HISTORY

OF

P H OE N I C I A

by George Rawlinson, M. A. 

First Published 1889 by Longmans, Green, and Co. 

Camden Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford

Canon of Canterbury

Corresponding Member of the Royal Academy of Turin

TO THE

CHANCELLOR, VICE-CHANCELLOR, and SCHOLARS

Of The

UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

This Work

His Last as Occupant of a Professorial Chair

Is Dedicated

As a Token of Respect and Gratitude

By The

CAMDEN PROFESSOR

Oct. 1 MDCCCLXXXIX

PREPARER'S NOTE

 The original text contains a number of characters that are not available even in 8-bit Windows text. Where possible these have been represented with a similar letter, but some things, e. G. Hebrew script, have been omitted. 

 The 8-bit version of this text includes Windows font characters. These may be lost in 7-bit versions of the text, or when viewed with different fonts. 

 Greek text has been transliterated within brackets "{}" using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. Diacritical marks have been lost. Phoenician or other Semitic text has been replaced with an ellipsis in brackets, i. E. "{. .. }". 

 The numerous sketches and maps in the original have also been omitted. 

PREFACE

Histories of Phoenicia or of the Phoenicians were written towards themiddle of the present century by Movers and Kenrick. The elaborate workof the former writer[01] collected into five moderate-sized volumesall the notices that classical antiquity had preserved of the Religion, History, Commerce, Art, &c. , of this celebrated and interesting nation. Kenrick, making a free use of the stores of knowledge thus accumulated, added to them much information derived from modern research, and wascontent to give to the world in a single volume of small size, [02] veryscantily illustrated, the ascertained results of criticism and inquiryon the subject of the Phoenicians up to his own day. Forty-four yearshave since elapsed; and in the course of them large additions have beenmade to certain branches of the inquiry, while others have remained verymuch as they were before. Travellers, like Robinson, Walpole, Tristram, Renan, and Lortet, have thrown great additional light on the geography, geology, fauna, and flora of the country. Excavators, like Renan and thetwo Di Cesnolas, have caused the soil to yield up most valuable remainsbearing upon the architecture, the art, the industrial pursuits, and themanners and customs of the people. Antiquaries, like M. Clermont-Ganneauand MM. Perrot and Chipiez, have subjected the remains to carefulexamination and criticism, and have definitively fixed the characterof Phoenician Art, and its position in the history of artistic effort. Researches are still being carried on, both in Phoenicia Proper and inthe Phoenician dependency of Cyprus, which are likely still further toenlarge our knowledge with respect to Phoenician Art and Archæology; butit is not probable that they will affect seriously the verdict alreadydelivered by competent judges on those subjects. The time thereforeappeared to the author to have come when, after nearly half a century ofsilence, the history of the people might appropriately be rewritten. Thesubject had long engaged his thoughts, closely connected as it is withthe histories of Egypt, and of the "Great Oriental Monarchies, " whichfor thirty years have been to him special objects of study; and a workembodying the chief results of the recent investigations seemed to hima not unsuitable termination to the historical efforts which hisresignation of the Professorship of Ancient History at Oxford, and hisentrance upon a new sphere of labour, bring naturally to an end. 

The author wishes to express his vast obligations to MM. Perrot andChipiez for the invaluable assistance which he has derived from theirgreat work, [03] and to their publishers, the MM. Hachette, for theirliberality in allowing him the use of so large a number of MM. Perrotand Chipiez' Illustrations. He is also much beholden to the samegentlemen for the use of charts and drawings originally published inthe "Géographie Universelle. " Other works from which he has drawn eithermaterials or illustrations, or both, are (besides Movers' and Kenrick's)M. Ernest Renan's "Mission de Phénicie, " General Di Cesnola's "Cyprus, "A. Di Cesnola's "Salaminia, " M. Ceccaldi's "Monuments Antiques deCypre, " M. Daux's "Recherches sur les Emporia Phéniciens, " the"Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, " M. Clermont-Ganneau's "ImageriePhénicienne, " Mr. Davis's "Carthage and her Remains, " Gesenius's"Scripturæ Linguæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta, " Lortet's "La Syried'aujourd'hui, " Serra di Falco's "Antichità della Sicilia, " Walpole's"Ansayrii, " and Canon Tristram's "Land of Israel. " The difficulty hasbeen to select from these copious stores the most salient and noteworthyfacts, and to marshal them in such a form as would make them readilyintelligible to the ordinary English reader. How far he has succeeded indoing this he must leave the public to judge. In making his bow to themas a "Reader" and Writer "of Histories, "[04] he has to thank them for adegree of favour which has given a ready sale to all his previous works, and has carried some of them through several editions. 

CANTERBURY: August 1889. 

HISTORY OF PHOENICIA

CHAPTER I--THE LAND

 Phoenicia--Origin of the name--Spread of the name southwards--Real length of Phoenicia along the coast-- Breadth and area--General character of the region--The Plains--Plain of Sharon--Plain of Acre--Plain of Tyre--Plain of Sidon--Plain of Berytus--Plain of Marathus--Hilly regions--Mountain ranges--Carmel--Casius--Bargylus--Lebanon-- Beauty of Lebanon--Rivers--The Litany--The Nahr-el-Berid-- The Kadisha--The Adonis--The Lycus--The Tamyras--The Bostrenus--The Zaherany--The Headlands--Main characteristics, inaccessibility, picturesqueness, productiveness. 

Phoenicé, or Phoenicia, was the name originally given by the Greeks--andafterwards adopted from them by the Romans--to the coast region of theMediterranean, where it faces the west between the thirty-second and thethirty-sixth parallels. Here, it would seem, in their early voyagings, the Pre-Homeric Greeks first came upon a land where the palm-tree wasnot only indigenous, but formed a leading and striking characteristic, everywhere along the low sandy shore lifting its tuft of featheryleaves into the bright blue sky, high above the undergrowth of fig, andpomegranate, and alive. Hence they called the tract Phoenicia, or "theLand of Palms;" and the people who inhabited it the Phoenicians, or "thePalm-tree people. "

The term was from the first applied with a good deal of vagueness. Itwas probably originally given to the region opposite Cyprus, from Gabalain the north--now Jebili--to Antaradus (Tortosa) and Marathus (Amrith)towards the south, where the palm-tree was first seen growing in richabundance. The palm is the numismatic emblem of Aradus, [11] and thoughnot now very frequent in the region which Strabo calls "the Aradiancoast-tract, "[12] must anciently have been among its chief ornaments. Asthe Grecian knowledge of the coast extended southward, and a richer andstill richer growth of the palm was continually noticed, almost everytown and every village being embosomed in a circle of palm groves, thename extended itself until it reached as far south at any rate as Gaza, or (according to some) as Rhinocolura and the Torrens Ægypti. Northwardthe name seems never to have passed beyond Cape Posideium (Possidi) atthe foot of Mount Casius, the tract between this and the range of Taurusbeing always known as Syria, never as Phoenecia or Phoenicé. 

The entire length of the coast between the limits of Cape Possidi andRhinocolura is, without reckoning the lesser indentations, about 380miles, or nearly the same as that of Portugal. The indentations of thecoast-line are slight. From Rhinocolura to Mount Carmel, a distance of150 miles, not a single strong promontory asserts itself, nor is there asingle bay of sufficient depth to attract the attention of geographers. Carmel itself is a notable headland, and shelters a bay of some size;but these once passed the old uniformity returns, the line being againalmost unbroken for a distance of seventy-five miles, from Haifa toBeyrout (Berytus). North of Beyrout we find a little more variety. The coast projects in a tolerably bold sweep between the thirty-fourthparallel and Tripolis (Tarabulus) and recedes almost correspondinglybetween Tripolis and Tortosa (Antaradus), so that a deepish bay isformed between Lat. 34º 27´ and Lat. 34º 45´, whence the line again runsnorthward unindented for fifty miles, to beyond Gabala (Jebili). After this, between Gabala and Cape Posideium there is considerableirregularity, the whole tract being mountainous, and spurs from Bargylusand Casius running down into the sea and forming a succession ofheadlands, of which Cape Posideium is the most remarkable. 

But while the name Phoenicia is applied geographically to this longextent--nearly 400 miles--of coast-line, historically and ethnicallyit has to be reduced within considerably narrower limits. A race, quitedistinct from that of the Phoenicians, was settled from an early dateon the southern portion of the west Asian coast, where it verges towardsAfrica. From Jabneh (Yebna) southwards was Palestine, the country of thePhilistines, perhaps even from Joppa (Jaffa), which is made the boundaryby Mela. [13] Thus at least eighty miles of coast-line must be deductedfrom the 380, and the length of Phoenicia along the Mediterranean shoremust be regarded as not exceeding three hundred miles. 

The width varied from eight or ten miles to thirty. We must regardas the eastern boundary of Phoenicia the high ridge which forms thewatershed between the streams that flow eastward toward the Orontes, Litany, and Jordan, and those that flow westward into the Mediterranean. It is difficult to say what was the _average_ width, but perhaps it maybe fairly estimated at about fifteen miles. In this case the entire areawould have been about 4, 500 square miles. 

The tract was one of a remarkably diversified character. Lofty mountain, steep wooded hill, chalky slope, rich alluvial plain, and sandy shoresucceeded each other, each having its own charm, which was enhanced bycontrast. The sand is confined to a comparatively narrow strip along theseashore, [14] and to the sites of ancient harbours now filled up. It isexceedingly fine and of excellent silicious quality, especially in thevicinity of Sidon and at the foot of Mount Carmel. The most remarkableplains are those of Sharon, Acre, Tyre, Sidon, Beyrout, and Marathus. Sharon, so dear to the Hebrew poets, [15] is the maritime tractintervening between the highland of Samaria and the Mediterranean, extending from Joppa to the southern foot of Carmel--a distance ofnearly sixty miles--and watered by the Chorseas, the Kaneh, and otherrivers. It is a smooth, very slightly undulating tract, about tenmiles in width from the sea to the foot of the mountains, which rise upabruptly from it without any intervening region of hills, and seem tobound it as a wall, above which tower the huge rounded masses of Ebaland Gerizim, with the wooded cone, on which stood Samaria, nestling attheir feet. [16] The sluggish streams, several of them containing waterduring the whole of the year, make their way across it between reedybanks, [17] and generally spread out before reaching the shore into widemarshes, which might be easily utilised for purposes of irrigation. The soil is extremely rich, varying from bright red to deep black, and producing enormous crops of weeds or grain, according as it iscultivated or left in a state of nature. Towards the south the view overthe region has been thus described: "From Ramleh there is a wide viewon every side, presenting a prospect rarely surpassed in richness andbeauty. I could liken it to nothing but the great plain of the Rhineby Heidelberg or, better still, to the vast plains of Lombardy, as seenfrom the cathedral of Milan and elsewhere. In the east the frowningmountains of Judah rose abruptly from the tract at their foot; while onthe west, in fine contrast, the glittering waves of the MediterraneanSea associated our thoughts with Europe. Towards the north and south, as far as the eye could reach, the beautiful plain was spread out like acarpet at our feet, variegated with tracts of brown from which the cropshad just been taken, and with fields still rich with the yellow of theripe corn, or green with the springing millet. Immediately below usthe eye rested on the immense olive groves of Ramleh and Lydda, and thepicturesque towers and minarets and domes of these large villages. Inthe plain itself were not many villages, but the tract of hills andthe mountain-side beyond, especially in the north-east, were perfectlystudded with them, and as now seen in the reflected beams of the settingsun they seemed like white villas and hamlets among the dark hills, presenting an appearance of thriftiness and beauty which certainly wouldnot stand a closer examination. "[18] Towards its northern end Sharonis narrowed by the low hills which gather round the western flanksof Carmel, and gradually encroach upon the plain until it terminatesagainst the shoulder of the mountain itself, leaving only a narrow beachat the foot of the promontory by which it is possible to communicatewith the next plain towards the north. [19]

Compared with Sharon the plain of Acre is unimportant and of smallextent. It reaches about eight miles along the shore, from the foot ofCarmel to the headland on which the town of Acre stands, and has a widthbetween the shore and the hills of about six miles. Like Sharon it isnoted for its fertility. Watered by the two permanent streams of theKishon and the Belus, it possesses a rich soil, which is said to be atpresent "perhaps the best cultivated and producing the most luxuriantcrops, both of corn and weeds, of any in Palestine. "[110] The Kishonwaters it on the south, where it approaches Carmel, and is a broadstream, [111] though easily fordable towards its mouth. The Belus(Namâané) flows through it towards the north, washing Acre itself, andis a stream of even greater volume than the Kishon, though it has but ashort course. 

The third of the Phoenician plains, as we proceed from south to north, is that of Tyre. This is a long but comparatively narrow strip, reachingfrom the Ras-el-Abiad towards the south to Sarepta on the north, adistance of about twenty miles, but in no part more than five milesacross, and generally less than two miles. It is watered about midwayby the copious stream of the Kasimiyeh or Litany, which, rising east ofLebanon in the Buka'a or Coelesyrian valley, forces its way through themountain chain by a series of tremendous gorges, and debouches upon theTyrian lowland about three miles to the south-east of the present city, near the modern Khan-el-Kasimiyeh, whence it flows peaceably to the seawith many windings through a broad low tract of meadow-land. Otherrills and rivulets descending from the west flank of the great mountainincrease the productiveness of the plain, while copious fountains ofwater gush forth with surprising force in places, more especially atRas-el-Ain, three miles from Tyre, to the south. [112] The plain is, evenat the present day, to a large extent covered with orchards, gardens, and cultivated fields, in which are grown rich crops of tobacco, cotton, and cereals. 

The plain of Sidon, which follows that of Tyre, and is sometimesregarded as a part of it, [113] extends from a little north of Sarepta tothe Ras-el-Jajunieh, a distance of about ten miles, and resembles thatof Tyre in its principal features. It is long and narrow, never morethan about two miles in width, but well-watered and very fertile. Theprincipal streams are the Bostrenus (Nahr-el-Auly) in the north, justinside the promontory of Jajunieh, the Nahr-Sanîk, south of Sidon, atorrent dry in the summer-time, [114] and the Nahr-ez-Zaherany, two anda half miles north of Sarepta, a river of moderate capacity. Finefountains also burst from the earth in the plain itself, as theAin-el-Kanterah and the Ain-el-Burâk, [115] between Sarepta and theZaherany river. Irrigation is easy and is largely used, with the resultthat the fruits and vegetables of Saïda and its environs have the nameof being among the finest of the country. [116]

The plain of Berytus (Beyrout) is the most contracted of all thePhoenician plains that are at all noticeable. It lies south, south-east, and east of the city, intervening between the high dunes or sand-hillswhich form the western portion of the Beyrout peninsula, and the skirtsof Lebanon, which here approach very near to the sea. The plain beginsat Wady Shuweifat on the south, about four miles from the town ofBeyrout, and extends northwards to the sea on the western side ofthe Nahr Beyrout. The northern part of the plain is known asArd-el-Burâjineh. The plain is deficient in water, [117] yet iscultivated in olives and mulberries, and contains the largest olivegrove in all Syria. A little beyond its western edge is the famouspine forest[118] from which (according to some) Berytus derived itsname. [119]

The plain of Marathus is, next to Sharon, the most extensive inPhoenicia. It stretches from Jebili (Gabala) on the north to Arkatowards the south, a distance of about sixty miles, and has a widthvarying from two to ten miles. The rock crops out from it in places andit is broken between Tortosa and Hammam by a line of low hills runningparallel with the shore. [120] The principal streams which water it arethe Nahr-el-Melk, or Badas, six miles south of Jebili, the Nahr Amrith, a strong running brook which empties itself into the sea a few milessouth of Tortosa (Antaradus), the Nahr Kublé, which joins the NahrAmrith near its mouth, and the Eleutherus or Nahr-el-Kabir, whichreaches the sea a little north of Arka. Of these the Eleutherus is themost important. "It is a considerable stream even in summer, and inthe rainy season it is a barrier to intercourse, caravans sometimesremaining encamped on its banks for several weeks, unable tocross. "[121] The soil of the plain is shallow, the rock lying alwaysnear the surface; the streams are allowed to run to waste and formmarshes, which breed malaria; a scanty population scarcely attempts morethan the rudest and most inefficient cultivation; and the consequence isthat the tract at present is almost a desert. Nature, however, shows itscapabilities by covering it in the spring-time from end to end with a"carpet of flowers. "[122]

From the edges of the plains, and sometimes from the very shore of thesea, rise up chalky slopes or steep rounded hills, partly left to natureand covered with trees and shrubs, partly at the present day cultivatedand studded with villages. The hilly region forms generally anintermediate tract between the high mountains and the plains alreadydescribed; but, not unfrequently, it commences at the water's edge, andfills with its undulations the entire space, leaving not even a stripof lowland. This is especially the case in the central region betweenBerytus and Arka, opposite the highest portion of the Lebanon; and againin the north between Cape Possidi and Jebili, opposite the more northernpart of Bargylus. The hilly region in these places is a broad tractof alternate wooded heights and deep romantic valleys, with streamsmurmuring amid their shades. Sometimes the hills are cultivated interraces, on which grow vines and olives, but more often they remain intheir pristine condition, clothed with masses of tangled underwood. 

The mountain ranges, which belong in some measure to the geography ofPhoenicia, are four in number--Carmel, Casius, Bargylus, and Lebanon. Carmel is a long hog-backed ridge, running in almost a straight linefrom north-west to south-east, from the promontory which forms thewestern protection of the bay of Acre to El-Ledjun, on the southernverge of the great plain of Esdraelon, a distance of about twenty-twomiles. It is a limestone formation, and rises up abruptly from the sideof the bay of Acre, with flanks so steep and rugged that the travellermust dismount in order to ascend them, [123] but slopes more gentlytowards the south, where it is comparatively easy of access. Thegreatest elevation which it attains is about Lat. 32º 4´, where itreaches the height of rather more than 1, 200 feet; from this it fallsgradually as it nears the shore, until at the convent, with which thewestern extremity is crowned, the height above the sea is no more than582 feet. In ancient times the whole mountain was thickly wooded, [124]but at present, though it contains "rocky dells" where there are "thickjungles of copse, "[125] and is covered in places with olive groves andthickets of dwarf oak, yet its appearance is rather that of a parkthan of a forest, long stretches of grass alternating with patches ofwoodland and "shrubberies, thicker than any in Central Palestine, " whilethe larger trees grow in clumps or singly, and there is nowhere, as inLebanon, any dense growth, or even any considerable grove, of foresttrees. But the beauty of the tract is conspicuous; and if Carmel means, as some interpret, a "garden" rather than a "forest, " it may be heldto well justify its appellation. "The whole mountain-side, " says onetraveller, [126] "was dressed with blossoms and flowering shrubs andfragrant herbs. " "There is not a flower, " says another, [127] "that Ihave seen in Galilee, or on the plains along the coast, that I do notfind on Carmel, still the fragrant, lovely mountain that he was of old. "

The geological structure of Carmel is, in the main, what is called "theJura formation, " or "the upper oolite"--a soft white limestone, withnodules and veins of flint. At the western extremity, where it overhangsthe Mediterranean, are found chalk, and tertiary breccia formed offragments of chalk and flint. On the north-east of the mountain, beyondthe Nahr-el-Mukattah, plutonic rocks appear, breaking through thedeposit strata, and forming the beginning of the basalt formationwhich runs through the plain of Esdraelon to Tabor and the Sea ofGalilee. [128] Like most limestone formations, Carmel abounds in caves, which are said to be more than 2, 000 in number, [129] and are often ofgreat length and extremely tortuous. 

Carmel, the great southern headland of Phoenicia, is balanced in acertain sense by the extreme northern headland of Casius. Mount Casiusis, strictly speaking, the termination of a spur from Bargylus; butit has so marked and peculiar a character that it seems entitled toseparate description. Rising up abruptly from the Mediterranean to theheight of 5, 318 feet, it dominates the entire region in its vicinity, and from the sea forms a landmark that is extraordinarily conspicuous. Forests of fine trees clothe its flanks, but the lofty summit towershigh above them, a bare mass of rock, known at the present day asJebel-el-Akra, or "the Bald Mountain. " It is formed mainly of the samecretaceous limestone as the other mountains of these parts, and likethem has a rounded summit; but rocks of igneous origin enter intoits geological structure; and in its vegetation it more resembles themountain ranges of Taurus and Amanus than those of southern Syria andPalestine. On its north-eastern prolongation, which is washed by theOrontes, lay the enchanting pleasure-ground of Daphné, bubbling withfountains, and bright with flowering shrubs, where from a remoteantiquity the Syrians held frequent festival to their favouritedeity--the "Dea Syra"--the great nature goddess. 

The elevated tract known to the ancients as Bargylus, and to moderngeographers as the Ansayrieh or Nasariyeh mountain-region, runs at rightangles to the spur terminating in the Mount Casius, and extends from theOrontes near Antioch to the valley of the Eleutherus. This is a distanceof not less than a hundred miles. The range forms the western boundaryof the lower Coelesyrian valley, which abuts upon it towards the east, while westward it looks down upon the region, partly hill, partlylowland, which may be regarded as constituting "Northern Phoenicia. "The axis of the range is almost due north and south, but with a slightdeflection towards the south-east. Bargylus is not a chain comparableto Lebanon, but still it is a romantic and picturesque region. The lowerspurs towards the west are clothed with olive grounds and vineyards, or covered with myrtles and rhododendrons; between them are broad openvalleys, productive of tobacco and corn. Higher up "the scenery becomeswild and bold; hill rises to mountain; soft springing green corn givesplace to sterner crag, smooth plain to precipitous heights;"[130] andif in the more elevated region the majesty of the cedar is wanting, yet forests of fir and pine abound, and creep up the mountain-side, inplaces almost to the summit, while here and there bare masses of rockprotrude themselves, and crag and cliff rise into the clouds that hangabout the highest summits. Water abounds throughout the region, whichis the parent of numerous streams, as the northern Nahr-el-Kebir, whichflows into the sea by Latakia, the Nahr-el-Melk, the Nahr Amrith, theNahr Kublé, the Nahr-el-Abrath, and many others. From the conformationof the land they have of necessity short courses; but each and all ofthem spread along their banks a rich verdure and an uncommon fertility. 

But the _great_ range of Phoenicia, its glory and its boast isLebanon. Lebanon, the "White Mountain"[131]--"the Mont Blancof Palestine"[132]--now known as "the Old White-headed Man"(Jebel-esh-Sheikh), or "the Mountain of Ice" (Jebel-el-Tilj), was toPhoenicia at once its protection, the source of its greatness, and itscrowning beauty. Extended in a continuous line for a distance of abovea hundred miles, with an average elevation of from 6, 000 to 8, 000 feet, and steepest on its eastern side, it formed a wall against which thewaves of eastern invasion naturally broke--a bulwark which seemed to sayto them, "Thus far shall ye go, and no further. " The flood of conquestswept along its eastern flank, down the broad vale of the Buka'a, andthen over the hills of Galilee; but its frowning precipices and itslofty crest deterred or baffled the invader, and the smiling regionbetween its summit and the Mediterranean was, in the early times at anyrate, but rarely traversed by a hostile army. This western region itwas which held those inexhaustible stores of forest trees that suppliedPhoenicia with her war ships and her immense commercial navy; here werethe most productive valleys, the vineyards, and the olive grounds, andhere too were the streams and rills, the dashing cascades, the lovelydells, and the deep gorges which gave her the palm over all thesurrounding countries for variety of picturesque scenery. 

The geology of the Lebanon is exceedingly complicated. "While thebulk of the mountain, and all the higher ranges, are without exceptionlimestone of the early cretaceous period, the valleys and gorgesare filled with formations of every possible variety, sedimentary, metamorphic, and igneous. Down many of them run long streams of trapor basalt; occasionally there are dykes of porphyry and greenstone, andthen patches of sandstone, before the limestone and flint recur. "[133]Some slopes are composed entirely of soft sandstone; many patches are ofa hard metallic-sounding trap or porphyry; but the predominant formationis a greasy or powdery limestone, bare often, but sometimes clothed witha soft herbage, or with a thick tangle of shrubs, or with lofty foresttrees. The ridge of the mountain is everywhere naked limestone rock, except in the comparatively few places which attain the highestelevation, where it is coated or streaked with snow. Two summits areespecially remarkable, that of Jebel Sunnin towards the south, which isa conspicuous object from Beyrout, [134] and is estimated to exceed theheight of 9, 000 feet, [135] and that of Jebel Mukhmel towards the north, which has been carefully measured and found to fall a very little shortof 10, 200 feet. [136] The latter, which forms a sort of amphitheatre, circles round and impends over a deep hollow or basin, opening outtowards the west, in which rise the chief sources that go to form theromantic stream of the Kadisha. The sides of the basin are bare androcky, fringed here and there with the rough knolls which mark thedeposits of ancient glaciers, the "moraines" of the Lebanon. In thisbasin stand "the Cedars. " It is not indeed true, as was for a long timesupposed, that the cedar grove of Jebel Mukhmel is the sole remnantof that primeval cedar-forest which was anciently the glory of themountain. Cedars exist on Lebanon in six other places at least, if notin more. Near Tannurin, on one of the feeders of the Duweir, a wildgorge is clothed from top to bottom with a forest of trees, untouchedby the axe, the haunt of the panther and the bear, which on examinationhave been found to be all cedars, some of a large size, from fifteen toeighteen feet in girth. They grow in clusters, or scattered singly, in every variety of situation, some clinging to the steep slopes, or gnarled and twisted on the bare hilltops, others sheltered in therecesses of the dell. There are also cedar-groves at B'sherrah; at ElHadith; near Dûma, five hours south-west of El Hadith; in one ofthe glens north of Deir-el-Kamar, at Etnub, and probably in otherplaces. [137] But still "the Cedars" of Jebel Mukhmel are entitled topre-eminence over all the rest, both as out-numbering any other cluster, and still more as exceeding all the rest in size and apparent antiquity. Some of the patriarchs are of enormous girth; even the younger ones havea circumference of eighteen feet; and the height is such that the birdswhich dwell among the upper branches are beyond the range of an ordinaryfowling-piece. 

But it is through the contrasts which it presents that Lebanon has itsextraordinary power of attracting and delighting the traveller. Belowthe upper line of bare and worn rock, streaked in places with snow, andseamed with torrent courses, a region is entered upon where the freshestand softest mountain herbage, the greenest foliage, and the mostbrilliant flowers alternate with deep dells, tremendous gorges, rockyravines, and precipices a thousand feet high. Scarcely has the voyagerdescended from the upper region of naked and rounded rock, when hecomes upon "a tremendous chasm--the bare amphitheatre of the upper basincontracts into a valley of about 2, 000 feet deep, rent at its bottominto a cleft a thousand feet deeper still, down which dashes a river, buried between these stupendous walls of rock. All above the chasm isterraced as far as the eye can reach with indefatigable industry. Tinystreamlets bound and leap from terrace to terrace, fertilising them asthey rush to join the torrent in the abyss. Some of the waterfalls areof great height and of considerable volume. From one spot may be countedno less than seven of these cascades, now dashing in white spray over acliff, now lost under the shade of trees, soon to reappear over thenext shelving rock. "[138] Or, to quote from another writer, [139]--"Thedescent from the summit is gradual, but is everywhere broken byprecipices and towering rocks, which time and the elements havechiselled into strange fantastic shapes. Ravines of singular wildnessand grandeur furrow the whole mountain-side, looking in many places likehuge rents. Here and there, too, bold promontories shoot out, anddip perpendicularly into the bosom of the Mediterranean. The raggedlimestone banks are scantily clothed with the evergreen oak, andthe sandstone with pines; while every available spot is carefullycultivated. The cultivation is wonderful, and shows what all Syria mightbe of under a good government. Miniature fields of grain are often seenwhere one would suppose that the eagles alone, which hover round them, could have planted the seed. Fig-trees cling to the naked rock; vinesare trained along narrow ledges; long ranges of mulberries on terraceslike steps of stairs cover the more gentle declivities; and dense grovesof olives fill up the bottoms of the glens. Hundreds of villages areseen, here built amid labyrinths of rock, there clinging like swallows'nests to the sides of cliffs, while convents, no less numerous, areperched on the top of every peak. When viewed from the sea on a morningin early spring, Lebanon presents a picture which once seen is neverforgotten; but deeper still is the impression left on the mind, when onelooks down over its terraced slopes clothed in their gorgeous foliage, and through the vistas of its magnificent glens, on the broad and brightMediterranean. "

The eastern flank of the mountain falls very far short of the westernboth in area and in beauty. It is a comparatively narrow region, andpresents none of the striking features of gorge, ravine, deep dell, anddashing stream which diversify the side that looks westward. The steepslopes are generally bare, the lower portion only being scantily clothedwith deciduous oak, for the most part stunted, and with low scrub ofjuniper and barberry. [140] Towards the north there is an outer barrier, parallel with the main chain, on which follows a tolerably flat andrather bare plain, well watered, and with soft turf in many parts, whichgently slopes to the foot of the main ascent, a wall of rock generallyhalf covered with snow, up which winds the rough track wherebytravellers reach the summit. Rills of water are not wanting; flowersbloom to the very edge of the snow, and the walnut-tree flourishes insheltered places to within two or three thousand feet of the summit; butthe general character of the tract is bare and bleak; the villages arefew; and the terraced cultivation, which adds so much to the beautyof the western side, is wanting. In the southern half of the range thedescent is abrupt from the crest of the mountain into the Buka'a, orvalley of the Litany, and the aspect of the mountain-side is one of"unrelieved bareness. "[141]

There is, however, one beauty at one point on this side of the Lebanonrange which is absent from the more favoured western region. On theascent from Baalbek to the Cedars the traveller comes upon Lake Lemone, a beautiful mountain tarn, without any apparent exit, the only sheetof water in the Lebanon. Lake Lemone is of a long oval shape, abouttwo miles from one end to the other, and is fed by a stream entering ateither extremity, that from the north, which comes down from the villageof Ainât, being the more important. As the water which comes intothe lake cannot be discharged by evaporation, we must suppose someunderground outlet, [142] by which it is conveyed, through the limestone, into the Litany. 

The eastern side of Lebanon drains entirely into this river, which isthe only stream whereto it gives birth. The Litany is the principalof all the Phoenician rivers, for the Orontes must be counted not toPhoenicia but to Syria. It rises from a small pool or lake near TelHushben, [143] about six miles to the south-west of the Baalbek ruins. Springing from this source, which belongs to Antilibanus rather thanto Lebanon, the Litany shortly receives a large accession to its watersfrom the opposite side of the valley, and thus augmented flows along thelower Buka'a in a direction which is generally a little west of south, receiving on either side a number of streams and rills from bothmountains, and giving out in its turn numerous canals for irrigation. As the river descends with numerous windings, but still with the samegeneral course, the valley of the Buka'a contracts more and more, tillfinally it terminates in a gorge of a most extraordinary character. Nothing in the conformation of the strata, or in the lie of ground, indicates the coming marvel[144]--the roots of Lebanon and Hermon appearto intermix--and the further progress of the river seems to be barred bya rocky ridge stretching across the valley from east to west, when lo!suddenly, the ridge is cut, as if by a knife, and a deep and narrowchasm opens in it, down which the stream plunges in a cleft 200 feetdeep, and so narrow that in one place it is actually bridged over bymasses of rock which have fallen from the cliffs above. [145] In thegully below fig-trees and planes, besides many shrubs, find a footing, and the moist walls of rock on either side are hung with ferns ofvarious kinds, among which is conspicuous the delicate and gracefulmaidenhair. Further down the chasm deepens, first to 1, 000 and thento 1, 500 feet, "the torrent roars in the gorge, milk-white and swollenoften with the melting snow, overhung with semi-tropical oleanders, fig-trees, and oriental planes, while the upper cliffs are cladwith northern vegetation, two zones of climate thus being visible atonce. "[146] Where the gorge is the deepest, opposite the Castle ofBelfort (the modern Kulat-esh-Shukif), the river suddenly makes a turnat right angles, altering its course from nearly due south to nearlydue west, and cuts through the remaining roots of Lebanon, still atthe bottom of a tremendous fissure, and still raging and chafing fora distance of fifteen miles, until at length it debouches on the coastplain, and meanders slowly through meadows to the sea, [147] which itenters about five miles to the north of Tyre. The course of the Litanymay be roughly estimated at from seventy to seventy-five miles. 

The other streams to which Lebanon gives birth flow either from itsnorthern or its western flank. From the northern flank flows one streamonly, the Nahr-el-Kebir or Eleutherus. The course of this stream isshort, not much exceeding thirty miles. It rises from several sources atthe edge of the Coelesyrian valley, and, receiving affluents from eitherside, flows westward between Bargylus and Lebanon to the Mediterranean, which it enters between Orthosia (Artousi) and Marathus (Amrith) with astream, the volume of which is even in the summer-time considerable. Inthe rainy season it constitutes an important impediment to intercourse, since it frequently sweeps away any bridge which may be thrown acrossit, and is itself unfordable. Caravans sometimes remain encamped uponits banks for weeks, waiting until the swell has subsided and crossingis no longer dangerous. [148]

From the western flank of Lebanon flow above a hundred streams ofvarious dimensions, whereof the most important are the Nahr-el-Beridor river of Orthosia, the Kadisha or river of Tripolis, the Ibrahimor Adonis, the Nahr-el-Kelb or Lycus, the Damour or Tamyras, the Auly(Aouleh) or Bostrenus, and the Zaherany, of which the ancient name isunknown to us. The Nahr-el-Berid drains the north-western angle of themountain chain, and is formed of two main branches, one coming down fromthe higher portion of the range, about Lat. 34º 20´, and flowing tothe north-west, while the other descends from a region of much lesselevation, about Lat. 34º 30´, and runs a little south of west to thepoint of junction. The united stream then forces its way down a gorgein a north-west direction, and enters the sea at Artousi, probablythe ancient Orthosia. [149] The length of the river from its remotestfountain to its mouth is about twenty miles. 

The Kadisha or "Holy River" has its source in the deep basin alreadydescribed, round which rise in a semicircle the loftiest peaks of therange, and on the edge of which stand "the Cedars. " Fed by the perpetualsnows, it shortly becomes a considerable stream, and flows nearly duewest down a beautiful valley, where the terraced slopes are covered withvineyards and mulberry groves, and every little dell, every nook andcorner among the jagged rocks, every ledge and cranny on precipice-side, which the foot of man can reach, or on which a basket of earth can bedeposited, is occupied with patch of corn or fruit-tree. [150] Lower downnear Canobin the valley contracts into a sublime chasm, its rocky wallsrising perpendicularly a thousand feet on either side, and in places notleaving room for even a footpath beside the stream that flows alongthe bottom. [151] The water of the Kadisha is "pure, fresh, cool, andlimpid, "[152] and makes a paradise along its entire course. BelowCanobin the stream sweeps round in a semicircle towards the north, andstill running in a picturesque glen, draws near to Tripolis, where itbends towards the north-west, and enters the sea after passingthrough the town. Its course, including main windings, measures abouttwenty-five miles. 

The Ibrahim, or Adonis, has its source near Afka (Apheca) in Lat. 34º 4´nearly. It bursts from a cave at the foot of a tremendous cliff, and itsfoaming waters rush down into a wild chasm. [153] Its flow is at firsttowards the north-west, but after receiving a small tributary fromthe north-east, it shapes its course nearly westward, and pursuesthis direction, with only slight bends to the north and south, for thedistance of about fifteen miles to the sea. After heavy rain in Lebanon, its waters, which are generally clear and limpid, become tinged with theearth which the swollen torrent detaches from the mountain-side, [154]and Adonis thus "runs purple to the sea"--not however once a year only, but many times. It enters the Mediterranean about four miles south ofByblus (Jebeil) and six north of Djouni. 

The Lycus or Nahr-el-Kelb ("Dog River") flows from the northern andwestern flanks of Jebel Sunnin. It is formed by the confluence of threemain streams. One of these rises near Afka, and runs to the south ofwest, past the castle and temples of Fakra, to its junction with thesecond stream, which is formed of several rivulets flowing from thenorthern flank of Sunnin. Near Bufkeiya the river constituted by theunion of these two branches is joined by a third stream flowing from thewestern flank of Sunnin with a westerly course, and from this point theLycus pursues its way in the same general direction down a magnificentgorge to the Mediterranean. Both banks are lofty, but especially that tothe south, where one of Lebanon's great roots strikes out far, and dips, a rocky precipice, into the bosom of the deep. [155] Low in the depths ofthe gorge the mad torrent dashes over its rocky bed in sheets of foam, its banks fringed with oleander, which it bathes with its spray. Aboverise jagged precipices of white limestone, crowned far overhead by manya convent and village. [156] The course of the Nahr-el-Kelbis about equalto that of the Adonis. 

The Damour or Tamyras drains the western flank of Lebanon to the southof Jebel Sunnin (about Lat. 33º 45´), the districts known as Menassifand Jourd Arkoub, about Barouk and Deir-el-Kamar. It collects the watersfrom an area of about 110 square miles, and carries them to the sea ina course which is a little north of west, reaching it half-way betweenKhan Khulda (Heldua) and Nebbi Younas. The scenery along its banks istame compared with that of the more northern rivers. 

The Nahr-el-Auly or Bostrenus rises from a source to the north-east ofBarouk, and flows in a nearly straight course to the south-west for adistance of nearly thirty-five miles, when it is joined by a streamfrom Jezzin, which flows into it from the south-east. On receiving thisstream, the Auly turns almost at a right angle, and flows to the westdown the fine alluvial track called Merj Bisry, passing from this pointthrough comparatively low ground, and between swelling hills, until itreaches the sea two miles to the north of Sidon. Its entire course isnot less than sixty miles. 

The Zaherany repeats on a smaller scale the course of the Bostrenus. Itrises near Jerjû'a from the western flank of Jebel Rihan, the southernextremity of the Lebanon range, and flows at first to the south-west. The source is "a fine large fountain bursting forth with violence, andwith water enough for a mill race. "[157] From this the river flows ina deep valley, brawling and foaming along its course, through tracts ofgreen grass shaded by black walnut-trees for a distance of about fivemiles, after which, just opposite Jerjû'a, it breaks through one of thespurs from Rihan by a magnificent chasm. The gorge is one "than whichthere are few deeper or more savage in Lebanon. The mountains on eachside rise up almost precipitously to the height of two or three thousandfeet above the stream, that on the northern bank being considerably thehigher. The steep sides of the southern mountain are dotted with shrub, oak, and other dwarf trees. "[158] The river descends in its chasm stillin a south-west direction until, just opposite Arab Salim, it "turnsround the precipitous corner or bastion of the southern Rihan into astraight valley, " and proceeds to run due south for a short distance. Meeting, however, a slight swell of ground, which blocks what would seemto have been its natural course, the river "suddenly turns west, " andbreaking through a low ridge by a narrow ravine, pursues its way bya course a little north of west to the Mediterranean, which it entersabout midway between Sidon and Sarepta. [159] The length of the stream, including main windings, is probably not more than thirty-five miles. 

We have spoken of the numerous promontories, terminations of spurs fromthe mountains, which break the low coast-line into fragments, and godown precipitously into the sea. Of these there are two between Tyre andAcre, one known as the Ras-el-Abiad or "White Headland, " and theother as the Ras-en-Nakura. The former is a cliff of snow-white chalkinterspersed with black flints, and rises perpendicularly from the seato the height of three hundred feet. [160] The road, which in some placesimpends over the water, has been cut with great labour through the rock, and is said by tradition to have been the work of Alexander the Great. Previously, both here and at the Ras-en-Nakura, the ascent was by steps, and the passes were known as the Climaces Tyriorum, or "Staircases ofthe Tyrians. " Another similar precipice guards the mouth of the Lycus onits south side and has been engineered with considerable skill, first bythe Egyptians and then by the Romans. [161] North of this, at Djouni, thecoast road "traverses another pass, where the mountain, descending tothe water, has been cut to admit it. "[162] Still further north, betweenByblus and Tripolis, the bold promontory known to the ancients asTheu-prosopon, and now called the Ras-esh-Shakkah, is still unconquered, and the road has to quit the shore and make its way over the spur bya "wearisome ascent"[163] at some distance inland. Again, "beyond theTamyras the hills press closely on the sea, "[164] and there is "a rockyand difficult pass, along which the path is cut for some distance in therock. "[165]

The effect of this conformation of the country was, in early times, torender Phoenicia untraversable by a hostile army, and at the same timeto interpose enormous difficulties in the way of land communicationamong the natives themselves, who must have soon turned their thoughtsto the possibility of communicating by sea. The various "staircases"were painful and difficult to climb, they gave no passage to animals, and only light forms of merchandise could be conveyed by them. Assoon as the first rude canoe put forth upon the placid waters of theMediterranean, it must have become evident that the saving in time andlabour would be great if the sea were made to supersede the land as theordinary line of communication. 

The main characteristics of the country were, besides itsinaccessibility, its picturesqueness and its productiveness. The formerof these two qualities seems to have possessed but little attraction forman in his primitive condition. Beauties of nature are rarely sung ofby early poets; and it appears to require an educated eye to appreciatethem. But productiveness is a quality the advantages of which can beperceived by all. The eyes which first looked down from the ridge ofBargylus or Lebanon upon the well-watered, well-wooded, and evidentlyfertile tract between the mountain summits and the sea, if they took nonote of its marvellous and almost unequalled beauty, must at anyrate have seen that here was one of earth's most productivegardens--emphatically a "good land, " that might well content whosoevershould be so fortunate as to possess it. There is nothing equal to it inWestern Asia. The Damascene oasis, the lower valley of the Orontes, theGhor or Jordan plain, the woods of Bashan, and the downs of Moab arefertile and attractive regions; but they are comparatively narrowtracts and present little variety; each is fitted mainly for one kind ofgrowth, one class of products. Phoenicia, in its long extent from MountCasius to Joppa, and in its combination of low alluvial plain, richvalley, sunny slopes and hills, virgin forests, and high mountainpasturage, has soils and situations suited for productions of all mannerof kinds, and for every growth, from that of the lowliest herb tothat of the most gigantic tree. In the next section an account of itsprobable products in ancient times will be given; for the present it isenough to note that Western Asia contained no region more favoured ormore fitted by its general position, its formation, and the character ofits soil, to become the home of an important nation. 

CHAPTER II--CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS

 Climate of Phoenicia--Varieties--Climate of the coast, in the south, in the north--Climate of the more elevated regions--Vegetable productions--Principal trees--Most remarkable shrubs and fruit-trees--Herbs, flowers, and garden vegetables--Zoology--Land animals--Birds--Marine and fresh-water fish--Principal shell-fish--Minerals. 

The long extent of the Phoenician coast, and the great difference in theelevation of its various parts, give it a great diversity of climate. Northern Phoenicia is many degrees colder than southern; and thedifference is still more considerable between the coast tracts and themore elevated portions of the mountain regions. The greatest heatis experienced in the plain of Sharon, [21] which is at once the mostsouthern portion of the country, and the part most remote from anyhills of sufficient elevation to exert an important influence on thetemperature. Neither Carmel on the north, nor the hills of Samariaon the east, produce any sensible effect on the climate of the Sharonlowland. The heat in summer is intense, and except along the rivercourses the tract is burnt up, and becomes little more than an expanseof sand. As a compensation, the cold in winter is very moderate. Snowscarcely ever falls, and if there is frost it is short-lived, and doesnot penetrate into the ground. [22]

Above Carmel the coast tract is decidedly less hot than the region southof it, and becomes cooler and cooler as we proceed northwards. NorthernPhoenicia enjoys a climate that is delightful, and in which it would bedifficult to suggest much improvement. The summer heat is scarcely evertoo great, the thermometer rarely exceeding 90º of Fahrenheit, [23] andoften sinking below 70º. Refreshing showers of rain frequently fall, andthe breezes from the north, the east, and the south-east, coming fromhigh mountain tracts which are in part snow-clad, temper the heat of thesun's rays and prevent it from being oppressive. The winter temperatureseldom descends much below 50º; and thus the orange, the lemon and thedate-palm flourish in the open air, and the gardens are bright withflowers even in December and January. Snow falls occasionally, but itrarely lies on the ground for more than a few days, and is scarcely everso much as a foot deep. On the other hand, rain is expected during thewinter-time, and the entire line of coast is visited for some monthswith severe storms and gales, accompanied often by thunder and violentrain, [24] which strew the shore with wrecks and turn even insignificantmountain streams into raging torrents. The storms come chiefly from thewest and north-west, quarters to which the harbours on the coast areunfortunately open. [25] Navigation consequently suffers interruption;but when once the winter is past, a season of tranquillity sets in, andfor many months of the year--at any rate from May to October[26]--thebarometer scarcely varies, the sky is unclouded, and rain all butunknown. 

As the traveller mounts from the coast tract into the more elevatedregions, the climate sensibly changes. An hour's ride from the plains, when they are most sultry, will bring him into a comparatively coolregion, where the dashing spray of the glacier streams is borne on theair, and from time to time a breeze that is actually cold comes downfrom the mountain-tops. [27] Shade is abundant, for the rocks are oftenperpendicular, and overhand the road in places, while the dense foliageof cedars, or pines, or walnut-trees, forms an equally effectual screenagainst the sun's noonday rays. In winter the uplands are, of course, cold. Severe weather prevails in them from November to March;[28] snowfalls on all the high ground, while it rains on the coast and in thelowlands; the passes are blocked; and Lebanon and Bargylus replenish theicy stories which the summer's heat has diminished. 

The vegetable productions of Phoenicia may be best considered under theseveral heads of trees, shrubs, herbs, flowers, fruit-trees, and gardenvegetables. The chief trees were the palm-tree, the sycamore, themaritime pine, and the plane in the lowlands; in the highlands thecedar, Aleppo pine, oak, walnut, poplar, acacia, shumac, and carob. Wehave spoken of the former abundance of the palm. At present it is foundin comparatively few places, and seldom in any considerable numbers. It grows singly, or in groups of two or three, at various points of thecoast from Tripolis to Acre, but is only abundant in a few spots moretowards the south, as at Haifa, under Carmel, where "fine date-palms"are numerous in the gardens, [29] and at Jaffa, where travellers remark"a broad belt of two or three miles of date-palms and orange-grovesladen with fruit. "[210] The wood was probably not much used as timberexcept in the earliest times, since Lebanon afforded so many kinds oftrees much superior for building purposes. The date-palm was also valuedfor its fruit, though the produce of the Phoenician groves can neverhave been of a high quality. 

The sycamore, or sycamine-fig, is a dark-foliaged tree, with a gnarledstem when it is old;[211] it grows either singly or in clumps, and muchmore resembles in appearance the English oak than the terebinth does, which has been so often compared to it. The stem is short, and sendsforth wide lateral branches forking out in all directions, which rendersthe tree very easy to climb. It bears a small fig in great abundance, and probably at all seasons, which, however, is "tasteless andwoody, "[212] though eaten by the inhabitants. The sycamore is commonalong the Phoenician lowland, but is a very tender tree and will notgrow in the mountains. 

The plane-tree, common in Asia Minor, is not very frequent either inPhoenicia or Palestine. It occurs, however, on the middle course of theLitany, where it breaks through the roots of Lebanon, [213] and alsoin many of the valleys[214] on the western flank of the mountain. Themaritime pine (_Pinus maritama_) extends in forests here and there alongthe shore, [215] and is found of service in checking the advance ofthe sand dunes, which have a tendency to encroach seriously on thecultivable soil. 

Of the upland trees the most common is the oak. There are three speciesof oak in the country. The most prevalent is an evergreen oak (_Quercuspseudococcifera_), sometimes mistaken by travellers for a holly, sometimes for an ibex, which covers in a low dense bush many miles ofthe hilly country everywhere, and occasionally becomes a large treein the Lebanon valleys, [216] and on the flanks of Casius and Bargylus. Another common oak is _Quercus Ægilops_, a much smaller and deciduoustree, very stout-trunked, which grows in scattered groups on Carmel andelsewhere, "giving a park-like appearance to the landscape. "[217] Thethird kind is _Quercus infectoria_, a gall-oak, also deciduous, and veryconspicuous from the large number of bright, chestnut-coloured, viscid galls which it bears, and which are now sometimes gathered forexportation. [218]

Next to the oak may be mentioned the walnut, which grows to a great sizein sheltered positions in the Lebanon range, both upon the eastern andupon the western flank;[219] the poplar, which is found both in themountains[220] and in the low country, as especially about Beyrout;[221]the Aleppo pine (_Pinus halepensis_), of which there are large woods inCarmel, Lebanon, and Bargylus, [222] while in Casius there is anenormous forest of them;[223] and the carob (_Ceratonia siliqua_), orlocust-tree, a dense-foliaged tree of a bright lucid green hue, whichnever grows in clumps or forms woods, but appears as an isolated tree, rounded or oblong, and affords the best possible shade. [224] In thevicinity of Tyre are found also large tamarisks, maples, sumachs, andacacias. [225]

But the tree which is the glory of Phoenicia, and which was by farthe most valuable of all its vegetable productions, is, of course, thecedar. Growing to an immense height, and attaining an enormous girth, it spreads abroad its huge flat branches hither and thither, covering avast space of ground with its "shadowing shroud, "[226] and presentinga most majestic and magnificent appearance. Its timber may not be offirst-rate quality, and there is some question whether it was reallyused for the masts of their ships by the Phoenicians, [227] but asbuilding material it was beyond a doubt most highly prized, answeringsufficiently for all the purposes required by architectural art, andat the same time delighting the sense of smell by its aromatic odour. Solomon employed it both for the Temple and for his own house;[228] theAssyrian kings cut it and carried it to Nineveh;[229] Herod the Greatused it for the vast additions that he made to Zerubbabel's temple;[230]it was exported to Egypt and Asia Minor; the Ephesian Greeks constructedof cedar, probably of cedar from Lebanon, the roof of their famoustemple of Diana. [231] At present the wealth of Lebanon in cedars is notgreat, but the four hundred which form the grove near the source of theKadisha, and the many scattered cedar woods in other places, are tobe viewed as remnants of one great primeval forest, which originallycovered all the upper slopes on the western side, and was composed, ifnot exclusively, at any rate predominantly, of cedars. [232] Cultivation, the need of fuel, and the wants of builders, have robbed the mountainof its primitive bright green vest, and left it either bare rock orterraced garden; but in the early times of Phoenicia, the true Lebanoncedar must undoubtedly have been its chief forest tree, and have stoodto it as the pine to the Swiss Alps and the chestnut to the mountains ofNorth Italy. 

Of shrubs, below the rank of trees, the most important are the lentisk(_Pistachia lentiscus_), the bay, the arbutus (_A. Andrachne_), thecypress, the oleander, the myrtle, the juniper, the barberry, the styrax(_S. Officinalis_), the rhododendron, the bramble, the caper plant, thesmall-leaved holly, the prickly pear, the honeysuckle, and the jasmine. Myrtle and rhododendron grow luxuriantly on the flanks of Bargylus, andare more plentiful than any other shrubs in that region. [233] EasternLebanon has abundant scrub of juniper and barberry;[234] while on thewestern slopes their place is taken by the bramble, the myrtle, and theclematis. [235] The lentisk, which rarely exceeds the size of a lowbush, is conspicuous by its dark evergreen leaves and numerous small redberries;[236] the arbutus--not our species, but a far lighter and moreornamental shrub, the _Arbutus andrachne_--bears also a bright redfruit, which colours the thickets;[237] the styrax, famous for yieldingthe gum storax of commerce, grows towards the east end of Carmel, and isa very large bush branching from the ground, but never assuming theform of a tree; it has small downy leaves, white flowers like orangeblossoms, and round yellow fruit, pendulous from slender stalks, likecherries. [238] Travellers in Phoenicia do not often mention the caperplant, but it was seen by Canon Tristram hanging from the fissuresof the rock, in the cleft of the Litany, [239] amid myrtle and bay andclematis. The small-leaved holly was noticed by Mr. Walpole on thewestern flank of Bargylus. [240] The prickly pear is not a nativeof Asia, but has been introduced from the New World. It has readilyacclimatised itself, and is very generally employed, in Phoenicia, as inthe neighbouring countries, for hedges. [241]

The fruit-trees of Phoenicia are numerous, and grow most luxuriantly, but the majority have no doubt been introduced from other countries, and the time of their introduction is uncertain. Five, however, may bereckoned as either indigenous or as cultivated at any rate from a remoteantiquity--the vine, the olive, the date-palm, the walnut, and the fig. The vine is most widely spread. Vineyards cover large tracts in thevicinity of all the towns; they climb up the sides of Carmel, Lebanon, and Bargylus, [242] hang upon the edge of precipices, and greet thetraveller at every turn in almost every region. The size of individualvines is extraordinary. "Stephen Schultz states that in a villagenear Ptolemaïs (Acre) he supped under a large vine, the stem of whichmeasured a foot and a half in diameter, its height being thirty feet;and that the whole plant, supported on trellis, covered an area of fiftyfeet either way. The bunches of grapes weighed from ten to twelve poundsand the berries were like small plums. "[243] The olive in Phoeniciais at least as old as the Exodus, for it was said of Asher, who wasassigned the more southern part of that country--"Let him be acceptableto his brethren, and let him dip his foot in oil. "[244] Olives at thepresent day clothe the slopes of Lebanon and Bargylus above the vineregion, [245] and are carried upward almost to the very edge of the barerock. They yield largely, and produce an oil of an excellentcharacter. Fine olive-groves are also to be seen on Carmel, [246] in theneighbourhood of Esfia. The date-palm has already been spoken of asa tree, ornamenting the landscape and furnishing timber of tolerablequality. As a fruit-tree it is not greatly to be prized, since it isonly about Haifa and Jaffa that it produces dates, [247] and those of nohigh repute. The walnut has all the appearance of being indigenous inLebanon, where it grows to a great size, [248] and bears abundanceof fruit. The fig is also, almost certainly, a native; it growsplentifully, not only in the orchards about towns, but on the flanks ofLebanon, on Bargylus, and in the northern Phoenician plain. [249]

The other fruit-trees of the present day are the mulberry, thepomegranate, the orange, the lemon, the lime, the peach, the apricot, the plum, the cherry, the quince, the apple, the pear, the almond, thepistachio nut, and the banana. The mulberry is cultivated largely onthe Lebanon[250] in connection with the growth of silkworms, but is notvalued as a fruit-tree. The pomegranate is far less often seen, but itis grown in the gardens about Saida, [251] and the fruit has sometimesbeen an article of exportation. [252] The orange and lemon are amongthe commonest fruits, but are generally regarded as comparatively lateintroductions. The lime is not often noticed, but obtains mention in thework of Mr. Walpole. [253] The peach and apricot are for the most partstandard trees, though sometimes trained on trellises. [254] They wereperhaps derived from Mesopotamia or Persia, but at what date it is quiteimpossible to conjecture. Apples, pears, plums, cherries, quinces, are not unlikely to have been indigenous, though of course the presentspecies are the result of long and careful cultivation. The same may besaid of the almond and the pistachio nut. The banana is a comparativelyrecent importation. It is grown along the coast from Jaffa as farnorth as Tripolis, and yields a fruit which is said to be of excellentquality. [255]

Altogether, Phoenicia may be pronounced a land of fruits. Hasselquistsays, [256] that in his time Sidon grew pomegranates, apricots, figs, almonds, oranges, lemons, and plums in such abundance as to furnishannually several shiploads for export, while D'Arvieux adds to this listpears, peaches, cherries, and bananas. [257] Lebanon alone can furnishgrapes, olives, mulberries, figs, apples, apricots, walnuts, cherries, peaches, lemons, and oranges. The coast tract adds pomegranates, limes, and bananas. It has been said that Carmel, a portion of Phoenicia, is "the garden of Eden run wild;"[258] but the phrase might be fitlyapplied to the entire country. 

Of herbs possessing some value for man, Phoenicia produces sage, rosemary, lavender, rue, and wormwood. [259] Of flowers she has anextraordinary abundance. In early spring (March and April) not only theplains, but the very mountains, except where they consist of bare rock, are covered with a variegated carpet of the loveliest hues[260] fromthe floral wealth scattered over them. Bulbous plants are especiallynumerous. Travellers mention hyacinths, tulips, ranunculuses, gladioli, anemones, orchises, crocuses of several kinds--blue and yellow andwhite, arums, amaryllises, cyclamens, &c. , besides heaths, jasmine, honeysuckle, clematis, _multiflora_ roses, rhododendrons, oleander, myrtle, astragalus, hollyhocks, convolvuli, valerian, red linum, pheasant's eye, guelder roses, antirrhinums, chrysanthemums, bluecampanulas, and mandrakes. The orchises include "_Ophrys atrata_, withits bee-like lip, another like the spider orchis, and a third like theman orchis;"[261] the cyclamens are especially beautiful, "nestlingunder every stone and lavish of their loveliness with graceful tufts ofblossoms varying in hue from purest white to deepest purple pink. "[262]The multiflora rose is not common, but where it grows "covers the banksof streams with a sheet of blossom;"[263] the oleanders fringe theirwaters with a line of ruby red; the mandrake (_Mandragora officinalis_)is "one of the most striking plants of the country, with its flat diskof very broad primrose-like leaves, and its central bunch of dark bluebell-shaped blossom. "[264] Ferns also abound, and among them is thedelicate maidenhair. [265]

The principal garden vegetables grown at the present day are melons, cucumbers, gourds, pumpkins, turnips, carrots, and radishes. [266] Thekinds of grain most commonly cultivated are wheat, barley, millet, andmaize. There is also an extensive cultivation of tobacco, indigo, andcotton, which have been introduced from abroad in comparatively moderntimes. Oil, silk, and fruits are, however, still among the chiefarticles of export; and the present wealth of the country isattributable mainly to its groves and orchards, its olives, mulberries, figs, lemons, and oranges. 

The zoology of Phoenicia has not until recently attracted very muchattention. At present the list of land animals known to inhabit itis short, [267] including scarcely more than the bear, the leopard orpanther, the wolf, the hyæna, the jackal, the fox, the hare, the wildboar, the ichneumon, the gazelle, the squirrel, the rat, and the mole. The present existence of the bear within the limits of the ancientPhoenicia has been questioned, [268] but the animal has been seen inLebanon by Mr. Porter, [269] and in the mountains of Galilee by CanonTristram. [270] The species is the Syrian bear (_Ursus syriacus_), alarge and fierce beast, which, though generally frugivorous, will underthe presser of hunger attack both men and animals. Its main habitat is, no doubt, the less accessible parts of Lebanon; but in the winter itwill descend to the villages and gardens, where it often does muchdamage. [271] The panther or leopard has, like the bear, been seen byMr. Porter in the Lebanon range;[272] and Canon Tristram, when visitingCarmel, was offered the skin of an adult leopard[273] which had probablybeen killed in that neighbourhood. Anciently it was much more frequentin Phoenicia and Palestine than it is at present, as appears by thenumerous notices of it in Scripture. [274] Wolves, hyænas, and jackalsare comparatively common. They haunt not only Carmel and Lebanon, butmany portions of the coast tract. Canon Tristram obtained from Carmel"the two largest hyænas that he had ever seen, "[275] and fell in withjackals in the vicinity. [276] Wolves seem to be more scarce, thoughanciently very plentiful. 

The favourite haunts of the wild boar (_Sus scrofa_) in Phoenicia areCarmel[277] and the deep valleys on the western slope of Lebanon. Thevalley of the Adonis (Ibrahim) is still noted for them, [278] but, excepton Carmel, they are not very abundant. Foxes and hares are also somewhatrare, and it is doubtful whether rabbits are to be found in any part ofthe country;[279] ichneumons, which are tolerably common, seem sometimesto be mistaken for them. Gazelles are thought to inhabit Carmel, [280]and squirrels, rats, and moles are common. Bats also, if they may becounted among land-animals, are frequent; they belong, it is probable, to several species, one of which is _Xantharpyia ægyptiaca_. [281]

If the fauna of Phoenicia is restricted so far as land-animals areconcerned, it is extensive and varied in respect of birds. The listof known birds includes two sorts of eagle (_Circaëtos gallicus_ and_Aquila nævioïdes_), the osprey, the vulture, the falcon, the kite, thehoney-buzzard, the marsh-harrier, the sparrow-hawk, owls of two kinds(_Ketupa ceylonensis_ and _Athene meridionalis_), the grey shrike(_Lanius excubitor_), the common cormorant, the pigmy cormorant(_Græculus pygmæus_), numerous seagulls, as the Adriatic gull (_Larusmelanocephalus_), Andonieri's gull, the herring-gull, the Red-Sea-gull(_Larus ichthyo-aëtos_), and others; the gull-billed tern (_Sternaanglica_), the Egyptian goose, the wild duck, the woodcock, the Greekpartridge (_Caccabis saxatilis_), the waterhen, the corncrake orlandrail, the coot, the water-ouzel, the francolin; plovers of threekinds, green, golden, and Kentish; dotterels of two kinds, red-throatedand Asiatic; the Manx shearwater, the flamingo, the heron, the commonkingfisher, and the black and white kingfisher of Egypt, the jay, the wood-pigeon, the rock-dove, the blue thrush, the Egyptianfantail (_Drymoeca gracilis_), the redshank, the wheat-ear (_Saxicolalibanotica_), the common lark, the Persian horned lark, the cisticole, the yellow-billed Alpine chough, the nightingale of the East (_Ixosxanthopygius_), the robin, the brown linnet, the chaffinch; swallows oftwo kinds (_Hirundo cahirica_ and _Hirundo rufula_); the meadowbunting; the Lebanon redstart, the common and yellow water-wagtails, thechiffchaff, the coletit, the Russian tit, the siskin, the nuthatch, and the willow wren. Of these the most valuable for the table are thepartridge, the francolin, and the woodcock. The Greek partridge is "afine red-legged bird, much larger than our red-legged partridge, andvery much better eating, with white flesh, and nearly as heavy as apheasant. "[282] The francolin or black partridge is also a delicacy;and the woodcock, which is identical with our own, has the same delicateflavour. 

The fish of Phoenicia, excepting certain shell-fish, are littleknown, and have seldom attracted the attention of travellers. TheMediterranean, however, where it washes the Phoenician coast, canfurnish excellent mullet, [283] while most of the rivers containfreshwater fish of several kinds, as the _Blennius lupulus_, the_Scaphiodon capoëta_, and the _Anguilla microptera_. [284] All of thesefish may be eaten, but the quality is inferior. 

