesof the East, was saluted by the hostile factions, with mournfullamentations and clamorous insults. The Pagans already placed theirbeloved hero in the rank of those gods whose worship he had restored;while the invectives of the Christians pursued the soul of the Apostateto hell, and his body to the grave. [130] One party lamented theapproaching ruin of their altars; the other celebrated the marvellousdeliverance of their church. The Christians applauded, in lofty andambiguous strains, the stroke of divine vengeance, which had been solong suspended over the guilty head of Julian. They acknowledge, thatthe death of the tyrant, at the instant he expired beyond the Tigris, was revealed to the saints of Egypt, Syria, and Cappadocia; [131]and instead of suffering him to fall by the Persian darts, theirindiscretion ascribed the heroic deed to the obscure hand of some mortalor immortal champion of the faith. [132] Such imprudent declarationswere eagerly adopted by the malice, or credulity, of their adversaries;[133] who darkly insinuated, or confidently asserted, that the governorsof the church had instigated and directed the fanaticism of a domesticassassin. [134] Above sixteen years after the death of Julian, thecharge was solemnly and vehemently urged, in a public oration, addressedby Libanius to the emperor Theodosius. His suspicions are unsupportedby fact or argument; and we can only esteem the generous zeal of thesophist of Antioch for the cold and neglected ashes of his friend. [135]

[Footnote 128: Ammianus, xxv. 9. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 196. He might beedax, vino Venerique indulgens. But I agree with La Bleterie (tom. I. P. 148-154) in rejecting the foolish report of a Bacchanalian riot (ap. Suidam) celebrated at Antioch, by the emperor, his wife, and a troop ofconcubines. ]

[Footnote 129: The Abbe de la Bleterie (tom. I. P. 156-209) handsomelyexposes the brutal bigotry of Baronius, who would have thrown Julian tothe dogs, ne cespititia quidem sepultura dignus. ]

[Footnote 130: Compare the sophist and the saint, (Libanius, Monod. Tom. Ii. P. 251, and Orat. Parent. C. 145, p. 367, c. 156, p. 377, withGregory Nazianzen, Orat. Iv. P. 125-132. ) The Christian orator faintlymutters some exhortations to modesty and forgiveness; but he is wellsatisfied, that the real sufferings of Julian will far exceed thefabulous torments of Ixion or Tantalus. ]

[Footnote 131: Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 549) hascollected these visions. Some saint or angel was observed to be absentin the night, on a secret expedition, &c. ]

[Footnote 132: Sozomen (l. Vi. 2) applauds the Greek doctrineof tyrannicide; but the whole passage, which a Jesuit might havetranslated, is prudently suppressed by the president Cousin. ]

[Footnote 133: Immediately after the death of Julian, an uncertain rumorwas scattered, telo cecidisse Romano. It was carried, by some desertersto the Persian camp; and the Romans were reproached as the assassinsof the emperor by Sapor and his subjects, (Ammian. Xxv. 6. Libaniusde ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. Xiii. P. 162, 163. ) It was urged, asa decisive proof, that no Persian had appeared to claim the promisedreward, (Liban. Orat. Parent. C. 141, p. 363. ) But the flying horseman, who darted the fatal javelin, might be ignorant of its effect; or hemight be slain in the same action. Ammianus neither feels nor inspires asuspicion. ]

[Footnote 134: This dark and ambiguous expression may point toAthanasius, the first, without a rival, of the Christian clergy, (Libanius de ulcis. Jul. Nece, c. 5, p. 149. La Bleterie, Hist. DeJovien, tom. I. P. 179. )]

[Footnote 135: The orator (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 145-179) scatters suspicions, demands an inquiry, and insinuates, thatproofs might still be obtained. He ascribes the success of the Huns tothe criminal neglect of revenging Julian's death. ]

It was an ancient custom in the funerals, as well as in the triumphs, of the Romans, that the voice of praise should be corrected by that ofsatire and ridicule; and that, in the midst of the splendid pageants, which displayed the glory of the living or of the dead, theirimperfections should not be concealed from the eyes of the world. [136]This custom was practised in the funeral of Julian. The comedians, whoresented his contempt and aversion for the theatre, exhibited, withthe applause of a Christian audience, the lively and exaggeratedrepresentation of the faults and follies of the deceased emperor. Hisvarious character and singular manners afforded an ample scope forpleasantry and ridicule. [137] In the exercise of his uncommon talents, he often descended below the majesty of his rank. Alexander wastransformed into Diogenes; the philosopher was degraded into apriest. The purity of his virtue was sullied by excessive vanity; hissuperstition disturbed the peace, and endangered the safety, of a mightyempire; and his irregular sallies were the less entitled to indulgence, as they appeared to be the laborious efforts of art, or even ofaffectation. The remains of Julian were interred at Tarsus in Cilicia;but his stately tomb, which arose in that city, on the banks of the coldand limpid Cydnus, [138] was displeasing to the faithful friends, wholoved and revered the memory of that extraordinary man. The philosopherexpressed a very reasonable wish, that the disciple of Plato mighthave reposed amidst the groves of the academy; [139] while the soldierexclaimed, in bolder accents, that the ashes of Julian should havebeen mingled with those of Caesar, in the field of Mars, and among theancient monuments of Roman virtue. [140] The history of princes does notvery frequently renew the examples of a similar competition. 

[Footnote 136: At the funeral of Vespasian, the comedian who personatedthat frugal emperor, anxiously inquired how much it cost. Fourscorethousand pounds, (centies. ) Give me the tenth part of the sum, and throwmy body into the Tiber. Sueton, in Vespasian, c. 19, with the notes ofCasaubon and Gronovius. ]

[Footnote 137: Gregory (Orat. Iv. P. 119, 120) compares this supposedignominy and ridicule to the funeral honors of Constantius, whose bodywas chanted over Mount Taurus by a choir of angels. ]

[Footnote 138: Quintus Curtius, l. Iii. C. 4. The luxuriancy of hisdescriptions has been often censured. Yet it was almost the duty of thehistorian to describe a river, whose waters had nearly proved fatal toAlexander. ]

[Footnote 139: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. 156, p. 377. Yet heacknowledges with gratitude the liberality of the two royal brothers indecorating the tomb of Julian, (de ulcis. Jul. Nece, c. 7, p. 152. )]

[Footnote 140: Cujus suprema et cineres, si qui tunc juste consuleret, non Cydnus videre deberet, quamvis gratissimus amnis et liquidus: sed adperpetuandam gloriam recte factorum praeterlambere Tiberis, intersecansurbem aeternam, divorumque veterum monumenta praestringens Ammian. Xxv. 10. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part I. 

The Government And Death Of Jovian. --Election Of Valentinian, WhoAssociates His Brother Valens, And Makes The Final Division OfThe Eastern And Western Empires. --Revolt Of Procopius. --Civil AndEcclesiastical Administration. --Germany. --Britain. --Africa. --TheEast. --The Danube. --Death Of Valentinian. --His Two Sons, Gratian AndValentinian II. , Succeed To The Western Empire. 

The death of Julian had left the public affairs of the empire in avery doubtful and dangerous situation. The Roman army was saved by aninglorious, perhaps a necessary treaty; [1] and the first moments ofpeace were consecrated by the pious Jovian to restore the domestictranquility of the church and state. The indiscretion of hispredecessor, instead of reconciling, had artfully fomented the religiouswar: and the balance which he affected to preserve between the hostilefactions, served only to perpetuate the contest, by the vicissitudesof hope and fear, by the rival claims of ancient possession and actualfavor. The Christians had forgotten the spirit of the gospel; and thePagans had imbibed the spirit of the church. In private families, thesentiments of nature were extinguished by the blind fury of zeal andrevenge: the majesty of the laws was violated or abused; the cities ofthe East were stained with blood; and the most implacable enemies of theRomans were in the bosom of their country. Jovian was educated in theprofession of Christianity; and as he marched from Nisibis to Antioch, the banner of the Cross, the Labarum of Constantine, which was againdisplayed at the head of the legions, announced to the people the faithof their new emperor. As soon as he ascended the throne, he transmitteda circular epistle to all the governors of provinces; in which heconfessed the divine truth, and secured the legal establishment, of theChristian religion. The insidious edicts of Julian were abolished;the ecclesiastical immunities were restored and enlarged; and Joviancondescended to lament, that the distress of the times obliged him todiminish the measure of charitable distributions. [2] The Christianswere unanimous in the loud and sincere applause which they bestowed onthe pious successor of Julian. But they were still ignorant what creed, or what synod, he would choose for the standard of orthodoxy; and thepeace of the church immediately revived those eager disputes which hadbeen suspended during the season of persecution. The episcopal leadersof the contending sects, convinced, from experience, how much their fatewould depend on the earliest impressions that were made on the mind ofan untutored soldier, hastened to the court of Edessa, or Antioch. The highways of the East were crowded with Homoousian, and Arian, andSemi-Arian, and Eunomian bishops, who struggled to outstrip each otherin the holy race: the apartments of the palace resounded with theirclamors; and the ears of the prince were assaulted, and perhapsastonished, by the singular mixture of metaphysical argument andpassionate invective. [3] The moderation of Jovian, who recommendedconcord and charity, and referred the disputants to the sentence of afuture council, was interpreted as a symptom of indifference: but hisattachment to the Nicene creed was at length discovered and declared, by the reverence which he expressed for the celestial [4] virtues ofthe great Athanasius. The intrepid veteran of the faith, at the age ofseventy, had issued from his retreat on the first intelligence of thetyrant's death. The acclamations of the people seated him once more onthe archiepiscopal throne; and he wisely accepted, or anticipated, the invitation of Jovian. The venerable figure of Athanasius, his calmcourage, and insinuating eloquence, sustained the reputation which hehad already acquired in the courts of four successive princes. [5] Assoon as he had gained the confidence, and secured the faith, of theChristian emperor, he returned in triumph to his diocese, and continued, with mature counsels and undiminished vigor, to direct, ten yearslonger, [6] the ecclesiastical government of Alexandria, Egypt, and theCatholic church. Before his departure from Antioch, he assured Jovianthat his orthodox devotion would be rewarded with a long and peacefulreign. Athanasius, had reason to hope, that he should be allowed eitherthe merit of a successful prediction, or the excuse of a grateful thoughineffectual prayer. [7]

[Footnote 1: The medals of Jovian adorn him with victories, laurelcrowns, and prostrate captives. Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. P. 52. Flattery is a foolish suicide; she destroys herself with her own hands. ]

[Footnote 2: Jovian restored to the church a forcible and comprehensiveexpression, (Philostorgius, l. Viii. C. 5, with Godefroy'sDissertations, p. 329. Sozomen, l. Vi. C. 3. ) The new law whichcondemned the rape or marriage of nuns (Cod. Theod. L. Ix. Tit. Xxv. Leg. 2) is exaggerated by Sozomen; who supposes, that an amorous glance, the adultery of the heart, was punished with death by the evangeliclegislator. ]

[Footnote 3: Compare Socrates, l. Iii. C. 25, and Philostorgius, l. Viii. C. 6, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 330. ]

[Footnote 4: The word celestial faintly expresses the impious andextravagant flattery of the emperor to the archbishop. (See the originalepistle in Athanasius, tom. Ii. P. 33. ) Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. Xxi. P. 392) celebrates the friendship of Jovian and Athanasius. The primate'sjourney was advised by the Egyptian monks, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 221. )]

[Footnote 5: Athanasius, at the court of Antioch, is agreeablyrepresented by La Bleterie, (Hist. De Jovien, tom. I. P. 121-148;) hetranslates the singular and original conferences of the emperor, theprimate of Egypt, and the Arian deputies. The Abbe is not satisfiedwith the coarse pleasantry of Jovian; but his partiality for Athanasiusassumes, in his eyes, the character of justice. ]

[Footnote 6: The true area of his death is perplexed with somedifficulties, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 719-723. ) But thedate (A. D. 373, May 2) which seems the most consistent with historyand reason, is ratified by his authentic life, (Maffei OsservazioniLetterarie, tom. Iii. P. 81. )]

[Footnote 7: See the observations of Valesius and Jortin (Remarkson Ecclesiastical History, vol. Iv. P. 38) on the original letter ofAthanasius; which is preserved by Theodoret, (l. Iv. C. 3. ) In some Mss. This indiscreet promise is omitted; perhaps by the Catholics, jealous ofthe prophetic fame of their leader. ]

The slightest force, when it is applied to assist and guide the naturaldescent of its object, operates with irresistible weight; and Jovian hadthe good fortune to embrace the religious opinions which were supportedby the spirit of the times, and the zeal and numbers of the mostpowerful sect. [8] Under his reign, Christianity obtained an easyand lasting victory; and as soon as the smile of royal patronage waswithdrawn, the genius of Paganism, which had been fondly raised andcherished by the arts of Julian, sunk irrecoverably in the. In manycities, the temples were shut or deserted: the philosophers who hadabused their transient favor, thought it prudent to shave their beards, and disguise their profession; and the Christians rejoiced, that theywere now in a condition to forgive, or to revenge, the injuries whichthey had suffered under the preceding reign. [9] The consternationof the Pagan world was dispelled by a wise and gracious edict oftoleration; in which Jovian explicitly declared, that although he shouldseverely punish the sacrilegious rites of magic, his subjects mightexercise, with freedom and safety, the ceremonies of the ancientworship. The memory of this law has been preserved by the oratorThemistius, who was deputed by the senate of Constantinople to expresstheir royal devotion for the new emperor. Themistius expatiates on theclemency of the Divine Nature, the facility of human error, therights of conscience, and the independence of the mind; and, with someeloquence, inculcates the principles of philosophical toleration; whoseaid Superstition herself, in the hour of her distress, is not ashamed toimplore. He justly observes, that in the recent changes, both religionshad been alternately disgraced by the seeming acquisition of worthlessproselytes, of those votaries of the reigning purple, who could pass, without a reason, and without a blush, from the church to the temple, and from the altars of Jupiter to the sacred table of the Christians. [10]

[Footnote 8: Athanasius (apud Theodoret, l. Iv. C. 3) magnifies thenumber of the orthodox, who composed the whole world. This assertion wasverified in the space of thirty and forty years. ]

[Footnote 9: Socrates, l. Iii. C. 24. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. Iv. P. 131) and Libanius (Orat. Parentalis, c. 148, p. 369) expresses theliving sentiments of their respective factions. ]

[Footnote 10: Themistius, Orat. V. P. 63-71, edit. Harduin, Paris, 1684. The Abbe de la Bleterie judiciously remarks, (Hist. De Jovien, tom. I. P. 199, ) that Sozomen has forgot the general toleration; and Themistiusthe establishment of the Catholic religion. Each of them turned awayfrom the object which he disliked, and wished to suppress the part ofthe edict the least honorable, in his opinion, to the emperor. ]

In the space of seven months, the Roman troops, who were now returned toAntioch, had performed a march of fifteen hundred miles; in whichthey had endured all the hardships of war, of famine, and of climate. Notwithstanding their services, their fatigues, and the approach ofwinter, the timid and impatient Jovian allowed only, to the men andhorses, a respite of six weeks. The emperor could not sustain theindiscreet and malicious raillery of the people of Antioch. [11] He wasimpatient to possess the palace of Constantinople; and to prevent theambition of some competitor, who might occupy the vacant allegianceof Europe. But he soon received the grateful intelligence, that hisauthority was acknowledged from the Thracian Bosphorus to the AtlanticOcean. By the first letters which he despatched from the camp ofMesopotamia, he had delegated the military command of Gaul and Illyricumto Malarich, a brave and faithful officer of the nation of theFranks; and to his father-in-law, Count Lucillian, who had formerlydistinguished his courage and conduct in the defence of Nisibis. Malarich had declined an office to which he thought himself unequal;and Lucillian was massacred at Rheims, in an accidental mutiny of theBatavian cohorts. [12] But the moderation of Jovinus, master-general ofthe cavalry, who forgave the intention of his disgrace, soon appeasedthe tumult, and confirmed the uncertain minds of the soldiers. The oathof fidelity was administered and taken, with loyal acclamations; and thedeputies of the Western armies [13] saluted their new sovereign as hedescended from Mount Taurus to the city of Tyana in Cappadocia. FromTyana he continued his hasty march to Ancyra, capital of the province ofGalatia; where Jovian assumed, with his infant son, the name and ensignsof the consulship. [14] Dadastana, [15] an obscure town, almost at anequal distance between Ancyra and Nice, was marked for the fatal term ofhis journey and life. After indulging himself with a plentiful, perhapsan intemperate, supper, he retired to rest; and the next morning theemperor Jovian was found dead in his bed. The cause of this sudden deathwas variously understood. By some it was ascribed to the consequencesof an indigestion, occasioned either by the quantity of the wine, orthe quality of the mushrooms, which he had swallowed in the evening. According to others, he was suffocated in his sleep by the vaporof charcoal, which extracted from the walls of the apartment theunwholesome moisture of the fresh plaster. [16] But the want of aregular inquiry into the death of a prince, whose reign and personwere soon forgotten, appears to have been the only circumstance whichcountenanced the malicious whispers of poison and domestic guilt. [17]The body of Jovian was sent to Constantinople, to be interred with hispredecessors, and the sad procession was met on the road by his wifeCharito, the daughter of Count Lucillian; who still wept the recentdeath of her father, and was hastening to dry her tears in the embracesof an Imperial husband. Her disappointment and grief were imbitteredby the anxiety of maternal tenderness. Six weeks before the death ofJovian, his infant son had been placed in the curule chair, adornedwith the title of Nobilissimus, and the vain ensigns of the consulship. Unconscious of his fortune, the royal youth, who, from his grandfather, assumed the name of Varronian, was reminded only by the jealousy of thegovernment, that he was the son of an emperor. Sixteen years afterwardshe was still alive, but he had already been deprived of an eye; and hisafflicted mother expected every hour, that the innocent victim would betorn from her arms, to appease, with his blood, the suspicions of thereigning prince. [18]

[Footnote 11: Johan. Antiochen. In Excerpt. Valesian. P. 845. The libelsof Antioch may be admitted on very slight evidence. ]

[Footnote 12: Compare Ammianus, (xxv. 10, ) who omits the name of theBatarians, with Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 197, ) who removes the scene ofaction from Rheims to Sirmium. ]

[Footnote 13: Quos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat. Ammian. Xxv. 10, and Vales. Ad locum. ]

[Footnote 14: Cugus vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis, ne in curulisella veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit protendebat. Augustus andhis successors respectfully solicited a dispensation of age for the sonsor nephews whom they raised to the consulship. But the curule chair ofthe first Brutus had never been dishonored by an infant. ]

[Footnote 15: The Itinerary of Antoninus fixes Dadastana 125 Roman milesfrom Nice; 117 from Ancyra, (Wesseling, Itinerar. P. 142. ) The pilgrimof Bourdeaux, by omitting some stages, reduces the whole space from 242to 181 miles. Wesseling, p. 574. * Note: Dadastana is supposed to beCastabat. --M. ]

[Footnote 16: See Ammianus, (xxv. 10, ) Eutropius, (x. 18. ) who mightlikewise be present, Jerom, (tom. I. P. 26, ad Heliodorum. ) Orosius, (vii. 31, ) Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. 6, ) Zosimus, (l. Iii. P. 197, 198, )and Zonaras, (tom. Ii. L. Xiii. P. 28, 29. ) We cannot expect a perfectagreement, and we shall not discuss minute differences. ]

[Footnote 17: Ammianus, unmindful of his usual candor and good sense, compares the death of the harmless Jovian to that of the secondAfricanus, who had excited the fears and resentment of the popularfaction. ]

[Footnote 18: Chrysostom, tom. I. P. 336, 344, edit. Montfaucon. The Christian orator attempts to comfort a widow by the examples ofillustrious misfortunes; and observes, that of nine emperors (includingthe Caesar Gallus) who had reigned in his time, only two (Constantineand Constantius) died a natural death. Such vague consolations havenever wiped away a single tear. ]

After the death of Jovian, the throne of the Roman world remained tendays, [19] without a master. The ministers and generals still continuedto meet in council; to exercise their respective functions; to maintainthe public order; and peaceably to conduct the army to the city of Nicein Bithynia, which was chosen for the place of the election. [20] Ina solemn assembly of the civil and military powers of the empire, thediadem was again unanimously offered to the praefect Sallust. He enjoyedthe glory of a second refusal: and when the virtues of the fatherwere alleged in favor of his son, the praefect, with the firmness of adisinterested patriot, declared to the electors, that the feeble ageof the one, and the unexperienced youth of the other, were equallyincapable of the laborious duties of government. Several candidates wereproposed; and, after weighing the objections of character or situation, they were successively rejected; but, as soon as the name of Valentinianwas pronounced, the merit of that officer united the suffrages of thewhole assembly, and obtained the sincere approbation of Sallust himself. Valentinian [21] was the son of Count Gratian, a native of Cibalis, inPannonia, who from an obscure condition had raised himself, by matchlessstrength and dexterity, to the military commands of Africa and Britain;from which he retired with an ample fortune and suspicious integrity. The rank and services of Gratian contributed, however, to smooth thefirst steps of the promotion of his son; and afforded him an earlyopportunity of displaying those solid and useful qualifications, whichraised his character above the ordinary level of his fellow-soldiers. The person of Valentinian was tall, graceful, and majestic. His manlycountenance, deeply marked with the impression of sense and spirit, inspired his friends with awe, and his enemies with fear; and to secondthe efforts of his undaunted courage, the son of Gratian had inheritedthe advantages of a strong and healthy constitution. By the habits ofchastity and temperance, which restrain the appetites and invigoratethe faculties, Valentinian preserved his own and the public esteem. Theavocations of a military life had diverted his youth from the elegantpursuits of literature; [21a] he was ignorant of the Greek language, and the arts of rhetoric; but as the mind of the orator was neverdisconcerted by timid perplexity, he was able, as often as the occasionprompted him, to deliver his decided sentiments with bold and readyelocution. The laws of martial discipline were the only laws that he hadstudied; and he was soon distinguished by the laborious diligence, andinflexible severity, with which he discharged and enforced the duties ofthe camp. In the time of Julian he provoked the danger of disgrace, bythe contempt which he publicly expressed for the reigning religion; [22]and it should seem, from his subsequent conduct, that the indiscreet andunseasonable freedom of Valentinian was the effect of military spirit, rather than of Christian zeal. He was pardoned, however, and stillemployed by a prince who esteemed his merit; [23] and in the variousevents of the Persian war, he improved the reputation which he hadalready acquired on the banks of the Rhine. The celerity and successwith which he executed an important commission, recommended him to thefavor of Jovian; and to the honorable command of the second school, or company, of Targetiers, of the domestic guards. In the march fromAntioch, he had reached his quarters at Ancyra, when he was unexpectedlysummoned, without guilt and without intrigue, to assume, in theforty-third year of his age, the absolute government of the Romanempire. 

[Footnote 19: Ten days appear scarcely sufficient for the march andelection. But it may be observed, 1. That the generals might command theexpeditious use of the public posts for themselves, their attendants, and messengers. 2. That the troops, for the ease of the cities, marchedin many divisions; and that the head of the column might arrive at Nice, when the rear halted at Ancyra. ]

[Footnote 20: Ammianus, xxvi. 1. Zosimus, l. Iii. P. 198. Philostorgius, l. Viii. C. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. P. 334. Philostorgius, whoappears to have obtained some curious and authentic intelligence, ascribes the choice of Valentinian to the praefect Sallust, themaster-general Arintheus, Dagalaiphus count of the domestics, and thepatrician Datianus, whose pressing recommendations from Ancyra had aweighty influence in the election. ]

[Footnote 21: Ammianus (xxx. 7, 9) and the younger Victor have furnishedthe portrait of Valentinian, which naturally precedes and illustratesthe history of his reign. * Note: Symmachus, in a fragment of an orationpublished by M. Mai, describes Valentinian as born among the snows ofIllyria, and habituated to military labor amid the heat and dust ofLibya: genitus in frigoribus, educatus is solibus Sym. Orat. Frag. Edit. Niebuhr, p. 5. --M. ]

[Footnote 21a: According to Ammianus, he wrote elegantly, and wasskilled in painting and modelling. Scribens decore, venusteque pingenset fingens. Xxx. 7. --M. ]

[Footnote 22: At Antioch, where he was obliged to attend the emperorto the table, he struck a priest, who had presumed to purify him withlustral water, (Sozomen, l. Vi. C. 6. Theodoret, l. Iii. C. 15. ) Suchpublic defiance might become Valentinian; but it could leave no room forthe unworthy delation of the philosopher Maximus, which supposes somemore private offence, (Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 200, 201. )]

[Footnote 23: Socrates, l. Iv. A previous exile to Melitene, or Thebais(the first might be possible, ) is interposed by Sozomen (l. Vi. C. 6)and Philostorgius, (l. Vii. C. 7, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 293. )]

The invitation of the ministers and generals at Nice was of littlemoment, unless it were confirmed by the voice of the army. 

The aged Sallust, who had long observed the irregular fluctuations ofpopular assemblies, proposed, under pain of death, that none of thosepersons, whose rank in the service might excite a party in their favor, should appear in public on the day of the inauguration. Yet such wasthe prevalence of ancient superstition, that a whole day was voluntarilyadded to this dangerous interval, because it happened to be theintercalation of the Bissextile. [24] At length, when the hour wassupposed to be propitious, Valentinian showed himself from a loftytribunal; the judicious choice was applauded; and the new prince wassolemnly invested with the diadem and the purple, amidst the acclamationof the troops, who were disposed in martial order round the tribunal. But when he stretched forth his hand to address the armed multitude, a busy whisper was accidentally started in the ranks, and insensiblyswelled into a loud and imperious clamor, that he should name, withoutdelay, a colleague in the empire. The intrepid calmness of Valentinianobtained silence, and commanded respect; and he thus addressed theassembly: "A few minutes since it was in your power, fellow-soldiers, to have left me in the obscurity of a private station. Judging, from thetestimony of my past life, that I deserved to reign, you have placed meon the throne. It is now my duty to consult the safety and interest ofthe republic. The weight of the universe is undoubtedly too greatfor the hands of a feeble mortal. I am conscious of the limits of myabilities, and the uncertainty of my life; and far from declining, Iam anxious to solicit, the assistance of a worthy colleague. But, wherediscord may be fatal, the choice of a faithful friend requires matureand serious deliberation. That deliberation shall be my care. Let yourconduct be dutiful and consistent. Retire to your quarters; refresh yourminds and bodies; and expect the accustomed donative on the accession ofa new emperor. " [25] The astonished troops, with a mixture of pride, ofsatisfaction, and of terror, confessed the voice of their master. 

Their angry clamors subsided into silent reverence; and Valentinian, encompassed with the eagles of the legions, and the various banners ofthe cavalry and infantry, was conducted, in warlike pomp, to the palaceof Nice. As he was sensible, however, of the importance of preventingsome rash declaration of the soldiers, he consulted the assembly ofthe chiefs; and their real sentiments were concisely expressed by thegenerous freedom of Dagalaiphus. "Most excellent prince, " said thatofficer, "if you consider only your family, you have a brother; if youlove the republic, look round for the most deserving of the Romans. "[26] The emperor, who suppressed his displeasure, without altering hisintention, slowly proceeded from Nice to Nicomedia and Constantinople. In one of the suburbs of that capital, [27] thirty days after his ownelevation, he bestowed the title of Augustus on his brother Valens;[27a] and as the boldest patriots were convinced, that their opposition, without being serviceable to their country, would be fatal tothemselves, the declaration of his absolute will was received withsilent submission. Valens was now in the thirty-sixth year of his age;but his abilities had never been exercised in any employment, militaryor civil; and his character had not inspired the world with any sanguineexpectations. He possessed, however, one quality, which recommended himto Valentinian, and preserved the domestic peace of the empire; devoutand grateful attachment to his benefactor, whose superiority of genius, as well as of authority, Valens humbly and cheerfully acknowledged inevery action of his life. [28]

[Footnote 24: Ammianus, in a long, because unseasonable, digression, (xxvi. L, and Valesius, ad locum, ) rashly supposes that he understandsan astronomical question, of which his readers are ignorant. It istreated with more judgment and propriety by Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 20) and Macrobius, (Saturnal. I. C. 12-16. ) The appellation ofBissextile, which marks the inauspicious year, (Augustin. Ad Januarium, Epist. 119, ) is derived from the repetition of the sixth day of thecalends of March. ]

[Footnote 25: Valentinian's first speech is in Ammianus, (xxvi. 2;)concise and sententious in Philostorgius, (l. Viii. C. 8. )]

[Footnote 26: Si tuos amas, Imperator optime, habes fratrem; siRempublicam quaere quem vestias. Ammian. Xxvi. 4. In the division ofthe empire, Valentinian retained that sincere counsellor for himself, (c. 6. )]

[Footnote 27: In suburbano, Ammian. Xxvi. 4. The famous Hebdomon, orfield of Mars, was distant from Constantinople either seven stadia, orseven miles. See Valesius, and his brother, ad loc. , and Ducange, Const. L. Ii. P. 140, 141, 172, 173. ]

[Footnote 27a: Symmachus praises the liberality of Valentinian inraising his brother at once to the rank of Augustus, not training himthrough the slow and probationary degree of Caesar. Exigui animi vicesmunerum partiuntur, liberalitas desideriis nihil reliquit. Symm. Orat. P. 7. Edit. Niebuhr, 1816, reprinted from Mai. --M. ]

[Footnote 28: Participem quidem legitimum potestatis; sed in modumapparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus. Ammian. Xxvi. 4. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part II. 

Before Valentinian divided the provinces, he reformed the administrationof the empire. All ranks of subjects, who had been injured or oppressedunder the reign of Julian, were invited to support their publicaccusations. The silence of mankind attested the spotless integrity ofthe praefect Sallust; [29] and his own pressing solicitations, thathe might be permitted to retire from the business of the state, were rejected by Valentinian with the most honorable expressions offriendship and esteem. But among the favorites of the late emperor, there were many who had abused his credulity or superstition; and whocould no longer hope to be protected either by favor or justice. [30]The greater part of the ministers of the palace, and the governors ofthe provinces, were removed from their respective stations; yet theeminent merit of some officers was distinguished from the obnoxiouscrowd; and, notwithstanding the opposite clamors of zeal and resentment, the whole proceedings of this delicate inquiry appear to have beenconducted with a reasonable share of wisdom and moderation. [31] Thefestivity of a new reign received a short and suspicious interruptionfrom the sudden illness of the two princes; but as soon as their healthwas restored, they left Constantinople in the beginning of the spring. In the castle, or palace, of Mediana, only three miles from Naissus, they executed the solemn and final division of the Roman empire. [32]Valentinian bestowed on his brother the rich praefecture of the East, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Persia; whilst he reserved forhis immediate government the warlike [3a] praefectures of Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul, from the extremity of Greece to the Caledonian rampart, and from the rampart of Caledonia to the foot of Mount Atlas. Theprovincial administration remained on its former basis; but a doublesupply of generals and magistrates was required for two councils, andtwo courts: the division was made with a just regard to their peculiarmerit and situation, and seven master-generals were soon created, either of the cavalry or infantry. When this important business had beenamicably transacted, Valentinian and Valens embraced for the last time. The emperor of the West established his temporary residence at Milan;and the emperor of the East returned to Constantinople, to assume thedominion of fifty provinces, of whose language he was totally ignorant. [33]

[Footnote 29: Notwithstanding the evidence of Zonaras, Suidas, and thePaschal Chronicle, M. De Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 671)wishes to disbelieve those stories, si avantageuses a un payen. ]

[Footnote 30: Eunapius celebrates and exaggerates the sufferings ofMaximus. (p. 82, 83;) yet he allows that the sophist or magician, theguilty favorite of Julian, and the personal enemy of Valentinian, wasdismissed on the payment of a small fine. ]

[Footnote 31: The loose assertions of a general disgrace (Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 201), are detected and refuted by Tillemont, (tom. V. P. 21. )]

[Footnote 32: Ammianus, xxvi. 5. ]

[Footnote 32a: Ipae supra impacati Rhen semibarbaras ripas raptimvexilla constituens * * Princeps creatus ad difficilem militiamrevertisti. Symm. Orat. 81. --M. ]

[Footnote 33: Ammianus says, in general terms, subagrestis ingenii, necbellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus. Ammian. Xxxi. 14. The oratorThemistius, with the genuine impertinence of a Greek, wishes for thefirst time to speak the Latin language, the dialect of his sovereign. Orat. Vi. P. 71. ]

The tranquility of the East was soon disturbed by rebellion; and thethrone of Valens was threatened by the daring attempts of a rival whoseaffinity to the emperor Julian [34] was his sole merit, and had been hisonly crime. Procopius had been hastily promoted from the obscurestation of a tribune, and a notary, to the joint command of the army ofMesopotamia; the public opinion already named him as the successor ofa prince who was destitute of natural heirs; and a vain rumor waspropagated by his friends, or his enemies, that Julian, before thealtar of the Moon at Carrhae, had privately invested Procopius withthe Imperial purple. [35] He endeavored, by his dutiful and submissivebehavior, to disarm the jealousy of Jovian; resigned, without acontest, his military command; and retired, with his wife and family, to cultivate the ample patrimony which he possessed in the province ofCappadocia. These useful and innocent occupations were interrupted bythe appearance of an officer with a band of soldiers, who, in the nameof his new sovereigns, Valentinian and Valens, was despatched to conductthe unfortunate Procopius either to a perpetual prison or an ignominiousdeath. His presence of mind procured him a longer respite, and a moresplendid fate. Without presuming to dispute the royal mandate, herequested the indulgence of a few moments to embrace his weepingfamily; and while the vigilance of his guards was relaxed by a plentifulentertainment, he dexterously escaped to the sea-coast of the Euxine, from whence he passed over to the country of Bosphorus. In thatsequestered region he remained many months, exposed to the hardships ofexile, of solitude, and of want; his melancholy temper brooding over hismisfortunes, and his mind agitated by the just apprehension, that, ifany accident should discover his name, the faithless Barbarians wouldviolate, without much scruple, the laws of hospitality. In a moment ofimpatience and despair, Procopius embarked in a merchant vessel, whichmade sail for Constantinople; and boldly aspired to the rank of asovereign, because he was not allowed to enjoy the security of asubject. At first he lurked in the villages of Bithynia, continuallychanging his habitation and his disguise. [36] By degrees he venturedinto the capital, trusted his life and fortune to the fidelity of twofriends, a senator and a eunuch, and conceived some hopes of success, from the intelligence which he obtained of the actual state ofpublic affairs. The body of the people was infected with a spirit ofdiscontent: they regretted the justice and the abilities of Sallust, whohad been imprudently dismissed from the praefecture of the East. Theydespised the character of Valens, which was rude without vigor, and feeble without mildness. They dreaded the influence of hisfather-in-law, the patrician Petronius, a cruel and rapacious minister, who rigorously exacted all the arrears of tribute that might remainunpaid since the reign of the emperor Aurelian. The circumstances werepropitious to the designs of a usurper. The hostile measures of thePersians required the presence of Valens in Syria: from the Danubeto the Euphrates the troops were in motion; and the capital wasoccasionally filled with the soldiers who passed or repassed theThracian Bosphorus. Two cohorts of Gaul were persuaded to listen tothe secret proposals of the conspirators; which were recommended by thepromise of a liberal donative; and, as they still revered the memoryof Julian, they easily consented to support the hereditary claim of hisproscribed kinsman. At the dawn of day they were drawn up near the bathsof Anastasia; and Procopius, clothed in a purple garment, more suitableto a player than to a monarch, appeared, as if he rose from the dead, in the midst of Constantinople. The soldiers, who were prepared for hisreception, saluted their trembling prince with shouts of joy and vowsof fidelity. Their numbers were soon increased by a band of sturdypeasants, collected from the adjacent country; and Procopius, shieldedby the arms of his adherents, was successively conducted to thetribunal, the senate, and the palace. During the first moments of histumultuous reign, he was astonished and terrified by the gloomy silenceof the people; who were either ignorant of the cause, or apprehensiveof the event. But his military strength was superior to any actualresistance: the malecontents flocked to the standard of rebellion; thepoor were excited by the hopes, and the rich were intimidated by thefear, of a general pillage; and the obstinate credulity of the multitudewas once more deceived by the promised advantages of a revolution. Themagistrates were seized; the prisons and arsenals broke open; the gates, and the entrance of the harbor, were diligently occupied; and, in a fewhours, Procopius became the absolute, though precarious, master of theImperial city. [36a] The usurper improved this unexpected success withsome degree of courage and dexterity. He artfully propagated the rumorsand opinions the most favorable to his interest; while he deluded thepopulace by giving audience to the frequent, but imaginary, ambassadorsof distant nations. The large bodies of troops stationed in the citiesof Thrace and the fortresses of the Lower Danube, were graduallyinvolved in the guilt of rebellion: and the Gothic princes consented tosupply the sovereign of Constantinople with the formidable strength ofseveral thousand auxiliaries. His generals passed the Bosphorus, andsubdued, without an effort, the unarmed, but wealthy provinces ofBithynia and Asia. After an honorable defence, the city and island ofCyzicus yielded to his power; the renowned legions of the Jovians andHerculeans embraced the cause of the usurper, whom they were ordered tocrush; and, as the veterans were continually augmented with new levies, he soon appeared at the head of an army, whose valor, as well asnumbers, were not unequal to the greatness of the contest. The son ofHormisdas, [37] a youth of spirit and ability, condescended to draw hissword against the lawful emperor of the East; and the Persian princewas immediately invested with the ancient and extraordinary powers ofa Roman Proconsul. The alliance of Faustina, the widow of the emperorConstantius, who intrusted herself and her daughter to the hands ofthe usurper, added dignity and reputation to his cause. The princessConstantia, who was then about five years of age, accompanied, in alitter, the march of the army. She was shown to the multitude in thearms of her adopted father; and, as often as she passed through theranks, the tenderness of the soldiers was inflamed into martial fury:[38] they recollected the glories of the house of Constantine, and theydeclared, with loyal acclamation, that they would shed the last drop oftheir blood in the defence of the royal infant. [39]

[Footnote 34: The uncertain degree of alliance, or consanguinity, isexpressed by the words, cognatus, consobrinus, (see Valesius ad Ammian. Xxiii. 3. ) The mother of Procopius might be a sister of Basilina andCount Julian, the mother and uncle of the Apostate. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. P. 49. ]

[Footnote 35: Ammian. Xxiii. 3, xxvi. 6. He mentions the report withmuch hesitation: susurravit obscurior fama; nemo enim dicti auctorexstitit verus. It serves, however, to remark, that Procopius was aPagan. Yet his religion does not appear to have promoted, or obstructed, his pretensions. ]

[Footnote 36: One of his retreats was a country-house of Eunomius, theheretic. The master was absent, innocent, ignorant; yet he narrowlyescaped a sentence of death, and was banished into the remote partsof Mauritania, (Philostorg. L. Ix. C. 5, 8, and Godefroy's Dissert. P. 369-378. )]

[Footnote 36a: It may be suspected, from a fragment of Eunapius, thatthe heathen and philosophic party espoused the cause of Procopius. Heraclius, the Cynic, a man who had been honored by a philosophiccontroversy with Julian, striking the ground with his staff, incited himto courage with the line of Homer Eunapius. Mai, p. 207 or in Niebuhr'sedition, p. 73. --M. ]

[Footnote 37: Hormisdae maturo juveni Hormisdae regalis illius filio, potestatem Proconsulis detulit; et civilia, more veterum, et bella, recturo. Ammian. Xxvi. 8. The Persian prince escaped with honorand safety, and was afterwards (A. D. 380) restored to the sameextraordinary office of proconsul of Bithynia, (Tillemont, Hist. DesEmpereurs, tom. V. P. 204) I am ignorant whether the race of Sassan waspropagated. I find (A. D. 514) a pope Hormisdas; but he was a native ofFrusino, in Italy, (Pagi Brev. Pontific. Tom. I. P. 247)]

[Footnote 38: The infant rebel was afterwards the wife of the emperorGratian but she died young, and childless. See Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. P. 48, 59. ]

[Footnote 39: Sequimini culminis summi prosapiam, was the language ofProcopius, who affected to despise the obscure birth, and fortuitouselection of the upstart Pannonian. Ammian. Xxvi. 7. ]

In the mean while Valentinian was alarmed and perplexed by the doubtfulintelligence of the revolt of the East. [39a] The difficulties of aGerman was forced him to confine his immediate care to the safety ofhis own dominions; and, as every channel of communication was stopped orcorrupted, he listened, with doubtful anxiety, to the rumors whichwere industriously spread, that the defeat and death of Valens had leftProcopius sole master of the Eastern provinces. Valens was not dead: buton the news of the rebellion, which he received at Caesarea, he baselydespaired of his life and fortune; proposed to negotiate with theusurper, and discovered his secret inclination to abdicate the Imperialpurple. The timid monarch was saved from disgrace and ruin by thefirmness of his ministers, and their abilities soon decided in his favorthe event of the civil war. In a season of tranquillity, Sallusthad resigned without a murmur; but as soon as the public safety wasattacked, he ambitiously solicited the preeminence of toil and danger;and the restoration of that virtuous minister to the praefecture of theEast, was the first step which indicated the repentance of Valens, andsatisfied the minds of the people. The reign of Procopius was apparentlysupported by powerful armies and obedient provinces. But many of theprincipal officers, military as well as civil, had been urged, eitherby motives of duty or interest, to withdraw themselves from the guiltyscene; or to watch the moment of betraying, and deserting, the cause ofthe usurper. Lupicinus advanced by hasty marches, to bring the legionsof Syria to the aid of Valens. Arintheus, who, in strength, beauty, andvalor, excelled all the heroes of the age, attacked with a small troopa superior body of the rebels. When he beheld the faces of the soldierswho had served under his banner, he commanded them, with a loud voice, to seize and deliver up their pretended leader; and such was theascendant of his genius, that this extraordinary order was instantlyobeyed. [40] Arbetio, a respectable veteran of the great Constantine, who had been distinguished by the honors of the consulship, waspersuaded to leave his retirement, and once more to conduct an armyinto the field. In the heat of action, calmly taking off his helmet, heshowed his gray hairs and venerable countenance: saluted the soldiersof Procopius by the endearing names of children and companions, andexhorted them no longer to support the desperate cause of a contemptibletyrant; but to follow their old commander, who had so often led them tohonor and victory. In the two engagements of Thyatira [41] and Nacolia, the unfortunate Procopius was deserted by his troops, who were seducedby the instructions and example of their perfidious officers. Afterwandering some time among the woods and mountains of Phyrgia, he wasbetrayed by his desponding followers, conducted to the Imperialcamp, and immediately beheaded. He suffered the ordinary fate of anunsuccessful usurper; but the acts of cruelty which were exercised bythe conqueror, under the forms of legal justice, excited the pity andindignation of mankind. [42]

[Footnote 39a: Symmachus describes his embarrassment. "The Germansare the common enemies of the state, Procopius the private foe of theEmperor; his first care must be victory, his second revenge. " Symm. Orat. P. 11. --M. ]

[Footnote 40: Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis ipsis hostibus jussit, suumvincire rectorem: atque ita turmarum, antesignanus umbratilis comprensussuorum manibus. The strength and beauty of Arintheus, the new Hercules, are celebrated by St. Basil, who supposed that God had created him as aninimitable model of the human species. The painters and sculptors couldnot express his figure: the historians appeared fabulous when theyrelated his exploits, (Ammian. Xxvi. And Vales. Ad loc. )]

[Footnote 41: The same field of battle is placed by Ammianus in Lycia, and by Zosimus at Thyatira, which are at the distance of 150 milesfrom each other. But Thyatira alluitur Lyco, (Plin. Hist. Natur. V. 31, Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. Tom. Ii. P. 79;) and the transcribers mighteasily convert an obscure river into a well-known province. * Note:Ammianus and Zosimus place the last battle at Nacolia in Phrygia;Ammianus altogether omits the former battle near Thyatira. Procopiuswas on his march (iter tendebat) towards Lycia. See Wagner's note, inc. --M. ]

[Footnote 42: The adventures, usurpation, and fall of Procopius, arerelated, in a regular series, by Ammianus, (xxvi. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, )and Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 203-210. ) They often illustrate, and seldomcontradict, each other. Themistius (Orat. Vii. P. 91, 92) adds somebase panegyric; and Euna pius (p. 83, 84) some malicious satire. ----Symmachus joins with Themistius in praising the clemency of Valensdic victoriae moderatus est, quasi contra se nemo pugnavit. Symm. Orat. P. 12. --M. ]

Such indeed are the common and natural fruits of despotism andrebellion. But the inquisition into the crime of magic, [42a] which, under the reign of the two brothers, was so rigorously prosecuted bothat Rome and Antioch, was interpreted as the fatal symptom, either of thedispleasure of Heaven, or of the depravity of mankind. [43] Let usnot hesitate to indulge a liberal pride, that, in the present age, the enlightened part of Europe has abolished [44] a cruel and odiousprejudice, which reigned in every climate of the globe, and adhered toevery system of religious opinions. [45] The nations, and the sects, ofthe Roman world, admitted with equal credulity, and similar abhorrence, the reality of that infernal art, [46] which was able to control theeternal order of the planets, and the voluntary operations of the humanmind. They dreaded the mysterious power of spells and incantations, of potent herbs, and execrable rites; which could extinguish or recalllife, inflame the passions of the soul, blast the works of creation, and extort from the reluctant daemons the secrets of futurity. Theybelieved, with the wildest inconsistency, that this preternaturaldominion of the air, of earth, and of hell, was exercised, from thevilest motives of malice or gain, by some wrinkled hags and itinerantsorcerers, who passed their obscure lives in penury and contempt. [47]The arts of magic were equally condemned by the public opinion, andby the laws of Rome; but as they tended to gratify the most imperiouspassions of the heart of man, they were continually proscribed, andcontinually practised. [48] An imaginary cause as capable of producingthe most serious and mischievous effects. The dark predictions of thedeath of an emperor, or the success of a conspiracy, were calculatedonly to stimulate the hopes of ambition, and to dissolve the ties offidelity; and the intentional guilt of magic was aggravated by theactual crimes of treason and sacrilege. [49] Such vain terrors disturbedthe peace of society, and the happiness of individuals; and the harmlessflame which insensibly melted a waxen image, might derive a powerful andpernicious energy from the affrighted fancy of the person whom it wasmaliciously designed to represent. [50] From the infusion of thoseherbs, which were supposed to possess a supernatural influence, it wasan easy step to the use of more substantial poison; and the folly ofmankind sometimes became the instrument, and the mask, of the mostatrocious crimes. As soon as the zeal of informers was encouraged by theministers of Valens and Valentinian, they could not refuse to listen toanother charge, too frequently mingled in the scenes of domestic guilt;a charge of a softer and less malignant nature, for which the pious, though excessive, rigor of Constantine had recently decreed thepunishment of death. [51] This deadly and incoherent mixture of treasonand magic, of poison and adultery, afforded infinite gradations of guiltand innocence, of excuse and aggravation, which in these proceedingsappear to have been confounded by the angry or corrupt passions of thejudges. They easily discovered that the degree of their industry anddiscernment was estimated, by the Imperial court, according to thenumber of executions that were furnished from the respective tribunals. It was not without extreme reluctance that they pronounced a sentence ofacquittal; but they eagerly admitted such evidence as was stained withperjury, or procured by torture, to prove the most improbable chargesagainst the most respectable characters. The progress of the inquirycontinually opened new subjects of criminal prosecution; the audaciousinformer, whose falsehood was detected, retired with impunity; but thewretched victim, who discovered his real or pretended accomplices, wereseldom permitted to receive the price of his infamy. From the extremityof Italy and Asia, the young, and the aged, were dragged in chains tothe tribunals of Rome and Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers, expired in ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers, who wereappointed to guard the prisons, declared, with a murmur of pity andindignation, that their numbers were insufficient to oppose the flight, or resistance, of the multitude of captives. The wealthiest familieswere ruined by fines and confiscations; the most innocent citizenstrembled for their safety; and we may form some notion of the magnitudeof the evil, from the extravagant assertion of an ancient writer, that, in the obnoxious provinces, the prisoners, the exiles, and thefugitives, formed the greatest part of the inhabitants. [52]

[Footnote 42a: This infamous inquisition into sorcery and witchcrafthas been of greater influence on human affairs than is commonlysupposed. The persecutions against philosophers and their libraries wascarried on with so much fury, that from this time (A. D. 374) the namesof the Gentile philosophers became almost extinct; and the Christianphilosophy and religion, particularly in the East, established theirascendency. I am surprised that Gibbon has not made this observation. Heyne, Note on Zosimus, l. Iv. 14, p. 637. Besides vast heaps ofmanuscripts publicly destroyed throughout the East, men of lettersburned their whole libraries, lest some fatal volume should expose themto the malice of the informers and the extreme penalty of the law. Amm. Marc. Xxix. 11. --M. ]

[Footnote 43: Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. Nece, c. Ix. P. 158, 159. The sophist deplores the public frenzy, but he does not (after theirdeaths) impeach the justice of the emperors. ]

[Footnote 44: The French and English lawyers, of the present age, allowthe theory, and deny the practice, of witchcraft, (Denisart, Recueilde Decisions de Jurisprudence, au mot Sorciers, tom. Iv. P. 553. Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. Iv. P. 60. ) As private reason alwaysprevents, or outstrips, public wisdom, the president Montesquieu (Espritdes Loix, l. Xii. C. 5, 6) rejects the existence of magic. ]

[Footnote 45: See Oeuvres de Bayle, tom. Iii. P. 567-589. The sceptic ofRotterdam exhibits, according to his custom, a strange medley of looseknowledge and lively wit. ]

[Footnote 46: The Pagans distinguished between good and bad magic, theTheurgic and the Goetic, (Hist. De l'Academie, &c. , tom. Vii. P. 25. )But they could not have defended this obscure distinction against theacute logic of Bayle. In the Jewish and Christian system, all daemonsare infernal spirits; and all commerce with them is idolatry, apostasy&c. , which deserves death and damnation. ]

[Footnote 47: The Canidia of Horace (Carm. L. V. Od. 5, with Dacier'sand Sanadon's illustrations) is a vulgar witch. The Erictho of Lucan(Pharsal. Vi. 430-830) is tedious, disgusting, but sometimes sublime. She chides the delay of the Furies, and threatens, with tremendousobscurity, to pronounce their real names; to reveal the true infernalcountenance of Hecate; to invoke the secret powers that lie below hell, &c. ]

[Footnote 48: Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quodin civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et retinebitur. Tacit. Hist. I. 22. See Augustin. De Civitate Dei, l. Viii. C. 19, and the TheodosianCode l. Ix. Tit. Xvi. , with Godefroy's Commentary. ]

[Footnote 49: The persecution of Antioch was occasioned by a criminalconsultation. The twenty-four letters of the alphabet were arrangedround a magic tripod: and a dancing ring, which had been placed in thecentre, pointed to the four first letters in the name of the futureemperor, O. E. O Triangle. Theodorus (perhaps with many others, whoowned the fatal syllables) was executed. Theodosius succeeded. Lardner(Heathen Testimonies, vol. Iv. P. 353-372) has copiously and fairlyexamined this dark transaction of the reign of Valens. ]

[Footnote 50: Limus ut hic durescit, et haec ut cera liquescit

 Uno eodemque igni--Virgil. Bucolic. Viii. 80. 

 Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit. --Ovid. In Epist. Hypsil. Ad Jason 91. 

Such vain incantations could affect the mind, and increase the diseaseof Germanicus. Tacit. Annal. Ii. 69. ]

[Footnote 51: See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. Tom. Ii. P. 353, &c. Cod. Theodosian. L. Ix. Tit. 7, with Godefroy's Commentary. ]

[Footnote 52: The cruel persecution of Rome and Antioch is described, and most probably exaggerated, by Ammianus (xxvii. 1. Xxix. 1, 2)and Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 216-218. ) The philosopher Maximus, with somejustice, was involved in the charge of magic, (Eunapius in Vit. Sophist. P. 88, 89;) and young Chrysostom, who had accidentally found one ofthe proscribed books, gave himself up for lost, (Tillemont, Hist. DesEmpereurs, tom. V. P. 340. )]

When Tacitus describes the deaths of the innocent and illustriousRomans, who were sacrificed to the cruelty of the first Caesars, the artof the historian, or the merit of the sufferers, excites in our breastthe most lively sensations of terror, of admiration, and of pity. Thecoarse and undistinguishing pencil of Ammianus has delineated his bloodyfigures with tedious and disgusting accuracy. But as our attention isno longer engaged by the contrast of freedom and servitude, of recentgreatness and of actual misery, we should turn with horror from thefrequent executions, which disgraced, both at Rome and Antioch, the reign of the two brothers. [53] Valens was of a timid, [54] andValentinian of a choleric, disposition. [55] An anxious regard tohis personal safety was the ruling principle of the administration ofValens. In the condition of a subject, he had kissed, with tremblingawe, the hand of the oppressor; and when he ascended the throne, hereasonably expected, that the same fears, which had subdued his ownmind, would secure the patient submission of his people. The favoritesof Valens obtained, by the privilege of rapine and confiscation, thewealth which his economy would have refused. [56] They urged, withpersuasive eloquence, that, in all cases of treason, suspicion isequivalent to proof; that the power supposes the intention, of mischief;that the intention is not less criminal than the act; and that a subjectno longer deserves to live, if his life may threaten the safety, ordisturb the repose, of his sovereign. The judgment of Valentinianwas sometimes deceived, and his confidence abused; but he would havesilenced the informers with a contemptuous smile, had they presumed toalarm his fortitude by the sound of danger. They praised his inflexiblelove of justice; and, in the pursuit of justice, the emperor was easilytempted to consider clemency as a weakness, and passion as a virtue. As long as he wrestled with his equals, in the bold competition of anactive and ambitious life, Valentinian was seldom injured, and neverinsulted, with impunity: if his prudence was arraigned, his spirit wasapplauded; and the proudest and most powerful generals were apprehensiveof provoking the resentment of a fearless soldier. After he becamemaster of the world, he unfortunately forgot, that where no resistancecan be made, no courage can be exerted; and instead of consulting thedictates of reason and magnanimity, he indulged the furious emotions ofhis temper, at a time when they were disgraceful to himself, and fatalto the defenceless objects of his displeasure. In the government ofhis household, or of his empire, slight, or even imaginary, offences--ahasty word, a casual omission, an involuntary delay--were chastised bya sentence of immediate death. The expressions which issued the mostreadily from the mouth of the emperor of the West were, "Strike off hishead;" "Burn him alive;" "Let him be beaten with clubs till he expires;"[57] and his most favored ministers soon understood, that, by arash attempt to dispute, or suspend, the execution of his sanguinarycommands, they might involve themselves in the guilt and punishment ofdisobedience. The repeated gratification of this savage justice hardenedthe mind of Valentinian against pity and remorse; and the sallies ofpassion were confirmed by the habits of cruelty. [58] He could beholdwith calm satisfaction the convulsive agonies of torture and death; hereserved his friendship for those faithful servants whose temper was themost congenial to his own. The merit of Maximin, who had slaughtered thenoblest families of Rome, was rewarded with the royal approbation, andthe praefecture of Gaul. 

Two fierce and enormous bears, distinguished by the appellations ofInnocence, and Mica Aurea, could alone deserve to share the favor ofMaximin. The cages of those trusty guards were always placed near thebed-chamber of Valentinian, who frequently amused his eyes with thegrateful spectacle of seeing them tear and devour the bleeding limbsof the malefactors who were abandoned to their rage. Their diet andexercises were carefully inspected by the Roman emperor; and whenInnocence had earned her discharge, by a long course of meritoriousservice, the faithful animal was again restored to the freedom of hernative woods. [59]

[Footnote 53: Consult the six last books of Ammianus, and moreparticularly the portraits of the two royal brothers, (xxx. 8, 9, xxxi. 14. ) Tillemont has collected (tom. V. P. 12-18, p. 127-133) from allantiquity their virtues and vices. ]

[Footnote 54: The younger Victor asserts, that he was valde timidus: yethe behaved, as almost every man would do, with decent resolution at thehead of an army. The same historian attempts to prove that his anger washarmless. Ammianus observes, with more candor and judgment, incidentiacrimina ad contemptam vel laesam principis amplitudinem trahens, insanguinem saeviebat. ]

[Footnote 55: Cum esset ad acerbitatem naturae calore propensior. . . Poenas perignes augebat et gladios. Ammian. Xxx. 8. See xxvii. 7]

[Footnote 56: I have transferred the reproach of avarice from Valens tohis servant. Avarice more properly belongs to ministers than to kings;in whom that passion is commonly extinguished by absolute possession. ]

[Footnote 57: He sometimes expressed a sentence of death with a tone ofpleasantry: "Abi, Comes, et muta ei caput, qui sibi mutari provinciamcupit. " A boy, who had slipped too hastily a Spartan bound; anarmorer, who had made a polished cuirass that wanted some grains of thelegitimate weight, &c. , were the victims of his fury. ]

[Footnote 58: The innocents of Milan were an agent and three apparitors, whom Valentinian condemned for signifying a legal summons. Ammianus(xxvii. 7) strangely supposes, that all who had been unjustly executedwere worshipped as martyrs by the Christians. His impartial silence doesnot allow us to believe, that the great chamberlain Rhodanus was burntalive for an act of oppression, (Chron. Paschal. P. 392. ) * Note:Ammianus does not say that they were worshipped as martyrs. Onorummemoriam apud Mediolanum colentes nunc usque Christiani loculos ubisepulti sunt, ad innocentes appellant. Wagner's note in loco. Yet ifthe next paragraph refers to that transaction, which is not quite clear. Gibbon is right. --M. ]

[Footnote 59: Ut bene meritam in sylvas jussit abire Innoxiam. Ammian. Xxix. And Valesius ad locum. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part III. 

But in the calmer moments of reflection, when the mind of Valens was notagitated by fear, or that of Valentinian by rage, the tyrant resumed thesentiments, or at least the conduct, of the father of his country. Thedispassionate judgment of the Western emperor could clearly perceive, and accurately pursue, his own and the public interest; and thesovereign of the East, who imitated with equal docility the variousexamples which he received from his elder brother, was sometimesguided by the wisdom and virtue of the praefect Sallust. Both princesinvariably retained, in the purple, the chaste and temperate simplicitywhich had adorned their private life; and, under their reign, thepleasures of the court never cost the people a blush or a sigh. Theygradually reformed many of the abuses of the times of Constantius;judiciously adopted and improved the designs of Julian and hissuccessor; and displayed a style and spirit of legislation which mightinspire posterity with the most favorable opinion of their characterand government. It is not from the master of Innocence, that we shouldexpect the tender regard for the welfare of his subjects, which promptedValentinian to condemn the exposition of new-born infants; [60] and toestablish fourteen skilful physicians, with stipends and privileges, inthe fourteen quarters of Rome. The good sense of an illiterate soldierfounded a useful and liberal institution for the education of youth, andthe support of declining science. [61] It was his intention, that thearts of rhetoric and grammar should be taught in the Greek and Latinlanguages, in the metropolis of every province; and as the size anddignity of the school was usually proportioned to the importance ofthe city, the academies of Rome and Constantinople claimed a justand singular preeminence. The fragments of the literary edicts ofValentinian imperfectly represent the school of Constantinople, whichwas gradually improved by subsequent regulations. That school consistedof thirty-one professors in different branches of learning. Onephilosopher, and two lawyers; five sophists, and ten grammarians forthe Greek, and three orators, and ten grammarians for the Latin tongue;besides seven scribes, or, as they were then styled, antiquarians, whoselaborious pens supplied the public library with fair and correct copiesof the classic writers. The rule of conduct, which was prescribed to thestudents, is the more curious, as it affords the first outlines of theform and discipline of a modern university. It was required, that theyshould bring proper certificates from the magistrates of their nativeprovince. Their names, professions, and places of abode, were regularlyentered in a public register. 

The studious youth were severely prohibited from wasting their time infeasts, or in the theatre; and the term of their education was limitedto the age of twenty. The praefect of the city was empowered to chastisethe idle and refractory by stripes or expulsion; and he was directed tomake an annual report to the master of the offices, that the knowledgeand abilities of the scholars might be usefully applied to the publicservice. The institutions of Valentinian contributed to secure thebenefits of peace and plenty; and the cities were guarded by theestablishment of the Defensors; [62] freely elected as the tribunes andadvocates of the people, to support their rights, and to expose theirgrievances, before the tribunals of the civil magistrates, or evenat the foot of the Imperial throne. The finances were diligentlyadministered by two princes, who had been so long accustomed to therigid economy of a private fortune; but in the receipt and applicationof the revenue, a discerning eye might observe some difference betweenthe government of the East and of the West. Valens was persuaded, thatroyal liberality can be supplied only by public oppression, and hisambition never aspired to secure, by their actual distress, the futurestrength and prosperity of his people. Instead of increasing theweight of taxes, which, in the space of forty years, had been graduallydoubled, he reduced, in the first years of his reign, one fourth ofthe tribute of the East. [63] Valentinian appears to have been lessattentive and less anxious to relieve the burdens of his people. Hemight reform the abuses of the fiscal administration; but he exacted, without scruple, a very large share of the private property; as he wasconvinced, that the revenues, which supported the luxury of individuals, would be much more advantageously employed for the defence andimprovement of the state. The subjects of the East, who enjoyed thepresent benefit, applauded the indulgence of their prince. The solidbut less splendid, merit of Valentinian was felt and acknowledged by thesubsequent generation. [64]

[Footnote 60: See the Code of Justinian, l. Viii. Tit. Lii. Leg. 2. Unusquisque sabolem suam nutriat. Quod si exponendam putaveritanimadversioni quae constituta est subjacebit. For the present I shallnot interfere in the dispute between Noodt and Binkershoek; how far, orhow long this unnatural practice had been condemned or abolished by lawphilosophy, and the more civilized state of society. ]

[Footnote 61: These salutary institutions are explained in theTheodosian Code, l. Xiii. Tit. Iii. De Professoribus et Medicis, andl. Xiv. Tit. Ix. De Studiis liberalibus Urbis Romoe. Besides our usualguide, (Godefroy, ) we may consult Giannone, (Istoria di Napoli, tom. I. P. 105-111, ) who has treated the interesting subject with the zeal andcuriosity of a man of latters who studies his domestic history. ]

[Footnote 62: Cod. Theodos. L. I. Tit. Xi. With Godefroy's Paratitlon, which diligently gleans from the rest of the code. ]

[Footnote 63: Three lines of Ammianus (xxxi. 14) countenance a wholeoration of Themistius, (viii. P. 101-120, ) full of adulation, pedantry, and common-place morality. The eloquent M. Thomas (tom. I. P. 366-396) has amused himself with celebrating the virtues and genius ofThemistius, who was not unworthy of the age in which he lived. ]

[Footnote 64: Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 202. Ammian. Xxx. 9. His reformationof costly abuses might entitle him to the praise of, in provincialesadmodum parcus, tributorum ubique molliens sarcinas. By some hisfrugality was styled avarice, (Jerom. Chron. P. 186)]

But the most honorable circumstance of the character of Valentinian, isthe firm and temperate impartiality which he uniformly preserved inan age of religious contention. His strong sense, unenlightened, butuncorrupted, by study, declined, with respectful indifference, thesubtle questions of theological debate. The government of the Earthclaimed his vigilance, and satisfied his ambition; and while heremembered that he was the disciple of the church, he never forgot thathe was the sovereign of the clergy. Under the reign of an apostate, hehad signalized his zeal for the honor of Christianity: he allowed to hissubjects the privilege which he had assumed for himself; and they mightaccept, with gratitude and confidence, the general toleration which wasgranted by a prince addicted to passion, but incapable of fear or ofdisguise. [65] The Pagans, the Jews, and all the various sects whichacknowledged the divine authority of Christ, were protected by the lawsfrom arbitrary power or popular insult; nor was any mode of worshipprohibited by Valentinian, except those secret and criminal practices, which abused the name of religion for the dark purposes of vice anddisorder. The art of magic, as it was more cruelly punished, was morestrictly proscribed: but the emperor admitted a formal distinction toprotect the ancient methods of divination, which were approved by thesenate, and exercised by the Tuscan haruspices. He had condemned, with the consent of the most rational Pagans, the license of nocturnalsacrifices; but he immediately admitted the petition of Praetextatus, proconsul of Achaia, who represented, that the life of the Greeks wouldbecome dreary and comfortless, if they were deprived of the invaluableblessing of the Eleusinian mysteries. Philosophy alone can boast, (andperhaps it is no more than the boast of philosophy, ) that her gentlehand is able to eradicate from the human mind the latent and deadlyprinciple of fanaticism. But this truce of twelve years, which wasenforced by the wise and vigorous government of Valentinian, bysuspending the repetition of mutual injuries, contributed to soften themanners, and abate the prejudices, of the religious factions. 

[Footnote 65: Testes sunt leges a me in exordio Imperii mei datae;quibus unicuique quod animo imbibisset colendi libera facultas tributaest. Cod. Theodos. L. Ix. Tit. Xvi. Leg. 9. To this declaration ofValentinian, we may add the various testimonies of Ammianus, (xxx. 9, )Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 204, ) and Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. 7, 21. ) Baronius wouldnaturally blame such rational toleration, (Annal. Eccles A. D. 370, No. 129-132, A. D. 376, No. 3, 4. ) ----Comme il s'etait prescrit pour reglede ne point se meler de disputes de religion, son histoire est presqueentierement degagee des affaires ecclesiastiques. Le Beau. Iii. 214. --M. ]

The friend of toleration was unfortunately placed at a distance from thescene of the fiercest controversies. As soon as the Christians of theWest had extricated themselves from the snares of the creed of Rimini, they happily relapsed into the slumber of orthodoxy; and the smallremains of the Arian party, that still subsisted at Sirmium or Milan, might be considered rather as objects of contempt than of resentment. But in the provinces of the East, from the Euxine to the extremity ofThebais, the strength and numbers of the hostile factions were moreequally balanced; and this equality, instead of recommending thecounsels of peace, served only to perpetuate the horrors of religiouswar. The monks and bishops supported their arguments by invectives;and their invectives were sometimes followed by blows. Athanasius stillreigned at Alexandria; the thrones of Constantinople and Antioch wereoccupied by Arian prelates, and every episcopal vacancy was theoccasion of a popular tumult. The Homoousians were fortified by thereconciliation of fifty-nine Macelonian, or Semi-Arian, bishops; buttheir secret reluctance to embrace the divinity of the Holy Ghost, clouded the splendor of the triumph; and the declaration of Valens, who, in the first years of his reign, had imitated the impartial conduct ofhis brother, was an important victory on the side of Arianism. The twobrothers had passed their private life in the condition of catechumens;but the piety of Valens prompted him to solicit the sacrament ofbaptism, before he exposed his person to the dangers of a Gothic war. He naturally addressed himself to Eudoxus, [66] [66a] bishop of theImperial city; and if the ignorant monarch was instructed by that Arianpastor in the principles of heterodox theology, his misfortune, ratherthan his guilt, was the inevitable consequence of his erroneous choice. Whatever had been the determination of the emperor, he must haveoffended a numerous party of his Christian subjects; as the leaders bothof the Homoousians and of the Arians believed, that, if they were notsuffered to reign, they were most cruelly injured and oppressed. Afterhe had taken this decisive step, it was extremely difficult for him topreserve either the virtue, or the reputation of impartiality. He neveraspired, like Constantius, to the fame of a profound theologian; butas he had received with simplicity and respect the tenets of Euxodus, Valens resigned his conscience to the direction of his ecclesiasticalguides, and promoted, by the influence of his authority, the reunion ofthe Athanasian heretics to the body of the Catholic church. At first, hepitied their blindness; by degrees he was provoked at their obstinacy;and he insensibly hated those sectaries to whom he was an object ofhatred. [67] The feeble mind of Valens was always swayed by the personswith whom he familiarly conversed; and the exile or imprisonment of aprivate citizen are the favors the most readily granted in a despoticcourt. Such punishments were frequently inflicted on the leaders ofthe Homoousian party; and the misfortune of fourscore ecclesiastics ofConstantinople, who, perhaps accidentally, were burned on shipboard, was imputed to the cruel and premeditated malice of the emperor, and hisArian ministers. In every contest, the Catholics (if we may anticipatethat name) were obliged to pay the penalty of their own faults, and ofthose of their adversaries. In every election, the claims of the Ariancandidate obtained the preference; and if they were opposed by themajority of the people, he was usually supported by the authority ofthe civil magistrate, or even by the terrors of a military force. The enemies of Athanasius attempted to disturb the last years of hisvenerable age; and his temporary retreat to his father's sepulchre hasbeen celebrated as a fifth exile. But the zeal of a great people, whoinstantly flew to arms, intimidated the praefect: and the archbishopwas permitted to end his life in peace and in glory, after a reignof forty-seven years. The death of Athanasius was the signal of thepersecution of Egypt; and the Pagan minister of Valens, who forciblyseated the worthless Lucius on the archiepiscopal throne, purchasedthe favor of the reigning party, by the blood and sufferings of theirChristian brethren. The free toleration of the heathen and Jewishworship was bitterly lamented, as a circumstance which aggravated themisery of the Catholics, and the guilt of the impious tyrant of theEast. [68]

[Footnote 66: Eudoxus was of a mild and timid disposition. When hebaptized Valens, (A. D. 367, ) he must have been extremely old; since hehad studied theology fifty-five years before, under Lucian, a learnedand pious martyr. Philostorg. L. Ii. C. 14-16, l. Iv. C. 4, withGodefroy, p 82, 206, and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. V. P. 471-480, &c. ]

[Footnote 66a: Through the influence of his wife say the ecclesiasticalwriters. --M. ]

[Footnote 67: Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. Xxv. P. 432) insults thepersecuting spirit of the Arians, as an infallible symptom of error andheresy. ]

[Footnote 68: This sketch of the ecclesiastical government of Valens isdrawn from Socrates, (l. Iv. , ) Sozomen, (l. Vi. , ) Theodoret, (l. Iv. , )and the immense compilations of Tillemont, (particularly tom. Vi. Viii. And ix. )]

The triumph of the orthodox party has left a deep stain of persecutionon the memory of Valens; and the character of a prince who derivedhis virtues, as well as his vices, from a feeble understanding and apusillanimous temper, scarcely deserves the labor of an apology. Yetcandor may discover some reasons to suspect that the ecclesiasticalministers of Valens often exceeded the orders, or even the intentions, of their master; and that the real measure of facts has been veryliberally magnified by the vehement declamation and easy credulityof his antagonists. [69] 1. The silence of Valentinian may suggest aprobable argument that the partial severities, which were exercised inthe name and provinces of his colleague, amounted only to some obscureand inconsiderable deviations from the established system of religioustoleration: and the judicious historian, who has praised the equaltemper of the elder brother, has not thought himself obliged to contrastthe tranquillity of the West with the cruel persecution of the East. [70] 2. Whatever credit may be allowed to vague and distant reports, thecharacter, or at least the behavior, of Valens, may be most distinctlyseen in his personal transactions with the eloquent Basil, archbishopof Caesarea, who had succeeded Athanasius in the management of theTrinitarian cause. [71] The circumstantial narrative has been composedby the friends and admirers of Basil; and as soon as we have strippedaway a thick coat of rhetoric and miracle, we shall be astonished by theunexpected mildness of the Arian tyrant, who admired the firmness of hischaracter, or was apprehensive, if he employed violence, of a generalrevolt in the province of Cappadocia. The archbishop, who asserted, withinflexible pride, [72] the truth of his opinions, and the dignity of hisrank, was left in the free possession of his conscience and his throne. The emperor devoutly assisted at the solemn service of the cathedral;and, instead of a sentence of banishment, subscribed the donation ofa valuable estate for the use of a hospital, which Basil had latelyfounded in the neighborhood of Caesarea. [73] 3. I am not able todiscover, that any law (such as Theodosius afterwards enacted againstthe Arians) was published by Valens against the Athanasian sectaries;and the edict which excited the most violent clamors, may not appear soextremely reprehensible. The emperor had observed, that several ofhis subjects, gratifying their lazy disposition under the pretence ofreligion, had associated themselves with the monks of Egypt; and hedirected the count of the East to drag them from their solitude; andto compel these deserters of society to accept the fair alternativeof renouncing their temporal possessions, or of discharging the publicduties of men and citizens. [74] The ministers of Valens seem to haveextended the sense of this penal statute, since they claimed a rightof enlisting the young and ablebodied monks in the Imperial armies. Adetachment of cavalry and infantry, consisting of three thousand men, marched from Alexandria into the adjacent desert of Nitria, [75] whichwas peopled by five thousand monks. The soldiers were conducted by Arianpriests; and it is reported, that a considerable slaughter was made inthe monasteries which disobeyed the commands of their sovereign. [76]

[Footnote 69: Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. Iv. P. 78) has already conceived and intimated the same suspicion. ]

[Footnote 70: This reflection is so obvious and forcible, that Orosius(l. Vii. C. 32, 33, ) delays the persecution till after the death ofValentinian. Socrates, on the other hand, supposes, (l. Iii. C. 32, )that it was appeased by a philosophical oration, which Themistiuspronounced in the year 374, (Orat. Xii. P. 154, in Latin only. ) Suchcontradictions diminish the evidence, and reduce the term, of thepersecution of Valens. ]

[Footnote 71: Tillemont, whom I follow and abridge, has extracted (Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 153-167) the most authentic circumstances from thePanegyrics of the two Gregories; the brother, and the friend, of Basil. The letters of Basil himself (Dupin, Bibliotheque, Ecclesiastique, tom. Ii. P. 155-180) do not present the image of a very lively persecution. ]

[Footnote 72: Basilius Caesariensis episcopus Cappadociae clarushabetur. .. Qui multa continentiae et ingenii bona uno superbiaemalo perdidit. This irreverent passage is perfectly in the style andcharacter of St. Jerom. It does not appear in Scaliger's edition of hisChronicle; but Isaac Vossius found it in some old Mss. Which had notbeen reformed by the monks. ]

[Footnote 73: This noble and charitable foundation (almost a new city)surpassed in merit, if not in greatness, the pyramids, or the walls ofBabylon. It was principally intended for the reception of lepers, (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. Xx. P. 439. )]

[Footnote 74: Cod. Theodos. L. Xii. Tit. I. Leg. 63. Godefroy (tom. Iv. P. 409-413) performs the duty of a commentator and advocate. Tillemont(Mem. Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 808) supposes a second law to excuse hisorthodox friends, who had misrepresented the edict of Valens, andsuppressed the liberty of choice. ]

[Footnote 75: See D'Anville, Description de l'Egypte, p. 74. Hereafter Ishall consider the monastic institutions. ]

[Footnote 76: Socrates, l. Iv. C. 24, 25. Orosius, l. Vii. C. 33. Jerom. In Chron. P. 189, and tom. Ii. P. 212. The monks of Egypt performedmany miracles, which prove the truth of their faith. Right, says Jortin, (Remarks, vol iv. P. 79, ) but what proves the truth of those miracles. ]

The strict regulations which have been framed by the wisdom of modernlegislators to restrain the wealth and avarice of the clergy, may beoriginally deduced from the example of the emperor Valentinian. Hisedict, [77] addressed to Damasus, bishop of Rome, was publicly read inthe churches of the city. He admonished the ecclesiastics and monksnot to frequent the houses of widows and virgins; and menaced theirdisobedience with the animadversion of the civil judge. The director wasno longer permitted to receive any gift, or legacy, or inheritance, fromthe liberality of his spiritual-daughter: every testament contrary tothis edict was declared null and void; and the illegal donation wasconfiscated for the use of the treasury. By a subsequent regulation, itshould seem, that the same provisions were extended to nuns and bishops;and that all persons of the ecclesiastical order were rendered incapableof receiving any testamentary gifts, and strictly confined to thenatural and legal rights of inheritance. As the guardian of domestichappiness and virtue, Valentinian applied this severe remedy to thegrowing evil. In the capital of the empire, the females of noble andopulent houses possessed a very ample share of independent property: andmany of those devout females had embraced the doctrines of Christianity, not only with the cold assent of the understanding, but with the warmthof affection, and perhaps with the eagerness of fashion. They sacrificedthe pleasures of dress and luxury; and renounced, for the praise ofchastity, the soft endearments of conjugal society. Some ecclesiastic, of real or apparent sanctity, was chosen to direct their timorousconscience, and to amuse the vacant tenderness of their heart: and theunbounded confidence, which they hastily bestowed, was often abused byknaves and enthusiasts; who hastened from the extremities of theEast, to enjoy, on a splendid theatre, the privileges of the monasticprofession. By their contempt of the world, they insensibly acquired itsmost desirable advantages; the lively attachment, perhaps of a young andbeautiful woman, the delicate plenty of an opulent household, and therespectful homage of the slaves, the freedmen, and the clients ofa senatorial family. The immense fortunes of the Roman ladies weregradually consumed in lavish alms and expensive pilgrimages; and theartful monk, who had assigned himself the first, or possibly the soleplace, in the testament of his spiritual daughter, still presumedto declare, with the smooth face of hypocrisy, that he was only theinstrument of charity, and the steward of the poor. The lucrative, butdisgraceful, trade, [78] which was exercised by the clergy to defraudthe expectations of the natural heirs, had provoked the indignation of asuperstitious age: and two of the most respectable of the Latin fathersvery honestly confess, that the ignominious edict of Valentinian wasjust and necessary; and that the Christian priests had deserved to losea privilege, which was still enjoyed by comedians, charioteers, and theministers of idols. But the wisdom and authority of the legislator areseldom victorious in a contest with the vigilant dexterity of privateinterest; and Jerom, or Ambrose, might patiently acquiesce in thejustice of an ineffectual or salutary law. If the ecclesiastics werechecked in the pursuit of personal emolument, they would exert a morelaudable industry to increase the wealth of the church; and dignifytheir covetousness with the specious names of piety and patriotism. [79]

[Footnote 77: Cod. Theodos. L. Xvi. Tit. Ii. Leg. 20. Godefroy, (tom. Vi. P. 49, ) after the example of Baronius, impartially collects all thatthe fathers have said on the subject of this important law; whose spiritwas long afterwards revived by the emperor Frederic II. , Edward I. Of England, and other Christian princes who reigned after the twelfthcentury. ]

[Footnote 78: The expressions which I have used are temperate andfeeble, if compared with the vehement invectives of Jerom, (tom. I. P. 13, 45, 144, &c. ) In his turn he was reproached with the guilt which heimputed to his brother monks; and the Sceleratus, the Versipellis, waspublicly accused as the lover of the widow Paula, (tom. Ii. P. 363. )He undoubtedly possessed the affection, both of the mother and thedaughter; but he declares that he never abused his influence to anyselfish or sensual purpose. ]

[Footnote 79: Pudet dicere, sacerdotes idolorum, mimi et aurigae, et scorta, haereditates capiunt: solis clericis ac monachis hac legeprohibetur. Et non prohibetur a persecutoribus, sed a principibusChristianis. Nec de lege queror; sed doleo cur meruerimus hanc legem. Jerom (tom. I. P. 13) discreetly insinuates the secret policy of hispatron Damasus. ]

 Damasus, bishop of Rome, who was constrained to stigmatizethe avarice of his clergy by the publication of the law of Valentinian, had the good sense, or the good fortune, to engage in his service thezeal and abilities of the learned Jerom; and the grateful saint hascelebrated the merit and purity of a very ambiguous character. [80] Butthe splendid vices of the church of Rome, under the reign of Valentinianand Damasus, have been curiously observed by the historian Ammianus, whodelivers his impartial sense in these expressive words: "The praefectureof Juventius was accompanied with peace and plenty, but the tranquillityof his government was soon disturbed by a bloody sedition of thedistracted people. The ardor of Damasus and Ursinus, to seize theepiscopal seat, surpassed the ordinary measure of human ambition. Theycontended with the rage of party; the quarrel was maintained by thewounds and death of their followers; and the praefect, unable to resistor appease the tumult, was constrained, by superior violence, to retireinto the suburbs. Damasus prevailed: the well-disputed victory remainedon the side of his faction; one hundred and thirty-seven dead bodies[81] were found in the Basilica of Sicininus, [82] where the Christianshold their religious assemblies; and it was long before the angry mindsof the people resumed their accustomed tranquillity. When I consider thesplendor of the capital, I am not astonished that so valuable a prizeshould inflame the desires of ambitious men, and produce the fiercestand most obstinate contests. The successful candidate is secure, that hewill be enriched by the offerings of matrons; [83] that, as soon as hisdress is composed with becoming care and elegance, he may proceed, in his chariot, through the streets of Rome; [84] and that thesumptuousness of the Imperial table will not equal the profuse anddelicate entertainments provided by the taste, and at the expense, of the Roman pontiffs. How much more rationally (continues the honestPagan) would those pontiffs consult their true happiness, if, instead ofalleging the greatness of the city as an excuse for their manners, they would imitate the exemplary life of some provincial bishops, whose temperance and sobriety, whose mean apparel and downcast looks, recommend their pure and modest virtue to the Deity and his trueworshippers!" [85] The schism of Damasus and Ursinus was extinguishedby the exile of the latter; and the wisdom of the praefect Praetextatus[86] restored the tranquillity of the city. Praetextatus was aphilosophic Pagan, a man of learning, of taste, and politeness; whodisguised a reproach in the form of a jest, when he assured Damasus, that if he could obtain the bishopric of Rome, he himself wouldimmediately embrace the Christian religion. [87] This lively pictureof the wealth and luxury of the popes in the fourth century becomesthe more curious, as it represents the intermediate degree between thehumble poverty of the apostolic fishermen, and the royal state of atemporal prince, whose dominions extend from the confines of Naples tothe banks of the Po. 

[Footnote 80: Three words of Jerom, sanctoe memorioe Damasus (tom. Ii. P. 109, ) wash away all his stains, and blind the devout eyes ofTillemont. (Mem Eccles. Tom. Viii. P. 386-424. )]

[Footnote 81: Jerom himself is forced to allow, crudelissimaeinterfectiones diversi sexus perpetratae, (in Chron. P. 186. ) But anoriginal libel, or petition of two presbyters of the adverse party, hasunaccountably escaped. They affirm that the doors of the Basilica wereburnt, and that the roof was untiled; that Damasus marched at the headof his own clergy, grave-diggers, charioteers, and hired gladiators;that none of his party were killed, but that one hundred and sixty deadbodies were found. This petition is published by the P. Sirmond, in thefirst volume of his work. ]

[Footnote 82: The Basilica of Sicininus, or Liberius, is probably thechurch of Sancta Maria Maggiore, on the Esquiline hill. Baronius, A. D. 367 No. 3; and Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, l. Iv. C. 3, p. 462. ]

[Footnote 83: The enemies of Damasus styled him Auriscalpius Matronarumthe ladies' ear-scratcher. ]

[Footnote 84: Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. Xxxii. P. 526) describes thepride and luxury of the prelates who reigned in the Imperial cities;their gilt car, fiery steeds, numerous train, &c. The crowd gave way asto a wild beast. ]

[Footnote 85: Ammian. Xxvii. 3. Perpetuo Numini, verisque ejuscultoribus. The incomparable pliancy of a polytheist!]

[Footnote 86: Ammianus, who makes a fair report of his praefecture(xxvii. 9) styles him praeclarae indolis, gravitatisque senator, (xxii. 7, and Vales. Ad loc. ) A curious inscription (Grutor MCII. No. 2)records, in two columns, his religious and civil honors. In one line hewas Pontiff of the Sun, and of Vesta, Augur, Quindecemvir, Hierophant, &c. , &c. In the other, 1. Quaestor candidatus, more probably titular. 2. Praetor. 3. Corrector of Tuscany and Umbria. 4. Consular of Lusitania. 5. Proconsul of Achaia. 6. Praefect of Rome. 7. Praetorian praefectof Italy. 8. Of Illyricum. 9. Consul elect; but he died before thebeginning of the year 385. See Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom v. P. 241, 736. ]

[Footnote 87: Facite me Romanae urbis episcopum; et ero protinusChristianus (Jerom, tom. Ii. P. 165. ) It is more than probable thatDamasus would not have purchased his conversion at such a price. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part IV. 