On the other hand, to certain of the shell-fish of Phoenicia a greatcelebrity attaches. The purple dye which gave to the textile fabricsof the Phoenicians a world-wide reputation was prepared from certainshell-fish which abounded upon their coast. Four existing species havebeen regarded as more or less employed in the manufacture, and it seemsto be certain, at any rate, that the Phoenicians derived the dye frommore shell-fish than one. The four are the _Buccinum lapillus_ ofPliny, [285] which is the _Purpura lapillus_ of modern naturalists; the_Murex trunculus_; the _Murex brandaris_; and the _Helix ianthina_. TheBuccinum derives its name from the form of the shell, which has awide mouth, like that of a trumpet, and which after one or two twiststerminates in a pointed head. [286] The _Murex trunculus_ has the samegeneral form as the Buccinum; but the shell is more rough and spinous, being armed with a number of long thin projections which terminate in asharp point. [287] The _Murex brandaris_ is a closely allied species, and"one of the most plentiful on the Phoenician coast. "[288] It isunlikely that the ancients regarded it as a different shell from _Murextrunculus_. The _Helix ianthina_ has a wholly different character. It isa sort of sea-snail, as the name _helix_ implies, is perfectly smooth, "very delicate and fragile, and not more than about three-quarters of aninch in diameter. "[289] All these shell-fish contain a _sac_ or bagfull of colouring matter, which is capable of being used as a dye. Itis quite possible that they were all, more or less, made use of by thePhoenician dyers; but the evidence furnished by existing remains onthe Tyrian coast is strongly in favour of the _Murex brandaris_ as thespecies principally employed. [290]

The mineral treasures of Phoenicia have not, in modern times, beenexamined with any care. The Jura limestone, which forms the substratumof the entire region, cannot be expected to yield any important mineralproducts. But the sandstone, which overlies it in places, is "oftenlargely impregnated with iron, " and some strata towards the southern endof Lebanon are said to produce "as much as ninety per cent. Of pure ironore. "[291] An ochrous earth is also found in the hills above Beyrout, which gives from fifty to sixty per cent. Of metal. [292] Coal, too, hasbeen found in the same locality, but it is of bad quality, and does notexist in sufficient quantity to form an important product. Limestone, both cretaceous and siliceous, is plentiful, as are sandstone, trap andbasalt; while porphyry and greenstone are also obtainable. [293] Carmelyields crystals of quarts and chalcedony, [294] and the fine sand aboutTyre and Sidon is still such as would make excellent glass. But the mainproductions of Phoenicia, in which its natural wealth consisted, mustalways have been vegetable, rather than animal or mineral, and haveconsisted in its timber, especially its cedars and pines; its fruits, as olives, figs, grapes, and, in early times, dates; and its gardenvegetables, melons, gourds, pumpkins, cucumbers. 

CHAPTER III--THE PEOPLE--ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS

 Semitic origin of the Phoenicians--Characteristics of the Semites--Place of the Phoenicians within the Semitic group-- Connected linguistically with the Israelites and the Assyro- Babylonians--Original seat of the nation, Lower Babylonia-- Special characteristics of the Phoenician people--Industry and perseverance--Audacity in enterprise--Pliability and adaptability--Acuteness of intellect--Business capacity-- Charge made against them of bad faith--Physical characteristics. 

The Phoenician people are generally admitted to have belonged to thegroup of nations known as Semitic. This group, somewhat irrelevantlynamed, since the descent of several of them from Shem is purelyproblematic, comprises the Assyrians, the later Babylonians, theAramæans or Syrians, the Arabians, the Moabites, the Phoenicians, andthe Hebrews. A single and very marked type of language belongs tothe entire group, and a character of homogeneity may, with certaindistinctions, be observed among all the various members composing it. The unity of language is threefold: it may be traced in the roots, inthe inflections, and in the general features of the syntax. The rootsare, as a rule, bilateral or trilateral, composed (that is) of two orthree letters, all of which are consonants. The consonants determinethe general sense of the words, and are alone expressed in the primitivewriting; the vowel sounds do but modify more or less the general sense, and are unexpressed until the languages begin to fall into decay. Theroots are, almost all of them, more or less physical and sensuous. Theyare derived in general from an imitation of nature. "If one lookedonly to the Semitic languages, " says M. Renan, [31] "one would say, thatsensation alone presided over the first acts of the human intellect, andthat language was primarily nothing but a mere reflex of the externalworld. If we run through the list of Semitic roots, we scarcely meetwith a single one which does not present to us a sense primarilymaterial, which is then transferred, by transitions more or less directand immediate, to things which are intellectual. " Derivative words areformed from the roots by a few simple and regular laws. The noun isscarcely inflected at all; but the verb has a marvellous wealth ofconjugations, calculated to express excellently well the externalrelations of ideas, but altogether incapable of expressing theirmetaphysical relations, from the want of definitely marked tenses andmoods. Inflections in general have a half-agglutinative character, themeaning and origin of the affixes and suffixes being palpable. Syntaxscarcely exists, the construction of sentences having such a generalcharacter of simplicity, especially in narrative, that one might compareit with the naïve utterances of an infant. The utmost endeavour of theSemites is to join words together so as to form a sentence; to joinsentences is an effort altogether beyond them. They employ the {lexiseiromene} of Aristotle, [32] which proceeds by accumulating atom on atom, instead of attempting the rounded period of the Latins and Greeks. 

The common traits of character among Semitic nations have been summed upby one writer under five heads:--1. Pliability combined with ironfixity of purpose; 2. Depth and force; 3. A yearning for dreamy ease;4. Capacity for the hardest work; and 5. Love of abstract thought. [33]Another has thought to find them in the following list:--1. An intuitivemonotheism; 2. Intolerance; 3. Prophetism; 4. Want of the philisophicand scientific faculties; 5. Want of curiosity; 6. Want of appreciationof mimetic art; 7. Want of capacity for true political life. [34]According to the latter writer, "the Semitic race is to be recognizedalmost entirely by negative characteristics; it has no mythology, noepic poetry, no science, no philosophy, no fiction, no plastic arts, no civil life; everywhere it shows absence of complexity; absence ofcombination; an exclusive sentiment of unity. "[35] It is not very easyto reconcile these two views, and not very satisfactory to regard a raceas "characterised by negatives. " Agreement should consist in positivefeatures, and these may perhaps be found, first, in strength and depthof the religious feeling, combined with firm belief in the personalityof the Deity; secondly, in dogged determination and "iron fixity ofpurpose;" thirdly, in inventiveness and skill in the mechanical arts andother industries; fourthly, in "capacity for hard work;" and, fifthly, in a certain adaptability and pliability, suiting the race for expansionand for commerce. All these qualities are perhaps not conspicuous inall the branches of the Semites, but the majority of them will be foundunited in all, and in some the combination would seem to be complete. 

It is primarily on account of their language that the Phoenicians areregarded as Semites. When there are no historical grounds for believingthat a nation has laid aside its own original form of speech, andadopted an alien dialect, language, if not a certain, is at least avery strong, evidence of ethnic character. Counter-evidence may no doubtrebut the _prima facie_ presumption; but in the case of the Phoeniciansno counter-evidence is producible. They belong to exactly thatgeographic zone in which Semitism has always had its chief seat; theycannot be shown to have been ever so circumstanced as to have had anyinducement to change their speech; and their physical character andmental characteristics would, by themselves, be almost sufficient groundfor assigning them to the type whereto their language points. 

The place which the Phoenicians occupy within the Semitic group is aquestion considerably more difficult to determine. By local positionthey should belong to the western, or Aramaic branch, rather than tothe eastern, or Assyro-Babylonian, or to the southern, or Arab. Butthe linguistic evidence scarcely lends itself to such a view, whilethe historic leads decidedly to an opposite conclusion. There is a farcloser analogy between the Palestinian group of languages--Phoenician, Hebrew, Moabite, and the Assyro-Babylonian, than between either of theseand the Aramaic. The Aramaic is scanty both in variety of grammaticalforms and in vocabulary; the Phoenician and Assyro-Babylonian arecomparatively copious. [36] The Aramaic has the character of a degradedlanguage; the Assyro-Babylonian and the Phoenician are modelled ona primitive type. [37] In some respects Phoenician is even closer toAssyro-Babylonian than Hebrew is--e. G. In preferring _at_ to _ah_ forthe feminine singular termination. [38]

The testimony of history to the origin of the Phoenicians is thefollowing. Herodotus tells us that both the Phoenicians themselves, andthe Persians best acquainted with history and antiquities, agreed instating that the original settlements of the Phoenician people were uponthe Erythræan Sea (Persian Gulf), and that they had migrated from thatquarter at a remote period, and transferred their abode to the shoresof the Mediterranean. [39] Strabo adds that the inhabitants of certainislands in the Persian Gulf had a similar tradition, and showed templesin their cities which were Phoenician in character. [310] Justin, orrather Trogus Pompeius, whom he abbreviated, writes as follows:--"TheSyrian nation was founded by the Phoenicians, who, being disturbed byan earthquake, left their native land, and settled first of all in theneighbourhood of the Assyrian Lake, and subsequently on the shore ofthe Mediterranean, where they built a city which they called Sidon onaccount of the abundance of the fish; for the Phoenicians call a fish_sidon_. "[311] The "Assyrian lake" of this passage is probably the BahrNedjif, or "Sea of Nedjif, " in the neighbourhood of the ancient Babylon, a permanent sheet of water, varying in its dimensions at differentseasons, but generally about forty miles long, and from ten to twentybroad. [312] Attempts have been made to discredit this entire story, but the highest living authority on the subject of Phoenicia and thePhoenicians adopts it as almost certainly true, and observes:--"Thetradition relative to the sojourn of the Phoenicians on the bordersof the Erythræan Sea, before their establishment on the coast of theMediterranean, has thus a new light thrown upon it. It appears from thelabours of M. Movers, and from the recent discoveries made at Ninevehand Babylon, that the civilisation and religion of Phoenicia and Assyriawere very similar. Independently of this, the majority of modern criticsadmit it as demonstrated that the primitive abode of the Phoeniciansought to be placed upon the Lower Euphrates, in the midst of the greatcommercial and maritime establishments of the Persian Gulf, agreeable tothe unanimous witness of all antiquity. "[313]

If we pass from the probable origin of the Phoenician people, and theirplace in the Semitic group, to their own special characteristics, weshall find ourselves upon surer ground, though even here there arecertain points which are debateable. The following is the account oftheir general character given by a very high authority, and by one who, on the whole, may be regarded as an admirer:--

"The Phoenicians form, in some respects, the most important fractionof the whole group of antique nations, notwithstanding that they sprangfrom the most obscure and insignificant families. This fraction, whensettled, was constantly exposed to inroad by new tribes, was utterlyconquered and subjected by utter strangers when it had taken a greatplace among the nations, and yet by industry, by perseverance, byacuteness of intellect, by unscrupulousness and wait of faith, byadaptability and pliability when necessary, and dogged defiance at othertimes, by total disregard of the rights of the weaker, they obtainedthe foremost place in the history of their times, and the highestreputation, not only for the things that they did, but for many thatthey did not. They were the first systematic traders, the first minersand metallurgists, the greatest inventors (if we apply such a term tothose who kept an ever-watchful lookout for the inventions of others, and immediately applied them to themselves with some grand improvementson the original idea); they were the boldest mariners, the greatestcolonisers, who at one time held not only the gorgeous East, but thewhole of the then half-civilised West in fee--who could boast of a formof government approaching to constitutionalism, who of all nations ofthe time stood highest in practical arts and sciences, and into whoselaps there flowed an unceasing stream of the world's entire riches, until the day came when they began to care for nothing else, and theenjoyment of material comforts and luxuries took the place of the thirstfor and search after knowledge. Their piratical prowess and daring wasundermined; their colonies, grown old enough to stand alone, fellaway from them, some after a hard fight, others in mutual agreement orsilently; and the nations in whose estimation and fear they had held thefirst place, and who had been tributary to them, disdained them, ignoredthem, and finally struck them utterly out of the list of nations, tillthey dwindled away miserably, a warning to all who should come afterthem. "[314]

The prominent qualities in this description would seem to be industryand perseverance, audacity in enterprise, adaptability and pliability, acuteness of intellect, unscrupulousness, and want of good faith. ThePhoenicians were certainly among the most industrious and persevering ofmankind. The accounts which we have of them from various quarters, and the remains which cover the country that they once inhabited, sufficiently attest their unceasing and untiring activity through almostthe whole period of their existence as a nation. Always labouring intheir workshops at home in mechanical and æsthetic arts, they were atthe same time constantly seeking employment abroad, ransacking theearth for useful or beautiful commodities, building cities, constructingharbours, founding colonies, introducing the arts of life among wildnations, mining and establishing fisheries, organising lines of landtraffic, perpetually moving from place to place, and leaving whereverthey went abundant proofs of their diligence and capacity for hard work. From Thasos in the East, where Herodotus saw "a large mountain turnedtopsy-turvy by the Phoenicians in their search for gold, "[315] to theScilly Islands in the West, where workings attributable to them arestill to be seen, all the metalliferous islands and coast tracts beartraces of Phoenician industry in tunnels, adits, and air-shafts, while manufactured vessels of various kinds in silver, bronze, andterra-cotta, together with figures and gems of a Phoenician type, atteststill more widely their manufacturing and commercial activity. 

Audacity in enterprise can certainly not be denied to the adventurousrace which, from the islands and coasts of the Eastern Mediterranean, launched forth upon the unknown sea in fragile ships, affronted theperils of waves and storms, and still more dreaded "monsters ofthe deep, "[316] explored the recesses of the stormy Adriatic andinhospitable Pontus, steered their perilous course amid all the isletsand rocks of the Ægean, along the iron-bound shores of Thrace, Euboea, and Laconia, first into the Western Mediterranean basin, and thenthrough the Straits of Gibraltar into the wild and boundless Atlantic, with its mighty tides, its huge rollers, its blinding rains, and itsfrequent fogs. Without a chart, without a compass, guided only in theirdaring voyages by their knowledge of the stars, these bold marinerspenetrated to the shores of Scythia in one direction; to Britain, ifnot even to the Baltic, in another; in a third to the Fortunate Islands;while, in a fourth, they traversed the entire length of the Red Sea, and entering upon the Southern Ocean, succeeded in doubling the Capeof Storms two thousand years before Vasco di Gama, and in effecting thecircumnavigation of Africa. [317] And, wild as the seas were with whichthey had to deal, they had to deal with yet wilder men. Except in Egypt, Asia Minor, Greece, and perhaps Italy, they came in contact everywherewith savage races; they had to enter into close relations with mentreacherous, bloodthirsty, covetous--men who were almost alwaysthieves, who were frequently cannibals, sometimes wreckers--who regardedforeigners as a cheap and very delicious kind of food. The pioneers ofcivilisation, always and everywhere, incur dangers from which ordinarymortals would shrink with dismay; but the earliest pioneers, the firstintroducers of the elements of culture among barbarians who had neverheard of it, must have encountered far greater peril than othersfrom their ignorance of the ways of savage man, and a want of thosetremendous weapons of attack and defence with which modern explorerstake care to provide themselves. Until the invention of gunpowder, the arms of civilised men--swords, and spears, and javelins, andthe like--were scarcely a match for the cunningly devisedweapons--boomerangs, and blow-pipes, and poisoned arrows, andlassoes[318]--of the savage. 

The adaptability and pliability of the Phoenicians was especially shownin their power of obtaining the favourable regard of almost all thepeoples and nations with which they came into contact, whether civilisedor uncivilised. It is most remarkable that the Egyptians, intolerant asthey usually were of strangers, should have allowed the Phoenicians tosettle in their southern capital, Memphis, and to build a temple andinhabit a quarter there. [319] It is also curious and interesting thatthe Phoenicians should have been able to ingratiate themselves withanother most exclusive and self-sufficing people, viz. The Jews. Hiram's friendly dealings with David and Solomon are well known; butthe _continued_ alliance between the Phoenicians and the Israelites hasattracted less attention. Solomon took wives from Phoenicia;[320]Ahab married the daughter of Ithobalus, king of Sidon;[321] Phoeniciafurnished timber for the second Temple;[322] Isaiah wound up hisprophecy against Tyre with a consolation;[323] our Lord found faith inthe Syro-Phoenician woman;[324] in the days of Herod Agrippa, Tyreand Sidon still desired peace with Judæa, "because their country wasnourished by the king's country. "[325] And similarly Tyre had friendlyrelations with Syria and Greece, with Mesopotamia and Assyria, withBabylonia and Chaldæa. At the same time she could bend herself to meetthe wants and gain the confidence of all the varieties of barbarians, the rude Armenians, the wild Arabs, the barbarous tribes of northernand western Africa, the rough Iberi, the passionate Gauls, the paintedBritons, the coarse Sards, the fierce Thracians, the filthy Scyths, thesavage races of the Caucasus. Tribes so timid and distrustful as thoseof Tropical Africa were lured into peaceful and friendly relations bythe artifice of a "dumb commerce, "[326] and on every side untamedman was softened and drawn towards civilisation by a spirit ofaccommodation, conciliation, and concession to prejudices. 

If the Phoenicians are to be credited with acuteness of intellect, it must be limited to the field of practical enquiry and discovery. Whatever may be said with regard to the extent and variety of theirliterature--a subject which will be treated in another chapter--itcannot be pretended that humanity owes to them any important conquestsof a scientific or philosophic character. Herodotus, who admires thelearning of the Persians, [327] the science of the Babylonians, [328]and the combined learning and science of the Egyptians, [329] limitshis commendation of the Phoenicians to their skill in navigation, inmechanics, and in works of art. [330] Had they made advances in theabstract, or even in the mixed, sciences, in mathematics, or astronomy, or geometry, in logic or metaphysics, either their writings would havebeen preserved, or at least the Greeks would have made acknowledgmentsof being indebted to them. [331] But it is only in the field of practicalmatters that any such acknowledgments are made. The Greeks allowthemselves to have been indebted to the Phoenicians for alphabeticwriting, for advances in metallurgy, for improvements in shipbuilding, and navigation, for much geographic knowledge, for exquisite dyes, andfor the manufacture of glass. There can be no doubt that the Phoenicianswere a people of great practical ability, with an intellect quick todevise means to ends, to scheme, contrive, and execute, and with a happyknack of perceiving what was practically valuable in the inventions ofother nations, and of appropriating them to their own use, often withimprovements upon the original idea. But they were not possessed of anygreat genius or originality. They were, on the whole, adapters ratherthan inventors. They owed their idea of alphabetic writing to theAccadians, [332] their weights and measures to Babylon, [333] theirshipbuilding probably to Egypt, [334] their early architecture to thesame country, [335] their mimetic art to Assyria, to Egypt, and toGreece. They were not poets, or painters, or sculptors, or greatarchitects, much less philosophers or scientists; but in the practicalarts, and even in the practical sciences, they held a high place, in almost all of them equalling, and in some exceeding, all theirneighbours. 

We should be inclined also to assign to the Phoenicians, as a specialcharacteristic, a peculiar capacity for business. This may be said, indeed, to be nothing more than acuteness of intellect applied in aparticular way. To ourselves, however, it appears to be, in some sort, a special gift. As, beyond all question, there are many persons ofextremely acute intellect who have not the slightest turn for business, or ability for dealing with it, so we think there are nations, to whomno one would deny high intellectual power, without the capacity inquestion. In its most perfect form it has belonged but to a small numberof nations--to the Phoenicians, the Venetians, the Genoese, the English, and the Dutch. It implies, not so much high intellectual power, as acombination of valuable, yet not very admirable, qualities of a lowerorder. Industry, perseverance, shrewdness, quickness of perception, power of forecasting the future, power of organisation, boldness, promptness, are among the qualities needed, and there may be othersdiscoverable by the skilful analyst. All these met in the Phoenicians, and met in the proportions that were needed for the combination to takefull effect. 

Whether unscrupulousness and want of good faith are rightly assignedto the Phoenicians as characteristic traits, is, at the least, opento doubt. The Latin writers, with whom the reproach contained in theexpression "Punica fides" originated, are scarcely to be accepted asunprejudiced witnesses, since it is in most instances a necessity thatthey should either impute "bad faith" to the opposite side, or admitthat there was "bad faith" on their own. The aspersions of an enemy areentitled to little weight. The cry of "perfide Albion" is often heardin the land of one of our near neighbours; but few Englishmen will admitthe justice of it. It may be urged in favour of the Phoenicians thatlong-continued commercial success is impossible without fair-dealing andhonesty; that where there is commercial fair-dealing and honesty, those qualities become part and parcel of the national character, anddetermine national policy; and, further, that in almost every one of theinstances of bad faith alleged, there is at the least a doubt, of whichthe accused party ought to have the benefit. At any rate, let it beremembered that the charges made affect the Liby-Phoenicians alone, andnot the Phoenicians of Asia, with whom we are here primarily concerned, and that we cannot safely, or equitably, transfer to a mother-countryfaults which are only even alleged against one of her colonies. 

Physically, the Phoenicians appear to have resembled the Assyrians andthe Jews. They had large frames strongly made, well-developed muscles, curled beards, and abundant hair. In their features they may haveborne a resemblance, but probably not a very strong resemblance, tothe Cypriots, [336] who were a mixed people recruited from variousquarters. [337] In complexion they belonged to the white race, but wererather sallow than fair. Their hair was generally dark, though it mayhave been sometimes red. Some have regarded the name "Phoenician" asindicating that they were of a red or red-brown colour;[338] but it isbetter to regard the appellation as having passed from the country toits people, and as applied to the country by the Greeks on account ofthe palm-trees which grew along its shores. 

CHAPTER IV--THE CITIES

 Importance of the cities in Phoenicia--Their names and relative eminence--Cities of the first rank--Sidon--Tyre-- Arvad or Aradus--Marathus--Gebal or Byblus--Tripolis--Cities of the second rank--Aphaca--Berytus--Arka--Ecdippa--Accho-- Dor--Japho or Joppa--Ramantha or Laodicea--Fivefold division of Phoenicia. 

Phoenicia, like Greece, was a country where the cities held a positionof extreme importance. The nation was not a centralised one, with asingle recognised capital, like Judæa, or Samaria, or Syria, or Assyria, or Babylonia. It was, like Greece, a congeries of homogeneous tribes, who had never been amalgamated into a single political entity, and whoclung fondly to the idea of separate independence. Tyre and Sidon areoften spoken of as if they were metropolitical cities; but it may bedoubted whether there was ever a time when either of them could claimeven a temporary authority over the whole country. Each, no doubt, fromtime to time, exercised a sort of hegemony over a certain number of theinferior cities; but there was no organised confederacy, no obligationof any one city to submit to another, and no period, as far as ourknowledge extends, at which all the cities acknowledged a single one astheir mistress. [41] Between Tyre and Sidon there was especial jealousy, and the acceptance by either of the leadership of the other, eventemporarily, was a rare fact in the history of the nation. 

According to the geographers, the cities of Phoenicia, from Laodiceain the extreme north to Joppa at the extreme south, numbered abouttwenty-five. These were Laodicea, Gabala, Balanea, Paltos; Aradus, with its dependency Antaradus; Marathus; Simyra, Orthosia, and Arka;Tripolis, Calamus, Trieris, and Botrys; Byblus or Gebal; Aphaca;Berytus; Sidon, Sarepta, and Ornithonpolis; Tyre and Ecdippa; Accho andPorphyreon; Dor and Joppa. Of the twenty-five a certain number were, historically and politically, insignificant; for instance, Gabala, Balanea, Paltos, Orthosia, Calamus, Trieris, Botrys, Sarepta, Ornithonpolis, Porphyreon. Sarepta is immortalised by the memory of itspious widow, [42] and Orthosia has a place in history from its connectionwith the adventures of Trypho;[43] but the rest of the list are littlemore than "geographical expressions. " There remain fifteen importantcities, of which six may be placed in the first rank and nine in thesecond--the six being Tyre, Sidon, Aradus, Byblus or Gebal, Marathus, and Tripolis; the nine, Laodicea, Simyra, Arka, Aphaca, Berytus, Ecdippa, Accho, Dor, and Joppa. It will be sufficient in the presentplace to give some account of these fifteen. 

There are some grounds for considering Sidon to have been the mostancient of the Phoenician towns. In the Book of Genesis Sidon is called"the eldest born of Canaan, "[44] and in Joshua, where Tyre is simply a"fenced city" or fort, [45] it is "_Great_ Zidon. "[46] Homer frequentlymentions it, [47] whereas he takes no notice of Tyre. Justin makes it thefirst town which the Phoenicians built on arriving at the shores of theMediterranean. [48] The priority of Sidon in this respect was, however, not universally acknowledged, since Tyre claims on some of her coins tohave been "the mother-city of the Sidonians, "[49] and Marathus was alsoregarded as a city of the very highest antiquity. [410] The city stoodin Lat. 33º 34´ nearly, on the flat plain between the mountains and theshore, opposite a small promontory which projects into the sea towardsthe west, and is flanked towards the north-west and north by a numberof rocky islands. The modern town of Saïda stands close upon the shore, occupying the greater part of the peninsula and a portion of the plainon which it abuts; but the ancient city is found to have been situatedentirely in the plain, and its most western traces are almost half amile from the nearest point of the present walls. [411] The modern Saïdahas clustered itself about what was the principal port of the ancienttown, which lay north of the promontory, and was well protected fromwinds, on the west by the principal island, which has a length of 250yards, and on the north by a long range of islets and reefs, extendingin a north-easterly direction a distance of at least 600 yards. Anexcellent roadstead was thus formed by nature, which art early improvedinto a small but commodious harbour, a line of wall being carried outfrom the coast northwards to the most easterly of the islets, and theonly unprotected side of the harbour being thus securely closed. Thereis reason to believe that this work was completed anterior to the timeof Alexander, [412] and was therefore due to the Phoenicians themselves, who were not blind to the advantages of closed harbours over openroadsteads. They seem also to have strengthened the natural barriertowards the north by a continuous wall of huge blocks along the reefsand the islets, portions of which are still in existence. 

Besides this excellent harbour, 500 yards long by 200 broad, Sidonpossessed on the southern side of the peninsula a second refuge for itsships, less safe, but still more spacious. This was an oval basin, 600yards long from north to south, and nearly 400 broad from east to west, wholly surrounded by land on three sides, the north, the east, and thesouth, but open for the space of about 200 yards towards the west. Infine weather this harbour was probably quite as much used as the other;it was protected from all the winds that were commonly prevalent, andoffered a long stretch of sandy shore free from buildings on whichvessels could be drawn up. 

It is impossible to mark out the enceinte of the ancient town, or indeedto emplace it with any exactitude. Only scanty and scattered remains areleft here and there between the modern city and the mountains. Thereis, however, towards the south an extensive necropolis, [413] which marksperhaps the southern limits of the city, while towards the east thehills are penetrated by a number of sepulchural grottoes, and tombsof various kinds, which were also probably outside the walls. Were anorthern necropolis to be discovered, some idea would be furnishedof the extent of the city; but at present the plain has been veryimperfectly examined in this direction. It is from the southernnecropolis that the remarkable inscription was disinterred which firstestablished beyond all possibility of doubt the fact that the modernSaïda is the representative of the ancient Sidon. [414]

Twenty miles to the south of Sidon was the still more importantcity--the double city--of Tzur or Tyre. Tzur signifies "a rock, " andat this point of the Syrian coast (Lat. 33º 17´) there lay at a shortdistance from the shore a set of rocky islets, on the largest of whichthe original city seems to have been built. Indentations are so rare andso shallow along this coast, that a maritime people naturally lookedout for littoral islands, as affording under the circumstances the bestprotection against boisterous winds; and, as in the north Aradus wasearly seized and occupied by Phoenician settlers, so in the south therock, which became the heart of Tyre, was seized, fortified, coveredwith buildings, and converted from a bare stony eminence into a town. Atthe same time, or not much later, a second town grew up on themainland opposite the isle; and the two together were long regarded asconstituting a single city. After the time of Alexander the continentaltown went to decay; and the name of Palæ-Tyrus was given to it, [415] todistinguish it from the still flourishing city on the island. 

The islands of which we have spoken formed a chain running nearly inparallel to the coast. They were some eleven or twelve in number. Thesouthern extremity of the chain was formed by three, the northern byseven, small islets. [416] Intermediate between these lay two islands ofsuperior size, which were ultimately converted into one by filling upthe channel between them. A further enlargement was effected by meansof substructions thrown out into the sea, probably on two sides, towardsthe east and towards the south. By these means an area was producedsufficient for the site of a considerable town. Pliny estimated thecircumference of the island Tyre at twenty-two stades, [417] or somewhatmore than two miles and a half. Modern measurements make the actualpresent area one of above 600, 000 square yards. [418] The shape was anirregular trapezium, 1, 400 yards along its western face, 800 yards alongits southern one, 600 along the face towards the east, and rather morealong the face towards the north-east. 

The whole town was surrounded by a lofty wall, the height of which, onthe side which faced the mainland, was, we are told, a hundred and fiftyfeet. [419] Towards the south the foundations of the wall were laid inthe sea, and may still be traced. [420] They consist of huge blocks ofstone strengthened inside by a conglomerate of very hard cement. Thewall runs out from the south-eastern corner of what was the originalisland, in a direction a little to the south of west, till it reachesthe line of the western coast, when it turns at a sharp angle, andrejoins the island at its south-western extremity. At present sea isfound for some distance to the north of the wall, and this fact has beenthought to show that originally it was intended for a pier or quay, andthe space within it for a harbour;[421] but the latest explorers areof opinion that the space was once filled up with masonry and rubbish, being an artificial addition to the island, over which, in the course oftime, the sea has broken, and reasserted its rights. [422]

Like Sidon, Tyre had two harbours, a northern and a southern. Thenorthern, which was called the "Sidonian, " because it looked towardsSidon, was situated on the east of the main island, towards the northernend of it. On the west and south the land swept round it in a naturalcurve, effectually guarding two sides; while the remaining two wereprotected by art. On the north a double line of wall was carried out ina direction a little south of east for a distance of about three hundredyards, the space between the two lines being about a hundred feet. Thenorthern line acted as a sort of breakwater, the southern as a pier. This last terminated towards the east on reaching a ridge of naturalrock, and was there met by the eastern wall of the harbour, whichran out in a direction nearly due north for a distance of 250 yards, following the course of two reefs, which served as its foundation. Between the reefs was a space of about 140 feet, which was left open, but could be closed, if necessary, by a boom or chain, which was kept inreadiness. The dimensions of this northern harbour are thought to havebeen about 370 yards from north to south, by about 230 from east towest, [423] or a little short of those which have been assigned to thenorthern harbour of Sidon. Concerning the southern harbour there isconsiderable difference of opinion. Some, as Kenrick and M. Bertou, place it due south of the island, and regard its boundary as the lineof submarine wall which we have already described and regarded asconstituting the southern wall of the town. Others locate it towardsthe south-east, and think that it is now entirely filled up. A canalconnected the two ports, so that vessels could pass from the one to theother. 

The most remarkable of the Tyrian buildings were the royal palace, whichabutted on the southern wall of the town, and the temples dedicatedto Baal, Melkarth, Agenor, and Astarte or Ashtoreth. [424] The probablecharacter of the architecture of these buildings will be hereafterconsidered. With respect to their emplacement, it would seem by the mostrecent explorations that the temple of Baal, called by the Greeks thatof the Olympian Zeus, stood by itself on what was originally a separateislet at the south-western corner of the city, [425] while that ofMelkarth occupied a position as nearly as possible central, [426] andthat of Agenor was placed near the point in which the island terminatestoward the north. [427] The houses of the inhabitants were closelycrowded together, and rose to the height of several storeys. [428] Therewas an open space for the transaction of business within the wallstowards the east, called Eurychorus by those Phoenicians who wrote theirhistories in Greek. [429] The town was full of dyeing establishments, which made it difficult to traverse. [430] The docks and dockyards weretowards the east. 

The population of the island Tyre, when it was captured by Alexander, seems to have been about forty thousand souls. [431] As St. Malo, a cityless than one-third of the size, is known to have had at one time apopulation of twelve thousand, [432] the number, though large for thearea, would seem not to be incredible. 

Of Palæ-Tyrus, or the continental Tyre, no satisfactory account canbe given, since it has absolutely left no remains, and the classicalnotices on the subject are exceedingly scanty. At different periods ofits history, its limits and extent probably varied greatly. Its positionwas nearly opposite the island, and in the early times it must havebeen, like the other coast towns, strongly fortified; but after itscapture by Alexander the walls do not seem to have been restored, and itbecame an open straggling town, extending along the shore from theriver Leontes (Litany) to Ras-el-Ain, a distance of seven miles or more. Pliny, who wrote when its boundary could still be traced, computed thecircuit of Palæ-Tyrus and the island Tyre together at nineteen Romanmiles, [433] the circuit of the island by itself being less than threemiles. Its situation, in a plain of great fertility, at the foot of thesouth-western spurs of Lebanon, and near the gorge of the Litany, wasone of great beauty. Water was supplied to it in great abundance fromthe copious springs of Ras-el-Ain, which were received into a reservoirof an octagonal shape, sixty feet in diameter, and inclosed within wallseighteen feet in height, [434] whence they were conveyed northwards tothe heart of the city by an aqueduct, whereof a part is still remaining. 

The most important city of Phoenicia towards the north was Arvad, orAradus. Arvad was situated, like Tyre, on a small island off the Syriancoast, and lay in Lat. 34º 48´ nearly. It was distant from the shoreabout two miles and a half. The island was even smaller than that whichformed the nucleus of Tyre, being only about 800 yards, or less thanhalf a mile in length, by 500 yards, or rather more than a quarter ofa mile in breadth. [435] The axis of the island was from north-west tosouth-east. It was a bare rock, low and flat, without water, and withoutany natural soil. The iron coast was surrounded on three sides, thenorth, the west, and the south, by a number of rocks and small islets, which fringed it like the trimming of a shawl. Its Phoenician occupiersearly converted this debatable territory, half sea half shore, intosolid land, by filling up the interstices between the rocks with squaredstones and a solid cement as hard as the rock itself, which remainsto this day. [436] The north-eastern portion, which has a length of 150yards by a breadth of 125, is perfectly smooth and almost flat, but witha slight slope towards the east, which is thought to show that it wasused as a sort of dry dock, on which to draw up the lighter vessels, forsafety or for repairs. [437] The western and southern increased the areafor house-building. Anciently, as at Tyre, the houses were builtvery close together, and had several storeys, [438] for the purposeof accommodating a numerous population. The island was wholly withoutnatural harbour; but on the eastern side, which faced the mainland, andwas turned away from the prevailing winds, the art and industry of theinhabitants constructed two ports of a fair size. This was effected bycarrying out from the shore three piers at right angles into the sea, the central one to a distance of from seventy to a hundred yards, andthe other two very nearly as far--and thus forming two rectangularbasins, one on either side of the central pier, which were guarded fromwinds on three sides, and only open towards the east, a quarter fromwhich the winds are seldom violent, and on which the mainland, less thanthree miles off, forms a protection. The construction of the centralpier is remarkable. It is formed of massive blocks of sandstone, whichare placed transversely, so that their length forms the thickness of thepier, and their ends the wall on either side. On both sides of the wallare quays of concrete. [439]

The line of the ancient enceinte may still be traced around the threeouter sides of the island. It is a gigantic work, composed of stonesfrom fifteen to eighteen feet long, placed transversely, like those ofthe centre pier, and in two places still rising to the height of five orsix courses (from thirty to forty feet). [440] The blocks are laid sideby side without mortar; they are roughly squared, and arranged generallyin regular courses; but sometimes two courses for a while take the placeof one. [441] There is a want of care in the arrangement of the blocks, joints in one course being occasionally directly over joints in thecourse below it. The stones are without any bevel or ornamentation ofany kind. They have been quarried in the island itself, and the beds ofrock from which they were taken may be seen at no great distance. At onepoint in the western side of the island, the native rock itself hasbeen cut into the shape of the wall, and made to take the place of thesquared stones for the distance of about ten feet. [442] A moat has alsobeen cut along the entire western side, which, with its glacis, servedapparently to protect the wall from the fury of the waves. [443]

We know nothing of the internal arrangements of the ancient town beyondthe fact of the closeness and loftiness of the houses. Externally Aradusdepended on her possessions upon the mainland both for water and forfood. The barren rock could grow nothing, and was moreover covered withhouses. Such rainwater as fell on the island was carefully collected andstored in tanks and reservoirs, [444] the remains of which are stillto be seen. But the ordinary supply of water for daily consumption wasderived in time of peace from the opposite coast. When this supply wascut off by an enemy Aradus had still one further resource. Midway inthe channel between the island and the continent there burst out at thebottom of the sea a fresh-water spring of great strength; by confiningthis spring within a hemisphere of lead to which a leathern pipe wasattached the much-needed fluid was raised to the surface and receivedinto a vessel moored upon the spot, whence supplies were carried tothe island. [445] The phenomenon still continues, though the moderninhabitants are too ignorant and unskilful to profit by it. [446]

On the mainland Aradus possessed a considerable tract, and had a numberof cities subject to her. Of these Strabo enumerates six, viz. Paltos, Balanea, Carnus--which he calls the naval station of Aradus--Enydra, Marathus, and Simyra. [447] Marathus was the most important of these. Itsname recalls the "Brathu" of Philo-Byblius[448] and the "Martu" of theearly Babylonian inscriptions, [449] which was used as a general term bysome of the primitive monarchs almost in the sense of "Syria. " The wordis still preserved in the modern "M'rith" or "Amrith, " a name attachedto some extensive ruins in the plain south-east of Aradus, which havebeen carefully examined by M. Renan. [450] Marathus was an ancientPhoenician town, probably one of the most ancient, and was always lookedupon with some jealousy by the Aradians, who ultimately destroyed it andpartitioned out the territory among their own citizens. [451] The samefate befell Simyra, [452] a place of equal antiquity, the home probablyof those Zemarites who are coupled with the Arvadites in Genesis. [453]Simyra appears as "Zimirra" in the Assyrian inscriptions, where it isconnected with Arka, [454] which was not far distant. Its exact site, which was certainly south of Amrith, seems to be fixed by the nameSumrah, which attaches to some ruins in the plain about a mile and ahalf north of the Eleutherus (Nahr-el-Kebir) and within a mile ofthe sea. [455] The other towns--Paltos, Balanea, Carnus, [456] andEnydra--were in the more northern portion of the plain, as was alsoAntaradus, now Tortosa, where there are considerable remains, but of adate long subsequent to the time of Phoenician ascendancy. 

Of the remaining Phoenician cities the most important seems to havebeen Gebal, or Byblus. Mentioned under the name of Gubal in the Assyrianinscriptions as early as the time of Jehu[457] (ab. B. C. 840), andglanced at even earlier in the Hebrew records, which tell of itsinhabitants, the Giblites, [458] Gebal is found as a town of note in thetime of Alexander the Great, [459] and again in that of Pompey. [460] Thetraditions of the Phoenicians themselves made it one of the most ancientof the cities; and the historian Philo, who was a native of the place, ascribes its foundation to Kronos or Saturn. [461] It was an especiallyholy city, devoted in the early times to the worship of Beltis, [462] andin the later to that of Adonis. [463] The position is marked beyond allreasonable doubt by the modern Jebeïl, which retains the originalname very slightly modified, and answers completely to the ancientdescriptions. The town lies upon the coast, in Lat. 34º 10´ nearly, about halfway between Tripolis and Berytus, four miles north of thepoint where the Adonis river (now the Ibrahim) empties itself into thesea. There is a "small but well-sheltered port, "[464] formed mainly bytwo curved piers which are carried out from the shore towards the northand south, and which leave between them only a narrow entrance. Thecastle occupies a commanding position on a hill at a little distancefrom the shore, and has a keep built of bevelled stones of a large size. Several of them measure from fifteen to eighteen feet in length, and arefrom five to six feet thick. [465] They were probably quarried by Giblite"stone-cutters, " but placed in their present position during the middleages. 

Tripolis, situated halfway between Byblus and Aradus, was not one ofthe original Phoenician cities, but was a joint colony from the threeprincipal settlements, Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus. [466] The date ofits foundation, and its native Phoenician name, are unknown to us:conjecture hovers between Hosah, Mahalliba, Uznu, and Siannu, maritimetowns of Phoenicia known to the Assyrians, [467] but unmentioned by anyGreek author. The situation was a promontory, which runs out towards thenorth-west, in Lat. 34º 27´ nearly, for the distance of a mile, andis about half a mile wide. The site is "well adapted for a haven, asa chain of seven small islands, running out to the north-west, affordsshelter in the direction from which the most violent winds blow. "[468]The remotest of these islands is ten miles distant from the shore. [469]We are told that the colonists who founded Tripolis did not intermix, but had their separate quarters of the town assigned to them, eachsurrounded by its own wall, and lying at some little distance one fromthe other. [470] There are no present traces of this arrangement, whichseems indicative of distrust; but some remains have been found of a wallwhich was carried across the isthmus on the land side. [471] Tripolis isnow Tarabolus. 

Aphaca, the only inland Phoenician town of any importance, is now Afka, and is visited by most travellers and tourists. It was situated in abeautiful spot at the head of the Adonis river, [472] a sacred streamfabled to run with blood once a year, at the festival which commemoratedthe self-mutilation of the Nature-god Adonis. Aphaca was a sort ofDelphi, a collection of temples rather than a town. It was dedicatedespecially to the worship of the Syrian goddess, Ashtoreth orVenus, sometimes called Beltis or Baaltis, whose orgies were of sodisgracefully licentious a character that they were at last absolutelyforbidden by Constantine. At present there are no remains on theancient site except one or two ruins of edifices decidedly Roman incharacter. [473] Nor is the gorge of the Adonis any richer in ancientbuildings. There was a time when the whole valley formed a sort of"Holy Land, "[474] and at intervals on its course were shown "Tombs ofAdonis, "[475] analogous to the artificial "Holy Sepulchres" of manyEuropean towns in the middle ages. All, however, have disappeared, andthe traveller looks in vain for any traces of that curious cult whichin ancient times made Aphaca and its river one of the most noted of theholy spots of Syria and a favourite resort of pilgrims. 

Twenty-three miles south of Byblus was Berytus, which disputed withByblus the palm of antiquity. [476] Berytus was situated on a promontoryin Lat. 33º 54´, and had a port of a fair size, protected towards thewest by a pier, which followed the line of a ridge of rocks runningout from the promontory towards the north. It was not of any importanceduring the flourishing Phoenician period, but grew to greatness underthe Romans, [477] when its harbour was much improved, and the towngreatly extended. [478] By the time of Justinian it had become thechief city of Phoenicia, and was celebrated as a school of law andscience. [479] The natural advantages of its situation have caused it toretain a certain importance, and in modern times it has drawn to itselfalmost the whole of the commerce which Europe maintains with Syria. 

Arka, or Arqa, the home of the Arkites of Genesis, [480] can never havebeen a place of much consequence. It lies at a distance of four milesfrom the shore, on one of the outlying hills which form the skirts ofLebanon, in Lat. 34º 33, Long. 33º 44´ nearly. The towns nearest to itwere Orthosia, Simyra, and Tripolis. It was of sufficient consequenceto be mentioned in the Assyrian Inscriptions, [481] though not to attractthe notice of Strabo. 

Ecdippa, south of Tyre, in Lat. 33º 1´, is no doubt the scripturalAchzib, [482] which was made the northern boundary of Asher at thedivision of the Holy Land among the twelve tribes. The Assyrian monarchsspeak of it under the same name, but mention it rarely, and apparentlyas a dependency of Sidon. [483] The old name, in the shortened form of"Zeb, " still clings to the place. 

Still further to the south, five miles from Ecdippa, and abouttwenty-two miles from Tyre, lay Akko or Accho, at the northern extremityof a wide bay, which terminates towards the south in the promontory ofCarmel. Next to the Bay of St. George, near Beyrout, this is the bestnatural roadstead on the Syrian coast; and this advantage, combined withits vicinity to the plain of Esdraelon, has given to Accho at variousperiods of history a high importance, as in some sense "the key ofSyria. " The Assyrians, in their wars with Palestine and Egypt, took careto conquer and retain it. [484] When the Ptolemies became masters ofthe tract between Egypt and Mount Taurus, they at once saw its value, occupied it, strengthened its defences, and gave it the name ofPtolemaïs. The old appellation has, however, reasserted itself; and, as Acre, the city played an important part in the Crusades, in theNapoleonic attempt on Egypt, and in the comparatively recent expeditionof Ibrahim Pasha. It had a small port of its own to the south-east ofthe promontory on which it stood, which, like the other ports of theancient Phoenicia, is at the present time almost wholly sanded up. [485]But its roadstead was of more importance than its port, and was used bythe Persians as a station for their fleet, from which they could keepwatch on Egypt. [486]

South of Accho and south of Carmel, close upon the shore, which is herelow and flat, was Dor, now Tantura, the seat of a kingdom in the timeof Joshua, [487] and allotted after its conquest to Manasseh. [488] HereSolomon placed one of his purveyors, [489] and here the great Assyrianmonarch Tiglath-pileser II. Likewise placed a "governor, " about B. C. 732, when he reduced it. [490] Dor was one of the places where theshell-fish which produced the purple dye were most abundant, andremained in the hands of the Phoenicians during all the politicalchanges which swept over Syria and Palestine to a late period. [491] Ithad fallen to ruin, however, by the time of Jerome, [492] and the presentremains are unimportant. 

The extreme Phoenician city on the south was Japho or Joppa. It lay inLat. 32º 2´, close to the territory of Dan, [493] but continued to beheld by the Phoenicians until the time of the Maccabees, [494] when itbecame Jewish. The town was situated on the slope of a low hill near thesea, and possessed anciently a tolerable harbour, from which a trade wascarried on with Tartessus. [495] As the seaport nearest to Jerusalem, it was naturally the chief medium of the commerce which was carried onbetween the Phoenicians and the Jews. Thither, in the time of Solomon, were brought the floats of timber cut in Lebanon for the constructionof the Temple and the royal palace; and thither, no doubt, were conveyed"the wheat, and the barley, and the oil, and the wine, " which thePhoenicians received in return for their firs and cedars. [496] A similarexchange of commodities was made nearly five centuries later at the sameplace, when the Jews returned from the captivity under Zerubbabel. [497]In Roman times the foundation of Cæsaræa reduced Joppa toinsignificance; yet it still, as Jaffa or Yáfa, retains a certain amountof trade, and is famous for its palm-groves and gardens. 

Joppa towards the south was balanced by Ramantha, or Laodicea, towardsthe north. Fifty miles north of Aradus and Antaradus (Tortosa), inLat. 35º 30´ nearly, occupying the slope of a hill facing the sea, withchalky cliffs on either side, that, like those of Dover, whiten the sea, and with Mount Casius in the background, lay the most northern of allthe Phoenician cities in a fertile and beautiful territory. [498] Theoriginal appellation was, we are told, Ramantha, [499] a name intendedprobably to mark the _lofty_ situation of the place;[4100] but thisappellation was forced to give way to the Greek term, Laodicea, whenSeleucus Nicator, having become king of Syria, partially rebuiltRamantha and colonised it with Greeks. [4101] The coins of the city underthe Seleucidæ show its semi-Greek, semi-Phoenician character, havinglegends in both languages. One of these, in the Phoenician character, is read as _l'Ladika am b'Canaan_, i. E. "of Laodicea, a metropolisin Canaan, " and seems to show that the city claimed not only to beindependent, but to have founded, and to hold under its sway, a numberof smaller towns. [4102] It may have exercised a dominion over the entiretract from Mount Casius to Paltos, where the dominion of Aradus began. Laodicea is now Latakia, and is famous for the tobacco grown in theneighbourhood. It still makes use of its ancient port, which would befairly commodious if it were cleared of the sand that at present chokesit. [4103]

It has been said that Phoenicia was composed of "three worlds" withdistinct characteristics;[4104] but perhaps the number of the "worlds"should be extended to five. First came that of Ramantha, reaching fromthe Mons Casius to the river Badas, a distance of about fifty miles, aremote and utterly sequestered region, into which neither Assyria norEgypt ever thought of penetrating. Commerce with Cyprus and southernAsia Minor was especially open to the mariners of this region, who couldsee the shores of Cyprus without difficulty on a clear day. Next camethe "world" of Aradus, reaching along the coast from the Badas to theEleutherus, another stretch of fifty miles, and including the littoralislands, especially that of Ruad, on which Aradus was built. This tractwas less sequestered than the more northern one, and contains traces ofhaving been subjected to influences from Egypt at an early period. Thegap between Lebanon and Bargylus made the Aradian territory accessiblefrom the Coelesyrian valley; and there is reason to believe that one ofthe roads which Egyptian and Assyrian conquest followed in these partswas that which passed along the coast as far as the Eleutherus and thenturned eastward and north-eastward to Emesa (Hems) and Hamath. It musthave been conquerors marching by this line who set up their effigies atthe mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb, and those who pursued it would naturallymake a point of reducing Aradus. Thus this second Phoenician "world" hasnot the isolated character of the first, but shows marks of Assyrian, and still more of early Egyptian, influence. The third Phoenician"world" is that of Gebal or Byblus. Its limits would seem to be theEleutherus on the north, and on the south the Tamyras, which would allowit a length of a little above eighty miles. This district, it has beensaid, preserved to the last days of paganism a character which wasoriginal and well marked. Within its limits the religious sentiment hadmore intensity and played a more important part in life than elsewherein Phoenicia. Byblus was a sort of Phoenician Jerusalem. By their turnof mind and by the language which they spoke, the Byblians or Giblitesseem to have been, of all the Phoenicians, those who most resembled theHebrews. King Jehavmelek, who probably reigned at Byblus about B. C. 400, calls himself "a just king, " and prays that he may obtain favour inthe sight of God. Later on it was at Byblus, and in the valleys of theLebanon depending on it, that the inhabitants celebrated those mysteriesof Astarte, together with that orgiastic worship of Adonis or Tammuz, which were so popular in Syria during the whole of the Greco-Romanperiod. [4105] The fourth Phoenician "world" was that of Tyre and Sidon, beginning at the Tamyras and ending with the promontory of Carmel. Hereit was that the Phoenician character developed especially those traitsby which it is commonly known to the world at large--a genius forcommerce and industry, a passion for the undertaking of long andperilous voyages, an adaptability to circumstances of all kinds, and anaddress in dealing with wild tribes of many different kinds which hasrarely been equalled and never exceeded. "All that we are about tosay of Phoenicia, " declares the author recently quoted, "of its rapidexpansion and the influence which it exercised over the nations of theWest, must be understood especially of Tyre and Sidon. The other townsmight furnish sailors to man the Tyrian fleet or merchandise for theircargo, but it was Sidon first and then (with even more determinationand endurance) Tyre which took the initiative and the conduct of themovement; it was the mariners of these two towns who, with eyes fixedon the setting sun, pushed their explorations as far as the Pillarsof Hercules, and eventually even further. "[4106] The last and leastimportant of the Phoenician "worlds" was the southern one, extendingsixty miles from Carmel to Joppa--a tract from which the Phoeniciancharacter was well nigh trampled out by the feet of strangers everpassing up and down the smooth and featureless region, along which laythe recognised line of route between Syria and Mesopotamia on the onehand, Philistia and Egypt on the other. [4107]

CHAPTER V--THE COLONIES

 Circumstances which led the Phoenicians to colonise--Their colonies best grouped geographically--1. Colonies of the Eastern Mediterranean--in Cyprus, Citium, Amathus, Curium, Paphos, Salamis, Ammochosta, Tamisus, and Soli;--in Cilicia, Tarsus;--in Lycia, Phaselis;--in Rhodes, Lindus, Ialysus, Camirus;--in Crete, and the Cyclades;--in the Northern Egean; &c. 2. In the Central and Western Mediterranean--in Africa, Utica, Hippo-Zaritis, Hippo Regius, Carthage, Hadrumetum, Leptis Minor, Leptis Major, and Thapsus;--in Sicily, Motya, Eryx, Panormus, Solocis;--between Sicily and Africa, Cossura, Gaulos, and Melita;--in Sardinia, Caralis, Nora, Sulcis, and Tharros;--in the Balearic Isles;--in Spain, Malaca, Sex, Abdera. 3. Outside the Straits of Gibraltar;--in Africa, Tingis, and Lixus; in Spain, Tartessus, Gades, and Belon--Summary. 

The narrowness of the territory which the Phoenicians occupied themilitary strength of their neighbours towards the north and towards thesouth, and their own preference of maritime over agricultural pursuits, combined to force them, as they began to increase and multiply, tofind a vent for their superfluous population in colonies. The militarystrength of Philistia and Egypt barred them out from expansion uponthe south; the wild savagery of the mountain races in Casius, northernBargylus, and Amanus was an effectual barrier towards the north; butbefore them lay the open Mediterranean, placid during the greaterportion of the year, and conducting to a hundred lands, thinly peopled, or even unoccupied, where there was ample room for any number ofimmigrants. The trade of the Phoenicians with the countries borderingthe Eastern Mediterranean must be regarded as established longpreviously to the time when they began to feel cramped for space; andthus, when that time arrived, they had no difficulty in finding freshlocalities to occupy, except such as might arise from a too abundantamplitude of choice. Right in front of them lay, at the distance of notmore than seventy miles, visible from Casius in clear weather, [51] thelarge and important island, once known as Chittim, [52] and afterwards asCyprus, which played so important a part in the history of the East fromthe time of Sargon and Sennacherib to that of Bragadino and MustaphaPasha. To the right, well visible from Cyprus, was the fertile tract ofCilicia Campestris, which led on to the rich and picturesque regions ofPamphylia, Lycia, and Caria. From Caria stretched out, like a stringof stepping-stones between Asia and Europe, the hundred islets ofthe Ægean, Cyclades, and Sporades, and others, inviting settlers, andconducting to the large islands of Crete and Euboea, and the shores ofAttica and the Peloponnese. It is impossible to trace with any exactnessthe order in which the Phoenician colonies were founded. A thousandincidental circumstances--a thousand caprices--may have deranged whatmay be called the natural or geographical order, and have causedthe historical order to diverge from it; but, on the whole, probablysomething like the geographical order was observed; and, at any rate, itwill be most convenient, in default of sufficient data for an historicalarrangement, to adopt in the present place a geographic one, and, beginning with those nearest to Phoenicia itself in the EasternMediterranean, to proceed westward to the Straits of Gibraltar, reserving for the last those outside the Straits on the shores of theAtlantic Ocean. 

The nearest, and probably the first, region to attract Phoeniciancolonies was the island of Cyprus. Cyprus lies in the corner of theEastern Mediterranean formed by the projection of Asia Minor from theSyrian shore. Its mountain chains run parallel with Taurus, and it isto Asia Minor that it presents its longer flank, while to Phoenicia itpresents merely one of its extremities. Its length from east to west is145 miles, its greatest width about sixty miles. [53] Two strongly markedmountain ranges form its most salient features, the one running closealong the north coast from Cape Kormaciti to Cape S. Andreas; the othernearly central, but nearer the south, beginning at Cape Renaouti in thewest and terminating at Cape Greco. The mountain ranges are connectedby a tract of high ground towards the centre, and separated by two broadplains, [54] towards the east and west. The eastern plain is the moreimportant of the two. It extends along the course of the Pediæus fromLeucosia, or Nicosia, the present capital, to Salamis, a distance ofthirty-five miles, and is from five to twelve miles wide. The fertilityof the soil was reckoned in ancient times to equal that of Egypt. [55]The western plain, that of Morfou, is much smaller, and is watered bya less important river. The whole island, when it first became known tothe Phoenicians, was well wooded. [56] Lovely glens opened upon them, asthey sailed along its southern coast, watered by clear streams from thesouthern mountain-range, and shaded by thick woods of pine and cedar, the latter of which are said to have in some cases attained a greatersize even than those of the Lebanon. [57] The range was also prolific ofvaluable metals. [58] Gold and silver were found in places, but only insmall quantities; iron was yielded in considerable abundance; but thechief supply was that of copper, which derived its name from that ofthe island. [59] Other products of the island were wheat of excellentquality; the rich Cyprian wine which retains its strength and flavourfor well nigh a century, the _henna_ dye obtained from the plant called_copher_ or _cyprus_, the _Lawsonia alba_ of modern botany; valuablepigments of various kinds, red, yellow, green, and amber; hemp and flax;tar, boxwood, [510] and all the materials requisite for shipbuildingfrom the heavy timbers needed for the keel to the lightest spar and theflimsiest sail. [511]

The earliest of the Phoenician settlements in Cyprus seem to have lainupon its southern coast. Here were Citium, Amathus, Curium, and Paphus, the Palæ-paphus of the geographers, which have all yielded abundanttraces of a Phoenician occupation at a very distant period. Citium, nowLarnaka, was on the western side of a deep bay, which indents the moreeastern portion of the southern coast, between the promontories of Citiand Pyla. It is sheltered from all winds except the south-east, and continues to the present day the chief port of the island. ThePhoenician settlers improved on the natural position by the formationof an artificial basin, enclosed within piers, the lines of which may betraced, though the basin itself is sanded up. [512] A plain extends forsome distance inland, on which the palm-tree flourishes, and whichis capable of producing excellent crops of wheat. [513] Access to theinterior is easy; for the mountain range sinks as it proceeds eastward, and between Citium and Dali (Idalium), on a tributary of the Pediæus, isof small elevation. There are indications that the Phoenicians did notconfine themselves to the coast, but penetrated into the interior, andeven settled there in large numbers. Idalium, sixteen miles north-westof Citium, and Golgi (Athiénau), ten miles nearly due north of thesame, show traces of having supported for a considerable time a largePhoenician population, [514] and must be regarded as outposts advancedfrom Citium into the mountains for trading, and perhaps for miningpurposes. Idalium (Dali) has a most extensive Phoenician necropolis; theinterments have a most archaic character; and their Phoenician originis indicated both by their close resemblance to interments in Phoeniciaproper and by the discovery, in connection with them, of Phoenicianinscriptions. [515] At Golgi the remains scarcely claim so remote anantiquity. They belong to the time when Phoenician art was dominated bya strong Egyptian influence, and when it also begins to have a partiallyHellenic character. Some critics assign them to the sixth, or even tothe fifth century, B. C. [516]

West of Citium, also upon the south coast, and in a favourable situationfor trade with the interior, was Amathus. The name Amathus has beenconnected with "Hamath;"[517] but there is no reason to suppose that theHamathites were Phoenicians. Amathus, which Stephen of Byzantium calls"a most ancient Cyprian city, "[518] was probably among the earliest ofthe Phoenician settlements in the island. It lay in the bay formed bythe projection of Cape Gatto from the coast, and, like Citium, lookedto the south-east. Westward and south-westward stretched an extensiveplain, fertile and well-watered, shaded by carob and olive-trees, [519]whilst towards the north were the rich copper mines from which theAmathusians derived much of their prosperity. The site has yielded aconsiderable amount of Phoenician remains--tombs, sarcophagi, vases, bowls, pateræ and statuettes. [520] Many of the tombs resemble thoseat Idalium; others are stone chambers deeply buried in the earth. Themimetic art shows Assyrian and Egyptian influence, but is essentiallyPhoenician, and of great interest. Further reference will be made to itin the Chapter on the Æsthetic Art of the Phoenicians. 

Still further to the west, in the centre of the bay enclosed betweenthe promontories of Zeugari and Boosoura, was the colony of Curium, ona branch of the river Kuras. Curium lay wholly open to thesouth-western-gales, but had a long stretch of sandy shore towards thesouth-east, on which vessels could be drawn up. The town was situatedon a rocky elevation, 300 feet in height, and was further defended bya strong wall, a large portion of which may still be traced. [521] Therichest discovery of Phoenician ornaments and objects of art that hasyet been made took place at Curium, where, in the year 1874, General DiCesnola happened upon a set of "Treasure Chambers" containing severalhundreds of rings, gems, necklaces, bracelets, armlets, ear-rings, bowls, basins, jugs, pateræ, &c. , in the precious metals, which haveformed the principal material for all recent disquisitions on the truecharacter and excellency of Phoenician art. Commencing with works ofwhich the probable date is the fifteenth or sixteenth century B. C. , and descending at least as far as the best Greek period[522] (B. C. 500-400), embracing, moreover, works which are purely Assyrian, purelyEgyptian, and purely Greek, this collection has yet so predominant aPhoenician character as to mark Curium, notwithstanding the contraryassertions of the Greeks themselves, [523] for a thoroughly Phoeniciantown. And the history of the place confirms this view, since Curiumsided with Amathus and the Persians in the war of Onesilus. [524] Nodoubt, like most of the other Phoenician cities in Cyprus, it wasHellenised gradually; but there must have been many centuries duringwhich it was an emporium of Phoenician trade and a centre of Phoenicianinfluence. 

Where the southern coast of Cyprus begins to trend to the north-west, and a river of some size, the Bocarus or Diorizus, reaches the sea, stood the Phoenician settlement of Paphos, founded (as was said[525]) byCinyras, king of Byblus. Here was one of the most celebrated of all thetemples of Astarté or Ashtoreth, [526] the Phoenician Nature-Goddess; andhere ruled for many centuries the sacerdotal class of the Cinyridæ. Theremains of the temple have been identified, and will be described in afuture chapter. They have the massive character of all early Phoenicianarchitecture. 

Among other Phoenician settlements in Cyprus were, it is probable, Salamis, Ammochosta (now Famagosta), Tamasus, and Soli. Salamis must beregarded as originally Phoenician on account of the name, which cannotbe viewed as anything but another form of the Hebrew "Salem, " thealternative name of Jerusalem. [527] Salamis lay on the eastern coast ofthe island at the mouth of the main river, the Pediæus. It occupiedthe centre of a large bay which looked towards Phoenicia, and wouldnaturally be the place where the Phoenicians would first land. There isno natural harbour beyond that afforded by the mouth of the Pediæus, but a harbour was easily made by throwing out piers into the bay; and ofthis, which is now sanded up, the outline may be traced. [528] Thereare, however, no remains, either at Salamis or in the immediateneighbourhood, which can claim to be regarded as Phoenician; and theglories of the city belong to the history of Greece. 

Ammochosta was situated within a few miles of Salamis, towards thesouth. [529] Its first appearance in history belongs to the reign ofEsarhaddon (B. C. 680), when we find it in a list of ten Cyprian cities, each having its own king, who acknowledged for their suzerain the greatmonarch of Assyria. [530] Soon afterwards it again occurs among thecities tributary to Asshur-bani-pal. [531] Otherwise we have no mentionof it in Phoenician times. As Famagosta it was famous in the warsbetween the Venetians and the Turks. 

Tamasus, or Tamassus, was an inland city, and the chief seat of themining operations which the Phoenicians carried on in the island insearch of copper. [532] It lay a few miles to the west of Idalium (Dali), on the northern flank of the southern mountain chain. The river Pediæusflowed at its feet. Like Ammochosta, it appears among the Cyprian townswhich in the seventh century B. C. Were tributary to the Assyrians. [533]The site is still insufficiently explored. 

Soli lay upon the coast, in the recess of the gulf of Morfou. [534] Thefiction of its foundation by Philocyprus at the suggestion of Solon[535]is entirely disproved by the occurrence of the name in the Assyrianlists of Cyprian towns a century before Solon's time. Its sympathieswere with the Phoenician, and not with the Hellenic, population of theisland, as was markedly shown when it joined with Amathus and Citium incalling to Artaxerxes for help against Evagoras. [536] The city stood onthe left bank of the river Clarius, and covered the northern slope ofa low hill detached from the main range, extending also over the lowground at the foot of the hill to within a short distance of the shore, where are to be seen the remains of the ancient harbour. The soil inthe neighbourhood is very rich, and adapted for almost any kind ofcultivation. [537] In the mountains towards the south were prolific veinsof copper. 

The northern coast of the island between Capes Cormaciti and S. Andreasdoes not seem to have attracted the Phoenicians, though there are somewho regard Lapethus and Cerynia as Phoenician settlements. [538] It is arock-bound shore of no very tempting aspect, behind which the mountainrange rises up steeply. Such Phoenician emigrants as held their wayalong the Salaminian plain and, rounding Cape S. Andreas, passed intothe channel that separates Cyprus from the mainland, found the coastupon their right attract them far more than that upon their left, andformed settlements in Cilicia which ultimately became of considerableimportance. The chief of these was Tars or Tarsus, probably the Tarshishof Genesis, [539] though not that of the later Books, a Phoenician city, which has Phoenician characters upon its coins, and worshipped thesupreme Phoenician deity under the title of "Baal Tars, " "the Lord ofTarsus. "[540] Tarsus commanded the rich Cilician plain up to the veryroots of Taurus, was watered by the copious stream of the Cydnus, andhad at its mouth a commodious harbour. Excellent timber for shipbuildinggrew on the slopes of the hills bounding the plain, and the riverafforded a ready means of floating such timber down to the sea. Cleopatra's ships are said to have been derived from the Cilicianforests, which Antony made over to her for the purpose. [541] OtherPhoenician settlements upon the Cilician coast were, it is probable, Soli, Celenderis, and Nagidus. 