When the suffrage of the generals and of the army committed the sceptreof the Roman empire to the hands of Valentinian, his reputation inarms, his military skill and experience, and his rigid attachment tothe forms, as well as spirit, of ancient discipline, were the principalmotives of their judicious choice. 

The eagerness of the troops, who pressed him to nominate his colleague, was justified by the dangerous situation of public affairs; andValentinian himself was conscious, that the abilities of the most activemind were unequal to the defence of the distant frontiers of an invadedmonarchy. As soon as the death of Julian had relieved the Barbariansfrom the terror of his name, the most sanguine hopes of rapine andconquest excited the nations of the East, of the North, and of theSouth. Their inroads were often vexatious, and sometimes formidable;but, during the twelve years of the reign of Valentinian, his firmnessand vigilance protected his own dominions; and his powerful geniusseemed to inspire and direct the feeble counsels of his brother. Perhapsthe method of annals would more forcibly express the urgent and dividedcares of the two emperors; but the attention of the reader, likewise, would be distracted by a tedious and desultory narrative. A separateview of the five great theatres of war; I. Germany; II. Britain; III. Africa; IV. The East; and, V. The Danube; will impress a moredistinct image of the military state of the empire under the reigns ofValentinian and Valens. 

I. The ambassadors of the Alemanni had been offended by the harsh andhaughty behavior of Ursacius, master of the offices; [88] who by anact of unseasonable parsimony, had diminished the value, as well asthe quantity, of the presents to which they were entitled, either fromcustom or treaty, on the accession of a new emperor. They expressed, and they communicated to their countrymen, their strong sense of thenational affront. The irascible minds of the chiefs were exasperatedby the suspicion of contempt; and the martial youth crowded to theirstandard. Before Valentinian could pass the Alps, the villages of Gaulwere in flames; before his general Degalaiphus could encounter theAlemanni, they had secured the captives and the spoil in the forests ofGermany. In the beginning of the ensuing year, the military force of thewhole nation, in deep and solid columns, broke through the barrier ofthe Rhine, during the severity of a northern winter. Two Roman countswere defeated and mortally wounded; and the standard of the Heruli andBatavians fell into the hands of the Heruli and Batavians fell intothe hands of the conquerors, who displayed, with insulting shouts andmenaces, the trophy of their victory. The standard was recovered; butthe Batavians had not redeemed the shame of their disgrace and flight inthe eyes of their severe judge. It was the opinion of Valentinian, thathis soldiers must learn to fear their commander, before they could ceaseto fear the enemy. The troops were solemnly assembled; and the tremblingBatavians were enclosed within the circle of the Imperial army. Valentinian then ascended his tribunal; and, as if he disdained topunish cowardice with death, he inflicted a stain of indelible ignominyon the officers, whose misconduct and pusillanimity were found to bethe first occasion of the defeat. The Batavians were degraded from theirrank, stripped of their arms, and condemned to be sold for slaves to thehighest bidder. At this tremendous sentence, the troops fell prostrateon the ground, deprecated the indignation of their sovereign, andprotested, that, if he would indulge them in another trial, they wouldapprove themselves not unworthy of the name of Romans, and of hissoldiers. Valentinian, with affected reluctance, yielded to theirentreaties; the Batavians resumed their arms, and with their arms, theinvincible resolution of wiping away their disgrace in the blood of theAlemanni. [89] The principal command was declined by Dagalaiphus; andthat experienced general, who had represented, perhaps with toomuch prudence, the extreme difficulties of the undertaking, had themortification, before the end of the campaign, of seeing his rivalJovinus convert those difficulties into a decisive advantage over thescattered forces of the Barbarians. At the head of a well-disciplinedarmy of cavalry, infantry, and light troops, Jovinus advanced, withcautious and rapid steps, to Scarponna, [90] [90a] in the territory ofMetz, where he surprised a large division of the Alemanni, beforethey had time to run to their arms; and flushed his soldiers with theconfidence of an easy and bloodless victory. Another division, orrather army, of the enemy, after the cruel and wanton devastation of theadjacent country, reposed themselves on the shady banks of the Moselle. Jovinus, who had viewed the ground with the eye of a general, made asilent approach through a deep and woody vale, till he could distinctlyperceive the indolent security of the Germans. Some were bathing theirhuge limbs in the river; others were combing their long and flaxen hair;others again were swallowing large draughts of rich and delicious wine. On a sudden they heard the sound of the Roman trumpet; they saw theenemy in their camp. Astonishment produced disorder; disorder wasfollowed by flight and dismay; and the confused multitude of the bravestwarriors was pierced by the swords and javelins of the legionaries andauxiliaries. The fugitives escaped to the third, and most considerable, camp, in the Catalonian plains, near Chalons in Champagne: thestraggling detachments were hastily recalled to their standard; andthe Barbarian chiefs, alarmed and admonished by the fate of theircompanions, prepared to encounter, in a decisive battle, the victoriousforces of the lieutenant of Valentinian. The bloody and obstinateconflict lasted a whole summer's day, with equal valor, and withalternate success. The Romans at length prevailed, with the loss ofabout twelve hundred men. Six thousand of the Alemanni were slain, fourthousand were wounded; and the brave Jovinus, after chasing the flyingremnant of their host as far as the banks of the Rhine, returned toParis, to receive the applause of his sovereign, and the ensigns ofthe consulship for the ensuing year. [91] The triumph of the Romans wasindeed sullied by their treatment of the captive king, whom they hungon a gibbet, without the knowledge of their indignant general. Thisdisgraceful act of cruelty, which might be imputed to the fury of thetroops, was followed by the deliberate murder of Withicab, the son ofVadomair; a German prince, of a weak and sickly constitution, but of adaring and formidable spirit. The domestic assassin was instigated andprotected by the Romans; [92] and the violation of the laws of humanityand justice betrayed their secret apprehension of the weakness of thedeclining empire. The use of the dagger is seldom adopted in publiccouncils, as long as they retain any confidence in the power of thesword. 

[Footnote 88: Ammian, xxvi. 5. Valesius adds a long and good note on themaster of the offices. ]

[Footnote 89: Ammian. Xxvii. 1. Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 208. The disgrace ofthe Batavians is suppressed by the contemporary soldier, from a regardfor military honor, which could not affect a Greek rhetorician of thesucceeding age. ]

[Footnote 90: See D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 587. Thename of the Moselle, which is not specified by Ammianus, is clearlyunderstood by Mascou, (Hist. Of the Ancient Germans, vii. 2)]

[Footnote 90a: Charpeigne on the Moselle. Mannert--M. ]

[Footnote 91: The battles are described by Ammianus, (xxvii. 2, ) andby Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 209, ) who supposes Valentinian to have beenpresent. ]

[Footnote 92: Studio solicitante nostrorum, occubuit. Ammian xxvii. 10. ]

While the Alemanni appeared to be humbled by their recent calamities, the pride of Valentinian was mortified by the unexpected surprisal ofMoguntiacum, or Mentz, the principal city of the Upper Germany. In theunsuspicious moment of a Christian festival, [92a] Rando, a bold andartful chieftain, who had long meditated his attempt, suddenly passedthe Rhine; entered the defenceless town, and retired with a multitude ofcaptives of either sex. Valentinian resolved to execute severe vengeanceon the whole body of the nation. Count Sebastian, with the bands ofItaly and Illyricum, was ordered to invade their country, most probablyon the side of Rhaetia. The emperor in person, accompanied by his sonGratian, passed the Rhine at the head of a formidable army, which wassupported on both flanks by Jovinus and Severus, the two masters-generalof the cavalry and infantry of the West. The Alemanni, unable to preventthe devastation of their villages, fixed their camp on a lofty, andalmost inaccessible, mountain, in the modern duchy of Wirtemberg, andresolutely expected the approach of the Romans. The life of Valentinianwas exposed to imminent danger by the intrepid curiosity with whichhe persisted to explore some secret and unguarded path. A troop ofBarbarians suddenly rose from their ambuscade: and the emperor, whovigorously spurred his horse down a steep and slippery descent, was obliged to leave behind him his armor-bearer, and his helmet, magnificently enriched with gold and precious stones. At the signalof the general assault, the Roman troops encompassed and ascended themountain of Solicinium on three different sides. [92b] Every step whichthey gained, increased their ardor, and abated the resistance of theenemy: and after their united forces had occupied the summit of thehill, they impetuously urged the Barbarians down the northern descent, where Count Sebastian was posted to intercept their retreat. After thissignal victory, Valentinian returned to his winter quarters at Treves;where he indulged the public joy by the exhibition of splendid andtriumphal games. [93] But the wise monarch, instead of aspiring tothe conquest of Germany, confined his attention to the importantand laborious defence of the Gallic frontier, against an enemy whosestrength was renewed by a stream of daring volunteers, which incessantlyflowed from the most distant tribes of the North. [94] The banks of theRhine [94a] from its source to the straits of the ocean, were closelyplanted with strong castles and convenient towers; new works, and newarms, were invented by the ingenuity of a prince who was skilled in themechanical arts; and his numerous levies of Roman and Barbarian youthwere severely trained in all the exercises of war. The progress ofthe work, which was sometimes opposed by modest representations, andsometimes by hostile attempts, secured the tranquillity of Gaul duringthe nine subsequent years of the administration of Valentinian. [95]

[Footnote 92a: Probably Easter. Wagner. --M. ]

[Footnote 92b: Mannert is unable to fix the position of Solicinium. Haefelin (in Comm Acad Elect. Palat. V. 14) conjectures Schwetzingen, near Heidelberg. See Wagner's note. St. Martin, Sultz in Wirtemberg, near the sources of the Neckar St. Martin, iii. 339. --M. ]

[Footnote 93: The expedition of Valentinian is related by Ammianus, (xxvii. 10;) and celebrated by Ausonius, (Mosell. 421, &c. , ) whofoolishly supposes, that the Romans were ignorant of the sources of theDanube. ]

[Footnote 94: Immanis enim natio, jam inde ab incunabulis primisvarietate casuum imminuta; ita saepius adolescit, ut fuisse longissaeculis aestimetur intacta. Ammianus, xxviii. 5. The Count de Buat(Hist. Des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Vi. P. 370) ascribes the fecundityof the Alemanni to their easy adoption of strangers. ----Note: "Thisexplanation, " says Mr. Malthus, "only removes the difficulty a littlefarther off. It makes the earth rest upon the tortoise, but does nottell us on what the tortoise rests. We may still ask what northernreservoir supplied this incessant stream of daring adventurers. Montesquieu's solution of the problem will, I think, hardly be admitted, (Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, c. 16, p. 187. ) * * * The wholedifficulty, however, is at once removed, if we apply to the Germannations, at that time, a fact which is so generally known to haveoccurred in America, and suppose that, when not checked by wars andfamine, they increased at a rate that would double their numbers intwenty-five or thirty years. The propriety, and even the necessity, ofapplying this rate of increase to the inhabitants of ancient Germany, will strikingly appear from that most valuable picture of their mannerswhich has been left us by Tacitus, (Tac. De Mor. Germ. 16 to 20. ) * ** With these manners, and a habit of enterprise and emigration, whichwould naturally remove all fears about providing for a family, it isdifficult to conceive a society with a stronger principle of increasein it, and we see at once that prolific source of armies and coloniesagainst which the force of the Roman empire so long struggled withdifficulty, and under which it ultimately sunk. It is not probable that, for two periods together, or even for one, the population within theconfines of Germany ever doubled itself in twenty-five years. Theirperpetual wars, the rude state of agriculture, and particularly the verystrange custom adopted by most of the tribes of marking their barriersby extensive deserts, would prevent any very great actual increase ofnumbers. At no one period could the country be called well peopled, though it was often redundant in population. * * * Instead of clearingtheir forests, draining their swamps, and rendering their soil fit tosupport an extended population, they found it more congenial to theirmartial habits and impatient dispositions to go in quest of food, ofplunder, or of glory, into other countries. " Malthus on Population, i. P. 128. --G. ]

[Footnote 94a: The course of the Neckar was likewise strongly guarded. The hyperbolical eulogy of Symmachus asserts that the Neckar firstbecame known to the Romans by the conquests and fortifications ofValentinian. Nunc primum victoriis tuis externus fluvius publicatur. Gaudeat servitute, captivus innotuit. Symm. Orat. P. 22. --M. ]

[Footnote 95: Ammian. Xxviii. 2. Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 214. The youngerVictor mentions the mechanical genius of Valentinian, nova arma meditarifingere terra seu limo simulacra. ]

That prudent emperor, who diligently practised the wise maxims ofDiocletian, was studious to foment and excite the intestine divisionsof the tribes of Germany. About the middle of the fourth century, thecountries, perhaps of Lusace and Thuringia, on either side of the Elbe, were occupied by the vague dominion of the Burgundians; a warlike andnumerous people, [95a] of the Vandal race, [96] whose obscure nameinsensibly swelled into a powerful kingdom, and has finally settled ona flourishing province. The most remarkable circumstance in the ancientmanners of the Burgundians appears to have been the difference of theircivil and ecclesiastical constitution. The appellation of Hendinos wasgiven to the king or general, and the title of Sinistus to the highpriest, of the nation. The person of the priest was sacred, and hisdignity perpetual; but the temporal government was held by a veryprecarious tenure. If the events of war accuses the courage or conductof the king, he was immediately deposed; and the injustice of hissubjects made him responsible for the fertility of the earth, and theregularity of the seasons, which seemed to fall more properly within thesacerdotal department. [97] The disputed possession of some salt-pits[98] engaged the Alemanni and the Burgundians in frequent contests:the latter were easily tempted, by the secret solicitations and liberaloffers of the emperor; and their fabulous descent from the Romansoldiers, who had formerly been left to garrison the fortresses ofDrusus, was admitted with mutual credulity, as it was conducive tomutual interest. [99] An army of fourscore thousand Burgundians soonappeared on the banks of the Rhine; and impatiently required the supportand subsidies which Valentinian had promised: but they were amused withexcuses and delays, till at length, after a fruitless expectation, theywere compelled to retire. The arms and fortifications of the Gallicfrontier checked the fury of their just resentment; and theirmassacre of the captives served to imbitter the hereditary feud of theBurgundians and the Alemanni. The inconstancy of a wise prince may, perhaps, be explained by some alteration of circumstances; and perhapsit was the original design of Valentinian to intimidate, rather than todestroy; as the balance of power would have been equally overturned bythe extirpation of either of the German nations. Among the princes ofthe Alemanni, Macrianus, who, with a Roman name, had assumed the arts ofa soldier and a statesman, deserved his hatred and esteem. The emperorhimself, with a light and unencumbered band, condescended to pass theRhine, marched fifty miles into the country, and would infallibly haveseized the object of his pursuit, if his judicious measures had notbeen defeated by the impatience of the troops. Macrianus was afterwardsadmitted to the honor of a personal conference with the emperor; andthe favors which he received, fixed him, till the hour of his death, asteady and sincere friend of the republic. [100]

[Footnote 95a: According to the general opinion, the Burgundians formeda Gothic o Vandalic tribe, who, from the banks of the Lower Vistula, made incursions, on one side towards Transylvania, on the other towardsthe centre of Germany. All that remains of the Burgundian language isGothic. * * * Nothing in their customs indicates a different origin. Malte Brun, Geog. Tom. I. P. 396. (edit. 1831. )--M. ]

[Footnote 96: Bellicosos et pubis immensae viribus affluentes; et ideometuendos finitimis universis. Ammian. Xxviii. 5. ]

[Footnote 97: I am always apt to suspect historians and travellers ofimproving extraordinary facts into general laws. Ammianus ascribes asimilar custom to Egypt; and the Chinese have imputed it to the Ta-tsin, or Roman empire, (De Guignes, Hist. Des Huns, tom. Ii. Part. 79. )]

[Footnote 98: Salinarum finiumque causa Alemannis saepe jurgabant. Ammian xxviii. 5. Possibly they disputed the possession of the Sala, a river which produced salt, and which had been the object of ancientcontention. Tacit. Annal. Xiii. 57, and Lipsius ad loc. ]

[Footnote 99: Jam inde temporibus priscis sobolem se esse RomanamBurgundii sciunt: and the vague tradition gradually assumed a moreregular form, (Oros. L. Vii. C. 32. ) It is annihilated by the decisiveauthority of Pliny, who composed the History of Drusus, and served inGermany, (Plin. Secund. Epist. Iii. 5, ) within sixty years after thedeath of that hero. Germanorum genera quinque; Vindili, quorum parsBurgundiones, &c. , (Hist. Natur. Iv. 28. )]

[Footnote 100: The wars and negotiations relative to the Burgundians andAlemanni, are distinctly related by Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxviii. 5, xxix 4, xxx. 3. ) Orosius, (l. Vii. C. 32, ) and the Chronicles of Jeromand Cassiodorus, fix some dates, and add some circumstances. ]

The land was covered by the fortifications of Valentinian; but thesea-coast of Gaul and Britain was exposed to the depredations of theSaxons. That celebrated name, in which we have a dear and domesticinterest, escaped the notice of Tacitus; and in the maps of Ptolemy, itfaintly marks the narrow neck of the Cimbric peninsula, and three smallislands towards the mouth of the Elbe. [101] This contracted territory, the present duchy of Sleswig, or perhaps of Holstein, was incapable ofpouring forth the inexhaustible swarms of Saxons who reigned over theocean, who filled the British island with their language, their laws, and their colonies; and who so long defended the liberty of the Northagainst the arms of Charlemagne. [102] The solution of this difficultyis easily derived from the similar manners, and loose constitution, of the tribes of Germany; which were blended with each other by theslightest accidents of war or friendship. The situation of the nativeSaxons disposed them to embrace the hazardous professions of fishermenand pirates; and the success of their first adventures would naturallyexcite the emulation of their bravest countrymen, who were impatient ofthe gloomy solitude of their woods and mountains. Every tide might floatdown the Elbe whole fleets of canoes, filled with hardy and intrepidassociates, who aspired to behold the unbounded prospect of the ocean, and to taste the wealth and luxury of unknown worlds. It should seemprobable, however, that the most numerous auxiliaries of the Saxons werefurnished by the nations who dwelt along the shores of the Baltic. Theypossessed arms and ships, the art of navigation, and the habits ofnaval war; but the difficulty of issuing through the northern columns ofHercules [103] (which, during several months of the year, are obstructedwith ice) confined their skill and courage within the limits of aspacious lake. The rumor of the successful armaments which sailed fromthe mouth of the Elbe, would soon provoke them to cross the narrowisthmus of Sleswig, and to launch their vessels on the great sea. Thevarious troops of pirates and adventurers, who fought under the samestandard, were insensibly united in a permanent society, at first ofrapine, and afterwards of government. A military confederation wasgradually moulded into a national body, by the gentle operation ofmarriage and consanguinity; and the adjacent tribes, who solicited thealliance, accepted the name and laws, of the Saxons. If the fact werenot established by the most unquestionable evidence, we should appear toabuse the credulity of our readers, by the description of the vesselsin which the Saxon pirates ventured to sport in the waves of the GermanOcean, the British Channel, and the Bay of Biscay. The keel of theirlarge flat-bottomed boats were framed of light timber, but the sides andupper works consisted only of wicker, with a covering of strong hides. [104] In the course of their slow and distant navigations, they mustalways have been exposed to the danger, and very frequently to themisfortune, of shipwreck; and the naval annals of the Saxons wereundoubtedly filled with the accounts of the losses which they sustainedon the coasts of Britain and Gaul. But the daring spirit of the piratesbraved the perils both of the sea and of the shore: their skill wasconfirmed by the habits of enterprise; the meanest of their mariners wasalike capable of handling an oar, of rearing a sail, or of conductinga vessel, and the Saxons rejoiced in the appearance of a tempest, whichconcealed their design, and dispersed the fleets of the enemy. [105]After they had acquired an accurate knowledge of the maritime provincesof the West, they extended the scene of their depredations, and the mostsequestered places had no reason to presume on their security. The Saxonboats drew so little water that they could easily proceed fourscore ora hundred miles up the great rivers; their weight was so inconsiderable, that they were transported on wagons from one river to another; and thepirates who had entered the mouth of the Seine, or of the Rhine, mightdescend, with the rapid stream of the Rhone, into the Mediterranean. Under the reign of Valentinian, the maritime provinces of Gaul wereafflicted by the Saxons: a military count was stationed for the defenceof the sea-coast, or Armorican limit; and that officer, who found hisstrength, or his abilities, unequal to the task, implored the assistanceof Severus, master-general of the infantry. The Saxons, surroundedand outnumbered, were forced to relinquish their spoil, and to yielda select band of their tall and robust youth to serve in the Imperialarmies. They stipulated only a safe and honorable retreat; and thecondition was readily granted by the Roman general, who meditated an actof perfidy, [106] imprudent as it was inhuman, while a Saxon remainedalive, and in arms, to revenge the fate of their countrymen. Thepremature eagerness of the infantry, who were secretly posted in a deepvalley, betrayed the ambuscade; and they would perhaps have fallen thevictims of their own treachery, if a large body of cuirassiers, alarmedby the noise of the combat, had not hastily advanced to extricate theircompanions, and to overwhelm the undaunted valor of the Saxons. Some ofthe prisoners were saved from the edge of the sword, to shed theirblood in the amphitheatre; and the orator Symmachus complains, thattwenty-nine of those desperate savages, by strangling themselves withtheir own hands, had disappointed the amusement of the public. Yet thepolite and philosophic citizens of Rome were impressed with the deepesthorror, when they were informed, that the Saxons consecrated to the godsthe tithe of their human spoil; and that they ascertained by lot theobjects of the barbarous sacrifice. [107]

[Footnote 101: At the northern extremity of the peninsula, (the Cimbricpromontory of Pliny, iv. 27, ) Ptolemy fixes the remnant of the Cimbri. He fills the interval between the Saxons and the Cimbri with six obscuretribes, who were united, as early as the sixth century, under thenational appellation of Danes. See Cluver. German. Antiq. L. Iii. C. 21, 22, 23. ]

[Footnote 102: M. D'Anville (Establissement des Etats de l'Europe, &c. , p. 19-26) has marked the extensive limits of the Saxony of Charlemagne. ]

[Footnote 103: The fleet of Drusus had failed in their attempt to pass, or even to approach, the Sound, (styled, from an obvious resemblance, the columns of Hercules, ) and the naval enterprise was never resumed, (Tacit. De Moribus German. C. 34. ) The knowledge which the Romansacquired of the naval powers of the Baltic, (c. 44, 45) was obtained bytheir land journeys in search of amber. ]

[Footnote 104:

 Quin et Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus Sperabat; cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum Ludus; et assuto glaucum mare findere lembo Sidon. In Panegyr. Avit. 369. 

The genius of Caesar imitated, for a particular service, these rude, but light vessels, which were likewise used by the natives of Britain. (Comment. De Bell. Civil. I. 51, and Guichardt, Nouveaux MemoiresMilitaires, tom. Ii. P. 41, 42. ) The British vessels would now astonishthe genius of Caesar. ]

[Footnote 105: The best original account of the Saxon pirates maybe found in Sidonius Apollinaris, (l. Viii. Epist. 6, p. 223, edit. Sirmond, ) and the best commentary in the Abbe du Bos, (Hist. Critiquede la Monarchie Francoise, &c. Tom. I. L. I. C. 16, p. 148-155. Seelikewise p. 77, 78. )]

[Footnote 106: Ammian. (xxviii. 5) justifies this breach of faith topirates and robbers; and Orosius (l. Vii. C. 32) more clearly expressestheir real guilt; virtute atque agilitate terribeles. ]

[Footnote 107: Symmachus (l. Ii. Epist. 46) still presumes to mentionthe sacred name of Socrates and philosophy. Sidonius, bishop ofClermont, might condemn, (l. Viii. Epist. 6, ) with less inconsistency, the human sacrifices of the Saxons. ]

II. The fabulous colonies of Egyptians and Trojans, of Scandinavians andSpaniards, which flattered the pride, and amused the credulity, of ourrude ancestors, have insensibly vanished in the light of science andphilosophy. [108] The present age is satisfied with the simple andrational opinion, that the islands of Great Britain and Ireland weregradually peopled from the adjacent continent of Gaul. From the coast ofKent, to the extremity of Caithness and Ulster, the memory of a Celticorigin was distinctly preserved, in the perpetual resemblance oflanguage, of religion, and of manners; and the peculiar charactersof the British tribes might be naturally ascribed to the influence ofaccidental and local circumstances. [109] The Roman Province was reducedto the state of civilized and peaceful servitude; the rights ofsavage freedom were contracted to the narrow limits of Caledonia. Theinhabitants of that northern region were divided, as early as the reignof Constantine, between the two great tribes of the Scots and of thePicts, [110] who have since experienced a very different fortune. Thepower, and almost the memory, of the Picts have been extinguished bytheir successful rivals; and the Scots, after maintaining for ages thedignity of an independent kingdom, have multiplied, by an equal andvoluntary union, the honors of the English name. The hand of nature hadcontributed to mark the ancient distinctions of the Scots and Picts. Theformer were the men of the hills, and the latter those of the plain. The eastern coast of Caledonia may be considered as a level andfertile country, which, even in a rude state of tillage, was capable ofproducing a considerable quantity of corn; and the epithet of cruitnich, or wheat-eaters, expressed the contempt or envy of the carnivoroushighlander. The cultivation of the earth might introduce a more accurateseparation of property, and the habits of a sedentary life; but the loveof arms and rapine was still the ruling passion of the Picts; andtheir warriors, who stripped themselves for a day of battle, weredistinguished, in the eyes of the Romans, by the strange fashion ofpainting their naked bodies with gaudy colors and fantastic figures. Thewestern part of Caledonia irregularly rises into wild and barren hills, which scarcely repay the toil of the husbandman, and are most profitablyused for the pasture of cattle. The highlanders were condemned to theoccupations of shepherds and hunters; and, as they seldom were fixed toany permanent habitation, they acquired the expressive name of Scots, which, in the Celtic tongue, is said to be equivalent to that ofwanderers, or vagrants. The inhabitants of a barren land were urged toseek a fresh supply of food in the waters. The deep lakes and bays whichintersect their country, are plentifully supplied with fish; and theygradually ventured to cast their nets in the waves of the ocean. Thevicinity of the Hebrides, so profusely scattered along the western coastof Scotland, tempted their curiosity, and improved their skill; and theyacquired, by slow degrees, the art, or rather the habit, of managingtheir boats in a tempestuous sea, and of steering their nocturnalcourse by the light of the well-known stars. The two bold headlands ofCaledonia almost touch the shores of a spacious island, which obtained, from its luxuriant vegetation, the epithet of Green; and has preserved, with a slight alteration, the name of Erin, or Ierne, or Ireland. It isprobable, that in some remote period of antiquity, the fertile plains ofUlster received a colony of hungry Scots; and that the strangers of theNorth, who had dared to encounter the arms of the legions, spread theirconquests over the savage and unwarlike natives of a solitary island. Itis certain, that, in the declining age of the Roman empire, Caledonia, Ireland, and the Isle of Man, were inhabited by the Scots, and that thekindred tribes, who were often associated in military enterprise, weredeeply affected by the various accidents of their mutual fortunes. Theylong cherished the lively tradition of their common name and origin;and the missionaries of the Isle of Saints, who diffused the light ofChristianity over North Britain, established the vain opinion, thattheir Irish countrymen were the natural, as well as spiritual, fathersof the Scottish race. The loose and obscure tradition has been preservedby the venerable Bede, who scattered some rays of light over thedarkness of the eighth century. On this slight foundation, a hugesuperstructure of fable was gradually reared, by the bards and themonks; two orders of men, who equally abused the privilege of fiction. The Scottish nation, with mistaken pride, adopted their Irish genealogy;and the annals of a long line of imaginary kings have been adorned bythe fancy of Boethius, and the classic elegance of Buchanan. [111]

[Footnote 108: In the beginning of the last century, the learned Camdenwas obliged to undermine, with respectful scepticism, the romance ofBrutus, the Trojan; who is now buried in silent oblivion with Scota thedaughter of Pharaoh, and her numerous progeny. Yet I am informed, thatsome champions of the Milesian colony may still be found among theoriginal natives of Ireland. A people dissatisfied with their presentcondition, grasp at any visions of their past or future glory. ]

[Footnote 109: Tacitus, or rather his father-in-law, Agricola, mightremark the German or Spanish complexion of some British tribes. Butit was their sober, deliberate opinion: "In universum tamenaestimanti Gallos cicinum solum occupasse credibile est. Eorum sacradeprehendas. .. . Ermo haud multum diversus, " (in Vit. Agricol. C. Xi. )Caesar had observed their common religion, (Comment. De Bello Gallico, vi. 13;) and in his time the emigration from the Belgic Gaul was arecent, or at least an historical event, (v. 10. ) Camden, the BritishStrabo, has modestly ascertained our genuine antiquities, (Britannia, vol. I. Introduction, p. Ii. --xxxi. )]

[Footnote 110: In the dark and doubtful paths of Caledonian antiquity, I have chosen for my guides two learned and ingenious Highlanders, whomtheir birth and education had peculiarly qualified for that office. See Critical Dissertations on the Origin and Antiquities, &c. , ofthe Caledonians, by Dr. John Macpherson, London 1768, in 4to. ; andIntroduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, by JamesMacpherson, Esq. , London 1773, in 4to. , third edit. Dr. Macpherson was aminister in the Isle of Sky: and it is a circumstance honorable for thepresent age, that a work, replete with erudition and criticism, shouldhave been composed in the most remote of the Hebrides. ]

[Footnote 111: The Irish descent of the Scots has been revived in thelast moments of its decay, and strenuously supported, by the Rev. Mr. Whitaker, (Hist. Of Manchester, vol. I. P. 430, 431; and Genuine Historyof the Britons asserted, &c. , p. 154-293) Yet he acknowledges, 1. Thatthe Scots of Ammianus Marcellinus (A. D. 340) were already settled inCaledonia; and that the Roman authors do not afford any hints of theiremigration from another country. 2. That all the accounts of suchemigrations, which have been asserted or received, by Irish bards, Scotch historians, or English antiquaries, (Buchanan, Camden, Usher, Stillingfleet, &c. , ) are totally fabulous. 3. That three of the Irishtribes, which are mentioned by Ptolemy, (A. D. 150, ) were of Caledonianextraction. 4. That a younger branch of Caledonian princes, of the houseof Fingal, acquired and possessed the monarchy of Ireland. After theseconcessions, the remaining difference between Mr. Whitaker and hisadversaries is minute and obscure. The genuine history, which heproduces, of a Fergus, the cousin of Ossian, who was transplanted (A. D. 320) from Ireland to Caledonia, is built on a conjectural supplement tothe Erse poetry, and the feeble evidence of Richard of Cirencester, amonk of the fourteenth century. The lively spirit of the learnedand ingenious antiquarian has tempted him to forget the nature of aquestion, which he so vehemently debates, and so absolutely decides. *Note: This controversy has not slumbered since the days of Gibbon. Wehave strenuous advocates of the Phoenician origin of the Irish, and eachof the old theories, with several new ones, maintains its partisans. Itwould require several pages fairly to bring down the dispute to our owndays, and perhaps we should be no nearer to any satisfactory theory thanGibbon was. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part V. 

Six years after the death of Constantine, the destructive inroads of theScots and Picts required the presence of his youngest son, who reignedin the Western empire. Constans visited his British dominions: but wemay form some estimate of the importance of his achievements, by thelanguage of panegyric, which celebrates only his triumph over theelements or, in other words, the good fortune of a safe and easypassage from the port of Boulogne to the harbor of Sandwich. [112] Thecalamities which the afflicted provincials continued to experience, from foreign war and domestic tyranny, were aggravated by the feeble andcorrupt administration of the eunuchs of Constantius; and the transientrelief which they might obtain from the virtues of Julian, was soonlost by the absence and death of their benefactor. The sums of gold andsilver, which had been painfully collected, or liberally transmitted, for the payment of the troops, were intercepted by the avarice of thecommanders; discharges, or, at least, exemptions, from the militaryservice, were publicly sold; the distress of the soldiers, who wereinjuriously deprived of their legal and scanty subsistence, provokedthem to frequent desertion; the nerves of discipline were relaxed, andthe highways were infested with robbers. [113] The oppression of thegood, and the impunity of the wicked, equally contributed to diffusethrough the island a spirit of discontent and revolt; and everyambitious subject, every desperate exile, might entertain a reasonablehope of subverting the weak and distracted government of Britain. Thehostile tribes of the North, who detested the pride and power of theKing of the World, suspended their domestic feuds; and the Barbariansof the land and sea, the Scots, the Picts, and the Saxons, spreadthemselves with rapid and irresistible fury, from the wall of Antoninusto the shores of Kent. Every production of art and nature, every objectof convenience and luxury, which they were incapable of creating bylabor or procuring by trade, was accumulated in the rich and fruitfulprovince of Britain. [114] A philosopher may deplore the eternaldiscords of the human race, but he will confess, that the desire ofspoil is a more rational provocation than the vanity of conquest. From the age of Constantine to the Plantagenets, this rapacious spiritcontinued to instigate the poor and hardy Caledonians; but the samepeople, whose generous humanity seems to inspire the songs of Ossian, was disgraced by a savage ignorance of the virtues of peace, and ofthe laws of war. Their southern neighbors have felt, and perhapsexaggerated, the cruel depredations of the Scots and Picts; [115] anda valiant tribe of Caledonia, the Attacotti, [116] the enemies, andafterwards the soldiers, of Valentinian, are accused, by an eye-witness, of delighting in the taste of human flesh. When they hunted the woodsfor prey, it is said, that they attacked the shepherd rather than hisflock; and that they curiously selected the most delicate and brawnyparts, both of males and females, which they prepared for their horridrepasts. [117] If, in the neighborhood of the commercial and literarytown of Glasgow, a race of cannibals has really existed, we maycontemplate, in the period of the Scottish history, the oppositeextremes of savage and civilized life. Such reflections tend to enlargethe circle of our ideas; and to encourage the pleasing hope, thatNew Zealand may produce, in some future age, the Hume of the SouthernHemisphere. 

[Footnote 112: Hyeme tumentes ac saevientes undas calcastis Oceanisub remis vestris;. .. Insperatam imperatoris faciem Britannus expavit. Julius Fermicus Maternus de Errore Profan. Relig. P. 464. Edit. Gronov. Ad calcem Minuc. Fael. See Tillemont, (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. Iv. P. 336. )]

[Footnote 113: Libanius, Orat. Parent. C. Xxxix. P. 264. This curiouspassage has escaped the diligence of our British antiquaries. ]

[Footnote 114: The Caledonians praised and coveted the gold, the steeds, the lights, &c. , of the stranger. See Dr. Blair's Dissertation onOssian, vol ii. P. 343; and Mr. Macpherson's Introduction, p. 242-286. ]

[Footnote 115: Lord Lyttelton has circumstantially related, (Historyof Henry II. Vol. I. P. 182, ) and Sir David Dalrymple has slightlymentioned, (Annals of Scotland, vol. I. P. 69, ) a barbarous inroad ofthe Scots, at a time (A. D. 1137) when law, religion, and society musthave softened their primitive manners. ]

[Footnote 116: Attacotti bellicosa hominum natio. Ammian. Xxvii. 8. Camden (Introduct. P. Clii. ) has restored their true name in the textof Jerom. The bands of Attacotti, which Jerom had seen in Gaul, wereafterwards stationed in Italy and Illyricum, (Notitia, S. Viii. Xxxix. Xl. )]

[Footnote 117: Cum ipse adolescentulus in Gallia viderim Attacottos (orScotos) gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus; et cum per silvasporcorum greges, et armentorum percudumque reperiant, pastorum nateset feminarum papillas solere abscindere; et has solas ciborum deliciasarbitrari. Such is the evidence of Jerom, (tom. Ii. P. 75, ) whoseveracity I find no reason to question. * Note: See Dr. Parr's works, iii. 93, where he questions the propriety of Gibbon's translation ofthis passage. The learned doctor approves of the version proposed bya Mr. Gaches, who would make out that it was the delicate parts of theswine and the cattle, which were eaten by these ancestors of the Scotchnation. I confess that even to acquit them of this charge. I cannotagree to the new version, which, in my opinion, is directly contraryboth to the meaning of the words, and the general sense of the passage. But I would suggest, did Jerom, as a boy, accompany these savages inany of their hunting expeditions? If he did not, how could he be aneye-witness of this practice? The Attacotti in Gaul must have beenin the service of Rome. Were they permitted to indulge these cannibalpropensities at the expense, not of the flocks, but of the shepherds ofthe provinces? These sanguinary trophies of plunder would scarce'y havebeen publicly exhibited in a Roman city or a Roman camp. I must leavethe hereditary pride of our northern neighbors at issue with theveracity of St. Jerom. ]

Every messenger who escaped across the British Channel, conveyed themost melancholy and alarming tidings to the ears of Valentinian; andthe emperor was soon informed that the two military commanders of theprovince had been surprised and cut off by the Barbarians. Severus, count of the domestics, was hastily despatched, and as suddenlyrecalled, by the court of Treves. The representations of Jovinus servedonly to indicate the greatness of the evil; and, after a long andserious consultation, the defence, or rather the recovery, of Britainwas intrusted to the abilities of the brave Theodosius. The exploits ofthat general, the father of a line of emperors, have been celebrated, with peculiar complacency, by the writers of the age: but his real meritdeserved their applause; and his nomination was received, by the armyand province, as a sure presage of approaching victory. He seized thefavorable moment of navigation, and securely landed the numerous andveteran bands of the Heruli and Batavians, the Jovians and the Victors. In his march from Sandwich to London, Theodosius defeated severalparties of the Barbarians, released a multitude of captives, and, afterdistributing to his soldiers a small portion of the spoil, establishedthe fame of disinterested justice, by the restitution of the remainderto the rightful proprietors. The citizens of London, who had almostdespaired of their safety, threw open their gates; and as soon asTheodosius had obtained from the court of Treves the important aid of amilitary lieutenant, and a civil governor, he executed, with wisdom andvigor, the laborious task of the deliverance of Britain. The vagrantsoldiers were recalled to their standard; an edict of amnesty dispelledthe public apprehensions; and his cheerful example alleviated therigor of martial discipline. The scattered and desultory warfare of theBarbarians, who infested the land and sea, deprived him of the gloryof a signal victory; but the prudent spirit, and consummate art, of theRoman general, were displayed in the operations of two campaigns, whichsuccessively rescued every part of the province from the hands of acruel and rapacious enemy. The splendor of the cities, and the securityof the fortifications, were diligently restored, by the paternal care ofTheodosius; who with a strong hand confined the trembling Caledoniansto the northern angle of the island; and perpetuated, by the name andsettlement of the new province of Valentia, the glories of the reign ofValentinian. [118] The voice of poetry and panegyric may add, perhapswith some degree of truth, that the unknown regions of Thule werestained with the blood of the Picts; that the oars of Theodosius dashedthe waves of the Hyperborean ocean; and that the distant Orkneys werethe scene of his naval victory over the Saxon pirates. [119] He leftthe province with a fair, as well as splendid, reputation; and wasimmediately promoted to the rank of master-general of the cavalry, bya prince who could applaud, without envy, the merit of his servants. In the important station of the Upper Danube, the conqueror of Britainchecked and defeated the armies of the Alemanni, before he was chosen tosuppress the revolt of Africa. 

[Footnote 118: Ammianus has concisely represented (xx. L. Xxvi. 4, xxvii. 8 xxviii. 3) the whole series of the British war. ]

[Footnote 119: Horrescit. .. . Ratibus. .. . Impervia Thule. Ille. .. . Necfalso nomine Pictos Edomuit. Scotumque vago mucrone secutus, FregitHyperboreas remis audacibus undas. Claudian, in iii. Cons. Honorii, ver. 53, &c--Madurunt Saxone fuso Orcades: incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne. In iv. Cons. Hon. Ver. 31, &c. -----See likewise Pacatus, (in Panegyr. Vet. Xii. 5. ) But it is not easyto appreciate the intrinsic value of flattery and metaphor. Comparethe British victories of Bolanus (Statius, Silv. V. 2) with his realcharacter, (Tacit. In Vit. Agricol. C. 16. )]

III. The prince who refuses to be the judge, instructs the people toconsider him as the accomplice, of his ministers. The military commandof Africa had been long exercised by Count Romanus, and his abilitieswere not inadequate to his station; but, as sordid interest was the solemotive of his conduct, he acted, on most occasions, as if he had beenthe enemy of the province, and the friend of the Barbarians of thedesert. The three flourishing cities of Oea, Leptis, and Sobrata, which, under the name of Tripoli, had long constituted a federal union, [120]were obliged, for the first time, to shut their gates against a hostileinvasion; several of their most honorable citizens were surprised andmassacred; the villages, and even the suburbs, were pillaged; and thevines and fruit trees of that rich territory were extirpated by themalicious savages of Getulia. The unhappy provincials implored theprotection of Romanus; but they soon found that their military governorwas not less cruel and rapacious than the Barbarians. As they wereincapable of furnishing the four thousand camels, and the exorbitantpresent, which he required, before he would march to the assistance ofTripoli; his demand was equivalent to a refusal, and he might justly beaccused as the author of the public calamity. In the annual assemblyof the three cities, they nominated two deputies, to lay at the feet ofValentinian the customary offering of a gold victory; and to accompanythis tribute of duty, rather than of gratitude, with their humblecomplaint, that they were ruined by the enemy, and betrayed by theirgovernor. If the severity of Valentinian had been rightly directed, itwould have fallen on the guilty head of Romanus. But the count, longexercised in the arts of corruption, had despatched a swift and trustymessenger to secure the venal friendship of Remigius, master of theoffices. The wisdom of the Imperial council was deceived by artifice;and their honest indignation was cooled by delay. At length, when therepetition of complaint had been justified by the repetition of publicmisfortunes, the notary Palladius was sent from the court of Treves, to examine the state of Africa, and the conduct of Romanus. The rigidimpartiality of Palladius was easily disarmed: he was tempted to reservefor himself a part of the public treasure, which he brought with him forthe payment of the troops; and from the moment that he was consciousof his own guilt, he could no longer refuse to attest the innocence andmerit of the count. The charge of the Tripolitans was declared to befalse and frivolous; and Palladius himself was sent back from Treves toAfrica, with a special commission to discover and prosecute the authorsof this impious conspiracy against the representatives of the sovereign. His inquiries were managed with so much dexterity and success, that hecompelled the citizens of Leptis, who had sustained a recent siege ofeight days, to contradict the truth of their own decrees, and to censurethe behavior of their own deputies. A bloody sentence was pronounced, without hesitation, by the rash and headstrong cruelty of Valentinian. The president of Tripoli, who had presumed to pity the distress of theprovince, was publicly executed at Utica; four distinguished citizenswere put to death, as the accomplices of the imaginary fraud; and thetongues of two others were cut out, by the express order of the emperor. Romanus, elated by impunity, and irritated by resistance, was stillcontinued in the military command; till the Africans were provoked, byhis avarice, to join the rebellious standard of Firmus, the Moor. [121]

[Footnote 120: Ammianus frequently mentions their concilium annuum, legitimum, &c. Leptis and Sabrata are long since ruined; but the cityof Oea, the native country of Apuleius, still flourishes under theprovincial denomination of Tripoli. See Cellarius (Geograph. Antiqua, tom. Ii. Part ii. P. 81, ) D'Anville, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. Iii. P. 71, 72, ) and Marmol, (Arrique, tom. Ii. P. 562. )]

[Footnote 121: Ammian. Xviii. 6. Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P 25, 676) has discussed the chronological difficulties of the historyof Count Romanus. ]

His father Nabal was one of the richest and most powerful of the Moorishprinces, who acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. But as he left, eitherby his wives or concubines, a very numerous posterity, the wealthyinheritance was eagerly disputed; and Zamma, one of his sons, was slainin a domestic quarrel by his brother Firmus. The implacable zeal, withwhich Romanus prosecuted the legal revenge of this murder, could beascribed only to a motive of avarice, or personal hatred; but, on thisoccasion, his claims were just; his influence was weighty; and Firmusclearly understood, that he must either present his neck to theexecutioner, or appeal from the sentence of the Imperial consistory, tohis sword, and to the people. [122] He was received as the delivererof his country; and, as soon as it appeared that Romanus was formidableonly to a submissive province, the tyrant of Africa became the object ofuniversal contempt. The ruin of Caesarea, which was plundered and burntby the licentious Barbarians, convinced the refractory cities of thedanger of resistance; the power of Firmus was established, at least inthe provinces of Mauritania and Numidia; and it seemed to be his onlydoubt whether he should assume the diadem of a Moorish king, or thepurple of a Roman emperor. But the imprudent and unhappy Africans soondiscovered, that, in this rash insurrection, they had not sufficientlyconsulted their own strength, or the abilities of their leader. Beforehe could procure any certain intelligence, that the emperor of the Westhad fixed the choice of a general, or that a fleet of transports wascollected at the mouth of the Rhone, he was suddenly informed thatthe great Theodosius, with a small band of veterans, had landed nearIgilgilis, or Gigeri, on the African coast; and the timid usurpersunk under the ascendant of virtue and military genius. Though Firmuspossessed arms and treasures, his despair of victory immediately reducedhim to the use of those arts, which, in the same country, and in asimilar situation, had formerly been practised by the crafty Jugurtha. He attempted to deceive, by an apparent submission, the vigilance of theRoman general; to seduce the fidelity of his troops; and to protract theduration of the war, by successively engaging the independent tribesof Africa to espouse his quarrel, or to protect his flight. Theodosiusimitated the example, and obtained the success, of his predecessorMetellus. When Firmus, in the character of a suppliant, accused hisown rashness, and humbly solicited the clemency of the emperor, thelieutenant of Valentinian received and dismissed him with a friendlyembrace: but he diligently required the useful and substantial pledgesof a sincere repentance; nor could he be persuaded, by the assurancesof peace, to suspend, for an instant, the operations of an active war. A dark conspiracy was detected by the penetration of Theodosius; and hesatisfied, without much reluctance, the public indignation, which hehad secretly excited. Several of the guilty accomplices of Firmus wereabandoned, according to ancient custom, to the tumult of a militaryexecution; many more, by the amputation of both their hands, continuedto exhibit an instructive spectacle of horror; the hatred of the rebelswas accompanied with fear; and the fear of the Roman soldiers wasmingled with respectful admiration. Amidst the boundless plains ofGetulia, and the innumerable valleys of Mount Atlas, it was impossibleto prevent the escape of Firmus; and if the usurper could have tiredthe patience of his antagonist, he would have secured his person inthe depth of some remote solitude, and expected the hopes of a futurerevolution. He was subdued by the perseverance of Theodosius; who hadformed an inflexible determination, that the war should end only by thedeath of the tyrant; and that every nation of Africa, which presumedto support his cause, should be involved in his ruin. At the head of asmall body of troops, which seldom exceeded three thousand five hundredmen, the Roman general advanced, with a steady prudence, devoid ofrashness or of fear, into the heart of a country, where he was sometimesattacked by armies of twenty thousand Moors. The boldness of hischarge dismayed the irregular Barbarians; they were disconcerted by hisseasonable and orderly retreats; they were continually baffled by theunknown resources of the military art; and they felt and confessed thejust superiority which was assumed by the leader of a civilized nation. When Theodosius entered the extensive dominions of Igmazen, king of theIsaflenses, the haughty savage required, in words of defiance, hisname, and the object of his expedition. "I am, " replied the stern anddisdainful count, "I am the general of Valentinian, the lord of theworld; who has sent me hither to pursue and punish a desperate robber. Deliver him instantly into my hands; and be assured, that if thou dostnot obey the commands of my invincible sovereign, thou, and the peopleover whom thou reignest, shall be utterly extirpated. " [122a] As soonas Igmazen was satisfied, that his enemy had strength and resolution toexecute the fatal menace, he consented to purchase a necessary peaceby the sacrifice of a guilty fugitive. The guards that were placed tosecure the person of Firmus deprived him of the hopes of escape; andthe Moorish tyrant, after wine had extinguished the sense of danger, disappointed the insulting triumph of the Romans, by strangling himselfin the night. His dead body, the only present which Igmazen could offerto the conqueror, was carelessly thrown upon a camel; and Theodosius, leading back his victorious troops to Sitifi, was saluted by the warmestacclamations of joy and loyalty. [123]

[Footnote 122: The Chronology of Ammianus is loose and obscure; andOrosius (i. Vii. C. 33, p. 551, edit. Havercamp) seems to place therevolt of Firmus after the deaths of Valentinian and Valens. Tillemont(Hist. Des. Emp. Tom. V. P. 691) endeavors to pick his way. The patientand sure-foot mule of the Alps may be trusted in the most slipperypaths. ]

[Footnote 122a: The war was longer protracted than this sentence wouldlead us to suppose: it was not till defeated more than once that Igmazenyielded Amm. Xxix. 5. --M]

[Footnote 123: Ammian xxix. 5. The text of this long chapter (fifteenquarto pages) is broken and corrupted; and the narrative is perplexed bythe want of chronological and geographical landmarks. ]

Africa had been lost by the vices of Romanus; it was restored by thevirtues of Theodosius; and our curiosity may be usefully directed to theinquiry of the respective treatment which the two generals received fromthe Imperial court. The authority of Count Romanus had been suspendedby the master-general of the cavalry; and he was committed to safe andhonorable custody till the end of the war. His crimes were proved by themost authentic evidence; and the public expected, with some impatience, the decree of severe justice. But the partial and powerful favor ofMellobaudes encouraged him to challenge his legal judges, to obtainrepeated delays for the purpose of procuring a crowd of friendlywitnesses, and, finally, to cover his guilty conduct, by the additionalguilt of fraud and forgery. About the same time, the restorer ofBritain and Africa, on a vague suspicion that his name and serviceswere superior to the rank of a subject, was ignominiously beheaded atCarthage. Valentinian no longer reigned; and the death of Theodosius, as well as the impunity of Romanus, may justly be imputed to the arts ofthe ministers, who abused the confidence, and deceived the inexperiencedyouth, of his sons. [124]

[Footnote 124: Ammian xxviii. 4. Orosius, l. Vii. C. 33, p. 551, 552. Jerom. In Chron. P. 187. ]

If the geographical accuracy of Ammianus had been fortunately bestowedon the British exploits of Theodosius, we should have traced, with eagercuriosity, the distinct and domestic footsteps of his march. But thetedious enumeration of the unknown and uninteresting tribes of Africamay be reduced to the general remark, that they were all of the swarthyrace of the Moors; that they inhabited the back settlements of theMauritanian and Numidian province, the country, as they have since beentermed by the Arabs, of dates and of locusts; [125] and that, as theRoman power declined in Africa, the boundary of civilized manners andcultivated land was insensibly contracted. Beyond the utmost limits ofthe Moors, the vast and inhospitable desert of the South extends abovea thousand miles to the banks of the Niger. The ancients, who had a veryfaint and imperfect knowledge of the great peninsula of Africa, weresometimes tempted to believe, that the torrid zone must ever remaindestitute of inhabitants; [126] and they sometimes amused their fancyby filling the vacant space with headless men, or rather monsters; [127]with horned and cloven-footed satyrs; [128] with fabulous centaurs;[129] and with human pygmies, who waged a bold and doubtful warfareagainst the cranes. [130] Carthage would have trembled at the strangeintelligence that the countries on either side of the equator werefilled with innumerable nations, who differed only in their color fromthe ordinary appearance of the human species: and the subjects ofthe Roman empire might have anxiously expected, that the swarms ofBarbarians, which issued from the North, would soon be encounteredfrom the South by new swarms of Barbarians, equally fierce and equallyformidable. These gloomy terrors would indeed have been dispelled by amore intimate acquaintance with the character of their African enemies. The inaction of the negroes does not seem to be the effect either oftheir virtue or of their pusillanimity. They indulge, like the restof mankind, their passions and appetites; and the adjacent tribes areengaged in frequent acts of hostility. [131] But their rude ignorancehas never invented any effectual weapons of defence, or of destruction;they appear incapable of forming any extensive plans of government, orconquest; and the obvious inferiority of their mental faculties hasbeen discovered and abused by the nations of the temperate zone. Sixtythousand blacks are annually embarked from the coast of Guinea, never toreturn to their native country; but they are embarked in chains; [132]and this constant emigration, which, in the space of two centuries, might have furnished armies to overrun the globe, accuses the guilt ofEurope, and the weakness of Africa. 

[Footnote 125: Leo Africanus (in the Viaggi di Ramusio, tom. I. Fol. 78-83) has traced a curious picture of the people and the country;which are more minutely described in the Afrique de Marmol, tom. Iii. P. 1-54. ]

[Footnote 126: This uninhabitable zone was gradually reduced by theimprovements of ancient geography, from forty-five to twenty-four, oreven sixteen degrees of latitude. See a learned and judicious note ofDr. Robertson, Hist. Of America, vol. I. P. 426. ]

[Footnote 127: Intra, si credere libet, vix jam homines et magissemiferi. .. Blemmyes, Satyri, &c. Pomponius Mela, i. 4, p. 26, edit. Voss. In 8vo. Pliny philosophically explains (vi. 35) the irregularitiesof nature, which he had credulously admitted, (v. 8. )]

[Footnote 128: If the satyr was the Orang-outang, the great human ape, (Buffon, Hist. Nat. Tom. Xiv. P. 43, &c. , ) one of that species mightactually be shown alive at Alexandria, in the reign of Constantine. Yet some difficulty will still remain about the conversation which St. Anthony held with one of these pious savages, in the desert of Thebais. (Jerom. In Vit. Paul. Eremit. Tom. I. P. 238. )]

[Footnote 129: St. Anthony likewise met one of these monsters; whoseexistence was seriously asserted by the emperor Claudius. The publiclaughed; but his praefect of Egypt had the address to send an artfulpreparation, the embalmed corpse of a Hippocentaur, which was preservedalmost a century afterwards in the Imperial palace. See Pliny, (Hist. Natur. Vii. 3, ) and the judicious observations of Freret. (Memoires del'Acad. Tom. Vii. P. 321, &c. )]

[Footnote 130: The fable of the pygmies is as old as Homer, (Iliad. Iii. 6) The pygmies of India and Aethiopia were (trispithami) twenty-seveninches high. Every spring their cavalry (mounted on rams and goats)marched, in battle array, to destroy the cranes' eggs, aliter (saysPliny) futuris gregibus non resisti. Their houses were built of mud, feathers, and egg-shells. See Pliny, (vi. 35, vii. 2, ) and Strabo, (l. Ii. P. 121. )]

[Footnote 131: The third and fourth volumes of the valuable Histoire desVoyages describe the present state of the Negroes. The nations of thesea-coast have been polished by European commerce; and those of theinland country have been improved by Moorish colonies. * Note: Themartial tribes in chain armor, discovered by Denham, are Mahometan; thegreat question of the inferiority of the African tribes in their mentalfaculties will probably be experimentally resolved before the close ofthe century; but the Slave Trade still continues, and will, it is to befeared, till the spirit of gain is subdued by the spirit of Christianhumanity. --M. ]

[Footnote 132: Histoire Philosophique et Politique, &c. , tom. Iv. P. 192. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part VI. 

IV. The ignominious treaty, which saved the army of Jovian, had beenfaithfully executed on the side of the Romans; and as they had solemnlyrenounced the sovereignty and alliance of Armenia and Iberia, thosetributary kingdoms were exposed, without protection, to the arms of thePersian monarch. [133] Sapor entered the Armenian territories at thehead of a formidable host of cuirassiers, of archers, and of mercenaryfoot; but it was the invariable practice of Sapor to mix war andnegotiation, and to consider falsehood and perjury as the most powerfulinstruments of regal policy. He affected to praise the prudent andmoderate conduct of the king of Armenia; and the unsuspicious Tiranuswas persuaded, by the repeated assurances of insidious friendship, todeliver his person into the hands of a faithless and cruel enemy. In themidst of a splendid entertainment, he was bound in chains of silver, as an honor due to the blood of the Arsacides; and, after a shortconfinement in the Tower of Oblivion at Ecbatana, he was releasedfrom the miseries of life, either by his own dagger, or by that of anassassin. [133a] The kingdom of Armenia was reduced to the state of aPersian province; the administration was shared between a distinguishedsatrap and a favorite eunuch; and Sapor marched, without delay, tosubdue the martial spirit of the Iberians. Sauromaces, who reignedin that country by the permission of the emperors, was expelled by asuperior force; and, as an insult on the majesty of Rome, the king ofkings placed a diadem on the head of his abject vassal Aspacuras. Thecity of Artogerassa [134] was the only place of Armenia [134a] whichpresumed to resist the efforts of his arms. The treasure deposited inthat strong fortress tempted the avarice of Sapor; but the danger ofOlympias, the wife or widow of the Armenian king, excited the publiccompassion, and animated the desperate valor of her subjects andsoldiers. [134b] The Persians were surprised and repulsed underthe walls of Artogerassa, by a bold and well-concerted sally ofthe besieged. But the forces of Sapor were continually renewed andincreased; the hopeless courage of the garrison was exhausted; thestrength of the walls yielded to the assault; and the proud conqueror, after wasting the rebellious city with fire and sword, led away captivean unfortunate queen; who, in a more auspicious hour, had been thedestined bride of the son of Constantine. [135] Yet if Sapor alreadytriumphed in the easy conquest of two dependent kingdoms, he soon felt, that a country is unsubdued as long as the minds of the people areactuated by a hostile and contumacious spirit. The satraps, whom hewas obliged to trust, embraced the first opportunity of regaining theaffection of their countrymen, and of signalizing their immortal hatredto the Persian name. Since the conversion of the Armenians and Iberians, these nations considered the Christians as the favorites, and theMagians as the adversaries, of the Supreme Being: the influence of theclergy, over a superstitious people was uniformly exerted in the causeof Rome; and as long as the successors of Constantine disputed withthose of Artaxerxes the sovereignty of the intermediate provinces, thereligious connection always threw a decisive advantage into the scaleof the empire. A numerous and active party acknowledged Para, the son ofTiranus, as the lawful sovereign of Armenia, and his title to the thronewas deeply rooted in the hereditary succession of five hundred years. Bythe unanimous consent of the Iberians, the country was equally dividedbetween the rival princes; and Aspacuras, who owed his diadem tothe choice of Sapor, was obliged to declare, that his regard for hischildren, who were detained as hostages by the tyrant, was the onlyconsideration which prevented him from openly renouncing the alliance ofPersia. The emperor Valens, who respected the obligations of the treaty, and who was apprehensive of involving the East in a dangerous war, ventured, with slow and cautious measures, to support the Roman partyin the kingdoms of Iberia and Armenia. [135a] Twelve legions establishedthe authority of Sauromaces on the banks of the Cyrus. The Euphrates wasprotected by the valor of Arintheus. A powerful army, under the commandof Count Trajan, and of Vadomair, king of the Alemanni, fixed theircamp on the confines of Armenia. But they were strictly enjoined not tocommit the first hostilities, which might be understood as a breach ofthe treaty: and such was the implicit obedience of the Roman general, that they retreated, with exemplary patience, under a shower of Persianarrows till they had clearly acquired a just title to an honorable andlegitimate victory. Yet these appearances of war insensibly subsided ina vain and tedious negotiation. The contending parties supported theirclaims by mutual reproaches of perfidy and ambition; and it should seem, that the original treaty was expressed in very obscure terms, since theywere reduced to the necessity of making their inconclusive appeal to thepartial testimony of the generals of the two nations, who had assistedat the negotiations. [136] The invasion of the Goths and Huns whichsoon afterwards shook the foundations of the Roman empire, exposedthe provinces of Asia to the arms of Sapor. But the declining age, and perhaps the infirmities, of the monarch suggested new maxims oftranquillity and moderation. His death, which happened in the fullmaturity of a reign of seventy years, changed in a moment the court andcouncils of Persia; and their attention was most probably engaged bydomestic troubles, and the distant efforts of a Carmanian war. [137] Theremembrance of ancient injuries was lost in the enjoyment of peace. The kingdoms of Armenia and Iberia were permitted, by the mutual, thoughtacit consent of both empires, to resume their doubtful neutrality. Inthe first years of the reign of Theodosius, a Persian embassy arrivedat Constantinople, to excuse the unjustifiable measures of the formerreign; and to offer, as the tribute of friendship, or even of respect, asplendid present of gems, of silk, and of Indian elephants. [138]

[Footnote 133: The evidence of Ammianus is original and decisive, (xxvii. 12. ) Moses of Chorene, (l. Iii. C. 17, p. 249, and c. 34, p. 269, ) and Procopius, (de Bell. Persico, l. I. C. 5, p. 17, edit. Louvre, ) have been consulted: but those historians who confound distinctfacts, repeat the same events, and introduce strange stories, must beused with diffidence and caution. Note: The statement of Ammianusis more brief and succinct, but harmonizes with the more complicatedhistory developed by M. St. Martin from the Armenian writers, and fromProcopius, who wrote, as he states from Armenian authorities. --M. ]

[Footnote 133a: According to M. St. Martin, Sapor, though supported bythe two apostate Armenian princes, Meroujan the Ardzronnian and Vahanthe Mamigonian, was gallantly resisted by Arsaces, and his brave thoughimpious wife Pharandsem. His troops were defeated by Vasag, the highconstable of the kingdom. (See M. St. Martin. ) But after four years'courageous defence of his kingdom, Arsaces was abandoned by his nobles, and obliged to accept the perfidious hospitality of Sapor. He wasblinded and imprisoned in the "Castle of Oblivion;" his brave generalVasag was flayed alive; his skin stuffed and placed near the king inhis lonely prison. It was not till many years after (A. D. 371) thathe stabbed himself, according to the romantic story, (St. M. Iii. 387, 389, ) in a paroxysm of excitement at his restoration to royal honors. St. Martin, Additions to Le Beau, iii. 283, 296. --M. ]

[Footnote 134: Perhaps Artagera, or Ardis; under whose walls Caius, the grandson of Augustus, was wounded. This fortress was situate aboveAmida, near one of the sources of the Tigris. See D'Anville, GeographieAncienue, tom. Ii. P. 106. * Note: St. Martin agrees with Gibbon, thatit was the same fortress with Ardis Note, p. 373. --M. ]

[Footnote 134a: Artaxata, Vagharschabad, or Edchmiadzin, Erovantaschad, and many other cities, in all of which there was a considerable Jewishpopulation were taken and destroyed. --M. ]

[Footnote 134b: Pharandsem, not Olympias, refusing the orders of hercaptive husband to surrender herself to Sapor, threw herself intoArtogerassa St. Martin, iii. 293, 302. She defended herself for fourteenmonths, till famine and disease had left few survivors out of 11, 000soldiers and 6000 women who had taken refuge in the fortress. She thenthrew open the gates with her own hand. M. St. Martin adds, what eventhe horrors of Oriental warfare will scarcely permit us to credit, thatshe was exposed by Sapor on a public scaffold to the brutal lusts of hissoldiery, and afterwards empaled, iii. 373, &c. --M. ]

[Footnote 135: Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 701) proves, from chronology, that Olympias must have been the mother of Para. Note*: An error according to St. M. 273. --M. ]

[Footnote 135a: According to Themistius, quoted by St. Martin, he onceadvanced to the Tigris, iii. 436. --M. ]

[Footnote 136: Ammianus (xxvii. 12, xix. 1. Xxx. 1, 2) has described theevents, without the dates, of the Persian war. Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. L. Iii. C. 28, p. 261, c. 31, p. 266, c. 35, p. 271) affords someadditional facts; but it is extremely difficult to separate truth fromfable. ]

[Footnote 137: Artaxerxes was the successor and brother (thecousin-german) of the great Sapor; and the guardian of his son, SaporIII. (Agathias, l. Iv. P. 136, edit. Louvre. ) See the Universal History, vol. Xi. P. 86, 161. The authors of that unequal work have compiled theSassanian dynasty with erudition and diligence; but it is a preposterousarrangement to divide the Roman and Oriental accounts into two distincthistories. * Note: On the war of Sapor with the Bactrians, whichdiverted from Armenia, see St. M. Iii. 387. --M. ]

[Footnote 138: Pacatus in Panegyr. Vet. Xii. 22, and Orosius, l. Vii. C. 34. Ictumque tum foedus est, quo universus Oriens usque ad num (A. D. 416) tranquillissime fruitur. ]

In the general picture of the affairs of the East under the reignof Valens, the adventures of Para form one of the most striking andsingular objects. The noble youth, by the persuasion of his motherOlympias, had escaped through the Persian host that besiegedArtogerassa, and implored the protection of the emperor of the East. Byhis timid councils, Para was alternately supported, and recalled, andrestored, and betrayed. The hopes of the Armenians were sometimes raisedby the presence of their natural sovereign, [138a] and the ministers ofValens were satisfied, that they preserved the integrity of the publicfaith, if their vassal was not suffered to assume the diadem andtitle of King. But they soon repented of their own rashness. They wereconfounded by the reproaches and threats of the Persian monarch. They found reason to distrust the cruel and inconstant temper of Parahimself; who sacrificed, to the slightest suspicions, the lives of hismost faithful servants, and held a secret and disgraceful correspondencewith the assassin of his father and the enemy of his country. Under thespecious pretence of consulting with the emperor on the subject of theircommon interest, Para was persuaded to descend from the mountains ofArmenia, where his party was in arms, and to trust his independence andsafety to the discretion of a perfidious court. The king of Armenia, for such he appeared in his own eyes and in those of his nation, wasreceived with due honors by the governors of the provinces through whichhe passed; but when he arrived at Tarsus in Cilicia, his progresswas stopped under various pretences; his motions were watched withrespectful vigilance, and he gradually discovered, that he was aprisoner in the hands of the Romans. Para suppressed his indignation, dissembled his fears, and after secretly preparing his escape, mountedon horseback with three hundred of his faithful followers. The officerstationed at the door of his apartment immediately communicated hisflight to the consular of Cilicia, who overtook him in the suburbs, andendeavored without success, to dissuade him from prosecuting his rashand dangerous design. A legion was ordered to pursue the royal fugitive;but the pursuit of infantry could not be very alarming to a body oflight cavalry; and upon the first cloud of arrows that was dischargedinto the air, they retreated with precipitation to the gates of Tarsus. After an incessant march of two days and two nights, Para and hisArmenians reached the banks of the Euphrates; but the passage of theriver which they were obliged to swim, [138b] was attended with somedelay and some loss. The country was alarmed; and the two roads, whichwere only separated by an interval of three miles had been occupied bya thousand archers on horseback, under the command of a count and atribune. Para must have yielded to superior force, if the accidentalarrival of a friendly traveller had not revealed the danger and themeans of escape. A dark and almost impervious path securely conveyedthe Armenian troop through the thicket; and Para had left behind him thecount and the tribune, while they patiently expected his approach alongthe public highways. They returned to the Imperial court to excuse theirwant of diligence or success; and seriously alleged, that the king ofArmenia, who was a skilful magician, had transformed himself and hisfollowers, and passed before their eyes under a borrowed shape. [138c]After his return to his native kingdom, Para still continued to professhimself the friend and ally of the Romans: but the Romans had injuredhim too deeply ever to forgive, and the secret sentence of his death wassigned in the council of Valens. The execution of the bloody deed wascommitted to the subtle prudence of Count Trajan; and he had the meritof insinuating himself into the confidence of the credulous prince, that he might find an opportunity of stabbing him to the heart Para wasinvited to a Roman banquet, which had been prepared with all the pompand sensuality of the East; the hall resounded with cheerful music, andthe company was already heated with wine; when the count retired for aninstant, drew his sword, and gave the signal of the murder. A robust anddesperate Barbarian instantly rushed on the king of Armenia; and thoughhe bravely defended his life with the first weapon that chance offeredto his hand, the table of the Imperial general was stained with theroyal blood of a guest, and an ally. Such were the weak and wickedmaxims of the Roman administration, that, to attain a doubtful objectof political interest the laws of nations, and the sacred rights ofhospitality were inhumanly violated in the face of the world. [139]

[Footnote 138a: On the reconquest of Armenia by Para, or rather byMouschegh, the Mamigonian see St. M. Iii. 375, 383. --M. ]

[Footnote 138b: On planks floated by bladders. --M. ]

[Footnote 138c: It is curious enough that the Armenian historian, Faustus of Byzandum, represents Para as a magician. His impious motherPharandac had devoted him to the demons on his birth. St. M. Iv. 23. --M. ]

[Footnote 139: See in Ammianus (xxx. 1) the adventures of Para. Moses ofChorene calls him Tiridates; and tells a long, and not improbable storyof his son Gnelus, who afterwards made himself popular in Armenia, andprovoked the jealousy of the reigning king, (l. Iii. C 21, &c. , p. 253, &c. ) * Note: This note is a tissue of mistakes. Tiridates and Para aretwo totally different persons. Tiridates was the father of Gnel firsthusband of Pharandsem, the mother of Para. St. Martin, iv. 27--M. ]

V. During a peaceful interval of thirty years, the Romans secured theirfrontiers, and the Goths extended their dominions. The victories of thegreat Hermanric, [140] king of the Ostrogoths, and the most noble ofthe race of the Amali, have been compared, by the enthusiasm of hiscountrymen, to the exploits of Alexander; with this singular, and almostincredible, difference, that the martial spirit of the Gothic hero, instead of being supported by the vigor of youth, was displayed withglory and success in the extreme period of human life, between the ageof fourscore and one hundred and ten years. The independent tribes werepersuaded, or compelled, to acknowledge the king of the Ostrogoths asthe sovereign of the Gothic nation: the chiefs of the Visigoths, orThervingi, renounced the royal title, and assumed the more humbleappellation of Judges; and, among those judges, Athanaric, Fritigern, and Alavivus, were the most illustrious, by their personal merit, as well as by their vicinity to the Roman provinces. These domesticconquests, which increased the military power of Hermanric, enlarged hisambitious designs. He invaded the adjacent countries of the North; andtwelve considerable nations, whose names and limits cannot be accuratelydefined, successively yielded to the superiority of the Gothic arms[141] The Heruli, who inhabited the marshy lands near the lake Maeotis, were renowned for their strength and agility; and the assistance oftheir light infantry was eagerly solicited, and highly esteemed, inall the wars of the Barbarians. But the active spirit of the Heruli wassubdued by the slow and steady perseverance of the Goths; and, after abloody action, in which the king was slain, the remains of that warliketribe became a useful accession to the camp of Hermanric. 

He then marched against the Venedi; unskilled in the use of arms, andformidable only by their numbers, which filled the wide extent of theplains of modern Poland. The victorious Goths, who were not inferiorin numbers, prevailed in the contest, by the decisive advantagesof exercise and discipline. After the submission of the Venedi, theconqueror advanced, without resistance, as far as the confines of theAestii; [142] an ancient people, whose name is still preserved in theprovince of Esthonia. Those distant inhabitants of the Baltic coast weresupported by the labors of agriculture, enriched by the trade of amber, and consecrated by the peculiar worship of the Mother of the Gods. Butthe scarcity of iron obliged the Aestian warriors to content themselveswith wooden clubs; and the reduction of that wealthy country is ascribedto the prudence, rather than to the arms, of Hermanric. His dominions, which extended from the Danube to the Baltic, included the native seats, and the recent acquisitions, of the Goths; and he reigned over thegreatest part of Germany and Scythia with the authority of a conqueror, and sometimes with the cruelty of a tyrant. But he reigned over a partof the globe incapable of perpetuating and adorning the glory of itsheroes. The name of Hermanric is almost buried in oblivion; his exploitsare imperfectly known; and the Romans themselves appeared unconsciousof the progress of an aspiring power which threatened the liberty of theNorth, and the peace of the empire. [143]

[Footnote 140: The concise account of the reign and conquests ofHermanric seems to be one of the valuable fragments which Jornandes (c28) borrowed from the Gothic histories of Ablavius, or Cassiodorus. ]

[Footnote 141: M. D. Buat. (Hist. Des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Vi. P. 311-329) investigates, with more industry than success, the nationssubdued by the arms of Hermanric. He denies the existence of theVasinobroncoe, on account of the immoderate length of their name. Yet the French envoy to Ratisbon, or Dresden, must have traversed thecountry of the Mediomatrici. ]

[Footnote 142: The edition of Grotius (Jornandes, p. 642) exhibitsthe name of Aestri. But reason and the Ambrosian MS. Have restoredthe Aestii, whose manners and situation are expressed by the pencil ofTacitus, (Germania, c. 45. )]

[Footnote 143: Ammianus (xxxi. 3) observes, in general terms, Ermenrichi. .. . Nobilissimi Regis, et per multa variaque fortiter facta, vicinigentibus formidati, &c. ]

The Goths had contracted an hereditary attachment for the Imperial houseof Constantine, of whose power and liberality they had received so manysignal proofs. They respected the public peace; and if a hostile bandsometimes presumed to pass the Roman limit, their irregular conduct wascandidly ascribed to the ungovernable spirit of the Barbarian youth. Their contempt for two new and obscure princes, who had been raised tothe throne by a popular election, inspired the Goths with bolder hopes;and, while they agitated some design of marching their confederate forceunder the national standard, [144] they were easily tempted to embracethe party of Procopius; and to foment, by their dangerous aid, the civildiscord of the Romans. The public treaty might stipulate no more thanten thousand auxiliaries; but the design was so zealously adopted by thechiefs of the Visigoths, that the army which passed the Danube amountedto the number of thirty thousand men. [145] They marched with the proudconfidence, that their invincible valor would decide the fate of theRoman empire; and the provinces of Thrace groaned under the weightof the Barbarians, who displayed the insolence of masters and thelicentiousness of enemies. But the intemperance which gratified theirappetites, retarded their progress; and before the Goths could receiveany certain intelligence of the defeat and death of Procopius, theyperceived, by the hostile state of the country, that the civil andmilitary powers were resumed by his successful rival. A chain of postsand fortifications, skilfully disposed by Valens, or the generals ofValens, resisted their march, prevented their retreat, and interceptedtheir subsistence. The fierceness of the Barbarians was tamed andsuspended by hunger; they indignantly threw down their arms at thefeet of the conqueror, who offered them food and chains: the numerouscaptives were distributed in all the cities of the East; and theprovincials, who were soon familiarized with their savage appearance, ventured, by degrees, to measure their own strength with theseformidable adversaries, whose name had so long been the object of theirterror. The king of Scythia (and Hermanric alone could deserve so loftya title) was grieved and exasperated by this national calamity. Hisambassadors loudly complained, at the court of Valens, of the infractionof the ancient and solemn alliance, which had so long subsisted betweenthe Romans and the Goths. They alleged, that they had fulfilled the dutyof allies, by assisting the kinsman and successor of the emperor Julian;they required the immediate restitution of the noble captives; and theyurged a very singular claim, that the Gothic generals marching inarms, and in hostile array, were entitled to the sacred character andprivileges of ambassadors. The decent, but peremptory, refusal ofthese extravagant demands, was signified to the Barbarians by Victor, master-general of the cavalry; who expressed, with force and dignity, the just complaints of the emperor of the East. [146] The negotiationwas interrupted; and the manly exhortations of Valentinian encouragedhis timid brother to vindicate the insulted majesty of the empire. [147]

[Footnote 144: Valens. . .. Docetur relationibus Ducum, gentem Gothorum, ea tempestate intactam ideoque saevissimam, conspirantem in unum, adpervadenda parari collimitia Thraciarum. Ammian. Xxi. 6. ]

[Footnote 145: M. De Buat (Hist. Des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Vi. P. 332) has curiously ascertained the real number of these auxiliaries. The 3000 of Ammianus, and the 10, 000 of Zosimus, were only the firstdivisions of the Gothic army. * Note: M. St. Martin (iii. 246) deniesthat there is any authority for these numbers. --M. ]

[Footnote 146: The march, and subsequent negotiation, are described inthe Fragments of Eunapius, (Excerpt. Legat. P. 18, edit. Louvre. ) Theprovincials who afterwards became familiar with the Barbarians, foundthat their strength was more apparent than real. They were tall ofstature; but their legs were clumsy, and their shoulders were narrow. ]

[Footnote 147: Valens enim, ut consulto placuerat fratri, cujusregebatur arbitrio, arma concussit in Gothos ratione justa permotus. Ammianus (xxvii. 4) then proceeds to describe, not the country of theGoths, but the peaceful and obedient province of Thrace, which was notaffected by the war. ]

The splendor and magnitude of this Gothic war are celebrated by acontemporary historian: [148] but the events scarcely deserve theattention of posterity, except as the preliminary steps of theapproaching decline and fall of the empire. Instead of leading thenations of Germany and Scythia to the banks of the Danube, or even tothe gates of Constantinople, the aged monarch of the Goths resigned tothe brave Athanaric the danger and glory of a defensive war, against anenemy, who wielded with a feeble hand the powers of a mighty state. Abridge of boats was established upon the Danube; the presence of Valensanimated his troops; and his ignorance of the art of war was compensatedby personal bravery, and a wise deference to the advice of Victorand Arintheus, his masters-general of the cavalry and infantry. Theoperations of the campaign were conducted by their skill and experience;but they found it impossible to drive the Visigoths from their strongposts in the mountains; and the devastation of the plains obliged theRomans themselves to repass the Danube on the approach of winter. Theincessant rains, which swelled the waters of the river, produced a tacitsuspension of arms, and confined the emperor Valens, during the wholecourse of the ensuing summer, to his camp of Marcianopolis. The thirdyear of the war was more favorable to the Romans, and more perniciousto the Goths. The interruption of trade deprived the Barbarians of theobjects of luxury, which they already confounded with the necessaries oflife; and the desolation of a very extensive tract of country threatenedthem with the horrors of famine. Athanaric was provoked, or compelled, to risk a battle, which he lost, in the plains; and the pursuit wasrendered more bloody by the cruel precaution of the victorious generals, who had promised a large reward for the head of every Goth that wasbrought into the Imperial camp. The submission of the Barbariansappeased the resentment of Valens and his council: the emperor listenedwith satisfaction to the flattering and eloquent remonstrance of thesenate of Constantinople, which assumed, for the first time, a share inthe public deliberations; and the same generals, Victor and Arintheus, who had successfully directed the conduct of the war, were empowered toregulate the conditions of peace. The freedom of trade, which the Gothshad hitherto enjoyed, was restricted to two cities on the Danube; therashness of their leaders was severely punished by the suppression oftheir pensions and subsidies; and the exception, which was stipulatedin favor of Athanaric alone, was more advantageous than honorable tothe Judge of the Visigoths. Athanaric, who, on this occasion, appears tohave consulted his private interest, without expecting the orders ofhis sovereign, supported his own dignity, and that of his tribe, in thepersonal interview which was proposed by the ministers of Valens. Hepersisted in his declaration, that it was impossible for him, withoutincurring the guilt of perjury, ever to set his foot on the territoryof the empire; and it is more than probable, that his regard for thesanctity of an oath was confirmed by the recent and fatal examples ofRoman treachery. The Danube, which separated the dominions of the twoindependent nations, was chosen for the scene of the conference. Theemperor of the East, and the Judge of the Visigoths, accompanied by anequal number of armed followers, advanced in their respective barges tothe middle of the stream. After the ratification of the treaty, and thedelivery of hostages, Valens returned in triumph to Constantinople; andthe Goths remained in a state of tranquillity about six years; till theywere violently impelled against the Roman empire by an innumerablehost of Scythians, who appeared to issue from the frozen regions of theNorth. [149]

[Footnote 148: Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legat. P. 18, 19. The Greek sophistmust have considered as one and the same war, the whole series of Gothichistory till the victories and peace of Theodosius. ]

[Footnote 149: The Gothic war is described by Ammianus, (xxvii. 6, )Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 211-214, ) and Themistius, (Orat. X. P. 129-141. )The orator Themistius was sent from the senate of Constantinople tocongratulate the victorious emperor; and his servile eloquence comparesValens on the Danube to Achilles in the Scamander. Jornandes forgetsa war peculiar to the Visi-Goths, and inglorious to the Gothic name, (Mascon's Hist. Of the Germans, vii. 3. )]

The emperor of the West, who had resigned to his brother the commandof the Lower Danube, reserved for his immediate care the defence ofthe Rhaetian and Illyrian provinces, which spread so many hundredmiles along the greatest of the European rivers. The active policy ofValentinian was continually employed in adding new fortifications to thesecurity of the frontier: but the abuse of this policy provoked the justresentment of the Barbarians. The Quadi complained, that the ground foran intended fortress had been marked out on their territories; and theircomplaints were urged with so much reason and moderation, that Equitius, master-general of Illyricum, consented to suspend the prosecution ofthe work, till he should be more clearly informed of the will of hissovereign. This fair occasion of injuring a rival, and of advancing thefortune of his son, was eagerly embraced by the inhuman Maximin, thepraefect, or rather tyrant, of Gaul. The passions of Valentinian wereimpatient of control; and he credulously listened to the assurances ofhis favorite, that if the government of Valeria, and the direction ofthe work, were intrusted to the zeal of his son Marcellinus, the emperorshould no longer be importuned with the audacious remonstrances ofthe Barbarians. The subjects of Rome, and the natives of Germany, were insulted by the arrogance of a young and worthless minister, whoconsidered his rapid elevation as the proof and reward of his superiormerit. He affected, however, to receive the modest application ofGabinius, king of the Quadi, with some attention and regard: but thisartful civility concealed a dark and bloody design, and the credulousprince was persuaded to accept the pressing invitation of Marcellinus. I am at a loss how to vary the narrative of similar crimes; or how torelate, that, in the course of the same year, but in remote parts of theempire, the inhospitable table of two Imperial generals was stained withthe royal blood of two guests and allies, inhumanly murdered by theirorder, and in their presence. The fate of Gabinius, and of Para, wasthe same: but the cruel death of their sovereign was resented in a verydifferent manner by the servile temper of the Armenians, and the freeand daring spirit of the Germans. The Quadi were much declined from thatformidable power, which, in the time of Marcus Antoninus, had spreadterror to the gates of Rome. But they still possessed arms and courage;their courage was animated by despair, and they obtained the usualreenforcement of the cavalry of their Sarmatian allies. So improvidentwas the assassin Marcellinus, that he chose the moment when the bravestveterans had been drawn away, to suppress the revolt of Firmus; and thewhole province was exposed, with a very feeble defence, to the rageof the exasperated Barbarians. They invaded Pannonia in the season ofharvest; unmercifully destroyed every object of plunder which they couldnot easily transport; and either disregarded, or demolished, the emptyfortifications. The princess Constantia, the daughter of the emperorConstantius, and the granddaughter of the great Constantine, verynarrowly escaped. That royal maid, who had innocently supported therevolt of Procopius, was now the destined wife of the heir of theWestern empire. She traversed the peaceful province with a splendid andunarmed train. Her person was saved from danger, and the republic fromdisgrace, by the active zeal of Messala, governor of the provinces. As soon as he was informed that the village, where she stopped only todine, was almost encompassed by the Barbarians, he hastily placed herin his own chariot, and drove full speed till he reached the gatesof Sirmium, which were at the distance of six-and-twenty miles. EvenSirmium might not have been secure, if the Quadi and Sarmatians haddiligently advanced during the general consternation of the magistratesand people. Their delay allowed Probus, the Praetorian praefect, sufficient time to recover his own spirits, and to revive the courageof the citizens. He skilfully directed their strenuous efforts to repairand strengthen the decayed fortifications; and procured the seasonableand effectual assistance of a company of archers, to protect the capitalof the Illyrian provinces. Disappointed in their attempts against thewalls of Sirmium, the indignant Barbarians turned their arms againstthe master general of the frontier, to whom they unjustly attributed themurder of their king. Equitius could bring into the field no more thantwo legions; but they contained the veteran strength of the Maesian andPannonian bands. The obstinacy with which they disputed the vain honorsof rank and precedency, was the cause of their destruction; andwhile they acted with separate forces and divided councils, they weresurprised and slaughtered by the active vigor of the Sarmatian horse. The success of this invasion provoked the emulation of the borderingtribes; and the province of Maesia would infallibly have been lost, ifyoung Theodosius, the duke, or military commander, of the frontier, hadnot signalized, in the defeat of the public enemy, an intrepid genius, worthy of his illustrious father, and of his future greatness. [150]

[Footnote 150: Ammianus (xxix. 6) and Zosimus (I. Iv. P. 219, 220)carefully mark the origin and progress of the Quadic and Sarmatian war. ]

Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of TheEmpire. --Part VII. 