Pursuing their way westward, in search of new abodes, the emigrantswould pass along the coast, first of Pamphylia and then of Lycia. InPamphylia there is no settlement that can be with confidence assignedto them; but in Lycia it would seem that they colonised Phaselis, and perhaps other places. The mountain which rises immediately behindPhaselis was called "Solyma;"[542] and a very little to the south wasanother mountain known as "Phoenicus. "[543] Somewhat further to the westlies the cape still called Cape Phineka, [544] in which the root Phoenix({phoinix}) is again to be detected. A large district inland was namedCabalis or Cabalia, [545] or (compare Phoen. And Heb. _gebal_, mod. Arab. _jebel_) the "mountain" country. Phaselis was situated on a promontoryprojecting south-eastward into the Mediterranean, [546] and was reckonedto have three harbours, [547] which are marked in the accompanying chart. Of these the principal one was that on the western side of the isthmus, which was formed by a stone pier carried out for more than two hundredyards into the sea, and still to be traced under the water. [548]The other two, which were of smaller size, lay towards the east. ThePhoenicians were probably tempted to make a settlement at the place, partly by the three ports, partly by the abundance of excellent timberfor shipbuilding which the neighbourhood furnishes. "Between Phaselisand Cape Avora, a little north of it, " says a modern traveller, "a beltof large and handsome pines borders the shore for some miles. "[549]

From Lycia the Asiatic coast westward and north-westward was known asCaria; and here Phoenician settlements appear to have been numerous. Theentire country was at any rate called Phoenicé by some authors. [550]But the circumstances do not admit of our pointing out any specialPhoenician settlements in this quarter, which early fell under almostexclusive Greek influence. There are ample grounds, however, forbelieving that the Phoenicians colonised Rhodes at the south-westernangle of Asia Minor, off the Carian coast. According to Conon, [551] theearliest inhabitants of Rhodes were the Heliades, whom the Phoeniciansexpelled. The Phoenicians themselves were at a later date expelled bythe Carians, and the Carians by the Greeks. Ergeias, however, the nativehistorian, declared[552] that the Phoenicians remained, at any rate insome parts of the island, until the Greeks drove them out. Ialysus was, he said, one of their cities. Dictys Cretensis placed Phoenicians, not only in Ialysus, but in Camirus also. [553] It is the conclusion ofKenrick that "the Phoenician settlement in Rhodes was the first whichintroduced civilisation among the primeval inhabitants, and that theymaintained their ascendancy till the rise of the naval power of theCarians. These new settlers reduced the Phoenicians to the occupancyof three principal towns"--i. E. Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus; but "fromthese too they were expelled by the Dorians, or only allowed to remainat Ialysus as the hereditary priesthood of their native god. "[554]Rhodes is an island about one-fourth the size of Cyprus, with its axisfrom the north-east to the south-west. It possesses excellent harbours, accessible from all quarters, [555] and furnishing a secure shelter inall weathers. The fertility of the soil is great; and the remarkablehistory of the island shows the importance which attaches to it in thehands of an enterprising people. Turkish apathy has, however, succeededin reducing it to insignificance. 

The acquisition of Rhodes led the stream of Phoenician colonisationonwards in two directions, south-westward and north-westward. South-westward, it passed by way of Carpathus and Casus to Crete, and then to Cythera; north-westward, by way of Chalcia, Telos, andAstypalæa, to the Cyclades and Sporades. The presence of the Phoeniciansin Crete is indicated by the haven "Phoenix, " where St. Paul'sconductors hoped to have wintered their ship;[556] by the town ofItanus, which was named after a Phoenician founder, [557] and was astaple of the purple-trade, [558] and by the existence near port Phoenixof a town called "Araden. " Leben, on the south coast, near CapeLeo, seems also to have derived its name from the Semitic word for"lion. "[559] Crete, however, does not appear to have been occupied bythe Phoenicians at more than a few points, or for colonising so muchas for trading purposes. They used its southern ports for refitting andrepairing their ships, but did not penetrate into the interior, mustless attempt to take possession of the whole extensive territory. It wasotherwise with the smaller islands. Cythera is said to have derived itsname from the Phoenician who colonised it, and the same is also reportedof Melos. [560] Ios was, we are told, originally called Phoenicé;[561]Anaphé had borne the name of Membliarus, after one of the companionsof Cadmus;[562] Oliarus, or Antiparos, was colonised from Sidon. [563]Thera's earliest inhabitants were of the Phoenician race;[564] eitherPhoenicians or Carians had, according to Thucydides, [565] colonised inremote times "the greater part of the islands of the Ænean. " There was atime when probably all the Ægean islands were Phoenician possessions, or at any rate acknowledged Phoenician influence, and Siphnus gave itsgold, its silver, [566] and its lead, [567] Cythera its shell-fish, [568]Paros its marble, Melos its sulphur and its alum, [569] Nisyrus itsmillstones, [570] and the islands generally their honey, [571] to increasethe wealth and advance the commercial interests of their Phoenicianmasters. 

From the Sporades and Cyclades the advance was easy to the islandsof the Northern Ægean, Lemnos, Imbrus, Thasos, and Samothrace. Thesettlement of the Phoenicians in Thasos is attested by Herodotus, whosays that the Tyrian Hercules (Melkarth) was worshipped there, [572] andascribes to the Phoenicians extensive mining operations on the easternshores of the island between Ænyra and Coenyra. [573] A Phoenicianoccupation of Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samothrace is indicated by the worshipin those islands of the Cabeiri, [574] who were undoubtedly Phoeniciandeities. Whether the Phoenicians passed from these islands to theThracian mainland, and worked the gold-mines of Mount Pangæus in thevicinity of Philippi, may perhaps be doubtful, but such seems to havebeen the belief of Strabo and Pliny. [575] Strabo also believed thatthere had been a Semitic element in the population of Euboea which hadbeen introduced by Cadmus;[576] and a Phoenician settlement in Boeotiawas the current tradition of the Greek writers upon primitive times, whether historians or geographers. [577]

The further progress of the Phoenician settlements northward into thePropontis and the Euxine is a point whereon different opinions maybe entertained. Pronectus, on the Bithynian, and Amastris, on thePaphlagonian coast, have been numbered among the colonies of thePhoenicians by some;[578] while others have gone so far as to ascribe tothem the colonisation of the entire countries of Bithynia, Mariandynia, and Paphlagonia. [579] The story of the Argonauts may fairly be held toshow[580] that Phoenician enterprise early penetrated into the stormyand inhospitable sea which washes Asia Minor upon the north, and evenreached its deepest eastern recess; but it is one thing to sail intoseas, and, landing where the natives seem friendly, to traffic withthe dwellers on them--it is quite another thing to attempt a permanentoccupation of portions of their coasts. To do so often provokeshostility, and puts a stop to trade instead of encouraging it. ThePhoenicians may have been content to draw their native products from thebarbarous tribes of Northern Asia Minor and Western Thrace--nay, evenof Southern Scythia--without risking the collisions that might havefollowed the establishment of settlements. 

As with the Black Sea, so with the Adriatic, the commercial advantageswere not sufficient to tempt the Phoenicians to colonise. From Creteand Cythera they sent their gaze afar, and fixed it midway in theMediterranean, at the western extremity of the eastern basin, on theshores of Sicily, and the vast projection from the coast of North Africawhich goes forth to meet them. They knew the harbourless characterof the African coast west of Egypt, and the dangers of the Lesser andGreater Syrtes. They knew the fertility of the Tunisian projection, theexcellence of its harbours, and the prolificness of the large islandthat lay directly opposite. Here were the tracts where they might expandfreely, and which would richly repay their occupation of them. Itwas before the beginning of the eleventh century B. C. --perhapssome centuries before--that the colonisation of North Africa by thePhoenicians was taken in hand:[581] and about the same time, in allprobability, the capes and isles about Sicily were occupied, [582] andPhoenician influence in a little time extended over the entire island. 

In North Africa the first colony planted is said to have been Utica. Utica was situated a little to the west of Carthage, at the mouth of theMejerda or Bagradas river. [583] It stood on a rocky promontory which ranout into the sea eastward, and partially protected its harbour. At theopposite extremity, towards the north, ran out another promontory, themodern Ras Sidi Ali-el-Mekki, while the mouth of the harbour, whichfaced to the south-east, was protected by some islands. At present thedeposits of the Mejerda have blocked up almost the whole of this ancientport, and the rocky eminence upon which the city stood looks down onthree sides upon a broad alluvial plain, through which the Mejerdapursues a tortuous course to the sea. [584] The remains of the ancienttown, which occupy the promontory and a peninsula projecting from it, include a necropolis, an amphitheatre, a theatre, a castle, the ruinsof a temple, and some remains of baths; but they have nothing aboutthem bearing any of the characteristics of Phoenician architecture, andbelong wholly to the Roman or post-Roman period. The neighbourhood isproductive of olives, which yield an excellent oil; and in the hillstowards the south-west are veins of lead, containing a percentage ofsilver, which are thought to bear traces of having been worked at a veryearly date. [585]

Near Utica was founded, probably not many years later, the settlementof Hippo-Zaritis, of which the name still seems to linger in the modernBizerta. Hippo-Zaritis stood on the west bank of a natural channel, which united with the sea a considerable lagoon or salt lake, lyingsouth of the town. The channel was kept open by an irregular flux andreflux, the water of the lake after the rainy season flowing off intothe sea, and that of the sea, correspondingly, in the dry season passinginto the lake. [586] At the present time the lake is extraordinarilyproductive of fish, [587] and the sea outside yields coral;[588] butotherwise the advantages of the situation are not great. 

Two degrees further to the west, on a hill overlooking the sea, andcommanding a lovely prospect over the verdant plain at its base, wateredby numerous streams, was founded the colony of Hippo Regius, memorableas having been for five-and-thirty years the residence of St. Augustine. The Phoenicians were probably attracted to the site by the fertility ofthe soil, the unfailing supplies of water, and the abundant timber andrich iron ore of the neighbouring mountains. [589] Hippo Regius is nowBona, or rather has been replaced by that town, which lies about a mileand a half north of the ancient Hippo, close upon the coast, in thefertile tract formed by the soil brought down by the river Seybouse. Theold harbour of Hippo is filled up, and the remains of the ancient cityare scanty; but the lovely gardens and orchards, which render Bonaone of the most agreeable of Algerian towns, sufficiently explain andjustify the Phoenician choice of the site. [590]

In the same bay with Utica, further to the south, and near its innerrecess, was founded, nearly three centuries after Utica, the mostimportant of all the Phoenician colonies, Carthage. The advantages ofthe locality are indicated by the fact that the chief town of NorthernAfrica, Tunis, has grown up within a short distance of the site. It combined the excellences of a sheltered situation, a good soil, defensible eminences, and harbours which a little art made all that wasto be desired in ancient times and with ancient navies. These basins, partly natural, partly artificial, still exist;[591] but theircommunication with the sea is blocked up, as also is the channel whichconnected the military harbour with the harbours of commerce. Theremains of the ancient town are mostly beneath the surface of the soil, but modern research has uncovered a portion of them, and brought tolight a certain number of ruins which belong probably to the veryearliest period. Among these are walls in the style called "Cyclopian, "built of a very hard material, and more than thirty-two feet thick, which seem to have surrounded the ancient Byrsa or citadel, and whichare still in places sixteen feet high. [592] The Roman walls foundemplaced above these are of far inferior strength and solidity. Anextensive necropolis lies north of the ancient town, on the coast nearCape Camart. 

Another early and important Phoenician settlement in these parts wasHadrumetum or Adrymes, [593] which seems to be represented by themodern Soûsa. Hadrumetum lay on the eastern side of the great Tunisianprojection, near the southern extremity of a large bay which looks tothe east, and is now known as the Gulf of Hammamet. Its position wasupon the coast at the edge of the vast plain called at present the"Sahel of Soûsa, " which is sandy, but immensely productive of olive oil. "Millions of olive-trees, " it is said, "cover the tract, "[594] and thepresent annual exportation amounts to 40, 000 hectolitres. [595] Ancientremains are few, but the Cothon, or circular harbour, may still betraced, and in the necropolis, which almost wholly encircles the town, many sepulchral chambers have been found, excavated in the chalk, closely resembling in their arrangements those of the Phoenicianmainland. 

South of Hadrumetum, at no great distance, was Leptis Minor, nowLemta. The gulf of Hammamet terminates southwards in the promontory ofMonastir, between which and Ras Dimas is a shallow bay looking to thenorth-east. Here was the Lesser Leptis, so called to distinguish itfrom the larger city of the same name between the Lesser and the GreaterSyrtis; it was, however, a considerable town, as appears from itsremains. These lie along the coast for two miles and a half in Lat. 35º43´, and include the ruins of an aqueduct, of a theatre, of quays, andof jetties. [596] The neighbourhood is suited for the cultivation of theolive. 

The Greater Leptis (Leptis Major) lay at a considerable distance fromthe Lesser one. Midway in the low African coast which intervenes betweenthe Tunisian projection and the Cyrenaic one, about Long. 14º 22´ E. Of Greenwich, are ruins, near a village called Lebda, which, it isgenerally agreed, mark the site of this ancient city. Leptis Major wasa colony from Sidon, and occupied originally a small promontory, whichprojects from the coast in a north-easterly direction, and attains amoderate elevation above the plain at its base. Towards the mainlandit was defended by a triple line of wall still to be traced, and onthe sea-side by blocks of enormous strength, which are said to resemblethose on the western side of the island of Aradus. [597] In Roman timesthe town, under the name of Neapolis, [598] attained a vast size, andwas adorned with magnificent edifices, of which there are still numerousremains. The neighbourhood is rich in palm-groves and olive-groves, [599]and the Cinyps region, regarded by Herodotus as the most fertile inNorth Africa, [5100] lies at no great distance to the east. 

Ten miles east, and a little south of Leptis Minor, [5101] was Thapsus, a small town, but one of great strength, famous as the scene of JuliusCæsar's great victory over Cato. [5102] It occupied a position close tothe promontory now known as Ras Dimas, in Lat. 35º 39´, Long. 11º 3´, and was defended by a triple enclosure, whereof considerable remainsare still existing. The outermost of the three lines appears to haveconsisted of little more than a ditch and a palisaded rampart, such asthe Romans were accustomed to throw up whenever they pitched a camp intheir wars; but the second and third were more substantial. The second, which was about forty yards behind the first, was guarded by a deeperditch, from which rose a perpendicular stone wall, battlemented at top. The third, forty yards further back, resembled the second, but was onan enlarged scale, and the wall was twenty feet thick. [5103] Such tripleenclosures are thought to be traceable in other Phoenician settlementsalso;[5104] but in no case are the remains so perfect as at Thapsus. Theharbour, which lay south of the town, was protected from the prevalentnorthern and north-eastern winds by a huge mole or jetty, carriedout originally to a distance of 450 yards from the shore, and stillmeasuring 325 yards. The foundation consists of piles driven into thesand, and placed very close together; but the superstructure is a stonewall thirty-five feet thick, and still rising to a height of ten feetabove the surface of the water. [5105]

It is probable that there were many other early Phoenician settlementson the North African seaboard; but those already described werecertainly the most important. The fertile coast tract between HippoRegius and the straits is likely to have been occupied at variouspoints from an early period. But none of these small trading settlementsattained to any celebrity; and thus it is unnecessary to go intoparticulars respecting them. 

In Sicily the permanent Phoenician settlements were chiefly towards thewest and the north-west. They included Motya, Eryx, Panormus (Palermo), and Soloeis. That the Phoenicians founded Motya, Panormus, and Soloeisis distinctly stated by Thucydides;[5106] while Eryx is proved to havebeen Phoenician by its remains. Motya, situated on a littoral islandless than half a mile from the western shore, in Lat. 38º nearly, has the remains of a wall built of large stones, uncemented, in thePhoenician manner, [5107] and carried, like the western wall of Aradus, so close to the coast as to be washed by the waves. It is said byDiodorus to have been at one time a most flourishing town. [5108] Thecoins have Phoenician legends. [5109]

Eryx lay about seven miles to the north-east of Motya, in a very strongposition. Mount Eryx (now Mount Giuliano), on which it was mainly built, rises to the height of two thousand feet above the plain, [5110] and, being encircled by a strong wall, was rendered almost impregnable. Thesummit was levelled and turned into a platform, on which was raised thetemple of Astarte or Venus. [5111] An excellent harbour, formed by CapeDrepanum (now Trapani), lay at its base. There were springs of waterwithin the walls which yielded an unfailing supply. The walls were ofgreat strength, and a considerable portion of them is still standing, and attests the skill of the Phoenician architects. The blocks in thelower courses are mostly of a large size, some of them six feet long, or more, and bear in many cases the well-known Phoenicianmason-marks. [5112] They are laid without cement, like those of Aradusand Sidon, and recall the style of the Aradian builders, but are at onceless massive and arranged with more skill. The breadth of the wall isabout seven feet. At intervals it is flanked by square towers projectingfrom it, which are of even greater strength than the curtain betweenthem, and which were carried up to a greater height. The doorways inthe wall are numerous, and are of a very archaic character, being eithercovered in by a single long stone lintel or else terminating in a falsearch. [5113] The commercial advantages of Eryx were twofold, consistingin the produce of the sea as well as in that of the shore. The shoreis well suited for the cultivation of the vine, [5114] while theneighbouring sea yields tunny-fish, sponges, and coral. [5115]

Panormus (now Palermo) occupies a site almost unequalled by any otherMediterranean city, a site which has conferred upon it the title of"the happy, " and has rendered it for above a thousand years the mostimportant place in the island. "There is no town in Europe which enjoysa more delicious climate, none so charming to look on from a distance, none more delightfully situated in a nest of verdure and flowers. Itssuperb mountains, with their bare flanks pierced along their base withgrottoes, enclose a marvellous garden, the famous 'Shell of Gold, ' inthe midst of which are seen the numerous towers and domes, the fan-likefoliage of the palms, the spreading branches of the pines, and MountReale on the south towering over all with its vast mass of convents andchurches. "[5116] The harbour lies open to the north; but the Phoeniciansettlers, here as elsewhere, no doubt made artificial ports by meansof piers and moles, which have, however, disappeared on thismuch-frequented site, where generation after generation has beencontinually at work building and destroying. Panormus has left us noantique remains beyond its coins, which are abundant, and show that thenative name of the settlement was Mahanath. [5117] Mahanath was situatedabout forty miles east of Eryx, on the northern coast of the island. 

Solus, or Soloeis, the Soluntum of the Romans (now Solanto), lay on theeastern side of the promontory (Cape Zafferana) which shuts in the bayof Palermo on the right. It stood on a slope at the foot of a loftyhill, overlooking a small round port, and was fortified by a wall oflarge squared blocks of stone, [5118] which may be still distinctlytraced. The site has yielded sarcophagi of an unmistakably Phoeniciancharacter, [5119] and other objects of a high antiquity which recall thePhoenician manner;[5120] but the chief remains belong to the Greco-Romantimes. 

The islands in the strait which separates the North African coast fromSicily were also colonised by the Phoenicians. These were three innumber, Cossura (now Pantellaria), Gaulos (now Gozzo), and Melita (nowMalta). Cossura, the most western of the three, lay about midway in thechannel, but nearer to the African coast, from which it is distant notmore than about thirty-five miles. It is a mass of igneous rock, whichwas once a volcano, and which still abounds in hot springs and injets of steam. [5121] There was no natural harbour of any size, but theimportance of the position was such that the Phoenicians felt bound tooccupy the island, if only to prevent its occupation by others. The soilwas sterile; but the coins, which are very numerous, [5122] give reasonto suppose that the rocks were in early times rich in copper. 

Gaulos (now Gozzo) forms, together with Malta and some islets, aninsular group lying between the eastern part of Sicily and the LesserSyrtis. It is situated in Lat. 36º 2´, Long. 12º 10´ nearly, and isdistant from Sicily only about fifty miles. The colonisation of theisland by the Phoenicians, asserted by Diodorus, [5123] is entirelyborne out by the remains, which include a Phoenician inscription ofsome length, [5124] coins with Phoenician legends, [5125] and buildings, believed to be temples, which have Phoenician characteristics. [5126]Some of the blocks of stone employed in their construction have a lengthof nearly twenty feet, [5127] with a width and height proportionate; andall are put together without cement or mortar of any kind. A conicalstone of the kind known to have been used by the Phoenicians in theirworship was found in one of the temples. [5128] Gaulos had a port whichwas reckoned sufficiently commodious, and which lay probably towards thesouth-east end of the island. 

Melita, or Malta, which lies at a short distance from Gozzo, to thesouth-east, is an island of more than double the size, and of fargreater importance. It possesses in La Valetta one of the best harbours, or rather two of the best harbours, in the world. All the navies ofEurope could anchor comfortably in the "great port" to the east of thetown. The western port is smaller, but is equally well sheltered. Maltahas no natural product of much importance, unless it be the honey, afterwhich some think that it was named. [5129] The island is almost treeless, and the light powdery soil gives small promise of fertility. Still, theactual produce, both in cereals and in green crops, is large; and theoranges, especially those known as mandarines, are of superior quality. Malta also produced, in ancient as in modern times, the remarkable breedof small dogs[5130] which is still held in such high esteem. But thePhoenician colonisation must have taken place rather on account of thesituation and the harbour than on account of the products. 

From Sicily and North Africa the tide of emigration naturally and easilyflowed on into Sardinia, which is distant, from the former about 150and from the latter about 115 miles. The points chosen by the Phoeniciansettlers lay in the more open and level region of the south and thesouth-west, and were all enclosed within a line which might be drawnfrom the coast a little east of Cagliari to the northern extremity ofthe Gulf of Oristano. [5131] The tract includes some mountain groups, but consists mainly of the long and now marshy plain, called the"Campidano, " which reaches across the island from Cagliari on thesouthern to Oristano on the western coast. This plain, if drained, wouldbe by far the most fertile part of the island; and was in ancient timesexceedingly productive in cereals, as we learn from Diodorus. [5132]The mountains west of it, especially those about Iglesias, containrich veins of copper and of lead, together with a certain quantity ofsilver. [5133] Good harbours exist at Cagliari, at Oristano, and betweenthe island of S. Antioco and the western shore. It was at these pointsespecially that the Phoenicians made their settlements, the mostimportant of which were Caralis (Cagliari), Nora, Sulcis, and Tharros. Caralis, or Cagliari, the present capital, lies at the bottom of a deepbay looking southwards, and has an excellent harbour, sheltered inall weathers. There are no remains of Phoenician buildings; but theneighbourhood yields abundant specimens of Phoenician art in the shapeof tombs, statuettes, vases, bottles, and the like. [5134] Caraliswas probably the first of the settlements made by the Phoenicians inSardinia; it would attract them by its harbour, its mines, and thefertility of its neighbourhood. From Caralis they probably passed toNora, which lay on the same bay to the south-west; and from Nora theyrounded the south-western promontory of Sardinia, and establishedthemselves on the small island now known as the Isola di San Antioco, where they built a town which they called Sulchis or Sulcis. [5135]Sulcis has yielded votive tablets of the Phoenician type, tombs, vases, &c. [5136] The island was productive of lead, and had an excellentharbour towards the north, and another more open one towards the south. Finally, mid-way on the west coast, at the northern extremity of theGulf of Oristano, the Phoenicians occupied a small promontory whichprojects into the sea southwards and there formed a settlement whichbecame known as Tharras or Tharros. [5137] Very extensive remains, quiteunmistakably Phoenician, including tombs, cippi, statuettes in metal andclay, weapons, and the like, have been found on the site. [5138]

The passage would have been easy from Sardinia to Corsica, which isnot more than seven miles distant from it; but Corsica seems to havepossessed no attraction for the Phoenicians proper, who were perhapsdeterred from colonising it by its unhealthiness, or by the savagery ofits inhabitants. Or they may have feared to provoke the jealousy of theTyrrhenians, off whose coast the island lay, and who, without havingany colonising spirit themselves, disliked the too near approach ofrivals. [5139] At any rate, whatever the cause, it seems to havebeen left to the Carthaginians, to bring Corsica within the range ofPhoenician influence; and even the Carthaginians did little more thanhold a few points on its shores as stations for their ships. [5140]

If from Sardinia the Phoenicians ventured on an exploring voyagewestward into the open Mediterranean, a day's sail would bring themwithin sight of the eastern Balearic Islands, Minorca and Majorca. The sierra of Majorca rises to the height of between 3, 000 and 4, 000feet, [5141] and can be seen from a great distance. The occupation of theislands by "the Phoenicians" is asserted by Strabo, [5142] but we cannotbe sure that he does not mean Phoenicians of Africa, i. E. Carthaginians. Still, on the whole, modern criticism inclines to the belief that, evenbefore the foundation of Carthage, Phoenician colonisation had made itsway into the Balearic Islands, directly, from the Syrian coast. [5143]Some resting-places between the middle Mediterranean and Southern Spainmust have been a necessity; and as the North African coast west of Hippooffered no good harbours, it was necessary to seek them elsewhere. Now Minorca has in Port Mahon a harbour of almost unsurpassedexcellence, [5144] while in Majorca there are fairly good ports both atPalma and at Aleudia. [5145] Ivica is less well provided, but there isone of some size, known as Pormany (i. E. "Porta magna"), on the westernside of the island, and another, much frequented by fishing-boats, [5146]on the south coast near Ibiza. The productions of the Balearides werenot, perhaps, in the early times of much importance, since the islandsare not, like Sardinia, rich in metals, nor were the inhabitantssufficiently civilised to furnish food supplies or native manufacturesin any quantity. If, then, the Phoenicians held them, it must have beenaltogether for the sake of their harbours. 

The colonies of the Mediterranean have now been, all of them, noticed, excepting those which lay upon the south coast of Spain. Of these themost important were Malaca (now Malaga), Sex or Sexti, and Abdera(now Adra). Malaca is said by Strabo to have been "Phoenician inits plan, "[5147] Abdera is expressly declared by him to have been "aPhoenician settlement, "[5148] while Sexti has coins which connect itwith early Phoenician legends. [5149] The mountain range above Malacawas anciently rich in gold-mines;[5150] Sexti was famous for itssalt-pans;[5151] Abdera lay in the neighbourhood of productivesilver-mines. [5152] These were afterwards worked from Carthagena, which was a late Carthaginian colony, founded by Asdrubal, the uncleof Hannibal. Malaga and Carthagena (i. E. New-Town) had well-shelteredharbours; but the ports of Sexti and Abdera were indifferent. 

Outside the Straits of Gibraltar, on the shores of the Atlantic, weretwo further sets of Phoenician colonies, situated respectively in Africaand in Spain. The most important of those in Africa were Tingis (nowTangiers) and Lixus (now Chemmish), but besides these there were a vastnumber of staples ({emporia}) without names, [5153] spread along thecoast as far as Cape Non, opposite the Canary Islands. Tingis, a secondGibraltar, lay nearly opposite that wonderful rock, but a little westof the narrowest part of the strait. It had a temple of the TyrianHercules, said to have been older than that at Gades;[5154] andits coins have Phoenician legends. [5155] The town was situated ona promontory running out to the north-east at the extremity of asemicircular bay about four miles in width, and thus possessed a harbournot to be despised, especially on such a coast. The country aroundwas at once beautiful and fertile, dotted over with palms, and wellcalculated for the growth of fruit and vegetables. The Atlas mountainsrose in the background, with their picturesque summits, while in frontwere seen the blue Mediterranean, with its crisp waves merging into thewilder Atlantic, and further off the shores of Spain, lying like a bluefilm on the northern horizon. [5156]

While Tingis lay at the junction of the two seas, on the northernAfrican coast, about five miles east of Cape Spartel, Lixus was situatedon the open Atlantic, forty miles to the south of that cape, on theWest African coast, looking westward towards the ocean. The streamsfrom Atlas here collect into a considerable river, known now as theWady-el-Khous, and anciently as the Lixus. [5157] The estuary of thisriver, before reaching the sea, meanders through the plain ofSidi Oueddar, from time to time returning upon itself, and formingpeninsulas, which are literally almost islands. [5158] From this plain, between two of the great bends made by the stream, rose in one placea rocky hill; and here the Phoenicians built their town, protecting italong the brow of the hill with a strong wall, portions of which stillremain in place. [5159] The blocks are squared, carefully dressed, andarranged in horizontal courses, without any cement. Some of them areas much as eleven feet long by six feet or somewhat more in height. Thewall was flanked at the corners by square towers, and formed a sort ofirregular hexagon, above a mile in circumference. [5160] A large buildingwithin the walls seems to have been a temple;[5161] and in it was foundone of those remarkable conical stones which are known to have beenemployed in the Phoenician worship. The estuary of the river formed atolerably safe harbour for the Phoenician ships, and the valley downwhich the river flows gave a ready access into the interior. 

In Spain, outside the Pillars of Hercules, the chief Phoeniciansettlements were Tartessus, Agadir or Gades, and Belon. Tartessus hasbeen regarded by some as properly the name of a country rather than atown;[5162] but the statements of the Greek and Roman geographers to thecontrary are too positive to be disregarded. Tartessus was a town inthe opinions of Scymnus Chius, Strabo, Mela, Pliny, Festus Avienus, and Pausanias, [5163] who could not be, all of them, mistaken on such apoint. It was a town named from, or at any rate bearing the samename with, an important river of southern Spain, [5164] probably theGuadalquivir. It was not Gades, for Scymnus Chius mentions both citiesas existing in his day;[5165] it was not Carteia, for it lay west ofGades, while Carteia lay east. Probably it occupied, as Strabo thought, a small island between two arms of the Guadalquivir, and graduallydecayed as Gades rose to importance. It certainly did not existin Strabo's time, but five or six centuries earlier it was a mostflourishing place. [5166] If it is the Tarshish of Scripture, itsprosperity and importance must have been even anterior to the time ofSolomon, whose "navy of Tarshish" brought him once in every three years"gold, and silver, and ivory, and apes, and peacocks. "[5167] The southof Spain was rich in metallic treasures, and yielded gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin;[5168] trade along the west coast of Africawould bring in the ivory and apes abundant in that region; while thebirds called in our translation of the Bible "peacocks" may havebeen guinea-fowl. The country on either side of the Guadalquivir toa considerable distance took its name from the city, being calledTartessis. [5169] It was immensely productive. "The wide plains throughwhich the Guadalquiver flows produced the finest wheat, yielding anincrease of a hundredfold; the oil and the wine, the growth of thehills, were equally distinguished for their excellence. The wood was notless remarkable for its fineness than in modern times, and had a nativecolour beautiful without dye. "[5170] Nor were the neighbouring sea andstream less bountiful. The tunny was caught in large quantities off thecoast, shell-fish were abundant and of unusual size, [5171] while hugeeels were sometimes taken by the fishermen, which, when salted, formedan article of commerce, and were reckoned a delicacy at Atheniantables. [5172]

Gades is said to have been founded by colonists from Tyre a few yearsanterior to the foundation of Utica by the same people. [5173] Utica, aswe have seen, dated from the twelfth century before Christ. The site ofGades combined all the advantages that the Phoenicians desired for theircolonies. Near the mouth of the Guadalete there detaches itself from thecoast of Spain an island eleven miles in length, known now as the "Islade Leon, " which is separated from the mainland for half its length by anarrow but navigable channel, while to this there succeeds on thenorth an ample bay, divided into two portions, a northern and asouthern. [5174] The southern, or interior recess, is completelysheltered from all winds; the northern lies open to the west, but is sofull of creeks, coves, and estuaries as to offer a succession of fairlygood ports, one or other of which would always be accessible. Thesouthern half of the island is from one to four miles broad; but thenorthern consists of a long spit of land running out to the north-west, in places not more than a furlong in width, but expanding at itsnorthern extremity to a breadth of nearly two miles. The long isthmus, and the peninsula in which it ends, have been compared to the stalk andblossom of a flower. [5175] The flower was the ancient Gades, the modernCadiz. The Phoenician occupation of the site is witnessed to by Strabo, Diodorus, Scymnus Chius, Mela, Pliny, Velleius Paterculus, Ælian andArrian, [5176] and is further evidenced by the numerous coins which bearthe legend of "Agadir" in Phoenician characters. [5177] But the placeitself retains no traces of the Phoenician occupation. The famous templeof Melkarth, with its two bronze pillars in front bearing inscriptions, has wholly perished, as have all other vestiges of the ancientbuildings. This is the result of the continuous occupation of the site, which has been built on successively by Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, Moors, and Spaniards. The space is somewhat confined, and the houses in ancient times were, we are told, closely crowdedtogether, [5178] as they were at Aradus and Tyre. But the advantages ofthe harbour and the productiveness of the vicinity more than made up forthis inconvenience. Gades may have been, as Cadiz is now said to be, "amere silver plate set down upon the edge of the sea, "[5179] but it wasthe natural centre of an enormous traffic. It had easy access by thevalley of a large stream to the interior with its rich mineral andvegetable products; it had the command of two seas, the Atlantic and theMediterranean; it trained its sailors to affront greater perils than anywhich the Mediterranean offers; and it enjoyed naturally by its positionan almost exclusive commerce with the Northern Atlantic, with thewestern coasts of Spain and Gaul, with Britain, North Germany, and theBaltic. 

Compared with Gades and Tartessus, Belon was an insignificantsettlement. Its name[5180] and coins[5181] mark it as Phoenician, butit was not possessed of any special advantages of situation. The modernBolonia, a little south of Cadiz, is thought to mark the site. [5182]

We have reached now the limits of Phoenician colonisation towardsthe West. While their trade was carried, especially from Gades, intoLuisitania and Gallæcia on the one hand, and into North-western Africaon the other, reaching onward past these districts to Gaul and Britain, to the Senegal and Gambia, possibly to the Baltic and the FortunateIslands, the range of their settlements was more circumscribed. As, towards the north-east, though their trade embraced the regions ofColchis and Thrace, of the Tauric Chersonese, and Southern Scythia, their settlements were limited to the Ægean and perhaps the Propontis, so westward they seem to have contented themselves with occupying a fewpoints of vantage on the Spanish and West African coasts, at no greatdistance from the Straits, and from these stations to have sent outtheir commercial navies to sweep the seas and gather in the products ofthe lands which lay at a greater distance. The actual extent of theirtrade will be considered in a later chapter. We have been here concernedonly with their permanent settlements or colonies. These, it has beenseen, extended from the Syrian coast to Cyprus, Cilicia, Rhodes, Crete, the islands and shores of the Ægean and Propontis, the coasts of Sicily, Sardinia, and North Africa, the Balearic Islands, Southern Spain, andNorth-western Africa as far south as Cape Non. The colonisation wasnot so continuous as the Greek, nor was it so extensive in onedirection, [5183] but on the whole it was wider, and it was far bolderand more adventurous. The Greeks, as a general rule, made their advancesby slow degrees, stealing on from point to point, and having alwaysfriendly cities near at hand, like an army that rests on its supports. The Phoenicians left long intervals of space between one settlement andanother, boldly planted them on barbarous shores, where they had nothingto rely on but themselves, and carried them into regions where thenatives were in a state of almost savagery. The commercial motive waspredominant with them, and gave them the courage to plunge into wildseas and venture themselves among even wilder men. With the Greeks themotive was generally political, and a safe home was sought, where socialand civil life might have free scope for quiet development. 

CHAPTER VI--ARCHITECTURE

 Origin of the architecture in rock dwellings--Second style, a combination of the native rock with the ordinary wall-- Later on, the use of the native rock, discarded--Employment of huge blocks of stone in the early walls--Absence of cement--Bevelling--Occurrence of Cyclopian walls--Several architectural members comprised in one block--Phoenician shrines--The Maabed and other shrines at Amrith--Phoenician temples--Temple of Paphos--Adjuncts to temples--Museum of Golgi--Treasure chambers of Curium--Walls of Phoenician towns--Phoenician tombs--Excavated chambers--Chambers built of masonry--Groups of chambers--Colonnaded tomb--Sepulchral monuments--The Burdj-el-Bezzâk--The Kabr Hiram--The two Méghâzil--Tomb with protected entrance--Phoenician ornamentation--Pillars and their capitals--Cornices and mouldings--Pavements in mosaic and alabaster--False arches-- Summary. 

The architecture of the Phoenicians began with the fashioning of thenative rock--so abundant in all parts of the country where they hadsettled themselves--into dwellings, temples, and tombs. The calcareouslimestone, which is the chief geological formation along the Syriancoast, is worked with great ease; and it contains numerous fissures andcaverns, [61] which a very moderate amount of labour and skill is capableof converting into fairly comfortable dwelling-places. It is probablethat the first settlers found a refuge for a time in these naturalgrottos, which after a while they proceeded to improve and enlarge, thus obtaining a practical power of dealing with the material, and anexperimental knowledge of its advantages and defects. But it was notlong before these simple dwellings ceased to content them, and they wereseized with an ambition to construct more elaborate edifices--edificessuch as they must have seen in the lands through which they had passedon their way from the shores of the Persian Gulf to the seaboard of theMediterranean. They could not at once, however, divest themselvesof their acquired habits, and consequently, their earliest buildingscontinued to have, in part, the character of rock dwellings, while inpart they were constructions of the more ordinary and regular type. Theremains of a dwelling-house at Amrith, [62] the ancient Marathus, offer aremarkable example of this intermixture of styles. The rock has been cutaway so as to leave standing two parallel walls 33 yards long, 19 feethigh, and 2 1/2 feet thick, which are united by transverse party-wallsformed in the same way. [63] Windows and doorways are cut in the walls, some square at top, some arched. At the two ends the main walls wereunited partly by the native rock, partly by masonry. The northern wallwas built of masonry from the very foundation, the southern consistedfor a portion of its height of the native rock, while above that wereseveral courses of stones carrying it up further. At Aradus and atSidon, similarly, the town walls are formed in many places of nativerock, squared and smoothed, up to a certain height, after which coursesof stone succeed each other in the ordinary fashion. It is as if thePhoenician builders could not break themselves of an inveterate habit, and rather than disuse it entirely submitted to an intermixture whichwas not without a certain amount of awkwardness. 

Another striking example of the mixed system is found at a littledistance from Amrith, in the case of a building which appears to havebeen a shrine, tabernacle, or sanctuary. The site is a rocky platform, about a mile from the shore. Here the rock has been cut away to adepth varying from three to six yards, and a rectangular court has beenformed, 180 feet long by 156 feet wide, in the centre of which has beenleft a single block of the stone, still of one piece with the court, which rises to a height of ten feet, and forms the basis or pedestal ofthe shrine itself. [64] The shrine is built of a certain number of largeblocks, which have been quarried and brought to the spot; it has a stoneroof with an entablature, and attains an elevation above the court ofnot less than twenty-seven feet. The dimensions of the shrine are small, not much exceeding seventeen feet each way. [65]

From constructions of this mixed character the transition was easyto buildings composed entirely of detached stones put together in theordinary manner. Here, what is chiefly remarkable in the Phoenicianarchitecture is the tendency to employ, especially for the foundationsand lower courses of buildings, enormous blocks. When the immovablenative rock is no longer available, the resource is to make use of vastmasses of stone, as nearly immovable as possible. The most noted exampleis that of the substructions which supported the platform whereon stoodthe Temple of Jerusalem, which was the work of the Phoenician builderswhom Hiram lent to Solomon. [66] These substructions, laid bare at theirbase by the excavations of the Palestine Exploration Fund, are found toconsist of blocks measuring from fifteen to twenty-five feet in length, and from ten to twelve feet in height. The width of the blocks at theangles of the wall, where alone it can be measured, is from twelve toeighteen feet. At the south-west angle no fewer than thirty-one coursesof this massive character have been counted by the recent explorers, whoestimate the weight of the largest block at something above a hundredtons![67]

A similar method of construction is found to have prevailed at Tyre, at Sidon, at Aradus, at Byblus, at Leptis Major, at Eryx, at Motya, atGaulos, and at Lixus on the West African coast. The blocks employed donot reach the size of the largest discovered at Jerusalem, but still areof dimensions greatly exceeding those of most builders, varying, as theydo, from six feet to twenty feet in length, and being often as much asseven or eight feet in breadth and height. As the building rises, thestones diminish in size, and the upper courses are often in no wayremarkable. Stones of various sizes are used, and often the courses arenot regular, but one runs into another. A tower in the wall of Eryx is agood specimen of this kind of construction. [68]

Where the stones are small, mortar has been employed by the builders, but where they are of a large size, they are merely laid side by sidein rows or courses, without mortar or cement of any kind, and remainin place through their own mass and weight. In the earliest style ofbuilding the blocks are simply squared, [69] and the wall composed ofthem presents a flat and level surface, or one only broken by small andcasual irregularities; but, when their ideas became more advanced, thePhoenicians preferred that style of masonry which is commonly regardedas peculiarly, if not exclusively, theirs[610]--the employment of largeblocks with deeply bevelled edges. The bevel is a depression round theentire side of the stone, which faces outwards, and may be effectedeither by a sloping cut which removes the right-angle from the edge, orby two cuts, one perpendicular and the other horizontal, which take outfrom the edge a rectangular bar or plinth. The Phoenician bevellingis of this latter kind, and is generally accompanied by an artificialroughening of the surface inside the bevel, which offers a strongcontrast to the smooth and even surface of the bevel itself. [611] Thestyle is highly ornamental and effective, particularly where a largespace of wall has to be presented to the eye, unbroken by door orwindow. [612]

Occasionally, but very rarely, and only (so far as appears) in theirremoter dependencies, the Phoenicians constructed their buildings inthe rude and irregular way, which has been called Cyclopian, employingunhewn polygonal blocks of various sizes, and fitting them roughlytogether. The temples discovered in Malta and Gozzo have masonry of thisdescription. [613]

A peculiarity in Phoenician architecture, connected with the preferencefor enormous blocks over stones of a moderate size, is the frequentcombination in a single mass of distinct architectural members; forinstance, of the shaft and capital of pillars, of entire pediments witha portion of the wall below them, and of the walls of monuments with thecornice and architrave. M. Renan has made some strong remarks on thisidiosyncrasy. "In the Grecian style, " he says, "the beauty of the wallis a main object with the architect, and the wall derives its beautyfrom the divisions between the stones, which observe symmetrical laws, and are in agreement with the general lines of the edifice. In a styleof this kind the stones of a wall have, all of them, the same dimension, and this dimension is determined by the general plan of the building; orelse, as in the kind of work which is called 'pseud-isodomic, ' the veryirregularity of the courses is governed by a law of symmetry. Thestones of the architrave, the metopes, the triglyphs, are, all of them, separate blocks, even when it would have been perfectly easy to haveincluded in a single block all these various members. Such facts, as oneobserves frequently in Syria, where three or four architectural membersare brought out from a single block, would have appeared to the Greeksmonstrous, since they are the negation of all logic. "[614]

In cannot be denied that the habit of preferring large to small blocks, even in monuments of a very moderate size, involved the Phoenicianarchitects in awkwardnesses and anomalies, which offend a cultivatedtaste; but it should be remembered, on the other hand, that massivenessin the material conduces greatly to stability, and that, in landswhere earthquakes are frequent, as they are along all the Mediterraneanshores, not many monuments would have survived the lapse of threethousand years had the material employed been of a less substantial andsolid character. 

Among the Phoenician constructions, of which it is possible to give someaccount at the present day, without drawing greatly on the imagination, are their shrines, their temples, the walls of their towns, and, aboveall, their tombs. Recent researches in Phoenicia Proper, in Cyprus, Sicily, Africa, and the smaller Mediterranean islands, have broughtto light numerous remains previously unknown; the few previously knownremains have been carefully examined, measured, and in some casesphotographed; and the results have been made accessible to the studentin numerous well-illustrated publications. When Movers and Kenrickpublished their valuable works on the history of Phoenicia, andthe general characteristics of the Phoenician people, it wasquite impossible to do more than form conjectures concerning theirarchitecture from a few coins, and a few descriptions in ancientwriters. It is now a matter of comparatively little difficulty to setbefore the public descriptions and representations which, if they stillleave something to be desired in the way of completeness, areaccurate, so far as they go, and will give a tolerably fair idea of thearchitectural genius of the people. 

One very complete and two ruined shrines have been found in PhoeniciaProper, in positions and of a character which, in the judgment of thebest antiquaries, mark them as the work of the ancient people. Allthese are situated on the mainland, near the site of Marathus, which laynearly opposite the island of Ruad, the ancient Aradus. The shrinewhich is complete, or almost complete, bears the name of "the Maabed" or"Temple. " Its central position, in the middle of an excavated court, and its mixed construction, partly of native rock and partly of quarriedstone, have been already described. It remains to give an account of theshrine or tabernacle itself. [615] This is emplaced upon the mass of rockleft to receive it midway in the court, and is a sort of cell, closedin on three sides by walls, and open on one side, towards the north. The cell is formed of four quarried blocks, which are laid one over theother. These are nearly of the same size, and similarly shaped, each ofthem enclosing the cell on three sides, towards the east, the south, and the west. The fourth, which is larger than any of the others, constitutes the roof. It is a massive stone, carefully cut, whichprojects considerably in front of the rest of the building, and isornamented towards the top with a cornice and string-course, extendingalong the four sides. [616] Internally the roof is scooped into a sort ofshallow vault. The height of the shrine proper is about seventeen feet, and the elevation of the entire structure above the court in which itstands appears to be about twenty-seven feet. M. Renan conjectures thatthe projecting portion of the roof had originally the support of twopillars, which may have been either of wood, of stone, or of metal, andnotes that there are two holes in the basement stone, into which thebottoms of the pillars were probably inserted. [617] He imagines that thecourt was once enclosed completely by the construction of a wall at itsnorthern end, and that the water from a spring, which still rises withinthe enclosure, was allowed to overflow the entire space, so that theshrine looked down upon a basin or shallow lake and glassed itself inthe waters. [618] An image of a deity may have stood in the cell underthe roof, dimly visible to the worshipper between the two porch pillars. 

The two ruined tabernacles lie at no great distance from the completeone, which has just been described. One of them is so injured that itsplan is irrecoverable; but M. Renan carefully collected and measuredthe fragments of the other, and thus obtained sufficient data for itsrestoration. [619] It was, he believes, a monolithic chamber, with a roofslightly vaulted, like that of the _Maabed_, having a length of eightfeet, a breadth of five, and a height of about ten feet, and ornamentedexternally with a very peculiar cornice. This consisted of a series ofcarvings, representing the fore part of an uræus or basilisk serpent, uprearing itself against the wall of the shrine, which were continuedalong the entire front of the chamber. There was also an internalornamentation of the roof, consisting of a winged circle of an Egyptiancharacter--a favourite subject with the Phoenician artists[620]--thecircle having an uræus erect on either side of it, and also of anotherwinged figure which appeared to represent an eagle. [621] The monolithicchamber was emplaced upon a block of stone, ten feet in length andbreadth, and six feet in height, which itself stood upon a much smallerstone, and overhung it on all sides. A flight of six steps, cut in theupper block at either side, gave access to the chamber, which, however, as it stood in a pool of water, must have been approached by a boat. The entire height of the shrine above the water must have been abouteighteen feet. 

Some other ruined shrines have been found in the more distant of thePhoenician settlements, and representations of them are common upon the_stelæ_, set up in temples as votive offerings. On these last the uræuscornice is frequently repeated, and the figure of a goddess sometimesappears, standing between the pillars which support the front of theshrine. [622] There is a decided resemblance between the Phoenicianshrines and the small Egyptian temples, which have been called_mammeisi_, the chief difference being that the latter are for the mostpart peristylar. [623] M. Renan says of the _Maabed_, or main shrineat Amrith:--"L'aspect général de l'édifice est Egyptian, mais avec unecertaine part d'originalité. Le bandeau et la corniche sur les quatrecôtés de la stalle supériere en sont le seul ornement. Cette simplicité, cette sévérité de style, jointes à l'idée de force et de puissancequ'éveillent les dimensions énormes des matériaux employés, sont descaractères que nous avons déjà signalés dans les monumens funérairesd'Amrith. "[624]

From the shrines of the Phoenicians we may now pass to their temples, ofwhich, however, the remains are, unfortunately, exceedingly scanty. Of real temples, as distinct from shrines, Phoenicia Proper does notpresent to us so much as a single specimen. To obtain any idea of them, we must quit the mother country, and betake ourselves to the colonies, especially to those island colonies which have been less subjected thanthe mainland to the destructive ravages of barbarous conquerors, and theiconoclasm of fanatical populations. It is especially in Cyprus that wemeet with extensive remains, which, if not so instructive as might havebeen wished, yet give us some important and interesting information. 

The temple of Paphos, according to the measurements of General DiCesnola, [625] was a rectangular building, 221 feet long by 167 feetwide, built along its lower corners of large blocks of stone, butprobably continued above in an inferior material, either wood or unbakedbrick. [626] The four corner-stones are still standing in their properplaces, and give the dimensions without a possibility of mistake. Nothing is known of the internal arrangements, unless we attach creditto the views of the savant Gerhard, who, in the early years of thepresent century, constructed a plan from the reports of travellers, in which he divided the building into a nave and two aisles, with anante-chapel in front, and a sacrarium at the further extremity. [627] M. Gerhard also added, beyond the sacrarium, an apse, of which General DiCesnola found no traces, but which may possibly have disappeared inthe course of the sixty years which separated the observations of M. Gerhard's informants from the researches of the later traveller. The arrangement into a nave and two aisles is, to a certain extent, confirmed by some of the later Cyprian coins, which certainly representCyprian temples, and probably the temple of Paphos. [628] The floor ofthe temple was, in part at any rate, covered with mosaic. [629]

This large building, which extended over an area of 36, 800 square feet, was emplaced within a sacred court, surrounded by a _peribolus_, or wallof enclosure, built of even larger blocks than the temple itself, and entered by at least one huge doorway. The width of this entrance, situated near a corner of the western wall, was nearly eighteenfeet. [630] On one side of it were found still fixed in the wall thesockets for the bolts on which the door swung, in length six inches, andof proportionate width and depth. The peribolus was rectangular, likethe temple, and was built in lines parallel to it. The longer sidesmeasured 690 and the shorter 530 feet. One block, which was of bluegranite and must have come either from Asia Minor or from Egypt, measured fifteen feet ten inches in length, with a width of seven feeteleven inches, and a depth of two feet five inches. [631] It is thoughtthat the court was probably surrounded by a colonnade or cloister, [632]though no traces have been at present observed either of the pillarswhich must have supported such a cloister or of the rafters which musthave formed its roof. Ponds, [633] fountains, shrubberies, gardens, groves of trees, probably covered the open space between the cloisterand the temple, while well-shaded walks led across it from the gates ofthe enclosure to those of the sanctuary. 

If we allow ourselves to indulge our fancy for a brief space, andto complete the temple according to the idea which the coins aboverepresented naturally suggest, we may suppose that it did, in fact, consist of a nave, two aisles, and a cell, or "holy of holies, " thenave being of superior height to the aisles, and rising in front into ahandsome façade, like the western end of a cathedral flanked by towers. Through the open doorway between the towers might be seen dimly thesacred cone or pillar which was emblematic of deity; on either side theeye caught the ends of the aisles, not more than half the height of thetowers, and each crowned with a strongly projecting cornice, perhapsornamented with a row of uræi. In front of the two aisles, standing bythemselves, were twin columns, like Jachin and Boaz before the Templeof Solomon. The aisles were certainly roofed: whether the nave also wascovered in, or whether, like the Greek hypæthral temples, it lay opento the blue vault of heaven, is perhaps doubtful. The walls of thebuildings, after a few courses of hewn stone, were probably of wood, perhaps of cedar, enriched with the precious metals, and the pavementwas adorned with a mosaic of many colours, "white, yellow, red, brown, and rose. "[634] Outside the temple was a mass of verdure. "In the sacredprecinct, and in its dependencies, all breathed of voluptuousness, allspoke to the senses. The air of the place was full of perfumes, full ofsoft and caressing sounds. There was the murmur of rills which flowedover a carpet of flowers; there was, in the foliage above, the song ofthe nightingale, and the prolonged and tender cooing of the dove; therewere, in the groves around, the tones of the flute, the instrument whichsounds the call to pleasure, and summons to the banquet chamber thefestive procession and the bridal train. Beneath the shelter of tents, or of light booths with walls formed by the skilful interlacing of agreen mass of boughs, through which the myrtle and the laurel spreadtheir odours, dwelt the fair slaves of the goddess, those whom Pindarcalled, in the drinking-song which he composed for Theoxenus of Corinth, 'the handmaids of persuasion. '"[635] Here and there in the precincts, sacred processions took their prescribed way; ablutions were performed;victims led up to the temple; votive offerings hung on the trees; festaldances, it may be, performed; while in the cloister which skirted theperibolus, dealers in shrines and images chaffered with their customers, erotic poets sang their lays, lovers whispered, fortune-tellers pliedtheir trade, and a throng of pilgrims walked lazily along, or sat on theground, breathing in the soft, moist air, feasting their eyes upon thebeauty of upspringing fountain and flowering shrub, and lofty tree, while their ears drank in the cadences of the falling waters, the songof the birds, and the gay music which floated lightly on the summerbreeze. 

Phoenician temples had sometimes adjuncts, as cathedrals have theirchapter-houses and muniment rooms, which were at once interesting andimportant. There has been discovered at Athiénau in Cyprus--thesupposed site of Golgi--a ruined edifice, which some have taken fora temple, [636] but which appears to have been rather a repository forvotive offerings, a sort of ecclesiastical museum. A picture of theedifice, as he conceives it to have stood in its original condition, has been drawn by one of its earliest visitants. "The building, " hesays, [637] "was constructed of sun-dried bricks, forming four walls, thebase of which rested upon a substruction of solid stone-work. The wallswere covered, as are the houses of the Cypriot peasants of to-day, witha stucco which was either white or coloured, and which was impenetrableby rain. Wooden pillars with stone capitals supported internally apointed roof, which sloped at a low angle. It formed thus a sort ofterrace, like the roofs that we see in Cyprus at the present day. Thisroof was composed of a number of wooden rafters placed very near eachother, above which was spread a layer of rushes and coarse mats, coveredwith a thick bed of earth well pressed together, equally effectiveagainst the entrance of moisture and against the sun's rays. Externallythe building must have presented a very simple appearance. In theinterior, which received no light except from the wide doorways in thewalls, an immovable and silent crowd of figures in stone, with featuresand garments made more striking by the employment of paint, surrounded, as with a perpetual worship, the mystic cone. Stone lamps, shaped likediminutive temples, illumined in the corners the grinning _ex-votos_which hung upon the walls, and the curious pictures with which they wereaccompanied. Grotesque bas-reliefs adorned the circuit of the edifice, where the slanting light was reflected from the white and polishedpavement-stones. "[638] In length and breadth the chamber measured sixtyfeet by thirty; the thickness of the basement wall was three feet. [639]Midway between the side walls stood three rows of large squarepedestals--regularly spaced, and dividing the interior into four vistasor avenues, which some critics regard as bases for statues, and someas supports for the pillars which sustained the roof. [640] Two stonecapitals of pillars were found within the area of the chamber; and it isconjectured that the entire disappearance of the shafts may be accountedfor by their having been of wood, [641] the employment of wooden shaftswith stone bases and capitals being common in Cyprus at the presenttime. [642] Against each of the four walls was a row of pedestalstouching each other, which had certainly been bases for statues, sincethe statues were found lying, mostly broken, in front of them. Thefigures varied greatly in size, some being colossal, others merestatuettes. Most probably all were votive offerings, presented by thosewho imagined that they had been helped by the god of the temple to whichthe chamber belonged, as an indication of their gratitude. The numberof pedestals found along one of the walls was seventy-two, [643] and theoriginal number must have been at least three times as great. 

Another Cyprian temple, situated at Curium, not far from Paphos, contained a very remarkable crypt, which appears to have been used as atreasure-house. [644] It was entered by means of a flight of steps whichconducted to a low and narrow passage cut in the rock, and giving accessto a set of three similar semi-circular chambers, excavated side byside, and separated one from another by doors. Beyond the third ofthese, and at right angles to it, was a fourth somewhat smaller chamber, which gave upon a second passage that it was found impossible toexplore. [645] The three principal chambers were fourteen feet six inchesin height, twenty-three feet long, and twenty-one feet broad. Thefourth was a little smaller, [646] and shaped somewhat irregularly. Allcontained plate and jewels of extraordinary richness, and often ofrare workmanship. "The treasure found, " says M. Perrot, "surpassed allexpectation, and even all hope. Never had such a discovery been made ofsuch a collection of precious articles, where the material was of therichest, and the specimens of different styles most curious. There weremany bracelets of massive gold, and among them two which weighed a poundapiece, and several others of a weight not much short of this. Goldwas met with in profusion under all manner of forms--finger-rings, ear-rings, amulets, flasks, small bottles, hair-pins, heavy necklaces. Silver was found in even greater abundance, both in ornaments and invessels; besides which there were articles in electrum, which isan amalgam of silver with gold. Among the stones met with wererock-crystals, carnelians, onyxes, agates, and other hard stones ofevery variety; and further there were paste jewels, cylinders in softstone, statuettes in burnt clay, earthen vases, and also many objectsin bronze, as lamps, tripods, candelabra, chairs, vases, arms, &c. &c. Acertain amount of order reigned in the repository. The precious objectsin gold were collected together principally in the first chamber. Thesecond contained the silver vessels, which were arranged along a sortof shelf cut in the rock, at the height of about eight inches above thefloor. Unfortunately the oxydation of these vessels had proceeded tosuch lengths, that only a very small number could be extracted fromthe mass, which for the most part crumbled into dust at the touch ofa finger. The third chamber held lamps and fibulæ in bronze, vases inalabaster, and, above all, the groups and vessels modelled in clay;while the fourth was the repository of the utensils in bronze, and ofa certain number which were either in copper or in iron. In the furtherpassage, which was not completely explored, there were neverthelessfound seven kettles in bronze. "[647]

In the construction of the walls of their towns, especially of thosewhich were the most ancient, the feature which is most striking atfirst sight is that on which some remarks have already been made, theattachment of the lower portion of the wall to the soil from which thewall springs. At Sidon, at Aradus, and at Semar-Gebeil, the _enceinte_which protected the town consisted, up to the height of ten or twelvefeet, of native rock, cut to a perpendicular face, upon which wereemplaced several courses of hewn stone. The principle adopted was toutilise the rock as far as possible, and then to supplement what waswanting by a superstructure of masonry. Large blocks of stone, shaped tofit the upper surface of the rock, were laid upon it, generally endways, that is, with their smallest surface outwards, their length forming thethickness of the wall, which was sometimes as much as fifteen or twentyfeet. [648] The massive blocks, once placed, were almost immovable, andit was considered enough to lay them side by side, without clamps ormortar, since their own weight kept them in place. It was not thoughtof much consequence whether the joints of the courses coincided or not;though care was taken that, if a coincidence occurred in two courses, it should not be repeated in the third. [649] The elevation of wallsdoes not seem to have often exceeded from thirty to forty feet, thoughDiodorus makes the walls of Carthage sixty feet high, [650] and Arriangives to the wall of Tyre which faced the continent the extraordinaryheight of a hundred and fifty feet. [651]

If we may generalise from the most perfect specimens of Phoeniciantown-walls that are still fairly traceable, as those of Eryx andLixus, [652] we may lay it down, that such walls were usually flanked, at irregular intervals, by square or rectangular towers, which projectedconsiderably beyond the line of the curtain. The towers were of a moremassive construction than the wall itself, especially in the lowerportion, where vast blocks were common. The wall was also broken atintervals by gates, some of which were posterns, either arched orcovered in by flat stones, [653] while others were of larger dimensions, and were protected, on one side or on both, by bastions. The sites oftowns were commonly eminences, and the line of the walls followedthe irregularities of the ground, crowning the slopes where they weresteepest. Sometimes, as at Carthage and Thapsus, where the wall had tobe carried across a flat space, the wall of defence was doubled, or eventripled. The restorations of Daux[654] contain, no doubt, a good dealthat is fanciful; but they give, probably, a fair idea of the generalcharacter of the so-called "triple wall" of certain Phoenician cities. The outer line, or {proteikhisma}, was little more than an earthwork, consisting of a ditch, with the earth from it thrown up inwards, crownedperhaps at top with a breastwork of masonry. The second line was farmore elaborate. There was first a ditch deeper than the outer one, whilebehind this rose a perpendicular battlemented wall to the height, fromthe bottom of the ditch, of nearly forty feet. In the thickness ofthe wall, which was not much less than the height, were chambers formagazines and cisterns, while along the top, behind the parapet, rana platform, from which the defenders discharged their arrows and othermissiles against the enemy. Further back, at the distance of aboutthirty yards, came the main line of defence, which in general characterresembled the second, but was loftier and stronger. There was, first, a third ditch (or moat, if water could be introduced), and behind it awall thirty-five feet thick and sixty feet high, pierced by two rows ofembrasures from which arrows could be discharged, and having a tripleplatform for the defenders. This wall was kept entirely clear of thehouses of the town, and the different storeys could be reached bysloping ascents or internal staircases. It was flanked at intervalsby square towers, somewhat higher than the walls, which projectedsufficiently for the defenders to enfilade the assailants when theyapproached the base of the curtain. 

The tombs of the Phoenicians were, most usually, undergroundconstructions, either simple excavations in the rock, or subterraneanchambers, built of hewn stone, at the bottom of sloping passages, orperpendicular shafts, which gave access to them. The simpler kinds beara close resemblance to the sepulchres of the Jews. A chamber is openedin the rock, in the sides of which are hollowed out, horizontally, a number of caverns or _loculi_, each one intended to receive acorpse. [655] If more space is needed, a passage is made from one of thesides of the chamber to a certain distance, and then a second chamber isexcavated, and more _loculi_ are formed; and the process is repeated asoften as necessary. But chambers thus excavated were apt to collapse, especially if the rock was of the soft and friable nature so common inPhoenicia Proper and in Cyprus; on which account, in such soils, thesecond kind of tomb was preferred, sepulchural chambers being solidlybuilt, [656] either singly or in groups, each made to hold a certainnumber of sarcophagi. The most remarkable tombs of this class are thosefound at Amathus, on the south coast of Cyprus, by General Di Cesnola. They lie at the depth of from forty to fifty-five feet below thesurface of the soil, [657] and are square chambers, built of huge stones, carefully squared, some of them twenty feet in length, nine in breadth, and three in thickness, and even averaging a length of fourteenfeet. [658] Two shapes occur. Some of the tombs are almost perfect cubes, the upright walls rising to a height of twelve or fifteen feet, andbeing then covered in by three or four long slabs of stone. Othersresemble huts, having a gable at either end, and a sloping roof formedof slabs which meet and support each other. A squared doorway, from fiveto six feet in height, gives entrance to the tombs at one end, andhas for ornament a fourfold fillet, which surrounds it on three sides. Otherwise, ornamentation is absent, the stonework of both walls androofs being absolutely plain and bare. Internally the chambers presentthe same naked appearance, walls and roofs being equally plain, andthe floor paved with oblong slabs of stone, about a foot and a half inlength. 

The grouped chambers are of several kinds. Sometimes there are twochambers only, one opening directly into the other, and not alwayssimilarly roofed. Occasionally, groups of three are found, and there areexamples of groups of four. In these instances, the exact symmetry isremarkable. A single doorway of the usual character gives entrance to anearly square chamber, the exact dimensions of which are thirteen feetfour inches by twelve feet two inches. Midway in the side and oppositewalls are three other doorways, each of them three foot six inches inwidth, which lead into exactly similar square chambers, having a lengthof twelve feet two inches, and a width of ten feet nine. [659]

Chambers of the character here described contain in almost everyinstance stone sarcophagi. These are ranged along the walls, at a littledistance from them. The chambers commonly contain two or three; butsometimes one sarcophagus is superimposed upon another, and in this waythe number occasionally reaches to six. [660] Mostly, the sarcophagi areplain, or nearly so, but are covered over with a sloping lid. Sometimes, however, they are elaborately carved, and constitute works of art, which are of the highest value. An account will be given of the mostremarkable of these objects in the chapter on Phoenician Æsthetic Art. 