The mind of Valentinian, who then resided at Treves, was deeply affectedby the calamities of Illyricum; but the lateness of the season suspendedthe execution of his designs till the ensuing spring. He marched inperson, with a considerable part of the forces of Gaul, from the banksof the Moselle: and to the suppliant ambassadors of the Sarmatians, whomet him on the way, he returned a doubtful answer, that, as soon as hereached the scene of action, he should examine, and pronounce. When hearrived at Sirmium, he gave audience to the deputies of the Illyrianprovinces; who loudly congratulated their own felicity under theauspicious government of Probus, his Praetorian praefect. [151]Valentinian, who was flattered by these demonstrations of theirloyalty and gratitude, imprudently asked the deputy of Epirus, a Cynicphilosopher of intrepid sincerity, [152] whether he was freely sent bythe wishes of the province. "With tears and groans am I sent, " repliedIphicles, "by a reluctant people. " The emperor paused: but the impunityof his ministers established the pernicious maxim, that they mightoppress his subjects, without injuring his service. A strict inquiryinto their conduct would have relieved the public discontent. The severecondemnation of the murder of Gabinius, was the only measure which couldrestore the confidence of the Germans, and vindicate the honor of theRoman name. But the haughty monarch was incapable of the magnanimitywhich dares to acknowledge a fault. He forgot the provocation, remembered only the injury, and advanced into the country of the Quadiwith an insatiate thirst of blood and revenge. The extreme devastation, and promiscuous massacre, of a savage war, were justified, in the eyesof the emperor, and perhaps in those of the world, by the cruel equityof retaliation: [153] and such was the discipline of the Romans, and theconsternation of the enemy, that Valentinian repassed the Danube withoutthe loss of a single man. As he had resolved to complete the destructionof the Quadi by a second campaign, he fixed his winter quarters atBregetio, on the Danube, near the Hungarian city of Presburg. While theoperations of war were suspended by the severity of the weather, theQuadi made an humble attempt to deprecate the wrath of their conqueror;and, at the earnest persuasion of Equitius, their ambassadors wereintroduced into the Imperial council. They approached the throne withbended bodies and dejected countenances; and without daring to complainof the murder of their king, they affirmed, with solemn oaths, that thelate invasion was the crime of some irregular robbers, which the publiccouncil of the nation condemned and abhorred. The answer of the emperorleft them but little to hope from his clemency or compassion. Hereviled, in the most intemperate language, their baseness, theiringratitude, their insolence. His eyes, his voice, his color, hisgestures, expressed the violence of his ungoverned fury; and while hiswhole frame was agitated with convulsive passion, a large blood vesselsuddenly burst in his body; and Valentinian fell speechless into thearms of his attendants. Their pious care immediately concealed hissituation from the crowd; but, in a few minutes, the emperor of the Westexpired in an agony of pain, retaining his senses till the last; andstruggling, without success, to declare his intentions to the generalsand ministers, who surrounded the royal couch. Valentinian was aboutfifty-four years of age; and he wanted only one hundred days toaccomplish the twelve years of his reign. [154]

[Footnote 151: Ammianus, (xxx. 5, ) who acknowledges the merit, hascensured, with becoming asperity, the oppressive administration ofPetronius Probus. When Jerom translated and continued the Chronicle ofEusebius, (A. D. 380; see Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. Xii. P. 53, 626, )he expressed the truth, or at least the public opinion of his country, in the following words: "Probus P. P. Illyrici inquissimus tributorumexactionibus, ante provincias quas regebat, quam a Barbaris vastarentur, erasit. " (Chron. Edit. Scaliger, p. 187. Animadvers p. 259. ) The Saintafterwards formed an intimate and tender friendship with the widow ofProbus; and the name of Count Equitius with less propriety, but withoutmuch injustice, has been substituted in the text. ]

[Footnote 152: Julian (Orat. Vi. P. 198) represents his friend Iphicles, as a man of virtue and merit, who had made himself ridiculous andunhappy by adopting the extravagant dress and manners of the Cynics. ]

[Footnote 153: Ammian. Xxx. V. Jerom, who exaggerates the misfortune ofValentinian, refuses him even this last consolation of revenge. Genitalivastato solo et inultam patriam derelinquens, (tom. I. P. 26. )]

[Footnote 154: See, on the death of Valentinian, Ammianus, (xxx. 6, )Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 221, ) Victor, (in Epitom. , ) Socrates, (l. Iv. C. 31, ) and Jerom, (in Chron. P. 187, and tom. I. P. 26, ad Heliodor. )There is much variety of circumstances among them; and Ammianus is soeloquent, that he writes nonsense. ]

The polygamy of Valentinian is seriously attested by an ecclesiasticalhistorian. [155] "The empress Severa (I relate the fable) admitted intoher familiar society the lovely Justina, the daughter of an Italiangovernor: her admiration of those naked charms, which she had often seenin the bath, was expressed with such lavish and imprudent praise, thatthe emperor was tempted to introduce a second wife into his bed; andhis public edict extended to all the subjects of the empire the samedomestic privilege which he had assumed for himself. " But we may beassured, from the evidence of reason as well as history, that thetwo marriages of Valentinian, with Severa, and with Justina, weresuccessively contracted; and that he used the ancient permission ofdivorce, which was still allowed by the laws, though it was condemned bythe church Severa was the mother of Gratian, who seemed to unite everyclaim which could entitle him to the undoubted succession of the Westernempire. He was the eldest son of a monarch whose glorious reign hadconfirmed the free and honorable choice of his fellow-soldiers. Beforehe had attained the ninth year of his age, the royal youth received fromthe hands of his indulgent father the purple robe and diadem, with thetitle of Augustus; the election was solemnly ratified by the consent andapplause of the armies of Gaul; [156] and the name of Gratian was addedto the names of Valentinian and Valens, in all the legal transactionsof the Roman government. By his marriage with the granddaughter ofConstantine, the son of Valentinian acquired all the hereditary rightsof the Flavian family; which, in a series of three Imperial generations, were sanctified by time, religion, and the reverence of the people. Atthe death of his father, the royal youth was in the seventeenth year ofhis age; and his virtues already justified the favorable opinion of thearmy and the people. But Gratian resided, without apprehension, inthe palace of Treves; whilst, at the distance of many hundred miles, Valentinian suddenly expired in the camp of Bregetio. The passions, which had been so long suppressed by the presence of a master, immediately revived in the Imperial council; and the ambitious design ofreigning in the name of an infant, was artfully executed by Mellobaudesand Equitius, who commanded the attachment of the Illyrian and Italianbands. They contrived the most honorable pretences to remove the popularleaders, and the troops of Gaul, who might have asserted the claims ofthe lawful successor; they suggested the necessity of extinguishing thehopes of foreign and domestic enemies, by a bold and decisive measure. The empress Justina, who had been left in a palace about one hundredmiles from Bregetio, was respectively invited to appear in the camp, with the son of the deceased emperor. On the sixth day after the deathof Valentinian, the infant prince of the same name, who was only fouryears old, was shown, in the arms of his mother, to the legions; andsolemnly invested, by military acclamation, with the titles and ensignsof supreme power. The impending dangers of a civil war were seasonablyprevented by the wise and moderate conduct of the emperor Gratian. Hecheerfully accepted the choice of the army; declared that he shouldalways consider the son of Justina as a brother, not as a rival; andadvised the empress, with her son Valentinian to fix their residence atMilan, in the fair and peaceful province of Italy; while he assumedthe more arduous command of the countries beyond the Alps. Gratiandissembled his resentment till he could safely punish, or disgrace, the authors of the conspiracy; and though he uniformly behaved withtenderness and regard to his infant colleague, he gradually confounded, in the administration of the Western empire, the office of a guardianwith the authority of a sovereign. The government of the Roman worldwas exercised in the united names of Valens and his two nephews; butthe feeble emperor of the East, who succeeded to the rank of his elderbrother, never obtained any weight or influence in the councils of theWest. [157]

[Footnote 155: Socrates (l. Iv. C. 31) is the only original witness ofthis foolish story, so repugnant to the laws and manners of the Romans, that it scarcely deserved the formal and elaborate dissertation of M. Bonamy, (Mem. De l'Academie, tom. Xxx. P. 394-405. ) Yet I would preservethe natural circumstance of the bath; instead of following Zosimus whorepresents Justina as an old woman, the widow of Magnentius. ]

[Footnote 156: Ammianus (xxvii. 6) describes the form of this militaryelection, and august investiture. Valentinian does not appear to haveconsulted, or even informed, the senate of Rome. ]

[Footnote 157: Ammianus, xxx. 10. Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 222, 223. Tillemonthas proved (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 707-709) that Gratianreignea in Italy, Africa, and Illyricum. I have endeavored to expresshis authority over his brother's dominions, as he used it, in anambiguous style. ]

Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns. --Part I. 

Manners Of The Pastoral Nations. --Progress Of The Huns, From ChinaTo Europe. --Flight Of The Goths. --They Pass The Danube. --GothicWar. --Defeat And Death Of Valens. --Gratian Invests Theodosius With TheEastern Empire. --His Character And Success. --Peace And Settlement Of TheGoths. 

In the second year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, on themorning of the twenty-first day of July, the greatest part of the Romanworld was shaken by a violent and destructive earthquake. The impressionwas communicated to the waters; the shores of the Mediterranean wereleft dry, by the sudden retreat of the sea; great quantities of fishwere caught with the hand; large vessels were stranded on the mud; anda curious spectator [1] amused his eye, or rather his fancy, bycontemplating the various appearance of valleys and mountains, which hadnever, since the formation of the globe, been exposed to the sun. Butthe tide soon returned, with the weight of an immense and irresistibledeluge, which was severely felt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt: large boats were transported, and lodged onthe roofs of houses, or at the distance of two miles from the shore; thepeople, with their habitations, were swept away by the waters; and thecity of Alexandria annually commemorated the fatal day, on which fiftythousand persons had lost their lives in the inundation. This calamity, the report of which was magnified from one province to another, astonished and terrified the subjects of Rome; and their affrightedimagination enlarged the real extent of a momentary evil. Theyrecollected the preceding earthquakes, which had subverted the citiesof Palestine and Bithynia: they considered these alarming strokes as theprelude only of still more dreadful calamities, and their fearfulvanity was disposed to confound the symptoms of a declining empire anda sinking world. [2] It was the fashion of the times to attribute everyremarkable event to the particular will of the Deity; the alterationsof nature were connected, by an invisible chain, with the moral andmetaphysical opinions of the human mind; and the most sagaciousdivines could distinguish, according to the color of their respectiveprejudices, that the establishment of heresy tended to produce anearthquake; or that a deluge was the inevitable consequence of theprogress of sin and error. Without presuming to discuss the truth orpropriety of these lofty speculations, the historian may content himselfwith an observation, which seems to be justified by experience, that manhas much more to fear from the passions of his fellow-creatures, thanfrom the convulsions of the elements. [3] The mischievous effects of anearthquake, or deluge, a hurricane, or the eruption of a volcano, beara very inconsiderable portion to the ordinary calamities of war, as theyare now moderated by the prudence or humanity of the princes of Europe, who amuse their own leisure, and exercise the courage of their subjects, in the practice of the military art. But the laws and manners of modernnations protect the safety and freedom of the vanquished soldier; andthe peaceful citizen has seldom reason to complain, that his life, or even his fortune, is exposed to the rage of war. In the disastrousperiod of the fall of the Roman empire, which may justly be dated fromthe reign of Valens, the happiness and security of each individual werepersonally attacked; and the arts and labors of ages were rudely defacedby the Barbarians of Scythia and Germany. The invasion of the Hunsprecipitated on the provinces of the West the Gothic nation, whichadvanced, in less than forty years, from the Danube to the Atlantic, andopened a way, by the success of their arms, to the inroads of so manyhostile tribes, more savage than themselves. The original principleof motion was concealed in the remote countries of the North; andthe curious observation of the pastoral life of the Scythians, [4]or Tartars, [5] will illustrate the latent cause of these destructiveemigrations. 

[Footnote 1: Such is the bad taste of Ammianus, (xxvi. 10, ) that it isnot easy to distinguish his facts from his metaphors. Yet he positivelyaffirms, that he saw the rotten carcass of a ship, ad Modon, inPeloponnesus. ]

[Footnote 2: The earthquakes and inundations are variously described byLibanius, (Orat. De ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. X. , in Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 158, with a learned note of Olearius, ) Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 221, ) Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. 2, ) Cedrenus, (p. 310, 314, ) and Jerom, (in Chron. P. 186, and tom. I. P. 250, in Vit. Hilarion. ) Epidaurus musthave been overwhelmed, had not the prudent citizens placed St. Hilarion, an Egyptian monk, on the beach. He made the sign of the Cross; themountain-wave stopped, bowed, and returned. ]

[Footnote 3: Dicaearchus, the Peripatetic, composed a formal treatise, to prove this obvious truth; which is not the most honorable to thehuman species. (Cicero, de Officiis, ii. 5. )]

[Footnote 4: The original Scythians of Herodotus (l. Iv. C. 47--57, 99--101) were confined, by the Danube and the Palus Maeotis, withina square of 4000 stadia, (400 Roman miles. ) See D'Anville (Mem. Del'Academie, tom. Xxxv. P. 573--591. ) Diodorus Siculus (tom. I. L. Ii. P. 155, edit. Wesseling) has marked the gradual progress of the name andnation. ]

[Footnote 5: The Tatars, or Tartars, were a primitive tribe, the rivals, and at length the subjects, of the Moguls. In the victorious armies ofZingis Khan, and his successors, the Tartars formed the vanguard; andthe name, which first reached the ears of foreigners, was applied to thewhole nation, (Freret, in the Hist. De l'Academie, tom. Xviii. P. 60. )In speaking of all, or any of the northern shepherds of Europe, or Asia, I indifferently use the appellations of Scythians or Tartars. * Note:The Moguls, (Mongols, ) according to M. Klaproth, are a tribe of theTartar nation. Tableaux Hist. De l'Asie, p. 154. --M. ]

The different characters that mark the civilized nations of the globe, may be ascribed to the use, and the abuse, of reason; which so variouslyshapes, and so artificially composes, the manners and opinions of aEuropean, or a Chinese. But the operation of instinct is more sure andsimple than that of reason: it is much easier to ascertain the appetitesof a quadruped than the speculations of a philosopher; and the savagetribes of mankind, as they approach nearer to the condition of animals, preserve a stronger resemblance to themselves and to each other. Theuniform stability of their manners is the natural consequence of theimperfection of their faculties. Reduced to a similar situation, theirwants, their desires, their enjoyments, still continue the same: andthe influence of food or climate, which, in a more improved stateof society, is suspended, or subdued, by so many moral causes, mostpowerfully contributes to form, and to maintain, the national characterof Barbarians. In every age, the immense plains of Scythia, or Tartary, have been inhabited by vagrant tribes of hunters and shepherds, whoseindolence refuses to cultivate the earth, and whose restless spiritdisdains the confinement of a sedentary life. In every age, theScythians, and Tartars, have been renowned for their invincible courageand rapid conquests. The thrones of Asia have been repeatedly overturnedby the shepherds of the North; and their arms have spread terror anddevastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of Europe. [6]On this occasion, as well as on many others, the sober historian isforcibly awakened from a pleasing vision; and is compelled, with somereluctance, to confess, that the pastoral manners, which have beenadorned with the fairest attributes of peace and innocence, are muchbetter adapted to the fierce and cruel habits of a military life. Toillustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a nation ofshepherds and of warriors, in the three important articles of, I. Theirdiet; II. Their habitations; and, III. Their exercises. The narrativesof antiquity are justified by the experience of modern times; [7] andthe banks of the Borysthenes, of the Volga, or of the Selinga, willindifferently present the same uniform spectacle of similar and nativemanners. [8]

[Footnote 6: Imperium Asiae ter quaesivere: ipsi perpetuo ab alienoimperio, aut intacti aut invicti, mansere. Since the time of Justin, (ii. 2, ) they have multiplied this account. Voltaire, in a few words, (tom. X. P. 64, Hist. Generale, c. 156, ) has abridged the Tartarconquests. Oft o'er the trembling nations from afar, Has Scythiabreathed the living cloud of war. Note *: Gray. --M. ]

[Footnote 7: The fourth book of Herodotus affords a curious thoughimperfect, portrait of the Scythians. Among the moderns, who describethe uniform scene, the Khan of Khowaresm, Abulghazi Bahadur, expresseshis native feelings; and his genealogical history of the Tartars hasbeen copiously illustrated by the French and English editors. Carpin, Ascelin, and Rubruquis (in the Hist. Des Voyages, tom. Vii. ) representthe Moguls of the fourteenth century. To these guides I have addedGerbillon, and the other Jesuits, (Description de la China par du Halde, tom. Iv. , ) who accurately surveyed the Chinese Tartary; and that honestand intelligent traveller, Bell, of Antermony, (two volumes in 4to. Glasgow, 1763. ) * Note: Of the various works published since the time ofGibbon, which throw fight on the nomadic population of Central Asia, maybe particularly remarked the Travels and Dissertations of Pallas; andabove all, the very curious work of Bergman, Nomadische Streifereyen. Riga, 1805. --M. ]

[Footnote 8: The Uzbecks are the most altered from their primitivemanners; 1. By the profession of the Mahometan religion; and 2. By thepossession of the cities and harvests of the great Bucharia. ]

I. The corn, or even the rice, which constitutes the ordinary andwholesome food of a civilized people, can be obtained only by thepatient toil of the husbandman. Some of the happy savages, who dwellbetween the tropics, are plentifully nourished by the liberality ofnature; but in the climates of the North, a nation of shepherds isreduced to their flocks and herds. The skilful practitioners of themedical art will determine (if they are able to determine) how far thetemper of the human mind may be affected by the use of animal, or ofvegetable, food; and whether the common association of carniverousand cruel deserves to be considered in any other light than that of aninnocent, perhaps a salutary, prejudice of humanity. [9] Yet, if it betrue, that the sentiment of compassion is imperceptibly weakened by thesight and practice of domestic cruelty, we may observe, that the horridobjects which are disguised by the arts of European refinement, areexhibited in their naked and most disgusting simplicity in the tent ofa Tartarian shepherd. The ox, or the sheep, are slaughtered by the samehand from which they were accustomed to receive their daily food; andthe bleeding limbs are served, with very little preparation, on thetable of their unfeeling murderer. In the military profession, andespecially in the conduct of a numerous army, the exclusive use ofanimal food appears to be productive of the most solid advantages. Cornis a bulky and perishable commodity; and the large magazines, whichare indispensably necessary for the subsistence of our troops, must beslowly transported by the labor of men or horses. But the flocks andherds, which accompany the march of the Tartars, afford a sure andincreasing supply of flesh and milk: in the far greater part of theuncultivated waste, the vegetation of the grass is quick and luxuriant;and there are few places so extremely barren, that the hardy cattle ofthe North cannot find some tolerable pasture. 

The supply is multiplied and prolonged by the undistinguishing appetite, and patient abstinence, of the Tartars. They indifferently feed on theflesh of those animals that have been killed for the table, or havedied of disease. Horseflesh, which in every age and country has beenproscribed by the civilized nations of Europe and Asia, they devour withpeculiar greediness; and this singular taste facilitates the successof their military operations. The active cavalry of Scythia is alwaysfollowed, in their most distant and rapid incursions, by an adequatenumber of spare horses, who may be occasionally used, either to redoublethe speed, or to satisfy the hunger, of the Barbarians. Many are theresources of courage and poverty. When the forage round a camp ofTartars is almost consumed, they slaughter the greatest part of theircattle, and preserve the flesh, either smoked, or dried in the sun. Onthe sudden emergency of a hasty march, they provide themselves with asufficient quantity of little balls of cheese, or rather of hard curd, which they occasionally dissolve in water; and this unsubstantial dietwill support, for many days, the life, and even the spirits, of thepatient warrior. But this extraordinary abstinence, which the Stoicwould approve, and the hermit might envy, is commonly succeeded by themost voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climateare the most grateful present, or the most valuable commodity, that canbe offered to the Tartars; and the only example of their industry seemsto consist in the art of extracting from mare's milk a fermented liquor, which possesses a very strong power of intoxication. Like the animalsof prey, the savages, both of the old and new world, experience thealternate vicissitudes of famine and plenty; and their stomach is inuredto sustain, without much inconvenience, the opposite extremes of hungerand of intemperance. 

[Footnote 9: Il est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande sont engeneral cruels et feroces plus que les autres hommes. Cette observationest de tous les lieux, et de tous les temps: la barbarie Angloise estconnue, &c. Emile de Rousseau, tom. I. P. 274. Whatever we may thinkof the general observation, we shall not easily allow the truth ofhis example. The good-natured complaints of Plutarch, and the patheticlamentations of Ovid, seduce our reason, by exciting our sensibility. ]

II. In the ages of rustic and martial simplicity, a people of soldiersand husbandmen are dispersed over the face of an extensive andcultivated country; and some time must elapse before the warlike youthof Greece or Italy could be assembled under the same standard, either todefend their own confines, or to invade the territories of the adjacenttribes. The progress of manufactures and commerce insensibly collectsa large multitude within the walls of a city: but these citizens are nolonger soldiers; and the arts which adorn and improve the state of civilsociety, corrupt the habits of the military life. The pastoral mannersof the Scythians seem to unite the different advantages of simplicityand refinement. The individuals of the same tribe are constantlyassembled, but they are assembled in a camp; and the native spirit ofthese dauntless shepherds is animated by mutual support and emulation. The houses of the Tartars are no more than small tents, of an oval form, which afford a cold and dirty habitation, for the promiscuous youth ofboth sexes. The palaces of the rich consist of wooden huts, of such asize that they may be conveniently fixed on large wagons, and drawn bya team perhaps of twenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds, aftergrazing all day in the adjacent pastures, retire, on the approach ofnight, within the protection of the camp. The necessity of preventingthe most mischievous confusion, in such a perpetual concourse of men andanimals, must gradually introduce, in the distribution, the order, andthe guard, of the encampment, the rudiments of the military art. As soonas the forage of a certain district is consumed, the tribe, or ratherarmy, of shepherds, makes a regular march to some fresh pastures; andthus acquires, in the ordinary occupations of the pastoral life, the practical knowledge of one of the most important and difficultoperations of war. The choice of stations is regulated by the differenceof the seasons: in the summer, the Tartars advance towards the North, and pitch their tents on the banks of a river, or, at least, in theneighborhood of a running stream. But in the winter, they return to theSouth, and shelter their camp, behind some convenient eminence, againstthe winds, which are chilled in their passage over the bleak and icyregions of Siberia. These manners are admirably adapted to diffuse, among the wandering tribes, the spirit of emigration and conquest. The connection between the people and their territory is of so frail atexture, that it may be broken by the slightest accident. The camp, andnot the soil, is the native country of the genuine Tartar. Within theprecincts of that camp, his family, his companions, his property, are always included; and, in the most distant marches, he is stillsurrounded by the objects which are dear, or valuable, or familiar inhis eyes. The thirst of rapine, the fear, or the resentment of injury, the impatience of servitude, have, in every age, been sufficient causesto urge the tribes of Scythia boldly to advance into some unknowncountries, where they might hope to find a more plentiful subsistenceor a less formidable enemy. The revolutions of the North have frequentlydetermined the fate of the South; and in the conflict of hostilenations, the victor and the vanquished have alternately drove, and beendriven, from the confines of China to those of Germany. [10] These greatemigrations, which have been sometimes executed with almost incrediblediligence, were rendered more easy by the peculiar nature of theclimate. It is well known that the cold of Tartary is much more severethan in the midst of the temperate zone might reasonably be expected;this uncommon rigor is attributed to the height of the plains, whichrise, especially towards the East, more than half a mile above the levelof the sea; and to the quantity of saltpetre with which the soil isdeeply impregnated. [11] In the winter season, the broad and rapidrivers, that discharge their waters into the Euxine, the Caspian, or theIcy Sea, are strongly frozen; the fields are covered with a bed of snow;and the fugitive, or victorious, tribes may securely traverse, withtheir families, their wagons, and their cattle, the smooth and hardsurface of an immense plain. 

[Footnote 10: These Tartar emigrations have been discovered by M. De Guignes (Histoire des Huns, tom. I. Ii. ) a skilful and laboriousinterpreter of the Chinese language; who has thus laid open new andimportant scenes in the history of mankind. ]

[Footnote 11: A plain in the Chinese Tartary, only eighty leagues fromthe great wall, was found by the missionaries to be three thousandgeometrical paces above the level of the sea. Montesquieu, who has used, and abused, the relations of travellers, deduces the revolutions ofAsia from this important circumstance, that heat and cold, weakness andstrength, touch each other without any temperate zone, (Esprit des Loix, l. Xvii. C. 3. )]

III. The pastoral life, compared with the labors of agriculture andmanufactures, is undoubtedly a life of idleness; and as the mosthonorable shepherds of the Tartar race devolve on their captives thedomestic management of the cattle, their own leisure is seldom disturbedby any servile and assiduous cares. But this leisure, instead of beingdevoted to the soft enjoyments of love and harmony, is use fully spentin the violent and sanguinary exercise of the chase. The plains ofTartary are filled with a strong and serviceable breed of horses, whichare easily trained for the purposes of war and hunting. The Scythians ofevery age have been celebrated as bold and skilful riders; and constantpractice had seated them so firmly on horseback, that they were supposedby strangers to perform the ordinary duties of civil life, to eat, todrink, and even to sleep, without dismounting from their steeds. Theyexcel in the dexterous management of the lance; the long Tartar bowis drawn with a nervous arm; and the weighty arrow is directed to itsobject with unerring aim and irresistible force. These arrows are oftenpointed against the harmless animals of the desert, which increase andmultiply in the absence of their most formidable enemy; the hare, thegoat, the roebuck, the fallow-deer, the stag, the elk, and the antelope. The vigor and patience, both of the men and horses, are continuallyexercised by the fatigues of the chase; and the plentiful supply of gamecontributes to the subsistence, and even luxury, of a Tartar camp. But the exploits of the hunters of Scythia are not confined to thedestruction of timid or innoxious beasts; they boldly encounter theangry wild boar, when he turns against his pursuers, excite the sluggishcourage of the bear, and provoke the fury of the tiger, as he slumbersin the thicket. Where there is danger, there may be glory; and the modeof hunting, which opens the fairest field to the exertions of valor, may justly be considered as the image, and as the school, of war. Thegeneral hunting matches, the pride and delight of the Tartar princes, compose an instructive exercise for their numerous cavalry. A circleis drawn, of many miles in circumference, to encompass the game ofan extensive district; and the troops that form the circle regularlyadvance towards a common centre; where the captive animals, surroundedon every side, are abandoned to the darts of the hunters. In this march, which frequently continues many days, the cavalry are obliged to climbthe hills, to swim the rivers, and to wind through the valleys, withoutinterrupting the prescribed order of their gradual progress. Theyacquire the habit of directing their eye, and their steps, to a remoteobject; of preserving their intervals of suspending or acceleratingtheir pace, according to the motions of the troops on their right andleft; and of watching and repeating the signals of their leaders. Theirleaders study, in this practical school, the most important lessonof the military art; the prompt and accurate judgment of ground, ofdistance, and of time. To employ against a human enemy the same patienceand valor, the same skill and discipline, is the only alteration whichis required in real war; and the amusements of the chase serve as aprelude to the conquest of an empire. [12]

[Footnote 12: Petit de la Croix (Vie de Gengiscan, l. Iii. C. 6)represents the full glory and extent of the Mogul chase. The JesuitsGerbillon and Verbiest followed the emperor Khamhi when he hunted inTartary, Duhalde, (Description de la Chine, tom. Iv. P. 81, 290, &c. , folio edit. ) His grandson, Kienlong, who unites the Tartar disciplinewith the laws and learning of China, describes (Eloge de Moukden, p. 273--285) as a poet the pleasures which he had often enjoyed as asportsman. ]

The political society of the ancient Germans has the appearance ofa voluntary alliance of independent warriors. The tribes of Scythia, distinguished by the modern appellation of Hords, assume the form ofa numerous and increasing family; which, in the course of successivegenerations, has been propagated from the same original stock. Themeanest, and most ignorant, of the Tartars, preserve, with consciouspride, the inestimable treasure of their genealogy; and whateverdistinctions of rank may have been introduced, by the unequaldistribution of pastoral wealth, they mutually respect themselves, andeach other, as the descendants of the first founder of the tribe. Thecustom, which still prevails, of adopting the bravest and most faithfulof the captives, may countenance the very probable suspicion, that thisextensive consanguinity is, in a great measure, legal and fictitious. But the useful prejudice, which has obtained the sanction of time andopinion, produces the effects of truth; the haughty Barbarians yield acheerful and voluntary obedience to the head of their blood; and theirchief, or mursa, as the representative of their great father, exercisesthe authority of a judge in peace, and of a leader in war. In theoriginal state of the pastoral world, each of the mursas (if we maycontinue to use a modern appellation) acted as the independent chiefof a large and separate family; and the limits of their peculiarterritories were gradually fixed by superior force, or mutual consent. But the constant operation of various and permanent causes contributedto unite the vagrant Hords into national communities, under the commandof a supreme head. The weak were desirous of support, and the strongwere ambitious of dominion; the power, which is the result of union, oppressed and collected the divided force of the adjacent tribes;and, as the vanquished were freely admitted to share the advantages ofvictory, the most valiant chiefs hastened to range themselves and theirfollowers under the formidable standard of a confederate nation. Themost successful of the Tartar princes assumed the military command, towhich he was entitled by the superiority, either of merit or of power. He was raised to the throne by the acclamations of his equals; and thetitle of Khan expresses, in the language of the North of Asia, the fullextent of the regal dignity. The right of hereditary succession was longconfined to the blood of the founder of the monarchy; and at this momentall the Khans, who reign from Crimea to the wall of China, are thelineal descendants of the renowned Zingis. [13] But, as it is theindispensable duty of a Tartar sovereign to lead his warlike subjectsinto the field, the claims of an infant are often disregarded; and someroyal kinsman, distinguished by his age and valor, is intrusted with thesword and sceptre of his predecessor. Two distinct and regular taxes arelevied on the tribes, to support the dignity of the national monarch, and of their peculiar chief; and each of those contributions amountsto the tithe, both of their property, and of their spoil. A Tartarsovereign enjoys the tenth part of the wealth of his people; and ashis own domestic riches of flocks and herds increase in a much largerproportion, he is able plentifully to maintain the rustic splendor ofhis court, to reward the most deserving, or the most favored of hisfollowers, and to obtain, from the gentle influence of corruption, theobedience which might be sometimes refused to the stern mandates ofauthority. The manners of his subjects, accustomed, like himself, toblood and rapine, might excuse, in their eyes, such partial acts oftyranny, as would excite the horror of a civilized people; but the powerof a despot has never been acknowledged in the deserts of Scythia. Theimmediate jurisdiction of the khan is confined within the limits of hisown tribe; and the exercise of his royal prerogative has been moderatedby the ancient institution of a national council. The Coroulai, [14] orDiet, of the Tartars, was regularly held in the spring and autumn, inthe midst of a plain; where the princes of the reigning family, and themursas of the respective tribes, may conveniently assemble on horseback, with their martial and numerous trains; and the ambitious monarch, whoreviewed the strength, must consult the inclination of an armedpeople. The rudiments of a feudal government may be discovered inthe constitution of the Scythian or Tartar nations; but the perpetualconflict of those hostile nations has sometimes terminated in theestablishment of a powerful and despotic empire. The victor, enrichedby the tribute, and fortified by the arms of dependent kings, has spreadhis conquests over Europe or Asia: the successful shepherds of the Northhave submitted to the confinement of arts, of laws, and of cities; andthe introduction of luxury, after destroying the freedom of the people, has undermined the foundations of the throne. [15]

[Footnote 13: See the second volume of the Genealogical History of theTartars; and the list of the Khans, at the end of the life of Geng's, orZingis. Under the reign of Timur, or Tamerlane, one of his subjects, adescendant of Zingis, still bore the regal appellation of Khan and theconqueror of Asia contented himself with the title of Emir or Sultan. Abulghazi, part v. C. 4. D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orien tale, p. 878. ]

[Footnote 14: See the Diets of the ancient Huns, (De Guignes, tom. Ii. P. 26, ) and a curious description of those of Zingis, (Vie de Gengiscan, l. I. C. 6, l. Iv. C. 11. ) Such assemblies are frequently mentioned inthe Persian history of Timur; though they served only to countenance theresolutions of their master. ]

[Footnote 15: Montesquieu labors to explain a difference, which has notexisted, between the liberty of the Arabs, and the perpetual slavery ofthe Tartars. (Esprit des Loix, l. Xvii. C. 5, l. Xviii. C. 19, &c. )]

The memory of past events cannot long be preserved in the frequent andremote emigrations of illiterate Barbarians. The modern Tartars areignorant of the conquests of their ancestors; [16] and our knowledge ofthe history of the Scythians is derived from their intercourse with thelearned and civilized nations of the South, the Greeks, the Persians, and the Chinese. The Greeks, who navigated the Euxine, and planted theircolonies along the sea-coast, made the gradual and imperfect discoveryof Scythia; from the Danube, and the confines of Thrace, as far as thefrozen Maeotis, the seat of eternal winter, and Mount Caucasus, which, in the language of poetry, was described as the utmost boundary ofthe earth. They celebrated, with simple credulity, the virtues of thepastoral life: [17] they entertained a more rational apprehension of thestrength and numbers of the warlike Barbarians, [18] who contemptuouslybaffled the immense armament of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. [19] ThePersian monarchs had extended their western conquests to the banks ofthe Danube, and the limits of European Scythia. The eastern provinces oftheir empire were exposed to the Scythians of Asia; the wild inhabitantsof the plains beyond the Oxus and the Jaxartes, two mighty rivers, whichdirect their course towards the Caspian Sea. The long and memorablequarrel of Iran and Touran is still the theme of history or romance: thefamous, perhaps the fabulous, valor of the Persian heroes, Rustan andAsfendiar, was signalized, in the defence of their country, againstthe Afrasiabs of the North; [20] and the invincible spirit of the sameBarbarians resisted, on the same ground, the victorious arms of Cyrusand Alexander. [21] In the eyes of the Greeks and Persians, the realgeography of Scythia was bounded, on the East, by the mountainsof Imaus, or Caf; and their distant prospect of the extreme andinaccessible parts of Asia was clouded by ignorance, or perplexed byfiction. But those inaccessible regions are the ancient residence ofa powerful and civilized nation, [22] which ascends, by a probabletradition, above forty centuries; [23] and which is able to verifya series of near two thousand years, by the perpetual testimony ofaccurate and contemporary historians. [24] The annals of China [25]illustrate the state and revolutions of the pastoral tribes, whichmay still be distinguished by the vague appellation of Scythians, orTartars; the vassals, the enemies, and sometimes the conquerors, of agreat empire; whose policy has uniformly opposed the blind and impetuousvalor of the Barbarians of the North. From the mouth of the Danube tothe Sea of Japan, the whole longitude of Scythia is about one hundredand ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to more than fivethousand miles. The latitude of these extensive deserts cannot be soeasily, or so accurately, measured; but, from the fortieth degree, whichtouches the wall of China, we may securely advance above a thousandmiles to the northward, till our progress is stopped by the excessivecold of Siberia. In that dreary climate, instead of the animated pictureof a Tartar camp, the smoke that issues from the earth, or rather fromthe snow, betrays the subterraneous dwellings of the Tongouses, and theSamoides: the want of horses and oxen is imperfectly supplied by theuse of reindeer, and of large dogs; and the conquerors of the earthinsensibly degenerate into a race of deformed and diminutive savages, who tremble at the sound of arms. [26]

[Footnote 16: Abulghasi Khan, in the two first parts of his GenealogicalHistory, relates the miserable tales and traditions of the Uzbek Tartarsconcerning the times which preceded the reign of Zingis. * Note: Thedifferences between the various pastoral tribes and nations comprehendedby the ancients under the vague name of Scythians, and by Gibbon underinst of Tartars, have received some, and still, perhaps, may receivemore, light from the comparisons of their dialects and languages bymodern scholars. --M]

[Footnote 17: In the thirteenth book of the Iliad, Jupiter turns awayhis eyes from the bloody fields of Troy, to the plains of Thrace andScythia. He would not, by changing the prospect, behold a more peacefulor innocent scene. ]

[Footnote 18: Thucydides, l. Ii. C. 97. ]

[Footnote 19: See the fourth book of Herodotus. When Darius advancedinto the Moldavian desert, between the Danube and the Niester, the kingof the Scythians sent him a mouse, a frog, a bird, and five arrows; atremendous allegory!]

[Footnote 20: These wars and heroes may be found under their respectivetitles, in the Bibliotheque Orientale of D'Herbelot. They have beencelebrated in an epic poem of sixty thousand rhymed couplets, byFerdusi, the Homer of Persia. See the history of Nadir Shah, p. 145, 165. The public must lament that Mr. Jones has suspended the pursuit ofOriental learning. Note: Ferdusi is yet imperfectly known to Europeanreaders. An abstract of the whole poem has been published by Goerresin German, under the title "das Heldenbuch des Iran. " In English, anabstract with poetical translations, by Mr. Atkinson, has appeared, under the auspices of the Oriental Fund. But to translate a poet a manmust be a poet. The best account of the poem is in an article by VonHammer in the Vienna Jahrbucher, 1820: or perhaps in a masterly articlein Cochrane's Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 1, 1835. A splendid andcritical edition of the whole work has been published by a very learnedEnglish Orientalist, Captain Macan, at the expense of the king of Oude. As to the number of 60, 000 couplets, Captain Macan (Preface, p. 39)states that he never saw a MS. Containing more than 56, 685, includingdoubtful and spurious passages and episodes. --M. * Note: The laterstudies of Sir W. Jones were more in unison with the wishes of thepublic, thus expressed by Gibbon. --M. ]

[Footnote 21: The Caspian Sea, with its rivers and adjacent tribes, are laboriously illustrated in the Examen Critique des Historiensd'Alexandre, which compares the true geography, and the errors producedby the vanity or ignorance of the Greeks. ]

[Footnote 22: The original seat of the nation appears to have been inthe Northwest of China, in the provinces of Chensi and Chansi. Under thetwo first dynasties, the principal town was still a movable camp; thevillages were thinly scattered; more land was employed in pasture thanin tillage; the exercise of hunting was ordained to clear the countryfrom wild beasts; Petcheli (where Pekin stands) was a desert, and theSouthern provinces were peopled with Indian savages. The dynasty of theHan (before Christ 206) gave the empire its actual form and extent. ]

[Footnote 23: The aera of the Chinese monarchy has been variously fixedfrom 2952 to 2132 years before Christ; and the year 2637 has been chosenfor the lawful epoch, by the authority of the present emperor. The difference arises from the uncertain duration of the two firstdynasties; and the vacant space that lies beyond them, as far as thereal, or fabulous, times of Fohi, or Hoangti. Sematsien dates hisauthentic chronology from the year 841; the thirty-six eclipses ofConfucius (thirty-one of which have been verified) were observed betweenthe years 722 and 480 before Christ. The historical period of China doesnot ascend above the Greek Olympiads. ]

[Footnote 24: After several ages of anarchy and despotism, the dynastyof the Han (before Christ 206) was the aera of the revival of learning. The fragments of ancient literature were restored; the characters wereimproved and fixed; and the future preservation of books was securedby the useful inventions of ink, paper, and the art of printing. Ninety-seven years before Christ, Sematsien published the first historyof China. His labors were illustrated, and continued, by a series ofone hundred and eighty historians. The substance of their works is stillextant; and the most considerable of them are now deposited in the kingof France's library. ]

[Footnote 25: China has been illustrated by the labors of the French; ofthe missionaries at Pekin, and Messrs. Freret and De Guignes at Paris. The substance of the three preceding notes is extracted from theChou-king, with the preface and notes of M. De Guignes, Paris, 1770. TheTong-Kien-Kang-Mou, translated by P. De Mailla, under the name of Hist. Generale de la Chine, tom. I. P. Xlix. --cc. ; the Memoires sur la Chine, Paris, 1776, &c. , tom. I. P. 1--323; tom. Ii. P. 5--364; the Histoiredes Huns, tom. I. P. 4--131, tom. V. P. 345--362; and the Memoires del'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. X. P. 377--402; tom. Xv. P. 495--564;tom. Xviii. P. 178--295; xxxvi. P. 164--238. ]

[Footnote 26: See the Histoire Generale des Voyages, tom. Xviii. , andthe Genealogical History, vol. Ii. P. 620--664. ]

Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns. --Part II. 

The Huns, who under the reign of Valens threatened the empire of Rome, had been formidable, in a much earlier period, to the empire of China. [27] Their ancient, perhaps their original, seat was an extensive, though dry and barren, tract of country, immediately on the north sideof the great wall. Their place is at present occupied by the forty-nineHords or Banners of the Mongous, a pastoral nation, which consists ofabout two hundred thousand families. [28] But the valor of the Huns hadextended the narrow limits of their dominions; and their rustic chiefs, who assumed the appellation of Tanjou, gradually became the conquerors, and the sovereigns of a formidable empire. Towards the East, theirvictorious arms were stopped only by the ocean; and the tribes, whichare thinly scattered between the Amoor and the extreme peninsula ofCorea, adhered, with reluctance, to the standard of the Huns. On theWest, near the head of the Irtish, in the valleys of Imaus, they founda more ample space, and more numerous enemies. One of the lieutenantsof the Tanjou subdued, in a single expedition, twenty-six nations; theIgours, [29] distinguished above the Tartar race by the use of letters, were in the number of his vassals; and, by the strange connection ofhuman events, the flight of one of those vagrant tribes recalled thevictorious Parthians from the invasion of Syria. [30] On the side ofthe North, the ocean was assigned as the limit of the power of the Huns. Without enemies to resist their progress, or witnesses to contradicttheir vanity, they might securely achieve a real, or imaginary, conquestof the frozen regions of Siberia. The Northren Sea was fixed as theremote boundary of their empire. But the name of that sea, on whoseshores the patriot Sovou embraced the life of a shepherd and an exile, [31] may be transferred, with much more probability, to the Baikal, acapacious basin, above three hundred miles in length, which disdains themodest appellation of a lake [32] and which actually communicates withthe seas of the North, by the long course of the Angara, the Tongusha, and the Jenissea. The submission of so many distant nations mightflatter the pride of the Tanjou; but the valor of the Huns could berewarded only by the enjoyment of the wealth and luxury of the empire ofthe South. In the third century [32a] before the Christian aera, awall of fifteen hundred miles in length was constructed, to defendthe frontiers of China against the inroads of the Huns; [33] but thisstupendous work, which holds a conspicuous place in the map of theworld, has never contributed to the safety of an unwarlike people. The cavalry of the Tanjou frequently consisted of two or three hundredthousand men, formidable by the matchless dexterity with which theymanaged their bows and their horses: by their hardy patience insupporting the inclemency of the weather; and by the incredible speed oftheir march, which was seldom checked by torrents, or precipices, by thedeepest rivers, or by the most lofty mountains. They spread themselvesat once over the face of the country; and their rapid impetuositysurprised, astonished, and disconcerted the grave and elaborate tacticsof a Chinese army. The emperor Kaoti, [34] a soldier of fortune, whosepersonal merit had raised him to the throne, marched against the Hunswith those veteran troops which had been trained in the civil wars ofChina. But he was soon surrounded by the Barbarians; and, after a siegeof seven days, the monarch, hopeless of relief, was reduced to purchasehis deliverance by an ignominious capitulation. The successors of Kaoti, whose lives were dedicated to the arts of peace, or the luxury ofthe palace, submitted to a more permanent disgrace. They too hastilyconfessed the insufficiency of arms and fortifications. They were tooeasily convinced, that while the blazing signals announced on every sidethe approach of the Huns, the Chinese troops, who slept with the helmeton their head, and the cuirass on their back, were destroyed by theincessant labor of ineffectual marches. [35] A regular payment of money, and silk, was stipulated as the condition of a temporary and precariouspeace; and the wretched expedient of disguising a real tribute, underthe names of a gift or subsidy, was practised by the emperors of Chinaas well as by those of Rome. But there still remained a more disgracefularticle of tribute, which violated the sacred feelings of humanity andnature. The hardships of the savage life, which destroy in their infancythe children who are born with a less healthy and robust constitution, introduced a remarkable disproportion between the numbers of the twosexes. The Tartars are an ugly and even deformed race; and while theyconsider their own women as the instruments of domestic labor, theirdesires, or rather their appetites, are directed to the enjoyment ofmore elegant beauty. A select band of the fairest maidens of China wasannually devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns; [36] and the allianceof the haughty Tanjous was secured by their marriage with the genuine, or adopted, daughters of the Imperial family, which vainly attemptedto escape the sacrilegious pollution. The situation of these unhappyvictims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess, who lamentsthat she had been condemned by her parents to a distant exile, under aBarbarian husband; who complains that sour milk was her only drink, rawflesh her only food, a tent her only palace; and who expresses, ina strain of pathetic simplicity, the natural wish, that she weretransformed into a bird, to fly back to her dear country; the object ofher tender and perpetual regret. [37]

[Footnote 27: M. De Guignes (tom. Ii. P. 1--124) has given the originalhistory of the ancient Hiong-nou, or Huns. The Chinese geography oftheir country (tom. I. Part. P. Lv. --lxiii. ) seems to comprise a part oftheir conquests. * Note: The theory of De Guignes on the early historyof the Huns is, in general, rejected by modern writers. De Guignesadvanced no valid proof of the identity of the Hioung-nou of theChinese writers with the Huns, except the similarity of name. Schlozer, (Allgemeine Nordische Geschichte, p. 252, ) Klaproth, (TableauxHistoriques de l'Asie, p. 246, ) St. Martin, iv. 61, and A. Remusat, (Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, D. P. Xlvi, and p. 328; though inthe latter passage he considers the theory of De Guignes not absolutelydisproved, ) concur in considering the Huns as belonging to the Finnishstock, distinct from the Moguls the Mandscheus, and the Turks. TheHiong-nou, according to Klaproth, were Turks. The names of the Hunnishchiefs could not be pronounced by a Turk; and, according to the sameauthor, the Hioung-nou, which is explained in Chinese as detestableslaves, as early as the year 91 J. C. , were dispersed by the Chinese, and assumed the name of Yue-po or Yue-pan. M. St. Martin does notconsider it impossible that the appellation of Hioung-nou may havebelonged to the Huns. But all agree in considering the Madjar or Magyarof modern Hungary the descendants of the Huns. Their language (compareGibbon, c. Lv. N. 22) is nearly related to the Lapponian and Vogoul. Thenoble forms of the modern Hungarians, so strongly contrasted with thehideous pictures which the fears and the hatred of the Romans giveof the Huns, M. Klaproth accounts for by the intermingling with otherraces, Turkish and Slavonian. The present state of the question isthus stated in the last edition of Malte Brun, and a new and ingenioushypothesis suggested to resolve all the difficulties of the question. Were the Huns Finns? This obscure question has not been debated tillvery recently, and is yet very far from being decided. We are of opinionthat it will be so hereafter in the same manner as that with regard tothe Scythians. We shall trace in the portrait of Attila a dominant tribeor Mongols, or Kalmucks, with all the hereditary ugliness of that race;but in the mass of the Hunnish army and nation will be recognized theChuni and the Ounni of the Greek Geography. The Kuns of the Hungarians, the European Huns, and a race in close relationship with the Flemishstock. Malte Brun, vi. P. 94. This theory is more fully and ablydeveloped, p. 743. Whoever has seen the emperor of Austria's Hungarianguard, will not readily admit their descent from the Huns described bySidonius Appolinaris. --M]

[Footnote 28: See in Duhalde (tom. Iv. P. 18--65) a circumstantialdescription, with a correct map, of the country of the Mongous. ]

[Footnote 29: The Igours, or Vigours, were divided into three branches;hunters, shepherds, and husbandmen; and the last class was despised bythe two former. See Abulghazi, part ii. C. 7. * Note: On the Ouigouror Igour characters, see the work of M. A. Remusat, Sur les LanguesTartares. He conceives the Ouigour alphabet of sixteen letters tohave been formed from the Syriac, and introduced by the NestorianChristians. --Ch. Ii. M. ]

[Footnote 30: Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. Xxv. P. 17--33. The comprehensive view of M. De Guignes has compared thesedistant events. ]

[Footnote 31: The fame of Sovou, or So-ou, his merit, and his singularadventurers, are still celebrated in China. See the Eloge de Moukden, p. 20, and notes, p. 241--247; and Memoires sur la Chine, tom. Iii. P. 317--360. ]

[Footnote 32: See Isbrand Ives in Harris's Collection, vol. Ii. P. 931;Bell's Travels, vol. I. P. 247--254; and Gmelin, in the Hist. Generaledes Voyages, tom. Xviii. 283--329. They all remark the vulgar opinionthat the holy sea grows angry and tempestuous if any one presumes tocall it a lake. This grammatical nicety often excites a dispute betweenthe absurd superstition of the mariners and the absurd obstinacy oftravellers. ]

[Footnote 32a: 224 years before Christ. It was built by Chi-hoang-tiof the Dynasty Thsin. It is from twenty to twenty-five feet high. Ce monument, aussi gigantesque qu'impuissant, arreterait bien lesincursions de quelques Nomades; mais il n'a jamais empeche les invasionsdes Turcs, des Mongols, et des Mandchous. Abe Remusat Rech. Asiat. 2dser. Vol. I. P. 58--M. ]

[Footnote 33: The construction of the wall of China is mentioned byDuhalde (tom. Ii. P. 45) and De Guignes, (tom. Ii. P. 59. )]

[Footnote 34: See the life of Lieoupang, or Kaoti, in the Hist, de laChine, published at Paris, 1777, &c. , tom. I. P. 442--522. Thisvoluminous work is the translation (by the P. De Mailla) of the Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, the celebrated abridgment of the great History ofSemakouang (A. D. 1084) and his continuators. ]

[Footnote 35: See a free and ample memorial, presented by a Mandarin tothe emperor Venti, (before Christ 180--157, ) in Duhalde, (tom. Ii. P. 412--426, ) from a collection of State papers marked with the red pencilby Kamhi himself, (p. 354--612. ) Another memorial from the minister ofwar (Kang-Mou, tom. Ii. P 555) supplies some curious circumstances ofthe manners of the Huns. ]

[Footnote 36: A supply of women is mentioned as a customary article oftreaty and tribute, (Hist. De la Conquete de la Chine, par les TartaresMantcheoux, tom. I. P. 186, 187, with the note of the editor. )]

[Footnote 37: De Guignes, Hist. Des Huns, tom. Ii. P. 62. ]

The conquest of China has been twice achieved by the pastoral tribes ofthe North: the forces of the Huns were not inferior to those of theMoguls, or of the Mantcheoux; and their ambition might entertain themost sanguine hopes of success. But their pride was humbled, and theirprogress was checked, by the arms and policy of Vouti, [38] the fifthemperor of the powerful dynasty of the Han. In his long reign of fifty-four years, the Barbarians of the southern provinces submitted to thelaws and manners of China; and the ancient limits of the monarchy wereenlarged, from the great river of Kiang, to the port of Canton. Insteadof confining himself to the timid operations of a defensive war, hislieutenants penetrated many hundred miles into the country of the Huns. In those boundless deserts, where it is impossible to form magazines, and difficult to transport a sufficient supply of provisions, the armiesof Vouti were repeatedly exposed to intolerable hardships: and, of onehundred and forty thousand soldiers, who marched against the Barbarians, thirty thousand only returned in safety to the feet of their master. These losses, however, were compensated by splendid and decisivesuccess. The Chinese generals improved the superiority which theyderived from the temper of their arms, their chariots of war, and theservice of their Tartar auxiliaries. The camp of the Tanjou wassurprised in the midst of sleep and intemperance; and, though themonarch of the Huns bravely cut his way through the ranks of the enemy, he left above fifteen thousand of his subjects on the field of battle. Yet this signal victory, which was preceded and followed by many bloodyengagements, contributed much less to the destruction of the power ofthe Huns than the effectual policy which was employed to detach thetributary nations from their obedience. Intimidated by the arms, orallured by the promises, of Vouti and his successors, the mostconsiderable tribes, both of the East and of the West, disclaimed theauthority of the Tanjou. While some acknowledged themselves the alliesor vassals of the empire, they all became the implacable enemies of theHuns; and the numbers of that haughty people, as soon as they werereduced to their native strength, might, perhaps, have been containedwithin the walls of one of the great and populous cities of China. [39]The desertion of his subjects, and the perplexity of a civil war, atlength compelled the Tanjou himself to renounce the dignity of anindependent sovereign, and the freedom of a warlike and high-spiritednation. He was received at Sigan, the capital of the monarchy, by thetroops, the mandarins, and the emperor himself, with all the honors thatcould adorn and disguise the triumph of Chinese vanity. [40] Amagnificent palace was prepared for his reception; his place wasassigned above all the princes of the royal family; and the patience ofthe Barbarian king was exhausted by the ceremonies of a banquet, whichconsisted of eight courses of meat, and of nine solemn pieces of music. But he performed, on his knees, the duty of a respectful homage to theemperor of China; pronounced, in his own name, and in the name of hissuccessors, a perpetual oath of fidelity; and gratefully accepted aseal, which was bestowed as the emblem of his regal dependence. Afterthis humiliating submission, the Tanjous sometimes departed from theirallegiance and seized the favorable moments of war and rapine; but themonarchy of the Huns gradually declined, till it was broken, by civildissension, into two hostile and separate kingdoms. One of the princesof the nation was urged, by fear and ambition, to retire towards theSouth with eight hords, which composed between forty and fifty thousandfamilies. He obtained, with the title of Tanjou, a convenient territoryon the verge of the Chinese provinces; and his constant attachment tothe service of the empire was secured by weakness, and the desire ofrevenge. From the time of this fatal schism, the Huns of the Northcontinued to languish about fifty years; till they were oppressed onevery side by their foreign and domestic enemies. The proud inscription[41] of a column, erected on a lofty mountain, announced to posterity, that a Chinese army had marched seven hundred miles into the heart oftheir country. The Sienpi, [42] a tribe of Oriental Tartars, retaliatedthe injuries which they had formerly sustained; and the power of theTanjous, after a reign of thirteen hundred years, was utterly destroyedbefore the end of the first century of the Christian aera. [43]

[Footnote 38: See the reign of the emperor Vouti, in the Kang-Mou, tom. Iii. P. 1--98. His various and inconsistent character seems to beimpartially drawn. ]

[Footnote 39: This expression is used in the memorial to the emperorVenti, (Duhalde, tom. Ii. P. 411. ) Without adopting the exaggerationsof Marco Polo and Isaac Vossius, we may rationally allow for Pekin twomillions of inhabitants. The cities of the South, which contain themanufactures of China, are still more populous. ]

[Footnote 40: See the Kang-Mou, tom. Iii. P. 150, and the subsequentevents under the proper years. This memorable festival is celebrated inthe Eloge de Moukden, and explained in a note by the P. Gaubil, p. 89, 90. ]

[Footnote 41: This inscription was composed on the spot by Parkou, President of the Tribunal of History (Kang-Mou, tom. Iii. P. 392. )Similar monuments have been discovered in many parts of Tartary, (Histoire des Huns, tom. Ii. P. 122. )]

[Footnote 42: M. De Guignes (tom. I. P. 189) has inserted a shortaccount of the Sienpi. ]

[Footnote 43: The aera of the Huns is placed, by the Chinese, 1210 yearsbefore Christ. But the series of their kings does not commence till theyear 230, (Hist. Des Huns, tom. Ii. P. 21, 123. )]

The fate of the vanquished Huns was diversified by the various influenceof character and situation. [44] Above one hundred thousand persons, the poorest, indeed, and the most pusillanimous of the people, werecontented to remain in their native country, to renounce their peculiarname and origin, and to mingle with the victorious nation of the Sienpi. Fifty-eight hords, about two hundred thousand men, ambitious of a morehonorable servitude, retired towards the South; implored the protectionof the emperors of China; and were permitted to inhabit, and to guard, the extreme frontiers of the province of Chansi and the territory ofOrtous. But the most warlike and powerful tribes of the Huns maintained, in their adverse fortune, the undaunted spirit of their ancestors. TheWestern world was open to their valor; and they resolved, under theconduct of their hereditary chieftains, to conquer and subdue someremote country, which was still inaccessible to the arms of the Sienpi, and to the laws of China. [45] The course of their emigration sooncarried them beyond the mountains of Imaus, and the limits of theChinese geography; but we are able to distinguish the two greatdivisions of these formidable exiles, which directed their march towardsthe Oxus, and towards the Volga. The first of these colonies establishedtheir dominion in the fruitful and extensive plains of Sogdiana, on theeastern side of the Caspian; where they preserved the name of Huns, with the epithet of Euthalites, or Nepthalites. [45a] Their mannerswere softened, and even their features were insensibly improved, bythe mildness of the climate, and their long residence in a flourishingprovince, [46] which might still retain a faint impression of the artsof Greece. [47] The white Huns, a name which they derived from thechange of their complexions, soon abandoned the pastoral life ofScythia. Gorgo, which, under the appellation of Carizme, has sinceenjoyed a temporary splendor, was the residence of the king, whoexercised a legal authority over an obedient people. Their luxury wasmaintained by the labor of the Sogdians; and the only vestige of theirancient barbarism, was the custom which obliged all the companions, perhaps to the number of twenty, who had shared the liberality of awealthy lord, to be buried alive in the same grave. [48] The vicinityof the Huns to the provinces of Persia, involved them in frequent andbloody contests with the power of that monarchy. But they respected, in peace, the faith of treaties; in war, she dictates of humanity;and their memorable victory over Peroses, or Firuz, displayed themoderation, as well as the valor, of the Barbarians. The second divisionof their countrymen, the Huns, who gradually advanced towards theNorth-west, were exercised by the hardships of a colder climate, and amore laborious march. Necessity compelled them to exchange the silks ofChina for the furs of Siberia; the imperfect rudiments of civilized lifewere obliterated; and the native fierceness of the Huns was exasperatedby their intercourse with the savage tribes, who were compared, withsome propriety, to the wild beasts of the desert. Their independentspirit soon rejected the hereditary succession of the Tanjous; and whileeach horde was governed by its peculiar mursa, their tumultuary councildirected the public measures of the whole nation. As late as thethirteenth century, their transient residence on the eastern banks ofthe Volga was attested by the name of Great Hungary. [49] In the winter, they descended with their flocks and herds towards the mouth of thatmighty river; and their summer excursions reached as high as thelatitude of Saratoff, or perhaps the conflux of the Kama. Such at leastwere the recent limits of the black Calmucks, [50] who remained about acentury under the protection of Russia; and who have since returned totheir native seats on the frontiers of the Chinese empire. The march, and the return, of those wandering Tartars, whose united camp consistsof fifty thousand tents or families, illustrate the distant emigrationsof the ancient Huns. [51]

[Footnote 44: The various accidents, the downfall, and the flight of theHuns, are related in the Kang-Mou, tom. Iii. P. 88, 91, 95, 139, &c. Thesmall numbers of each horde may be due to their losses and divisions. ]

[Footnote 45: M. De Guignes has skilfully traced the footsteps of theHuns through the vast deserts of Tartary, (tom. Ii. P. 123, 277, &c. , 325, &c. )]

[Footnote 45a: The Armenian authors often mention this people under thename of Hepthal. St. Martin considers that the name of Nepthalites is anerror of a copyist. St. Martin, iv. 254. --M. ]

[Footnote 46: Mohammed, sultan of Carizme, reigned in Sogdiana whenit was invaded (A. D. 1218) by Zingis and his moguls. The Orientalhistorians (see D'Herbelot, Petit de la Croix, &c. , ) celebrate thepopulous cities which he ruined, and the fruitful country which hedesolated. In the next century, the same provinces of Chorasmia andNawaralnahr were described by Abulfeda, (Hudson, Geograph. Minor. Tom. Iii. ) Their actual misery may be seen in the Genealogical History of theTartars, p. 423--469. ]

[Footnote 47: Justin (xli. 6) has left a short abridgment of the Greekkings of Bactriana. To their industry I should ascribe the new andextraordinary trade, which transported the merchandises of India intoEurope, by the Oxus, the Caspian, the Cyrus, the Phasis, and theEuxine. The other ways, both of the land and sea, were possessed by theSeleucides and the Ptolemies. (See l'Esprit des Loix, l. Xxi. )]

[Footnote 48: Procopius de Bell. Persico, l. I. C. 3, p. 9. ]

[Footnote 49: In the thirteenth century, the monk Rubruquis (whotraversed the immense plain of Kipzak, in his journey to the court ofthe Great Khan) observed the remarkable name of Hungary, with the tracesof a common language and origin, (Hist. Des Voyages, tom. Vii. P. 269. )]

[Footnote 50: Bell, (vol. I. P. 29--34, ) and the editors of theGenealogical History, (p. 539, ) have described the Calmucks of the Volgain the beginning of the present century. ]

[Footnote 51: This great transmigration of 300, 000 Calmucks, orTorgouts, happened in the year 1771. The original narrative ofKien-long, the reigning emperor of China, which was intended for theinscription of a column, has been translated by the missionaries ofPekin, (Memoires sur la Chine, tom. I. P. 401--418. ) The emperor affectsthe smooth and specious language of the Son of Heaven, and the Father ofhis People. ]

It is impossible to fill the dark interval of time, which elapsed, afterthe Huns of the Volga were lost in the eyes of the Chinese, and beforethey showed themselves to those of the Romans. There is some reason, however, to apprehend, that the same force which had driven them fromtheir native seats, still continued to impel their march towards thefrontiers of Europe. The power of the Sienpi, their implacable enemies, which extended above three thousand miles from East to West, [52] musthave gradually oppressed them by the weight and terror of a formidableneighborhood; and the flight of the tribes of Scythia would inevitablytend to increase the strength or to contract the territories, of theHuns. The harsh and obscure appellations of those tribes would offendthe ear, without informing the understanding, of the reader; but Icannot suppress the very natural suspicion, that the Huns of the Northderived a considerable reenforcement from the ruin of the dynasty ofthe South, which, in the course of the third century, submitted to thedominion of China; that the bravest warriors marched away in searchof their free and adventurous countrymen; and that, as they had beendivided by prosperity, they were easily reunited by the common hardshipsof their adverse fortune. [53] The Huns, with their flocks and herds, their wives and children, their dependents and allies, were transportedto the west of the Volga, and they boldly advanced to invade the countryof the Alani, a pastoral people, who occupied, or wasted, an extensivetract of the deserts of Scythia. The plains between the Volga and theTanais were covered with the tents of the Alani, but their name andmanners were diffused over the wide extent of their conquests; and thepainted tribes of the Agathyrsi and Geloni were confounded among theirvassals. Towards the North, they penetrated into the frozen regions ofSiberia, among the savages who were accustomed, in their rage or hunger, to the taste of human flesh; and their Southern inroads were pushed asfar as the confines of Persia and India. The mixture of Samartic andGerman blood had contributed to improve the features of the Alani, [53a]to whiten their swarthy complexions, and to tinge their hair with ayellowish cast, which is seldom found in the Tartar race. They were lessdeformed in their persons, less brutish in their manners, than the Huns;but they did not yield to those formidable Barbarians in their martialand independent spirit; in the love of freedom, which rejected even theuse of domestic slaves; and in the love of arms, which considered warand rapine as the pleasure and the glory of mankind. A naked cimeter, fixed in the ground, was the only object of their religious worship; thescalps of their enemies formed the costly trappings of their horses;and they viewed, with pity and contempt, the pusillanimous warriors, whopatiently expected the infirmities of age, and the tortures of lingeringdisease. [54] On the banks of the Tanais, the military power of the Hunsand the Alani encountered each other with equal valor, but with unequalsuccess. The Huns prevailed in the bloody contest; the king of the Alaniwas slain; and the remains of the vanquished nation were dispersedby the ordinary alternative of flight or submission. [55] A colony ofexiles found a secure refuge in the mountains of Caucasus, between theEuxine and the Caspian, where they still preserve their name and theirindependence. Another colony advanced, with more intrepid courage, towards the shores of the Baltic; associated themselves with theNorthern tribes of Germany; and shared the spoil of the Roman provincesof Gaul and Spain. But the greatest part of the nation of the Alaniembraced the offers of an honorable and advantageous union; and theHuns, who esteemed the valor of their less fortunate enemies, proceeded, with an increase of numbers and confidence, to invade the limits of theGothic empire. 

[Footnote 52: The Khan-Mou (tom. Iii. P. 447) ascribes to theirconquests a space of 14, 000 lis. According to the present standard, 200lis (or more accurately 193) are equal to one degree of latitude; andone English mile consequently exceeds three miles of China. But thereare strong reasons to believe that the ancient li scarcely equalledone half of the modern. See the elaborate researches of M. D'Anville, a geographer who is not a stranger in any age or climate of the globe. (Memoires de l'Acad. Tom. Ii. P. 125-502. Itineraires, p. 154-167. )]

[Footnote 53: See Histoire des Huns, tom. Ii. P. 125--144. Thesubsequent history (p. 145--277) of three or four Hunnic dynastiesevidently proves that their martial spirit was not impaired by a longresidence in China. ]

[Footnote 53a: Compare M. Klaproth's curious speculations on the Alani. He supposes them to have been the people, known by the Chinese, at thetime of their first expeditions to the West, under the name of Yath-saior A-lanna, the Alanan of Persian tradition, as preserved in Ferdusi;the same, according to Ammianus, with the Massagetae, and with theAlbani. The remains of the nation still exist in the Ossetae of MountCaucasus. Klaproth, Tableaux Historiques de l'Asie, p. 174. --M. CompareShafarik Slawische alterthumer, i. P. 350. --M. 1845. ]

[Footnote 54: Utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est voluptabile, ita illos pericula juvent et bella. Judicatur ibi beatus qui in proelioprofuderit animam: senescentes etiam et fortuitis mortibus mundodigressos, ut degeneres et ignavos, conviciis atrocibus insectantur. [Ammian. Xxxi. 11. ] We must think highly of the conquerors of such men. ]

[Footnote 55: On the subject of the Alani, see Ammianus, (xxxi. 2, )Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24, ) M. De Guignes, (Hist. Des Huns, tom. Ii. P. 279, ) and the Genealogical History of the Tartars, (tom. Ii. P. 617. )]

The great Hermanric, whose dominions extended from the Baltic to theEuxine, enjoyed, in the full maturity of age and reputation, the fruitof his victories, when he was alarmed by the formidable approach ofa host of unknown enemies, [56] on whom his barbarous subjects might, without injustice, bestow the epithet of Barbarians. The numbers, thestrength, the rapid motions, and the implacable cruelty of the Huns, were felt, and dreaded, and magnified, by the astonished Goths; whobeheld their fields and villages consumed with flames, and deluged withindiscriminate slaughter. To these real terrors they added the surpriseand abhorrence which were excited by the shrill voice, the uncouthgestures, and the strange deformity of the Huns. [56a] These savagesof Scythia were compared (and the picture had some resemblance) tothe animals who walk very awkwardly on two legs and to the misshapenfigures, the Termini, which were often placed on the bridges ofantiquity. They were distinguished from the rest of the human species bytheir broad shoulders, flat noses, and small black eyes, deeply buriedin the head; and as they were almost destitute of beards, they neverenjoyed either the manly grace of youth, or the venerable aspect of age. [57] A fabulous origin was assigned, worthy of their form and manners;that the witches of Scythia, who, for their foul and deadly practices, had been driven from society, had copulated in the desert with infernalspirits; and that the Huns were the offspring of this execrableconjunction. [58] The tale, so full of horror and absurdity, wasgreedily embraced by the credulous hatred of the Goths; but, while itgratified their hatred, it increased their fear, since the posterityof daemons and witches might be supposed to inherit some share of thepraeternatural powers, as well as of the malignant temper, of theirparents. Against these enemies, Hermanric prepared to exert the unitedforces of the Gothic state; but he soon discovered that his vassaltribes, provoked by oppression, were much more inclined to second, thanto repel, the invasion of the Huns. One of the chiefs of the Roxolani[59] had formerly deserted the standard of Hermanric, and the crueltyrant had condemned the innocent wife of the traitor to be torn asunderby wild horses. The brothers of that unfortunate woman seized thefavorable moment of revenge. 

The aged king of the Goths languished some time after the dangerouswound which he received from their daggers; but the conduct of the warwas retarded by his infirmities; and the public councils of the nationwere distracted by a spirit of jealousy and discord. His death, whichhas been imputed to his own despair, left the reins of government inthe hands of Withimer, who, with the doubtful aid of some Scythianmercenaries, maintained the unequal contest against the arms of the Hunsand the Alani, till he was defeated and slain in a decisive battle. TheOstrogoths submitted to their fate; and the royal race of the Amali willhereafter be found among the subjects of the haughty Attila. But theperson of Witheric, the infant king, was saved by the diligence ofAlatheus and Saphrax; two warriors of approved valor and fiedlity, who, by cautious marches, conducted the independent remains of the nation ofthe Ostrogoths towards the Danastus, or Niester; a considerable river, which now separates the Turkish dominions from the empire of Russia. Onthe banks of the Niester, the prudent Athanaric, more attentive to hisown than to the general safety, had fixed the camp of the Visigoths;with the firm resolution of opposing the victorious Barbarians, whom hethought it less advisable to provoke. The ordinary speed of the Huns waschecked by the weight of baggage, and the encumbrance of captives;but their military skill deceived, and almost destroyed, the army ofAthanaric. While the Judge of the Visigoths defended the banks of theNiester, he was encompassed and attacked by a numerous detachmentof cavalry, who, by the light of the moon, had passed the river in afordable place; and it was not without the utmost efforts of courageand conduct, that he was able to effect his retreat towards the hillycountry. The undaunted general had already formed a new and judiciousplan of defensive war; and the strong lines, which he was preparing toconstruct between the mountains, the Pruth, and the Danube, would havesecured the extensive and fertile territory that bears the modern nameof Walachia, from the destructive inroads of the Huns. [60] But thehopes and measures of the Judge of the Visigoths was soon disappointed, by the trembling impatience of his dismayed countrymen; who werepersuaded by their fears, that the interposition of the Danube was theonly barrier that could save them from the rapid pursuit, and invinciblevalor, of the Barbarians of Scythia. Under the command of Fritigern andAlavivus, [61] the body of the nation hastily advanced to the banks ofthe great river, and implored the protection of the Roman emperor of theEast. Athanaric himself, still anxious to avoid the guilt of perjury, retired, with a band of faithful followers, into the mountainous countryof Caucaland; which appears to have been guarded, and almost concealed, by the impenetrable forests of Transylvania. [62] [62a]

[Footnote 56: As we are possessed of the authentic history of theHuns, it would be impertinent to repeat, or to refute, the fables whichmisrepresent their origin and progress, their passage of the mud orwater of the Maeotis, in pursuit of an ox or stag, les Indes qu'ilsavoient decouvertes, &c. , (Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 224. Sozomen, l. Vi. C. 37. Procopius, Hist. Miscell. C. 5. Jornandes, c. 24. Grandeur etDecadence, &c. , des Romains, c. 17. )]

[Footnote 56a: Art added to their native ugliness; in fact, it isdifficult to ascribe the proper share in the features of this hideouspicture to nature, to the barbarous skill with which they wereself-disfigured, or to the terror and hatred of the Romans. Their noseswere flattened by their nurses, their cheeks were gashed by an ironinstrument, that the scars might look more fearful, and prevent thegrowth of the beard. Jornandes and Sidonius Apollinaris:--

 Obtundit teneras circumdata fascia nares, Ut galeis cedant. 

Yet he adds that their forms were robust and manly, their height of amiddle size, but, from the habit of riding, disproportioned. 

 Stant pectora vasta, Insignes humer, succincta sub ilibus alvus. Forma quidem pediti media est, procera sed extat Si cernas equites, sic longi saepe putantur Si sedeant. ]

[Footnote 57: Prodigiosae formae, et pandi; ut bipedes existimesbestias; vel quales in commarginandis pontibus, effigiati stipitesdolantur incompte. Ammian. Xxxi. I. Jornandes (c. 24) draws a strongcaricature of a Calmuck face. Species pavenda nigredine. .. Quaedamdeformis offa, non fecies; habensque magis puncta quam lumina. SeeBuffon. Hist. Naturelle, tom. Iii. 380. ]

[Footnote 58: This execrable origin, which Jornandes (c. 24) describeswith the rancor of a Goth, might be originally derived from a morepleasing fable of the Greeks. (Herodot. L. Iv. C. 9, &c. )]

[Footnote 59: The Roxolani may be the fathers of the the Russians, (D'Anville, Empire de Russie, p. 1--10, ) whose residence (A. D. 862)about Novogrod Veliki cannot be very remote from that which theGeographer of Ravenna (i. 12, iv. 4, 46, v. 28, 30) assigns to theRoxolani, (A. D. 886. ) * Note: See, on the origin of the Russ, Schlozer, Nordische Geschichte, p. 78--M. ]

[Footnote 60: The text of Ammianus seems to be imperfect or corrupt;but the nature of the ground explains, and almost defines, the Gothicrampart. Memoires de l'Academie, &c. , tom. Xxviii. P. 444--462. ]

[Footnote 61: M. De Buat (Hist. Des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. Vi. P. 407) has conceived a strange idea, that Alavivus was the same personas Ulphilas, the Gothic bishop; and that Ulphilas, the grandson of aCappadocian captive, became a temporal prince of the Goths. ]

[Footnote 62: Ammianus (xxxi. 3) and Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24)describe the subversion of the Gothic empire by the Huns. ]

[Footnote 62a: The most probable opinion as to the position of thisland is that of M. Malte-Brun. He thinks that Caucaland is theterritory of the Cacoenses, placed by Ptolemy (l. Iii. C. 8) towardsthe Carpathian Mountains, on the side of the present Transylvania, andtherefore the canton of Cacava, to the south of Hermanstadt, the capitalof the principality. Caucaland it is evident, is the Gothic form ofthese different names. St. Martin, iv 103. --M. ]

Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns. --Part III. 

After Valens had terminated the Gothic war with some appearance of gloryand success, he made a progress through his dominions of Asia, and atlength fixed his residence in the capital of Syria. The five years [63]which he spent at Antioch was employed to watch, from a secure distance, the hostile designs of the Persian monarch; to check the depredations ofthe Saracens and Isaurians; [64] to enforce, by arguments more prevalentthan those of reason and eloquence, the belief of the Arian theology;and to satisfy his anxious suspicions by the promiscuous execution ofthe innocent and the guilty. But the attention of the emperor was mostseriously engaged, by the important intelligence which he received fromthe civil and military officers who were intrusted with the defence ofthe Danube. He was informed, that the North was agitated by a furioustempest; that the irruption of the Huns, an unknown and monstrous raceof savages, had subverted the power of the Goths; and that the suppliantmultitudes of that warlike nation, whose pride was now humbled in thedust, covered a space of many miles along the banks of the river. Withoutstretched arms, and pathetic lamentations, they loudly deplored theirpast misfortunes and their present danger; acknowledged that their onlyhope of safety was in the clemency of the Roman government; and mostsolemnly protested, that if the gracious liberality of the emperor wouldpermit them to cultivate the waste lands of Thrace, they shouldever hold themselves bound, by the strongest obligations of duty andgratitude, to obey the laws, and to guard the limits, of the republic. These assurances were confirmed by the ambassadors of the Goths, [64a]who impatiently expected from the mouth of Valens an answer that mustfinally determine the fate of their unhappy countrymen. The emperor ofthe East was no longer guided by the wisdom and authority of his elderbrother, whose death happened towards the end of the preceding year;and as the distressful situation of the Goths required an instant andperemptory decision, he was deprived of the favorite resources of feebleand timid minds, who consider the use of dilatory and ambiguous measuresas the most admirable efforts of consummate prudence. As long as thesame passions and interests subsist among mankind, the questions of warand peace, of justice and policy, which were debated in the councils ofantiquity, will frequently present themselves as the subject of moderndeliberation. But the most experienced statesman of Europe has neverbeen summoned to consider the propriety, or the danger, of admitting, or rejecting, an innumerable multitude of Barbarians, who are drivenby despair and hunger to solicit a settlement on the territories ofa civilized nation. When that important proposition, so essentiallyconnected with the public safety, was referred to the ministers ofValens, they were perplexed and divided; but they soon acquiesced in theflattering sentiment which seemed the most favorable to the pride, theindolence, and the avarice of their sovereign. The slaves, who weredecorated with the titles of praefects and generals, dissembled ordisregarded the terrors of this national emigration; so extremelydifferent from the partial and accidental colonies, which had beenreceived on the extreme limits of the empire. But they applauded theliberality of fortune, which had conducted, from the most distantcountries of the globe, a numerous and invincible army of strangers, todefend the throne of Valens; who might now add to the royal treasuresthe immense sums of gold supplied by the provincials to compensate theirannual proportion of recruits. The prayers of the Goths were granted, and their service was accepted by the Imperial court: and orders wereimmediately despatched to the civil and military governors of theThracian diocese, to make the necessary preparations for the passage andsubsistence of a great people, till a proper and sufficient territorycould be allotted for their future residence. The liberality ofthe emperor was accompanied, however, with two harsh and rigorousconditions, which prudence might justify on the side of the Romans; butwhich distress alone could extort from the indignant Goths. Before theypassed the Danube, they were required to deliver their arms: and it wasinsisted, that their children should be taken from them, and dispersedthrough the provinces of Asia; where they might be civilized by thearts of education, and serve as hostages to secure the fidelity of theirparents. 

[Footnote 63: The Chronology of Ammianus is obscure and imperfect. Tillemont has labored to clear and settle the annals of Valens. ]

[Footnote 64: Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 223. Sozomen, l. Vi. C. 38. TheIsaurians, each winter, infested the roads of Asia Minor, as far as theneighborhood of Constantinople. Basil, Epist. Cel. Apud Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 106. ]

[Footnote 64a: Sozomen and Philostorgius say that the bishop Ulphilaswas one of these ambassadors. --M. ]

During the suspense of a doubtful and distant negotiation, the impatientGoths made some rash attempts to pass the Danube, without the permissionof the government, whose protection they had implored. Their motionswere strictly observed by the vigilance of the troops which werestationed along the river and their foremost detachments were defeatedwith considerable slaughter; yet such were the timid councils of thereign of Valens, that the brave officers who had served their countryin the execution of their duty, were punished by the loss of theiremployments, and narrowly escaped the loss of their heads. The Imperialmandate was at length received for transporting over the Danube thewhole body of the Gothic nation; [65] but the execution of this orderwas a task of labor and difficulty. The stream of the Danube, which inthose parts is above a mile broad, [66] had been swelled by incessantrains; and in this tumultuous passage, many were swept away, anddrowned, by the rapid violence of the current. A large fleet of vessels, of boats, and of canoes, was provided; many days and nights they passedand repassed with indefatigable toil; and the most strenuous diligencewas exerted by the officers of Valens, that not a single Barbarian, ofthose who were reserved to subvert the foundations of Rome, should beleft on the opposite shore. It was thought expedient that an accurateaccount should be taken of their numbers; but the persons who wereemployed soon desisted, with amazement and dismay, from the prosecutionof the endless and impracticable task: [67] and the principal historianof the age most seriously affirms, that the prodigious armies of Dariusand Xerxes, which had so long been considered as the fables of vain andcredulous antiquity, were now justified, in the eyes of mankind, bythe evidence of fact and experience. A probable testimony has fixed thenumber of the Gothic warriors at two hundred thousand men: and if we canventure to add the just proportion of women, of children, and of slaves, the whole mass of people which composed this formidable emigration, musthave amounted to near a million of persons, of both sexes, and of allages. The children of the Goths, those at least of a distinguished rank, were separated from the multitude. They were conducted, without delay, to the distant seats assigned for their residence and education; and asthe numerous train of hostages or captives passed through the cities, their gay and splendid apparel, their robust and martial figure, excitedthe surprise and envy of the Provincials. [67a] But the stipulation, themost offensive to the Goths, and the most important to the Romans, wasshamefully eluded. The Barbarians, who considered their arms as theensigns of honor and the pledges of safety, were disposed to offer aprice, which the lust or avarice of the Imperial officers was easilytempted to accept. To preserve their arms, the haughty warriorsconsented, with some reluctance, to prostitute their wives or theirdaughters; the charms of a beauteous maid, or a comely boy, secured theconnivance of the inspectors; who sometimes cast an eye of covetousnesson the fringed carpets and linen garments of their new allies, [68] orwho sacrificed their duty to the mean consideration of filling theirfarms with cattle, and their houses with slaves. The Goths, with arms intheir hands, were permitted to enter the boats; and when their strengthwas collected on the other side of the river, the immense camp whichwas spread over the plains and the hills of the Lower Maesia, assumeda threatening and even hostile aspect. The leaders of the Ostrogoths, Alatheus and Saphrax, the guardians of their infant king, appearedsoon afterwards on the Northern banks of the Danube; and immediatelydespatched their ambassadors to the court of Antioch, to solicit, withthe same professions of allegiance and gratitude, the same favor whichhad been granted to the suppliant Visigoths. The absolute refusal ofValens suspended their progress, and discovered the repentance, thesuspicions, and the fears, of the Imperial council. 

[Footnote 65: The passage of the Danube is exposed by Ammianus, (xxxi. 3, 4, ) Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 223, 224, ) Eunapius in Excerpt. Legat. (p. 19, 20, ) and Jornandes, (c. 25, 26. ) Ammianus declares (c. 5) that hemeans only, ispas rerum digerere summitates. But he often takes afalse measure of their importance; and his superfluous prolixity isdisagreeably balanced by his unseasonable brevity. ]

[Footnote 66: Chishull, a curious traveller, has remarked the breadth ofthe Danube, which he passed to the south of Bucharest near the confluxof the Argish, (p. 77. ) He admires the beauty and spontaneous plenty ofMaesia, or Bulgaria. ]

[Footnote 67:

 Quem sci scire velit, Libyci velit aequoris idem Discere quam multae Zephyro turbentur harenae. 