Another distinct type of Phoenician tomb is that which is peculiarto Nea-Paphos, and which is thought by some to have been employedexclusively by the High Priests of the great temple there. [661] Thepeculiarity of these burial-places is, that the sepulchral chambers areadjuncts of a quadrangular court open to the sky, and surrounded bya colonnade supported on pillars. [662] The court, the colonnade, thepillars, the entablature, and the chambers, with their niches for thedead, are all equally cut out of the rock, as well as the passage bywhich the court is entered, at one corner of the quadrangle. Thecolumns are either square or rounded, the rounded ones having capitalsresembling those of the Doric order; and the entablature is also arough imitation of the Doric triglyphs, and guttæ. The entrances to thesepulchral chambers are under the colonnade, behind the pillars;[663]and the chambers contain, beside niches, a certain number of bases forsarcophagi, but no sarcophagi have been found in them. The quadrangle isof a small size, not more than about eighteen feet each way. 

Thus far we have described that portion of the sepulchral architectureof the Phoenicians which is most hidden from sight, lying, as it does, beneath the surface of the soil. With tombs of this quiet character thePhoenicians were ordinarily contented. They were not, however, whollydevoid of those feelings with respect to their dead which have causedthe erection, in most parts of the world, of sepulchral monumentsintended to attract the eye, and to hand on to later ages the memory ofthe departed. Well acquainted with Egypt, they could not but have beenaware from the earliest times of those massive piles which the vanityof Egyptian monarchs had raised up for their own glorification on thewestern side of the valley of the Nile; nor in later days couldsuch monuments have escaped their notice as the Mausoleum ofHalicarnassus[664] or the Tomb of the Maccabees. [665] Accordingly, wefind them, at a very remote period, not merely anxious to inter theirdead decently and carefully in rock tombs or subterranean chambers ofmassive stone, but also wishful upon occasions to attract attentionto the last resting-places of their great men, by constructionswhich showed themselves above the ground, and had some architecturalpretensions. One of these, situated near Amrith, the ancient Marathus, is a very curious and peculiar structure. It is known at the present dayas the Burdj-el-Bezzâk, [666] and was evidently constructed to be, likethe pyramids, at once a monument and a tomb. It is an edifice, built oflarge blocks of stone, and rising to a height of thirty-two feetabove the plain at its base, so contrived as to contain two sepulchralchambers, the one over the other. Externally, the monument is plainalmost to rudeness, being little more than a cubic mass, broken only bytwo doorways, and having for its sole ornament a projecting cornice infront. Internally, there is more art and contrivance. The chambers arevery carefully constructed, and contain a number of niches intended toreceive sarcophagi, the lower having accommodation for three and theupper for twelve bodies. [667] It is thought that originally the cubicmass, which is all that now remains, was surmounted by a pyramidicalroof, many stones from which were found by M. Renan among the débristhat were scattered around. The height of the monument was thusincreased by perhaps one-half, and did not fall much short of sixty-fivefeet. [668] The cornice, which is now seen on one side only, and which isthere imperfect, originally, no doubt, encircled the entire edifice. 

The other constructions erected by the Phoenicians to mark theresting-places of their dead are simple monuments erected near, andgenerally over, the tombs in which the bodies are interred. The bestknown is probably that in the vicinity of Tyre, which the natives callthe Kabr-Hiram, or "Tomb of Hiram. "[669] No great importance can beattached to this name, which appears to be a purely modern one;[670] butthe monument is undoubtedly ancient, perhaps as ancient as any otherin Phoenicia. [671] It is composed of eight courses of huge stonessuperimposed one upon another, [672] the blocks having in some cases alength of eleven or twelve feet, with a breadth of seven or eight, and adepth of three feet. The courses retreat slightly, with the exception ofthe fifth, which projects considerably beyond the line of the fourth andstill more beyond that of the sixth. The whole effect is less that of apyramid than of a stelé or pillar, the width at top being not very muchsmaller than that at the base. The monument is a solid mass, and is nota square but a rectangular oblong, the broader sides measuring fourteenfeet and the narrower about eight feet six inches. Two out of the eightcourses are of the nature of substructions, being supplemental to therock, which supplies their place in part; and it is only recentlythat they have been brought to light by means of excavation. Hence theearlier travellers speak of the monument as having no more thansix courses. The present height above the soil is a little short oftwenty-five feet. A flight of steps cut in the rock leads down fromthe monument to a sepulchral chamber, which, however, contains neithersepulchral niche nor sarcophagus. 

But the most striking of the Phoenician sepulchral monuments are tobe found in the north of Phoenicia, and not in the south, in theneighbourhood, not of Tyre and Sidon, but of Marathus and Aradus. Two ofthem, known as the Méghâzil, [673] form a group which is very remarkable, and which, if we may trust the restoration of M. Thobois, [674] must havehad considerable architectural merit. Situated very near each other, on the culminating point of a great plateau of rock, they dominate thecountry far and wide, and attract the eye from a long distance. Oneseems to have been in much simpler and better taste than the other. M. Renan calls it "a real masterpiece, in respect of proportion, ofelegance, and of majesty. "[675] It is built altogether in three stages. First, there is a circular basement story flanked by four figures oflions, attached to the wall behind them, and only showing in front of ittheir heads, their shoulders, and their fore paws. This basement, which has a height of between seven and eight feet, is surmounted by acylindrical tower in two stages, the lower stage measuring fourteen andthe upper, which is domed, ten feet. The basement is composed of fourgreat stones, the entire tower above it is one huge monolith. An unusualand very effective ornamentation crowns both stages of the tower, consisting of a series of gradines at top with square machicolationsbelow. 

The other monument of the pair, distant about twenty feet from the onealready described, is architecturally far less happy. It is composedof four members, viz. A low plinth for base, above this a rectangularpedestal, surmounted by a strong band or cornice; next, a monolithiccylinder, without ornaments, which contracts slightly as it ascends;and, lastly, a pentagonal pyramid at the top. The pedestal isexceedingly rough and unfinished; generally, the workmanship is rude, and the different members do not assort well one with another. Still itwould seem that the two monuments belong to the same age and are partsof the same plan. [676] Their lines are parallel, as are those of thesubterranean apartments which they cover, and they stand within asingle enclosure. Whether the same architect designed them both it isimpossible to determine, but if so he must have been one of the class ofartists who have sometimes happy and sometimes unhappy inspirations. 

Both the Méghâzil are superimposed upon subterranean chambers, containing niches for bodies, and reached by a flight of steps cut inthe rock, the entrance to which is at some little distance from themonuments. [677] But there is nothing at all striking or peculiar in thechambers, which are without ornament of any kind. 

Another tomb, in the vicinity of the Méghâzil, is remarkable chieflyfor the care taken to shelter and protect the entrance to the set ofchambers which it covers. [678] The monument is a simple one. A squaremonolith, crowned by a strong cornice, stands upon a base consisting oftwo steps. Above the cornice is another monolith, the lower part squaredand the upper shaped into a pyramid. The upper part of the pyramid hascrumbled away, but enough remains to show the angle of the slope, and toindicate for the original erection a height of about twenty feet. At thedistance of about ten yards from the base of the monument is a seconderection, consisting of two tiers of large stones, which roof in theentrance to a flight of eighteen steps. These steps lead downwards toa sloping passage, in which are sepulchral niches, and thence intotwo chambers, the inner one of which is almost directly under themain monument. Probably, a block of stone, movable but removed withdifficulty, originally closed the entrance at the point where the stepsbegin. This stone ordinarily prevented ingress, but when a fresh corpsewas to be admitted, or funeral ceremonies were to be performed in one ofthe chambers, it could be "rolled"[679] or dragged away. 

Phoenician architects were, as a general rule, exceedingly sparing inthe use of ornament. Neither the pillar, nor the arch, much less thevault, was a feature in their principal buildings, which affectedstraight lines, right-angles, and a massive construction, based upon theEgyptian. The pillar came ultimately to be adopted, to a certain extent, from the Greeks; but only the simplest forms, the Doric and Ionic, werein use, if we except certain barbarous types which the people inventedfor themselves. The true arch was scarcely known in Phoenicia, at anyrate till Roman times, though false arches were not infrequent inthe gateways of towns and the doors of houses. [680] The externalornamentation of buildings was chiefly by cornices of various kinds, bybasement mouldings, by carvings about doorways, [681] by hemispherical orpyramidical roofs, and by the use of bevelled stones in the walls. Theemployment of animal forms in external decoration was exceedingly rare;and the half lions of the circular Méghâzil of Amrith are almost unique. 

In internal ornamentation there was greater variety. Pavements weresometimes of mosaic, and glowed with various colours;[682] sometimesthey were of alabaster slabs elaborately patterned. Alabaster slabsalso, it is probable, adorned the walls of temples and houses, exceptingwhere woodwork was employed, as in the Temple of Solomon. There ismuch richness and beauty in many of the slabs now in the Phoeniciancollection of the Louvre, [683] especially in those which exhibit theforms of sphinxes or griffins. Many of the patterns most affected aremarkedly Assyrian in character, as the rosette, the palm-head, theintertwined ribbons, and the rows of gradines which occur so frequently. Even the Sphinxes are rather Assyrian than Egyptian in character; andexhibit the recurved wings, which are never found in the valley of theNile. In almost all the forms employed there is a modification of theoriginal type, sufficient to show that the Phoenician artist did notcare merely to reproduce. 

On the whole the architecture must be pronounced wanting in originalityand in a refined taste. What M. Renan says of Phoenician art ingeneral[684] is especially true of Phoenician architecture. "Phoenicianart, which issued, as it would seem, originally from mere troglodytism, was, from the time when it arrived at the need of ornament, essentiallyan art of imitation. That art was, above all, industrial; that art neverraised itself for its great public monuments to a style that was atonce elegant and durable. The origin of Phoenician architecture was theexcavated rock, not the column, as was the case with the Greeks. Thewall replaced the excavated rock after a time, but without whollylosing its character. There is nothing that leads us to believe thatthe Phoenicians knew how to construct a keyed vault. The monolithicprinciple which dominated the Phoenician and Syrian art, even after ithad taken Greek art for its model, is the exact contrary of the Hellenicstyle. Greek architecture starts from the principle of employing smallstones, and proclaims the principal loudly. At no time did the Greeksextract from Pentelicus blocks at all comparable for size with those ofBaalbek or of Egypt; they saw no use in doing so; on the contrary, withmasses of such enormity, which it is desired to use in their entirety, the architect is himself dominated; the material, instead of beingsubordinate to the design of the edifice, runs counter to the designand contradicts it. The monuments on the Acropolis of Athens would beimpossible with blocks of the size usual in Syria. "[685] Thus there isalways something heavy, rude, and coarse in the Phoenician buildings, which betray their troglodyte origin by an over-massive and unfinishedappearance. 

There is also a want of originality, more especially in theornamentation. Egypt, Assyria, and Greece have furnished the "motives"which lie at the root of almost all the decorative art that is to bemet with, either in the mother country or in the colonies. Winged disks, uræi, scarabs, sphinxes, have been adopted from Egypt; Assyria hasfurnished gradines, lotus blossoms, rosettes, the palm-tree ornament, the ribbon ornament, and the form of the lion; Greece has suppliedpillars, pediments, festoons, and chimæras. Native talent hascontributed little or nothing to the ornamentation of buildings, ifwe except the modification of the types which have been derived fromforeign sources. 

Finally, there is a want of combination and general plan in thePhoenician constructions where they fall into groups. "This is sensiblyfelt, " according to M. Renan, "at Amrith, at Kabr-Hiram, and atUm-el-Awamid. In the remains still visible in these localities there aremany fine ideas, many beautiful details; but they do not fall under anygeneral dominant plan, as do the buildings on the Acropolis of Athens. One seems to see a set of people who are fond of working in stone forits own sake, but who do not care to arrive at a mutual understanding inorder to produce in common a single work, since they do not know that itis the conception of a grand whole which constitutes greatness in art. Hence the incompleteness of the monuments; there is not a tomb towhich the relations of the deceased have deemed it fitting to give thefinishing touches; there is everywhere a certain egotism, like thatwhich in later times prevented the Mussulman monuments from enduring. Apassing pleasure in art does not induce men to finish, since finishingrequires a certain stiffness of will. In general, the ancientPhoenicians appear to have had the spirit of sculptors rather thanof architects. They did not construct in great masses, but every onelaboured on his own account. Hence there was no exact measurement, andno symmetry. Even the capitals of the columns at Um-el-Awamid are notalike; in the portions which most evidently correspond the details aredifferent. "[686]

CHAPTER VII--ÆSTHETIC ART

 Recent discoveries of Phoenician artistic remains-- Phoenician sculpture--Statues and busts--Animal forms--Bas- reliefs--Hercules and Geryon--Scenes on sarcophagi-- Phoenicians metal castings--Jachin and Boaz--Solomon's "Molten Sea"--Solomon's lavers--Statuettes in bronze-- Embossed work upon cups and pateræ--Cup of Præneste-- Intaglios on cylinders and gems--Phoenician painting--Tinted statues--Paintings on terra-cotta and clay. 

Phoenician æsthetic art embraced sculpture, metal-casting, intaglio, and painting to a small extent. Situated as the Phoenicians were, inthe immediate neighbourhood of nations which had practised from a remoteantiquity the imitation of natural forms, and brought into contact bytheir commercial transactions with others, with whom art of every kindwas in the highest esteem--adroit moreover with their hands, clever, active, and above all else practical--it was scarcely possible that theyshould not, at an early period in their existence as a nation, interestthemselves in what they found so widely appreciated, and becomethemselves ambitious of producing such works as they saw everywhereproduced, admired, and valued. The mere commercial instinct would leadthem to supply a class of goods which commanded a high price in theworld's markets; while it is not to be supposed that they were, any morethan other nations, devoid of those æsthetic propensities which find avent in what are commonly called the "fine arts, " or less susceptibleof that natural pleasure which successful imitation evokes from allwho find themselves capable of it. Thus, we might have alwayssafely concluded, even without any material evidence of it, that thePhoenicians had an art of their own, either original or borrowed; butwe are now able to do more than this. Recent researches in PhoeniciaProper, in Cyprus, in Sardina, and elsewhere, have recovered such a massof Phoenician artistic remains, that it is possible to form a tolerablycomplete idea of the character of their æsthetic art, of its methods, its aims, and its value. 

Phoenician sculpture, even at its best, is somewhat rude. The countrypossesses no marble, and has not even any stone of a fine grain. Thecretaceous limestone, which is the principal geological formation, isfor the most part so pierced with small holes and so thickly sown withfossil shells as to be quite unsuited for the chisel; and even thebetter blocks, which the native sculptors were careful to choose, are not free from these defects, and in no case offer a grain thatis satisfactory. To meet these difficulties, the Phoenician sculptoroccasionally imported his blocks either from Egypt or from thevolcanic regions of Taurus and Amanus;[71] but it was not until he hadtransported himself to Cyprus, and found there an abundance of a soft, but fairly smooth, compact, and homogeneous limestone, that he workedfreely, and produced either statues or bas-reliefs in any considerablenumber. [72] The Cyprian limestone is very easy to work. "It is a whitishstone when it comes out of the quarry, but by continued exposure to theair the tone becomes a greyish yellow, which, though a little dull, isnot disagreeable to the eye. The nail can make an impression on it, and it is worked by the chisel much more easily and more rapidly thanmarble. But it is in the plastic arts as in literature and poetry--whatcosts but little trouble has small chance of enduring. The Cyprianlimestone is too soft to furnish the effects and the contrasts whichmarble offers, so to speak, spontaneously; it is incapable of receivingthe charming polish which makes so strong an opposition to the darkshadows of the parts where the chisel has scooped deep. The chisel, whatever efforts it may make and however laboriously it may be applied, cannot impress on such material the strong and bold touches whichindicate the osseous structure, and make the muscles and the veins showthemselves under the epidermis in Greek statuary. The sculptor's workis apt to be at once finikin and lax; it wants breadth, and it wantsdecision. Moreover, the material, having little power of resistance, retains but ill what the chisel once impressed; the more delicatemarkings and the more lifelike touches that it once received, it loseseasily through friction or exposure to rough weather. A certain numberof the sculptured figures found by M. Di Cesnola at Athiénau werediscovered under conditions that were quite peculiar, having passed fromthe shelter of a covered chamber to that of a protecting bed of dust, which had hardened and adhered to their surfaces; and these figureshad preserved an unusual freshness, and seem as if just chiselled; but, saving these exceptions, the Cypriot figures have their angles rounded, and their projections softened down. It is like a page of writing, wherethe ink, before it had time to dry, preserving its sharpness of tone, has been absorbed by the blotting paper and has left only pale andfeeble traces. "[73]

Another striking defect in the Phoenician, or at any rate in theCyprio-Phoenician, sculpture, and one that cannot be excused on accountof any inherent weakness in the material, is the thinness and flatnessof the greater part of the figures. The sculptor seems to have beenfurnished by the stonecutter, not so much with solid blocks of stone, aswith tolerably thick slabs. [74] These he fashioned carefully in front, and produced statues, which, viewed in front, are lifelike and fairlysatisfactory. But to the sides and back of the slab he paid littleattention, not intending that his work should be looked at from allquarters, but that the spectator should directly face it. The statueswere made to stand against walls, [75] or in niches, or back to back, theheels and backs touching;[76] they were not, properly speaking, works_in the round_, but rather _alti relievi_ a little exaggerated, notactually part of the wall, but laid closely against it. A strikingexample of this kind of work may be seen in a figure now at New York, which appears to represent a priest, whereof a front view is given by DiCesnola in his "Cyprus, " and a side view by Perrot and Chipiez in their"History of Ancient Art. " The head and neck are in good proportion, butthe rest of the figure is altogether unduly thin, while for some spaceabove the feet it is almost literally a slab, scarcely fashioned at all. 

This fault is less pronounced in some statues than in others, and froma certain number of the statuettes is wholly absent. This is notably thecase in a figure found at Golgi, which represents a female arrayed in along robe, the ample folds of which she holds back with one hand, whilethe other hand is advanced, and seems to have held a lotus flower. Three graceful tresses fall on either side of the neck, round which is astring of beads or pearls, with an amulet as pendant; while a long veil, surmounted by a diadem, hangs from the back of the head. This statue isin no respect narrow or flat, as may be seen especially from the sideview given by Di Cesnola;[77] but it is short and inelegant, though notwanting in dignity; and it is disfigured by sandalled feet of a verydisproportionate size, which stand out offensively in front. Thefigure has been viewed as a representation of the goddess Astarte orAshtoreth;[78] but the identification can scarcely be regarded as morethan a reasonable conjecture. 

The general defects of Phoenician statuary, besides want of finish andflatness, are a stiff and conventional treatment, recalling the art ofEgypt and Assyria, a want of variety, and a want of life. Most of thefigures stand evenly on the two feet, and have the arms pendant at thetwo sides, with the head set evenly, neither looking to the right norto the left, while even the arrangement of the drapery is one of greatuniformity. In the points where there is any variety, the varietyis confined within very narrow limits. One foot may be a littleadvanced;[79] one arm may be placed across the breast, either asconfined by the robe, [710] or as holding something, e. G. A bird ora flower. [711] In female figures both arms may be laid along thethighs, [712] or both be bent across the bosom, with the hands claspingthe breasts, [713] or one hand may be so placed, and the other dependin front. [714] The hair and beard are mostly arranged with the utmostregularity in crisp curls, resembling the Assyrian; where tressesare worn, they are made to hang, whatever their number, with exactuniformity on either side. [715] Armlets and bracelets appear always inpairs, and are exactly similar; the two sides of a costume correspondperfectly; and in the groups the figures have, as nearly as possible, the same attitude. 

Repose is no doubt the condition of human existence which statuary mosteasily and most naturally expresses; and few things are more obnoxiousto a refined taste than that sculpture which, like that of Roubiliac, affects movement, fidget, flutter, and unquiet. But in the Phoeniciansculpture the repose is overdone; except in the expression of faces, there is scarcely any life at all. The figures do nothing; they simplystand to be looked at. And they stand stiffly, sometimes even awkwardly, rarely with anything like elegance or grace. The heads, indeed, havelife and vigour, especially after the artists have become acquaintedwith Greek models;[716] but they are frequently too large for the bodieswhereto they are attached, and the face is apt to wear a smirk that isexceedingly disagreeable. This is most noticeable in the Cypriot series, as will appear by the accompanying representations; but it is notconfined to them, since it reappears in the bronzes found in PhoeniciaProper. 

Phoenician statues are almost always more or less draped. Sometimesnothing is worn besides the short tunic, or _shenti_, of the Egyptians, which begins below the navel and terminates at the knee. [717] Sometimesthere is added to this a close-fitting shirt, like a modern "jersey, "which has short sleeves and clings to the figure, so that it requirescareful observation to distinguish between a statue thus draped andone which has the _shenti_ only. [718] But there are also a number ofexamples where the entire figure is clothed from the head to the ankles, and nothing is left bare but the face, the hands, and the feet. A cap, something like a Phrygian bonnet, covers the head; a long-sleeved robereaches from the neck to the ankles, or sometimes rests upon the feet;and above this is a mantle or scarf thrown over the left shoulder, and hanging down nearly to the knees. Ultimately a drapery greatlyresembling that of the Greeks seems to have been introduced; a longcloak, or _chlamys_, is worn, which falls into numerous folds, andis disposed about the person according to the taste and fancy of thewearer, but so as to leave the right arm free. [719] Statues of thisclass are scarcely distinguishable from Greek statues of a moderatelygood type. 

Phoenician sculptors _in the round_ did not very often indulge inthe representation of animal forms. The lion, however, was sometimeschiselled in stone, either partially, as in a block of stone found byM. Renan at Um-el-Awamid, or completely, as in a statuette brought byGeneral Di Cesnola from Cyprus. The representations hitherto discoveredhave not very much merit. We may gather from them that the sculptorswere unacquainted with the animal itself, had never seen the king ofbeasts sleeping in the shade or stretching himself and yawning ashe awoke, or walking along with a haughty and majestic slowness, orspringing with one bound upon his prey, but had simply studied withoutmuch attention or interest the types furnished them by Egyptianor Assyrian artists, who were familiar with the beast himself. Therepresentations are consequently in every case feeble and conventional;in some they verge on the ridiculous. What, for instance, can be weakerthan the figure above given from the great work of Perrot and Chipiez, with its good-humoured face, its tongue hanging out of its mouth, itstottering forelegs, and its general air of imbecility? The lioness'head represented in the same work is better, but still leaves much to bedesired, falling, as it does, very far behind the best Assyrian models. Nor were the sculptors much more successful in their mode of expressinganimals with whose forms they were perfectly well acquainted. The sheepcarried on the back of a shepherd, brought from Cyprus and now in themuseum of New York, is a very ill-shaped sheep, and the doves so oftenrepresented are very poor doves. [720] They are just recognisable, andthat is the most that can be said for them. A dog in stone, [721] foundat Athiénau, is somewhat better, equally the dogs of the Egyptians andAssyrians. On the other hand, the only fully modelled horses that havebeen found are utterly childish and absurd. [722]

The reliefs of the Phoenicians are very superior to their statues. Theyvary in their character from almost the lowest kind of relief to thehighest. On dresses, on shields, on slabs, and on some sarcophagi itis much higher than is usual even in Greece. A bas-relief of peculiarinterest was discovered at Athiénau by General Di Cesnola, and has beenrepresented both by him and by the Italian traveller Ceccaldi. [723] Itrepresents Hercules capturing the cattle of Geryon from the herdsmanEurytion, and gives us reason to believe that that myth was a nativePhoenician legend adopted by the Greeks, and not a Hellenic one importedinto Phoenicia. The general character of the sculpture is archaic andAssyrian; nor is there a trace of Greek influence about it. Hercules, standing on an elevated block of stone at the extreme left, threatensthe herdsman, who responds by turning towards him, and making a menacinggesture with his right hand, while in his left, instead of a club, hecarries an entire tree. His hair and beard are curled in the Assyrianfashion, while his figure, though short, is strong and muscular. Infront of him are his cattle, mixed up in a confused and tangled mass, some young, but most of them full grown, and amounting to the numberof seventeen. They are in various attitudes, and are drawn with muchspirit, recalling groups of cattle in the sculptures of Assyria andEgypt, but surpassing any such group in the vigour of their life andmovement. Above, in an upper field or plain, divided from the under oneby a horizontal line, is the triple-headed dog, Orthros, running fullspeed towards Hercules, and scarcely checked by the arrow which has methim in mid career, and entered his neck at the point of junction betweenthe second and the third head. [724] The bas-relief is three feet twoinches in length, and just a little short of two feet in height. Itserved to ornament a huge block of stone which formed the pedestal of acolossal statue of Hercules, eight feet nine inches high. [725]

A sarcophagus, on which the relief is low, has been described andfigured by Di Cesnola, [726] who discovered it in the same locality asthe sculpture which has just engaged our attention. The sarcophagus, which had a lid guarded by lions at the four corners, was ornamentedat both ends and along both sides by reliefs. The four scenes depictedappear to be distinct and separate. At one end Perseus, having cut offMedusa's head and placed it in his wallet, which he carries behind himby means of a stick passed over his shoulder, departs homewards followedby his dog. Medusa's body, though sunk upon one knee, is still upright, and from the bleeding neck there spring the forms of Chrysaor andPegasus. At the opposite end of the tomb is a biga drawn by two horses, and containing two persons, the charioteer and the owner, who isrepresented as bearded, and rests his hand upon the chariot-rim. Thehorse on the right hand, which can alone be distinctly seen, is wellproportioned and spirited. He is impatient and is held in by the driver, and prevented from proceeding at more than a foot's pace. On the longersides are a hunting scene, and a banqueting scene. In a wooded country, indicated by three tall trees, a party, consisting of five individuals, engages in the pleasures of the chase. Four of the five are accoutredlike Greek soldiers; they wear crested helmets, cuirasses, belts, anda short tunic ending in a fringe: the arms which they carry are a spearand a round buckler or shield. The fifth person is an archer, and has alighter equipment; he wears a cloth about his loins, a short tunic, anda round cap on his head. The design forms itself into two groups. On theright two of the spearmen are engaged with a wild boar, which they arewounding with their lances; on the left the two other spearmen and thearcher are attacking a wild bull. In the middle a cock separates the twogroups, while at the two extremities two animal forms, a horse grazingand a dog trying to make out a scent, balance each other. The fourthside of the sarcophagus presents us with a banqueting scene. On fourcouches, much like the Assyrian, [727] are arranged the banqueters. Atthe extreme right the couch is occupied by a single person, who has along beard and extends a wine-cup towards an attendant, a naked youth, who is advancing towards him with a wine-jug in one hand, and a ladle orstrainer in the other. The three other couches are occupied respectivelyby three couples, each comprising a male and a female. The male figurereclines in the usual attitude, half sitting and half lying, with theleft arm supported on two pillows;[728] the female sits on the edge ofthe couch, with her feet upon a footstool. The males hold wine-cups; ofthe females, one plays upon the lyre, while the two others fondle withone hand their lover or husband. A fourth female figure, erect in themiddle between the second and third couches, plays the double flute forthe delectation of the entire party. All the figures, except the boyattendant, are decently draped, in robes with many folds, resemblingthe Greek. At the side of each couch is a table, on which are spreadrefreshments, while at the extreme left is a large bowl or amphora, fromwhich the wine-cups may be replenished. This is placed under theshade of a tree, which tells us that the festivity takes place in agarden. [729]

No one can fail to see, in this entire series of sculptures, thedominant influence of Greece. While the form of the tomb, and the lionsthat ornament the covering, are unmistakably Cyprio-Phoenician, thereliefs contain scarcely a feature which is even Oriental; all hasmarkedly the colouring and the physiognomy of Hellenism. Yet Cyprianartists probably executed the work. There are little departuresfrom Greek models, which indicate the "barbarian" workman, as theintroduction of trees in the backgrounds, the shape of the furniture, the recurved wings of the Gorgon, and the idea of hunting the wild bull. But the figures, the proportions, the draperies, the attitudes, thechariot, the horse, are almost pure Greek. There is a grace and easein the modelling, an elegance, a variety, to which Asiatic art, left toitself, never attained. The style, however, is not that of Greece atits best, but of archaic Greece. There is something too much of exactsymmetry, both in the disposition of the groups and in the arrangementof the accessories; nay, even the very folds of the garments areover-stiff and regular. All is drawn in exact profile; and in thecomposition there is too much of balance and correspondence. Still, a new life shows itself through the scenes. There is variety inthe movements; there is grace and suppleness in the forms; there islightness in the outline, vigour in the attitudes, and beauty spreadover the whole work. It cannot be assigned an earlier date than thefifth century B. C. , and is most probably later, [730] since it took timefor improved style to travel from the head-centres of Greek art to theremoter provinces, and still more time for it to percolate through thedifferent layers of Greek society until it reached the stratum of nativeCyprian artistic culture. 

We may contrast with the refined work of the Athiénau sarcophagus thefar ruder, but more genuinely native, designs of a tomb of the same kindfound on the site of Amathus. [731] On this sarcophagus, the edges ofwhich are most richly adorned with patterning, there are, as upon theother, four reliefs, two of them occupying the sides and two the ends. Those at the ends are curious, but have little artistic merit. Theyconsist, in each case, of a caryatid figure four times repeated, representations, respectively, of Astarté and of a pygmy god, who, according to some, is Bes, and, according to others, Melkarth orEsmun. [732] The figures of Astarté are rude, as are generally herstatues. [733] They have the hair arranged in three rows of crisp curls, the arms bent, and the hands supporting the breasts. The only ornamentworn by them is a double necklace of pearls or round beads. Therepresentations of the pygmy god have more interest. They remind us ofwhat Herodotus affirms concerning the Phoenician _pataikoi_, which wereused for the figure-heads of ships, [734] and which he compares to theEgyptian images of Phthah, or Ptah, the god of creation. They are uglydwarf figures, with a large misshapen head, a bushy beard, short arms, fat bodies, a short striped tunic, and thick clumsy legs. Only one ofthe four figures is at present complete, the sarcophagus having beenentered by breaking a hole into it at this end. 

The work at the sides is much superior to that at the ends. The twopanels represent, apparently, a single scene. The scene is a procession, but whether funeral or military it is hard to decide. [735] First cometwo riders on horseback, wearing conical caps and close-fitting jerkins;they are seated on a species of saddle, which is kept in place by aboard girth passing round the horse's belly, and by straps attached infront. The two cavaliers are followed by four _bigæ_. The first containsthe principal personages of the composition, who sits back in his car, and shades himself with a parasol, the mark of high rank in the East, while his charioteer sits in front of him and holds the reins. Thesecond car has three occupants; the third two; and the fourth also two, one of whom leans back and converses with the footmen, who close theprocession. These form a group of three, and seem to be soldiers, sincethey bear shield and spear; but their costume, a loose robe wrappedround the form, is rather that of civilians. The horses are lightlycaparisoned, with little more than a head-stall and a collar; but theycarry on their heads a conspicuous fan-like crest. [736] MM. Perrot andChipiez thus sum up their description of this monument:--"Both in theornamentation and in the sculpture properly so-called there is a mixtureof two traditions and two inspirations, diverse one from the other. Thepersons who chiselled the figures in the procession which fills thetwo principal sides of the sarcophagus were the pupils of Grecianstatuaries; they understood how to introduce variety into the attitudesof those whom they represented, and even into the movements of thehorses. Note, in this connection, the steeds of the two cavaliers infront; one of them holds up his head, the other bends it towards theground. The draperies are also cleverly treated, especially those of thefoot soldiers who bring up the rear, and resemble in many respectsthe costume of the Greeks. On the other hand, the types of divinity, repeated four times at the two ends of the monument, have nothing thatis Hellenic about them, but are borrowed from the Pantheon of Phoenicia. Even in the procession itself--the train of horsemen, footmen, andchariots, which is certainly the sculptor's true subject--there arefeatures which recall the local customs and usages of the East. Theconical caps of the two cavaliers closely resemble those which we see onthe heads of many of the Cyprian statues; the parasol which shades thehead of the great person in the first _biga_ is the symbol of Asiaticroyalty; lastly, the fan-shaped plume which rises above the heads of allthe chariot horses is an ornament that one sees in the same positionin Assyria and in Lycia, whensoever the sculptor desires to representhorses magnificently caparisoned. "[737]

Sarcophagi recently exhumed in the vicinity of Sidon are said to beadorned with reliefs superior to any previously known specimens ofPhoenician art. As, however, no drawings or photographs of thesesculptures have as yet reached Western Europe, it will perhaps besufficient in this place to direct attention to the descriptions of themwhich an eye-witness has published in the "Journal de Beyrout. "[738] Notrustworthy critical estimate can be formed from mere descriptions, and it will therefore be necessary to reserve our judgment untilthe sculptures themselves, or correct representations of them, areaccessible. 

The metal castings of the Phoenicians, according to the accounts whichhistorians give of them, were of a very magnificent and extraordinarycharacter. The Hiram employed by Solomon in the ornamentation ofthe Temple at Jerusalem, who was a native of Tyre, [739] designed andexecuted by his master's orders a number of works in metal, which seemto have been veritable masterpieces. The strangest of all were the twopillars of bronze, which bore the names of "Jachin" and "Boaz, "[740]and stood in front of the Temple porch, or possibly under it. [741] Thesepillars, with their capitals, were between thirty-four and thirty-fivefeet high, and had a diameter of six feet. [742] They were cast hollow, the bronze whereof they were composed having a uniform thickness ofthree inches, [743] or thereabouts. Their ornamentation was elaborate. A sort of chain-work covered the "belly" or lower part of thecapitals, [744] while above and below were representations ofpomegranates in two rows, probably at the top and bottom of the "belly, "the number of the pomegranates upon each pillar being two hundred. [745]At the summit of the whole was a sort of "lily-work"[746] orimitation of the lotus blossom, a "motive" adopted from Egypt. Variousrepresentations of the pillars have been attempted in works uponPhoenician art, the most remarkable being those designed by M. Chipiez, and published in the "Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité. "[747] Perhaps, however, there is more to be said in favour of M. De Vogüé's view, asenunciated in his work on the Jewish Temple. 

The third great work of metallurgy which Hiram constructed for Solomonwas "the molten sea. "[748] This was an enormous bronze basin, fifteenfeet in diameter, supported on the backs of twelve oxen, grouped in setsof three. [749] The basin stood fourteen or fifteen feet above the levelof the Temple Court, [750] and was a vast reservoir, always kept full ofwater, for the ablutions of the priests. There was an ornamentation of"knops" or "gourds, " in two rows, about the "brim" of the reservoir; andit must have been supplied in its lower part with a set of stopcocks, bymeans of which the water could be drawn off when needed. Representationsof the "molten sea" have been given by Mangeant, De Vogüé, Thenius, andothers; but all of them are, necessarily, conjectural. The design ofMangeant is reproduced in the preceding representation. It is concludedthat the oxen must have been of colossal size in order to bear a properproportion to the basin, and not present the appearance of being crushedunder an enormous weight. [751]

Next in importance to these three great works were ten minor ones, madefor the Jewish Temple by the same artist. These were lavers mounted onwheels, [752] which could be drawn or pushed to any part of the TempleCourt where water might be required. The lavers were of comparativelysmall size, capable of containing only one-fiftieth part[753] ofthe contents of the "molten sea, " but they were remarkable for theirornamentation. Each was supported upon a "base;" and the bases, whichseem to have been panelled, contained, in the different compartments, figures of lions, oxen, and cherubim, [754] either single or in groups. On the top of the base, which seems to have been square, was a circularstand or socket, a foot and a half in height, into which the laver orbasin fitted. [755] This, too, was panelled, and ornamented with embossedwork, representing lions, cherubim, and palm-trees. [756] Each base wasemplaced upon four wheels, which are said to have resembled chariotwheels, but which were molten in one piece, naves, spokes, and felloestogether. [757] A restoration by M. Mangeant, given by Perrot and Chipiezin the fourth volume of their "History of Ancient Art, " is striking, andleaves little to be desired. 

Hiram is also said to have made for Solomon a number of pots, shovels, basins, flesh-hooks, and other instruments, [758] which were all usedin the Temple service; but as no description is given of any of theseworks, even their general character can only be conjectured. We may, however, reasonably suppose them not to have differed greatly fromthe objects of a similar description found in Cyprus by General DiCesnola. [759]

From the conjectural, which may amuse, but can scarcely satisfy, theearnest student, it is fitting that we should now pass to the known andactual. Phoenician metal-work of various descriptions has been foundrecently in Phoenicia Proper, in Cyprus, and in Sardinia; and, thoughmuch of it consists of works of utility or of mere personal adornment, which belong to another branch of the present enquiry, there is aconsiderable portion which is more or less artistic and which rightlyfinds its place in the present chapter. The Phoenicians, though they didnot, so far as we know, attempt with any frequency the production, inbronze or other metal, of the full-sized human form, [760] were fond offabricating, especially in bronze, the smaller kinds of figures whichare known as "figurines" or "statuettes. " They also had a special talentfor producing embossed metal-work of a highly artistic character in theshape of cups, bowls, and dishes or _pateræ_, whereon scenes of variouskinds were represented with a vigour and precision that are quiteadmirable. Some account of these two classes of works must here begiven. 

The statuettes commence with work of the rudest kind. The Phoeniciansites in Sardinia have yielded in abundance grotesque figures of godsand men, [761] from three or four to six or eight inches high, which mustbe viewed as Phoenician productions, though perhaps they were not thebest works which Phoenician artists could produce, but such as were bestsuited to the demands of the Sardinian market. The savage Sards wouldnot have appreciated beauty or grace; but to the savage mind there issomething congenial in grotesqueness. Hence gods with four arms and foureyes, [762] warriors with huge horns projecting from their helmets, [763]tall forms of extraordinary leanness, [764] figures with abnormally largeheads and hands, [765] huge noses, projecting eyes, and various otherdeformities. For the home consumption statuettes of a similar characterwere made; but they were neither so rude nor so devoid of artisticmerit. There is one in the Louvre, which was found at Tortosa, inNorthern Phoenicia, approaching nearly to the Sardinian type, whileothers have less exaggeration, and seem intended seriously. In Cyprusbronzes of a higher order have been discovered. [766] One is a figure ofa youth, perhaps Æsculapius, embracing a serpent; another is a femaleform of much elegance, which may have been the handle of a vase or jug;it springs from a grotesque bracket, and terminates in a bar ornamentedat either end with heads of animals. The complete bronze figure foundnear Curium, which is supposed to represent Apollo and is figured by DiCesnola, [767] is probably not the production of a Phoenician artists, but a sculpture imported from Greece. 

The embossed work upon cups and _pateræ_ is sometimes of greatsimplicity, sometimes exceedingly elaborate. A patera of the simplestkind was found by General Di Cesnola in the treasury of Curium and isfigured in his work. [768] At the bottom of the dish, in the middle, isa rosette with twenty-two petals springing from a central disk; this issurrounded by a ring whereon are two wavy lines of ribbon intertwined. Four deer, with strongly recurved horns, spaced at equal intervals, stand on the outer edge of the ring in a walking attitude. Behind themand between them are a continuous row of tall stiff reeds terminating inblossoms, which are supposed to represent the papyrus plant. The reedsare thirty-two in number. We may compare with this the medallion atthe bottom of a cup found at Cære in Italy, which has been published byGrifi. [769] Here, on a chequered ground, stands a cow with two calves, one engaged in providing itself with its natural sustenance, the otherdisporting itself in front of its dam. In the background are a row ofalternate papyrus blossoms and papyrus buds bending gracefully to theright and to the left, so as to form a sort of framework to the maindesign. Above the cow and in front of the papyrus plants two birds wingtheir flight from left to right across the scene. 

A bronze bowl, discovered at Idalium (Dali) in Cyprus, [770] is, likethese specimens, Egyptian in its motive, but is more ambitious in thatit introduces the human form. On a throne of state sits a goddess, draped in a long striped robe which reaches to the feet, and holdinga lotus flower in her right hand and a ball or apple in her left. Bracelets adorn her wrists and anklets her feet. Behind her stands aband of three instrumental performers, all of them women, and somewhatvariously costumed: the first plays the double pipe, the second performson a lyre or harp, the third beats the tambourine. In front of thegoddess is a table or altar, to which a votary approaches bringingofferings. Then follows another table whereon two vases are set; finallycomes a procession of six females, holding hands, who are perhapsperforming a solemn dance. Behind them are a row of lotus pillars, thesupports probably of a temple, wherein the scene takes place. The humanforms in this design are ill-proportioned, and very rudely traced. Theheads and hands are too large, the faces are grotesque, and the figureswholly devoid of grace. Mimetic art is seen clearly in its first stage, and the Phoenician artist who has designed the bowl has probably fallenshort of his Egyptian models. 

Animal and human forms intermixed occur on a silver _patera_ foundat Athiénau, which is more complicated and elaborate than the objectshitherto described, but which is, like them, strikingly Egyptian. [771]A small rosette occupies the centre; round it is, apparently, a pondor lake, in which fish are disporting themselves; but the fish areintermixed with animal and human forms--a naked female stretches outher arms after a cow; a man clothed in a _shenti_ endeavours to seizea horse. The pond is edged by papyrus plants, which are alternatelyin blossom and in bud. A zigzag barrier separates this centralornamentation from that of the outer part of the dish. Here a marsh isrepresented in which are growing papyrus and other water-plants. Aquaticbirds swim on the surface or fly through the tall reeds. Four boats formthe chief objects in this part of the field. In one, which is fashionedlike a bird, there sits under a canopy a grandee, with an attendant infront and a rower or steersman at the stern. Behind him, in a secondboat, is a band consisting of three undraped females, one of whom playsa harp and another a tambourine, while the third keeps time with herhands. A man with a punt-pole directs the vessel from the stern. In thethird boat, which has a freight of wine-jars, a cook is preparing a birdfor the grandee's supper. The fourth boat contains three rowers, whopossibly have the vessel of the grandee in tow. The first and secondboats are separated by two prancing steeds, the second and third by twocows, the third and fourth by a chariot and pair. It is difficult toexplain the mixture of the aquatic with the terrestrial in this piece;but perhaps the grandee is intended to be enjoying himself in a marshypart of his domain, where he might ride, drive, or boat, according tohis pleasure. The whole scene is rather Egyptian than Phoenician orCypriot, and one cannot help suspecting that the _patera_ was made foran Egyptian customer. 

There is a _patera_ at Athens, [772] almost certainly Phoenician, whichmay well be selected to introduce the more elaborate and complicated ofthe Phoenician works of art in this class. It has been figured, [773]and carefully described by MM. Perrot and Chipiez in these terms:--"Themedallion in the centre is occupied by a rosette with eight points. Thezone outside this, in which are distributed the personages represented, is divided into four compartments by four figures, which correspond toeach other in pairs. They lift themselves out of a trellis-work, boundedon either side by a light pillar without a base. The capitals whichcrown the pillars recall those of the Ionic order, but the abacus ismuch more developed. A winged globe, stretching from pillar to pillar, roofs in this sort of little chapel; each is the shrine of a divinity. One of the divinities is that nude goddess, clasping her breasts withher hands, whom we have already met with in the Phoenician world morethan once; the other is a bearded personage, whose face is framed in byhis abundant hair; he appears to be dressed in a close-fitting garment, made of a material folded in narrow plaits. We do not know what name togive the personage. Each of the figures is repeated twice. The restof the field is occupied by four distinct subjects, two of them beingscenes of adoration. In one may be recognised the figure of Isis-Athor, seated on a sort of camp-stool, and giving suck to the young Horus;[774]on an altar in front of the goddess is placed the disk of the moon, enveloped (as we have seen it elsewhere) by a crescent which recallsthe moon's phases. Behind the altar stands a personage whose sex is notdefined; the right hand, which is raised, holds a _patera_, whilethe left, which falls along the hip, has the _ankh_ or _crux ansata_. Another of the scenes corresponds to this, and offers many strikinganalogies. The altar indeed is of a different form, but it supportsexactly the same symbols. The goddess sits upon a throne with her feeton a footstool; she has no child; in one hand she holds out a cup, in the other a lotus blossom. The personage who confronts her wears aconical cap, and is clothed, like the worshipper of the correspondingrepresentation, in a long robe pressed close to the body by a girdle _àcordelière_; he has also the _crux ansata_, and holds in the right handan object the character and use of which I am unable to conjecture. We may associate with these two scenes of homage and worship anotherrepresentation in which there figure three musicians. The instrumentsare the same as usual--the lyre, the tambourine, and the double pipe;two of the performers march at a steady pace; the third, the one whobeats the metal(?) disk, dances, as he plays, with much vigour andspirit. In the last compartment we come again upon a group that we havealready met with in one of the cups from Idalium. [775] . . . A beardlessindividual, clothed in the _shenti_, has put his foot upon the body ofa griffin, which, in struggling against the pressure, flings its hindquarters into the air in a sort of wild caper; the conqueror, however, holds it fast by the plume of feathers which rises from its head, andplunges his sword into its half-open beak. It is this group, drawn inrelief, and on a larger scale, that we meet with for a second time onthe Athenian _patera_; but in this case the group is augmented by asecond personage, who takes part in the struggle. This is an old manwith a beard who is armed with a formidable pike. Both the combatantswear conical caps upon their heads, similar to those which we havenoticed as worn by a number of the statues from Cyprus; but the cap ofthe right-hand personage terminates in a button, whereto is attacheda long appendage, which looks like the tail of an ox. " The Egyptiancharacter of much of this design is incontestable. The _ankh_, the lotusblossom in the hand, the winged disk, are purely Egyptian forms; theIsis Athor with Horus in her lap speaks for itself; and the worshipperin front of Isis has an unmistakably Egyptian head dress. But thecontest with the winged griffin is more Assyrian than Egyptian; the seatwhereon Isis sits recalls a well-known Assyrian type;[776] one of thealtars has a distinctly Assyrian character, while the band of musicians, the Astarté figures standing in their shrines, and the pillars whichsupport, and frame in, the shrines are genuine Phoenician contributions. Artistically this _patera_ is much upon a par with those from Dali andAthiénau, which have been already described. 

Our space will not admit of our pursuing this subject much further. Wecannot give descriptions of all the twenty _pateræ_, [777] pronounced bythe best critics to be Phoenician, which are contained in the museums ofEurope and America. Excellent representations of most of these worksof art will be found in Longpérier's "Musée Napoléon III. , " in M. Clermont-Ganneau's "Imagerie Phénicienne, " and in the "Histoire del'Art dans l'Antiquité" of MM. Perrot et Chipiez. The bowls brought fromLarnaca, from Curium, and from Amathus are especially interesting. [778]We must, however, conclude our survey with a single specimen of the mostelaborate kind of _patera_; and, this being the case, we cannot hesitateto give the preference to the famous "Cup of Præneste, " which hasbeen carefully figured and described in two of the three works abovecited. [779]

The cup in question consists of a thin plate of silver covered over witha layer of gold; its greatest diameter is seven inches and three-fifths. The under or outside is without ornament; the interior is engraved witha number of small objects in low relief. In the centre, and surroundedby a circle of beads, there is a subject to which we shall presentlyhave to return. The zone immediately outside this medallion, which isnot quite an inch in width, is filled with a string of eight horses, all of them proceeding at a trot, and following each other to the right. Over each horse two birds fly in the same direction. The horses' tailsare extraordinarily conventional, consisting of a stem with branches, and resembling a conventional palm branch. Outside this zone there is anexterior and a wider one, which is bounded on its outer edge by a hugesnake, whose scaly length describes an almost exact circle, exceptingtowards the tail, where there are some slight sinuosities. This serpent, whose head reaches and a little passes the thin extremity of the tail, is "drawn, " says M. Clermont-Ganneau, "with the hand of a master. "[780]It has been compared[781] with the well-known Egyptian and Phoeniciansymbol for the {kosmos} or universe, which was a serpent with its tailin its mouth. "Naturally, " he continues, [782] "the outer zone by itsvery position offers the greatest room for development. The artist ishere at his ease, and having before him a field relatively so vast, hasrepresented on it a series of scenes, remarkably alike for the style oftheir execution, the diversity of their subject-matter, the numberof the persons introduced, and the nature of the acts which theyaccomplish. . . . The scenes, however, are not, as some have imagined, a series of detached fantastic subjects, arbitrarily chosen andcapriciously grouped, a mere confused _mêlée_ of men, animals, chariots, and other objects; on the contrary, they form a little history, aplastic idyll, a story with a beginning, a middle, and an end. It is anarrative divided into nine scenes. " (1) An armed hero, mounted in a cardriven by a charioteer, quits in the morning a castle or fortified town. He is going to hunt, and carries his bow in his left hand. Over his headis an umbrella, the badge of his high rank, and his defence againstthe mid-day sun. A quiver hangs at the side of his chariot. He wears aconical cap, while the driver has his head bare, and leans forwardsover the front of the car, seeming to shake the reins, and encouragethe horses to mend their pace. (2) After the car has proceeded a certaindistance, the hunter espies a stag upon a rocky hill. He stops hischariot, gets down, and leaving the driver in charge of the vehicle, ensconces himself behind a tree, and thus screened lets fly an arrowagainst the quarry, which strikes it midway in the chest. (3) Weak andbleeding copiously, the stag attempts to escape; but the hunter pursuesand takes possession of him without having to shoot a second time. (4)The hour is come now for a rest. The sportsman has reached a wood, inwhich date-bearing palms are intermingled with trees of a differentkind. He fastens his game to one of them, and proceeds to the skinningand the disembowelling. Meanwhile, his attendant detaches the horsesfrom the car, relieves them of their harness, and proceeds to feed themfrom a portable manger. The car, left to itself, is tilted back, andstands with its pole in the air. (5) Food and drink having been preparedand placed on two tables, or altars, the hunter, seated on a throneunder the shadow of his umbrella, pours a libation to the gods. They, on their part, scent the feast and draw near, represented by the sun andmoon--a winged disk, and a crescent embracing a full orb. The feast isalso witnessed by a spirit of evil, in the shape of a huge baboon orcynocephalous ape, who from a cavern at the foot of a wooded mountain, whereon a stag and a hare are feeding, furtively surveys the ceremony. (6) Remounting his chariot the hunter sets out on his return home, whenthe baboon quits his concealment, and rushes after him, threatening himwith a huge stone. Hereupon a winged deity descends from heaven, andlifting into the air chariot, horses, charioteer, and hunter, enfoldsthem in an embrace and saves them. (7) The ape, baffled, pursues hisway; the chariot is replaced on the earth. The hunter prepares his bow, places an arrow on the string, and hastily pursues his enemy, who isspeedily overtaken and thrown to the ground by the horses. (8) Thehunter dismounts, puts his foot upon the prostrate ape, and gives himthe _coup de grâce_ with a heavy axe or mace. A bird of prey hoversnear, ready to descend upon the carcase. (9) The hero remounts hischariot, and returns to the castle or city which he left in themorning. [783]

We have now to return to the medallion which forms the centre of thecup. Within a circle of pearls or beads, similar to that separating thetwo zones, is a round space about two inches in diameter, divided intotwo compartments by a horizontal line. In the upper part are containedthree human figures, and the figure of a dog. At the extreme left is aprisoner with a beard and long hair that falls upon his shoulders. Hisentire body is naked. Behind him his two arms are brought together, tiedby a cord, and then firmly attached to a post. His knees are bent, but do not reach the ground, and his feet are placed with their solesuppermost against the post at its base. The attitude is one whichimplies extreme suffering. [784] In front of the prisoner, occupying thecentre of the medallion, is the main figure of the upper compartment, awarrior, armed with a spear, who pursues the third figure, a fugitive, and seems to be thrusting his spear into the man's back. Both have longhair, but are beardless; and wear the _shenti_ for their sole garment. Between the legs of the main figure is a dog of the jackal kind, whichhas his teeth fixed in the heels of the fugitive, and arrests hisflight. Below, in the second compartment, are two figures only, a manand a dog. The man is prostrate, and seems to be crawling along theground, the dog stands partly on him, and appears to be biting his leftheel. The interpretation which M. Clermont-Ganneau gives to this entirescene lacks the probability which attaches to his explanation of theouter scene. He suggests that the prisoner is the hunter of the otherscene, plundered and bound by his charioteer, who is hastening away, when he is seized by his master's dog and arrested in his flight. The dog gnaws off his right foot and then attacks the left, while thefugitive, in order to escape his tormentor, has to crawl alongthe ground. But M. Clermont-Ganneau himself distrusts hisinterpretation, [785] while he has convinced no other scholar of itssoundness. Judicious critics will be content to wait the furtherresearches which he promises, whereby additional light may perhaps bethrown on this obscure matter. 

In its artistic character the "cup of Præneste" claims a high placeamong the works of art probably or certainly assignable to thePhoenicians. The relief is high; the forms, especially the animal ones, are spirited and well-proportioned. The horses are especially good. AsM. Clermont-Ganneau says, "their forms and their movements are indicatedwith a great deal of precision and truth. "[786] They show also a fairamount of variety; they stand, they walk, they trot, they gallop at fullspeed, always truthfully and naturally. The stag, the hare, and the dogare likewise well portrayed; the ape has less merit; he is too human, too like a mere unkempt savage. The human forms are about upon a parwith those of the Assyrians and Egyptians, which have evidently servedfor their models, the Assyrian for the outer zone, the Egyptian for themedallion. The encircling snake, as already observed, is a masterpiece. There is no better drawing in any of the other _pateræ_. At best theyequal, they certainly do not surpass, the Prænestine specimen. 

The intaglios of the Phoenicians are either on cylinders or on gems, and can rarely be distinguished, unless they are accompanied by aninscription, from the similar objects obtained in such abundance fromBabylonia and Assyria. They reproduce, with scarcely any variation, themythological figures and emblems native to those countries--the forms ofgods and priests, of spirits of good and evil, of kings contending withlions, of sacred trees, winged circles, and the like--scarcely everintroducing any novelty. The greater number of the cylinders are veryrudely cut. They have been worked simply by means of a splinter ofobsidian, [787] and are barbarous in execution, though interesting to thestudent of archaic art. The subjoined are specimens. No. 1 representsa four-winged genius of the Assyrian type, bearded, and clad in a shorttunic and a long robe, seizing with either hand a winged griffin, orspirit of evil, and reducing them to subjection. In the field, towardsthe two upper corners, are the same four Phoenician characters, twicerepeated; they designate, no doubt, the owner of the cylinder, which heprobably used as a seal, and are read as _Harkhu_. [788] No. 2, whichis better cut than No. 1, represents a king of the Persian (Achæmenian)type, [789] who stands between two rampant lions, and seizes each by theforelock. Behind the second lion is a sacred tree of a type that is notuncommon; and behind the tree is an inscription, which has been read as_l'Baletân_--i. E. "(the seal) of Baletan. "[790] This cylinder was foundrecently in the Lebanon. [791] Nos. 3 and 4 come from Salamis in Cyprus, where they were found by M. Alexandre Di Cesnola, [792] the brother ofthe General. No. 3 represents a robed figure holding two nondescriptanimals by the hind legs; the creatures writhe in his grasp, and turntheir heads towards him, as though wishing to bite. The remainder ofthe field is filed with detached objects, scattered at random--two humanforms, a griffin, two heads of oxen, a bird, two balls, three crosses, a sceptre, &c. The forms are, all of them, very rudely traced. No. 4resembles in general character No. 3, but is even ruder. Three similarrobed figures hold each other's hands and perhaps execute a dance aroundsome religious object. Two heads of oxen or cows, with a disk betweentheir horns, occupy the spaces intervening between the upper parts ofthe figures. In the lower portion of the field, the sun and moon fillthe middle space, the sun, moon, and five planets the spaces to theright and to the left. Another cylinder from the same place (No. 5)[793]is tolerably well designed and engraved. It shows us two persons, aman and a woman, in the act of presenting a dove to a female, who isprobably the goddess Astarté, and who willingly receives it at theirhands. Behind Astarté a seated lion echoes the approval of the goddessby raising one of his fore paws, while a griffin, who wholly disapprovesof the offering, turns his back in disgust. 

On another cylinder, which is certainly Phoenician, a ruderepresentation of a sacred tree occupies the central position. To theleft stands a worshipper with the right hand upraised, clad in a verycommon Assyrian dress. Over the sacred tree is a coarse specimen ofthe winged circle or disk, with head and tail, and fluttering ends ofribbon. [794] On either side stand two winged genii, dressed in longrobes, and tall stiff caps, such as are often seen on the heads ofPersians in the Persepolitan sculptures, and on the darics. [795] In thefield is a Phoenician inscription, which is read as {. .. } or _Irphaelben Hor'adad_, "Irphael, the son of Horadad. "[796]

Phoenician cylinders are in glass, green serpentine, cornaline, blackhæmatite, steatite, and green jasper. [797] They are scratched ratherthan deeply cut, and cannot be said ever to attain to any considerableartistic beauty. Those which have been here given are among the best;and they certainly fall short, both in design and workmanship, of manyAssyrian, Babylonian, and even Persian specimens. 

The gems, on the other hand, are in many cases quite equal to theAssyrian. There is one of special merit, which has been pronounced "anexquisite specimen of Phoenician lapidary art, "[798] figured by GeneralDi Cesnola in his "Cyprus. "[799] Two men in regular Assyrian costume, standing on either side of a "Sacred Tree, " grasp, each of them, abranch of it. Above is a winged circle, with the wings curved so asto suit the shape of the gem. Below is an ornament, which is six timesrepeated, like the blossom of a flower; and below this is a trelliswork. The whole is cut deeply and sharply. Its Phoenician authorship isassured by its being an almost exact repetition of a group upon thesilver patera found at Amathus. [7100]

Of other gems equally well engraved the following are specimens. No. 1is a scarab of cornaline found by M. De Vogüé in Phoenicia Proper. [7101]Two male figures in Assyrian costume face each other, their advancedfeet crossing. Both hold in one hand the _ankh_ or symbol of life. Onehas in the left hand what is thought to be a lotus blossom. The otherhas the right hand raised in the usual attitude of adoration. Betweenthe figures, wherever there was space for them, are Phoeniciancharacters, which are read as {. .. }, or _l'Beka_--i. E. "(the seal) ofBeka. "[7102] No. 2, which has been set in a ring, is one of the manyscarabs brought by General Di Cesnola from Cyprus. [7103] It contains thefigure of a hind, suckling her fawn, and is very delicately carved. Thehind, however, is in an impossible attitude, the forelegs being thrownforwards, probably in order to prevent them from interfering with thefigure of the fawn. Above the hind is an inscription, which appears tobe in the Cyprian character, and which gives (probably) the name ofthe owner. No. 3 introduces us to domestic life. A grand lady, of Tyreperhaps or Sidon, [7104] by name Akhot-melek, seated upon an elegantthrone, with her feet upon a footstool, and dressed in a long robe whichenvelops the whole of her figure, receives at the hands of a femaleattendant a bowl or wine-cup, which the latter has just filled from an_oenochoë_ of elegant shape, still held in her left hand. The attendantwears a striped robe reaching to the feet, and over it a tunic fastenedround the waist with a belt. Her hair flows down on her shoulders, whilethat of her mistress is confined by a band, from which depends an ampleveil, enveloping the cheeks, the back of the head, and the chin. We aretold that such veils are still worn in the Phoenician country. [7105] Aninscription, in a late form of the Phoenician character, surroundsthe two figures, and is read as {. .. } or _l'Akhot-melek ishatJoshua(?)_--i. E. "(the seal) of Akhot-melek, wife of Joshua. "[7106] No. 4 contains the figure of a lion, cut with much spirit. MM. Perrot etChipiez say of it--"Among the numerous representations of lions thathave been discovered in Phoenicia, there is none which can be placed ona par with that on the scarab bearing the name of 'Ashenel: small as itis, this lion has something of the physiognomy of those magnificent oneswhich we have borrowed from the bas-reliefs of the Assyrians. Still, the intaglio is in other respects decidedly Phoenician and not Assyrian. Observe, for instance, the beetle with the wings expanded, which fillsup the lower part of the field; this is a _motive_ borrowed fromEgypt, which a Ninevite lapidary would certainly not have put in such aplace. "[7107] The Phoenician inscription takes away all doubt as to thenationality. It reads as {. .. }, or _'Ashenêl_, and no doubt designatesthe owner. No. 5 is beautifully engraved on a chalcedony. It representsa stag attacked by a griffin, which has jumped suddenly on its back. Thedrawing is excellent, both of the real and of the imaginary animal, andleaves nothing to be desired. The inscription, which occupies the upperpart of the field to the right, is in Cyprian characters, and shows thatthe gem was the signet of a certain Akestodaros. [7108]

There are some Phoenician gems which are interesting from their subjectmatter without being especially good as works of art. One of thesecontains a representation of two men fighting. [7109] Both are armed withtwo spears, and both carry round shields or bucklers. The warrior tothe right wears a conical helmet, and is thought to be a nativeCyprian;[7110] he carries a shield without an _umbo_ or boss. Hisadversary on the left wears a loose cap, or hood, the {pilos apages} ofHerodotus, [7111] and has a prominent _umbo_ in the middle of his shield. He probably represents a Persian, and appears to have received a woundfrom his antagonist, which is causing him to sink to the ground. Thisgem was found at Curium in Cyprus by General Di Cesnola. 

Another, found at the same place, exhibits a warrior, or a hunter, goingforth to battle or to the chase in his chariot. [7112] A large quiverfull of arrows is slung at each side of his car. The warrior and hishorse (one only is seen) are rudely drawn, but the chariot isvery distinctly made out, and has a wheel of an Assyrian type. TheSalaminians of Cyprus were famous for their war chariots, [7113] of whichthis may be a representation. 

The island of Sardinia has furnished a prodigious number ofPhoenician seals. A single private collection contains as many as sixhundred. [7114] They are mostly scarabs, and the type of them is mostlyEgyptian. Sometimes they bear the forms of Egyptian gods, as Horus, orThoth, or Anubis;[7115] sometimes cartouches with the names of kings asMenkara, Thothmes III. , Amenophis III. , Seti I. , &c. ;[7116] sometimesmere sacred emblems, as the winged uræus, the disk between twouræi, [7117] and the like. Occasionally there is the representation of ascene with which the Egyptian bas-reliefs have made us familiar:[7118]a warrior has caught hold of his vanquished and kneeling enemy by a lockof his hair, and threatens him with an axe or mace, which he brandishesabove his head. Or a lion takes the place of the captive man, and ismenaced in the same way. Human figures struggling with lions, and lionskilling wild bulls, are also common;[7119] but the type in these casesis less Egyptian than Oriental. 