Ammianus has inserted, in his prose, these lines of Virgil, (Georgia l. Ii. 105, ) originally designed by the poet to express the impossibilityof numbering the different sorts of vines. See Plin. Hist. Natur l. Xiv. ]

[Footnote 67a: A very curious, but obscure, passage of Eunapius, appears to me to have been misunderstood by M. Mai, to whom we owe itsdiscovery. The substance is as follows: "The Goths transported overthe river their native deities, with their priests of both sexes; butconcerning their rites they maintained a deep and 'adamantine silence. 'To the Romans they pretended to be generally Christians, and placedcertain persons to represent bishops in a conspicuous manner on theirwagons. There was even among them a sort of what are called monks, persons whom it was not difficult to mimic; it was enough to wearblack raiment, to be wicked, and held in respect. " (Eunapius hated the"black-robed monks, " as appears in another passage, with the cordialdetestation of a heathen philosopher. ) "Thus, while they faithfully butsecretly adhered to their own religion, the Romans were weak enough tosuppose them perfect Christians. " Mai, 277. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 82. --M]

[Footnote 68: Eunapius and Zosimus curiously specify these articles ofGothic wealth and luxury. Yet it must be presumed, that they were themanufactures of the provinces; which the Barbarians had acquired as thespoils of war; or as the gifts, or merchandise, of peace. ]

An undisciplined and unsettled nation of Barbarians required the firmesttemper, and the most dexterous management. The daily subsistence of neara million of extraordinary subjects could be supplied only by constantand skilful diligence, and might continually be interrupted by mistakeor accident. The insolence, or the indignation, of the Goths, if theyconceived themselves to be the objects either of fear or of contempt, might urge them to the most desperate extremities; and the fortune ofthe state seemed to depend on the prudence, as well as the integrity, of the generals of Valens. At this important crisis, the militarygovernment of Thrace was exercised by Lupicinus and Maximus, in whosevenal minds the slightest hope of private emolument outweighed everyconsideration of public advantage; and whose guilt was only alleviatedby their incapacity of discerning the pernicious effects of their rashand criminal administration. 

Instead of obeying the orders of their sovereign, and satisfying, withdecent liberality, the demands of the Goths, they levied an ungenerousand oppressive tax on the wants of the hungry Barbarians. The vilestfood was sold at an extravagant price; and, in the room of wholesome andsubstantial provisions, the markets were filled with the flesh of dogs, and of unclean animals, who had died of disease. To obtain the valuableacquisition of a pound of bread, the Goths resigned the possession of anexpensive, though serviceable, slave; and a small quantity of meat wasgreedily purchased with ten pounds of a precious, but useless metal, [69] when their property was exhausted, they continued this necessarytraffic by the sale of their sons and daughters; and notwithstanding thelove of freedom, which animated every Gothic breast, they submittedto the humiliating maxim, that it was better for their children to bemaintained in a servile condition, than to perish in a state of wretchedand helpless independence. The most lively resentment is excited bythe tyranny of pretended benefactors, who sternly exact the debt ofgratitude which they have cancelled by subsequent injuries: a spirit ofdiscontent insensibly arose in the camp of the Barbarians, who pleaded, without success, the merit of their patient and dutiful behavior; andloudly complained of the inhospitable treatment which they had receivedfrom their new allies. They beheld around them the wealth and plenty ofa fertile province, in the midst of which they suffered the intolerablehardships of artificial famine. But the means of relief, and even ofrevenge, were in their hands; since the rapaciousness of their tyrantshad left to an injured people the possession and the use of arms. Theclamors of a multitude, untaught to disguise their sentiments, announcedthe first symptoms of resistance, and alarmed the timid and guilty mindsof Lupicinus and Maximus. Those crafty ministers, who substituted thecunning of temporary expedients to the wise and salutary counsels ofgeneral policy, attempted to remove the Goths from their dangerousstation on the frontiers of the empire; and to disperse them, inseparate quarters of cantonment, through the interior provinces. As theywere conscious how ill they had deserved the respect, or confidence, ofthe Barbarians, they diligently collected, from every side, a militaryforce, that might urge the tardy and reluctant march of a people, whohad not yet renounced the title, or the duties, of Roman subjects. Butthe generals of Valens, while their attention was solely directed tothe discontented Visigoths, imprudently disarmed the ships and thefortifications which constituted the defence of the Danube. The fataloversight was observed, and improved, by Alatheus and Saphrax, whoanxiously watched the favorable moment of escaping from the pursuitof the Huns. By the help of such rafts and vessels as could be hastilyprocured, the leaders of the Ostrogoths transported, without opposition, their king and their army; and boldly fixed a hostile and independentcamp on the territories of the empire. [70]

[Footnote 69: Decem libras; the word silver must be understood. Jornandes betrays the passions and prejudices of a Goth. The servileGeeks, Eunapius and Zosimus, disguise the Roman oppression, and execratethe perfidy of the Barbarians. Ammianus, a patriot historian, slightly, and reluctantly, touches on the odious subject. Jerom, who wrote almoston the spot, is fair, though concise. Per avaritaim aximi ducis, adrebellionem fame coacti sunt, (in Chron. ) * Note: A new passage fromthe history of Eunapius is nearer to the truth. 'It appeared to ourcommanders a legitimate source of gain to be bribed by the Barbarians:Edit. Niebuhr, p. 82. --M. ]

[Footnote 70: Ammianus, xxxi. 4, 5. ]

Under the name of Judges, Alavivus and Fritigern were the leaders of theVisigoths in peace and war; and the authority which they derived fromtheir birth was ratified by the free consent of the nation. In a seasonof tranquility, their power might have been equal, as well as theirrank; but, as soon as their countrymen were exasperated by hunger andoppression, the superior abilities of Fritigern assumed the militarycommand, which he was qualified to exercise for the public welfare. Herestrained the impatient spirit of the Visigoths till the injuries andthe insults of their tyrants should justify their resistance in theopinion of mankind: but he was not disposed to sacrifice any solidadvantages for the empty praise of justice and moderation. Sensibleof the benefits which would result from the union of the Gothic powersunder the same standard, he secretly cultivated the friendship of theOstrogoths; and while he professed an implicit obedience to theorders of the Roman generals, he proceeded by slow marches towardsMarcianopolis, the capital of the Lower Maesia, about seventy miles fromthe banks of the Danube. On that fatal spot, the flames of discord andmutual hatred burst forth into a dreadful conflagration. Lupicinus hadinvited the Gothic chiefs to a splendid entertainment; and their martialtrain remained under arms at the entrance of the palace. But the gatesof the city were strictly guarded, and the Barbarians were sternlyexcluded from the use of a plentiful market, to which they assertedtheir equal claim of subjects and allies. Their humble prayers wererejected with insolence and derision; and as their patience was nowexhausted, the townsmen, the soldiers, and the Goths, were soon involvedin a conflict of passionate altercation and angry reproaches. A blow wasimprudently given; a sword was hastily drawn; and the first blood thatwas spilt in this accidental quarrel, became the signal of a longand destructive war. In the midst of noise and brutal intemperance, Lupicinus was informed, by a secret messenger, that many of his soldierswere slain, and despoiled of their arms; and as he was already inflamedby wine, and oppressed by sleep he issued a rash command, that theirdeath should be revenged by the massacre of the guards of Fritigern andAlavivus. 

The clamorous shouts and dying groans apprised Fritigern of his extremedanger; and, as he possessed the calm and intrepid spirit of a hero, hesaw that he was lost if he allowed a moment of deliberation to the manwho had so deeply injured him. "A trifling dispute, " said the Gothicleader, with a firm but gentle tone of voice, "appears to have arisenbetween the two nations; but it may be productive of the most dangerousconsequences, unless the tumult is immediately pacified by the assuranceof our safety, and the authority of our presence. " At these words, Fritigern and his companions drew their swords, opened their passagethrough the unresisting crowd, which filled the palace, the streets, and the gates, of Marcianopolis, and, mounting their horses, hastilyvanished from the eyes of the astonished Romans. The generals of theGoths were saluted by the fierce and joyful acclamations of the camp;war was instantly resolved, and the resolution was executed withoutdelay: the banners of the nation were displayed according to the customof their ancestors; and the air resounded with the harsh and mournfulmusic of the Barbarian trumpet. [71] The weak and guilty Lupicinus, who had dared to provoke, who had neglected to destroy, and who stillpresumed to despise, his formidable enemy, marched against the Goths, atthe head of such a military force as could be collected on this suddenemergency. The Barbarians expected his approach about nine miles fromMarcianopolis; and on this occasion the talents of the general werefound to be of more prevailing efficacy than the weapons and disciplineof the troops. The valor of the Goths was so ably directed by the geniusof Fritigern, that they broke, by a close and vigorous attack, theranks of the Roman legions. Lupicinus left his arms and standards, histribunes and his bravest soldiers, on the field of battle; and theiruseless courage served only to protect the ignominious flight oftheir leader. "That successful day put an end to the distress of theBarbarians, and the security of the Romans: from that day, the Goths, renouncing the precarious condition of strangers and exiles, assumed thecharacter of citizens and masters, claimed an absolute dominion over thepossessors of land, and held, in their own right, the northern provincesof the empire, which are bounded by the Danube. " Such are the wordsof the Gothic historian, [72] who celebrates, with rude eloquence, the glory of his countrymen. But the dominion of the Barbarians wasexercised only for the purposes of rapine and destruction. As they hadbeen deprived, by the ministers of the emperor, of the common benefitsof nature, and the fair intercourse of social life, they retaliated theinjustice on the subjects of the empire; and the crimes of Lupicinuswere expiated by the ruin of the peaceful husbandmen of Thrace, theconflagration of their villages, and the massacre, or captivity, oftheir innocent families. The report of the Gothic victory was soondiffused over the adjacent country; and while it filled the minds of theRomans with terror and dismay, their own hasty imprudence contributedto increase the forces of Fritigern, and the calamities of the province. Some time before the great emigration, a numerous body of Goths, underthe command of Suerid and Colias, had been received into the protectionand service of the empire. [73] They were encamped under the walls ofHadrianople; but the ministers of Valens were anxious to remove thembeyond the Hellespont, at a distance from the dangerous temptation whichmight so easily be communicated by the neighborhood, and the success, oftheir countrymen. The respectful submission with which they yieldedto the order of their march, might be considered as a proof of theirfidelity; and their moderate request of a sufficient allowance ofprovisions, and of a delay of only two days was expressed in the mostdutiful terms. But the first magistrate of Hadrianople, incensed by somedisorders which had been committed at his country-house, refused thisindulgence; and arming against them the inhabitants and manufacturersof a populous city, he urged, with hostile threats, their instantdeparture. The Barbarians stood silent and amazed, till they wereexasperated by the insulting clamors, and missile weapons, of thepopulace: but when patience or contempt was fatigued, they crushed theundisciplined multitude, inflicted many a shameful wound on the backsof their flying enemies, and despoiled them of the splendid armor, [74]which they were unworthy to bear. The resemblance of their sufferingsand their actions soon united this victorious detachment to the nationof the Visigoths; the troops of Colias and Suerid expected the approachof the great Fritigern, ranged themselves under his standard, andsignalized their ardor in the siege of Hadrianople. But the resistanceof the garrison informed the Barbarians, that in the attack of regularfortifications, the efforts of unskillful courage are seldom effectual. Their general acknowledged his error, raised the siege, declared that"he was at peace with stone walls, " [75] and revenged his disappointmenton the adjacent country. He accepted, with pleasure, the usefulreenforcement of hardy workmen, who labored in the gold mines of Thrace, [76] for the emolument, and under the lash, of an unfeeling master: [77]and these new associates conducted the Barbarians, through the secretpaths, to the most sequestered places, which had been chosen to securethe inhabitants, the cattle, and the magazines of corn. With theassistance of such guides, nothing could remain impervious orinaccessible; resistance was fatal; flight was impracticable; and thepatient submission of helpless innocence seldom found mercy from theBarbarian conqueror. In the course of these depredations, a great numberof the children of the Goths, who had been sold into captivity, wererestored to the embraces of their afflicted parents; but these tenderinterviews, which might have revived and cherished in their minds somesentiments of humanity, tended only to stimulate their native fiercenessby the desire of revenge. They listened, with eager attention, to thecomplaints of their captive children, who had suffered the most cruelindignities from the lustful or angry passions of their masters, and thesame cruelties, the same indignities, were severely retaliated on thesons and daughters of the Romans. [78]

[Footnote 71: Vexillis de more sublatis, auditisque trisie sonantibusclassicis. Ammian. Xxxi. 5. These are the rauca cornua of Claudian, (inRufin. Ii. 57, ) the large horns of the Uri, or wild bull; such as havebeen more recently used by the Swiss Cantons of Uri and Underwald. (Simler de Republica Helvet, l. Ii. P. 201, edit. Fuselin. Tigur 1734. )Their military horn is finely, though perhaps casually, introduced inan original narrative of the battle of Nancy, (A. D. 1477. ) "Attendant lecombat le dit cor fut corne par trois fois, tant que le vent du soufflerpouvoit durer: ce qui esbahit fort Monsieur de Bourgoigne; car deja aMorat l'avoit ouy. " (See the Pieces Justificatives in the 4to. Editionof Philippe de Comines, tom. Iii. P. 493. )]

[Footnote 72: Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 26, p. 648, edit. Grot. These splendidi panm (they are comparatively such) are undoubtedlytranscribed from the larger histories of Priscus, Ablavius, orCassiodorus. ]

[Footnote 73: Cum populis suis longe ante suscepti. We are ignorant ofthe precise date and circumstances of their transmigration. ]

[Footnote 74: An Imperial manufacture of shields, &c. , was establishedat Hadrianople; and the populace were headed by the Fabricenses, orworkmen. (Vales. Ad Ammian. Xxxi. 6. )]

[Footnote 75: Pacem sibi esse cum parietibus memorans. Ammian. Xxxi. 7. ]

[Footnote 76: These mines were in the country of the Bessi, in the ridgeof mountains, the Rhodope, that runs between Philippi and Philippopolis;two Macedonian cities, which derived their name and origin from thefather of Alexander. From the mines of Thrace he annually received thevalue, not the weight, of a thousand talents, (200, 000l. , ) a revenuewhich paid the phalanx, and corrupted the orators of Greece. See Diodor. Siculus, tom. Ii. L. Xvi. P. 88, edit. Wesseling. Godefroy's Commentaryon the Theodosian Code, tom. Iii. P. 496. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. Tom. I. P. 676, 857. D Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. I. P. 336. ]

[Footnote 77: As those unhappy workmen often ran away, Valens hadenacted severe laws to drag them from their hiding-places. Cod. Theodosian, l. X. Tit xix leg. 5, 7. ]

[Footnote 78: See Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 6. The historian of the Gothic warloses time and space, by an unseasonable recapitulation of the ancientinroads of the Barbarians. ]

The imprudence of Valens and his ministers had introduced into the heartof the empire a nation of enemies; but the Visigoths might even yet havebeen reconciled, by the manly confession of past errors, and the sincereperformance of former engagements. These healing and temperate measuresseemed to concur with the timorous disposition of the sovereign ofthe East: but, on this occasion alone, Valens was brave; and hisunseasonable bravery was fatal to himself and to his subjects. Hedeclared his intention of marching from Antioch to Constantinople, tosubdue this dangerous rebellion; and, as he was not ignorant of thedifficulties of the enterprise, he solicited the assistance of hisnephew, the emperor Gratian, who commanded all the forces of the West. The veteran troops were hastily recalled from the defence of Armenia;that important frontier was abandoned to the discretion of Sapor;and the immediate conduct of the Gothic war was intrusted, duringthe absence of Valens, to his lieutenants Trajan and Profuturus, twogenerals who indulged themselves in a very false and favorable opinionof their own abilities. On their arrival in Thrace, they were joined byRichomer, count of the domestics; and the auxiliaries of the West, thatmarched under his banner, were composed of the Gallic legions, reducedindeed, by a spirit of desertion, to the vain appearances of strengthand numbers. In a council of war, which was influenced by pride, rather than by reason, it was resolved to seek, and to encounter, theBarbarians, who lay encamped in the spacious and fertile meadows, nearthe most southern of the six mouths of the Danube. [79] Their campwas surrounded by the usual fortification of wagons; [80] and theBarbarians, secure within the vast circle of the enclosure, enjoyed thefruits of their valor, and the spoils of the province. In the midst ofriotous intemperance, the watchful Fritigern observed the motions, andpenetrated the designs, of the Romans. He perceived, that the numbersof the enemy were continually increasing: and, as he understood theirintention of attacking his rear, as soon as the scarcity of forageshould oblige him to remove his camp, he recalled to their standard hispredatory detachments, which covered the adjacent country. As soon asthey descried the flaming beacons, [81] they obeyed, with incrediblespeed, the signal of their leader: the camp was filled with the martialcrowd of Barbarians; their impatient clamors demanded the battle, andtheir tumultuous zeal was approved and animated by the spirit oftheir chiefs. The evening was already far advanced; and the two armiesprepared themselves for the approaching combat, which was deferred onlytill the dawn of day. 

While the trumpets sounded to arms, the undaunted courage of the Gothswas confirmed by the mutual obligation of a solemn oath; and as theyadvanced to meet the enemy, the rude songs, which celebrated the gloryof their forefathers, were mingled with their fierce and dissonantoutcries, and opposed to the artificial harmony of the Roman shout. Somemilitary skill was displayed by Fritigern to gain the advantage of acommanding eminence; but the bloody conflict, which began and ended withthe light, was maintained on either side, by the personal and obstinateefforts of strength, valor, and agility. The legions of Armeniasupported their fame in arms; but they were oppressed by theirresistible weight of the hostile multitude the left wing of the Romanswas thrown into disorder and the field was strewed with their mangledcarcasses. This partial defeat was balanced, however, by partialsuccess; and when the two armies, at a late hour of the evening, retreated to their respective camps, neither of them could claim thehonors, or the effects, of a decisive victory. The real loss was moreseverely felt by the Romans, in proportion to the smallness of theirnumbers; but the Goths were so deeply confounded and dismayed by thisvigorous, and perhaps unexpected, resistance, that they remained sevendays within the circle of their fortifications. Such funeral rites, asthe circumstances of time and place would admit, were piously dischargedto some officers of distinguished rank; but the indiscriminate vulgarwas left unburied on the plain. Their flesh was greedily devoured bythe birds of prey, who in that age enjoyed very frequent and deliciousfeasts; and several years afterwards the white and naked bones, whichcovered the wide extent of the fields, presented to the eyes of Ammianusa dreadful monument of the battle of Salices. [82]

[Footnote 79: The Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 226, 227, edit. Wesseling)marks the situation of this place about sixty miles north of Tomi, Ovid's exile; and the name of Salices (the willows) expresses the natureof the soil. ]

[Footnote 80: This circle of wagons, the Carrago, was the usualfortification of the Barbarians. (Vegetius de Re Militari, l. Iii. C. 10. Valesius ad Ammian. Xxxi. 7. ) The practice and the name werepreserved by their descendants as late as the fifteenth century. TheCharroy, which surrounded the Ost, is a word familiar to the readers ofFroissard, or Comines. ]

[Footnote 81: Statim ut accensi malleoli. I have used the literal senseof real torches or beacons; but I almost suspect, that it is only oneof those turgid metaphors, those false ornaments, that perpetuallydisfigure to style of Ammianus. ]

[Footnote 82: Indicant nunc usque albentes ossibus campi. Ammian. Xxxi. 7. The historian might have viewed these plains, either as a soldier, oras a traveller. But his modesty has suppressed the adventures of his ownlife subsequent to the Persian wars of Constantius and Julian. We areignorant of the time when he quitted the service, and retired to Rome, where he appears to have composed his History of his Own Times. ]

The progress of the Goths had been checked by the doubtful event ofthat bloody day; and the Imperial generals, whose army would have beenconsumed by the repetition of such a contest, embraced the more rationalplan of destroying the Barbarians by the wants and pressure of their ownmultitudes. They prepared to confine the Visigoths in the narrow angleof land between the Danube, the desert of Scythia, and the mountains ofHaemus, till their strength and spirit should be insensibly wasted bythe inevitable operation of famine. The design was prosecuted withsome conduct and success: the Barbarians had almost exhausted theirown magazines, and the harvests of the country; and the diligence ofSaturninus, the master-general of the cavalry, was employed to improvethe strength, and to contract the extent, of the Roman fortifications. His labors were interrupted by the alarming intelligence, that newswarms of Barbarians had passed the unguarded Danube, either tosupport the cause, or to imitate the example, of Fritigern. The justapprehension, that he himself might be surrounded, and overwhelmed, by the arms of hostile and unknown nations, compelled Saturninus torelinquish the siege of the Gothic camp; and the indignant Visigoths, breaking from their confinement, satiated their hunger and revenge bythe repeated devastation of the fruitful country, which extends abovethree hundred miles from the banks of the Danube to the straits of theHellespont. [83] The sagacious Fritigern had successfully appealed tothe passions, as well as to the interest, of his Barbarian allies; andthe love of rapine, and the hatred of Rome, seconded, or even prevented, the eloquence of his ambassadors. He cemented a strict and usefulalliance with the great body of his countrymen, who obeyed Alatheus andSaphrax as the guardians of their infant king: the long animosity ofrival tribes was suspended by the sense of their common interest; theindependent part of the nation was associated under one standard; andthe chiefs of the Ostrogoths appear to have yielded to the superiorgenius of the general of the Visigoths. He obtained the formidable aidof the Taifalae, [83a] whose military renown was disgraced and pollutedby the public infamy of their domestic manners. Every youth, on hisentrance into the world, was united by the ties of honorable friendship, and brutal love, to some warrior of the tribe; nor could he hope tobe released from this unnatural connection, till he had approved hismanhood by slaying, in single combat, a huge bear, or a wild boar of theforest. [84] But the most powerful auxiliaries of the Goths were drawnfrom the camp of those enemies who had expelled them from their nativeseats. The loose subordination, and extensive possessions, of the Hunsand the Alani, delayed the conquests, and distracted the councils, ofthat victorious people. Several of the hords were allured by the liberalpromises of Fritigern; and the rapid cavalry of Scythia added weight andenergy to the steady and strenuous efforts of the Gothic infantry. The Sarmatians, who could never forgive the successor of Valentinian, enjoyed and increased the general confusion; and a seasonable irruptionof the Alemanni, into the provinces of Gaul, engaged the attention, anddiverted the forces, of the emperor of the West. [85]

[Footnote 83: Ammian. Xxxi. 8. ]

[Footnote 83a: The Taifalae, who at this period inhabited the countrywhich now forms the principality of Wallachia, were, in my opinion, thelast remains of the great and powerful nation of the Dacians, (Daci orDahae. ) which has given its name to these regions, over which they hadruled so long. The Taifalae passed with the Goths into the territory ofthe empire. A great number of them entered the Roman service, and werequartered in different provinces. They are mentioned in the NotitiaImperii. There was a considerable body in the country of the Pictavi, now Poithou. They long retained their manners and language, and causedthe name of the Theofalgicus pagus to be given to the district theyinhabited. Two places in the department of La Vendee, Tiffanges and LaTiffardiere, still preserve evident traces of this denomination. St. Martin, iv. 118. --M. ]

[Footnote 84: Hanc Taifalorum gentem turpem, et obscenae vitae flagitiisita accipimus mersam; ut apud eos nefandi concubitus foedere copulenturmares puberes, aetatis viriditatem in eorum pollutis usibus consumpturi. Porro, siqui jam adultus aprum exceperit solus, vel interemit ursumimmanem, colluvione liberatur incesti. Ammian. Xxxi. 9. ----Among theGreeks, likewise, more especially among the Cretans, the holy bands offriendship were confirmed, and sullied, by unnatural love. ]

[Footnote 85: Ammian. Xxxi. 8, 9. Jerom (tom. I. P. 26) enumerates thenations and marks a calamitous period of twenty years. This epistle toHeliodorus was composed in the year 397, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles tomxii. P. 645. )]

Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns. --Part IV. 

One of the most dangerous inconveniences of the introduction of theBarbarians into the army and the palace, was sensibly felt in theircorrespondence with their hostile countrymen; to whom they imprudently, or maliciously, revealed the weakness of the Roman empire. A soldier, ofthe lifeguards of Gratian, was of the nation of the Alemanni, and of thetribe of the Lentienses, who dwelt beyond the Lake of Constance. Somedomestic business obliged him to request a leave of absence. In ashort visit to his family and friends, he was exposed to their curiousinquiries: and the vanity of the loquacious soldier tempted him todisplay his intimate acquaintance with the secrets of the state, and thedesigns of his master. The intelligence, that Gratian was preparing tolead the military force of Gaul, and of the West, to the assistance ofhis uncle Valens, pointed out to the restless spirit of the Alemanni themoment, and the mode, of a successful invasion. The enterprise of somelight detachments, who, in the month of February, passed the Rhine uponthe ice, was the prelude of a more important war. The boldest hopesof rapine, perhaps of conquest, outweighed the considerations of timidprudence, or national faith. Every forest, and every village, pouredforth a band of hardy adventurers; and the great army of the Alemanni, which, on their approach, was estimated at forty thousand men by thefears of the people, was afterwards magnified to the number of seventythousand by the vain and credulous flattery of the Imperial court. Thelegions, which had been ordered to march into Pannonia, were immediatelyrecalled, or detained, for the defence of Gaul; the military commandwas divided between Nanienus and Mellobaudes; and the youthful emperor, though he respected the long experience and sober wisdom of the former, was much more inclined to admire, and to follow, the martial ardor ofhis colleague; who was allowed to unite the incompatible characters ofcount of the domestics, and of king of the Franks. His rival Priarius, king of the Alemanni, was guided, or rather impelled, by the sameheadstrong valor; and as their troops were animated by the spirit oftheir leaders, they met, they saw, they encountered each other, near thetown of Argentaria, or Colmar, [86] in the plains of Alsace. Theglory of the day was justly ascribed to the missile weapons, andwell-practised evolutions, of the Roman soldiers; the Alemanni, who longmaintained their ground, were slaughtered with unrelenting fury; fivethousand only of the Barbarians escaped to the woods and mountains; andthe glorious death of their king on the field of battle saved him fromthe reproaches of the people, who are always disposed to accuse thejustice, or policy, of an unsuccessful war. After this signal victory, which secured the peace of Gaul, and asserted the honor of the Romanarms, the emperor Gratian appeared to proceed without delay on hisEastern expedition; but as he approached the confines of the Alemanni, he suddenly inclined to the left, surprised them by his unexpectedpassage of the Rhine, and boldly advanced into the heart of theircountry. The Barbarians opposed to his progress the obstacles ofnature and of courage; and still continued to retreat, from one hill toanother, till they were satisfied, by repeated trials, of the power andperseverance of their enemies. Their submission was accepted as a proof, not indeed of their sincere repentance, but of their actual distress;and a select number of their brave and robust youth was exacted fromthe faithless nation, as the most substantial pledge of their futuremoderation. The subjects of the empire, who had so often experiencedthat the Alemanni could neither be subdued by arms, nor restrainedby treaties, might not promise themselves any solid or lastingtranquillity: but they discovered, in the virtues of their youngsovereign, the prospect of a long and auspicious reign. When the legionsclimbed the mountains, and scaled the fortifications of the Barbarians, the valor of Gratian was distinguished in the foremost ranks; and thegilt and variegated armor of his guards was pierced and shattered by theblows which they had received in their constant attachment to the personof their sovereign. At the age of nineteen, the son of Valentinianseemed to possess the talents of peace and war; and his personal successagainst the Alemanni was interpreted as a sure presage of his Gothictriumphs. [87]

[Footnote 86: The field of battle, Argentaria or Argentovaria, isaccurately fixed by M. D'Anville (Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 96--99)at twenty-three Gallic leagues, or thirty-four and a half Roman miles tothe south of Strasburg. From its ruins the adjacent town of Colmar hasarisen. Note: It is rather Horburg, on the right bank of the River Ill, opposite to Colmar. From Schoepflin, Alsatia Illustrata. St. Martin, iv. 121. --M. ]

[Footnote 87: The full and impartial narrative of Ammianus (xxxi. 10) may derive some additional light from the Epitome of Victor, theChronicle of Jerom, and the History of Orosius, (l. Vii. C. 33, p. 552, edit. Havercamp. )]

While Gratian deserved and enjoyed the applause of his subjects, theemperor Valens, who, at length, had removed his court and army fromAntioch, was received by the people of Constantinople as the authorof the public calamity. Before he had reposed himself ten days in thecapital, he was urged by the licentious clamors of the Hippodrome tomarch against the Barbarians, whom he had invited into his dominions;and the citizens, who are always brave at a distance from any realdanger, declared, with confidence, that, if they were supplied witharms, they alone would undertake to deliver the province from theravages of an insulting foe. [88] The vain reproaches of an ignorantmultitude hastened the downfall of the Roman empire; they provoked thedesperate rashness of Valens; who did not find, either in his reputationor in his mind, any motives to support with firmness the publiccontempt. He was soon persuaded, by the successful achievements of hislieutenants, to despise the power of the Goths, who, by the diligenceof Fritigern, were now collected in the neighborhood of Hadrianople. Themarch of the Taifalae had been intercepted by the valiant Frigeric:the king of those licentious Barbarians was slain in battle; and thesuppliant captives were sent into distant exile to cultivate thelands of Italy, which were assigned for their settlement in the vacantterritories of Modena and Parma. [89] The exploits of Sebastian, [90]who was recently engaged in the service of Valens, and promoted to therank of master-general of the infantry, were still more honorable tohimself, and useful to the republic. He obtained the permission ofselecting three hundred soldiers from each of the legions; and thisseparate detachment soon acquired the spirit of discipline, and theexercise of arms, which were almost forgotten under the reign of Valens. By the vigor and conduct of Sebastian, a large body of the Goths weresurprised in their camp; and the immense spoil, which was recovered fromtheir hands, filled the city of Hadrianople, and the adjacent plain. Thesplendid narratives, which the general transmitted of his own exploits, alarmed the Imperial court by the appearance of superior merit; andthough he cautiously insisted on the difficulties of the Gothic war, his valor was praised, his advice was rejected; and Valens, who listenedwith pride and pleasure to the flattering suggestions of the eunuchsof the palace, was impatient to seize the glory of an easy and assuredconquest. His army was strengthened by a numerous reenforcement ofveterans; and his march from Constantinople to Hadrianople was conductedwith so much military skill, that he prevented the activity of theBarbarians, who designed to occupy the intermediate defiles, and tointercept either the troops themselves, or their convoys of provisions. The camp of Valens, which he pitched under the walls of Hadrianople, was fortified, according to the practice of the Romans, with a ditch andrampart; and a most important council was summoned, to decide the fateof the emperor and of the empire. The party of reason and of delay wasstrenuously maintained by Victor, who had corrected, by the lessonsof experience, the native fierceness of the Sarmatian character; whileSebastian, with the flexible and obsequious eloquence of a courtier, represented every precaution, and every measure, that implied a doubtof immediate victory, as unworthy of the courage and majesty of theirinvincible monarch. The ruin of Valens was precipitated by the deceitfularts of Fritigern, and the prudent admonitions of the emperor of theWest. The advantages of negotiating in the midst of war wereperfectly understood by the general of the Barbarians; and a Christianecclesiastic was despatched, as the holy minister of peace, topenetrate, and to perplex, the councils of the enemy. The misfortunes, as well as the provocations, of the Gothic nation, were forcibly andtruly described by their ambassador; who protested, in the name ofFritigern, that he was still disposed to lay down his arms, or to employthem only in the defence of the empire; if he could secure for hiswandering countrymen a tranquil settlement on the waste lands of Thrace, and a sufficient allowance of corn and cattle. But he added, in awhisper of confidential friendship, that the exasperated Barbarians wereaverse to these reasonable conditions; and that Fritigern was doubtfulwhether he could accomplish the conclusion of the treaty, unless hefound himself supported by the presence and terrors of an Imperial army. About the same time, Count Richomer returned from the West to announcethe defeat and submission of the Alemanni, to inform Valens thathis nephew advanced by rapid marches at the head of the veteran andvictorious legions of Gaul, and to request, in the name of Gratian andof the republic, that every dangerous and decisive measure might besuspended, till the junction of the two emperors should insure thesuccess of the Gothic war. But the feeble sovereign of the East wasactuated only by the fatal illusions of pride and jealousy. He disdainedthe importunate advice; he rejected the humiliating aid; he secretlycompared the ignominious, at least the inglorious, period of his ownreign, with the fame of a beardless youth; and Valens rushed intothe field, to erect his imaginary trophy, before the diligence of hiscolleague could usurp any share of the triumphs of the day. 

[Footnote 88: Moratus paucissimos dies, seditione popularium leviumpulsus Ammian. Xxxi. 11. Socrates (l. Iv. C. 38) supplies the dates andsome circumstances. * Note: Compare fragment of Eunapius. Mai, 272, inNiebuhr, p. 77. --M]

[Footnote 89: Vivosque omnes circa Mutinam, Regiumque, et Parmam, Italica oppida, rura culturos exterminavit. Ammianus, xxxi. 9. Thosecities and districts, about ten years after the colony of the Taifalae, appear in a very desolate state. See Muratori, Dissertazioni sopra leAntichita Italiane, tom. I. Dissertat. Xxi. P. 354. ]

[Footnote 90: Ammian. Xxxi. 11. Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 228--230. The latterexpatiates on the desultory exploits of Sebastian, and despatches, ina few lines, the important battle of Hadrianople. According to theecclesiastical critics, who hate Sebastian, the praise of Zosimusis disgrace, (Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 121. ) Hisprejudice and ignorance undoubtedly render him a very questionable judgeof merit. ]

On the ninth of August, a day which has deserved to be marked amongthe most inauspicious of the Roman Calendar, [91] the emperor Valens, leaving, under a strong guard, his baggage and military treasure, marched from Hadrianople to attack the Goths, who were encamped abouttwelve miles from the city. [92] By some mistake of the orders, or someignorance of the ground, the right wing, or column of cavalry arrivedin sight of the enemy, whilst the left was still at a considerabledistance; the soldiers were compelled, in the sultry heat of summer, toprecipitate their pace; and the line of battle was formed with tediousconfusion and irregular delay. The Gothic cavalry had been detachedto forage in the adjacent country; and Fritigern still continued topractise his customary arts. He despatched messengers of peace, madeproposals, required hostages, and wasted the hours, till the Romans, exposed without shelter to the burning rays of the sun, were exhaustedby thirst, hunger, and intolerable fatigue. The emperor was persuaded tosend an ambassador to the Gothic camp; the zeal of Richomer, who alonehad courage to accept the dangerous commission, was applauded; andthe count of the domestics, adorned with the splendid ensigns of hisdignity, had proceeded some way in the space between the two armies, when he was suddenly recalled by the alarm of battle. The hasty andimprudent attack was made by Bacurius the Iberian, who commanded a bodyof archers and targeteers; and as they advanced with rashness, theyretreated with loss and disgrace. In the same moment, the flyingsquadrons of Alatheus and Saphrax, whose return was anxiously expectedby the general of the Goths, descended like a whirlwind from the hills, swept across the plain, and added new terrors to the tumultuous, butirresistible charge of the Barbarian host. The event of the battle ofHadrianople, so fatal to Valens and to the empire, may be described ina few words: the Roman cavalry fled; the infantry was abandoned, surrounded, and cut in pieces. The most skilful evolutions, thefirmest courage, are scarcely sufficient to extricate a body of foot, encompassed, on an open plain, by superior numbers of horse; but thetroops of Valens, oppressed by the weight of the enemy and their ownfears, were crowded into a narrow space, where it was impossible forthem to extend their ranks, or even to use, with effect, their swordsand javelins. In the midst of tumult, of slaughter, and of dismay, theemperor, deserted by his guards and wounded, as it was supposed, withan arrow, sought protection among the Lancearii and the Mattiarii, who still maintained their ground with some appearance of order andfirmness. His faithful generals, Trajan and Victor, who perceived hisdanger, loudly exclaimed that all was lost, unless the person of theemperor could be saved. Some troops, animated by their exhortation, advanced to his relief: they found only a bloody spot, covered with aheap of broken arms and mangled bodies, without being able to discovertheir unfortunate prince, either among the living or the dead. Theirsearch could not indeed be successful, if there is any truth in thecircumstances with which some historians have related the death of theemperor. 

By the care of his attendants, Valens was removed from the field ofbattle to a neighboring cottage, where they attempted to dress hiswound, and to provide for his future safety. But this humble retreat wasinstantly surrounded by the enemy: they tried to force the door, theywere provoked by a discharge of arrows from the roof, till at length, impatient of delay, they set fire to a pile of dry magots, and consumedthe cottage with the Roman emperor and his train. Valens perished inthe flames; and a youth, who dropped from the window, alone escaped, toattest the melancholy tale, and to inform the Goths of the inestimableprize which they had lost by their own rashness. A great number of braveand distinguished officers perished in the battle of Hadrianople, which equalled in the actual loss, and far surpassed in the fatalconsequences, the misfortune which Rome had formerly sustained in thefields of Cannae. [93] Two master-generals of the cavalry and infantry, two great officers of the palace, and thirty-five tribunes, were foundamong the slain; and the death of Sebastian might satisfy the world, that he was the victim, as well as the author, of the public calamity. Above two thirds of the Roman army were destroyed: and the darkness ofthe night was esteemed a very favorable circumstance, as it served toconceal the flight of the multitude, and to protect the more orderlyretreat of Victor and Richomer, who alone, amidst the generalconsternation, maintained the advantage of calm courage and regulardiscipline. [94]

[Footnote 91: Ammianus (xxxi. 12, 13) almost alone describes thecouncils and actions which were terminated by the fatal battle ofHadrianople. We might censure the vices of his style, the disorderand perplexity of his narrative: but we must now take leave of thisimpartial historian; and reproach is silenced by our regret for such anirreparable loss. ]

[Footnote 92: The difference of the eight miles of Ammianus, and thetwelve of Idatius, can only embarrass those critics (Valesius ad loc. , )who suppose a great army to be a mathematical point, without space ordimensions. ]

[Footnote 93: Nec ulla annalibus, praeter Cannensem pugnam, ita adinternecionem res legitur gesta. Ammian. Xxxi. 13. According to thegrave Polybius, no more than 370 horse, and 3, 000 foot, escaped from thefield of Cannae: 10, 000 were made prisoners; and the number of the slainamounted to 5, 630 horse, and 70, 000 foot, (Polyb. L. Iii. P 371, edit. Casaubon, 8vo. ) Livy (xxii. 49) is somewhat less bloody: he slaughtersonly 2, 700 horse, and 40, 000 foot. The Roman army was supposed toconsist of 87, 200 effective men, (xxii. 36. )]

[Footnote 94: We have gained some faint light from Jerom, (tom. I. P. 26and in Chron. P. 188, ) Victor, (in Epitome, ) Orosius, (l. Vii. C. 33, p. 554, ) Jornandes, (c. 27, ) Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 230, ) Socrates, (l. Iv. C. 38, ) Sozomen, (l. Vi. C. 40, ) Idatius, (in Chron. ) But theirunited evidence, if weighed against Ammianus alone, is light andunsubstantial. ]

While the impressions of grief and terror were still recent in the mindsof men, the most celebrated rhetorician of the age composed the funeraloration of a vanquished army, and of an unpopular prince, whose thronewas already occupied by a stranger. "There are not wanting, " says thecandid Libanius, "those who arraign the prudence of the emperor, or whoimpute the public misfortune to the want of courage and discipline inthe troops. For my own part, I reverence the memory of their formerexploits: I reverence the glorious death, which they bravely received, standing, and fighting in their ranks: I reverence the field of battle, stained with their blood, and the blood of the Barbarians. Thosehonorable marks have been already washed away by the rains; but thelofty monuments of their bones, the bones of generals, of centurions, and of valiant warriors, claim a longer period of duration. The kinghimself fought and fell in the foremost ranks of the battle. Hisattendants presented him with the fleetest horses of the Imperialstable, that would soon have carried him beyond the pursuit of theenemy. They vainly pressed him to reserve his important life for thefuture service of the republic. He still declared that he was unworthyto survive so many of the bravest and most faithful of his subjects; andthe monarch was nobly buried under a mountain of the slain. Let none, therefore, presume to ascribe the victory of the Barbarians to the fear, the weakness, or the imprudence, of the Roman troops. The chiefs andthe soldiers were animated by the virtue of their ancestors, whom theyequalled in discipline and the arts of war. Their generous emulation wassupported by the love of glory, which prompted them to contend at thesame time with heat and thirst, with fire and the sword; and cheerfullyto embrace an honorable death, as their refuge against flight andinfamy. The indignation of the gods has been the only cause of thesuccess of our enemies. " The truth of history may disclaim some parts ofthis panegyric, which cannot strictly be reconciled with the characterof Valens, or the circumstances of the battle: but the fairestcommendation is due to the eloquence, and still more to the generosity, of the sophist of Antioch. [95]

[Footnote 95: Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. Nece, c. 3, in Fabricius, Bibliot Graec. Tom. Vii. P. 146--148. ]

The pride of the Goths was elated by this memorable victory; but theiravarice was disappointed by the mortifying discovery, that the richestpart of the Imperial spoil had been within the walls of Hadrianople. They hastened to possess the reward of their valor; but they wereencountered by the remains of a vanquished army, with an intrepidresolution, which was the effect of their despair, and the only hope oftheir safety. The walls of the city, and the ramparts of the adjacentcamp, were lined with military engines, that threw stones of an enormousweight; and astonished the ignorant Barbarians by the noise, andvelocity, still more than by the real effects, of the discharge. Thesoldiers, the citizens, the provincials, the domestics of the palace, were united in the danger, and in the defence: the furious assault ofthe Goths was repulsed; their secret arts of treachery and treason werediscovered; and, after an obstinate conflict of many hours, they retiredto their tents; convinced, by experience, that it would be far moreadvisable to observe the treaty, which their sagacious leader hadtacitly stipulated with the fortifications of great and populous cities. After the hasty and impolitic massacre of three hundred deserters, anact of justice extremely useful to the discipline of the Roman armies, the Goths indignantly raised the siege of Hadrianople. The scene of warand tumult was instantly converted into a silent solitude: the multitudesuddenly disappeared; the secret paths of the woods and mountains weremarked with the footsteps of the trembling fugitives, who soughta refuge in the distant cities of Illyricum and Macedonia; and thefaithful officers of the household, and the treasury, cautiouslyproceeded in search of the emperor, of whose death they were stillignorant. The tide of the Gothic inundation rolled from the wallsof Hadrianople to the suburbs of Constantinople. The Barbarians weresurprised with the splendid appearance of the capital of the East, theheight and extent of the walls, the myriads of wealthy and affrightedcitizens who crowded the ramparts, and the various prospect of the seaand land. While they gazed with hopeless desire on the inaccessiblebeauties of Constantinople, a sally was made from one of the gates by aparty of Saracens, [96] who had been fortunately engaged in the serviceof Valens. The cavalry of Scythia was forced to yield to the admirableswiftness and spirit of the Arabian horses: their riders were skilledin the evolutions of irregular war; and the Northern Barbarians wereastonished and dismayed, by the inhuman ferocity of the Barbarians ofthe South. 