Phoenician painting was not, like Egyptian, displayed upon the walls oftemples, nor was it, like Greek, the production of actual picturesfor the decoration of houses. It was employed to a certain extent onstatues, not so as to cover the entire figure, but with delicacy anddiscretion, for the marking out of certain details, and the emphasisingof certain parts of the design. [7120] The hair and beard were oftenpainted a brownish red; the pupil of the eye was marked by means ofcolour; and robes had often a border of red or blue. Statuettes weretinted more generally, whole vestments being sometimes coloured redor green, [7121] and a gay effect being produced, which is said to beagreeable and harmonious. [7122] But the nearest approach to paintingproper which was made by the Phoenicians was upon their vessels in clay, in terra-cotta, and in alabaster. Here, though, the ornamentation wassometimes merely by patterns or bands, [7123] there were occasionallyreal attempts to depict animal and human forms, which, if not verysuccessful, still possess considerable interest. The noble amphorafrom Curium, figured by Di Cesnola, [7124] contains above fortyrepresentations of horses, and nearly as many of birds. The shape of thehorse is exceedingly conventional, the whole form being attenuatedin the highest degree; but the animal is drawn with spirit, and thedeparture from nature is clearly intentional. In the animals that arepasturing, the general attitude is well seized; the movement is exactlythat of the horse when he stretches his neck to reach and crop thegrass. [7125] In the birds there is equal spirit and greater truth tonature: they are in various attitudes, preening their feathers, peckingthe ground, standing with head erect in the usual way. Other vasescontain figures of cows, goats, stags, fish and birds of various kinds, while one has an attempt at a hippopotamus. The attempts to representthe human form are certainly not happy; they remind us of the moreambitious efforts of Chinese and Japanese art. 

CHAPTER VIII--INDUSTRIAL ART AND MANUFACTURES

 Phoenician textile fabrics, embroidered or dyed--Account of the chief Phoenician dye--Mollusks from which the purple was obtained--Mode of obtaining them--Mode of procuring the dye from them--Process of dyeing--Variety of the tints-- Manufacture of glass--Story of its invention--Three kinds of Phoenician glass--1. Transparent colourless glass--2. Semi- transparent coloured glass--3. Opaque glass, much like porcelain--Description of objects in glass--Methods pursued in the manufacture--Phoenician ceramic art--Earliest specimens--Vases with geometrical designs--Incised patterning--Later efforts--Use of enamel--Great amphora of Curium--Phoenician ceramic art disappointing--Ordinary metallurgy--Implements--Weapons--Toilet articles--Lamp- stands and tripods--Works in iron and lead. 

Phoenicia was celebrated from a remote antiquity for the manufacture oftextile fabrics. The materials which she employed for them were wool, linen yarn, perhaps cotton, and, in the later period of her commercialprosperity, silk. The "white wool" of Syria was supplied to her inabundance by the merchants of Damascus, [81] and wool of lambs, rams, and goats seems also to have been furnished by the more distant parts ofArabia. [82] Linen yarn may have been imported from Egypt, where it waslargely manufactured, and was of excellent quality;[83] while rawsilk is said to have been "brought to Tyre and Berytus by the Persianmerchants, and there both dyed and woven into cloaks. "[84] The price ofsilk was very high, and it was customary in Phoenicia to intermix theprecious material either with linen or with cotton;[85] as is still doneto a certain extent in modern times. It is perhaps doubtful whether, so far as the mere fabric of stuffs was concerned, the products of thePhoenician looms were at all superior to those which Egypt and Babyloniafurnished, much less to those which came from India, and passed underthe name of _Sindones_. Two things gave to the Phoenician stuffs thathigh reputation which caused them to be more sought for than any others;and these were, first, the brilliancy and beauty of their colours, and, secondly, the delicacy with which they were in many instancesembroidered. We have not much trace of Phoenician embroidery on therepresentations of dresses that have come down to us; but the testimonyof the ancients is unimpeachable, [86] and we may regard it ascertain that the art of embroidery, known at a very early date to theHebrews, [87] was cultivated with great success by their Phoenicianneighbours, and under their auspices reached a high point of perfection. The character of the decoration is to be gathered from the extantstatues and bas-reliefs, from the representations on pateræ, on cups, dishes, and gems. There was a tendency to divide the surface to beornamented into parallel stripes or bands, and to repeat along theline a single object, or two alternately. Rosettes, monsters of variouskinds, winged globes with uræi, scarabs, sacred trees, and garlandsor blossoms of the lotus were the ordinary "motives. "[88] Occasionallyhuman figures might be introduced, and animal forms even morefrequently; but a stiff conventionalism prevailed, the same figures wereconstantly repeated, and the figures themselves had in few cases muchbeauty. 

The brilliancy and beauty of the Phoenician coloured stuffs resultedfrom the excellency of their dyes. Here we touch a second branch oftheir industrial skill, for the principal dyes used were originallyinvented and continuously fabricated by the Phoenicians themselves, not imported from any foreign country. Nature had placed along thePhoenician coast, or at any rate along a great portion of it, aninexhaustible supply of certain shell-fish, or molluscs, which containedas a part of their internal economy a colouring fluid possessingremarkable, and indeed unique, qualities. Some account has been alreadygiven of the species which are thought to have been anciently mostesteemed. They belong, mainly, to the two allied families of the _Murex_and the _Buccinum_ or _Purpura_. Eight species of the former, and sixof the latter, having their habitat in the Mediterranean, have beendistinguished by some naturalists;[89] but two of the former only, and one of the latter, appear to have attracted the attention of thePhoenicians. The _Murex brandaris_ is now thought to have borne awaythe palm from all the others; it is extremely common upon the coast; andenormous heaps of the shells are found, especially in the vicinity ofTyre, crushed and broken--the débris, as it would seem, cast away by themanufacturers of old. [810] The _Murex trunculus_, according to some, isjust as abundant, in a crushed state, in the vicinity of Sidon, greatbanks of it existing, which are a hundred yards long and several yardsthick. [811] It is a more spinous shell than the _M. Brandaris_, havingnumerous projecting points, and a generally rough and rugged appearance. The _Purpura_ employed seems to have been the _P. Lapillus_, a molluscnot confined to the Mediterranean, but one which frequents also ourown shores, and was once turned to some account in Ireland. [812] Thevarieties of the _P. Lapillus_ differ considerably. Some are nearlywhite, some greyish, others buff striped with brown. Some, again, aresmooth, others nearly as rough as the _Murex trunculus_. The _Helixianthina_, which is included by certain writers among the molluscsemployed for dyeing purposes by the Phoenicians, [813] is a shell of acompletely different character, smooth and delicate, much resemblingthat of an ordinary land snail, and small compared to the others. It isnot certain, however, that the _helix_, though abounding in the EasternMediterranean, [814] ever attracted the notice of the Phoenicians. 

The molluscs needed by the Phoenician dyers were not obtained withoutsome difficulty. As the Mediterranean has no tides, it does not uncoverits shores at low water like the ocean, or invite man to rifle them. Thecoveted shell-fish, in most instances, preferred tolerably deep water;and to procure them in any quantity it was necessary that they shouldbe fished up from a depth of some fathoms. The mode in which they werecaptured was the following. A long rope was let down into the sea, withbaskets of reeds or rushes attached to it at intervals, constructed likeour lobster-traps or eel-baskets, with an opening that yielded easilyto pressure from the outside, but resisted pressure from the inside, and made escape, when once the trap was entered, impossible. The basketswere baited with mussels or frogs, both of which had great attractionsfor the _Purpuræ_, and were seized and devoured with avidity. At theupper end of the rope was attached to a large piece of cork, which, evenwhen the baskets were full, could not be drawn under water. It was usualto set the traps in the evening, and after waiting a night, or sometimesa night and a day, to draw them up to the surface, when they weregenerally found to be full of the coveted shell-fish. [815]

There were two ways in which the dye was obtained from the molluscs. Sometimes a hole was broken in the side of the shell, and the fish takenout entire. [816] The _sac_ containing the colouring matter, which isa sort of vein, beginning at the head of the animal, and following thetortuous line of the body as it twists through the spiral shell, [817]was then carefully extracted, either while the mollusc was still alive, or as soon as possible after death, as otherwise the quality of thedye was impaired. This plan was pursued more especially with the largerspecies of _Purpuræ_, where the _sac_ attained a certain size; whilewith a smaller kinds a different method was followed. In their case noattempt was made to extract the _sac_, but the entire fish was crushed, together with its shell, and after salt had been added in the proportionof twenty ounces to a hundred pounds of the pulp, three days wereallowed for maceration; heat was then applied, and when, by repeatedskimming, the coarse particles had been removed, the dye was left in aliquid state at the bottom. It was necessary that the vessel in whichthis final process took place should be of lead, and not of bronze oriron, since those metals gave the dye a disagreeable tinge. [818]

The colouring matter contained in the _sac_ of the _Purpuræ_ is a liquidof a creamy consistency, and of a yellowish-white hue. On extraction, itis at first decidedly yellow; then after a little time it becomes green;and, finally, it settles into some shade of violet or purple. Chemicalanalysis has shown that in the case of the _Murex trunculus_ the liquidis composed of two elementary substances, one being cyanic acid, whichis of a blue or azure colour, and the other being purpuric oxide, whichis a bright red. [819] In the case of the _Murex brandaris_ one elementonly has been found: it is an oxide, which has received the name of_oxyde tyrien_. [820] No naturalist has as yet discovered what purposethe liquid serves in the economy, or in the preservation, of the animal;it is certainly not exuded, as sepia is by the cuttle-fish, to cloud thewater in the neighbourhood, and enable the creature to conceal itself. 

Concerning the Phoenician process of dyeing, the accounts which havecome down to us are at once confused and incomplete. Nothing is saidwith respect to their employment of mordants, either acid or alkali, andyet it is almost certain that they must have used one or the other, orboth, to fix the colours, and render them permanent. The _gamins_of Tyre employ to this day mordants of each sort;[821] and an alkaliderived from seaweed is mentioned by Pliny as made use of for fixingsome dyes, [822] though he does not distinctly tell us that it was knownto the Phoenicians or employed in fixing the purple. What we chieflylearn from this writer as to the dyeing process is[823]--first, thatsometimes the liquid derived from the _murex_ only, sometimes that ofthe _purpura_ or _buccinum_ only, was applied to the material which itwas wished to colour, while the most approved hue was produced by anapplication of both dyes separately. Secondly, we are told that thematerial, whatever it might be, was steeped in the dye for a certainnumber of hours, then withdrawn for a while, and afterwards returned tothe vat and steeped a second time. The best Tyrian cloths were called_Dibapha_, i. E. "twice dipped;" and for the production of the true"Tyrian purple" it was necessary that the dye obtained from the_Buccinum_ should be used after that from the _Murex_ had been applied. The _Murex_ alone gave a dye that was firm, and reckoned moderatelygood; but the _Buccinum_ alone was weak, and easily washed out. 

The actual tints produced from the shell-fish appear to have ranged fromblue, through violet and purple, to crimson and rose. [824] Scarlet couldnot be obtained, but was yielded by the cochineal insect. Even forthe brighter sorts of crimson some admixture of the cochineal dye wasnecessary. [825] The violet tint was not generally greatly prized, though there was a period in the reign of Augustus when it was thefashion;[826] redder hues were commonly preferred; and the choicestof all is described as "a rich, dark purple, the colour of coagulatedblood. "[827] A deep crimson was also in request, and seems frequently tobe intended when the term purple ({porphureos}, _purpureus_) is used. 

A third industry greatly affected by the Phoenicians was the manufactureof glass. According to Pliny, [828] the first discovery of the substancewas made upon the Phoenician coast by a body of sailors whom he no doubtregarded as Phoenicians. These persons had brought a cargo of natrum, which is the subcarbonate of soda, to the Syrian coast in the vicinityof Acre, and had gone ashore at the mouth of the river Belus to cooktheir dinner. Having lighted a fire upon the sand, they looked about forsome stones to prop up their cooking utensils, but finding none, or noneconvenient for the purpose, they bethought themselves of utilising forthe occasion some of the blocks of natrum with which their ship wasladen. These were placed close to the fire, and the heat was sufficientto melt a portion of one of them, which, mixing with the siliceous sandat its base, produced a stream of glass. There is nothing impossibleor even very improbable in this story; but we may question whether thescene of it is rightly placed. Glass was manufactured in Egypt manycenturies before the probable date of the Phoenician occupation ofthe Mediterranean coast; and, if the honour of the invention is to beassigned to a particular people, the Egyptians would seem to have thebest claim to it. The process of glass-blowing is represented in tombsat Beni Hassan of very great antiquity, [829] and a specimen of Egyptianglass is in existence bearing the name of a Usurtasen, a king of thetwelfth dynasty. [830] Natrum, moreover, was an Egyptian product, wellknown from a remote date, being the chief ingredient used in the variousprocesses of embalming. [831] Phoenicia has no natrum, and not even anyvegetable alkali readily procurable in considerable quantity. There _mayhave been_ an accidental discovery of glass in Phoenicia, but priorityof discovery belonged almost certainly to Egypt; and it is, upon thewhole, most probable that Phoenicia derived from Egypt her knowledgeboth of the substance itself and of the method of making it. 

Still, there can be no doubt that the manufacture was one on which thePhoenicians eagerly seized, and which they carried out on a large scaleand very successfully. Sidon, according to the ancients, [832] was thechief seat of the industry; but the best sand is found near Tyre, andboth Tyre and Sarepta also seem to have been among the places whereglassworks were early established. At Sarepta extensive banks of_débris_ have been found, consisting of broken glass of many colours, the waste beyond all doubt of a great glass manufactory;[833] at Tyre, the traces of the industry are less extensive, [834] but on the otherhand we have historical evidence that it continued to be practised thereinto the middle ages. [835]

The glass produced by the Phoenicians was of three kinds: first, transparent colourless glass, which the eye could see through; secondly, translucent coloured glass, through which light could pass, though theeye could not penetrate it so as to distinguish objects; and, thirdly, opaque glass, scarcely distinguishable from porcelain. Transparentglass was employed for mirrors, round plates being cast, which made verytolerable looking-glasses, [836] when covered at the back by thin sheetsof metal, and also for common objects, such as vases, urns, bottles, andjugs, which have been yielded in abundance by tombs of a somewhat latedate in Cyprus. [837] No great store, however, seems to have been setupon transparency, in which the Oriental eye saw no beauty; and theobjects which modern research has recovered under this head at Tyre, inCyprus, and elsewhere, seem the work of comparatively rude artists, andhave little æsthetic merit. The shapes, however, are not inelegant. 

The most beautiful of the objects in glass produced by the Phoeniciansare the translucent or semi-transparent vessels of different kinds, mostof them variously coloured, which have been found in Cyprus, at Camirusin Rhodes, and on the Syrian coast, near Beyrout and elsewhere. [838]These comprise small flasks or bottles, from three to six inches long, probably intended to contain perfumes; small jugs (oenochoæ) from threeinches in height to five inches; vases of about the same size; amphoræpointed at the lower extremity; and other varieties. They are coloured, generally, either in longitudinal or in horizontal stripes and bands;but the bands often deviate from the straight line into zig-zags, whichare always more or less irregular, like the zig-zags of the Normanbuilders, while sometimes they are deflected into crescents, or othercurves, as particularly one resembling a willow-leaf. The colours arenot very vivid, but are pleasing and well-contrasted; they are chieflyfive--white, blue, yellow, green, and a purplish brown. Red scarcelyappears, except in a very pale, pinkish form; and even in this formit is uncommon. Blue, on the other hand, is greatly affected, beingsometimes used in the patterns, often taken for the ground, and occasionally, in two tints, forming both groundwork andornamentation. [839] It is not often that more than three hues are foundon the same vessel, and sometimes the hues employed are only two. Thereare instances, however, and very admirable instances, of the employment, on a single vessel, of four hues. [840]

The colours were obtained, commonly, at any rate, from metallic oxides. The ordinary blue employed is cobalt, though it is suspected that therewas an occasional use of copper. Copper certainly furnished the greens, while manganese gave the brown, which shades off into purple and intoblack. The beautiful milky white which forms the ground tint of somevases is believed to have been derived from the oxide of tin, or elsefrom phosphate of chalk. It is said that the colouring matter of thepatterns does not extend through the entire thickness of the glass, butlies only on the outer surface, being a later addition to the vessels asfirst made. 

Translucent coloured glass was also largely produced by the Phoeniciansfor beads and other ornaments, and also for the imitation of gems. Thehuge emerald of which Herodotus speaks, [841] as "shining with greatbrilliancy at night" in the temple of Melkarth at Tyre, was probablya glass cylinder, into which a lamb was introduced by the priests. InPhoenician times the pretended stone is quite as often a glass paste asa real gem, and the case is the same with the scarabs so largely usedas seals. In Phoenician necklaces, glass beads alternate frequentlywith real agates, onyxes, and crystals; while sometimes glass in variousshapes is the only material employed. A necklace found at Tharros inSardinia, and now in the collection of the Louvre, which is believedto be of Phoenician manufacture, is composed of above forty beads, two cylinders, four pendants representing heads of bulls, and onerepresenting the face of a man, all of glass. [842] Another, found by M. Renan in Phoenicia itself, is made up of glass beads imitating pearls, intermixed with beads of cornaline and agate. [843]

Another class of glass ornaments consists of small flat _plaques_ orplates, pierced with a number of fine holes, which appear to have beensewn upon garments. These are usually patterned, sometimes with spirals, sometimes with rosettes, occasionally, though rarely, with figures. Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez represent one in their great work uponancient art, [844] where almost the entire field is occupied by a wingedgriffin, standing upright on its two hind legs, and crowned with astriped cap, or turban. 

Phoenician opaque glass is comparatively rare, and possesses but littlebeauty. It was rendered opaque in various ways. Messrs. Perrot andChipiez found that in a statue of Serapis, which they analysed, theglass was mixed with bronze in the proportions of ten to three. Anopaque material of a handsome red colour was thus produced, which washeavy and exceedingly hard. [845]

The methods pursued by the Phoenician glass-manufacturers were probablymuch the same as those which are still employed for the production ofsimilar objects, and involved the use of similar implements, as theblowpipe, the lathe, and the graver. The materials having been procured, they were fused together in a crucible or melting-pot by the heat of apowerful furnace. A blowpipe was then introduced into the viscous mass, a portion of which readily attached itself to the implement, and so muchglass was withdrawn as was deemed sufficient for the object which it wasdesigned to manufacture. The blower then set to work, and blew hardinto the pipe until the glass at its lower extremity began to expand andgradually took a pear-shaped form, the material partially coolling andhardening, but still retaining a good deal of softness and pliability. While in this condition, it was detached from the pipe, and modelledwith pincers or with the hand into the shape required, after which itwas polished, and perhaps sometimes cut by means of the turning-lathe. Sand and emery were the chief polishers, and by their help a surface wasproduced, with which little fault could be found, being smooth, uniform, and brilliant. Thus the vessel was formed, and if no further ornamentwas required, the manufacture was complete--a jug, vase, alabastron, amphora, was produced, either transparent or of a single uniformtint, which might be white, blue, brown, green, &c. , according to theparticular oxide which had been thrown, with the silica and alkali, intothe crucible. Generally, however, the manufacturer was not content withso simple a product: he aimed not merely at utility, but at beauty, andproceeded to adorn the work of his hands--whatever it was--with patternswhich were for the most part in good taste and highly pleasing. Thesepatterns he first scratched on the outer surface of the vessel with agraving tool; then, when he had made his depressions deep enough, hetook threads of coloured glass, and having filled up with the threadsthe depressions which he had made, he subjected the vessel once more tosuch a heat that the threads were fused, and attached themselves to theground on which they had been laid. In melting they would generallymore than fill the cavities, overflowing them, and protruding fromthem, whence it was for the most part necessary to repeat the polishingprocess, and to bring by means of abrasion the entire surface once moreinto uniformity. There are cases where this has been incompletely doneand where the patterns project; there are others where the threads havenever thoroughly melted into the ground, and where in the course oftime they have partially detached themselves from it; but in general thefusion and subsequent polishing have been all that could be wished, and the patterns are perfectly level with the ground and seem one withit. [846]

The running of liquid glass into moulds, so common nowadays, does notseem to have been practised by the Phoenicians, perhaps because theirfurnaces were not sufficiently hot to produce complete liquefaction. But--if this was so--the pressure of the viscous material into mouldscannot have been unknown, since we have evidence of the existence ofmoulds, [847] and there are cases where several specimens of an objecthave evidently issued from a single matrix. [848] Beads, cylinders, pendants, scarabs, amulets, were probably, all of them, made in thisway, sometimes in translucent, sometimes in semi-opaque glass, asperhaps were also the _plaques_ which have been already described. 

The ceramic art of the Phoenicians is not very remarkable. PhoeniciaProper is deficient in clay of a superior character, and it was probablya very ordinary and coarse kind of pottery that the Phoenician merchantsof early times exported regularly in their trading voyages, both insideand outside the Mediterranean. We hear of their carrying this cheapearthenware northwards to the Cassiterides or Scilly Islands, [849] andsouthwards to the isle of Cerné, which is probably Arguin, on the WestAfrican coast;[850] nor can we doubt that they supplied it also tothe uncivilised races of the Mediterranean--the Illyrians, Ligurians, Sicels, Sards, Corsicans, Spaniards, Libyans. But the fragile nature ofthe material, and its slight value, have caused its entire disappearancein the course of centuries, unless in the shape of small fragments; norare these fragments readily distinguishable from those whose origin isdifferent. Phoenicia Proper has furnished no earthen vessels, eitherwhole or in pieces, that can be assigned to a time earlier than theGreco-Roman period, [851] nor have any such vessels been found hithertoon Phoenician sites either in Sardinia, or in Corsica, or in Spain, or Africa, or Sicily, or Malta, or Gozzo. The only places that havehitherto furnished earthen vases or other vessels presumably Phoenicianare Jerusalem, Camirus in Rhodes, and Cyprus; and it is from thespecimens found at these sites that we must form our estimate of thePhoenician pottery. 

The earliest specimens are of a moderately good clay, unglazed. They areregular in shape, being made by the help of a wheel, and for the mostpart not inelegant, though they cannot be said to possess any remarkablebeauty. Many are without ornament of any kind, being apparently merejars, used for the storing away of oil or wine; they have sometimespainted or scratched upon them, in Phoenician characters, the name ofthe maker or owner. A few rise somewhat above the ordinary level, havinghandles of some elegance, and being painted with designs and patterns, generally of a geometrical character. A vase about six inches high, found at Jerusalem, has, between horizontal bands, a series of geometricpatterns, squares, octagons, lozenges, triangles, pleasingly arranged, and painted in brown upon a ground which is of a dull grey. At the topare two rude handles, between which runs a line of zig-zag, while atthe bottom is a sort of stand or base. The shape is heavy andinelegant. [852]

Another vase of a similar character to this, but superior in manyrespects, was found by General Di Cesnola at Dali (Idalium), and isfigured in his "Cyprus. "[853] This vase has the shape of an urn, and isornamented with horizontal bands, except towards the middle, where ithas its greatest diameter, and exhibits a series of geometric designs. In the centre is a lozenge, divided into four smaller lozenges by a St. Andrew's cross; other compartments are triangular, and are filled witha chequer of black and white, resembling the squares of a chessboard. Beyond, on either side, are vertical bands, diversified with a lozengeornament. Two hands succeed, of a shape that is thought to have "acertain elegance. "[854] There is a rim, which might receive a cover, at top, and at bottom a short pedestal. The height of the vase is aboutthirteen inches. 

In many of the Cyprian vases having a geometric decoration, the figuresare not painted on the surface but impressed or incised. Messrs. Perrotand Chipiez regard this form of ornamentation as the earliest; but thebeauty and finish of several vases on which it occurs is against thesupposition. There is scarcely to be found, even in the range of Greekart, a more elegant form than that of the jug in black clay brought byGeneral Di Cesnola from Alambra and figured both in his "Cyprus"[855]and in the "Histoire de l'Art. "[856] Yet its ornamentation is incised. If, then, incised patterning preceded painted in Phoenicia, at any rateit held its ground after painting was introduced, and continued in vogueeven to the time when Greek taste had largely influenced Phoenician artof every description. 

The finest Phoenician efforts in ceramic art resemble either the bestEgyptian or the best Greek. As the art advanced, the advantage of a richglaze was appreciated, and specimens which seem to be Phoenician haveall the delicacy and beauty of the best Egyptian faïence. A cup foundat Idalium, plain on the outside, is covered internally with a greenenamel, on which are patterns and designs in black. [857] In a medallionat the bottom of the cup is the representation of a marshy tractovergrown with the papyrus plant, whereof we see both the leaves andblossoms, while among them, rushing at full speed, is the form of awild boar. The rest of the ornamentation consists chiefly of concentriccircles; but between two of the circles is left a tolerably broad ring, which has a pattern consisting of a series of broadish leaves pointingtowards the cup's centre. Nothing can be more delicate, or in bettertaste, than the entire design. 

The most splendid of all the Cyprian vases was found at Curium, andhas been already represented in this volume. It is an amphora of largedimensions, ornamented in part with geometrical designs, in part withcompartments, in which are represented horses and birds. The form, thedesigns, and the general physiognomy of the amphora are considered to bein close accordance with Athenian vases of the most antique school. Theresemblance is so great that some have supposed the vase to have beenan importation from Attica into Cyprus;[858] but such conjecturesare always hazardous; and the principal motives of the design are sofrequent on the Cyprian vases, that the native origin of the vessel isat least possible, and the judgment of some of the best critics seems toincline in this direction. 

Still, on the whole, the Cyprian ceramic art is somewhat disappointing. What is original in it is either grotesque, as the vases in the shape ofanimals, [859] or those crowned by human heads, [860] or those again whichhave for spout a female figure pouring liquid out of a jug. [861] What issuperior has the appearance of having been borrowed. Egyptian, Assyrian, and Greek art, each in turn, furnished shapes, designs, and patterns tothe Phoenician potters, who readily adopted from any and every quarterthe forms and decorations which hit their fancy. Their fancy was, predominantly, for the _bizarre_ and the extravagant. Vases in the shapeof helmets, in the shape of barrels, in the shape of human heads, [862]have little fitness, and in the Cyprian specimens have little beauty;the mixture of Assyrian with Egyptian forms is incongruous; the birdsand beasts represented are drawn with studied quaintness, a quaintnessrecalling the art of China and Japan. If there is elegance in some ofthe forms, it is seldom a very pronounced elegance; and, where the tasteis best, the suspicion continually arises that a foreign model has beenimitated. Moreover, from first to last the art makes little progress. There seems to have been an arrest of development. [863] The earlysteps are taken, but at a certain point stagnation sets in; there is nofurther attempt to improve or advance; the artists are content to repeatthemselves, and reproduce the patterns of the past. Perhaps there was nodemand for ceramic art of a higher order. At any rate, progress ceases, and while Greece was rising to her grandest efforts, Cyprus, andPhoenicia generally, were content to remain stationary. 

Besides their ornamental metallurgy, which has been treated of ina former chapter, the Phoenicians largely employed several metals, especially bronze and copper, in the fabrication of vessels for ordinaryuse, of implements, arms, toilet articles, furniture, &c. The vesselsinclude pateræ, bowls, jugs, amphoræ, and cups;[864] the implements, hatchets, adzes, knives, and sickles;[865] the arms, spearheads, arrowheads, daggers, battle-axes, helmets, and shields;[866] the toiletarticles, mirrors, hand-bells, buckles, candlesticks, &c. ;[867] thefurniture, tall candelabra, tripods, and thrones. [868] The bronze is ofan excellent quality, having generally about nine parts of copper to oneof tin; and there is reason to believe that by the skilful tempering ofthe Phoenician metallurgists, it attained a hardness which was not oftengiven it by others. The Cyprian shields were remarkable. They were ofa round shape, slightly convex, and instead of the ordinary boss, hada long projecting cone in the centre. An actual shield, with thecone perfect, was found by General Di Cesnola at Amathus, [869] and aprojection of the same kind is seen in several of the Sardinian bronzeand terra-cotta statuettes. [870] Shields were sometimes elaboratelyembossed, in part with patterning, in part with animal and vegetableforms. [871] Helmets were also embossed with care, and sometimesinscribed with the name of the maker or the owner. [872]

Some remains of swords, probably Phoenician, have been found inSardinia. They vary from two feet seven inches to four feet two inchesin length. [873] The blade is commonly straight, and very thick in thecentre, but tapers off on both sides to a sharp edge. The point isblunt, so that the intention cannot have been to use the weapon both forcutting and thrusting, but only for the former. It would scarcely makesuch a clean cut as a modern broadsword, but would no doubt be equallyeffectual for killing or disabling. Another weapon, found in Sardinia, and sometimes called a sword, is more properly a knife or dagger. Inlength it does not exceed seven or eight inches, and of this length morethan a third is occupied by the handle. [874] Below the handle theblade broadens for about an inch or an inch and a half; after this itcontracts, and tapers gently to a sharp point. Such a weapon appearssometimes in the hand of a statuette. [875]

The bronze articles of the toilet recovered by recent researches inCyprus and elsewhere are remarkable. The handle of a mirror found inCyprus, and now in the Museum of New York, possesses considerablemerit. It consists mainly of a female figure, naked, and standing upon afrog. [876] In her hands she holds a pair of cymbals, which she is in theact of striking together. A ribbon, passed over her left shoulder, is carried through a ring, from which hangs a seal. On her arms andshoulders appear to have stood two lions, which formed side supports tothe mirror that was attached to the figure's head. If the face of thecymbal-player cannot boast of much beauty, and her figure is thought to"lack distinction, " still it is granted that the _tout ensemble_ ofthe work was not without originality, and may have possessed a certainamount of elegance. [877] The frog is particularly well modelled. 

Some candlesticks found in the Treasury of Curium, [878] and a tripodfrom the same place, seem to deserve a short notice. The candlesticksstand upon a sort of short pillar as a base, above which is the blossomof a flower inverted, a favourite Phoenician ornament. [879] From thisrises the lamp-stand, composed of three leaves, which curl outwards, andsupport between them a ring into which the bottom of the lamp fitted. The tripod[880] is more elaborate. The legs, which are fluted, bulgeconsiderably at the top, after which they bend inwards, and form a curvelike one half of a Cupid's bow. To retain them in place, they are joinedtogether by a sort of cross-bar, about half-way in their length; while, to keep them steady, they are made to rest on large flat feet. Thecircular hoop which they support is of some width, and is ornamentedalong its entire course with a zig-zag. From the hoop depend, half-wayin the spaces between the legs, three rings, from each of which therehangs a curious pendant. 

Besides copper and bronze, the Phoenicians seem to have worked in leadand iron, but only to a small extent. Iron ore might have been obtainedin some parts of their own country, but appears to have been principallyderived from abroad, especially from Spain. [881] It was worked upchiefly, so far as we know, into arms offensive and defensive. The swordof Alexander, which he received as a gift from the king of Citium, [882]was doubtless in this metal, which is the material of a sword found atAmathus, and of numerous arrowheads. [883] We are also told that Cyprusfurnished the iron breast-plates worn by Demetrius Poliorcetes;[884] andin pre-Homeric times it was a Phoenician--Cinyras--who gave to Agamemnonhis breast-plate of steel, gold, and tin. [885] That more remains of ironarms and implements have not been found on Phoenician sites is probablyowing to the rapid oxydisation of the metal, which consequently decaysand disappears. The Hiram who was sent to assist Solomon in building andfurnishing the Temple of Jerusalem was, we must remember, "skilfulto work, " not only "in gold, and silver, and bronze, " but also "iniron. "[886]

Lead was largely furnished to the Phoenicians by the ScillyIslands, [887] and by Spain. [888] It has not been found in any greatquantity on Phoenician sites, but still appears occasionally. Sometimesit is a solder uniting stone with bronze;[889] sometimes it exists inthin sheets, which may have been worn as ornaments. [890] In PhoeniciaProper it has been chiefly met with in the shape of coffins, [891] whichare apparently of a somewhat late date. They are formed of severalsheets placed one over the other and then soldered together. There isgenerally on the lid and sides of the coffin an external ornamentationin a low relief, wherein the myth of Psyché is said commonly to playa part; but the execution is mediocre, and the designs themselves havelittle merit. 

CHAPTER IX--SHIPS, NAVIGATION, AND COMMERCE

 Earliest navigation by means of rafts and canoes--Model of a very primitive boat--Phoenician vessel of the time of Sargon--Phoenician biremes in the time of Sennacherib-- Phoenician pleasure vessels and merchant ships--Superiority of the Phoenician war-galleys--Excellence of the arrangements--Patæci--Early navigation cautious--Increasing boldness--Furthest ventures--Extent of the Phoenician land commerce--Witness of Ezekiel--Wares imported--Caravans-- Description of the land trade--Sea trade of Phoenicia--1. With her own colonies--2. With foreigners--Mediterranean and Black Sea trade--North Atlantic trade--Trade with the West Coast of Africa and the Canaries--Trade in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. 

The first attempts of the Phoenicians to navigate the sea which washedtheir coast were probably as clumsy and rude as those of other primitivenations. They are said to have voyaged from island to island, in theiroriginal abodes within the Persian Gulf, by means of rafts. [91] Whenthey reached the shores of the Mediterranean, it can scarcely havebeen long ere they constructed boats for fishing and coasting purposes, though no doubt such boats were of a very rude construction. Probably, like other races, they began with canoes, roughly hewn out of the trunkof a tree. The torrents which descended from Lebanon would from timeto time bring down the stems of fallen trees in their flood-time; andthese, floating on the Mediterranean waters, would suggest the ideaof navigation. They would, at first, be hollowed out with hatchets andadzes, or else with fire; and, later on, the canoes thus produced wouldform the models for the earliest efforts in shipbuilding. The greatlength, however, would soon be found unnecessary, and the canoe wouldgive place to the boat, in the ordinary acceptation of the term. Thereare models of boats among the Phoenician remains which have a veryarchaic character, [92] and may give us some idea of the vessels in whichthe Phoenicians of the remoter times braved the perils of the deep. Theyhave a keel, not ill shaped, a rounded hull, bulwarks, a beak, and ahigh seat for the steersman. The oars, apparently, must have been passedthrough interstices in the bulwark. 

From this rude shape the transition was not very difficult to thebark represented in the sculptures of Sargon, [93] which is probably aPhoenician one. Here four rowers, standing to their oars, impel a vesselhaving for prow the head of a horse and for stern the tail of a fish, both of them rising high above the water. The oars are curved, like golfor hockey-sticks, and are worked from the gunwale of the bark, thoughthere is no indication of rowlocks. The vessel is without a rudder; butit has a mast, supported by two ropes which are fastened to the head andstern. The mast has neither sail nor yard attached to it, but is crownedby what is called a "crow's nest"--a bell-shaped receptacle, from whicha slinger or archer might discharge missiles against an enemy. [94]

A vessel of considerably greater size than this, but of the sameclass--impelled, that is, by one bank of oars only--is indicated bycertain coins, which have been regarded by some critics as Phoenician, by others as belonging to Cilicia. [95] These have a low bow, but anelevated stern; the prow exhibits a beak, while the stern shows signs ofa steering apparatus; the number of the oars on each side is fifteenor twenty. The Greeks called these vessels triaconters or penteconters. They are represented without any mast on the coins, and thus seem tohave been merely row-boats of a superior character. 

About the time of Sennacherib (B. C. 700), or a little earlier, somegreat advances seem to have been made by the Phoenician shipbuilders. Inthe first place, they introduced the practice of placing the rowers ontwo different levels, one above the other; and thus, for a vessel ofthe same length, doubling the number of the rowers. Ships of this kind, which the Greeks called "biremes, " are represented in Sennacherib'ssculptures as employed by the inhabitants of a Phoenician city, who flyin them at the moment when their town is captured, and so escape theirenemy. [96] The ships are of two kinds. Both kinds have a double tierof rowers, and both are guided by two steering oars thrust out from thestern; but while the one is still without mast or sail, and is roundedoff in exactly the same way both at stem and stern, the other has amast, placed about midship, a yard hung across it, and a sail closereefed to the yard, while the bow is armed with a long projecting beak, like a ploughshare, which must have been capable of doing terribledamage to a hostile vessel. The rowers, in both classes of ships, arerepresented as only eight or ten upon a side; but this may have arisenfrom artistic necessity, since a greater number of figures could nothave been introduced without confusion. It is thought that in the beakedvessel we have a representation of the Phoenician war-galley; in thevessel without a beak, one of the Phoenician transport. [97]

A painting on a vase found in Cyprus exhibits what would seem to havebeen a pleasure-vessel. [98] It is unbeaked, and without any sign ofoars, except two paddles for steering with. About midship is a shortmast, crossed by a long spar or yard, which carries a sail, closelyreefed along its entire length. The yard and sail are managed by meansof four ropes, which are, however, somewhat conventionally depicted. Both the head and stern of the vessel rise to a considerable heightabove the water, and the stern is curved, very much as in thewar-galleys. It perhaps terminated in the head of a bird. 

According to the Greek writers, Phoenician vessels were mainly of twokinds, merchant ships and war-vessels. [99] The merchant ships were ofa broad, round make, what our sailors would call "tubs, " resemblingprobably the Dutch fishing-boats of a century ago. They were impelledboth by oars and sails, but depended mainly on the latter. Each ofthem had a single mast of moderate height, to which a single sail wasattached;[910] this was what in modern times is called a "square sail, "a form which is only well suited for sailing with when the wind isdirectly astern. It was apparently attached to the yard, and had to behoisted together with the yard, along which it could be closely reefed, or from which it could be loosely shaken out. It was managed, no doubt, by ropes attached to the two lower corners, which must have been heldin the hands of sailors, as it would have been most dangerous to belaythem. As long as the wind served, the merchant captain used his sail;when it died away, or became adverse, he dropped yard and sail on to hisdeck, and made use of his oars. 

Merchant ships had, commonly, small boats attached to them, whichafforded a chance of safety if the ship foundered, and were useful whencargoes had to be landed on a shelving shore. [911] We have no meansof knowing whether these boats were hoisted up on deck until they werewanted, or attached to the ships by ropes and towed after them; but thelatter arrangement is the more probable. 

The war-galleys of the Phoenicians in the early times were probably ofthe class which the Greeks called triaconters or penteconters, and whichare represented upon the coins. They were long open rowboats, in whichthe rowers sat, all of them, upon a level, the number of rowers oneither side being generally either fifteen or twenty-five. Each galleywas armed at its head with a sharp metal spike, or beak, which was itschief weapon of offence, vessels of this class seeking commonly to rundown their enemy. After a time these vessels were superseded by biremes, which were decked, had masts and sails, and were impelled by rowerssitting at two different elevations, as already explained. Biremes wereere long superseded by triremes, or vessels with three banks of oars, which are said to have been invented at Corinth, [912] but which cameinto use among the Phoenicians before the end of the sixth centuryB. C. [913] In the third century B. C. The Carthaginians employed in warquadriremes, and even quinqueremes; but there is no evidence of theemployment of either class of vessel by the Phoenicians of PhoeniciaProper. 

The superiority of the Phoenician ships to others is generally allowed, and was clearly shown when Xerxes collected his fleet of twelve hundredand seven triremes against Greece. The fleet included contingents fromPhoenicia, Cyprus, Egypt, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Ionia, Æolis, and the Greek settlements about the Propontis. [914] When itreached the Hellespont, the great king, anxious to test the quality ofhis ships and sailors, made proclamation for a grand sailing match, in which all who liked might contend. Each contingent probably--at anyrate, all that prided themselves on their nautical skill--selected itsbest vessel, and entered it for the coming race; the king himself, andhis grandees and officers, and all the army, stood or sat along theshore to see: the race took place, and was won by the Phoenicians ofSidon. [915] Having thus tested the nautical skill of the various nationsunder his sway, the great king, when he ventured his person upon thedangerous element, was careful to embark in a Sidonian galley. [916]

A remarkable testimony to the excellence of the Phoenician ships withrespect to internal arrangements is borne by Xenophon, who puts thefollowing words into the mouth of Ischomachus, a Greek:[917] "I thinkthat the best and most perfect arrangement of things that I ever saw waswhen I went to look at the great Phoenician sailing-vessel; for I sawthe largest amount of naval tackling separately disposed in the smalleststowage possible. For a ship, as you well know, is brought to anchor, and again got under way, by a vast number of wooden implements and ofropes and sails the sea by means of a quantity of rigging, and is armedwith a number of contrivances against hostile vessels, and carries aboutwith it a large supply of weapons for the crew, and, besides, has allthe utensils that a man keeps in his dwelling-house, for each of themesses. In addition, it is laden with a quantity of merchandise whichthe owner carries with him for his own profit. Now all the things whichI have mentioned lay in a space not much bigger than a room which wouldconveniently hold ten beds. And I remarked that they severally lay in away that they did not obstruct one another, and did not require anyoneto search for them; and yet they were neither placed at random, norentangled one with another, so as to consume time when they weresuddenly wanted for use. Also, I found the captain's assistant, who iscalled 'the look-out man, ' so well acquainted with the position of allthe articles, and with the number of them, that even when at a distancehe could tell where everything lay, and how many there were of eachsort, just as anyone who has learnt to read can tell the number ofletters in the name of Socrates and the proper place for each of them. Moreover, I saw this man, in his leisure moments, examining and testingeverything that a vessel needs when at sea; so, as I was surprised, I asked him what he was about, whereupon he replied--'Stranger, Iam looking to see, in case anything should happen, how everythingis arranged in the ship, and whether anything is wanting, or isinconveniently situated; for when a storm arises at sea, it is notpossible either to look for what is wanting, or to put to right what isarranged awkwardly. '"

Phoenician ships seem to have been placed under the protection ofthe Cabeiri, and to have had images of them at their stem or stern orboth. [918] These images were not exactly "figure-heads, " as they aresometimes called. They were small, apparently, and inconspicuous, beinglittle dwarf figures, regarded as amulets that would preserve the vesselin safety. We do not see them on any representations of Phoenicianships, and it is possible that they may have been no larger than thebronze or glazed earthenware images of Phthah that are so common inEgypt. The Phoenicians called them _pittuchim_, "sculptures, "[919]whence the Greek {pataikoi} and the French _fétiche_. 

The navigation of the Phoenicians, in early times, was no doubt cautiousand timid. So far from venturing out of sight of land, they usuallyhugged the coast, ready at any moment, if the sea or sky threatened, to change their course and steer directly for the shore. On a shelvingcoast they were not at all afraid to run their ships aground, since, like the Greek vessels, they could be easily pulled up out of reach ofthe waves, and again pulled down and launched, when the storm was overand the sea calm once more. At first they sailed, we may be sure, onlyin the daytime, casting anchor at nightfall, or else dragging theirships up upon the beach, and so awaiting the dawn. But after a time theygrew more bold. The sea became familiar to them, the positions of coastsand islands relatively one to another better known, the character ofthe seasons, the signs of unsettled or settled weather, the conduct topursue in an emergency, better apprehended. They soon began to shapethe course of their vessels from headland to headland, instead of alwayscreeping along the shore, and it was not perhaps very long before theywould venture out of sight of land, if their knowledge of the weathersatisfied them that the wind might be trusted to continue steady, and ifthey were well assured of the direction of the land that they wished tomake. They took courage, moreover, to sail in the night, no less thanin the daytime, when the weather was clear, guiding themselves by thestars, and particularly by the Polar star, [920] which they discovered tobe the star most nearly marking the true north. A passage of Strabo[921]seems to show that--in the later times at any rate--they had a method ofcalculating the rate of a ship's sailing, though what the method was iswholly unknown to us. It is probable that they early constructed chartsand maps, which however they would keep secret through jealousy of theircommercial rivals. 

The Phoenicians for some centuries confined their navigation within thelimits of the Mediterranean, the Propontis, and the Euxine, land-lockedseas, which are tideless and far less rough than the open ocean. Butbefore the time of Solomon they had passed the Pillars of Hercules, and affronted the dangers of the Atlantic. [922] Their frail andsmall vessels, scarcely bigger than modern fishing-smacks, proceededsouthwards along the West African coast, as far as the tract wateredby the Gambia and Senegal, while northwards they coasted along Spain, braved the heavy seas of the Bay of Biscay, and passing Cape Finisterre, ventured across the mouth of the English Channel to the Cassiterides. Similarly, from the West African shore, they boldly steered for theFortunate Islands (the Canaries), visible from certain elevated pointsof the coast, though at 170 miles distance. Whether they proceededfurther, in the south to the Azores, Madeira, and the Cape de VerdeIslands, in the north to the coast of Holland, and across the GermanOcean to the Baltic, we regard as uncertain. It is possible that fromtime to time some of the more adventurous of their traders may havereached thus far; but their regular, settled, and established navigationdid not, we believe, extend beyond the Scilly Islands and coast ofCornwall to the north-west, and to the south-west Cape Non and theCanaries. 

The commerce of the Phoenicians was carried on, to a large extent, byland, though principally by sea. It appears from the famous chapter ofEzekiel[923] which describes the riches and greatness of Tyre in thesixth century B. C. , that almost the whole of Western Asia was penetratedby the Phoenician caravans, and laid under contribution to increase thewealth of the Phoenician traders. 

 "Thou, son of man, (we read) take up a lamentation for Tyre, and say unto her, O thou that dwellest at the entry of the sea, Which art the merchant of the peoples unto many isles, Thus saith the Lord God, Thou, O Tyre, hast said, I am perfect in beauty. Thy borders are in the heart of the sea; Thy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have made all thy planks of fir-trees from Senir; They have taken cedars from Lebanon to make a mast for thee Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars; They have made thy benches of ivory, Inlaid in box-wood, from the isles of Kittim. Of fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was thy sail, That it might be to thee for an ensign; Blue and purple from the isles of Elishah was thy awning. The inhabitants of Zidon and of Arvad were thy rowers; Thy wise men, O Tyre, were in thee--they were thy pilots. The ancients of Gebal, and their wise men, were thy calkers; All the ships of the sea, with their mariners, were in thee, That they might occupy thy merchandise. Persia, and Lud, and Phut were in thine army, thy men of war; They hanged the shield and helmet in thee; They set forth thy comeliness. The men of Arvad, with thine army, were upon thy walls round about; And the Gammadim were in thy towers; They hanged their shields upon thy walls round about; They have brought to perfection thy beauty. Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of all kinds of riches; With silver, iron, tin, and lead, they traded for thy wares. Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, they were thy traffickers; They traded the persons of men, and vessels of brass, for thy merchandise. They of the house of Togarmah traded for thy wares, With horses, and with chargers, and with mules. The men of Dedan were thy traffickers; many isles were the mart of thy hands; They brought thee in exchange horns of ivory, and ebony. Syria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of thy handiworks; They traded for thy wares with emeralds, purple, and broidered work, And with fine linen, and coral, and rubies. Judah, and the land of Israel, they were thy traffickers; They traded for thy merchandise wheat of Minnith, And Pannag, and honey, and oil, and balm. Damascus was thy merchant for the multitude of thy handiworks; By reason of the multitude of all kinds of riches; With the wine of Helbon, and white wool. Dedan and Javan traded with yarn for thy wares; Bright iron, and cassia, and calamus were among thy merchandise. Dedan was thy trafficker in precious cloths for riding; Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they were the merchants of thy hand, In lambs, and rams, and goats, in these were they thy merchants. The traffickers of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy traffickers; They traded for thy wares with chief of all spices, And with all manner of precious stones, and gold. Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the traffickers of Sheba, Asshur and Chilmad, were thy traffickers: They were thy traffickers in choice wares, In wrappings of blue and broidered work, and in chests of rich apparel, Bound with cords, and made of cedar, among thy merchandise. The ships of Tarshish were thy caravans for they merchandise; And thou wast replenished, and made very glorious, in the heart of the sea. Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters; The east wind hath broken thee in the heart of the sea. Thy reaches, and thy wares, thy merchandise, thy mariners, and thy pilots, Thy calkers, and the occupiers of thy merchandise, With all the men of war, that are in thee, Shall fall into the heart of the seas in the day of thy ruin. At the sound of thy pilot's cry the suburb's shall shake; And all that handle the oar, the mariners, and all the pilots of the sea, They shall come down from their ships, they shall stand upon the land, And shall cause their voice to be heard over thee, and shall cry bitterly, And shall cast up dust upon their heads, and wallow in the ashes; And they shall make themselves bald for thee, and gird them with sackcloth, And they shall weep for thee in bitterness of soul with bitter mourning. And in their wailing they shall take up a lamentation for thee, And lament over thee saying, Who is there like Tyre, Like her that is brought to silence in the midst of the sea? When thy wares went forth out of the seas, thou filledst many peoples; Thou didst enrich the kings of the earth with thy merchandise and thy riches. In the time that thou was broken by the seas in the depths of the waters, Thy merchandise, and all thy company, did fall in the midst of thee, And the inhabitants of the isles are astonished at thee, And their kings are sore afraid, they are troubled in their countenance, The merchants that are among the peoples, hiss at thee; Thou art become a terror; and thou shalt never be any more. "

Translating this glorious burst of poetry into prose, we find thefollowing countries mentioned as carrying on an active trade with thePhoenician metropolis:--Northern Syria, Syria of Damascus, Judah andthe land of Israel, Egypt, Arabia, Babylonia, Assyria, UpperMesopotamia, [924] Armenia, [925] Central Asia Minor, Ionia, Cyprus, Hellas or Greece, [926] and Spain. [927] Northern Syria furnishes thePhoenician merchants with _butz_, which is translated "fine linen, " butis perhaps rather cotton, [928] the "tree-wool" of Herodotus; it alsosupplies embroidery, and certain precious stones, which our translatorshave considered to be coral, emeralds, and rubies. Syria of Damascusgives the "wine of Helbon"--that exquisite liquor which was the onlysort that the Persian kings would condescend to drink[929]--and "whitewool, " the dainty fleeces of the sheep and lambs that fed on the uplandpastures of Hermon and Antilibanus. Judah and the land of Israel supplycorn of superior quality, called "corn of Minnith"--corn, i. E. Producedin the rich Ammonite country[930]--together with _pannag_, an unknownsubstance, and honey, and balm, and oil. Egypt sends fine linen, oneof her best known products[931]--sometimes, no doubt, plain, but oftenembroidered with bright patterns, and employed as such embroideredfabrics were also in Egypt, [932] for the sails of pleasure-boats. Arabiaprovides her spices, cassia, and calamus (or aromatic reed), and, beyondall doubt, frankincense, [933] and perhaps cinnamon and ladanum. [934] Shealso supplies wool and goat's hair, and cloths for chariots, and gold, and wrought iron, and precious stones, and ivory, and ebony, of whichthe last two cannot have been productions of her own, but must have beenimported from India or Abyssinia. [935] Babylonia and Assyria furnish"wrappings of blue, embroidered work, and chests of rich apparel. "[936]Upper Mesopotamia partakes in this traffic. [937] Armenia gives horsesand mules. Central Asia Minor (Tubal and Meshech) supplies slaves andvessels of brass, and the Greeks of Ionia do the like. Cyprus furnishesivory, which she must first have imported from abroad. [938] GreeceProper sends her shell-fish, to enable the Phoenician cities to increasetheir manufacture of the purple dye. [939] Finally, Spain yields silver, iron, tin, and lead--the most useful of the metals--all of which she isknown to have produced in abundance. [940]

With the exception of Egypt, Ionia, Cyprus, Hellas, and Spain, thePhoenician intercourse with these places must have been carried onwholly by land. Even with Egypt, wherewith the communication by sea wasso facile, there seems to have been also from a very early date a landcommerce. The land commerce was in every case carried on by caravans. Western Asia has never yet been in so peaceful and orderly condition asto dispense prudent traders from the necessity of joining together inlarge bodies, well provisioned and well armed, when they are about tomove valuable goods any considerable distance. There have always beenrobber-tribes in the mountain tracts, and thievish Arabs upon theplains, ready to pounce on the insufficiently protected traveller, andto despoil him of all his belongings. Hence the necessity of the caravantraffic. As early as the time of Joseph--probably about B. C. 1600--wefind a _company_ of the Midianites on their way from Gilead, with theircamels bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh, going to carry it downto Egypt. [941] Elsewhere we hear of the "travelling _companies_ ofthe Dedanim, "[942] of the men of Sheba bringing their gold andfrankincense;[943] of a multitude of camels coming up to Palestine withwood from Kedar and Nebaioth. [944] Heeren is entirely justified inhis conclusion that the land trade of the Phoenicians was conducted by"large companies or caravans, since it could only have been carried onin this way. "[945]

The nearest neighbours of the Phoenicians on the land side were theJews and Israelites, the Syrians of Damascus, and the people of NorthernSyria, or the Orontes valley and the tract east of it. From the Jews andIsraelites the Phoenicians seem to have derived at all times almostthe whole of the grain which they were forced to import for theirsustenance. In the time of David and Solomon it was chiefly for wheatand barley that they exchanged the commodities which they exported, [946]in that of Ezekiel it was primarily for "wheat of Minnith;"[947] anda similar trade is noted on the return of the Jews from thecaptivity, [948] and in the first century of our era. [949] But besidesgrain they also imported from Palestine at some periods wine, oil, honey, balm, and oak timber. [950] Western Palestine was notoriously aland not only of corn, but also of wine, of olive oil, and of honey, and could readily impart of its superfluity to its neighbour in timeof need. The oaks of Bashan are very abundant, and seem to have beenpreferred by the Phoenicians to their own oaks as the material ofoars. [951] Balm, or basalm, was a product of the land of Gilead, [952]and also of the lower Jordan valley, where it was of superiorquality. [953]

From the Damascene Syrians we are told that Phoenicia imported "wineof Helbon" and "white wool. "[954] The "wine of Helbon" is reasonablyidentified with that {oinos Khalubonios} which is said to have been thefavourite beverage of the Persian kings. [955] It was perhaps grownin the neighbourhood of Aleppo. [956] The "white wool" may have beenfurnished by the sheep that cropped the slopes of the Antilibanus, or bythose fed on the fine grass which clothes most of the plain at itsbase. The fleece of these last is, according to Heeren, [957] "the finestknown, being improved by the heat of the climate, the continual exposureto the open air, and the care commonly bestowed upon the flocks. " Fromthe Syrian wool, mixed perhaps with some other material, seems tohave been woven the fabric known, from the city where it was commonlymade, [958] as "damask. "

According to the existing text of Ezekiel, [959] Syria Proper "occupiedin the fairs" of Phoenicia with cotton, with embroidered robes, withpurple, and with precious stones. The valley of the Orontes is suitablefor the cultivation of cotton; and embroidered robes would naturally beproduced in the seat of an old civilisation, which Syria certainly was. Purple seems somewhat out of place in the enumeration; but the Syriansmay have gathered the _murex_ on their seaboard between Mt. Casius andthe Gulf of Issus, and have sold what they collected in the Phoenicianmarket. The precious stones which Ezekiel assigns to them are difficultof identification, but may have been furnished by Casius, Bargylus, or Amanus. These mountains, or at any rate Casius and Amanus, are ofigneous origin, and, if carefully explored, would certainly yield gemsto the investigator. At the same time it must be acknowledged that Syriahad not, in antiquity, the name of a gem-producing country; and, so far, the reading of "Edom" for "Aram, " which is preferred by many, [960] mayseem to be the more probable. 

The commerce of the Phoenicians with Egypt was ancient, and veryextensive. "The wares of Egypt" are mentioned by Herodotus as a portionof the merchandise which they brought to Greece before the time ofthe Trojan War. [961] The Tyrians had a quarter in the city of Memphisassigned to them, [962] probably from an early date. According toEzekiel, the principal commodity which Egypt furnished to Phoeniciawas "fine linen"[963]--especially the linen sails embroidered with gaypatterns, which the Egyptian nobles affected for their pleasure-boats. They probably also imported from Egypt natron for their glass-works, papyrus for their documents, earthenware of various kinds forexportation, scarabs and other seals, statuettes and figures of gods, amulets, and in the later times sarcophagi. [964] Their exports to Egyptconsisted of wine on a large scale, [965] tin almost certainly, andprobably their peculiar purple fabrics, and other manufactured articles. 

The Phoenician trade with Arabia was of especial importance, since notonly did the great peninsula itself produce many of the most valuablearticles of commerce, but it was also mainly, if not solely, throughArabia that the Indian market was thrown open to the Phoenician traders, and the precious commodities obtained for which Hindustan has alwaysbeen famous. Arabia is _par excellence_ the land of spices, and was themain source from which the ancient world in general, and Phoenicia inparticular, obtained frankincense, cinnamon, cassia, myrrh, calamusor sweet-cane, and ladanum. [966] It has been doubted whether thesecommodities were, all of them, the actual produce of the country inancient times, and Herodotus has been in some degree discredited, butperhaps without sufficient reason. He is supported to a considerableextent by Theophrastus, the disciple of Aristotle, who says:[967]"Frankincense, myrrh, and cassia grow in the Arabian districts of Sabaand Hadramaut; frankincense and myrrh on the sides or at the foot ofmountains, and in the neighbouring islands. The trees which produce themgrow sometimes wild, though occasionally they are cultivated; and thefrankincense-tree grows sometimes taller than the tree producing themyrrh. " Modern authorities declare the frankincense-tree (_Boswelliathurifera_) to be still a native of Hadramaut;[968] and there is nodoubt that the myrrh-tree (_Balsamodendron myrrha_) also grows there. Ifcinnamon and cassia, as the terms are now understood, do not at presentgrow in Arabia, or nearer to Phoenicia than Hindustan, it may be thatthey have died out in the former country, or our modern use of theterms may differ from the ancient one. On the other hand, it is nodoubt possible that the Phoenicians imagined all the spices which theyobtained from Arabia to be the indigenous growth of the country, when infact some of them were importations. 

Next to her spices, Arabia was famous for the production of a superiorquality of wool. The Phoenicians imported this wool largely. The flocksof Kedar are especially noted, [969] and are said to have included bothsheep and goats. [970] It was perhaps a native woollen manufacture, inwhich Dedan traded with Tyre, and which Ezekiel notices as a trade in"cloths for chariots. "[971] Goat's hair was largely employed in theproduction of coverings for tents. [972] Arabia also furnished Phoeniciawith gold, with precious stones, with ivory, ebony, and wroughtiron. [973] The wrought iron was probably from Yemen, which wascelebrated for its manufacture of sword blades. The gold may have beennative, for there is much reason to believe that anciently the Arabianmountain ranges yielded gold as freely as the Ethiopian, [974] with whichthey form one system; or it may have been imported from Hindustan, withwhich Arabia had certainly, in ancient times, constant communication. Ivory and ebony must, beyond a doubt, have been Arabian importations. There are two countries from which they may have been derived, Indiaand Abyssinia. It is likely that the commercial Arabs of the south-eastcoast had dealings with both. [975]

Of Phoenician imports into Arabia we have no account; but we mayconjecture that they consisted principally of manufactured goods, cottonand linen fabrics, pottery, implements and utensils in metal, beads, andother ornaments for the person, and the like. The nomadic Arabs, leading a simple life, required but little beyond what their owncountry produced; there was, however, a town population[976] in the moresouthern parts of the peninsula, to which the elegancies and luxuries oflife, commonly exported by Phoenicia, would have been welcome. 

The Phoenician trade with Babylonia and Assyria was carried on probablyby caravans, which traversed the Syrian desert by way of Tadmor orPalmyra, and struck the Euphrates about Circesium. Here the routedivided, passing to Babylon southwards along the course of the greatriver, and to Nineveh eastwards by way of the Khabour and the Sinjarmountain-range. Both countries seem to have supplied the Phoenicianswith fabrics of extraordinary value, rich in a peculiar embroidery, anddeemed so precious that they were packed in chests of cedar-wood, whichthe Phoenician merchants must have brought with them from Lebanon. [977]The wares furnished by Assyria were in some cases exported toGreece, [978] while no doubt in others they were intended for homeconsumption. They included cylinders in rock crystal, jasper, hematite, steatite, and other materials, which may sometimes have found purchasersin Phoenicia Proper, but appear to have been specially affected by thePhoenician colonists in Cyprus. [979] On her part Phoenicia must haveimported into Assyria and Babylonia the tin which was a necessaryelement in their bronze; and they seem also to have found a market inAssyria for their own most valuable and artistic bronzes, the exquisiteembossed pateræ which are among the most precious of the treasuresbrought by Sir Austen Layard from Nineveh. [980]

The nature of the Phoenician trade with Upper Mesopotamia is unknown tous; and it is not impossible that their merchants visited Haran, [981]rather because it lay on the route which they had to follow in order toreach Armenia than because it possessed in itself any special attractionfor them. Gall-nuts and manna are almost the only products for which theregion is celebrated; and of these Phoenicia herself produced the one, while she probably did not need the other. But the natural route toArmenia was by way of the Coelesyrian valley, Aleppo and Carchemish, toHaran, and thence by Amida or Diarbekr to Van, which was the capital ofArmenia in the early times. 

Armenia supplied the Phoenicians with "horses of common and of noblebreeds, "[982] and also with mules. [983] Strabo says that it was acountry exceedingly well adapted for the breeding of the horse, [984]and even notes the two qualities of the animal that it produced, one ofwhich he calls "Nisæan, " though the true "Nisæan plain" was in Media. So large was the number of colts bred each year, and so highly were theyvalued, that, under the Persian monarchy the Great King exacted fromthe province, as a regular item of its tribute, no fewer than twentythousand of them annually. [985] Armenian mules seem not to be mentionedby any writer besides Ezekiel; but mules were esteemed throughout theEast in antiquity, [986] and no country would have been more likelyto breed them than the mountain tract of Armenia, the Switzerland ofWestern Asia, where such surefooted animals would be especially needed. 

Armenia adjoined the country of the Moschi and Tibareni--the Meshechand Tubal of the Bible. These tribes, between the ninth and the seventhcenturies B. C. , inhabited the central regions of Asia Minor and thecountry known later as Cappadocia. They traded with Tyre in the "personsof men" and in "vessels of brass" or copper. [987] Copper is foundabundantly in the mountain ranges of these parts, and Xenophon remarkson the prevalence of metal vessels in the portion of the region whichhe passed through--the country of the Carduchians. [988] The traffic inslaves was one in which the Phoenicians engaged from very early times. They were not above kidnapping men, women, and children in one countryand selling them into another;[989] besides which they seem to havefrequented regularly the principal slave marts of the time. Theybought such Jews as were taken captive and sold into slavery by theneighbouring nations, [990] and they looked to the Moschi and Tibarenifor a constant supply of the commodity from the Black Sea region. [991]The Caucasian tribes have always been in the habit of furnishingslave-girls to the harems of the East, and the Thracians, who were notconfined to Europe, but occupied a great part of Asia Minor, regularlytrafficked in their children. [992]

Such was the extent of the Phoenician land trade, as indicated by theprophet Ezekiel, and such were, so far as is at present known, thecommodities interchanged in the course of it. It is quite possible--nay, probable--that the trade extended much further, and certain that it musthave included many other articles of commerce besides those which wehave mentioned. The sources of our information on the subject are so fewand scanty, and the notices from which we derive our knowledge for themost part so casual, that we may be sure what is preserved is but a mostimperfect record of what was--fragments of wreck recovered from the seaof oblivion. It may have been a Phoenician caravan route which Herodotusdescribes as traversed on one occasion by the Nasamonians, [993] whichbegan in North Africa and terminated with the Niger and the city ofTimbuctoo; and another, at which he hints as lying between the coastof the Lotus-eaters and Fezzan. [994] Phoenician traders may haveaccompanied and stimulated the slave hunts of the Garamantians, [995] asArab traders do those of the Central African nations at the present day. Again, it is quite possible that the Phoenicians of Memphis designed andorganised the caravans which, proceeding from Egyptian Thebes, traversedAfrica from east to west along the line of the "Salt Hills, " by way ofAmmon, Augila, Fezzan, and the Tuarik country to Mount Atlas. [996] Wecan scarcely imagine the Egyptians showing so much enterprise. But theselines of traffic can be ascribed to the Phoenicians only by conjecture, history being silent on the subject. 

The sea trade of the Phoenicians was still more extensive than theirland traffic. It is divisible into two branches, their trade with theirown colonists, and that with the natives of the various countries towhich they penetrated in their voyages. The colonies sent out fromPhoenicia were, except in the single instance of Carthage, tradingsettlements, planted where some commodity or commodities desired bythe mother-country abounded, and were intended to secure to themother-country the monopoly of such commodity or commodities. Forinstance, Cyprus was colonised for the sake of its copper mines and itstimber; Cilicia and Lycia for their timber only; Thasos for its goldmines; Salamis and Cythera for the purple trade; Sardinia and Spain fortheir numerous metals; North Africa for its fertility and for the tradewith the interior. Phoenicia expected to derive, primarily, from eachcolony the commodity or commodities which had caused the selection ofthe site. In return she supplied the colonists with her own manufacturedarticles; with fabrics in linen, wool, cotton, and perhaps to someextent in silk; with every variety of pottery, from dishes and jugs ofthe plainest and most simple kind to the most costly and elaboratevases and amphoræ; with metal utensils and arms, with gold and silverornaments, with embossed shields and pateræ, with faïnce and glass, andalso with any foreign products or manufactures that they desired andthat the countries within the range of her influence could furnish. Phoenicia must have imported into Cyprus, to suit a peculiar Cypriantaste, the Egyptian statuettes, scarabs, and rings, [997] and theAssyrian and Babylonian cylinders, which have been found there. The tinwhich she brought from the Cassiterides she distributed generally, forshe did not discourage her colonists from manufacturing for themselvesto some extent. There was probably no colony which did not make its ownbronze vessels of the commoner sort and its own coarser pottery. 

In her trade with the nations who peopled the coasts of theMediterranean, the Propontis, and the Black Sea, Phoenicia aimedprimarily at disposing to advantage of her own commodities, secondarilyat making a profit in commodities which she had obtained from othercountries, and thirdly on obtaining commodities which she might disposeof to advantage elsewhere. Where the nations were uncivilised, or in alow condition of civilisation, she looked to making a large profit byfurnishing them at a cheap rate with all the simplest conveniences oflife, with their pottery, their implements and utensils, their clothes, their arms, the ornaments of their persons and of their houses. Underselling the native producers, she soon obtained a monopoly of thiskind of trade, drove the native products out of the market, and imposedher own instead, much as the manufacturers of Manchester, Birmingham, and the Potteries impose their calicoes, their cutlery, and theirearthenware on the savages of Africa and Polynesia. Where culture wasmore advanced, as in Greece and parts of Italy, [998] she looked tointroduce, and no doubt succeeded in introducing, the best of her ownproductions, fabrics of crimson, violet, and purple, painted vases, embossed pateræ, necklaces, bracelets, rings--"cunning work" of allmanner of kinds[999]--mirrors, glass vessels, and smelling-bottles. Atthe same time she also disposed at a profit of many of the wares thatshe had imported from foreign countries, which were advanced in certainbranches of art, as Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, possibly India. Themuslins and ivory of Hindustan, the shawls of Kashmir, the carpets ofBabylon, the spices of Araby the Blest, the pearls of the Persian Gulf, the faïence and the papyrus of Egypt, would be readily taken by the morecivilised of the Western nations, who would be prepared to pay a highprice for them. They would pay for them partly, no doubt, in silver andgold, but to some extent also in their own manufactured commodities, Attica in her ceramic products, Corinth in her "brass, " Etruria in hercandelabra and engraved mirrors, [9100] Argos in her highly elaboratedornaments. [9101] Or, in some cases, they might make return out of thestore wherewith nature had provided them, Euboea rendering her copper, the Peloponnese her "purple, " Crete her timber, the Cyrenaica itssilphium. 

Outside the Pillars of Hercules the Phoenicians had only savage nationsto deal with, and with these they seem to have traded mainly forthe purpose of obtaining certain natural products, either peculiarlyvaluable or scarcely procurable elsewhere. Their trade with the ScillyIslands and the coast of Cornwall was especially for the procuring oftin. Of all the metals, tin is found in the fewest places, and thoughSpain seems to have yielded some anciently, [9102] yet it can only havebeen in small quantities, while there was an enormous demand for tinin all parts of the old world, since bronze was the material almostuniversally employed for arms, tools, implements, and utensils of allkinds, while tin is the most important, though not the largest, elementin bronze. From the time that the Phoenicians discovered the ScillyIslands--the "Tin Islands" (Cassiterides), as they called them--it isprobable that the tin of the civilised world was almost wholly derivedfrom this quarter. Eastern Asia, no doubt, had always its own mines, andmay have exported tin to some extent, in the remoter times, supplyingperhaps the needs of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon. But, after the richstores of the metal which our own islands possess were laid open, andthe Phoenicians with their extensive commercial dealings, both in theWest and in the East, became interested in diffusing it, British tinprobably drove all other out of use, and obtained the monopoly of themarkets wherever Phoenician influence prevailed. Hence the trade withthe Cassiterides was constant, and so highly prized that a Phoeniciancaptain, finding his ship followed by a Roman vessel, preferred runningit upon the rocks to letting a rival nation learn the secret of how thetin-producing coast might be approached in safety. [9103] With the tinit was usual for the merchants to combine a certain amount of lead and acertain quantity of skins or hides; while they gave in exchange pottery, salt, and articles in bronze, such as arms, implements, and utensils forcooking and for the table. [9104]

If the Phoenicians visited, as some maintain that they did, [9105] thecoasts of the Baltic, it must have been for the purpose of obtainingamber. Amber is thrown up largely by the waters of that land-lockedsea, and at present especially abounds on the shore in the vicinity ofDantzic. It is very scarce elsewhere. The Phoenicians seem to havemade use of amber in their necklaces from a very early date;[9106] and, though they might no doubt have obtained it by land-carriage acrossEurope to the head of the Adriatic, yet their enterprise and theircommercial spirit were such as would not improbably have led them toseek to open a direct communication with the amber-producing region, sosoon as they knew where it was situated. The dangers of the GermanOcean are certainly not greater than those of the Atlantic; and if thePhoenicians had sufficient skill in navigation to reach Britain and theFortunate Islands, they could have found no very serious difficultyin penetrating to the Baltic. On the other hand, there is no directevidence of their having penetrated so far, and perhaps the Adriatictrade may have supplied them with as much amber as they needed. 

The trade of the Phoenicians with the west coast of Africa had for itsprincipal objects the procuring of ivory, of elephant, lion, leopard, and deer-skins, and probably of gold. Scylax relates that there was anestablished trade in his day (about B. C. 350) between Phoenicia andan island which he calls Cerne, probably Arguin, off the West Africancoast. "The merchants, " he says, [9107] "who are Phoenicians, when theyhave arrived at Cerne, anchor their vessels there, and after havingpitched their tents upon the shore, proceed to unload their cargo, andto convey it in smaller boats to the mainland. The dealers with whomthey trade are Ethiopians; and these dealers sell to the Phoeniciansskins of deer, lions, panthers, and domestic animals--elephants' skinsalso, and their teeth. The Ethiopians wear embroidered garments, and useivory cups as drinking vessels; their women adorn themselves with ivorybracelets; and their horses also are adorned with ivory. The Phoeniciansconvey to them ointment, elaborate vessels from Egypt, castratedswine(?), and Attic pottery and cups. These last they commonly purchase[in Athens] at the Feast of Cups. These Ethiopians are eaters of fleshand drinkers of milk; they make also much wine from the vine; and thePhoenicians, too, supply some wine to them. They have a considerablecity, to which the Phoenicians sail up. " The river on which the citystood was probably the Senegal. 

It will be observed that Scylax says nothing in this passage ofany traffic for gold. We can scarcely suppose, however, that thePhoenicians, if they penetrated so far south as this, could remainignorant of the fact that West Africa was a gold-producing country, much less that, being aware of the fact, they would fail to utilise it. Probably they were the first to establish that "dumb commerce" whichwas afterwards carried on with so much advantage to themselves by theCarthaginians, and whereof Herodotus gives so graphic an account. "There is a country, " he says, [9108] "in Libya, and a nation, beyond thePillars of Hercules, which the Carthaginians are wont to visit, wherethey no sooner arrive than forthwith they unlade their wares, and havingdisposed them after an orderly fashion along the beach, there leavethem, and returning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke. Thenatives, when they see the sample, come down to the shore, and layingout to view so much gold as they think the wares are worth, withdraw toa distance. The Carthaginians upon this come ashore again and look. Ifthey think the gold to be enough, they take it and go their way; but ifit does not seem to them sufficient, they go aboard ship once more, andwait patiently. Then the others approach and add to their gold, till theCarthaginians are satisfied. Neither party deals unfairly by the other:for they themselves never touch the gold till it comes up to the worthof their goods, nor do the natives ever carry off the goods until thegold has been taken away. "

The nature of the Phoenician trade with the Canaries, or FortunateIslands, is not stated by any ancient author, and can only beconjectured. It would scarcely have been worth the Phoenicians' whileto convey timber to Syria from such a distance, or we might imagine thevirgin forests of the islands attracting them. [9109] The large breed ofdogs from which the Canaries derived their later name[9110] may perhapshave constituted an article of export even in Phoenician times, aswe know they did later, when we hear of their being conveyed to KingJuba;[9111] but there is an entire lack of evidence on the subject. Perhaps the Phoenicians frequented the islands less for the sake ofcommerce than for that of watering and refitting the ships engaged inthe African trade, since the natives were less formidable than those whoinhabited the mainland. [9112]

There was one further direction in which the Phoenicians pushed theirmaritime trade, not perhaps continuously, but at intervals, when theirpolitical relations were such as to give them access to the sea whichwashed Asia on the south and on the southeast. The nearest points atwhich they could embark for the purpose of exploring or utilising thegreat tract of ocean in this quarter were the inner recesses of the twodeep gulfs known as the Persian and the Arabian. It has been thought bysome[9113] that there were times in their history when the Phoenicianshad the free use of both these gulfs, and could make the starting-pointof their eastern explorations and trading voyages either a port on oneof the two arms into which the Red Sea divides towards the north, or aharbour on the Persian Gulf near its north-western extremity. But thelatter supposition rests upon grounds which are exceedingly unsafe anduncertain. That the Phoenicians migrated at some remote period from theshores of the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean may be allowed to behighly probable; but that, after quitting their primitive abodesand moving off nearly a thousand miles to the westward, they stillmaintained a connection with their early settlements and made themcentres for a trade with the Far East, is as improbable a hypothesis asany that has ever received the sanction of men of learning and repute. The Babylonians, through whose country the connection must have beenkept up, were themselves traders, and would naturally keep the Arabianand Indian traffic in their own hands; nor can we imagine them asbrooking the establishment of a rival upon their shores. The Arabianswere more friendly; but they, too, would have disliked to share theircarrying trade with a foreign nation. And the evidence entirely failsto show that the Phoenicians, from the time of their removal to theMediterranean, ever launched a vessel in the Persian Gulf, or hadany connection with the nations inhabiting its shores, beyond thatmaintained by the caravans which trafficked by land between thePhoenician cities and the men of Dedan and Babylon. [9114]

It was otherwise with the more western gulf. There, certainly, fromtime to time, the Phoenicians launched their fleets, and carried on acommerce which was scarcely less lucrative because they had to allow thenations whose ports they used a participation in its profits. It is notimpossible that, occasionally, the Egyptians allowed them to build shipsin some one or more of their Red Sea ports, and to make such port orports the head-quarters of a trade which may have proceeded beyond theStraits of Babelmandeb and possibly have reached Zanzibar and Ceylon. At any rate, we know that, in the time of Solomon, two harbours uponthe Red Sea were open to them--viz. Eloth and Ezion-Geber--both placessituated in the inner recess of the Elanitic Gulf, or Gulf of Akaba, the more eastern of the two arms into which the Red Sea divides. David's conquest of Edom had put these ports into the possession of theIsraelites, and the friendship between Hiram and Solomon had given thePhoenicians free access to them. It was the ambition of Solomon to makethe Israelites a nautical people, and to participate in the advantageswhich he perceived to have accrued to Phoenicia from her commercialenterprise. Besides sharing with the Phoenicians in the trade ofthe Mediterranean, [9115] he constructed with their help a fleet atEzion-Geber upon the Red Sea, [9116] and the two allies conjointly madevoyages to the region, or country, called Ophir, for the purposeof procuring precious stones, gold, and almug-wood. [9117] Ophir is, properly speaking, a portion of Arabia, [9118] and Arabia was famous forits production of gold, [9119] and also for its precious stones. [9120]Whether it likewise produced almug-trees is doubtful;[9121] and it isquite possible that the joint fleet went further than Ophir proper, andobtained the "almug-wood" from the east coast of Africa, or from India. The Somauli country might have been as easily reached as South-easternArabia, and if India is considerably more remote, yet there was nothingto prevent the Phoenicians from finding their way to it. [9122] We have, however, no direct evidence that their commerce in the Indian Ocean evertook them further than the Arabian coast, about E. Long. 55º. 

CHAPTER X--MINING

 Surface gathering of metals, anterior to mining--Earliest known mining operations--Earliest Phoenician mining in Phoenicia Proper--Mines of Cyprus--Phoenician mining in Thasos and Thrace--in Sardinia--in Spain--Extent of the metallic treasures there--Phoenician methods not unlike those of the present day--Use of shafts, adits, and galleries--Roof of mines propped or arched--Ores crushed, pounded, and washed--Use of quicksilver unknown--Mines worked by slave labour. 

The most precious and useful of the metals lie, in many places, so nearthe earth's surface that, in the earliest times, mining is unneededand therefore unpractised. We are told that in Spain silver was firstdiscovered in consequence of a great fire, which consumed all theforests wherewith the mountains were clothed, and lasted many days;at the end of which time the surface of the soil was found to beintersected by streams of silver from the melting of the superficialsilver ore through the intense heat of the conflagration. The nativesdid not know what to do with the metal, so they bartered it away to thePhoenician traders, who already frequented their country, in return forsome wares of very moderate value. [101] Whether this tale be true orno, it is certain that even at the present day, in what are called "newcountries, " valuable metals often show themselves on the surface ofthe soil, either in the form of metalliferous earths, or of rocks whichshine with spangles of a metallic character, or occasionally, thoughrarely, of actual masses of pure ore, sometimes encrusted with an oxide, sometimes bare, bright, and unmistakable. In modern times, wheneverthere is a rush into any gold region--whether California, or Australia, or South Africa--the early yield is from the surface. The first comersscratch the ground with a knife or with a pick-axe, and are rewarded bydiscovering "nuggets" of greater or less dimensions; the next flightof gold-finders search the beds of the streams; and it is not until thesupply from these two sources begins to fail that mining, in the propersense of the term, is attempted. 

The earliest mining operations, whereof we have any record, are thoseconducted by the Egyptian kings of the fourth, fifth and twelfthdynasties, in the Sinaitic region. At two places in the mountainsbetween Suez and Mount Sinai, now known as the Wady Magharah andSarabit-el-Khadim, copper was extracted from the bosom of the earth bymeans of shafts laboriously excavated in the rocks, under the auspicesof these early Pharaohs. [102] Hence at the time of the Exodus theprocess of mining was familiar to the Hebrews, who could thus fullyappreciate the promise, [103] that they were about to be given "a goodland"--"a land whose stones were iron, and out of whose hills they might_dig brass_. " The Phoenicians, probably, derived their first knowledgeof mining from their communications with the Egyptians, and no doubtfirst practised the art within the limits of their own territory--inLebanon, Casius, and Bargylus. The mineral stores of these regions were, however, but scanty, and included none of the more important metals, excepting iron. The Phoenicians were thus very early in their historydriven afield for the supply of their needs, and among the principalcauses of their first voyages of discovery must be placed the desireof finding and occupying regions which contained the metallic treasureswherein their own proper country was deficient. 

It is probable that they first commenced mining operations on a largescale in Cyprus. Here, according to Pliny, [104] copper was firstdiscovered; and though this may be a fable, yet here certainly it wasfound in great abundance at a very early time, and was worked to suchan extent, that the Greeks knew copper, as distinct from bronze, byno other name than that of {khalkos Kuprios}, whence the Roman _ÆsCyprium_, and our own name for the metal. The principal mines were inthe southern mountain range, near Tamasus, [105] but there were othersalso at Amathus, Soli, and Curium. [106] Some of the old workingshave been noticed by modern travellers, particularly near Soli andTamasus, [107] but they have neither been described anciently norexamined scientifically in modern times. The ore from which the metalwas extracted is called _chalcitis_ by Pliny, [108] and may have been the"chalcocite" of our present metallurgical science, which is a sulphidecontaining very nearly eighty per cent. Of copper. The brief accountwhich Strabo gives of the mines of Tamasus shows that the ore wassmelted in furnaces which were heated by wood fires. We gather also fromStrabo that Tamasus had silver mines. 

That the Phoenicians conducted mining operations in Thasos we know fromHerodotus, [109] and from other writers of repute[1010] we learn thatthey extended these operations to the mainland opposite. Herodotus hadhimself visited Thasos, and tells us that the mines were on the easterncoast of the island, between two places which he calls respectivelyÆnyra and Coenyra. The metal sought was gold, and in their quest of itthe Phoenicians had, he says, turned an entire mountain topsy-turvy. Here again no modern researches seem to have been made, and nothingmore is known than that at present the natives obtain no gold from theirsoil, do not seek for it, and are even ignorant that their island wasever a gold-producing region. [1011] The case is almost the same on theopposite coast, where in ancient times very rich mines both of gold andsilver abounded, [1012] which the Phoenicians are said to haveworked, but where at the present day mining enterprise is almost at astandstill, and only a very small quantity of silver is produced. [1013]

Sardinia can scarcely have been occupied by the Phoenicians for anythingbut its metals. The southern and south-western parts of the island, where they made their settlements, were rich in copper and lead; and theposition of the cities seems to indicate the intention to appropriatethese metals. In the vicinity of the lead mines are enormous heaps ofscoriæ, mounting up apparently to a very remote era. [1014] The scoriæare not so numerous in the vicinity of the copper mines, but "pigs" ofcopper have been found in the island, unlike any of the Roman period, which are perhaps Phoenician, and furnish specimens of the castingsinto which the metal was run, after it had been fused and to some extentrefined. The weight of the pigs is from twenty-eight to thirty-sevenkilogrammes. [1015] Pigs of lead have also been found, but they are lessfrequent. 

But all the other mining operations of the Phoenicians wereinsignificant compared with those of which the theatre was Spain. Spainwas the Peru of the ancient world, and surpassed its modern rival, inthat it produced not only gold and silver, but also copper, iron, tin, and lead. Of these metals gold was the least abundant. It was found, however, as gold dust in the bed of the Tagus;[1016] and there weremines of it in Gallicia, [1017] in the Asturias, and elsewhere. There wasalways some silver mixed with it, but in one of the Gallician minesthe proportion was less than three per cent. Elsewhere the proportionreached to ten or even twelve and a half per cent. ; and, as there wasno known mode of clearing the gold from it, the produce of the Gallicianmine was in high esteem and greatly preferred to that of any other. Silver was yielded in very large quantities. "Spain, " says DiodorusSiculus, [1018] "has the best and most plentiful silver from mines of allthe world. " "The Spanish silver, " says Pliny, [1019] "is the best. " Whenthe Phoenicians first visited Spain, they found the metal held in noesteem at all by the natives. It was the common material of the cheapestdrinking vessels, and was readily parted with for almost anything thatthe merchants chose to offer. Much of it was superficial, but the veinswere found to run to a great depth; and the discovery of one vein wasa sure index of the near vicinity of more. [1020] The out-put of theSpanish silver mines during the Phoenician, Carthaginian, and Romanperiods was enormous, and cannot be calculated; nor has the supply evenyet failed altogether. The iron and copper of Spain are also said tohave been exceedingly abundant in ancient times, [1021] though, owing tothe inferior value of the metals, and to their wider distribution, butlittle is recorded with regard to them. Its tin and lead, on the otherhand, as being metals found in comparatively few localities, receive notinfrequent mention. The Spanish tin, according to Posidonius, did notcrop out upon the surface, [1022] but had to be obtained by mining. It was produced in some considerable quantity in the country of theArtabri, to the north of Lusitania, [1023] as well as in Lusitaniaitself, and in Gallicia;[1024] but was found chiefly in small particlesintermixed with a dark sandy earth. Lead was yielded in greaterabundance; it was found in Cantabria, in Bætica, and many otherplaces. [1025] Much of it was mixed with silver, and was obtained inthe course of the operations by means of which silver was smelted andrefined. [1026] The mixed metal was called _galena_. [1027] Lead, however, was also found, either absolutely pure, [1028] or so nearly so that thealloy was inappreciable, and was exported in large quantities, both bythe Phoenicians and the Carthaginians, and also by the Romans. It wasbelieved that the metal had a power of growth and reproduction, so thatif a mine was deserted for a while and then re-opened, it was sure to befound more productive than it was previously. [1029] The fact seems to besimply that the supply is inexhaustible, since even now Spain furnishesmore than half the lead that is consumed by the rest of Europe. Besidesthe ordinary metals, Spain was capable of yielding an abundance ofquicksilver;[1030] but this metal seems not to have attracted theattention of the Phoenicians, who had no use for it. 

The methods employed by the Phoenicians to obtain the metals which theycoveted were not, on the whole, unlike those which continue in use atthe present day. Where surface gold was brought down by the streams, theground in their vicinity, and such portions of their beds as could belaid bare, were searched by the spade; any earth or sand that was seento be auriferous was carefully dug out and washed, till the earthyparticles were cleared away, and only the gold remained. Where the metallay deeper, perpendicular shafts were sunk into the ground to a greateror less depth--sometimes, if we may believe Diodorus, [1031] to the depthof half a mile or more; from these shafts horizontal adits were carriedout at various levels, and from the adits there branched lateralgalleries, sometimes at right angles, sometimes obliquely, which pursuedeither a straight or a tortuous course. [1032] The veins of metal wereperseveringly followed up, and where faults occurred in them, filledwith trap, [1033] or other hard rock, the obstacle was either tunnelledthrough or its flank turned, and the vein still pursued on the otherside. As the danger of a fall of material from the roofs of the aditsand galleries was well understood, it was customary to support them bymeans of wooden posts, or, where the material was sufficiently firm, toarch them. [1034] Still, from time to time, falls would occur, with greatinjury and loss of life to the miners. Nor was there much less dangerwhere a mountain was quarried for the sake of its metallic treasures. Here, too, galleries were driven into the mountain-side, and portions ofit so loosened that after a time they detached themselves and fell witha loud crash into a mass of _débris_. [1035] It sometimes happened that, as the workings proceeded, subterranean springs were tapped, whichthreatened to flood the mine, and put an end to its further utilisation. In such cases, wherever it was possible, tunnels were constructed, andthe water drained off to a lower level. [1036] In the deeper mines this, of course, could not be done, and such workings had to be abandoned, until the invention of the Archimedes' screw (ab. B. C. 220-190), whenthe water was pumped up to the surface, and so got rid of. [1037]But before this date Phoenicia had ceased to exist as an independentcountry, and the mines that had once been hers were either no longerworked, or had passed into the hands of the Romans or the Carthaginians. 

When the various ores were obtained, they were first of all crushed, then pounded to a paste; after which, by frequent washings, thenon-metallic elements were to a large extent eliminated, and themetallic ones alone left. These, being collected, were placed incrucibles of white clay, [1038] which were then submitted to the actionof a furnace heated to the melting point. This point could only bereached by the use of the bellows. When it was reached, the impuritieswhich floated on the top of the molten metal were skimmed off, or themetal itself allowed, by the turning of a cock, to flow from an uppercrucible into a lower one. For greater purity the melting and skimmingprocess was sometimes repeated; and, in the case of gold, the skimmingswere themselves broken up, pounded, and again submitted to the meltingpot. [1039] The use of quicksilver, however, being unknown, the gold wasnever wholly freed from the alloy of silver always found in it, nor wasthe silver ever wholly freed from an alloy of lead. [1040]

The Romans and Carthaginians worked their mines almost wholly by slavelabour; and very painful pictures are drawn of the sufferings undergoneby the unhappy victims of a barbarous and wasteful system. [1041] Thegangs of slaves, we are told, remained in the mines night and day, neverseeing the sun, but living and dying in the murky and foetid atmosphereof the deep excavations. It can scarcely be hoped that the Phoenicianswere wiser or more merciful. They had a large command of slavelabour, and would naturally employ it where the work to be done wasexceptionally hard and disagreeable. Moreover, the Carthaginians, theircolonists, are likely to have kept up the system, whatever it was, which they found established on succeeding to the inheritance of thePhoenician mines, and the fact that they worked them by means of slavesmakes it more than probable that the Phoenicians had done so beforethem. [1042]

When the metals were regarded as sufficiently cleansed from impurities, they were run into moulds, which took the form of bars, pigs, oringots. Pigs of copper and lead have, as already observed, been found inSardinia which may well belong to Phoenician times. There is also in themuseum of Truro a pig of tin, which, as it differs from those madeby the Romans, Normans, and later workers, has been supposed to bePhoenician. [1043] Ingots of gold and silver have not at present beenfound on Phoenician localities; but the Persian practice, witnessed toby Herodotus, [1044] was probably adopted from the subject nation, whichconfessedly surpassed all the others in the useful arts, in commerce, and in practical sagacity. 

CHAPTER XI--RELIGION

 Strength of the religious sentiment among the Phoenicians-- Proofs--First stage of the religion, monotheistic--Second stage, a polytheism within narrow limits--Worship of Baal-- of Ashtoreth--of El or Kronos--of Melkarth--of Dagon--of Hadad--of Adonis--of Sydyk--of Esmun--of the Cabeiri--of Onca--of Tanith--of Beltis--Third stage marked by introduction of foreign deities--Character of the Phoenician worship--Altars and sacrifice--Hymns of praise, temples, and votive offerings--Wide prevalence of human sacrifice and of licentious orgies--Institution of the Galli--Extreme corruption of the later religion--Views held on the subject of a future life--Piety of the great mass of the people earnest, though mistaken. 

There can be no doubt that the Phoenicians were a people in whoseminds religion and religious ideas occupied a very prominent place. Religiousness has been said to be one of the leading characteristicsof the Semitic race;[0111] and it is certainly remarkable that with thatrace originated the three principal religions, two of which are the onlyprogressive religions, of the modern world. Judaism, Christianity, andMohammedanism all arose in Western Asia within a restricted area, andfrom nations whose Semitic origin is unmistakable. The subject ofethnic affinities and differences, of the transmission of qualities andcharacteristics, is exceedingly obscure; but, if the theory of hereditybe allowed any weight at all, there should be no difficulty in acceptingthe view that particular races of mankind have special leanings andaptitudes. 

Still, the religiousness of the Phoenicians does not rest on any _àpriori_ arguments, or considerations of what is likely to have been. Here was a nation among whom, in every city, the temple was the centreof attraction, and where the piety of the citizens adorned every templewith abundant and costly offerings. The monarchs who were at the head ofthe various states showed the greatest zeal in continually maintainingthe honour of the gods, repaired and beautified the sacred buildings, and occasionally added to their kingly dignity the highly esteemedoffice of High Priest. [0112] The coinage of the country bore religiousemblems, [0113] and proclaimed the fact that the cities regardedthemselves as under the protection of this or that deity. Both the kingsand their subjects bore commonly religious names--names which designatedthem as the worshippers or placed them under the tutelage of some god orgoddess. Abd-alonim, Abdastartus, Abd-osiris, Abdemon (which is properlyAbd-Esmun), Abdi-milkut, were names of the former kind, Abi-baal (="Baal is my father"), Itho-bal (= "with him is Baal"), Baleazar orBaal-azur (= "Baal protects"), names of the latter. The Phoenician shipscarried images of the gods[0114] in the place of figure-heads. Whereverthe Phoenicians went, they bore with them their religion and theirworship; in each colony they planted a temple or temples, and everywherethroughout their wide dominion the same gods were worshipped with thesame rites and with the same observances. 

In considering the nature of the Phoenician religion, we mustdistinguish between its different stages. There is sufficient reasonto believe that originally, either when they first occupied theirsettlements upon the Mediterranean or before they moved from theirprimitive seats upon the shores of the Persian Gulf, the Phoenicianswere Monotheists. We must not look for information on this subjectto the pretentious work which Philo of Byblus, in the first or secondcentury of our era, put forth with respect to the "Origines" of hiscountrymen, and attributed to Sanchoniatho;[0115] we must rather look tothe evidence of language and fact, records which may indeed be misread, but which cannot well be forged or falsified. These will show us thatin the earliest times the religious sentiment of the Phoeniciansacknowledged only a single deity--a single mighty power, which wassupreme over the whole universe. The names by which they designated himwere El, "great;" Ram or Rimmon, "high;" Baal, "Lord;" Melek or Molech, "King;" Eliun, "Supreme;" Adonai, "My Lord;" Bel-samin, "Lord ofHeaven, " and the like. [0116] Distinct deities could no more be intendedby such names as these than by those under which God is spoken of inthe Hebrew Scriptures, several of them identical with the Phoeniciannames--El or Elohim, "great;" Jehovah, "existing;" Adonai, "my Lord;"Shaddai, "strong;" El Eliun, [0117] "the supreme Great One. " How farthe Phoenicians actually realised all that their names properly imply, whether they went so far as to divest God wholly of a material nature, whether they viewed Him as the Creator, as well as the Lord, of theworld, are problems which it is impossible, with the means at presentat our disposal, to solve. But they certainly viewed Him as "the Lordof Heaven, "[0118] and, if so, no doubt also as the Lord of earth; theybelieved Him to be "supreme" or "the Most High;" and they realised hispersonal relation to each one of his worshippers, who were privilegedseverally to address Him as Adonai--"_my_ Lord. " It may be presumed thatat this early stage of the religion there was no idolatry; when OneGod alone is acknowledged and recognised, the feeling is naturally thatexpressed in the Egyptian hymn of praise--"He is not graven in marble;He is not beheld; His abode is unknown; there is no building that cancontain Him; unknown is his name in heaven; He doth not manifest hisforms; vain are all representations. "[0119]

But this happy state of things did not--perhaps we may say, couldnot--in the early condition of the human intelligence, last long. Fallenman, left to himself, very soon corrupts his way upon the earth; hishands deal with wickedness; and, in a little while, "every imaginationof the thoughts of his heart is only evil continually. "[1110] When hebecomes conscious to himself of sin, he ceases to be able to endure thethought of One Perfect Infinite Being, omnipotent, ever-present, whoreads his heart, who is "about his path, and about his bed, and spiesout all his ways. "[1111] He instinctively catches at anything whereby hemay be relieved from the intolerable burden of such a thought; andhere the imperfection of language comes to his aid. As he has found itimpossible to express in any one word all that is contained in his ideaof the Divine Being, he has been forced to give Him many names, each ofthem originally expressive of some one of that Being's attributes. Butin course of time these words have lost their force--their meaning hasbeen forgotten--and they have come to be mere proper names, designativebut not significative. Here is material for the perverted imagination towork upon. A separate being is imagined answering to each of the names;and so the _nomina_ become _numina_. [1112] Many gods are substituted forone; and the idea of God is instantly lowered. The gods have differentspheres. No god is infinite; none is omnipotent, none omnipresent;therefore none omniscient. The aweful, terrible nature of God is got ridof, and a company of angelic beings takes its place, none of them veryalarming to the conscience. 

In its second stage the religion of Phoenicia was a polytheism, lessmultitudinous than most others, and one in which the several divinitieswere not distinguished from one another by very marked or strikingfeatures. At the head of the Pantheon stood a god and a goddess--Baaland Ashtoreth. Baal, "the Lord, " or Baal-samin, [1113] "the Lord ofHeaven, " was compared by the Greeks to their Zeus, and by the Romansto their Jupiter. Mythologically, he was only one among many gods, but practically he stood alone; he was the chief of the gods, the mainobject of worship, and the great ruler and protector of the Phoenicianpeople. Sometimes, but not always, he had a solar character, and wasrepresented with his head encircled by rays. [1114] Baalbek, which wasdedicated to him, was properly "the city of the Sun, " and was called bythe Greeks Heliopolis. The solar character of Baal is, however, farfrom predominant, and as early as the time of Josiah we find the Sunworshipped separately from him, [1115] no doubt under a different name. Baal is, to a considerable extent, a city god. Tyre especially wasdedicated to him; and we hear of the "Baal of Tyre"[1116] and again ofthe "Baal of Tarsus. "[1117] Essentially, he was the embodiment of thegenerative principle in nature--"the god of the creative power, bringingall things to life everywhere. "[1118] Hence, "his statue rode uponbulls, for the bull was the symbol of generative power; and he was alsorepresented with bunches of grapes and pomegranates in his hand, "[1119]emblems of productivity. The sacred conical stones and pillars dedicatedin his temples[1120] may have had their origin in a similar symbolism. As polytheistic systems had always a tendency to enlarge themselves, Baal had no sooner become a separate god, distinct from El, and Rimmon, and Molech, and Adonai, than he proceeded to multiply himself, and fromBaal became Baalim, [1121] either because the local Baals--Baal-Tzur, Baal-Sidon, Baal-Tars, Baal-Libnan, Baal-Hermon--were conceived of asseparate deities, or because the aspects of Baal--Baal as Sun-God, Baalas Lord of Heaven, Baal as lord of flies, [1122], &c. --were so viewed, and grew to be distinct objects of worship. In later times he wasidentified with the Egyptian Ammon, and worshipped as Baal-Hammon. 

Baal is known to have had temples at Baalbek, at Tyre, at Tarsus, atAgadir[1123] (Gades), in Sardinia, [1124] at Carthage, and at Ekron. Though not at first worshipped under a visible form, he came to havestatues dedicated to him, [1125] which received the usual honours. Sometimes, as already observed, his head was encircled with arepresentation of the solar rays; sometimes his form was assimilated tothat under which the Egyptians of later times worshipped their Ammon. Seated upon a throne and wrapped in a long robe, he presented theappearance of a man in the flower of his age, bearded, and of solemnaspect, with the carved horn of a ram on either side of his forehead. Figures of rams also supported the arms of his throne on either side, and on the heads of these two supports his hands rested. [1126]

The female deity whose place corresponded to that of Baal in thePhoenician Pantheon, and who was in a certain sense his companion andcounterpart, was Ashtoreth or Astarte. As Baal was the embodiment of thegenerative principle in nature, so was Ashtoreth of the receptive andproductive principle. She was the great nature-goddess, the Magna Mater, regent of the stars, queen of heaven, giver of life, and source ofwoman's fecundity. [1127] Just as Baal had a solar, so she had a lunaraspect, being pictured with horns upon her head representative of thelunar crescent. [1128] Hence, as early as the time of Moses, therewas a city on the eastern side of Jordan, named after her, Ashtoreth-Karnaim, [1129] or "Astarte of the two horns. " Her images areof many forms. Most commonly she appears as a naked female, with longhair, sometimes gathered into tresses, and with her two hands supportingher two breasts. [1130] Occasionally she is a mother, seated in acomfortable chair, and nursing her babe. [1131] Now and then she isdraped, and holds a dove to her breast, or else she takes an attitudeof command, with the right hand raised, as if to bespeak attention. Sometimes, on the contrary, her figure has that modest and retiringattitude which has caused it to be described by a distinguishedarchæologist[1132] as "the Phoenician prototype of the Venus de Medici. "The Greeks and Romans, who identified Baal determinately with theirZeus or Jupiter, found it very much more difficult to fix on any singlegoddess in their Pantheon as the correspondent of Astarte. Now they madeher Hera or Juno, now Aphrodite or Venus, now Athene, now Artemis, nowSelene, now Rhea or Cybele. But her aphrodisiac character was certainlythe one in which she most frequently appeared. She was the goddess ofthe sexual passion, rarely, however, represented with the chaste andmodest attributes of the Grecian Aphrodite-Urania, far more commonlywith those coarser and more repulsive ones which characterise AphroditePandemos. [1133] Her temples were numerous, though perhaps not quite sonumerous as those of Baal. The most famous were those at Sidon, Aphaca, Ashtoreth-Karnaim, Paphos, Pessinus, and Carthage. At Sidon the kingswere sometimes her high-priests;[1134] and her name is found asa frequent element in Phoenician personal names, royal and other:e. G. --Astartus, Abdastartus, Delæastartus, Am-ashtoreth, Bodoster, Bostor, &c. 

The other principal Phoenician deities were El, Melkarth, Dagon, Hadad, Adonis, Sydyk, Eshmun, the Cabeiri, Onca, Tanith, Tanata, or Anaitis, and Baalith, Baaltis, or Beltis. El, or Il, originally a name of theSupreme God, became in the later Phoenician mythology a separate andsubordinate divinity, whom the Greeks compared to their Kronos[1135]and the Romans to their Saturn. El was the special god of Gebalor Byblus, [1136] and was worshipped also with peculiar rites atCarthage. [1137] He was reckoned the son of Uranus and the father ofBeltis, to whom he delivered over as her especial charge the city ofByblus. [1138] Numerous tales were told of him. While reigning on earthas king of Byblus, or king of Phoenicia, he had fallen in love with anymph of the country, called Anobret, by whom he had a son named Ieoud. This son, much as he loved him, when great dangers from war threatenedthe land, he first invested with the emblems of royalty, and thensacrificed. [1139] Uranus (Heaven) married his sister Ge (Earth), and Ilor Kronos was the issue of this marriage, as also were Dagon, Bætylus, and Atlas. Ge, being dissatisfied with the conduct of her husband, induced her son Kronos to make war upon him, and Kronos, with theassistance of Hermes, overcame Uranus, and having driven him from hiskingdom succeeded to the imperial power. Besides sacrificing Ieoud, Kronos murdered another of his sons called Sadid, and also a daughterwhose name is not given. Among his wives were Astarte, Rhea, Dioné, Eimarmené, and Hora, of whom the first three were his sisters. [1140]There is no need to pursue this mythological tangle. If it meantanything to the initiated, the meaning is wholly lost; and the stories, gravely as they are related by the ancient historian, to the modern, whohas no key to them, are almost wholly valueless. 

Originally, Melkarth would seem to have been a mere epithet, representing one aspect of Baal. The word is formed from the two roots_melek_ and _kartha_[1141] (= Heb. _kiriath_, "city"), and means "Kingof the City, " or "City King, " which Baal was considered to be. But thetwo names in course of time drifted apart, and Melicertes, in PhiloByblius, has no connection at all with Baal-samin. [1142] The Greeks, who identified Baal with their Zeus, viewed Melkarth as corresponding totheir Heracles, or Hercules; and the later Phoenicians, catching at thisidentification, represented Melkarth under the form of a huge muscularman, with a lion's skin and sometimes with a club. [1143] Melkarth wasespecially worshipped at Tyre, of which city he was the tutelary deity, at Thasos, and at Gades. Herodotus describes the temple of Hercules atTyre, and attributes to it an antiquity of 2, 300 years before hisown time. [1144] He also visited a temple dedicated to the same godat Thasos. [1145] With Gades were connected the myths of Hercules'expedition to the west, of his erection of the pillars, his defeat ofChrysaor of the golden sword, and his successful foray upon the flocksand herds of the triple Geryon. [1146] Whether these legends were Greekor Phoenician in origin is uncertain; but the Phoenicians, at anyrate, adopted them, and here have been lately found on Phoenician sitesrepresentations both of Geryon himself, [1147] and the carrying offby Hercules of his cattle. [1148] The temple of Heracles at Gades ismentioned by Strabo[1149] and others. It was on the eastern side ofthe island, where the strait between the island and the continent wasnarrowest. Founded about B. C. 1100, it continued to stand to the timeof Silius Italicus, and, according to the tradition, had never neededrepair. [1150] An unextinguished fire had burnt upon its altar forthirteen hundred years; and the worship had remained unchanged--noimage profaned the Holy of Holies, where the god dwelt, waited on bybare-footed priests with heads shaved, clothed in white linen robes, andvowed to celibacy. [1151] The name of the god occurs as an element ina certain small number of Phoenician names of men--e. G. Bomilcar, Himilcar, Abd-Melkarth, and the like. 

Dagon appears in scripture only as a Philistine god, [1152] which wouldnot prove him to have been acknowledged by the Phoenicians; but as Philoof Byblus admits him among the primary Phoenician deities, making him ason of Uranus, and a brother of Il or Kronis, [1153] it is perhaps rightthat he should be allowed a place in the Phoenician list. According toPhilo, he was the god of agriculture, the discoverer of wheat, and theinventor of the plough. [1154] Whether he was really represented, as iscommonly supposed, [1155] in the form of a fish, or as half man andhalf fish, is extremely doubtful. In the Hebrew account of the fallof Dagon's image before the Ark of the Covenant at Ashdod there is nomention made of any "fishy part;" nor is there anything in the Assyrianremains to connect the name Dagon, which occurs in them, with theremarkable figure of a fish-god so frequent in the bas-reliefs. Thatfigure would seem rather to represent, or symbolise, either Hea orNin. The notion of Dagon's fishy form seems to rest entirely on anetymological basis--on the fact, i. E. That _dag_ means "fish, " inHebrew. In Assyrian, however, _kha_ is "fish, " and not _dag_; while inHebrew, though _dag_ is "fish, " _dagan_ is "corn. " It may be noted alsothat the Phoenician remains contain no representation of a fish deity. On the whole, it is perhaps best to be content with the account ofPhilo, and to regard the Phoenician Dagon as a "Zeus Arotrios"--a godpresiding over agriculture and especially worshipped by husbandmen. Thename, however, does not occur in the Phoenician remains which have comedown to us. 

Hadad, like Dagon, obtains his right to be included in the list ofPhoenician deities solely from the place assigned to him by Philo. Otherwise he would naturally be viewed as an Aramean god, worshippedespecially in Aram-Zobah, and in Syria of Damascus. [1156] In Syria, he was identified with the sun;[1157] and it is possible that in thePhoenician religion he was the Sun-God, worshipped (as we have seen)sometimes independently of Baal. His image was represented with thesolar rays streaming down from it towards the earth, so as to indicatethat the earth received from him all that made it fruitful andabundant. [1158] Macrobius connects his name with the Hebrew _chad_, "one;" but this derivation is improbable. [1159] Philo gives him thetitle of "King of Gods, " and says that he reigned conjointly withAstarte and Demaroüs, [1160] but this does not throw much light on thereal Phoenician conception of him. The local name, Hadad-rimmon, [1161]may seem to connect him with the god Rimmon, likewise a Syriandeity, [1162] and it is quite conceivable that the two words may havebeen alternative names of the same god, just as Phoebus and Apollo werewith the Greeks. We may conjecture that the Sun was worshipped underboth names in Syria, while in Phoenicia Hadad was alone made use of. Theworship of Baal as the Sun, which tended to prevail ever more and more, ousted Hadad from his place, and caused him to pass into oblivion. 

Adonis was probably, like Hadad, originally a sun-god; but the mythsconnected with him gave him, at any rate in the late Phoenician times, avery distinct and definite personality. He was made the son of Cinryas, a mythic king of Byblus, [1163] and the husband of Astarte or Ashtoreth. One day, as he chased the wild boar in Lebanon, near the sources of theriver of Byblus, the animal which he was hunting turned upon him, andso gored his thigh that he died of the wound. Henceforth he was mournedannually. At the turn of the summer solstice, the anniversary of hisdeath, all the women of Byblus went in a wild procession to Aphaca, inthe Lebanon, where his temple stood, and wept and wailed on account ofhis death. The river, which his blood had once actually stained, turnedred to show its sympathy with the mourners, and was thought to flow withhis blood afresh. After the "weeping for Tammuz"[1164] had continued fora definite time, the mourning terminated with the burial of an image ofthe god in the sacred precinct. Next day Adonis was supposed to returnto life; his image was disinterred and carried back to the temple withmusic and dances, and every circumstance of rejoicing. [1165] Wild orgiesfollowed, and Aphaca became notorious for scenes to which it will benecessary to recur hereafter. The Adonis myth is generally explainedas representing either the perpetually recurrent decay and recovery ofnature, or the declension of the Sun as he moves from the summer to thewinter constellations, and his subsequent return and reappearance inall his strength. But myths obtained a powerful hold on ancientimaginations, and the worshippers of Adonis probably in most casesforgot the symbolical character of his cult, and looked on him asa divine or heroic personage, who had actually gone through all theadventures ascribed to him in the legend. Hence the peculiarly localcharacter of his worship, of which we find traces only at Byblus and atJerusalem. 

Sydyk, "Justice, " or, the "Just One, "[1166] whose name correspondsto the Hebrew Zadok or Zedek, appears in the Phoenician mythologyespecially as the father of Esmun and the Cabeiri. Otherwise he is onlyknown as the son of Magus (!) and the discoverer of salt. [1167] Itis perhaps his name which forms the final element in Melchizedek, Adoni-zedek, [1168] and the like. We have no evidence that he was reallyworshipped by the Phoenicians. 

Esmun, on the other hand, the son of Sydyk, would seem to have been anobject of worship almost as much as any other deity. He was the specialgod of Berytus, [1169] but was honoured also in Cyprus, at Sidon, atCarthage, in Sardinia, and elsewhere. [1170] His name forms a frequentelement in Phoenician names, royal and other:--e. G. Esmun-azar, Esmun-nathan, Han-Esmun, Netsib-Esmun, Abd-Esmun, &c. According toDamascius, [1171] he was the eighth son of Sydyk, whence his name, andthe chief of the Cabeiri. Whereas they were dwarfish and misshapen, hewas a youth of most beautiful appearance, truly worthy of admiration. Like Adonis, he was fond of hunting in the woods that clothe the flanksof Lebanon, and there he was seen by Astronoë, the Phoenician goddess, the mother of the gods (in whom we cannot fail to recognise Astarte), who persecuted him with her attentions to such an extent that to escapeher he was driven to the desperate resource of self-emasculation. Uponthis the goddess, greatly grieved, called him Pæan, and by means ofquickening warmth brought him back to life, and changed him from a maninto a god, which he thenceforth remained. The Phoenicians called himEsmun, "the eighth, " but the Greeks worshipped him as Asclepius, thegod of healing, who gave life and health to mankind. Some of the laterPhoenicians regarded him as identical with the atmosphere, which, they said, was the chief source of health to man. [1172] But it isnot altogether clear that the earlier Phoenicians attached to him anyhealing character. [1173]

The seven other Cabeiri, or "Great Ones, " equally with Esmun the sons ofSydyk, were dwarfish gods who presided over navigation, [1174] and werethe patrons of sailors and ships. The special seat of their worship inPhoenicia Proper was Berytus, but they were recognised also in severalof the Phoenician settlements, as especially in Lemnos, Imbrus, andSamothrace. [1175] Ships were regarded as their invention, [1176] and asculptured image of some one or other of them was always placed on everyPhoenician war-galley, either at the stern or stem of the vessel. [1177]They were also viewed as presiding over metals and metallurgy, [1178]having thus some points of resemblance to the Greek Hephæstus and theLatin Vulcan. Pigmy and misshapen gods belong to that fetishism whichhas always had charms for the Hamitic nations; and it may be suspectedthat the Phoenicians adopted the Cabeiri from their Canaanitepredecessors, who were of the race of Ham. [1179] The connection betweenthese pigmy deities and the Egyptian Phthah, or rather Phthah-Sokari, isunmistakable, and was perceived by Herodotus. [1180] Clay pigmy figurinesfound on Phoenician sites[1181] very closely resemble the Egyptianimages of that god; and the coins attributed to Cossura exhibita similar dwarfish form, generally carrying a hammer in the righthand. [1182] An astral character has been attached by some writers to theCabeiri, [1183] but chiefly on account of their number, which is scarcelya sufficient proof. 

Several Greek writers speak of a Phoenician goddess corresponding to theGrecian Athene, [1184] and some of them say that she was named Onga orOnca. [1185] The Phoenician remains give us no such name; but as PhiloByblius has an "Athene" among his Phoenician deities, whom he makes thedaughter of Il, or Kronos, and the queen of Attica, [1186] it is perhapsbest to allow Onca to retain her place in the Phoenician Pantheon. Philosays that Kronos _by her advice_ shaped for himself out of iron a swordand a spear; we may therefore presume that she was a war-goddess (as wasPallas-Athene among the Greeks), whence she naturally presided overthe gates of towns, [1187] which were built and fortified for warlikepurposes. 

The worship of a goddess, called Tanath or Tanith, by the laterPhoenicians, is certain, since, besides the evidence furnished by thename Abd-Tanith, i. E. "Servant of Tanith, "[1188] the name Tanith itselfis distinctly read on a number of votive tablets brought from Carthage, in a connection which clearly implies her recognition, not only as agoddess, but as a great goddess, the principal object of Carthaginianworship. The form of inscription on the tablets is, ordinarily, asfollows:--[1189]

 "To the great [goddess], Tanith, and To our lord and master Baal-Hammon. The offerer is . .. . , Son of . .. . , son of . .. . "

Tanith is invariable placed before Baal, as though superior to him, andcan be no other than the celestial goddess (Dea coelestis), whose templein the Roman Carthage was so celebrated. [1190] The Greeks regarded heras equivalent to their Artemis;[1191] the Romans made her Diana, orJuno, or Venus. [1192] Practically she must at Carthage have taken theplace of Ashtoreth. Apuleius describes her as having a lunar character, like Ashtoreth, and calls her "the parent of all things, the mistressof the elements, the initial offspring of the ages, the highest of thedeities, the queen of the Manes, the first of the celestials, the singlerepresentative of all the gods and goddesses, the one divinity whomall the world worships in many shapes, with varied rites, and under amultitude of names. "[1193] He says that she was represented as ridingupon a lion, and it is probably her form which appears upon some of thelater coins of Carthage, as well as upon a certain number of gems. [1194]The origin of the name is uncertain. Gesenius would connect it atonce with the Egyptian Neith (Nit), and with the Syrian Anaïtis orTanaïtis;[1195] but the double identification is scarcely tenable, sinceAnaïtis was, in Egypt, not Neith, but Anta. [1196] The subject is veryobscure, and requires further investigation. 

Baaltis, or Beltis, was, according to Philo Byblius, the daughter ofUranus and the sister of Asthoreth or Astarte. [1197] Il made her one ofhis many wives, and put the city of Byblus, which he had founded, underher special protection. [1198] It is doubtful, however, whether she wasreally viewed by the Phoenicians as a separate goddess, and not ratheras Ashtoreth under another name. The word is the equivalent of {. .. }, "my lady, " a very suitable title for the supreme goddess. Beltis, indeed, in Babylonia, was distinct from Ishtar;[1199] but this fact mustnot be regarded as any sufficient proof that the case was the same inPhoenicia. The Phoenician polytheism was decidedly more restricted thanthe Babylonian, and did not greatly affect the needless multiplicationof divinities. Baaltis in Phoenicia may be the Beltis of Babylonimported at a comparatively late date into the country, but is moreprobably an alternative name, or rather, perhaps, a mere honorary titleof Ashtoreth. [11100]

The chief characteristic of the third period of the Phoenician religionwas the syncretistic tendency, [11101] whereby foreign gods were calledin, and either identified with the old national divinities, or joinedwith them, and set by their side. Ammon, Osiris, Phthah, Pasht, andAthor, were introduced from Egypt, Tanith from either Egypt or Syria, Nergal from Assyria, Beltis (Baaltis) perhaps from Babylon. The worshipof Osiris in the later times appears from such names as Abd-Osir, Osir-shamar, Melek-Osir, and the like, [11102] and is represented oncoins with Phoenician legends, which are attributed either to Malta orGaulos. [11103] Osiris was, it would seem, identified with Adonis, [11104]and was said to have been buried at Byblus;[11105] which was near themouth of the Adonis river. His worship was not perhaps very widelyspread; but there are traces of it at Byblus, in Cyprus, andin Malta. [11106] Ammon was identified with Baal in his solarcharacter, [11107] and was generally worshipped in conjunction withTanith, more especially at Carthage. [11108] He was represented withhis head encircled by rays, and with a perfectly round face. [11109] Hiscommon title was "Lord" {. .. }, but in Numidia he was worshipped as "theEternal King" {. .. }. [11110] As the giver of all good things, he heldtrees or fruits in his hands. [11111]

The Phoenicians worshipped their gods, like most other ancient nations, with prayer, with hymns of praise, with sacrifices, with processions, and with votive offerings. We do not know whether they had any regularlyrecurrent day, like the Jewish Sabbath, or Christian Sunday, on whichworship took place in the temples generally; but at any rate each templehad its festival times, when multitudes flocked to it, and its gods werehonoured with prolonged services and sacrifices on a larger scale thanordinary. Most festivals were annual, but some recurred at shorterintervals; and, besides the festivals, there was an every day cult, which was a duty incumbent upon the priests, but at which the privateworshipper also might assist to offer prayer or sacrifice. The ordinarysacrificial animals were oxen, cows, goats, sheep, and lambs; swinewere not offered, being regarded as unclean;[11112] but the stag wasan acceptable victim, at any rate on certain occasions. [11113] Atall functions the priests attended in large numbers, habited in whitegarments of linen or cotton, and wearing a stiff cap or mitre upon theirheads:[11114] on one occasion of a sacrifice Lucian counted above threehundred engaged in the ceremony. [11115] It was the duty of some to slaythe victims; of others to pour libations; of a third class to bear aboutpans of coal on which incense could be offered; of a fourth to attendupon the altars. [11116] The priests of each temple had at their head aChief or High Priest, who was robed in purple and wore a golden tiara. His office, however, continued only for a year, when another was chosento succeed him. [11117]

Ordinarily, sacrifices were offered, in Phoenicia as elsewhere, singly, and upon altars; but sometimes it was customary to have a greatholocaust. Large trees were dug up by the roots, and planted in thecourt of the temple; the victims, whether goats, or sheep, or cattle ofany other kind, were suspended by ropes from the branches; birds weresimilarly attached, and garments, and vessels in gold and silver. Thenthe images of the gods belonging to the temple were brought out, andcarried in a solemn procession round the trees; after which thetrees were set on fire, and the whole was consumed in a mightyconflagration. [11118] The season for this great holocaust was thecommencement of the spring-time, when the goodness of Heaven in oncemore causing life to spring up on every side seemed to require man'sspecial acknowledgment. 

Hymns of praise are spoken of especially in connection with this sameSpring-Festival. [11119] Votive offerings were continually being offeredin every temple by such as believed that they had received any benefitfrom any god, either in consequence of their vows, or prayers, or evenby the god's spontaneous action. The sites of temples yield numeroustraces of such offerings. Sometimes they are in the shape of stone_stelæ_ or pillars, inscribed and more or less ornamented, [11120]sometimes of tablets placed within an ornamental border, and generallyaccompanied by some rude sculptures;[11121] more often of figures, either in bronze or clay, which are mostly of a somewhat rude character. M. Renan observes with respect to these figures, which are extremelynumerous:--"Ought we to see in these images, as has been supposed, longseries of portraits of priests and priestesses continued through severalcenturies? We do not think so. The person represented in these statuesappears to us to be the author of a vow or of a sacrifice made to thedivinity of the temple . . . Vows and sacrifices were very fleetingthings; it might be feared that the divinity would soon forget them. Aninscription was already recognised as a means of rendering the memoryof a vow more lasting; but a statue was a momento still more--nay, muchmore efficacious. By having himself represented under the eyes of thedivinity in the very act of accomplishing his vow, a man called to mind, as one may say, incessantly the offering which he had made to thegod, and the homage which he had rendered him. An idea of this sortis altogether in conformity with the materialistic and self-interestedcharacter of the Phoenician worship, where the vow is a kind ofbusiness affair, a matter of debtor and creditor account, in which a manstipulates very clearly what he is to give, and holds firmly that heis to be paid in return . . . We have then, in these statues, representations of pious men, who came one after another to acquitthemselves of their debt in the presence of the divinity; in order thatthe latter should not forget that the debt was discharged, they set uptheir images in front of the god. The image was larger or smaller, more or less carefully elaborated, in a more or less valuable material, according to the means of the individual who consecrated it. "[11122]

Thus far there was no very remarkable difference between the Phoenicianreligious system and other ancient Oriental worships, which have ageneral family likeness, and differ chiefly in the names and numberof the deities, the simplicity or complication of the rites, and thegreater or less power and dignity attached to the priestly office. In these several respects the Phoenician religion seems to have leanttowards the side of simplicity, the divinities recognised being, comparatively speaking, few, priestly influence not great, and theceremonial not very elaborate. But there were two respects in whichthe religion was, if not singular, at any rate markedly different fromordinary polytheisms, though less in the principles involved than inthe extent to which they were carried out in practice. These were theprevalence of licentious orgies and of human sacrifice. The worship ofAstarte was characterised by the one, the worship of Baal by the other. Phoenician mythology taught that the great god, Il or El, when reigningupon earth as king of Byblus, had, under circumstances of extremedanger to his native land, sacrificed his dearly loved son, Ieoud, asan expiatory offering. Divine sanction had thus been given to the horridrite; and thenceforth, whenever in Phoenicia either public or privatecalamity threatened, it became customary that human victims should beselected, the nobler and more honourable the better, and that the wrathof the gods should be appeased by taking their lives. The mode of deathwas horrible. The sacrifices were to be consumed by fire; the lifegiven by the Fire God he should also take back again by the flames whichdestroy being. The rabbis describe the image of Moloch as a human figurewith a bull's head and outstretched arms;[11123] and the account whichthey give is confirmed by what Diodorus relates of the CarthaginianKronos. His image, Diodorus says, [11124] was of metal, and was made hotby a fire kindled within it; the victims were placed in its arms andthence rolled into the fiery lap below. The most usual form of therite was the sacrifice of their children--especially of their eldestsons[11125]--by parents. "This custom was grounded in part on the notionthat children were the dearest possession of their parents, and, inpart, that as pure and innocent beings they were the offerings ofatonement most certain to pacify the anger of the deity; and further, that the god of whose essence the generative power of nature was had ajust title of that which was begotten of man, and to the surrenderof their children's lives . . . Voluntary offering on the part ofthe parents was essential to the success of the sacrifice; even thefirst-born, nay, the only child of the family, was given up. The parentsstopped the cries of their children by fondling and kissing them, forthe victim ought not to weep; and the sound of complaint was drownedin the din of flutes and kettledrums. Mothers, according toPlutarch, [11126] stood by without tears or sobs; if they wept or sobbedthey lost the honour of the act, and their children were sacrificednotwithstanding. Such sacrifices took place either annually or on anappointed day, or before great enterprises, or on the occasion of publiccalamities, to appease the wrath of the god. "[11127]

In the worship of Astarte the prostitution of women, and of effeminatemen, played the same part that child murder did in the worship of Baal. "This practice, " says Dr. Döllinger, [11128] "so widely spread in theworld of old, the delusion that no service more acceptable could berendered a deity than that of unchastity, was deeply rooted in theAsiatic mind. Where the deity was in idea sexual, or where two deitiesin chief, one a male and the other a female, stood in juxtaposition, there the sexual relation appeared as founded upon the essence of thedeity itself, and the instinct and its satisfaction as that in men whichmost corresponded with the deity. Thus lust itself became a serviceof the gods; and, as the fundamental idea of sacrifice is that of theimmediate or substitutive surrender of a man's self to the deity, so thewoman could do the goddess no better service than by prostitution. Henceit was the custom [in some places] that a maiden before her marriageshould prostitute herself once in the temple of the goddess;[11129]and this was regarded as the same in kind with the offering of thefirst-fruits of the field. " Lucian, a heathen and an eye-witness, tellsus[11130]--"I saw at Byblus the grand temple of the Byblian Venus, inwhich are accomplished the orgies relating to Adonis; and I learnt thenature of the orgies. For the Byblians say that the wounding of Adonisby the boar took place in their country; and, in memory of the accident, they year by year beat their breasts, and utter lamentations, and gothrough the orgies, and hold a great mourning throughout the land. Whenthe weeping is ended, first of all, they make to Adonis the offeringsusually made to a corpse; after which, on the next day, they feign thathe has come to life again, and hold a procession [of his image] in theopen air. But previously they shave their heads, like the Egyptians whenan Apis dies; and if any woman refuse to do so, she must sell her beautyduring one day to all who like. Only strangers, however, are permittedto make the purchase, and the money paid is expended on a sacrificewhich is offered to the goddess. " "In this way, " as Dr. Döllinger goeson to say, "they went so far at last as to contemplate the abominationsof unnatural lust as a homage rendered to the deity, and to exalt itinto a regular cultus. The worship of the goddess [Ashtoreth] atAphaca in the Lebanon was specially notorious in this respect. "[11131]Here, according to Eusebius, was, so late as the time of Constantine theGreat, a temple in which the old Phoenician rites were still retained. "This, " he says, "was a grove and a sacred enclosure, not situated, asmost temples are, in the midst of a city, and of market-places, andof broad streets, but far away from either road or path, on the rockyslopes of Libanus. It was dedicated to a shameful goddess, the goddessAphrodite. A school of wickedness was this place for all such profligatepersons as had ruined their bodies by excessive luxury. The men therewere soft and womanish--men no longer; the dignity of their sex theyrejected; with impure lust they thought to honour the deity. Criminalintercourse with women, secret pollutions, disgraceful and namelessdeeds, were practised in the temple, where there was no restraining law, and no guardian to preserve decency. "[11132]

One fruit of this system was the extraordinary institution of the Galli. The Galli were men, who made themselves as much like women as theycould, and offered themselves for purposes of unnatural lust to eithersex. Their existence may be traced in Israel and Judah, [11133] aswell as in Syria and Phoenicia. [11134] At great festivals, under theinfluence of a strong excitement, amid the din of flutes and drums andwild songs, a number of the male devotees would snatch up swords orknives, which lay ready for the purpose, throw off their garments, andcoming forward with a loud shout, proceed to castrate themselves openly. They would then run through the streets of the city, with the mutilatedparts in their hands, and throw them into the houses of the inhabitants, who were bound in such case to provide the thrower with all the appareland other gear needful for a woman. [11135] This apparel they thenceforthwore, and were recognised as attached to the worship of Astarte, entitled to reside in her temples, and authorised to take part inher ceremonies. They joined with the priests and the sacred women atfestival times in frenzied dances and other wild orgies, shouting, andcutting themselves on the arms, and submitting to be flogged one byanother. [11136] At other seasons they "wandered from place to place, taking with them a veiled image or symbol of their goddess, and clad inwomen's apparel of many colours, and with their faces and eyes paintedin female fashion, armed with swords and scourges, they threw themselvesby a wild dance into bacchanalian ecstasy, in which their long hairwas draggled through the mud. They bit their own arms, and then hackedthemselves with their swords, or scourged themselves in penance fora sin supposed to have been committed against the goddess. In thesescenes, got up to aid the collection of money, by long practice theycontrived to cut themselves so adroitly as not to inflict on themselvesany very serious wounds. "[11137]

It is difficult to estimate the corrupting effect upon practice andmorals of a religious system which embraced within it so many sensualand degrading elements. Where impurity is made an essential part ofreligion, there the very fountain of life is poisoned, and thatwhich should have been "a savour of life unto life"--a cleansing andregenerating influence--becomes "a savour of death unto death"--aninfluence leading on to the worst forms of moral degradation. Phoenicianreligion worked itself out, and showed its true character, in the firstthree centuries after our era, at Aphaca, at Hierapolis, and at Antioch, where, in the time of Julian, even a Libanius confessed that the greatfestival of the year consisted only in the perpetration of all that wasimpure and shameless, and the renunciation of every lingering spark ofdecency. [11138]

A vivid conception of another world, and of the reality of a life afterdeath, especially if connected with a belief in future rewards andpunishments, might have done much, or at any rate something, tocounteract the effect upon morals and conduct of the degrading tenetsand practices connected with the Astarte worship; but, so far asappears, the Phoenicians had a very faint and dim conception of the lifeto come, and neither hoped for happiness, nor feared misery in it. Theircare for the preservation of their bodies after death, and the provisionwhich in some cases they are seen to have made for them, [11139] implya belief that death was not the end of everything, and a fewvague expressions in inscriptions upon tombs point to a similarconviction;[11140] but the life of the other world seems to have beenregarded as something imperfect and precarious[11141]--a sort of shadowyexistence in a gloomy _Sheôl_, where was neither pleasure nor pain, neither suffering nor enjoyment, but only quietness and rest. Thethought of it did not occupy men's minds, or exercise any perceptibleinfluence over their conduct. It was a last home, whereto all mustgo, acquiesced in, but neither hoped for nor dreaded. A Phoenician'sfeelings on the subject were probably very much those expressed by Jobin his lament:--[11142]

 "Why died I not from the womb? Why gave I not up the ghost at my birth? Why did the knees prevent me? or why the breasts that I should suck? For now should I have lain still and been quiet; I should have slept, and then should I have been at rest; I should have been with the kings and councillors of the earth, Who rebuilt for themselves the cities that were desolate. I should have been with the princes that had much gold, And that filled their houses with silver . . . There they that are wicked cease from troubling, There they that are weary sink to rest; There the prisoners are in quiet together, And hear no longer the voice of the oppressor: There are both the great and small, and the servant is freed from his master. "

Still their religion, such as it was, had a great hold upon thePhoenicians. Parents gave to their children, almost always, religiousnames, recognising each son and daughter as a gift from heaven, orplacing them under the special protection of the gods generally, or ofsome single divinity. It was piety, an earnest but mistaken piety, whichso often caused the parent to sacrifice his child--the very apple of hiseye and delight of his heart--that so he might make satisfaction forthe sins which he felt in his inmost soul that he had committed. Itwas piety that filled the temples with such throngs, that brought forsacrifice so many victims, that made the worshipper in every difficultyput up a vow to heaven, and caused the payment of the vows in suchextraordinary profusion. At Carthage alone there have been foundmany hundreds of stones, each one of which records the payment of avow;[11143] while other sites have furnished hundreds or even thousandsof _ex votos_--statues, busts, statuettes, figures of animals, cylinders, seals, rings, bracelets, anklets, ear-rings, necklaces, ornaments for the hair, vases, amphoræ, oenochoæ, pateræ, jugs, cups, goblets, bowls, dishes, models of boats and chariots--indicative of analmost unexampled devotion. A single chamber in the treasury ofCurium produced more than three hundred articles in silverand silver-gilt;[11144] the temple of Golgi yielded 228 votivestatues;[11145] sites in Sardinia scarcely mentioned in antiquity havesufficed to fill whole museums with statuettes, rings, and scarabs. Ifthe Phoenicians did not give evidence of the depth of their religiousfeeling by erecting, like most nations, temples of vast size andmagnificence, still they left in numerous places unmistakable proof ofthe reality of their devotion to the unseen powers by the multiplicity, and in many cases the splendour, [11146] of their votive offerings. 