A Gothic soldier was slain by the dagger of an Arab; and the hairy, naked savage, applying his lips to the wound, expressed a horriddelight, while he sucked the blood of his vanquished enemy. [97] Thearmy of the Goths, laden with the spoils of the wealthy suburbs and theadjacent territory, slowly moved, from the Bosphorus, to the mountainswhich form the western boundary of Thrace. The important pass ofSucci was betrayed by the fear, or the misconduct, of Maurus; and theBarbarians, who no longer had any resistance to apprehend from thescattered and vanquished troops of the East, spread themselves overthe face of a fertile and cultivated country, as far as the confines ofItaly and the Hadriatic Sea. [98]

[Footnote 96: Valens had gained, or rather purchased, the friendshipof the Saracens, whose vexatious inroads were felt on the borders ofPhoenicia, Palestine, and Egypt. The Christian faith had been latelyintroduced among a people, reserved, in a future age, to propagateanother religion, (Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 104, 106, 141. Mem. Eccles. Tom. Vii. P. 593. )]

[Footnote 97: Crinitus quidam, nudus omnia praeter pubem, subraunum etugubre strepens. Ammian. Xxxi. 16, and Vales. Ad loc. The Arabs oftenfought naked; a custom which may be ascribed to their sultry climate, and ostentatious bravery. The description of this unknown savage is thelively portrait of Derar, a name so dreadful to the Christians of Syria. See Ockley's Hist. Of the Saracens, vol. I. P. 72, 84, 87. ]

[Footnote 98: The series of events may still be traced in the last pagesof Ammianus, (xxxi. 15, 16. ) Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 227, 231, ) whom weare now reduced to cherish, misplaces the sally of the Arabs beforethe death of Valens. Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. P. 20) praises thefertility of Thrace, Macedonia, &c. ]

The Romans, who so coolly, and so concisely, mention the acts of justicewhich were exercised by the legions, [99] reserve their compassion, and their eloquence, for their own sufferings, when the provinces wereinvaded, and desolated, by the arms of the successful Barbarians. Thesimple circumstantial narrative (did such a narrative exist) of the ruinof a single town, of the misfortunes of a single family, [100] mightexhibit an interesting and instructive picture of human manners: but thetedious repetition of vague and declamatory complaints would fatigue theattention of the most patient reader. The same censure may be applied, though not perhaps in an equal degree, to the profane, and theecclesiastical, writers of this unhappy period; that their minds wereinflamed by popular and religious animosity; and that the true size andcolor of every object is falsified by the exaggerations of their corrupteloquence. The vehement Jerom [101] might justly deplore the calamitiesinflicted by the Goths, and their barbarous allies, on his nativecountry of Pannonia, and the wide extent of the provinces, from thewalls of Constantinople to the foot of the Julian Alps; the rapes, themassacres, the conflagrations; and, above all, the profanation of thechurches, that were turned into stables, and the contemptuous treatmentof the relics of holy martyrs. But the Saint is surely transportedbeyond the limits of nature and history, when he affirms, "that, inthose desert countries, nothing was left except the sky and the earth;that, after the destruction of the cities, and the extirpation of thehuman race, the land was overgrown with thick forests and inextricablebrambles; and that the universal desolation, announced by the prophetZephaniah, was accomplished, in the scarcity of the beasts, the birds, and even of the fish. " These complaints were pronounced about twentyyears after the death of Valens; and the Illyrian provinces, which wereconstantly exposed to the invasion and passage of the Barbarians, stillcontinued, after a calamitous period of ten centuries, to supply newmaterials for rapine and destruction. Could it even be supposed, thata large tract of country had been left without cultivation and withoutinhabitants, the consequences might not have been so fatal to theinferior productions of animated nature. The useful and feeble animals, which are nourished by the hand of man, might suffer and perish, ifthey were deprived of his protection; but the beasts of the forest, his enemies or his victims, would multiply in the free and undisturbedpossession of their solitary domain. The various tribes that people theair, or the waters, are still less connected with the fate of the humanspecies; and it is highly probable that the fish of the Danube wouldhave felt more terror and distress, from the approach of a voraciouspike, than from the hostile inroad of a Gothic army. 

[Footnote 99: Observe with how much indifference Caesar relates, in theCommentaries of the Gallic war, that he put to death the whole senate ofthe Veneti, who had yielded to his mercy, (iii. 16;) that he laboredto extirpate the whole nation of the Eburones, (vi. 31;) that fortythousand persons were massacred at Bourges by the just revenge of hissoldiers, who spared neither age nor sex, (vii. 27, ) &c. ]

[Footnote 100: Such are the accounts of the sack of Magdeburgh, by theecclesiastic and the fisherman, which Mr. Harte has transcribed, (Hist. Of Gustavus Adolphus, vol. I. P. 313--320, ) with some apprehension ofviolating the dignity of history. ]

[Footnote 101: Et vastatis urbibus, hominibusque interfectis, solitudinem et raritatem bestiarum quoque fieri, et volatilium, pisciumque: testis Illyricum est, testis Thracia, testis in quo ortussum solum, (Pannonia;) ubi praeter coelum et terram, et crescentesvepres, et condensa sylvarum cuncta perierunt. Tom. Vii. P. 250, l, Cap. Sophonias and tom. I. P. 26. ]

Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns. --Part V. 

Whatever may have been the just measure of the calamities of Europe, there was reason to fear that the same calamities would soon extendto the peaceful countries of Asia. The sons of the Goths had beenjudiciously distributed through the cities of the East; and the arts ofeducation were employed to polish, and subdue, the native fiercenessof their temper. In the space of about twelve years, their numbers hadcontinually increased; and the children, who, in the first emigration, were sent over the Hellespont, had attained, with rapid growth, thestrength and spirit of perfect manhood. [102] It was impossible toconceal from their knowledge the events of the Gothic war; and, asthose daring youths had not studied the language of dissimulation, theybetrayed their wish, their desire, perhaps their intention, to emulatethe glorious example of their fathers The danger of the times seemed tojustify the jealous suspicions of the provincials; and these suspicionswere admitted as unquestionable evidence, that the Goths of Asia hadformed a secret and dangerous conspiracy against the public safety. Thedeath of Valens had left the East without a sovereign; and Julius, whofilled the important station of master-general of the troops, with ahigh reputation of diligence and ability, thought it his duty to consultthe senate of Constantinople; which he considered, during the vacancy ofthe throne, as the representative council of the nation. As soon as hehad obtained the discretionary power of acting as he should judge mostexpedient for the good of the republic, he assembled the principalofficers, and privately concerted effectual measures for the executionof his bloody design. An order was immediately promulgated, that, on astated day, the Gothic youth should assemble in the capital citiesof their respective provinces; and, as a report was industriouslycirculated, that they were summoned to receive a liberal gift of landsand money, the pleasing hope allayed the fury of their resentment, and, perhaps, suspended the motions of the conspiracy. On the appointed day, the unarmed crowd of the Gothic youth was carefully collected in thesquare or Forum; the streets and avenues were occupied by the Romantroops, and the roofs of the houses were covered with archers andslingers. At the same hour, in all the cities of the East, the signalwas given of indiscriminate slaughter; and the provinces of Asia weredelivered by the cruel prudence of Julius, from a domestic enemy, who, in a few months, might have carried fire and sword from the Hellespontto the Euphrates. [103] The urgent consideration of the public safetymay undoubtedly authorize the violation of every positive law. How farthat, or any other, consideration may operate to dissolve the naturalobligations of humanity and justice, is a doctrine of which I stilldesire to remain ignorant. 

[Footnote 102: Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. P. 20) foolishly supposes apraeternatural growth of the young Goths, that he may introduce Cadmus'sarmed men, who sprang from the dragon's teeth, &c. Such was the Greekeloquence of the times. ]

[Footnote 103: Ammianus evidently approves this execution, efficaciavelox et salutaris, which concludes his work, (xxxi. 16. ) Zosimus, whois curious and copious, (l. Iv. P. 233--236, ) mistakes the date, andlabors to find the reason, why Julius did not consult the emperorTheodosius who had not yet ascended the throne of the East. ]

The emperor Gratian was far advanced on his march towards the plainsof Hadrianople, when he was informed, at first by the confused voiceof fame, and afterwards by the more accurate reports of Victor andRichomer, that his impatient colleague had been slain in battle, andthat two thirds of the Roman army were exterminated by the sword of thevictorious Goths. Whatever resentment the rash and jealous vanity of hisuncle might deserve, the resentment of a generous mind is easily subduedby the softer emotions of grief and compassion; and even the sense ofpity was soon lost in the serious and alarming consideration of thestate of the republic. Gratian was too late to assist, he was too weakto revenge, his unfortunate colleague; and the valiant and modest youthfelt himself unequal to the support of a sinking world. A formidabletempest of the Barbarians of Germany seemed ready to burst over theprovinces of Gaul; and the mind of Gratian was oppressed and distractedby the administration of the Western empire. In this important crisis, the government of the East, and the conduct of the Gothic war, requiredthe undivided attention of a hero and a statesman. A subject investedwith such ample command would not long have preserved his fidelity to adistant benefactor; and the Imperial council embraced the wise and manlyresolution of conferring an obligation, rather than of yielding to aninsult. It was the wish of Gratian to bestow the purple as the rewardof virtue; but, at the age of nineteen, it is not easy for a prince, educated in the supreme rank, to understand the true characters of hisministers and generals. He attempted to weigh, with an impartial hand, their various merits and defects; and, whilst he checked the rashconfidence of ambition, he distrusted the cautious wisdom whichdespaired of the republic. As each moment of delay diminished somethingof the power and resources of the future sovereign of the East, thesituation of the times would not allow a tedious debate. The choice ofGratian was soon declared in favor of an exile, whose father, only threeyears before, had suffered, under the sanction of his authority, anunjust and ignominious death. The great Theodosius, a name celebratedin history, and dear to the Catholic church, [104] was summoned tothe Imperial court, which had gradually retreated from the confinesof Thrace to the more secure station of Sirmium. Five months afterthe death of Valens, the emperor Gratian produced before the assembledtroops his colleague and their master; who, after a modest, perhapsa sincere, resistance, was compelled to accept, amidst the generalacclamations, the diadem, the purple, and the equal title of Augustus. [105] The provinces of Thrace, Asia, and Egypt, over which Valens hadreigned, were resigned to the administration of the new emperor; but, as he was specially intrusted with the conduct of the Gothic war, theIllyrian praefecture was dismembered; and the two great dioceses ofDacia and Macedonia were added to the dominions of the Eastern empire. [106]

[Footnote 104: A life of Theodosius the Great was composed in the lastcentury, (Paris, 1679, in 4to-1680, 12mo. , ) to inflame the mind ofthe young Dauphin with Catholic zeal. The author, Flechier, afterwardsbishop of Nismes, was a celebrated preacher; and his history is adorned, or tainted, with pulpit eloquence; but he takes his learning fromBaronius, and his principles from St. Ambrose and St Augustin. ]

[Footnote 105: The birth, character, and elevation of Theodosius aremarked in Pacatus, (in Panegyr. Vet. Xii. 10, 11, 12, ) Themistius, (Orat. Xiv. P. 182, ) (Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 231, ) Augustin. (de Civitat. Dei. V. 25, ) Orosius, (l. Vii. C. 34, ) Sozomen, (l. Vii. C. 2, )Socrates, (l. V. C. 2, ) Theodoret, (l. V. C. 5, ) Philostorgius, (l. Ix. C. 17, with Godefroy, p. 393, ) the Epitome of Victor, and the Chroniclesof Prosper, Idatius, and Marcellinus, in the Thesaurus Temporum ofScaliger. * Note: Add a hostile fragment of Eunapius. Mai, p. 273, inNiebuhr, p 178--M. ]

[Footnote 106: Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 716, &c. ]

The same province, and perhaps the same city, [107] which had given tothe throne the virtues of Trajan, and the talents of Hadrian, was theorignal seat of another family of Spaniards, who, in a less fortunateage, possessed, near fourscore years, the declining empire of Rome. [108] They emerged from the obscurity of municipal honors by the activespirit of the elder Theodosius, a general whose exploits in Britainand Africa have formed one of the most splendid parts of the annalsof Valentinian. The son of that general, who likewise bore the name ofTheodosius, was educated, by skilful preceptors, in the liberal studiesof youth; but he was instructed in the art of war by the tender careand severe discipline of his father. [109] Under the standard of such aleader, young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge, in the most distantscenes of military action; inured his constitution to the differenceof seasons and climates; distinguished his valor by sea and land; andobserved the various warfare of the Scots, the Saxons, and the Moors. His own merit, and the recommendation of the conqueror of Africa, soonraised him to a separate command; and, in the station of Duke of Misaea, he vanquished an army of Sarmatians; saved the province; deserved thelove of the soldiers; and provoked the envy of the court. [110] Hisrising fortunes were soon blasted by the disgrace and execution of hisillustrious father; and Theodosius obtained, as a favor, the permissionof retiring to a private life in his native province of Spain. Hedisplayed a firm and temperate character in the ease with which headapted himself to this new situation. His time was almost equallydivided between the town and country; the spirit, which had animated hispublic conduct, was shown in the active and affectionate performanceof every social duty; and the diligence of the soldier was profitablyconverted to the improvement of his ample patrimony, [111] which laybetween Valladolid and Segovia, in the midst of a fruitful district, still famous for a most exquisite breed of sheep. [112] From theinnocent, but humble labors of his farm, Theodosius was transported, in less than four months, to the throne of the Eastern empire; andthe whole period of the history of the world will not perhaps afforda similar example, of an elevation at the same time so pure and sohonorable. The princes who peaceably inherit the sceptre of theirfathers, claim and enjoy a legal right, the more secure as it isabsolutely distinct from the merits of their personal characters. Thesubjects, who, in a monarchy, or a popular state, acquire the possessionof supreme power, may have raised themselves, by the superiority eitherof genius or virtue, above the heads of their equals; but theirvirtue is seldom exempt from ambition; and the cause of the successfulcandidate is frequently stained by the guilt of conspiracy, or civilwar. Even in those governments which allow the reigning monarch todeclare a colleague or a successor, his partial choice, which may beinfluenced by the blindest passions, is often directed to an unworthyobject But the most suspicious malignity cannot ascribe to Theodosius, in his obscure solitude of Caucha, the arts, the desires, or even thehopes, of an ambitious statesman; and the name of the Exile would longsince have been forgotten, if his genuine and distinguished virtues hadnot left a deep impression in the Imperial court. During the seasonof prosperity, he had been neglected; but, in the public distress, hissuperior merit was universally felt and acknowledged. What confidencemust have been reposed in his integrity, since Gratian could trust, thata pious son would forgive, for the sake of the republic, the murder ofhis father! What expectations must have been formed of his abilitiesto encourage the hope, that a single man could save, and restore, theempire of the East! Theodosius was invested with the purple in thethirty-third year of his age. The vulgar gazed with admiration on themanly beauty of his face, and the graceful majesty of his person, whichthey were pleased to compare with the pictures and medals of the emperorTrajan; whilst intelligent observers discovered, in the qualities of hisheart and understanding, a more important resemblance to the best andgreatest of the Roman princes. 

[Footnote 107: Italica, founded by Scipio Africanus for his woundedveterans of Italy. The ruins still appear, about a league above Seville, but on the opposite bank of the river. See the Hispania Illustrata ofNonius, a short though valuable treatise, c. Xvii. P. 64--67. ]

[Footnote 108: I agree with Tillemont (Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 726) in suspecting the royal pedigree, which remained a secret till thepromotion of Theodosius. Even after that event, the silence of Pacatusoutweighs the venal evidence of Themistius, Victor, and Claudian, whoconnect the family of Theodosius with the blood of Trajan and Hadrian. ]

[Footnote 109: Pacatas compares, and consequently prefers, the youthof Theodosius to the military education of Alexander, Hannibal, and thesecond Africanus; who, like him, had served under their fathers, (xii. 8. )]

[Footnote 110: Ammianus (xxix. 6) mentions this victory of TheodosiusJunior Dux Maesiae, prima etiam tum lanugine juvenis, princeps posteaperspectissimus. The same fact is attested by Themistius and Zosimus butTheodoret, (l. V. C. 5, ) who adds some curious circumstances, strangelyapplies it to the time of the interregnum. ]

[Footnote 111: Pacatus (in Panegyr. Vet. Xii. 9) prefers the rustic lifeof Theodosius to that of Cincinnatus; the one was the effect of choice, the other of poverty. ]

[Footnote 112: M. D'Anville (Geographie Ancienne, tom. I. P. 25) hasfixed the situation of Caucha, or Coca, in the old province of Gallicia, where Zosimus and Idatius have placed the birth, or patrimony, ofTheodosius. ]

It is not without the most sincere regret, that I must now take leave ofan accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the history of hisown times, without indulging the prejudices and passions, which usuallyaffect the mind of a contemporary. Ammianus Marcellinus, who terminateshis useful work with the defeat and death of Valens, recommends themore glorious subject of the ensuing reign to the youthful vigor andeloquence of the rising generation. [113] The rising generation was notdisposed to accept his advice or to imitate his example; [114] and, inthe study of the reign of Theodosius, we are reduced to illustrate thepartial narrative of Zosimus, by the obscure hints of fragments andchronicles, by the figurative style of poetry or panegyric, and by theprecarious assistance of the ecclesiastical writers, who, in the heat ofreligious faction, are apt to despise the profane virtues of sincerityand moderation. Conscious of these disadvantages, which will continueto involve a considerable portion of the decline and fall of the Romanempire, I shall proceed with doubtful and timorous steps. Yet I mayboldly pronounce, that the battle of Hadrianople was never revenged byany signal or decisive victory of Theodosius over the Barbarians: andthe expressive silence of his venal orators may be confirmed by theobservation of the condition and circumstances of the times. The fabricof a mighty state, which has been reared by the labors of successiveages, could not be overturned by the misfortune of a single day, if thefatal power of the imagination did not exaggerate the real measure ofthe calamity. The loss of forty thousand Romans, who fell in the plainsof Hadrianople, might have been soon recruited in the populous provincesof the East, which contained so many millions of inhabitants. Thecourage of a soldier is found to be the cheapest, and most common, quality of human nature; and sufficient skill to encounter anundisciplined foe might have been speedily taught by the care of thesurviving centurions. If the Barbarians were mounted on the horses, andequipped with the armor, of their vanquished enemies, the numerous studsof Cappadocia and Spain would have supplied new squadrons of cavalry;the thirty-four arsenals of the empire were plentifully stored withmagazines of offensive and defensive arms: and the wealth of Asia mightstill have yielded an ample fund for the expenses of the war. But theeffects which were produced by the battle of Hadrianople on the mindsof the Barbarians and of the Romans, extended the victory of the former, and the defeat of the latter, far beyond the limits of a single day. AGothic chief was heard to declare, with insolent moderation, that, forhis own part, he was fatigued with slaughter: but that he was astonishedhow a people, who fled before him like a flock of sheep, could stillpresume to dispute the possession of their treasures and provinces. [115] The same terrors which the name of the Huns had spread among theGothic tribes, were inspired, by the formidable name of the Goths, amongthe subjects and soldiers of the Roman empire. [116] If Theodosius, hastily collecting his scattered forces, had led them into the fieldto encounter a victorious enemy, his army would have been vanquishedby their own fears; and his rashness could not have been excused bythe chance of success. But the great Theodosius, an epithet which hehonorably deserved on this momentous occasion, conducted himself as thefirm and faithful guardian of the republic. He fixed his head-quartersat Thessalonica, the capital of the Macedonian diocese; [117] fromwhence he could watch the irregular motions of the Barbarians, and direct the operations of his lieutenants, from the gates ofConstantinople to the shores of the Hadriatic. The fortifications andgarrisons of the cities were strengthened; and the troops, among whom asense of order and discipline was revived, were insensibly emboldenedby the confidence of their own safety. From these secure stations, theywere encouraged to make frequent sallies on the Barbarians, who infestedthe adjacent country; and, as they were seldom allowed to engage, without some decisive superiority, either of ground or of numbers, theirenterprises were, for the most part, successful; and they were soonconvinced, by their own experience, of the possibility of vanquishingtheir invincible enemies. The detachments of these separate garrisonswere generally united into small armies; the same cautious measureswere pursued, according to an extensive and well-concerted plan ofoperations; the events of each day added strength and spirit to theRoman arms; and the artful diligence of the emperor, who circulated themost favorable reports of the success of the war, contributed to subduethe pride of the Barbarians, and to animate the hopes and courage ofhis subjects. If, instead of this faint and imperfect outline, we couldaccurately represent the counsels and actions of Theodosius, in foursuccessive campaigns, there is reason to believe, that his consummateskill would deserve the applause of every military reader. The republichad formerly been saved by the delays of Fabius; and, while the splendidtrophies of Scipio, in the field of Zama, attract the eyes of posterity, the camps and marches of the dictator among the hills of the Campania, may claim a juster proportion of the solid and independent fame, whichthe general is not compelled to share, either with fortune or with histroops. Such was likewise the merit of Theodosius; and the infirmitiesof his body, which most unseasonably languished under a long anddangerous disease, could not oppress the vigor of his mind, or diverthis attention from the public service. [118]

[Footnote 113: Let us hear Ammianus himself. Haec, ut miles quondam etGraecus, a principatu Cassaris Nervae exorsus, adusque Valentis inter, pro virium explicavi mensura: opus veritatem professum nun quam, utarbitror, sciens, silentio ausus corrumpere vel mendacio. Scribantreliqua potiores aetate, doctrinisque florentes. Quos id, si libuerit, aggressuros, procudere linguas ad majores moneo stilos. Ammian. Xxxi. 16. The first thirteen books, a superficial epitome of two hundred andfifty-seven years, are now lost: the last eighteen, which contain nomore than twenty-five years, still preserve the copious and authentichistory of his own times. ]

[Footnote 114: Ammianus was the last subject of Rome who composed aprofane history in the Latin language. The East, in the next century, produced some rhetorical historians, Zosimus, Olympiedorus, Malchus, Candidus &c. See Vossius de Historicis Graecis, l. Ii. C. 18, deHistoricis Latinis l. Ii. C. 10, &c. ]

[Footnote 115: Chrysostom, tom. I. P. 344, edit. Montfaucon. I haveverified and examined this passage: but I should never, without theaid of Tillemont, (Hist. Des Emp. Tom. V. P. 152, ) have detectedan historical anecdote, in a strange medley of moral and mysticexhortations, addressed, by the preacher of Antioch, to a young widow. ]

[Footnote 116: Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legation. P. 21. ]

[Footnote 117: See Godefroy's Chronology of the Laws. Codex Theodos tom. L. Prolegomen. P. Xcix. --civ. ]

[Footnote 118: Most writers insist on the illness, and long repose, ofTheodosius, at Thessalonica: Zosimus, to diminish his glory; Jornandes, to favor the Goths; and the ecclesiastical writers, to introduce hisbaptism. ]

The deliverance and peace of the Roman provinces [119] was the work ofprudence, rather than of valor: the prudence of Theodosius was secondedby fortune: and the emperor never failed to seize, and to improve, everyfavorable circumstance. As long as the superior genius of Fritigernpreserved the union, and directed the motions of the Barbarians, theirpower was not inadequate to the conquest of a great empire. The death ofthat hero, the predecessor and master of the renowned Alaric, relievedan impatient multitude from the intolerable yoke of discipline anddiscretion. The Barbarians, who had been restrained by his authority, abandoned themselves to the dictates of their passions; and theirpassions were seldom uniform or consistent. An army of conquerors wasbroken into many disorderly bands of savage robbers; and their blindand irregular fury was not less pernicious to themselves, than to theirenemies. Their mischievous disposition was shown in the destruction ofevery object which they wanted strength to remove, or taste to enjoy;and they often consumed, with improvident rage, the harvests, orthe granaries, which soon afterwards became necessary for their ownsubsistence. A spirit of discord arose among the independent tribesand nations, which had been united only by the bands of a loose andvoluntary alliance. The troops of the Huns and the Alani would naturallyupbraid the flight of the Goths; who were not disposed to use withmoderation the advantages of their fortune; the ancient jealousy ofthe Ostrogoths and the Visigoths could not long be suspended; and thehaughty chiefs still remembered the insults and injuries, which they hadreciprocally offered, or sustained, while the nation was seated in thecountries beyond the Danube. The progress of domestic faction abatedthe more diffusive sentiment of national animosity; and the officers ofTheodosius were instructed to purchase, with liberal gifts and promises, the retreat or service of the discontented party. The acquisitionof Modar, a prince of the royal blood of the Amali, gave a bold andfaithful champion to the cause of Rome. The illustrious desertersoon obtained the rank of master-general, with an important command;surprised an army of his countrymen, who were immersed in wine andsleep; and, after a cruel slaughter of the astonished Goths, returnedwith an immense spoil, and four thousand wagons, to the Imperial camp. [120] In the hands of a skilful politician, the most different means maybe successfully applied to the same ends; and the peace of the empire, which had been forwarded by the divisions, was accomplished by thereunion, of the Gothic nation. Athanaric, who had been a patientspectator of these extraordinary events, was at length driven, by thechance of arms, from the dark recesses of the woods of Caucaland. He nolonger hesitated to pass the Danube; and a very considerable part of thesubjects of Fritigern, who already felt the inconveniences of anarchy, were easily persuaded to acknowledge for their king a Gothic Judge, whose birth they respected, and whose abilities they had frequentlyexperienced. But age had chilled the daring spirit of Athanaric; and, instead of leading his people to the field of battle and victory, hewisely listened to the fair proposal of an honorable and advantageoustreaty. Theodosius, who was acquainted with the merit and power of hisnew ally, condescended to meet him at the distance of several milesfrom Constantinople; and entertained him in the Imperial city, withthe confidence of a friend, and the magnificence of a monarch. "TheBarbarian prince observed, with curious attention, the variety ofobjects which attracted his notice, and at last broke out into a sincereand passionate exclamation of wonder. I now behold (said he) what Inever could believe, the glories of this stupendous capital! And ashe cast his eyes around, he viewed, and he admired, the commandingsituation of the city, the strength and beauty of the walls and publicedifices, the capacious harbor, crowded with innumerable vessels, theperpetual concourse of distant nations, and the arms and discipline ofthe troops. Indeed, (continued Athanaric, ) the emperor of the Romans isa god upon earth; and the presumptuous man, who dares to lift his handagainst him, is guilty of his own blood. " [121] The Gothic king did notlong enjoy this splendid and honorable reception; and, as temperancewas not the virtue of his nation, it may justly be suspected, thathis mortal disease was contracted amidst the pleasures of the Imperialbanquets. But the policy of Theodosius derived more solid benefit fromthe death, than he could have expected from the most faithful services, of his ally. The funeral of Athanaric was performed with solemn rites inthe capital of the East; a stately monument was erected to his memory;and his whole army, won by the liberal courtesy, and decent grief, ofTheodosius, enlisted under the standard of the Roman empire. [122] Thesubmission of so great a body of the Visigoths was productive of themost salutary consequences; and the mixed influence of force, of reason, and of corruption, became every day more powerful, and more extensive. Each independent chieftain hastened to obtain a separate treaty, fromthe apprehension that an obstinate delay might expose him, alone andunprotected, to the revenge, or justice, of the conqueror. The general, or rather the final, capitulation of the Goths, may be dated four years, one month, and twenty-five days, after the defeat and death of theemperor Valens. [123]

[Footnote 119: Compare Themistius (Orat, xiv. P. 181) with Zosimus (l. Iv. P. 232, ) Jornandes, (c. Xxvii. P. 649, ) and the prolix Commentaryof M. De Buat, (Hist. De Peuples, &c. , tom. Vi. P. 477--552. ) TheChronicles of Idatius and Marcellinus allude, in general terms, tomagna certamina, magna multaque praelia. The two epithets are not easilyreconciled. ]

[Footnote 120: Zosimus (l. Iv. P. 232) styles him a Scythian, a namewhich the more recent Greeks seem to have appropriated to the Goths. ]

[Footnote 121: The reader will not be displeased to see the originalwords of Jornandes, or the author whom he transcribed. Regiam urbemingressus est, miransque, En, inquit, cerno quod saepe incredulusaudiebam, famam videlicet tantae urbis. Et huc illuc oculos volvens, nunc situm urbis, commeatumque navium, nunc moenia clara pro spectans, miratur; populosque diversarum gentium, quasi fonte in uno e diversispartibus scaturiente unda, sic quoque militem ordinatum aspiciens; Deus, inquit, sine dubio est terrenus Imperator, et quisquis adversus eummanum moverit, ipse sui sanguinis reus existit Jornandes (c. Xxviii. P. 650) proceeds to mention his death and funeral. ]

[Footnote 122: Jornandes, c. Xxviii. P. 650. Even Zosimus (l. V. P. 246)is compelled to approve the generosity of Theodosius, so honorable tohimself, and so beneficial to the public. ]

[Footnote 123: The short, but authentic, hints in the Fasti of Idatius(Chron. Scaliger. P. 52) are stained with contemporary passion. Thefourteenth oration of Themistius is a compliment to Peace, and theconsul Saturninus, (A. D. 383. )]

The provinces of the Danube had been already relieved from theoppressive weight of the Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths, by the voluntaryretreat of Alatheus and Saphrax, whose restless spirit had prompted themto seek new scenes of rapine and glory. Their destructive course waspointed towards the West; but we must be satisfied with a very obscureand imperfect knowledge of their various adventures. The Ostrogothsimpelled several of the German tribes on the provinces of Gaul;concluded, and soon violated, a treaty with the emperor Gratian;advanced into the unknown countries of the North; and, after an intervalof more than four years, returned, with accumulated force, to the banksof the Lower Danube. Their troops were recruited with the fiercestwarriors of Germany and Scythia; and the soldiers, or at leastthe historians, of the empire, no longer recognized the name andcountenances of their former enemies. [124] The general who commandedthe military and naval powers of the Thracian frontier, soon perceivedthat his superiority would be disadvantageous to the public service;and that the Barbarians, awed by the presence of his fleet and legions, would probably defer the passage of the river till the approachingwinter. The dexterity of the spies, whom he sent into the Gothic camp, allured the Barbarians into a fatal snare. They were persuaded that, bya bold attempt, they might surprise, in the silence and darkness ofthe night, the sleeping army of the Romans; and the whole multitude washastily embarked in a fleet of three thousand canoes. [125] The bravestof the Ostrogoths led the van; the main body consisted of the remainderof their subjects and soldiers; and the women and children securelyfollowed in the rear. One of the nights without a moon had been selectedfor the execution of their design; and they had almost reached thesouthern bank of the Danube, in the firm confidence that they shouldfind an easy landing and an unguarded camp. But the progress of theBarbarians was suddenly stopped by an unexpected obstacle a triple lineof vessels, strongly connected with each other, and which formed animpenetrable chain of two miles and a half along the river. While theystruggled to force their way in the unequal conflict, their right flankwas overwhelmed by the irresistible attack of a fleet of galleys, whichwere urged down the stream by the united impulse of oars and of thetide. The weight and velocity of those ships of war broke, and sunk, anddispersed, the rude and feeble canoes of the Barbarians; their valorwas ineffectual; and Alatheus, the king, or general, of the Ostrogoths, perished with his bravest troops, either by the sword of the Romans, orin the waves of the Danube. The last division of this unfortunate fleetmight regain the opposite shore; but the distress and disorder of themultitude rendered them alike incapable, either of action or counsel;and they soon implored the clemency of the victorious enemy. On thisoccasion, as well as on many others, it is a difficult task to reconcilethe passions and prejudices of the writers of the age of Theodosius. Thepartial and malignant historian, who misrepresents every action of hisreign, affirms, that the emperor did not appear in the field of battletill the Barbarians had been vanquished by the valor and conduct of hislieutenant Promotus. [126] The flattering poet, who celebrated, in thecourt of Honorius, the glory of the father and of the son, ascribes thevictory to the personal prowess of Theodosius; and almost insinuates, that the king of the Ostrogoths was slain by the hand of the emperor. [127] The truth of history might perhaps be found in a just mediumbetween these extreme and contradictory assertions. 

[Footnote 124: Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 252. ]

[Footnote 125: I am justified, by reason and example, in applying thisIndian name to the the Barbarians, the single trees hollowed into theshape of a boat. Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 253. Ausi Danubium quondam tranareGruthungi In lintres fregere nemus: ter mille ruebant Per fluvium plenaecuneis immanibus alni. Claudian, in iv. Cols. Hon. 623. ]

[Footnote 126: Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 252--255. He too frequently betrayshis poverty of judgment by disgracing the most serious narratives withtrifling and incredible circumstances. ]

[Footnote 127:--Odothaei Regis opima Retulit--Ver. 632. The opima werethe spoils which a Roman general could only win from the king, orgeneral, of the enemy, whom he had slain with his own hands: and no morethan three such examples are celebrated in the victorious ages of Rome. ]

The original treaty which fixed the settlement of the Goths, ascertainedtheir privileges, and stipulated their obligations, would illustrate thehistory of Theodosius and his successors. The series of their historyhas imperfectly preserved the spirit and substance of this singleagreement. [128] The ravages of war and tyranny had provided many largetracts of fertile but uncultivated land for the use of those Barbarianswho might not disdain the practice of agriculture. A numerous colony ofthe Visigoths was seated in Thrace; the remains of the Ostrogoths wereplanted in Phrygia and Lydia; their immediate wants were supplied bya distribution of corn and cattle; and their future industry wasencouraged by an exemption from tribute, during a certain term of years. The Barbarians would have deserved to feel the cruel and perfidiouspolicy of the Imperial court, if they had suffered themselves to bedispersed through the provinces. They required, and they obtained, the sole possession of the villages and districts assigned for theirresidence; they still cherished and propagated their native mannersand language; asserted, in the bosom of despotism, the freedom of theirdomestic government; and acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperor, without submitting to the inferior jurisdiction of the laws andmagistrates of Rome. The hereditary chiefs of the tribes and familieswere still permitted to command their followers in peace and war; butthe royal dignity was abolished; and the generals of the Goths wereappointed and removed at the pleasure of the emperor. An army of fortythousand Goths was maintained for the perpetual service of the empire ofthe East; and those haughty troops, who assumed the title of Foederati, or allies, were distinguished by their gold collars, liberal pay, andlicentious privileges. Their native courage was improved by the useof arms and the knowledge of discipline; and, while the republic wasguarded, or threatened, by the doubtful sword of the Barbarians, thelast sparks of the military flame were finally extinguished in the mindsof the Romans. [129] Theodosius had the address to persuade his allies, that the conditions of peace, which had been extorted from him byprudence and necessity, were the voluntary expressions of his sincerefriendship for the Gothic nation. [130] A different mode of vindicationor apology was opposed to the complaints of the people; who loudlycensured these shameful and dangerous concessions. [131] The calamitiesof the war were painted in the most lively colors; and the firstsymptoms of the return of order, of plenty, and security, werediligently exaggerated. The advocates of Theodosius could affirm, withsome appearance of truth and reason, that it was impossible to extirpateso many warlike tribes, who were rendered desperate by the loss of theirnative country; and that the exhausted provinces would be revived by afresh supply of soldiers and husbandmen. The Barbarians still worean angry and hostile aspect; but the experience of past times mightencourage the hope, that they would acquire the habits of industry andobedience; that their manners would be polished by time, education, andthe influence of Christianity; and that their posterity would insensiblyblend with the great body of the Roman people. [132]

[Footnote 128: See Themistius, Orat. Xvi. P. 211. Claudian (in Eutrop. L. Ii. 112) mentions the Phrygian colony:----Ostrogothis coliturmistisque Gruthungis Phyrx ager----and then proceeds to name the riversof Lydia, the Pactolus, and Herreus. ]

[Footnote 129: Compare Jornandes, (c. Xx. 27, ) who marks the conditionand number of the Gothic Foederati, with Zosimus, (l. Iv. P. 258, ) whomentions their golden collars; and Pacatus, (in Panegyr. Vet. Xii. 37, )who applauds, with false or foolish joy, their bravery and discipline. ]

[Footnote 130: Amator pacis generisque Gothorum, is the praise bestowedby the Gothic historian, (c. Xxix. , ) who represents his nation asinnocent, peaceable men, slow to anger, and patient of injuries. According to Livy, the Romans conquered the world in their own defence. ]

[Footnote 131: Besides the partial invectives of Zosimus, (alwaysdiscontented with the Christian reigns, ) see the grave representationswhich Synesius addresses to the emperor Arcadius, (de Regno, p. 25, 26, edit. Petav. ) The philosophic bishop of Cyrene was near enough tojudge; and he was sufficiently removed from the temptation of fear orflattery. ]

[Footnote 132: Themistius (Orat. Xvi. P. 211, 212) composes an elaborateand rational apology, which is not, however, exempt from the puerilitiesof Greek rhetoric. Orpheus could only charm the wild beasts of Thrace;but Theodosius enchanted the men and women, whose predecessors in thesame country had torn Orpheus in pieces, &c. ]

Notwithstanding these specious arguments, and these sanguineexpectations, it was apparent to every discerning eye, that the Gothswould long remain the enemies, and might soon become the conquerorsof the Roman empire. Their rude and insolent behavior expressed theircontempt of the citizens and provincials, whom they insulted withimpunity. [133] To the zeal and valor of the Barbarians Theodosiuswas indebted for the success of his arms: but their assistance wasprecarious; and they were sometimes seduced, by a treacherous andinconstant disposition, to abandon his standard, at the moment whentheir service was the most essential. During the civil war againstMaximus, a great number of Gothic deserters retired into the morassesof Macedonia, wasted the adjacent provinces, and obliged the intrepidmonarch to expose his person, and exert his power, to suppress therising flame of rebellion. [134] The public apprehensions were fortifiedby the strong suspicion, that these tumults were not the effect ofaccidental passion, but the result of deep and premeditated design. Itwas generally believed, that the Goths had signed the treaty ofpeace with a hostile and insidious spirit; and that their chiefs hadpreviously bound themselves, by a solemn and secret oath, never tokeep faith with the Romans; to maintain the fairest show of loyalty andfriendship, and to watch the favorable moment of rapine, of conquest, and of revenge. But as the minds of the Barbarians were not insensibleto the power of gratitude, several of the Gothic leaders sincerelydevoted themselves to the service of the empire, or, at least, of theemperor; the whole nation was insensibly divided into two oppositefactions, and much sophistry was employed in conversation and dispute, to compare the obligations of their first, and second, engagements. TheGoths, who considered themselves as the friends of peace, of justice, and of Rome, were directed by the authority of Fravitta, a valiant andhonorable youth, distinguished above the rest of his countrymen by thepoliteness of his manners, the liberality of his sentiments, and themild virtues of social life. But the more numerous faction adhered tothe fierce and faithless Priulf, [134a] who inflamed the passions, and asserted the independence, of his warlike followers. On one of thesolemn festivals, when the chiefs of both parties were invited to theImperial table, they were insensibly heated by wine, till they forgotthe usual restraints of discretion and respect, and betrayed, in thepresence of Theodosius, the fatal secret of their domestic disputes. The emperor, who had been the reluctant witness of this extraordinarycontroversy, dissembled his fears and resentment, and soon dismissed thetumultuous assembly. Fravitta, alarmed and exasperated by the insolenceof his rival, whose departure from the palace might have been the signalof a civil war, boldly followed him; and, drawing his sword, laidPriulf dead at his feet. Their companions flew to arms; and the faithfulchampion of Rome would have been oppressed by superior numbers, if hehad not been protected by the seasonable interposition of the Imperialguards. [135] Such were the scenes of Barbaric rage, which disgraced thepalace and table of the Roman emperor; and, as the impatient Goths couldonly be restrained by the firm and temperate character of Theodosius, the public safety seemed to depend on the life and abilities of a singleman. [136]

[Footnote 133: Constantinople was deprived half a day of the publicallowance of bread, to expiate the murder of a Gothic soldier: was theguilt of the people. Libanius, Orat. Xii. P. 394, edit. Morel. ]

[Footnote 134: Zosimus, l. Iv. P. 267-271. He tells a long andridiculous story of the adventurous prince, who roved the country withonly five horsemen, of a spy whom they detected, whipped, and killed inan old woman's cottage, &c. ]

[Footnote 134a: Eunapius. --M. ]

[Footnote 135: Compare Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. P. 21, 22) withZosimus, (l. Iv. P. 279. ) The difference of circumstances and names mustundoubtedly be applied to the same story. Fravitta, or Travitta, wasafterwards consul, (A. D. 401. ) and still continued his faithful servicesto the eldest son of Theodosius. (Tillemont, Hist. Des Empereurs, tom. V. P. 467. )]

[Footnote 136: Les Goths ravagerent tout depuis le Danube jusqu'auBosphore; exterminerent Valens et son armee; et ne repasserent leDanube, que pour abandonner l'affreuse solitude qu'ils avoient faite, (Oeuvres de Montesquieu, tom. Iii. P. 479. Considerations sur les Causesde la Grandeur et de la Decadence des Romains, c. Xvii. ) The presidentMontesquieu seems ignorant that the Goths, after the defeat of Valens, never abandoned the Roman territory. It is now thirty years, saysClaudian, (de Bello Getico, 166, &c. , A. D. 404, ) Ex quo jam patriosgens haec oblita Triones, Atque Istrum transvecta semel, vestigia fixitThreicio funesta solo--the error is inexcusable; since it disguisesthe principal and immediate cause of the fall of the Western empire ofRome. ]