CHAPTER XII--DRESS, ORNAMENTS, AND SOCIAL HABITS

 Dress of common men--Dress of men of the upper classes-- Treatment of the hair and beard--Male ornaments--Supposed priestly costume--Ordinary dress of women--Arrangement of their hair--Female ornaments--Necklaces--Bracelets--Ear- rings--Ornaments for the hair--Toilet pins--Buckles--A Phoenician lady's toilet table--Freedom enjoyed by Phoenician women--Active habits of the men--Curious agate ornament--Use in furniture of bronze and ivory. 

The dress of the Phoenician men, especially of those belonging to thelower orders, consisted, for the most part, of a single close-fittingtunic, which reached from the waist to a little above the knee. [0121] Thematerial was probably either linen or cotton, and the simple garmentwas perfectly plain and unornamented, like the common _shenti_ of theEgyptians. On the head was generally worn a cap of one kind or another, sometimes round, more often conical, occasionally shaped like a helmet. The conical head-dresses seem to have often ended in a sort of top-knotor button, which recalls the head-dress of a Chinese Mandarin. 

Where the men were of higher rank, the _shenti_ was ornamented. It waspatterned, and parted towards the two sides, while a richly adornedlappet, terminating in uræi, fell down in front. [0122] The girdle, fromwhich it depended, was also patterned, and the _shenti_ thus arrangedwas sometimes a not inelegant garment. In addition to the _shenti_, itwas common among the upper classes to wear over the bust and shoulders aclose-fitting tunic with short sleeves, [0123] like a modern "jersey;" andsometimes two garments were worn, an inner robe descending to the feet, and an outer blouse or shirt, with sleeves reaching to the elbow. [0124]Occasionally, instead of this outer blouse, the man of rank has a mantlethrown over the left shoulder, which falls about him in folds that aresufficiently graceful. [0125] The conical cap with a top-knot is, withpersons of this class, the almost universal head-dress. 

Great attention seems to have been paid to the hair and beard. Where nocap is worn, the hair clings closely to the head in a wavy compact mass, escaping however from below the wreath or diadem, which supplies theplace of a cap, in one or two rows of crisp, rounded curls. [0126] Thebeard has mostly a strong resemblance to that affected by the Assyrians, and familiar to us from their sculptures. It is arranged in three, four, or five rows of small tight curls, [0127] and extends from ear to eararound the cheeks and chin. Sometimes, however, in lieu of the manyrows, we find one row only, the beard falling in tresses, which arecurled at the extremity. [0128] There is no indication of the Phoenicianshaving cultivated mustachios. 

For ornaments the male Phoenicians wore collars, which were sometimesvery elaborate, armlets, bracelets, and probably finger-rings. Thecollars resembled those of the Egyptians, being arranged in three rows, and falling far over the breast. [0129] The armlets seem to have beenplain, consisting of a mere twist of metal, once, twice, or thricearound the limb. [1210] The royal armlets of Etyander, king of Paphos, are single twists of gold, the ends of which only just overlap: theyare plain, except for the inscription, which reads _Eteadoro to Papobasileos_, or "The property of Etyander, king of Paphos. "[1211] Men'sbracelets were similar in character. The finger-rings were either ofgold or silver, and generally set with a stone, which bore a device, andwhich the wearer used as a seal. [1212]

The most elaborate male costume which has come down to us is that ofa figure found at Golgi, and believed to represent a high priest ofAshtoreth. The conical head-dress is divided into partitions by narrowstripes, which, beginning at its lower edge, converge to a point at top. This point is crowned by the representation of a calf's or bull's head. The main garment is a long robe reaching from the neck to the feet, "worn in much the same manner as the peplos on early Greek femalefigures. " Round the neck of the robe are two rows of stars painted inred, probably meant to represent embroidery. A little below the kneeis another band of embroidery, from which the robe falls in folds orpleats, which gather closely around the legs. Above the long robe isworn a mantle, which covers the right arm and shoulder, and thence hangsdown below the right knee, passing also in many folds from the shoulderacross the breast, and thence, after a twist around the left arm, falling down below the left knee. The treatment of the hair isremarkable. Below the rim of the cap is the usual row of crisp curls;but besides these, there depend from behind the ears on either side ofthe neck three long tresses. The feet of the figure are naked. The righthand holds a cup by its foot between the middle and fore-fingers, whilethe left holds a dove with wings outspread. [1213]

Women were, for the most part, draped very carefully from head tofoot. The nude figures which are found abundantly in the Phoenicianremains[1214] are figures of goddesses, especially of Astarte, who wereconsidered not to need the ornament, or the concealment of dress. Humanfemale figures are in almost every case covered from the neck tothe feet, generally in garments with many folds, which, however, are arranged very variously. Sometimes a single robe of the amplestdimensions seems to envelop the whole form, which it completely concealswith heavy folds of drapery. [1215] The long petticoat is sleeved, andgathered into a sinus below the breasts, about which it hangs loosely. Sometimes, on the contrary, the petticoat is perfectly plain, and hasno folds. [1216] Occasionally a second garment is worn over the gownor robe, which covers the left shoulder and the lap, descending to theknees, or somewhat lower. [1217] The waist is generally confined by agirdle, which is knotted in front. [1218] There are a few instances inwhich the feet are enclosed in sandals. [1219]

The hair of women is sometimes concealed under a cap, but generally itescapes from such confinement, and shows itself below the cap in greatrolls, or in wavy masses, which flow off right and left from a partingover the middle of the forehead. [1220] Tresses are worn occasionally:these depend behind either ear in long loose curls, which fall upon theshoulders. [1221] Female heads are mostly covered with a loose hood, or cap; but sometimes the hair is merely encircled by a band or bands, above and below which it ripples freely. [1222]

Phoenician women were greatly devoted to the use of personal ornaments. It was probably from them that the Hebrew women of Isaiah's time derivedthe "tinkling ornaments of the feet, the cauls, the round tires like themoon, the chains, the bracelets, and the mufflers, the bonnets and theornaments of the legs, and the head-bands, and the tablets, and theear-rings, the rings and nose-jewels, the changeable suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the wimples, and the crisping pins, the glasses, and the fine linen, and the hoods, and the vails, "[1223] which theprophet denounces so fiercely. The excavations made on Phoenician siteshave yielded in abundance necklaces, armlets, bracelets, pendants tobe worn as lockets, ear-rings, finger-rings, ornaments for the hair, buckles or brooches, seals, buttons, and various articles of the toiletsuch as women delight in. 

Women wore, it appears, three or four necklaces at the same time, oneabove the other. [1224] A string of small beads or pearls would closelyencircle the neck just under the chin. Below, where the chest begins, would lie a second string of larger beads, perhaps of gold, perhaps onlyof glass, while further down, as the chest expands, would be rows ofstill larger ornaments, pendants in glass, or crystal, or gold, or agatemodelled into the shape of acorns, or pomegranates, or lotus flowers, orcones, or vases, and lying side by side to the number of fifty or sixty. Several of the necklaces worn by the Cypriote ladies have come downto us. One is composed of a row of one hundred and three gold beads, alternately round and oval, to the oval ones of which are attachedpendants, also in gold, representing alternately the blossom and bud ofthe lotus plant, except in one instance. The central bead of all has asits pendant a human head and bust, modelled in the Egyptian style, withthe hair falling in lappets on either side of the face, and with a broadcollar upon the shoulders and the breast. [1225] Another consists ofsixty-four gold beads, twenty-two of which are of superior size to therest, and of eighteen pendants, shaped like the bud of a flower, and delicately chased. [1226] There are others where gold beads areintermixed with small carnelian and onyx bugles, while the pendants areof gold, like the beads; or where gold and rock-crystal beads alternate, and a single crystal vase hangs as pendant in the middle; or wherealternate carnelian and gold beads have as pendant a carnelian cone, asymbol of Astarte. [1227] Occasionally the sole material used is glass. Necklaces have been found composed entirely of long oval beads of blueor greenish-blue glass; others where the colour of the beads is a darkolive;[1228] others again, where all the component parts are of glass, but the colours and forms are greatly varied. In a glass necklace foundat Tharros in Sardinia, besides beads of various sizes and hues, thereare two long rough cylinders, four heads of animals, and a human head ascentral ornament. "Taken separately, the various elements of whichthis necklace is composed have little value; neither the heads of theanimals, nor the bearded human face, perhaps representing Bacchus, are in good style; the cylinders and rounded beads which fill up theintermediate spaces between the principal objects are of very poorexecution; but the mixture of whites, and greys, and yellows, andgreens, and blues produces a whole which is harmonious and gay. "[1229]

Perhaps the most elegant and tasteful necklace of all that have beendiscovered is the one made of a thick solid gold cord, very softand elastic, which is figured on the page opposite. [1230] At eitherextremity is a cylinder of very fine granulated work, terminating in onecase in a lion's head of good execution, in the other surmounted by asimple cap. The lion's mouth holds a ring, while the cap supports a longhook, which seems to issue from a somewhat complicated knot, entangledwherein is a single light rosette. "In this arrangement, in the curvesof the thin wire, which folds back upon itself again and again, there isan air of ease, an apparent negligence, which is the very perfection oftechnical skill. "[1231]

The bracelets worn by the Phoenician ladies were of many kinds, andfrequently of great beauty. Some were bands of plain solid gold, withoutornament of any kind, very heavy, weighing from 200 to 300 grammeseach. [1232] Others were open, and terminated at either extremity inthe head of an animal. One, found by General Di Cesnola at Curium inCyprus, [1233] exhibited at the two ends heads of lions, which seemedto threaten each other. The execution of the heads left nothing tobe desired. Some others, found in Phoenicia Proper, in a state ofextraordinary preservation, were of similar design, but, in the place oflions' heads, exhibited the heads of bull, with very short horns. [1234]A third type aimed at greater variety, and showed the head of awild goat at one end, and that of a ram at the other. [1235] In a fewinstances, the animal representation appears at one extremity of thebracelet only, as in a specimen from Camirus, whereof the workmanship isunmistakably Phoenician, which has a lion's head at one end, and at theother tapers off, like the tail of a serpent. [1236]

A pair of bracelets in the British Museum, said to have come fromTharros, consist of plain thin circlets of gold, with a ball of gold inthe middle. The ball is ornamented with spirals and projecting knobs, which must have been uncomfortable to the wearer, but are said not to bewanting in elegance. [1237]

There are other Phoenician bracelets of an entirely different character. These consist of broad flat bands, which fitted closely to the wrist, and were fastened round it by means of a clasp. Two, now in the Museumof New York, are bands of gold about an inch in width, ornamentedexternally with rosettes, flowers, and other designs in high relief, onwhich are visible in places the remains of a blue enamel. [1238] Anotheris composed of fifty-four large-ribbed gold beads, soldered together bythrees, and having for centre a gold medallion, with a large onyx setin it, and with four gold pendants. [1239] A third bracelet of the kind, said to have been found at Tharros, consists of six plates, unitedby hinges, and very delicately engraved with patterns of a thoroughlyPhoenician character, representing palms, volutes, and flowers. [1240]

But it is in their earrings that the Phoenician ladies were most curiousand most fanciful. They present to us, as MM. Perrot and Chipieznote, "an astonishing variety. "[1241] Some, which must have been veryexpensive, are composed of many distinct parts, connected with eachother by chains of an elegant pattern. One of the most beautifulspecimens was found by General Di Cesnola in Cyprus. [1242] There is ahook at top, by which it was suspended. Then follows a medallion, wherethe workmanship is of singular delicacy. A rosette occupies the centre;around it are a set of spirals, negligently arranged, and enclosedwithin a chain-like band, outside of which is a double beading. Fromthe medallion depend by finely wrought chains five objects. The centralchain supports a human head, to which is attached a conical vase, covered at top: on either side are two short chains, terminating inrings, from which hang small nondescript pendants: beyond are twolonger chains, with small vases or bottles attached. Another, found inSardinia, is scarcely less complicated. The ring which pierced the earforms the handle of a kind of basket, which is covered with lines ofbead-work: below, attached by means of two rings, is the model of a hawkwith wings folded; below the hawk, again attached by a couple of rings, is a vase of elegant shape, decorated with small bosses, lozenges, andchevrons. [1243] Other ear-rings have been found similar in type to this, but simplified by the omission of the bird, or of the basket. [1244]

An entirely different type is that furnished by an ear-ring in theMuseum of New York brought from Cyprus, where the loop of the ornamentrises from a sort of horse-shoe, patterned with bosses and spirals, andsurrounded by a rough edging of knobs, standing at a little distance onefrom another. [1245] Other forms found also in Cyprus are the ear-ringwith the long pendant, which has been called "an elongated pear, "[1246]ornamented towards the lower end with small blossoms of flowers, andterminating in a minute ball, which recalls the "drops" that are stillused by the jewellers of our day; the loop which supports a _cruxansata_;[1247] that which has attached to it a small square box, ormeasure containing a heap of grain, thought to represent wheat;[1248]and those which support fruit of various kinds. [1249] An ear-ring ofmuch delicacy consists of a twisted ring, curved into a hook at oneextremity, and at the other ending in the head of a goat, with a ringattached to it, through which the hook passes. [1250] Another, rathercurious than elegant, consists of a double twist, ornamented withlozenges, and terminating in triangular points finely granulated. [1251]

Ornaments more or less resembling this last type of ear-ring, but largerand coarser, have given rise to some controversy, having been regardedby some as ear-rings, by others as fastenings for the dress, and by athird set of critics as ornaments for the hair. They consist of a doubletwist, sometimes ornamented at one end only, sometimes at both. A lion'sor a griffin's head crowns usually the principal end; round the neckis a double or triple collar, and below this a rosette, very carefullyelaborated. In one instance two griffins show themselves side by side, exhibiting their heads, their chests, their wings, and their fore-pawsor hands; between them is an ornament like that which commonly surmountsPhoenician _stelæ_; and below this a most beautiful rosette. [1252] Thefashioning shows that the back of the ornament was not intended to beseen, and favours the view that it was to be placed where a mass of hairwould afford the necessary concealment. 

The Phoenician ladies seem also to have understood the use of hair-pins, which were from two to three inches long, and had large heads, ribbedlongitudinally, and crowned with two smaller balls, one above theother. [1253] The material used was either gold or silver. 

To fasten their dresses, the Phoenician ladies used _fibulæ_ or bucklesof a simple character. Brooches set with stones have not at presentbeen found on Phoenician sites; but in certain cases the fibulæ showa moderate amount of ornament. Some have glass beads strung on thepin that is inserted into the catch; others have the rounded portionsurmounted by the figure of a horse or of a bird. [1254] Most fibulæare in bronze; but one, found in the treasury of Curium, and now in theMuseum of New York, was of gold. [1255] This, however, was most probablya votive offering. 

It is impossible at present to reproduce the toilet table of aPhoenician lady. We may be tolerably sure, however, that certainindispensable articles would not be lacking. Circular mirrors, eitherof polished metal, or of glass backed by a plate of tin or silver, would undoubtedly have found their place on them, together with variousvessels for holding perfumes and ointments. A vase in rock crystal, discovered at Curium, with a funnel and cover in gold, the latterattached by a fine gold chain to one of its handles, [1256] was doubtlessa fine lady's favourite smelling bottle. Various other vessels insilver, of a small size, [1257] as basins and bowls beautifully chased, tiny jugs, alabasti, ladles, &c. , had also the appearance of belongingrather to the toilet table than to the plate-basket. Some of thealabasti would contain _kohl_ or _stibium_, some salves and ointments, others perhaps perfumed washes for the complexion. Among the bronzeobjects found, [1258] some may have been merely ornaments, others standsfor rings, bracelets, and the like. One terra-cotta vase from Daliseems made for holding pigments, [1259] and raises the suspicion thatPhoenician, or at any rate Cyprian, beauties were not above heighteningtheir charms by the application of paint. 

Women in Phoenicia seem to have enjoyed considerable freedom. They arerepresented as banqueting in the company of men, sometimes sittingwith them on the same couch, sometimes reclining with them at the sametable. [1260] Occasionally they delight their male companion by playingupon the lyre or the double pipe, [1261] while in certain instances theyare associated in bands of three, who perform on the lyre, the doublepipe, and the tambourine. [1262] They take part in religious processions, and present offerings to the deities. [1263] The positions occupied inhistory by Jezebel and Dido fall in with these indications, and implya greater approach to equality between the sexes in Phoenicia than inOriental communities generally. 

The men were, for Orientals, unusually hardy and active. In onlyone instance is there any appearance of the use of the parasol by aPhoenician. [1264] Sandals are infrequently worn; neck, chest, arms, andlegs are commonly naked. The rough life of seamen hardened the greaternumber; others hunted the wild ox and the wild boar[1265] in the marshyplains of the coast tract, and in the umbrageous dells of Lebanon. Eventhe lion may have been affronted in the great mountain, and if we areunable to describe the method of its chase in Phoenicia, the reasonis that the Phoenician artists have, in their representations of lionhunts, adopted almost exclusively Assyrian models. [1266] The Phoeniciangift of facile imitation was a questionable advantage, since it led thenative artists continually to substitute for sketches at first hand ofscenes with which they were familiar, conventional renderings of similarscenes as depicted by foreigners. 

An ornament found in Cyprus, the intention of which is uncertain, findsits proper place in the present chapter, though we cannot attach it toany particular class of objects. It consists of a massive knob of solidagate, with a cylinder of the same both above and below, through which arod, or bar, must have been intended to pass. Some archæologists seein it the top of a sceptre;[1267] others, the head of a mace;[1268]but there is nothing really to prove its use. We might imagine it theadornment of a throne or chair of state, or the end of a chariot pole, or a portion of the stem of a candelabrum. Antiquity has furnishednothing similar with which to compare it; and we only say of it, that, whatever was its purpose, so large and so beautiful a mass of agate hasscarcely been met with elsewhere. [1269] The cutting is such as to showvery exquisitely the veining of the material. 

Bronze objects in almost infinite variety have been found on Phoeniciansites, [1270] but only a few of them can have been personal ornaments. They comprise lamps, bowls, vases, jugs, cups, armlets, anklets, daggers, dishes, a horse's bit, heads and feet of animals, statuettes, mirrors, fibulæ, buttons, &c. Furniture would seem to have been largelycomposed of bronze, which sometimes formed its entire fabric, thoughgenerally confined to the ornamentation. Ivory was likewise employed inconsiderable quantities in the manufacture of furniture, [1271] to whichit was applied as an outer covering, or veneer, either plain, or moregenerally carved with a pattern or with figures. The "ivory house" ofAhab[1272] was perhaps so called, not so much from the application ofthe precious material to the doors and walls, as from its employment inthe furniture. There is every probability that it was the constructionof Phoenician artists. 

CHAPTER XIII--PHOENICIAN WRITING, LANGUAGE, AND LITERATURE

 The Phoenician alphabet--Its wide use--Its merits--Question of its origin--Its defects--Phoenician writing and language-- Resemblance of the language to Hebrew--In the vocabulary-- In the grammar--Points of difference between Phoenician and Hebrew--Scantiness of the literature--Phoenician history of Philo Byblius--Extracts--Periplus of Hanno--Phoenician epigraphic literature--Inscription of Esmunazar--Inscription of Tabnit--Inscription of Jehav-melek--Marseilles inscription--Short inscriptions on votive offerings and tombs--Range of Phoenician book-literature. 

The Phoenician alphabet, like the Hebrew, consisted of twenty-twocharacters, which had, it is probable, the same names with the Hebrewletters, [0131] and were nearly identical in form with the letters usedanciently by the entire Hebrew race. The most ancient inscription in thecharacter which has come down to us is probably that of Mesha, [0132] theMoabite king, which belongs to the ninth century before our era. The next in antiquity, which is of any considerable length, is thatdiscovered recently in the aqueduct which brings the water into the poolof Siloam, [0133] which dates probably from the time of Hezekiah, ab. B. C. 727-699. Some short epigraphs on Assyrian gems, tablets, and cylindersbelong apparently to about the same period. The series of Phoenician andCilician coins begins soon after this, and continues to the time of theRoman supremacy in Western Asia. The soil of Phoenicia Proper, and ofthe various countries where the Phoenicians established settlements orfactories, as Cyprus, Malta, Sicily, Sardinia, Southern Gaul, Spain, andNorth Africa, has also yielded a large crop of somewhat brief legends, the "inscription of Marseilles"[0134] being the most important of them. Finally there have been found within the last few years, in Phoeniciaitself, near Byblus and Sidon, the three most valuable inscriptions ofthe entire series--those of Jehavmelek, Esmunazar and Tabnit--which haveenabled scholars to place the whole subject on a scientific basis. 

It is now clear that the same, or nearly the same, alphabet was inuse from a very early date over the greater part of Western Asia--inPhoenicia, Moab, Judæa, Samaria, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, &c. --that it wasadopted, with slight alterations only, by the Etruscans and the Greeks, and that from them it was passed on to the nations of modern Europe, andacquired a quasi-universality. The invention of this alphabet was, bythe general consent of antiquity, ascribed to the Phoenicians;[0135]and though, if their claim to priority of discovery be disputed, it isimpossible to prove it, their practical genius and their position amongthe nations of the earth are strong subsidiary arguments in support ofthe traditions. 

The Phoenician alphabet, or the Syrian script, as some call it, [0136]did not obtain its general prevalence without possessing some peculiarmerits. Its primary merit was that of simplicity. The pictorial systemsof the Egyptians and the Hittites required a hand skilled in drawing toexpress them; the cuneiform syllabaries of Babylonia, Assyria, and Elamneeded an extraordinary memory to grasp the almost infinite variety inthe arrangement of the wedges, and to distinguish each group from allthe rest; even the Cypriote syllabary was of awkward and unnecessaryextent, and was expressed by characters needlessly complicated. ThePhoenician inventor, whoever he was, reduced letters to the smallestpossible number, and expressed them by the simplest possible forms. Casting aside the idea of a syllabary, he reduced speech to its ultimateelements, and set apart a single sign to represent each possible varietyof articulation, or rather each variety of which he was individuallycognisant. How he fixed upon his signs, it is difficult to say. According to some, he had recourse to one or other of previouslyexisting modes of expressing speech, and merely simplified thecharacters which he found in use. But there are two objections to thisview. First, there is no known set of characters from which the earlyPhoenician can be derived with any plausability. Resemblances no doubtmay be pointed out here and there, but taking the alphabet as a whole, and comparing it with any other, the differences will always be quiteas numerous and quite as striking as the similarities. For instance, thewriter of the article on the "Alphabet" in the "Encyclopædia Britannica"(1876) derives the Phoenician letters from letters used in the Egyptianhieratic writing, [0137] but his own table shows a marked diversity in atleast eleven instances, a slight resemblance in seven or eight, a strongresemblance in no more than two or three. Derivation from the Cyprioteforms has been suggested by some; but here again eight letters are verydifferent, if six or seven are similar. Recently, derivation from theHittite hieroglyphs has been advocated, [0138] but the alleged instancesof resemblance touch nine characters only out of the twenty-two. Andreal resemblance is confined to three or four. Secondly, no theory ofderivation accounts for the Phoenician names of their letters, whichdesignate objects quite different from those represented by the Egyptianhieroglyphs, and equally different from those represented by the Hittiteletters. For instance, the Egyptian _a_ is the ill-drawn figure of aneagle, the Phoenician _alef_ has the signification of "ox;" the _b_of the Egyptians is a hastily drawn figure of a crane, the Phoenician_beth_ means "a house. "

On the whole, it seems most probable that the Phoenicians began withtheir own hieroglyphical system, selecting an object to represent theinitial sound of its name, and at first drawing that object, but thatthey very soon followed the Egyptian idea of representing the originaldrawing in a conventional way, by a few lines, straight or curved. Their hieroglyphic alphabet which is extant is an alphabet in the secondstage, corresponding to the Egyptian hieratic, but not derived from it. Having originally represented their _alef_ by an ox's head, they founda way of sufficiently indicating the head by three lines {. .. }, whichmarked the horns, the ears, and the face. Their _beth_ was a house inthe tent form; their _gimel_ a camel, represented by its head and neck;their _daleth_ a door, and so on. The object intended is not alwayspositively known; but, where it is known, there is no difficulty intracing the original picture in the later conventional sign. 

The Phoenician alphabet was not without its defects. The most remarkableof these was the absence of any characters expressive of vowel sounds. The Phoenician letters are, all of them, consonants; and the reader isexpected to supply the vowel sounds for himself. There was not even anysystem of pointing, so far as we know, whereby, as in Hebrew and Arabic, the proper sounds were supplied. Again, several letters were made toserve for two sounds, as _beth_ for both _b_ and _v_, _pe_ for both _p_and _f_, _shin_ for both _s_ and _sh_, and _tau_ for both _t_ and _th_. There were no forms corresponding to the sounds _j_ or _w_. On the otherhand, there was in the alphabet a certain amount of redundancy. _Tsade_is superfluous, since it represents, not a simple elemental sound, but acombination of two sounds, _t_ and _s_. Hence the Greeks omitted it, asdid also the Oscans and the Romans. There is redundancy in the two formsfor _k_, namely _kaph_ and _koph_; in the two for _t_, namely _teth_and _tau_; and in the two for _s_, namely _samech_ and _shin_. But noalphabet is without some imperfections, either in the way of excess ordefect; and perhaps we ought to be more surprised that the Phoenicianalphabet has not more faults than that it falls so far short ofperfection as it does. 

The writing of the Phoenicians was, like that of the majority of theSemitic nations, from right to left. The reverse order was entirelyunknown to them, whether employed freely as an alternative, as in Egypt, or confined, as in Greece, to the alternate lines. The words were, asa general rule, undivided, and even in some instances were carried overthe end of one line into the beginning of another. Still, there areexamples where a sign of separation occurs between each word and thenext;[0139] and the general rule is, that the words do not run overthe line. In the later inscriptions they are divided, according to themodern fashion, by a blank space;[1310] but there seems to have been anearlier practice of dividing them by small triangles or by dots. 

The language of the Phoenicians was very close indeed to the Hebrew, both as regards roots and as regards grammatical forms. The numberof known words is small, since not only are the inscriptions few andscanty, but they treat so much of the same matters, and run so nearly inthe same form, that, for the most part, the later ones contain nothingnew but the proper names. Still they make known to us a certain numberof words in common use, and these are almost always either identicalwith the Hebrew forms, or very slightly different from them, as thefollowing table will demonstrate:--

 Phoenician Hebrew English Ab {. .. } {. .. } father Aben {. .. } {. .. } stone Adon {. .. } {. .. } lord Adam {. .. } {. .. } man Aleph {. .. } {. .. } an ox Akh {. .. } {. .. } brother Akhar {. .. } {. .. } after Am {. .. } {. .. } mother Anak {. .. } {. .. } I Arets {. .. } {. .. } earth, land Ash {. .. } {. .. } who, which Barak {. .. } {. .. } to bless Bath {. .. } {. .. } daughter Ben {. .. } {. .. } son Benben {. .. } {. .. } grandson Beth {. .. } {. .. } house, temple Ba'al {. .. } {. .. } lord, citizen Ba'alat {. .. } {. .. } lady, mistress Barzil {. .. } {. .. } iron Dagan {. .. } {. .. } corn Deber {. .. } {. .. } to speak, say Daleth {. .. } {. .. } door Zan {. .. } {. .. } this Za {. .. } {. .. } this Zereng {. .. } {. .. } seed, race Har {. .. } {. .. } mountain Han {. .. } {. .. } grace, favour Haresh {. .. } {. .. } carpenter Yom {. .. } {. .. } day, also sea Yitten {. .. } {. .. } to give Ish {. .. } {. .. } man Ishath {. .. } {. .. } woman, wife Kadesh {. .. } {. .. } holy Kol {. .. } {. .. } every, all Kol {. .. } {. .. } voice Kohen {. .. } {. .. } priest Kohenath {. .. } {. .. } priestess Kara {. .. } {. .. } to call Lechem {. .. } {. .. } bread Makom {. .. } {. .. } a place Makar {. .. } {. .. } a seller Malakath {. .. } {. .. } work Melek {. .. } {. .. } king Mizbach {. .. } {. .. } altar Na'ar {. .. } {. .. } boy, servant Nehusht {. .. } {. .. } brass Nephesh {. .. } {. .. } soul Nadar {. .. } {. .. } to vow 'Abd {. .. } {. .. } slave, servant 'Am {. .. } {. .. } people 'Ain {. .. } {. .. } eye, fountain 'Ath {. .. } {. .. } time 'Olam {. .. } {. .. } eternity Pen {. .. } {. .. } face Per {. .. } {. .. } fruit Pathach {. .. } {. .. } door Rab {. .. } {. .. } lord, chief Rabbath {. .. } {. .. } lady Rav {. .. } {. .. } rain, irrigation Rach {. .. } {. .. } spirit Rapha {. .. } {. .. } physician Shamam {. .. } {. .. } the heavens Shemesh {. .. } {. .. } the sun Shamang {. .. } {. .. } to hear Shenath {. .. } {. .. } a year Shad {. .. } {. .. } a field Sha'ar {. .. } {. .. } a gate Shalom {. .. } {. .. } peace Shem {. .. } {. .. } a name Shaphat {. .. } {. .. } a judge Sopher {. .. } {. .. } a scribe Sakar {. .. } {. .. } memory Sar {. .. } {. .. } a prince Tsedek {. .. } {. .. } just

The Phoenician numerals, so far as they are known to us, are identical, or nearly identical, with the Hebrew. _'Ahad_ {. .. } is "one;" _shen_{. .. }, "two;" _shalish_ {. .. }, "three;" _arba_ {. .. }, "four;" _hamesh_{. .. }, "five;" _eshman_ {. .. }, "eight;" _'eser_ {. .. }, "ten;" and so on. Numbers were, however, by the Phoenicians ordinarily expressed by signs, not words--the units by perpendicular lines: | for "one, " || for "two, "||| for "three, " and the like; the tens by horizontal ones, eithersimple, {. .. }, or hooked at the right end, {. .. }; twenty by a signresembling a written capital _n_, {. .. }; one hundred by a sign stillmore complicated, {. .. }. 

The grammatical inflexions, the particles, the pronouns, and theprepositions are also mostly identical. The definite article isexpressed, as in Hebrew, by _h_ prefixed. Plurals are formed by theaddition of _m_ or _th_. The prefix _eth_ {. .. } marks the accusative. There is a _niphal_ conjugation, formed by prefixing _n_. The fullpersonal pronouns are _anak_ {. .. } = "I" (compare Heb. {. .. }); _hu_{. .. }, "he" (compare Heb. {. .. }); _hi_ {. .. }, "she" (compare Heb. {. .. }); _anachnu_, "we" (compare Heb. {. .. }); and the suffixed pronounsare _-i_, "me, my;" _-ka_, "thee, thy;" _-h_ (pronounced as _-oh_ or_-o_), "him, his" (compare Heb. {. .. }); _-n_ "our, " perhaps pronounced_nu_; and _-m_, "their, them, " pronounced _om_ or _um_ (compare Heb. {. .. }). _Vau_ prefixed means "and;" _beth_ prefixed "in;" _kaph_prefixed "as;" _lamed_ prefixed "of" or "to;" _'al_ {. .. } is "over;"_ki_ {. .. } "because;" _im_ {. .. }, "if;" _hazah_, _zath_, or _za_ {. .. }, "this" (compare Heb. {. .. }); and _ash_ {. .. }, "who, which" (compareHeb. {. .. }). _Al_ {. .. } and _lo_ {. .. } are the negatives (compare Heb. {. .. }). The redundant use of the personal pronoun with the relative iscommon. 

Still, Phoenician is not mere Hebrew; it has its own genius, its idioms, its characteristics. The definite article, so constantly recurring inHebrew, is in Phoenician, comparatively speaking, rare. The quiescentletters, which in Hebrew ordinarily accompany the long vowels, are inPhoenician for the most part absent. The employment of the participlefor the definite tenses of the verb is much more common in Phoenicianthan in Hebrew, and the Hebrew prefix _m_ is wanting. The ordinarytermination of feminine singular nouns is _-th_, not _-h_. Peculiarforms occur, as _ash_ for _asher_, _'amath_ for _'am_ ("people"), _zan_for _zah_ ("this"), &c. Words which in Hebrew are confined to poetrypass among the Phoenicians into ordinary use, as _pha'al_ ({. .. }, Heb. {. .. }), "to make, " which replaces the Hebrew {. .. }. [1311]

"It is strange, " says M. Renan, "that the people to which all antiquityattributes the invention of writing, and which has, beyond all doubted, transmitted it to the entire civilised world, has scarcely left usany literature. "[1312] Certainly it is difficult to give the nameof literature either to the fragments of so-called Phoenician workspreserved to us in Greek translations, or to the epigraphic remains ofactual Phoenician writing which have come down to our day. The worksare two, and two only, viz. The pretended "Phoenician History" ofSanchoniathon, and the "Periplus" of Hanno. Of the former, it is perhapssufficient to say that we have no evidence of its genuineness. Philo ofByblus, who pretends that he translated it from a Phoenician original, though possibly he had Phoenician blood in his veins, was a Greek inlanguage, in temperament, and in tone of thought, and belonged to theGreece which is characterised by Juvenal as "Græcia mendax. " It isimpossible to believe that the Euemerism in which he indulges, andwhich was evidently the motive of his work, sprang from the brain ofSanchoniathon nine hundred years before Euemerus existed. One is temptedto suspect that Sanchoniathan himself was a myth--an "idol of the cave, "evolved out of the inner consciousness of Philo. Philo had a certainknowledge of the Phoenician language, and of the Phoenician religioussystem, but not more than he might have gained by personal communicationwith the priests of Byblus and Aphaca, who maintained the old worshipin, and long after, his day. It is not clear that he drew his statementsfrom any ancient authorities, or from books at all. So far as the extantfragments go, a smattering of the language, a very moderate acquaintancewith the religion, and a little imagination might readily have producedthem. 

A few extracts from the remains must be given to justify thisjudgement:--"The beginning of all things, " Philo says, [1313] "was a darkand stormy air, or a dark air and a turbid chaos, resembling Erebus;and these were at first unbounded, and for a long series of ages hadno limit. But after a time this wind became enamoured of its own firstprinciples, and an intimate union took place between them, a connectionwhich was called Desire {pothos}: and this was the beginning of thecreation of all things. But it (i. E. The Desire) had no consciousness ofits own creation: however, from its embrace with the wind was generatedMôt, which some call watery slime, and others putrescence of waterysecretion. And from this sprang all the seed of creation, and thegeneration of the universe. And first there were certain animals withoutsensation, from which intelligent animals were produced, and these werecalled 'Zopher-Sêmin, ' i. E. 'beholders of the heavens;' and they weremade in the shape of an egg, and from Môt shone forth the sun, and themoon, and the lesser and the greater stars. And when the air beganto send forth light, by the conflagration of land and sea, winds wereproduced, and clouds, and very great downpours, and effusions of theheavenly waters. And when these were thus separated, and carried, through the heat of the sun, out of their proper places, and all metagain in the air, and came into collision, there ensued thunderingsand lightnings; and through the rattle of the thunder, the intelligentanimals, above mentioned, were woke up, and, startled by the noise, began to move about both in the sea and on the land, alike such aswere male and such as were female. All these things were found in thecosmogony of Taaut (Thoth), and in his Commentaries, and were drawn fromhis conjectures, and from the proofs which his intellect discovered, andwhich he made clear to us. "

Again, "From the wind, Colpia, and his wife Bahu (Heb. {. .. }), which isby interpretation 'Night, ' were born Æon and Protogonus, mortal men sonamed; of whom one, viz. Æon, discovered that life might be sustained bythe fruits of trees. Their immediate descendants were called Genos andGenea, who lived in Phoenicia, and in time of drought stretched forththeir hands to heaven towards the sun; for him they regarded as the soleLord of Heaven, and called him Baal-samin, which means 'Lord of Heaven'in the Phoenician tongue, and is equivalent to Zeus in Greek. And fromGenos, son of Æon and Protogonus, were begotten mortal children, calledPhôs, and Pyr, and Phlox (i. E. Light, Fire, and Flame). These personsinvented the method of producing fire by rubbing two pieces of woodtogether, and taught men to employ it. They begat sons of surprisingsize and stature, whose names were given to the mountains whereof theyhad obtained possession, viz. Casius, and Libanus, and Antilibanus, andBrathy. From them were produced Memrumus and Hypsuranius, who tooktheir names from their mothers, women in those days yielding themselveswithout shame to any man whom they happened to meet. Hypsuranius livedat Tyre, and invented the art of building huts with reeds and rushes andthe papyrus plant. He quarrelled with his brother, Usôus, who was thefirst to make clothing for the body out of the skins of the wild beastswhich he slew. On one occasion, when there was a great storm of rainand wind, the trees in the neighbourhood of Tyre so rubbed against eachother that they took fire, and the whole forest was burnt; whereuponUsôus took a tree, and having cleared it of its boughs, was the firstto venture on the sea in a boat. He also consecrated two pillars to Fireand Wind, and worshipped them, and poured upon them the blood of theanimals which he took by hunting. And when the two brothers were dead, those who remained alive consecrated rods to their memory, and continuedto worship the pillars, and to hold a festival in their honour year byyear. "[1314]

Once more--"It was the custom among the ancients, in times of greatcalamity and danger, for the rulers of the city or nation to avert theruin of all by sacrificing to the avenging deities the best beloved oftheir children as the price of redemption; and such as were thus devotedwere offered with mystic ceremonies. Kronus, therefore, who was calledEl by the Phoenicians, and who, after his death, was deified andattached to the planet which bears his name, having an only son by anymph of the country, who was called Anobret, took his son, whose namewas Ieoud, which means 'only son' in Phoenician, and when a greatdanger from war impended over the land, adorned him with the ensignsof royalty, and, having prepared an altar for the purpose, voluntarilysacrificed him. "[1315]

It will be seen from these extracts that the literary value of Philo'swork was exceedingly small. His style is complicated and confused;his matter, for the most part, worthless, and his mixture of Greek, Phoenician, and Egyptian etymologies absurd. If we were bound to believethat he translated a real Phoenician original, and that that originalwas a fair specimen of Phoenician literary talent, the only conclusionto which we could come would be, that the literature of the nation wasbeneath contempt. 

But the "Periplus" of Hanno will lead us to modify this judgment. It isso short a work that we venture to give it entire from the translationof Falconer, [1316] with a few obvious corrections. 

The voyage of Hanno, King of the Carthaginians, round the parts of Libyabeyond the Pillars of Hercules, which he deposited in the Temple ofKronos. 

"It was decreed by the Carthaginians that Hanno should undertake avoyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and there found Liby-Phoeniciancities. He sailed accordingly with sixty ships of fifty oars each, and abody of men and women, to the number of thirty thousand, and provisions, and other necessaries. 

"When we had weighed anchor, and passed the Pillars, and sailedbeyond them for two days, we founded the first city, which we namedThymiaterium. Below it lay an extensive plain. Proceeding thence towardsthe west, we came to Soloeis, a promontory of Libya thickly coveredwith trees, where we erected a temple to Neptune (Poseidon), and againproceeded for the space of half a day towards the east, until we arrivedat a lake lying not far from the sea, and filled with abundance of largereeds. Here elephants and a great number of other wild animals werefeeding. 

"Having passed the lake about a day's sail, we founded cities nearthe sea, called Caricon-Teichos, and Gytta, and Acra, and Melitta, and Arambys. Thence we came to the great river Lixus, which flows fromLibya. On its banks the Lixitæ, a wandering tribe, were feeding flocks, amongst whom we continued some time on friendly terms. Beyond theLixitæ dwelt the inhospitable Ethiopians, who pasture a wild countryintersected by large mountains, from which they say the river Lixusflows. In the neighbourhood of the mountains lived the Troglodytes, menof various appearances, whom the Lixitæ described as swifter in runningthan horses. Having procured interpreters from them, we coasted alonga desert country towards the south for two days; and thence againproceeded towards the east the course of a day. Here we found in therecess of a certain bay a small island, having a circuit of five stadia, where we settled a colony, and called it Cerne. We judged from ourvoyage that this place lay in a direct line with Carthage; for thelength of our voyage from Carthage to the Pillars was equal to thatfrom the Pillars to Cerne. We then came to a cape, which we reachedby sailing up a large river called Chrete. The lake had three islandslarger than Cerne; from which, proceeding a day's sail, we came to theextremity of the lake. This was overhung by huge mountains, inhabitedby savage men, clothed in skins of wild beasts, who drove us away bythrowing stones, and hindered us from landing. Sailing thence, we cameto another river, that was deep and broad, and full of crocodiles andriver horses (hippopotami), whence returning back, we came again toCerne. Thence we sailed towards the south for twelve days, coastingalong the shore, the whole of which is inhabited by Ethiopians, whowould not wait our approach, but fled from us. Their language wasunintelligible, even to the Lixitæ who were with us. On the last day weapproached some large mountains covered with trees, the wood of whichwas sweet-scented and variegated. Having sailed by these mountains fortwo days, we came to an immense opening of the sea; on each side ofwhich, towards the continent, was a plain; from which we saw by nightfire arising at intervals, either more or less. 

"Having taken in water there, we sailed forward during five days nearthe land, until we came to a large bay, which our interpreter informedus was called 'the Western Horn. ' In this was a large island, and in theisland a salt-water lake, and in this another island, where, when we hadlanded, we could discover nothing in the daytime except trees; butin the night we saw many fires burning, and heard the sound of pipes, cymbals, drums, and confused shouting. We were then afraid, and ourdiviners ordered us to abandon the island. Sailing quickly away thence, we passed by a country burning with fires and perfumes; and streams offire supplied thence fell into the sea. The country was untraversableon account of the heat. So we sailed away quickly from there also, beingmuch terrified; and, passing on for four days, we observed at night acountry full of flames. In the middle was a lofty fire, larger than therest, which seemed to touch the stars. When day came, we discovered itto be a huge hill, called 'the Chariot of the Gods. ' On the third dayafter our departure thence, after sailing by streams of fire, we arrivedat a bay, called 'the Southern Horn;' at the bottom of which lay anisland like the former one, having a lake, and in the lake anotherisland full of savage people, far the greater part of whom were women, whose bodies were hairy, and whom our interpreters called 'gorillæ. 'Though we pursued the men, we could not catch any of them; but allescaped us, climbing over the precipices, and defending themselveswith stones. Three women were, however, taken; but they attacked theirconductors with their teeth and nails, and could not be prevailed uponto accompany us. So we killed them, and flayed them, and brought theirskins with us to Carthage. We did not sail further on, our provisionsfailing us. "

The style of this short work, though exceedingly simple andinartificial, is not without its merits. It has the directness, theperspicuity, and the liveliness of Cæsar's Commentaries or of the Dukeof Wellington's Despatches. Montesquieu[1317] says of it:--"Hanno'sVoyage was written by the very man who performed it. His recital isnot mingled with ostentation. Great commanders write their actions withsimplicity, because they receive more honour from facts than words. "If we may take the work as a specimen of the accounts which Phoenicianexplorers commonly gave of their travels in unknown regions, we mustregard them as having set a pattern which modern travellers would dowell to follow. Hanno gives us facts, not speculations--the things whichhe has observed, not those of which he has dreamt; and he delivers hisfacts in the fewest possible words, and in the plainest possible way. Hedoes not cultivate flowers of rhetoric; he does not unduly spin out hisnarrative. It is plain that he is especially bent on making his meaningclear, and he succeeds in doing so. 

The epigraphic literature of the Phoenicians, which M. Renan considersto supply fairly well the almost complete loss of their books, [1318]scarcely deserves to be so highly rated. It consists at present offive or six moderately long, and some hundreds of exceedingly short, inscriptions; the longer ones being, all of them, inscribed on stones, the shorter on stones, vases, pateræ, gems, coins, and the like. Thelongest of all is that engraved on the sarcophagus of Esmunazar, king ofSidon, discovered near the modern Saida in the year 1855, and now in themuseum of the Louvre. This has a length of twenty-two long lines, andcontains 298 words. [1319] It is fairly legible throughout; and the senseis, for the most part, fairly well ascertained, though the meaning ofsome passages remains still more or less doubtful. The following is thetranslation of M. Renan:--

"In the month of Bul (October), in the fourteenth year of the reign ofKing Esmunazar, king of the Sidonians, son of King Tabnit, king of theSidonians, King Esmunazar, king of the Sidonians, spake, saying--I amsnatched away before my time, the child of a few days, the orphan sonof a widow; and lo! I am lying in this coffin, and in this tomb, in theplace which I have built. I adjure every royal personage and everyman whatsoever, that they open not this my chamber, and seek not fortreasures there, since there are here no treasures, and that they removenot the coffin from my chamber, nor build over this my chamber any otherfuneral chamber. Even if men speak to thee, listen not to their words;since every royal personage and every other man who shall open thisfuneral chamber, or remove the coffin from this my chamber, or buildanything over this chamber--may they have no funeral chamber with thedeparted, nor be buried in tombs, nor have any son or descendant tosucceed to their place; but may the Holy Gods deliver them into thehand of a mighty king who shall reign over them, and destroy the royalpersonage or the man who shall open this my funeral chamber, or removethis coffin, together with the offspring of the royal personage or otherman, and let them not have either root below, or any fruit above, orglory among such as live beneath the sun. Since I am snatched awaybefore my time, the child of a few days, the orphan son of a widow, evenI. 

"For I am Esmunazar, king of the Sidonians, the son of King Tabnit, kingof the Sidonians, and the grandson of Esmunazar, king of the Sidonians, and my mother is Am-Ashtoreth, priestess of our lady Ashtoreth, thequeen, the daughter of King Esmunazar, king of the Sidonians--and it iswe who have built the temples of the gods, the temple of Ashtoreth inSidon on the shore of the sea, and have placed Ashtoreth in her templeto glorify her; and we too have built the temple of Esmun, and set thesacred grove, En Yidlal, in the mountain, and made him (Esmun) dwellthere to glorify him; and it is we who have built temples to the[other] deities of the Sidonians, in Sidon on the shore of the sea, as the temple of Baal-Sidon, and the temple of Asthoreth, who bears thename of Baal. And for this cause has the Lord of Kings given us Dor andJoppa, and the fertile cornlands which are in the plains of Sharon, asa reward for the great things which I have done, and added them to theboundaries of the land, that they may belong to the Sidonians for ever. I adjure every royal personage, and every man whatsoever, that they opennot this my chamber, nor empty my chamber, nor build aught over this mychamber, nor remove the coffin from this my chamber, lest the Holy Godsdeliver them up, and destroy the royal personage, or the men [whoshall do so], and their offspring for ever. "[1320]

The inscription on the tomb of Tabnit, Esmunazar's father, found nearBeyrout in 1886, is shorter, but nearly to the same effect. It has beenthus translated:--"I, Tabnit, priest of Ashtoreth, and king of Sidon, lying in this tomb, say--I adjure every man, when thou shalt come uponthis sepulchre, open not my chamber, and trouble me not, for there isnot with me aught of silver, nor is there with me aught of gold, thereis not with me anything whatever of spoil, but only I myself who lie inthis sepulchre. Open not my chamber, and trouble me not; for it would bean abomination in the sight of Ashtoreth to do such an act. And if thoushouldest open my chamber, and trouble me, mayest thou have noposterity all thy life under the sun, and no resting-place with thedeparted. "[1321]

A stelé of a Byblian king, Jehavmelek, probably somewhat more ancientthan these, [1322] bears an inscription of a different kind, since itis attached to a votive offering and not to a sepulchre. The kingrepresents himself in a bas-relief as making an offering to Beltis orAshtoreth, and then appends an epigraph, which runs to fifteen longlines, [1323] and is to the following effect:--"I am Jehavmelek, king ofGebal, the son of Jahar-baal, and the grandson of Adom-melek, king ofGebal, whom lady Beltis of Gebal has made king of Gebal; and I invokemy lady Beltis of Gebal, because she has heard my voice. And I have madefor my lady Beltis of Gebal the brazen altar which is in this temple, and the golden carving which is in front of this my carving, and theuræus of gold which is in the middle of the stone over the goldencarving. And I have made this portico, with its columns, and thecapitals that are upon the columns, and the roof of the temple also, I, Jehavmelek, king of Gebal, have made for my lady Beltis of Gebal, because, whenever I have invoked my lady Beltis of Gebal, she has heardmy voice, and been good to me. May Beltis of Gebal bless Jehavmelek, king of Gebal, and grant him life, and prolong his days and his yearsover Gebal, because he is a just king; and may the lady Beltis of Gebalobtain him favour in the sight of the Gods, and in the sight of thepeople of foreign lands, for ever! Every royal personage and every otherman who shall make additions to this altar, or to this golden carving, or to this portico, I, Jehavmelek, king of Gebal, set may face againsthim who shall so do, and I pray my lady Beltis of Gebal to destroy thatman, whoever he be, and his seed after him. "[1324]

The inscription of Marseilles, if it had been entire, would have beenas valuable and interesting as any of these; but, unfortunately, itstwenty-one lines are in every case incomplete, being broken off, or elseillegible, towards the left. It appears to have been a decree emanatingfrom the authorities of Carthage, and prescribing the amount of thepayments to be made in connection with the sacrifices and officials ofa temple of Baal which may have existed either at Marseilles or atCarthage itself. To translate it is impossible without a vast amount ofconjecture; but M. Renan's version[1325] seems to deserve a place in thepresent collection. 

INSCRIPTION OF MARSEILLES

"The temple of Baal . . . Account of the payments fixed by those setover the payments, in the time of our lords, Halats-Baal, the Suffes, the son of Abd-Tanith, the son of Abd-Esmun, and of Halats-Baal, theSuffes, the son of Abd-Esmun, the son of Halts-Baal, and of theircolleagues:--For an ox, whether as burnt sacrifice, or expiatoryoffering, or thank offering, to the priests [shall be given] ten[shekels] of silver on account of each; and, if it be a burntsacrifice, they shall have besides this payment three hundred weight ofthe flesh; and if the sacrifice be expiatory, [they shall have] thefat and the additions, and the offerer of the sacrifice shall have theskin, and the entrails, and the feet, and the rest of the flesh. For acalf without horns and entire, or for a ram, whether as burnt sacrifice, or expiatory offering, or thank offering, to the priests [shall begiven] five [shekels] of silver on account of each; and if it be aburnt sacrifice, they shall have, besides this payment, a hundred weightand a half of the flesh; and if the sacrifice be expiatory, they shallhave the fat and the additions, and the skin, and entrails, andfeet, and the rest of the flesh shall be given to the offerer of thesacrifice. For a he-goat, or a she-goat, whether as a burnt sacrifice, or expiatory offering, or thank offering, to the priests [shall begiven] one [shekel] and two _zers_ of silver on account of each; andif it be an expiatory sacrifice, they shall have, besides this payment, the fat and the additions; and the skin, and entrails, and feet, and therest of the flesh shall be given to the offerer of the sacrifice. For asheep, or a kid, or a fawn (?), whether as burnt sacrifice, orexpiatory offering, or thank offering, to the priests [shall be given]three-fourths of a shekel of silver and . . . _zers_, on account ofeach; and if it be an expiatory sacrifice, they shall have, besides thispayment, the fat and the additions; and the skin, and the entrails, andthe feet, and the rest of the flesh [13shall be given] to the offerer ofthe sacrifice. For a bird, domestic or wild, whether as thank offering, or for augury, or for divination, to the priests [shall be given]three-fourths of a shekel of silver and two _zers_ on account of each, and the flesh shall be for the offerer of the sacrifice. For a bird, or for the holy first-fruits, or for the offering of a cake, or for anoffering of oil, to the priests [shall be given] ten _zers_ of silveron account of each, and . . . In every expiatory sacrifice that shallbe offered before the deities, to the priests [shall be given] the fatand the additions, and in the sacrifice of . . . For a meat offering, orfor milk, or for fat, or for any sacrifice which any man shall offeras an oblation, to the priests [there shall be given] . . . For everyoffering that a man shall offer who is poor in sheep, or poor in birds, [there shall be given] to the priests nothing at all. Every native, and every inhabitant, and every feaster at the table of the gods, andall the men who sacrifice . . . Those men shall make a payment for everysacrifice, according to that which is prescribed in [this] writing . . . Every payment which is not prescribed in this tablet shall be madeproportionally to the rate fixed by those set over the payments in thetime of our lords, Halats-Baal, the son of Abd-Tanith, and Halats-Baal, the son of Abd-Esmun, and their colleagues. Every priest who takes apayment beyond the amount prescribed in this tablet shall be fined. . . And every offerer of a sacrifice who shall not pay [the amount]prescribed, beyond the payment which [is here fixed, he shallpay] . . . "

Of the shorter inscriptions of the Phoenicians, by far the greaternumber were attached either to votive offerings or to tombs. Somehundreds have been found of both classes, but they are almost whollywithout literary merit, being bald and jejune in the extreme, andpresenting little variety. The depositor of a votive offering usuallybegins by mentioning the name and title, or titles, of the deity to whomhe dedicates it. Then he appends his own name, with the names of hisfather and grandfather. Occasionally, but rarely, he describes hisoffering, and states the year in which it was set up. Finally, he asksthe deity to bless him. The following are examples:--

INSCRIPTION OF UM-EL-AWAMID

"To the lord Baal-Shamaïm, [the vow] which was vowed by Abdelim, son of Mattan, son of Abdelim, son of Baal-Shomar, of the district ofLaodicea. This gateway and doors did I make in fulfilment of it. I builtit in the 180th year of the Lord of Kings, and in the 143rd year of thepeople of Tyre, that it might be to me a memorial and for a good namebeneath the feet of my lord, Baal-Shamaïm, for ever. May he blessme!"[1326]

INSCRIPTION ON A CIPPUS FROM CARTHAGE

"To the lady Tanith, and to our master, the lord Baal-Hammon; theofferer is Abd-Melkarth, the Suffes, son of Abd-Melkarth, son ofHanno. "[1327]

INSCRIPTION ON A CIPPUS FOUND IN MALTA

"To our lord Melkarth, the lord of Tyre. The offerer is thy servant, Abd-Osiri, and my brother, Osiri-Shomar, both [of us] sons ofOsiri-Shomar, the son of Abd-Osiri. In hearing their voice, may he blessthem. "[1328]

INSCRIPTION ON A MARBLE ALTAR, BROUGHT FROM LARNAKA

"On the sixth day of the month Bul, in the twenty-first year of KingPumi-yitten, king of Citium and Idalium, and Tamasus, son of KingMelek-yitten, king of Citium and Idalium, this altar and these two lionswere given by Bodo, priest of Reseph-hets, son of Yakun-shalam, son ofEsmunadon, to his lord Reseph-hets. May he bless [him]. "[1329]

INSCRIPTION ON A MARBLE TABLET FOUND IN CYPRUS

"On the seventh day of the month . . . In the thirty-first year ofthe Lord of Kings, Ptolemæus, son of Ptolemæus . . . Which was thefifty-seventh year of the Citians, when Amarat-Osiri, daughter of . . . Son of Abd-Susim, of Gad'ath, was _canephora_ of Asinoë Philadelphus, these statues were set up by Bathshalun, daughter of Maryichai, sonof Esmunadon, to the memory of his grandsons, Esmunadon, Shallum, andAbd-Reseph, the three sons of Maryichai, son of Esmunadon, according tothe vow which their father, Maryichai, vowed, when he was still alive, to their lord, Reseph-Mikal. May he bless them!"[1330]

There is a little more variety in the inscriptions on tombstones. Thegreat majority, indeed, are extremely curt and dry, containing scarcelyanything beyond the name of the person who is buried in the tomb, or that together with the name of the person by whom the monument iserected; e. G. "To Athad, the daughter of Abd-Esmun, the Suffes, and wifeof Ger-Melkarth, the son of Ben-hodesh, the son of Esmunazar"[1331];or "This monument I, Menahem, grandson of Abd-Esmun, have erected to myfather, Abd-Shamash, son of Abd-Esmun"[1332]; or "I, Abd-Osiri, the sonof Abd-Susim, the son of Hur, have erected this monument, while I amstill alive, to myself, and to my wife, Ammat-Ashtoreth, daughter ofTaam, son of Abd-melek, [and have placed it] over the chamber of mytomb, in perpetuity. "[1333] But, occasionally, we get a glimpse, beyondthe mere dry facts, into the region of thought; as where the erector ofa monument appends to the name of one, whom we may suppose to have beena miser, the remark, that "the reward of him who heaps up riches iscontempt;"[1334] or where one who entertains the hope that his friendis happier in another world than he was upon earth, thus expresseshimself--"In memory of Esmun. After rain, the sun shines forth;"[1335]or, again, where domestic affection shows itself in the declarationconcerning the departed--"When he entered into the house that is so full[of guests], there was grief for the memory of the sage, the man thatwas hard as adamant, that bore calamities of every sort, that wasa widower through the death of my mother, that was like a pellucidfountain, and had a name pure from crime. Erected in affection by me hisson to my father. "[1336]

With respect to the extent and range of the Phoenician book literature, the little that can be gathered from the notices remaining to us in theGreek and Roman writers is the following. In Phoenicia Proper there werehistorical writers at least from the time of Hiram, the contemporary ofDavid, who wrote the annals of their country in a curt dry form somewhatresembling that of Kings and Chronicles. [1337] The names of the kingsand the length of their reigns were carefully recorded, together withsome of the more remarkable events belonging to each reign; but therewas no attempt at the philosophy of history, nor at the graces ofcomposition. In some places, especially at Sidon, philosophy and sciencewere to a certain extent cultivated. Mochus, a Sidonian, wrote a work onthe atomic theory at a very early date, though scarcely, as Posidoniusmaintained, [1338] one anterior to the Trojan war. Later on, the Sidonianschool specially affected astronomy and arithmetic, in which they madeso much progress that the Greeks acknowledged themselves their debtorsin those branches of knowledge. [1339] It is highly probable, though notexactly capable of proof, that the Tyrian navigators from a very remoteperiod embodied in short works the observations which they made in theirvoyages, on the geography, hydrography, ethology, and natural historyof the counties, which were visited by them. Hanno's "Periplus" may havebeen composed on a model of these earlier treatises, which at a laterdate furnished materials to Marinus for his great work on geography. Itwas, however, in the Phoenician colony of Carthage that authorship wastaken up with most spirit and success. Hiempsal, Hanno, Mago, Hamilcar, and others, composed works, which the Romans valued highly, on thehistory, geography, and "origines" of Africa, and also upon practicalagriculture. [1340] Mago and Hamilcar were regarded as the bestauthorities on the latter subject both by the Greeks and Romans, andwere followed, among the Greeks by Mnaseas and Paxamus, [1341] among theRomans by Varro and Columella. [1342] So highly was the work of Mago, which ran to twenty-eight books, esteemed, that, on the takingof Carthage, it was translated into Latin by order of the RomanSenate. [1343] After the fall of Carthage, Tyre and Sidon once morebecame seats of learning; but the Phoenician language was discarded, andGreek adopted in its place. The Tyrian, Sidonian, Byblian and Berytianauthors, of whom we hear, bear Greek names:[1344] and it is impossibleto say whether they belonged, in any true sense, to the Phoenician race. Philo of Byblus and Marinus of Tyre are the only two authors of thislater period who held to Phoenician traditions, and, presumably, conveyed on to later ages Phoenician ideas and accumulations. If neitherliterature nor science gained much from the work of the former, that ofthe latter had considerable value, and, as the basis of the greatwork of Ptolemy, must ever hold an honourable place in the history ofgeographical progress. 

CHAPTER XIV--POLITICAL HISTORY

1. Phoenicia, before the establishment of the hegemony of Tyre. 

 Separate autonomy of the Phoenician cities--No marked predominance of any one or more of them during the Egyptian period, B. C. 1600-1350--A certain pre-eminence subsequently acquired by Aradus and Sidon--Sidonian territorial ascendancy--Great proficiency of Sidon in the arts--Sidon's war with the Philistines--Her early colonies--Her advances in navigation--Her general commercial honesty--Occasional kidnapping--Stories of Io and Eumæus--Internal government-- Relations with the Israelites. 

When the Phoenician immigrants, in scattered bands, and at longer orshorter intervals, arrived upon the Syrian coast, and finding it emptyoccupied it, or wrested it from its earlier possessors, there was adecided absence from among them of any single governing or controllingauthority; a marked tendency to assert and maintain separate ruleand jurisdiction. Sidon, the Arkite, the Arvadite, the Zemarite, areseparately enumerated in the book of Genesis;[0141] and the Hebrews havenot even any one name under which to comprise the commercial peoplesettled upon their coast line, [0142] until we come to Gospel times, when the Greeks have brought the term "Syro-Phoenician" into use. [0143]Elsewhere we hear of "them of Sidon, " "them of Tyre, "[0144] "theGiblites, "[0145] "the men of Arvad, "[0146] "the Arkites, " "the Sinites, ""the Zemarites, "[0147] "the inhabitants of Accho, of Achzib, andAphek, "[0148] but never of the whole maritime population north ofPhilistia under any single ethnic appellation. And the reason seems tobe, that the Phoenicians, even more than the Greeks, affected a cityautonomy. Each little band of immigrants, as soon as it had pushed itsway into the sheltered tract between the mountains and the sea, settleditself upon some attractive spot, constructed habitations, and havingsurrounded its habitations with walls, claimed to be--and found none todispute the claim--a distinct political entity. The conformation of theland, so broken up into isolated regions by strong spurs from Lebanonand Bargylus, lent additional support to the separatist spirit, andthe absence in the early times of any pressure of danger from withoutpermitted its free indulgence without entailing any serious penalty. Itis difficult to say at what time the first settlements took place; butduring the period of Egyptian supremacy over Western Asia, under theeighteenth and nineteenth dynasties (ab. B. C. 1600-1350), we seem tofind the Phoenicians in possession of the coast tract, and their citiesseverally in the enjoyment of independence and upon a quasi-equality. Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, Aradus, Simyra, Sarepta, Berytus, and perhaps Arka, appear in the inscriptions of Thothmes III, [0149] and in the "Travels ofa Mohar, "[1410] without an indication of the pre-eminence, much lessthe supremacy, of any one of them. The towns pursued their coursesindependently one of another, submitting to the Egyptians when hardpressed, but always ready to reassert themselves, and never joining, sofar as appears, in any league or confederation, by which their separateautonomy might have been endangered. During this period no city springsto any remarkable height of greatness or prosperity; material progressis, no doubt, being made by the nation; but it is not very marked, andit does not excite any particular attention. 

But with the decline of the Egyptian power, which sets in after thedeath of the second Rameses, a change takes place. External pressurebeing removed, ambitions begin to develop themselves. In the northAradus (Arvad), in the south Sidon, proceed to exercise a sort ofhegemony over several neighbouring states. Sidon becomes known as"Great Zidon. "[1411] Not content with her maritime ascendancy, which wasalready pushing her into special notice, she aspired to a land dominion, and threw out offshoots from the main seat of her power as far as Laish, on the head-waters of the Jordan. [1412] It was her support, probably, which enabled the inhabitants of such comparatively weak cities as Acchoand Achzib and Aphek to resist the invasion of the Hebrews, and maintainthemselves, despite all attempts made to reduce them. [1413] At the sametime she gradually extended her influence over the coast towns in herneighbourhood, as Sarepta, Heldun, perhaps Berytus, Ecdippa, and Accho. The period which succeeds that of Egyptian preponderance in WesternAsia may be distinguished as that of Sidonian ascendancy, or of suchascendancy slightly modified by an Aradian hegemony in the north overthe settlements intervening between Mount Casius and the northern rootsof Lebanon. [1414] During this period Sidon came to the front, alike inarts, in arms, and in navigation. Her vessels were found by the earliestGreek navigators in all parts of the Mediterranean into which theythemselves ventured, and were known to push themselves into regionswhere no Greek dared to follow them. Under her fostering care Phoeniciancolonisation had spread over the whole of the Western Mediterranean, over the Ægean, and into the Propontis. She had engaged in war withthe powerful nation of the Philistines, and, though worsted in theencounter, had obtained a reputation for audacity. By her wonderfulprogress in the arts, her citizens had acquired the epithet of{poludaidaloi}, [1415] and had come to be recognised generally as theforemost artificers of the world in almost every branch of industry. Sidonian metal-work was particularly in repute. When Achilles at thefuneral of Patroclus desired to offer as a prize to the fastest runnerthe most beautiful bowl that was to be found in all the world, henaturally chose one which had been deftly made by highly-skilledSidonians, and which Phoenician sailors had conveyed in one of theirhollow barks across the cloud-shadowed sea. [1416] When Menelaus proposedto present Telemachus, the son of his old comrade Odysseus, withwhat was at once the most beautiful and the most valuable of all hispossessions, he selected a silver bowl with a golden rim, which informer days he had himself received as a present from Phædimus, theSidonian king. [1417] The sailors who stole Eumæus from Ortygia, andcarried him across the sea to Ithica, obtained their prize by coming tohis father's palace, and bringing with them, among other wares, . . . A necklace of fine gold to sell, With bright electron linked right wondrously and well. [1418]

Sidon's pre-eminence in the manufacture, the dyeing, and the embroideryof textile fabrics was at the same time equally unquestionable. Hecuba, being advised to offer to Athêné, on behalf of her favourite son, the best and loveliest of all the royal robes which her well-storeddress-chamber could furnish--

 She to her fragrant wardrobe bent her way, Where her rich veils in beauteous order lay; Webs by Sidonian virgins finely wrought, From Sidon's woofs by youthful Paris brought, When o'er the boundless main the adulterer led Fair Helen from her home and nuptial bed; From these she chose the fullest, fairest far, With broidery bright, and blazing as a star. [1419]

Already, it would seem, the precious shell-fish, on which Phoenicia'scommerce so largely rested in later times, had been discovered; and itwas the dazzling hue of the robe which constituted its especial value. Sidon was ultimately eclipsed by Tyre in the productions of the loom;and the unrivalled dye has come down to us, and will go down to allfuture ages, as "_Tyrian_ purple;" but we may well believe that in this, as in most other matters on which prosperity and success depended, Tyre did but follow in the steps of her elder sister Sidon, perfectingpossibly the manufacture which had been Sidon's discovery in the earlyages. According to Scylax of Cadyanda, Dor was a Sidonian colony. [1420]Geographically it belonged rather to Philistia than to Phoenicia; butits possession of large stores of the purple fish caused its suddenseizure and rapid fortification at a very remote date, probably by thePhoenicians of Sidon. [1421] It is quite possible that this aggressionmay have provoked that terrible war to which reference has already beenmade, between the Philistines under the hegemony of Ascalon and thefirst of the Phoenician cities. Ascalon attacked the Sidonians by land, blockaded the offending town, and after a time compelled a surrender;but the defenders had a ready retreat by sea, and, when they couldno longer hold out against their assailants, took ship, and removedthemselves to Tyre, which at the time was probably a dependency. [1422]

In navigation also and colonisation Sidon took the lead. According tosome, she was the actual founder of Aradus, which was said to haveowed its origin to a body of Sidonian exiles, who there settledthemselves. [1423] Not much reliance, however, can be placed on thistradition, which first appears in a writer of the Augustan age. Withmore confidence we may ascribe to Sidon the foundation of Citium inCyprus, the colonisation of the islands in the Ægean, and of thosePhoenician settlements in North Africa which were anterior to thefounding of Carthage. It has even been supposed that the Sidonians werethe first to make a settlement at Carthage itself, [1424] and that theTyrian occupation under Dido was a recolonisation of an already occupiedsite. Anyhow, Sidon was the first to explore the central Mediterranean, and establish commercial relations with the barbarous tribes of themid-African coast, Cabyles, Berbers, Shuloukhs, Tauriks, and others. Sheis thought to claim on a coin to be the mother-city of Melita, or Malta, as well as of Citium and Berytus;[1425] and, if this claim be allowed, we can scarcely doubt that she was also the first to plant colonies inSicily. Further than this, it would seem, Sidonian enterprise did notpenetrate. It was left for Tyre to discover the wealth of SouthernSpain, to penetrate beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, and to affront theperils of the open ocean. 

But, within the sphere indicated, Sidonian rovers traversed all parts ofthe Great Sea, penetrated into every gulf, became familiar sights to theinhabitants of every shore. From timid sailing along the coast byday, chiefly in the summer season, when winds whispered gently, and atmospheric signs indicated that fair weather had set in, theyprogressed by degrees to long voyages, continued both by night andday, [1426] from promontory to promontory, or from island to island, sometimes even across a long stretch of open sea, altogether out ofsight of land, and carried on at every season of the year except somefew of special danger. To Sidon is especially ascribed the introductionof the practice of sailing by night, [1427] which shortened the durationof voyages by almost one-half, and doubled the number of trips that avessel could accomplish in the course of a year. For night sailing thearts of astronomy and computation had to be studied;[1428] the aspect ofthe heavens at different seasons had to be known; and among the shiftingconstellations some fixed point had to be found by which it would besafe to steer. The last star in the tail of the Little Bear--the polarstar of our own navigation books--was fixed upon by the Phoenicians, probably by the Sidonians, for this purpose, [1429] and was practicallyemployed as the best index of the true north from a remote period. Therate of a ship's speed was, somehow or other, estimated; and thoughit was long before charts were made, or the set of currents taken intoaccount, yet voyages were for the most part accomplished with verytolerable accuracy and safety. An ample commerce grew up under Sidonianauspices. After the vernal equinox was over a fleet of white-wingedships sped forth from the many harbours of the Syrian coast, well ladenwith a variety of wares--Phoenician, Assyrian, Egyptian[1430]--and madefor the coasts and islands of the Levant, the Ægean, the Propontis, theAdriatic, the mid-Mediterranean, where they exchanged the cargoes whichthey had brought with them for the best products of the lands wheretothey had come. Generally, a few weeks, or at most a month or two, wouldcomplete the transfer the of commodities, and the ships which leftSidon in April or May would return about June or July, unload, and makethemselves ready for a second voyage. But sometimes, it appears, thereturn cargo was not so readily procured, and vessels had to remain inthe foreign port, or roadstead, for the space of a whole year. [1431]

The behaviour of the traders must, on the whole, have been such as wonthe respect of the nations and tribes wherewith they traded. Otherwise, the markets would soon have been closed against them, and, in lieu ofthe peaceful commerce which the Phoenicians always affected, would havesprung up along the shores of the Mediterranean a general feeling ofdistrust and suspicion, which would have led on to hostile encounters, surprises, massacres, and then reprisals. The entire history ofPhoenician commerce shows that such a condition of things never existed. The traders and their customers were bound together by the bonds ofself-interest, and, except in rare instances, dealt by each other fairlyand honestly. Still, there were occasions when, under the stress oftemptation, fair-dealing was lost sight of, and immediate prospect ofgain was allowed to lead to the commission of acts destructive of allfeeling of security, subversive of commercial morals, and calculated toeffect a rupture of commercial relations, which it may often have takena long term of years to re-establish. Herodotus tells us that, at a dateconsiderably anterior to the Trojan war, when the ascendancy over theother Phoenician cities must certainly have belonged to Sidon, an affairof this kind took place on the coast of Argolis, which was long feltby the Greeks as an injury and an outrage. A Phoenician vessel made thecoast near Argos, and the crew, having effected a landing, proceeded toexpose their merchandise for sale along the shore, and to traffic withthe natives, who were very willing to make purchases, and in the courseof five or six days bought up almost the entire cargo. At length, justas the traders were thinking of re-embarking and sailing away, therecame down to the shore from the capital a number of Argive ladies, including among them a princess, Io, the daughter of Inachus, the Argiveking. Hereupon, the trafficking and the bargaining recommenced; goodswere produced suited to the taste of the new customers; and each stroveto obtain what she desired most at the least cost. But suddenly, as theywere all intent upon their purchases, and were crowding round the sternof the ship, the Phoenicians, with a general shout, rushed uponthem. Many--the greater part, we are told--made their escape; butthe princess, and a certain number of her companions, were seized andcarried on board. The traders quickly put to sea, and hoisting theirsails, hurried away to Egypt. [1432]

Another instance of kidnapping, accomplished by art rather than byforce, is related to us by Homer. [1433] Eumæus, the swineherd ofUlysses, was the son of a king, dwelling towards the west, in an islandoff the Sicilian coast. A Phoenician woman, herself kidnapped from Sidonby piratical Taphians, had the task of nursing and tending him assignedto her, and discharged it faithfully until a great temptation befellher. A Sidonian merchant-ship visited the island, laden with rich storeof precious wares, and proceeded to open a trade with the inhabitants, in the course of which one of the sailors seduced the Phoenician nurse, and suggested that when the vessel left, she should allow herself to becarried off in it. The woman, whose parents were still alive at Sidon, came into the scheme, and being apprised of the date of the ship'sdeparture, stole away from the palace unobserved, taking with her threegolden goblets, and also her master's child, the boy of whom she hadcharge. It was evening, and all having been prepared beforehand, thenurse and child were hastily smuggled on board, the sails were hoisted, and the ship was soon under weigh. The wretched woman died ere thevoyage was over, but the boy survived, and was carried by the traders toIthaca, and there sold for a good sum to Laërtes. 

It is not suggested that these narratives, in the form in which theyhave come down to us, are historically true. There may never have beenan "Io, daughter of Inachus, " or an "Eumæus, son of Ctesius Ormenides, "or an island, "Syria called by name, over against Ortygia, " or even aUlysses or a Laërtes. But the tales could never have grown up, have beeninvented, or have gained acceptance, unless the practice of kidnapping, on which they are based, had been known to be one in which thePhoenicians of the time indulged, at any rate occasionally. We mustallow this blot on the Sidonian escutcheon, and can only plead, inextenuation of their offence, first, the imperfect morality of theage, and secondly, the fact that such deviations from the line offair-dealing and honesty on the part of the Sidonian traders must havebeen of rare occurrence, or the flourishing and lucrative trade, whichwas the basis of all the glory and prosperity of the people, could notpossibly have been established. Successful commerce must rest upon thefoundation of mutual confidence; and mutual confidence is impossibleunless the rules of fair dealing are observed on both sides, if notinvariably, yet, at any rate, so generally that the infraction ofthem is not contemplated on either side as anything but the remotestcontingency. 

Of the internal government of Sidon during this period no details havecome down to us. Undoubtedly, like all the Phoenician cities in theearly times, [1434] she had her own kings; and we may presume, fromthe almost universal practice in ancient times, and especially in theEast, [1435] that the monarchy was hereditary. The main duties of theking were to lead out the people to battle in time of war, and toadminister justice in time of peace. [1436] The kings were in partsupported, in part held in check, by a powerful aristocracy--anaristocracy which, we may conjecture, had wealth, rather than birth, asits basis. It does not appear that any political authority was possessedby the priesthood, nor that the priesthood was a caste, as in India, and(according to some writers) in Egypt. The priestly office was certainlynot attached by any general custom to the person of the kings, thoughkings might be priests, and were so occasionally. [1437]

We do not distinctly hear of Sidon has having been engaged in anywar during the period of her ascendancy, excepting that with thePhilistines. Still as "the Zidonians" are mentioned among the nationswhich "oppressed Israel" in the time of the Judges, [1438] we mustconclude that differences arose between them and their southernneighbours in some portion of this period, and that, war having brokenout between them, the advantage rested with Sidon. The record of"Judges" is incomplete, and does not enable us even to fix the date ofthe Sidonian "oppression. " We can only say that it was anterior to thejudgeship of Jephthah, and was followed, like the other "oppressions, "by a "deliverance. "

The war with the Philistines brought the period of Sidonian ascendancyto an end, and introduces us to the second period of Phoenician history, or that of the hegemony of Tyre. The supposed date of the change is B. C. 1252. [1439]

2. Phoenicia under the hegemony of Tyre (B. C. 1252-877)

 Influx of the Sidonian population raises Tyre to the first place among the cities (about B. C. 1252)--First notable result, the colonisation of Gades (B. C. 1130)--Other colonies of about this period--Extension of Phoenician commerce--Tyre ruled by kings--Abi-Baal--Hiram--Hiram's dealings with Solomon--His improvement of his own capital-- His opinion of "the land of Cabul"--His joint trade with the Israelites--His war with Utica--Successors of Hiram--Time of disturbance--Reign of Ithobal--of Badezor--of Matgen--of Pygmalion--Founding of Carthage--First contact of Phoenicia with Assyria--Submission of Phoenicia, B. C. 877. 

Tyre was noted as a "strong city" as early as the time of Joshua, [1440]and was probably inferior only to Sidon, or to Sidon and Aradus, duringthe period of Sidonian ascendancy. It is mentioned in the "Travels ofa Mohar" (about B. C. 1350) as "a port, richer in fish than insands. "[1441] The tradition was, that it acquired its predominance andpre-eminence from the accession of the Sidonian population, whichfled thither by sea, when no longer able to resist the forces ofAscalon. [1442] We do not find it, however, attaining to any greatdistinction or notoriety, until more than a century later, when itdistinguishes itself by the colonisation of Gades (about B. C. 1130), beyond the Pillars of Hercules, on the shores of the Atlantic. We mayperhaps deduce from this fact, that the concentration of energy causedby the removal to Tyre of the best elements in the population ofSidon gave a stimulus to enterprise, and caused longer voyages to beundertaken, and greater dangers to be affronted by the daring seamenof the Syrian coast than had ever been ventured on before. The Tyrianseamen were, perhaps, of a tougher fibre than the Sidonian, and thechange of hegemony is certainly accompanied by a greater display ofenergy, a more adventurous spirit, a wider colonisation, and a morewonderful commercial success, than characterise the preceding period ofSidonian leadership and influence. 

The settlements planted by Tyre in the first burst of her colonisingenergy seem to have been, besides Gades, Thasos, Abdera, and Pronectustowards the north, Malaca, Sexti, Carteia, Belon, and a second Abdera inSpain, together with Caralis in Sardinia, [1443] Tingis and Lixus onthe West African coast, and in North Africa Hadrumetum and the lesserLeptis. [1444] Her aim was to throw the meshes of her commerce wider thanSidon had ever done, and so to sweep into her net a more abundant booty. It was Tyre which especially affected "long voyages, "[1445] and inducedher colonists of Gades to explore the shores outside the Pillars ofHercules, northwards as far as Cornwall and the Scilly Isles, southwardsto the Fortunate Islands, and north-eastwards into the Baltic. It is, nodoubt, uncertain at what date these explorations were effected, and someof them may belong to the _later_ hegemony of Tyre, ab. B. C. 600;but the forward movement of the twelfth century seems to have beendistinctly Tyrian, and to have been one of the results of the newposition in which she was placed by the sudden collapse of her eldersister, Sidon. 

According to some, [1446] Tyre, during the early period of her supremacy, was under the government of _shôphetim_, or "judges;" but the generalusage of the Phoenician cities makes against this supposition. Philo inhis "Origines of Phoenicia" speaks constantly of kings, [1447] but neverof judges. We hear of a king, Abd-Baal, at Berytus[1448] about B. C. 1300. Sidonian kings are mentioned in connection with the myth ofEuropa. [1449] The cities founded by the Phoenicians in Cyprus arealways under monarchical rule. [1450] Tyre itself, when its history firstpresents itself to us in any detail, is governed by a king. [1451] Allthat can be urged on the other side is, that we know of no Tyrian kingby name until about B. C. 1050; and that, if there had been earlierkings, it might have been expected that some record of them would havecome down to us. But to argue thus is to ignore the extreme scantinessand casual character of the notices which have reached us bearing uponthe early Phoenician history. No writer has left us any continuoushistory of Phoenicia, even in the barest outline. [1452] Nativemonumental annals are entirely wanting. We depend for the earlytimes upon the accident of Jewish monarchs having come into contactoccasionally with Phoenician ones, and on Jewish writers having notedthe occasions in Jewish histories. Scripture and Josephus alone furnishour materials for the period now under consideration, and the materialsare scanty, fragmentary, and sadly wanting in completeness. 

It is towards the middle of the eleventh century B. C. That thesematerials become available. About the time when David was acclaimed asking by the tribe of Judah at Hebron, a Phoenician prince mounted thethrone of Tyre, by name Abibalus, or Abi-Baal. [1453] We do not know thelength of his reign; but, while the son of Jesse was still in the fullvigour of life, Abi-Baal was succeeded on the Tyrian throne by his son, Hiram or Hirôm, a prince of great energy, of varied tastes, and of anunusually broad and liberal turn of mind. Hiram, casting his eye overthe condition of the states and kingdoms which were his neighbours, seems to have discerned in Judah and David a power and a rulerwhose friendship it was desirable to cultivate with a view to theestablishment of very close relations. Accordingly, it was not longafter the Jewish monarch's capture of the Jebusite stronghold on MountZion that the Tyrian prince sent messengers to him to Jerusalem, witha present of "timber of cedars, " and a number of carpenters, andstone-hewers, well skilled in the art of building. [1454] David acceptedtheir services, and a goodly palace soon arose on some part of theEastern hill, of which cedar from Lebanon was the chief material, [1455]and of which Hiram's workmen were the constructors. At a later dateDavid set himself to collect abundant and choice materials for themagnificent Temple which Solomon his son was divinely commissioned tobuild on Mount Moriah to Jehovah; and here again "the Zidonians andthey of Tyre, " or the subjects of Hiram, "brought much cedar wood toDavid. "[1456] The friendship continued firm to the close of David'sreign;[1457] and when Solomon succeeded his father as king of Israeland lord of the whole tract between the middle Euphrates and Egypt, thebonds were drawn yet closer, and an alliance concluded which placed thetwo powers on terms of the very greatest intimacy. Hiram had no soonerheard of Solomon's accession than he sent an embassy to congratulatehim;[1458] and Solomon took advantage of the opening which presenteditself to announce his intention of building the Temple which his fatherhad designed, and to request Hiram's aid in the completion of the work. Copies of letters which passed between the two monarchs were preservedboth in the Tyrian and the Jewish archives, and the Tyrian versions aresaid to have been still extant in the public record office of the cityin the first century of the Christian era. [1459] These documents ran asfollows:--

"Solomon to King Hiram [sends greeting]:--Know that my father Davidwas desirous of building a temple to God, but was prevented by his warsand his continual expeditions; for he did not rest from subduing hisadversaries, until he had made every one of them tributary to him. Andnow I for my part return thanks to God for the present time of peace, and having rest thereby I purpose to build the house; for God declaredto my father that it should be built by me. Wherefore I beseech thee tosend some of thy servants with my servants to Mount Lebanon, to cutwood there, for none among us can skill to hew timber like unto theSidonians. And I will pay the wood-cutters their hire at whatsoever ratethou shalt determine. "

"King Hiram to King Solomon [sends greeting]:--Needs must I praiseGod, that hath given thee to sit upon thy father's throne, seeing thatthou art a wise man, and possessed of every virtue. And I, rejoicingat these things, will do all that thou hast desired of me. I will by myservants cut thee in abundance timber of cedar and timber of cypress, and will bring them down to the sea, and command my servants toconstruct of them a float, or raft, and navigate it to whatever pointof thy coast thou mayest wish, and there discharge them; after which thyservants can carry them to Jerusalem. But be it thy care to provide mein return with a supply of food, whereof we are in want as inhabiting anisland. "[1460]

The result was an arrangement by which the Tyrian monarch furnishedhis brother king with timber of various kinds, chiefly cedar, cut inLebanon, and also with a certain number of trained artificers, workersin metal, carpenters, and masons, while the Israelite monarch on hispart made a return in corn, wine, and oil, supplying Tyre, while thecontract lasted, with 20, 000 cors of wheat, the same quantity of barley, 20, 000 baths of wine, and the same number of oil, annually. [1461]Phoenicia always needed to import supplies of food for its abundantpopulation, [1462] and having an inexhaustible store of timber inLebanon, was glad to find a market for it so near. Thus the arrangementsuited both parties. The hillsides of Galilee and the broad and fertileplains of Esdraelon and Sharon produced a superabundance of wheat andbarley, whereof the inhabitants had to dispose in some quarter or other, and the highlands of Sumeria and Judæa bore oil and wine far beyondthe wants of those who cultivated them. What Phoenicia lacked in theserespects from the scantiness of its cultivable soil, Palestine was ableand eager to supply; while to Phoenicia it was a boon to obtain, notonly a market for her timber, but also employment for her surpluspopulation, which under ordinary circumstances was always requiringto be carried off to distant lands, from the difficulty of supportingitself at home. 

A still greater advantage was it to the rude Judæans to get theassistance of their civilised and artistic neighbours in the design andexecution, both of the Temple itself and of all those accessories, which in ancient times a sacred edifice on a large scale was regardedas requiring. The Phoenicians, and especially the Tyrians, had longpossessed, both in their home and foreign settlements, temples of somepretension, and Hiram had recently been engaged in beautifying andadorning, perhaps in rebuilding, some of these venerable edifices atTyre. [1463] A Phoenician architectural style had thus been formed, andHiram's architects and artificers would be familiar with constructiveprinciples and ornamental details, as well as with industrial processes, which are very unlikely to have been known at the time to the Hebrews. The wood for the Jewish Temple was roughly cut, and the stones quarried, by Israelite workmen;[1464] but all the delicate work, whether in theone material or the other, was performed by the servants of Hiram. Stone-cutters from Gebal (Byblus) shaped and smoothed the "great stones, costly stones" employed in the substructions of the "house;"[1465]Tyrian carpenters planed and polished the cedar planks used for thewalls, and covered them with representations of cherubs and palms andgourds and opening flowers. [1466] The metallurgists of Sidon probablysupplied the cherubic figures in the inner sanctuary, [1467] as well asthe castings for the doors, [1468] and the bulk of the sacred vessels. The vail which separated between the "Holy Place" and the Holy ofHolies--a marvellous fabric of blue, and purple, and crimson, and white, with cherubim wrought thereon[1469]--owed its beauty probably to Tyriandyers and Tyrian workers in embroidery. The master-workman lent by theTyrian monarch to superintend the entire work--an extraordinary andalmost universal genius--"skilful to work in gold and in silver, inbrass, in iron, in stone, and in timber; in purple, in blue, in finelinen, and in crimson; also to grave any manner of graving"[1470]--whobore the same name with the king, [1471] was the son of an Israelitemother, but boasted a Tyrian father, [1472] and was doubtless born andbred up at Tyre. Under his special direction were cast in the valley ofthe Jordan, between Succoth and Zarthan, [1473] those wonderful pillars, known as Jachin and Boaz, which have already been described, and whichseem to have had their counterparts in the sacred edifices both ofPhoenicia and Cyprus. [1474] To him also is specially ascribed the"molten sea, " standing on twelve oxen, [1475] which was perhaps the mostartistic of all the objects placed within the Temple circuit, as arealso the lavers upon wheels, [1476] which, if less striking as works ofart, were even more curious. 

The partnership established between the two kingdoms in connection withthe building and furnishing of the Jewish Temple, which lasted for sevenyears, [1477] was further continued for thirteen more[1478] in connectionwith the construction of Solomon's palace. This palace, like an Assyrianone, consisted of several distinct edifices. "The chief was a long hallwhich, like the Temple, was encased in cedar; whence probably its name, 'The House of the Forest of Lebanon. ' In front of it ran a pillaredportico. Between this portico and the palace itself was a cedar porch, sometimes called the Tower of David. In this tower, apparently hung overthe walls outside, were a thousand golden shields, which gave to thewhole place the name of the Armoury. With a splendour that outshone anylike fortress, the tower with these golden targets glittered far offin the sunshine like the tall neck, as it was thought, of a beautifulbride, decked out, after the manner of the East, with strings of goldencoins. This porch was the gem and centre of the whole empire; and wasso much thought of that a smaller likeness to it was erected in anotherpart of the precinct for the queen. Within the porch itself was to beseen the king in state. On a throne of ivory, brought from Africa orIndia, the throne of many an Arabian legend, the kings of Judah weresolemnly seated on the day of their accession. From its lofty seat, andunder that high gateway, Solomon and his successors after him deliveredtheir solemn judgments. That 'porch' or 'gate of justice' still keptalive the likeness of the old patriarchal custom of sitting in judgmentat the gate; exactly as the 'Gate of Justice' still recalls it to us atGranada, and the Sublime Porte--'the Lofty Gate'--at Constantinople. Hesate on the back of a golden bull, its head turned over its shoulder, probably the ox or bull of Ephraim; under his feet, on each side of thesteps, were six golden lions, probably the lions of Judah. This was 'theseat of Judgment. ' This was 'the throne of the House of David. '"[1479]

We have dwelt the longer upon these matters because it is from thelengthy and elaborate descriptions which the Hebrew writers give ofthese Phoenician constructions at Jerusalem that we must form ourconceptions, not only of the state of Phoenician art in Hiram's time, but also of the works wherewith he adorned his own capital. He came tothe throne at the age of nineteen, [1480] on the decease of his father, and immediately set to work to improve, enlarge, and beautify the city, which in his time claimed the headship of, at any rate, all SouthernPhoenicia. He found Tyre a city built on two islands, separated the onefrom the other by a narrow channel, and so cramped for room that theinhabitants had no open square, or public place, on which they couldmeet, and were closely packed in overcrowded dwellings. [1481] Theprimary necessity was to increase the area of the place; and this Hirameffected, first, by filling up the channel between the two islands withstone and rubbish, and so gaining a space for new buildings, and then byconstructing huge moles or embankments towards the east, and towardsthe south, where the sea was shallowest, and thus turning what had beenwater into land. In this way he so enlarged the town that he was ableto lay out a "wide space" (Eurychôrus)[1482] as a public square, which, like the Piazza di San Marco at Venice, became the great resort of theinhabitants for business and pleasure. Having thus provided for utilityand convenience, he next proceeded to embellishment and ornamentation. The old temples did not seem to him worthy of the renovated capital;he therefore pulled them down and built new ones in their place. In themost central part of the city[1483] he erected a fane for the worshipof Melkarth and Ashtoreth, probably retaining the old site, butconstructing an entirely new building--the building which Herodotusvisited, [1484] and in which Alexander insisted on sacrificing. [1485]Towards the south-west, [1486] on what had been a separate islet, he raised a temple to Baal, and adorned it with a lofty pillar ofgold, [1487] or at any rate plated with gold. Whether he built himself anew palace is not related; but as the royal residence of later times wassituated on the southern shore, [1488] which was one of Hiram's additionsto his capital, it is perhaps most probable that the construction ofthis new palace was due to him. The chief material which he used in hisbuildings was, as in Jerusalem, cedar. The substructions alone were ofstone. They were probably not on so grand a scale as those of the JewishTemple, since the wealth of Hiram, sovereign of a petty kingdom, musthave fallen very far short of Solomon's, ruler of an extensive empire. 

At the close of the twenty years during which Hiram had assisted Solomonin his buildings, the Israelite monarch deemed it right to make hisTyrian brother some additional compensation beyond the corn, and wine, and oil with which, according to his contract, he had annually suppliedhim. Accordingly, he voluntarily ceded to him a district of Galileecontaining twenty cities, a portion of the old inheritance ofAsher, [1489] conveniently near to Accho, of which Hiram was probablylord, and not very remote from Tyre. The tract appears to have beenthat where the modern Kabûl now stands, which is a rocky and barehighland, [1490]--part of the outlying roots of Lebanon--overlooking therich plain of Akka or Accho, and presenting a striking contrast to itsfertility. Hiram, on the completion of the cession, "came out from Tyreto see the cities which Solomon had given him, " and was disappointedwith the gift. "What cities are these, " he said, "which thou hast givenme, my brother? And he called them the land of Cabul"--"rubbish" or"offscourings"--to mark his disappointment. [1491]

But this passing grievance was not allowed in any way to overshadow, orinterfere with, the friendly alliance and "entente cordiale" (to use amodern phrase) which existed between the two nations. Solomon, accordingto one authority, [1492] paid a visit to Tyre, and gratified his host byworshipping in a Sidonian temple. According to another, [1493] Hiramgave him in marriage, as a secondary wife, one of his own daughters--amarriage perhaps alluded to by the writer of Kings when he tells us that"King Solomon loved many strange women together with the daughter ofPharaoh, women of the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, _Zidonians_, andHittites. "[1494] The closest commercial relations were establishedbetween the two countries, and the hope of them was probably one ofthe strongest reasons which attracted both parties to the alliance. TheTyrians, on their part, possessed abundant ships; their sailors had full"knowledge of the sea, "[1495] and the trade of the Mediterranean wasalmost wholly in their hands. Solomon, on his side, being master of theport of Ezion-Geber on the Red Sea, had access to the lucrative trafficwith Eastern Africa, Arabia, and perhaps India, which had hitherto beenconfined to the Egyptians and the Arabs. He had also, by his land power, a command of the trade routes along the Coele-Syrian valley, by Aleppo, and by Tadmor, which enabled him effectually either to help or to hinderthe Phoenician land traffic. Thus either side had something to gain fromthe other, and a close commercial union might be safely counted on towork for the mutual advantage of both. Such a union, therefore, tookplace. Hiram admitted Solomon to a participation in his western traffic;and the two kings maintained a conjoint "navy of Tarshish, "[1496] which, trading with Spain and the West coast of Africa, brought to Phoeniciaand Palestine "once in three years" many precious and rare commodities, the chief of them being "gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, andpeacocks. " Spain would yield the gold and the silver, for the Tagusbrought down gold, [1497] and the Spanish silver-mines were the richestin the world. [1498] Africa would furnish in abundance the ivory and theapes; for elephants were numerous in Mauritania, [1499] and on the westcoast, [14100] in ancient times; and the gorilla[14101] and the Barbaryape are well-known African products. Africa may also have produced the"peacocks, " if _tukkiyim_ are really "peacocks, " though they arenot found there at the present day. Or the _tukkiyim_ may have beenGuinea-fowl--a bird of the same class with the peacock. 

In return, Solomon opened to Hiram the route to the East by way of theRed Sea. Solomon, doubtless by the assistance of shipwrights furnishedto him from Tyre, "made a navy of ships at Ezion-Geber, which is besideEloth, on the shore of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom, "[14102] and thesailors of the two nations conjointly manned the ships, and performedthe voyage to Ophir, whence they brought gold, and "great plenty ofalmug-trees, " and precious stones. [14103] The position of Ophir has beenmuch disputed, but the balance of argument is in favour of the theorywhich places it in Arabia, on the south-eastern coast, a little outsidethe Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. [14104] It is possible that the fleet didnot confine itself to trade with Ophir, but, once launched on the IndianOcean, proceeded along the Atlantic coast to the Persian Gulf and thepeninsula of Hindustan. Or Ophir may have been an Arab emporium for theIndian trade, and the merchants of Syria may have found there theIndian commodities, and the Indian woods, [14105] which they seem to havebrought back with them to their own country. A most lucrative trafficwas certainly established by the united efforts of the two kings; and ifthe lion's share of the profit fell to Solomon and the Hebrews, [14106]still the Phoenicians and Hiram must have participated to someconsiderable extent in the gains made, or the arrangement would not havecontinued. 

It is thought that Hiram was engaged in one war of some importance. Menander tells us, according to the present text of Josephus, [14107]that the "Tityi" revolted from him, and refused any longer to pay himtribute, whereupon he made an expedition against them, and succeededin compelling them to submit to his authority. As the "Tityi" arean unknown people, conjecture has been busy in suggesting othernames, [14108] and critics are now of the opinion that the original wordused by Menander was not "Tityi, " but "Itykæi. " The "Itykæi" are thepeople of Utica: and, if this emendation be accepted, [14109] we mustregard Hiram as having had to crush a most important and dangerousrebellion. Utica, previously to the foundation of Carthage, was by farthe most important of all the mid-African colonies, and her successfulrevolt would probably have meant to Tyre the loss of the greaterportion, if not the whole, of those valuable settlements. A rival to herpower would have sprung up in the West, which would have crippled hercommerce in that quarter, and checked her colonising energy. She wouldhave suffered thus early more than she did four hundred years later bythe great development of the power of Carthage; would have lost a largeportion of her prestige; and have entered on the period of her declinewhen she had but lately obtained a commanding position. Hiram's energydiverted these evils: he did not choose that his kingdom should bedismembered, if he could anyhow help it; and, offering a firm andstrenuous opposition to the revolt, he succeeded in crushing it, andmaintaining the unity of the empire. 

The brilliant reign of Hiram, which covered the space of forty-threeyears, was not followed, like that of Solomon, by any immediatetroubles, either foreign or domestic. He had given his people, either athome or abroad, constant employment; he had consulted their conveniencein the enlargement of his capital; he had enriched them, and gratifiedtheir love of adventure, by his commercial enterprises; he hadmaintained their prestige by rivetting their yoke upon a subject state;he had probably pleased them by the temples and other public buildingswith which he had adorned and beautified their city. Accordingly, hewent down to the grave in peace; and not only so, but left his dynastyfirmly established in power. His son, Baal-azar or Baleazar, who wasthirty-six years of age, succeeded him, and held the throne for sevenyears, when he died a natural death. [14110] Abd-Ashtoreth (Abdastartus), the fourth monarch of the house, then ascended the throne, at the age oftwenty, and reigned for nine years before any troubles broke out. Then, however, a time of disturbance supervened. Four of his foster-brothersconspired against Abd-Ashtoreth, and murdered him. The eldest of themseized the throne, and maintained himself upon it for twelve years, whenAstartus, perhaps a son of Baal-azar, became king, and restored the lineof Hiram. He, too, like his predecessor, reigned twelve years, when hisbrother, Aserymus, succeeded him. Aserymus, after ruling for nine years, was murdered by another brother, Pheles, who, in his turn, succumbedto a conspiracy headed by the High Priest, Eth-baal, or Ithobal. [14111]Thus, while the period immediately following the death of Hiram was oneof tranquillity, that which supervened on the death of Abd-Astartus, Hiram's grandson, was disturbed and unsettled. Three monarchs met withviolent deaths within the space of thirty-four years, and the reigninghouse was, at least, thrice changed during the same interval. 

At length with Ithobal a more tranquil time was reached. Ithobal, orEth-baal, was not only king, but also High Priest of Ashtoreth, and thusunited the highest sacerdotal with the highest civil authority. He was aman of decision and energy, a worthy successor of Hiram, gifted like himwith wide-reaching views, and ambitious of distinction. One of his firstacts was to ally himself with Ahab, King of Israel, by giving him hisdaughter, Jezebel, in marriage, [14112] thus strengthening his landdominion, and renewing the old relations of friendship with the Hebrewpeople. Another act of vigour assigned to him is the foundation ofBotrys, on the Syrian coast, north of Gebal, perhaps a defensivemovement against Assyria. [14113] Still more enterprising was his renewalof the African colonisation by his foundation of Aüza in Numidia, [14114]which became a city of some importance. Ithobal's reign lasted, we aretold, thirty-two years. He was sixty-eight years of age at his death, and was succeeded by his son, who is called Badezor, probably acorruption of Balezor, or Baal-azar[14115]--the name given by Hiramto his son and successor. Of Badezor we know nothing, except thathe reigned six years, and was succeeded by his son Matgen, perhapsMattan, [14116] a youth of twenty-three. 

With Matgen, or Mattan, whichever be the true form of the name, theinternal history of Tyre becomes interesting. It appears that twoparties already existed in the state, one aristocratic, and the otherpopular. [14117] Mattan, fearing the ascendancy of the popular party, married his daughter, Elisa, whom he intended for his successor, to heruncle and his own brother, Sicharbas, who was High Priest of Melkarth, and therefore possessed of considerable authority in his own person. Having effected this marriage, and nominated Elisa to succeed him, Mattan died at the early age of thirty-two, after a reign of onlynine years. [14118] Besides his daughter, he had left behind him a son, Pygmalion, who, at his decease, was but eight or nine years old. Thischild the democratic party contrived to get under their influence, proclaimed him king, young as he was, and placed him upon the throne. Elisa and her husband retired into private life, and lived in peace forseven years, but Pygmalion, being then grown to manhood, was notcontent to leave them any longer unmolested. He murdered Sicharbas, andendeavoured to seize his riches. But the ex-Queen contrived to frustratehis design, and having possessed herself of a fleet of ships, andtaken on board the greater number of the nobles, sailed away, with herhusband's wealth untouched, to Cyprus first, and then to Africa. [14119]Here, by agreement with the inhabitants, a site was obtained, andthe famous settlement founded, which became known to the Greeks as"Karchêdon, " and to the Romans as "Carthago, " or Carthage. Josephusplaces this event in the hundred and forty-fourth year after thebuilding of the Temple of Solomon, [14120] or about B. C. 860. This date, however, is far from certain. 

It appears to have been in the reign of Ithobal that the first contacttook place between Phoenicia and Assyria. About B. C. 885, a powerfuland warlike monarch, by name Asshur-nazir-pal, mounted the throne ofNineveh, and shortly engaged in a series of wars towards the south, theeast, the north, and the north-west. [14121] In the last-named directionhe crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish (Jerablus), and, having overrunthe country between that river and the Orontes, he proceeded to passthis latter stream also, and to carry his arms into the rich tract whichlay between the Orontes and the Mediterranean. "It was a tract, " saysM. Maspero, [14122] "opulent and thickly populated, at once full ofindustries and commercial; the metals, both precious and ordinary, gold, silver, copper, tin (?), iron, were abundant; traffic with Phoeniciasupplied it with the purple dye, and with linen stuffs, with ebony andwith sandal-wood. Asshur-nazir-pal's attack seems to have surprisedthe chief of the Hittites in a time of profound peace. Sangar, King ofCarchemish, allowed the passage of the Euphrates to take place withoutdisputing it, and opened to the Assyrians the gates of his capital. Lubarna, king of Kunulua, alarmed at the power of the enemy, anddreading the issue of a battle, came to terms with him, consenting tomake over to him twenty talents of gold, a talent of silver, two hundredtalents of tin, a hundred of iron, 2, 000 oxen, 10, 000 sheep, a thousandgarments of wool or linen, together with furniture, arms, and slavesbeyond all count. The country of Lukhuti resisted, and suffered thenatural consequences--all the cities were sacked, and the prisonerscrucified. After this exploit, Asshur-nazir-pal occupied both the slopesof Mount Lebanon, and then descended to the shores of the Mediterranean. Phoenicia did not await his arrival to do him homage: the kings of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, and Arvad, 'which is in the midst of the sea, ' sent himpresents. The Assyrians employed their time in cutting down cedar treesin Lebanon and Amanus, together with pines and cypresses, which theytransported to Nineveh to be used in the construction of a temple toIshtar. "

The period of the Assyrian subjection, which commenced with thisattack on the part of Asshur-nazir-pal, will be the subject of the nextsection. It only remains here briefly to recapitulate the salient pointsof Phoenician history under Tyre's first supremacy. In the first place, it was a time of increased daring and enterprise, in which colonies wereplanted upon the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, and trade extended tothe remote south, the more remote north, and the still more remotenorth-east, to the Fortunate Islands, the Cassiterides, and probably theBaltic. Secondly, it was a time when the colonies on the North Africancoast were reinforced, strengthened, and increased in number; whenthe Phoenician yoke was rivetted on that vast projection into theMediterranean which divides that sea into two halves, and goes far togive the power possessing it entire command of the Mediterranean waters. Thirdly, it was a time of extended commerce with the East, perhaps theonly time when Phoenician merchant vessels were free to share in thetrade of the Red Sea, to adventure themselves in the Indian Ocean, and to explore the distant coasts of Eastern Africa, Southern Arabia, Beloochistan, India and Ceylon. Fourthly, it was a time of artisticvigour and development, when Tyre herself assumed that aspect ofsplendour and magnificence which thenceforth characterised her until herdestruction by Alexander, and when she so abounded in æsthetic energyand genius that she could afford to take the direction of an artmovement in a neighbouring country, and to plant her ideas on thatconspicuous hill which for more than a thousand years drew the eyes ofmen almost more than any other city of the East, and was only destroyedbecause she was felt by Rome to be a rival that she could not venture tospare. Finally, it was a time when internal dissensions, long existing, came to a head, and the state lost, through a sudden desertion, aconsiderable portion of its strength, which was transferred to a distantcontinent, and there steadily, if not rapidly, developed itself intoa power, not antagonistic indeed, but still, by the necessity of itsposition, a rival power--a new commercial star, before which all otherstars, whatever their brightness had been, paled and waned--a new factorin the polity of nations, whereof account had of necessity to be taken;a new trade-centre, which could not but supersede to a great extent allformer trade-centres, and which, however unwillingly, as it rose, andadvanced, and prospered, tended to dim, obscure, and eclipse the gloriesof its mother-city. 

3. Phoenicia during the period of its subjection to Assyria (B. C. 877-635)

 Phoenicia conquered by the Assyrians (about B. C. 877)-- Peaceful relations established (about B. C. 839)--Time of quiet and prosperity--Harsh measures of Tiglath-pileser II. (about B. C. 740)--Revolt of Simyra--Revolt of Tyre under Elulæus--Wars of Elulæus with Shalmaneser IV. And with Sennacherib--Reign of Abdi-Milkut--His war with Esarhaddon-- Accession of Baal--His relations with Esarhaddon and Asshur- bani-pal--Revolt and reduction of Arvad, Hosah, and Accho-- Summary. 

The first contact of Phoenicia with Assyria took place, as aboveobserved, in the reign of Asshur-nazir-pal, about the year B. C. 877. Theprincipal cities, on the approach of the great conquering monarch, with his multitudinous array of chariots, his clouds of horse, and hisinnumerable host of foot soldiers, made haste to submit themselves, sought to propitiate the invader by rich gifts, and accepted whatthey hoped might prove a nominal subjection. Arvad, which, as the mostnorthern, was the most directly threatened, Gebal, Sidon, and even thecomparatively remote Tyre, sent their several embassies, made theirofferings, and became, in name at any rate, Assyrian dependencies. Butthe real subjection of this country was not effected at this time, nor without a struggle. Asshur-nazir-pal's yoke lay lightly upon hisvassals, and during the remainder of his long reign--from B. C. 877 toB. C. 860--he seems to have desisted from military expeditions, [14123]and to have exerted no pressure on the countries situated west ofthe Euphrates. It was not until the reign of his son and successor, Shalmaneser II. , that the real conquest of Syria and Phoenicia wastaken in hand, and pressed to a successful issue by a long seriesof hard-fought campaigns and bloody battles. From his sixth to histwenty-first year Shamaneser carried on an almost continuous war inSyria, [14124] where his adversaries were the monarchs of Damascus andHamath, and "the twelve kings beside the sea, above and below, "[14125]one of whom is expressly declared to have been "Mattan-Baal ofArvad. "[14126] It was not until the year B. C. 839 that this strugglewas terminated by the submission of the monarchs engaged in it to theirgreat adversary, and the firm establishment of a system of "tributeand taxes. "[14127] The Phoenician towns agreed to pay annually to theAssyrian monarch a certain fixed sum in the precious metals, and furtherto make him presents from time to time of the best products of theircountry. Among these are mentioned "skins of buffaloes, horns ofbuffaloes, clothing of wool and linen, violet wool, purple wool, strongwood, wood for weapons, skins of sheep, fleeces of shining purple, andbirds of heaven. "[14128]

The relations of Phoenicia towards the Assyrian monarchy continued tobe absolutely peaceful for above a century. The cities retained theirnative monarchs, their laws and institutions, their religion, and theirentire internal administration. So long as they paid the fixed tribute, they appear not to have been interfered with in any way. It would seemthat their trade prospered. Assyria had under her control the greaterportion of those commercial routes across the continent of Asia, [14129]which it was of the highest importance to Phoenicia to have openand free from peril. Her caravans could traverse them with increasedsecurity, now that they were safeguarded by a power whereof she was adependency. She may even have obtained through Assyria access to regionswhich had been previously closed to her, as Media, and perhaps Persia. At any rate Tyre seems to have been as flourishing in the later timesof the Assyrian dominion as at almost any other period. Isaiah, indenouncing woe upon her, towards the close of the dominion, shows uswhat she had been under it:--

 Be silent (he says), ye inhabitants of the island, Which the merchants of Zidon, that pass over the sea, have replenished. The corn of the Nile, on the broad waters, The harvest of the River, has been her revenue: She has been the mart of nations . . . She was a joyful city, Her antiquity was of ancient days . . . She was a city that dispensed crowns; Her merchants were princes, And her traffickers the honourable of the earth. [14130]

A change in the friendly feelings of the Phoenician cities towardsAssyria first began after the rise of the Second or Lower AssyrianEmpire, which was founded, about B. C. 745, by Tiglath-pileser II. [14131]Tiglath-pileser, after a time of quiescence and decay, raised up Assyriato be once more a great conquering power, and energetically appliedhimself to the consolidation and unification of the empire. It wasthe Assyrian system, as it was the Roman, to absorb nations by slowdegrees--to begin by offering protection and asking in return a moderatetribute; then to draw the bonds more close, to make fresh demands andenforce them; finally, to pick a quarrel, effect a conquest, and absorbthe country, leaving it no vestige of independence. Tiglath-pileserbegan this process of absorption in Northern Syria about the year B. C. 740. He rearranged the population in the various towns, taking fromsome and giving to others, [14132] adding also in most cases an Assyrianelement, appointing Assyrian governors, [14133] and requiring of theinhabitants "the performance of service like the Assyrians. "[14134]Among the places thus treated between the years B. C. 740 and B. C. 738, we find the Phoenician cities of Zimirra, or Simyra, and Arqa, or Arka. Zimirra was in the plain between the sea and Mount Bargylus, not veryfar from the island of Aradus, whereof it was a dependency. Arqa wasfurther to the south, beyond the Eleutherus, and belonged properly toTripolis, if Tripolis had as yet been founded, or else to Botrys. Bothof them were readily accessible from the Orontes valley along thecourse of the Eleutherus, and, being weak, could offer no resistance. Tiglath-pileser carried out his plans, rearranged the populations, andplaced the cities under Assyrian governors responsible to himself. Therewas no immediate outbreak; but the injury rankled. Within twenty yearsZimirra joined a revolt, to which Hamath, Arpad, Damascus, and Samariawere likewise parties, and made a desperate attempt to shake off theAssyrian yoke. [14135] The attempt failed, the revolt was crushed, andZimirra is heard of no more in history. 

But this was not the worst. The harsh treatment of Simyra and Arka, without complaint made or offence given, after a full century of patientand quiet submission, aroused a feeling of alarm and indignation amongthe Phoenician cities generally, which could not fail to see in whathad befallen their sisters a foreshadowing of the fate that they had toexpect one day themselves. Beginning with the weakest cities, Assyriawould naturally go on to absorb those which were stronger, and Tyreherself, the "anointed cherub, "[14136] could look for no greater favourthan, like Ulysses in the cave of Polyphemus, to be devoured last. Luliya, or Elulæus, the king of Tyre at the time, [14137] endeavouredto escape this calamity by gathering to himself a strength which wouldenable him to defy attack. He contrived to establish his dominion overalmost the whole of Southern Phoenicia--over Sidon, Accho, Ecdippa, Sarepta, Hosah, Bitsette, Mahalliba, &c. [14138]--and at the same timeover the distant Cyprus, [14139] where the Cittæans, or people of Citium, held command of the island. After a time the Cittæans revolted from him, probably stirred up by the Assyrians. But Elulæus, without delay, ledan expedition into Cyprus, and speedily put down the rebellion. Hereuponthe Assyrian king of the time, Shalmaneser IV. , the successor andprobably the son of Tiglath-pileser II. , led a great expedition into thewest about B. C. 727, and "overran all Syria and Phoenicia. "[14140] Buthe was unable to make any considerable impression. Tyre and Aradus weresafe upon their islands; Sidon and the other cities upon the mainland, were protected by strong and lofty walls. After a single campaign, theGreat King found it necessary to offer terms of peace, which provedacceptable, and the belligerents parted towards the close of the year, without any serious loss or gain on either side. [14141]

It seemed necessary to adopt some different course of action. Shalmaneser had discovered during his abortive campaign that there werediscords and jealousies among the various Phoenician cities; that noneof them submitted without repugnance to the authority of Tyre, and thatSidon especially had an ancient ground of quarrel with her more powerfulsister, and always cherished the hope of recovering her originalsupremacy. He had seen also that the greater number of the Phoeniciantowns, if he chose to press upon them with the full force of his immensemilitary organisation, lay at his mercy. He had only to invest eachcity on the land side, to occupy its territory, to burn its villas, todestroy its irrigation works, to cut down its fruit trees, to interferewith its water-supply, and in the last instance to press upon it, tobatter down its walls, to enter its streets, slaughter its population, or drive it to take refuge in its ships, [14142] and he could becomeabsolute master of the whole Phoenician mainland. Only Tyre and Araduscould escape him. But might not they also be brought into subjectionby the naval forces which their sister cities, once occupied, might becompelled to furnish, and to man, or, at any rate, to assist in manning?Might not the whole of Phoenicia be in this way absorbed into theempire? The prospect was pleasing, and Shalmaneser set to work toconvert the vision into a reality. By his emissaries he stirred up thespirit of disaffection among the Tyrian subject towns, and succeeded inseparating from Tyre, and drawing over to his own side, not onlySidon and Acre and their dependencies, but even the city of Palæ-Tyrusitself, [14143] or the great town which had grown up opposite the islandTyre upon the mainland. The island Tyre seems to have been left withoutsupport or ally, to fight her own battle singly. Shalmaneser called uponhis new friends to furnish him with a fleet, and they readily respondedto the call, placing their ships at his disposal to the number of sixty, and supplying him further with eight hundred skilled oarsmen, not asufficient number to dispense with Assyrian aid, but enough to furnisha nucleus of able seamen for each vessel. The attack was then made. The Assyro-Phoenician fleet sailed in a body from some port on thecontinent, and made a demonstration against the Island City, which theymay perhaps have expected to frighten into a surrender. But the Tyrianswere in no way alarmed. They knew, probably, that their own countrymenwould not fight with very much zeal for their foreign masters, and theydespised, undoubtedly, the mixed crews, half skilled seamen, half tirosand bunglers, which had been brought against them. Accordingly theythought it sufficient to put to sea with just a dozen ships--one toeach five of the enemy, and making a sudden attack with these upon theadverse fleet, they defeated it, dispersed it, and took five hundredprisoners. Shalmaneser saw that he had again miscalculated; and, despairing of any immediate success, drew off his ships and his troops, and retired to his own country. He left behind him, however, on themainland opposite the island Tyre, a certain number of his soldiers, with orders to prevent the Tyrians from obtaining, according to theirordinary practice, supplies of water from the continent. Some werestationed at the mouth of the river Leontes (the Litany), a little tothe north of Tyre, a perennial stream bringing down a large quantityof water from Coele-Syria and Lebanon; others held possession of theaqueducts on the south, built to convey the precious fluid across theplain from the copious springs of Ras el Ain[14144] to the nearest pointof the coast opposite the city. The continental water supply wasthus effectually cut off; but the Tyrians were resolute, and made noovertures to the enemy. For five years, we are told, [14145] they werecontent to drink such water only as could be obtained in their ownisland from wells sunk in the soil, which must have been brackish, unwholesome, and disagreeable. At the end of that time a revolutionoccurred at Nineveh. Shalmaneser lost his throne (B. C. 722), and a newdynasty succeeding, amid troubles of various kinds, attention was drawnaway from Tyre to other quarters; and Elulæus was left in undisturbedpossession of his island city for nearly a quarter of a century. 

It appears that, during this interval, Elulæus rebuilt the power whichShalmaneser had shattered and brought low, repossessing himselfof Cyprus, or, at any rate, of some portion of it, [14146] andre-establishing his authority over all those cities of the mainlandwhich had previously acknowledged subjection to him. These includedSidon, Bit-sette, Sarepta, Mahalliba, Hosah, Achzib or Ecdippa, andAccho (Acre). There is some ground for thinking that he transferred hisown residence to Sidon, [14147] perhaps for the purpose of keeping closerwatch upon the town which he most suspected of disaffection. The policyof Sargon seems to have been to leave Phoenicia alone, and contenthimself with drawing the tribute which the cities were quite willing topay in return for Assyrian protection. His reign lasted from B. C. 722 toB. C. 705, and it was not until Sennacherib, his son and successor, had been seated for four years upon the throne that a reversal ofthis policy took place, and war _à outrance_ was declared againstthe Phoenician king, who had ventured to brave, and had succeededin baffling, Assyria more than twenty years previously. Sennacheribentertained grand designs of conquest in this quarter, and could notallow the example of an unpunished and triumphant rebellion to beflaunted in the eyes of a dozen other subject states, tempting themto throw off their allegiance. He therefore, as soon as affairs inBabylonia ceased to occupy him, marched the full force of the empiretowards the west, and proclaimed his intention of crushing thePhoenician revolt, and punishing the audacious rebel who had so longdefied the might of Assyria. The army which he set in motion musthave numbered more than 200, 000 men;[14148] its chariots werenumerous, [14149] its siege-train ample and well provided. [14150] Suchterror did it inspire among those against whom it was directed thatElulæus was afraid even to await attack, and, while Sennacherib wasstill on his march, took ship and removed himself to the distant islandof Cyprus, [14151] where alone he could feel safe from pursuit andcapture. But, though deserted by their sovereign, his towns seem to havedeclined to submit themselves. No great battle was fought; but severallythey took arms and defended their walls. Sennacherib tells us that hetook one after another--"by the might of the soldiers of Asshur hislord"[14152]--Great Sidon, Lesser Sidon, Bit-sette, Zarephath orSarepta, Mahalliba, Hosah, Achzib or Ecdippa, and Accho--"strong cities, fortresses, walled and enclosed, Luliya's castles. "[14153] He does notclaim, however, to have taken Tyre, and we may conclude that the IslandCity escaped him. But he made himself master of the entire tract uponthe continent which had constituted Luliya's kingdom, and secured itsobedience by placing over it a new king, in whom he had confidence, acertain Tubaal[14154] (Tob-Baal), probably a Phoenician. At the sametime he rearranged the yearly tribute which the cities had to pay toAssyria, [14155] probably augmenting it, as a punishment for the longrebellion. 

We hear nothing more of Phoenicia during the reign of Sennacherib, except that, shortly after his conquest of the tract about Sidon, hereceived tribute, not only from the king whom he had just set over thattown, but also from Uru-melek, king of Gebal (Byblus), and Abd-ilihit, king of Arvad. [14156] The three towns represent, probably, the wholeof Phoenicia, Aradus at this time exercising dominion over the northerntract, or that extending from Mount Casius to the Eleutherus, Gebal orByblus over the central tract from the Eleutherus to the Tamyras, andSidon, in the temporary eclipse of Tyre, ruling the southern tract fromthe Tamyrus to Mount Carmel. It appears further, [14157] that at somedate between this tribute-giving (B. C. 701) and the death of Sennacherib(B. C. 681) Tubaal must have been succeeded in the government of Sidon byAbdi-Milkut, or Abd-Melkarth[14158] ({. .. }), but whether this change wascaused by a revolt, or took place in the ordinary course, Tubaal dyingand being succeeded by his son, is wholly uncertain. 

All that we know is that Esarhaddon, on his accession, foundAbd-Melkarth in revolt against his authority. He had formed an alliancewith a certain Sanduarri, king of Kundi and Sizu, [14159] a prince of theLebanon, and had set up as independent monarch, probably during thetime of the civil way which was waged between Esarhaddon and two ofhis brothers who disputed his succession after they had murdered hisfather. [14160] As soon as this struggle was over, and the Assyrianmonarch found himself free to take his own course, he proceeded at once(B. C. 680) against these two rebels. Both of them tried to escape him. Abd-Melkarth, quitting his capital, fled away by sea, steering probablyeither for Aradus or for Cyprus. Sanduarri took refuge in his mountainfastnesses. But Esarhaddon was not to be baffled. He caused both chiefsto be pursued and taken. "Abd-Melkarth, " he says, [14161] "who from theface of my solders into the middle of the sea had fled, like a fish fromout of the sea, I caught, and cut off his head . . . Sanduarri, who tookAbd-Melkarth for his ally, and to his difficult mountains trusted, likea bird from the midst of the mountains, I caught and cut off his head. "Sidon was very severely punished. Esarhaddon boasts that he swept awayall its subject cities, uprooted its citadel and palace, and cast thematerials into the sea, at the same time destroying all its habitations. The town was plundered, the treasures of the palace carried off, andthe greater portion of the population deported to Assyria. The blank wasfilled up with "natives of the lands and seas of the East"--prisonerstaken in Esarhaddon's war with Babylon and Elam, who, like thePhoenicians themselves at a remote time, exchanged a residence on theshores of the Persian Gulf for one on the distant Mediterranean. AnAssyrian general was placed as governor over the city, and its namechanged from Sidon to "Ir-Esarhaddon. "

It seems to have been in the course of the same year that Esarhaddonheld one of those courts, or _durbars_, in Syria, which all subjectmonarchs were expected to attend, and whereat it was the custom thatthey should pay homage to their suzerain. Hither flocked almost all theneighbouring monarchs[14162]--Manasseh, king of Judah, Qavus-gabri, king of Ammon, Zilli-bel, king of Gaza, Mitinti of Askelon, Ikasamsu ofEkron, Ahimelek of Ashdod, together with twelve kings of the Cyprians, and three Phoenician monarchs, Baal, king of Tyre, Milki-asaph, king ofGebal, and Mattan-baal, king of Arvad. Tribute was paid, home rendered, and after a short sojourn at the court, the subject-monarchs weredismissed. The foremost position in Esarhaddon's list is occupied by"Baal, king of Tyre;" and this monarch appears to have been receivedinto exceptional favour. He had perhaps been selected by Esarhaddon torule Southern Phoenicia on the execution of Abd-Melkarth. At any rate, he enjoyed for some time the absolute confidence and high esteem of hissuzerain. If we may venture to interpret a mutilated inscription, [14163]he furnished Esarhaddon with a fleet, and manned it with his ownsailors. Certainly, he received from Esarhaddon a considerable extensionof his dominions. Not only was his authority over Accho recognisedand affirmed, but the coast tract south of Carmel, as far as Dor, theimportant city Gebal, and the entire region of Lebanon, were placedunder his sovereignty. [14164] The date assigned to these events isbetween B. C. 680 and B. C. 673. It was in this latter year that theAssyrian monarch resolved on an invasion of Egypt. For fifty years thetwo countries had been watching each other, counteracting each other'spolicy, lending support to each other's enemies, coming into occasionalcollision the one with the other, not, however, as principals, but aspartakers in other persons' quarrels. Now, at length there was to be anend of subterfuge and pretences. Esarhaddon, about B. C. 673, resolved toattempt the conquest of Egypt. He "set his face to go to the country ofMagan and Milukha. "[14165] He let his intention be generally known. Nodoubt he called on his subject allies for contingents of men, if not forsupplies of money. To Tyre he must naturally have looked for no niggardor grudging support. What then must have been his disgust and rage atfinding that, at the critical moment, Tyre had gone over to the enemy?Notwithstanding the favours heaped on him by his suzerain, "Baal, kingof Tyre, to Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, his country entrusted, and theyoke of Asshur threw off and made defiance. "[14166] Esarhaddon was toostrongly bent on his Egyptian expedition to be diverted from it by thisdefection; but in the year B. C. 672, as he marched through Syria andPalestine on his way to attack Tirhakah, he sent a detachment againstTyre, with orders to his officers to repeat the tactics of Shalmaneser, by occupying points of the coast opposite to the island Tyre, and"cutting off the supplies of food and water. "[14167] Baal was by thismeans greatly distressed, and it would seem that within a year or twohe made his submission, surrendering either to Esarhaddon or to his sonAsshur-bani-pal, in about the year of the latter's accession (B. C. 668). It is surprising to find that he was not deposed from his throne; butas the circumstances seem to have been such as made it imperative on theAssyrian king to condone minor offences in order to accomplish a greatenterprise--the restoration of the Assyrian dominion over the Nilevalley. Esarhaddon had effected the conquest of Egypt in about theyear B. C. 670, and had divided the country into twenty pettyprincipalities;[14168] but within a year his yoke had been thrown off, his petty princes expelled, and Tirhakah reinstated as sole monarch overthe "Two Regions. "[14169] It was the determination of Asshur-bani-pal, on becoming king, to strain every nerve and devote his utmost energy tothe re-conquest of the ancient kingdom, so lightly won and so lightlylost by his father. Baal's perfidy was thus forgiven or overlooked. Agreat expedition was prepared. The kings of Phoenicia, Palestine, andCyprus were bidden once more to assemble, to bring their tribute, andpay homage to their suzerain as he passed on his way at the head of hisforces towards the land of the Pharaohs. Baal came, and again holdsthe post of honour;[14170] with him were the king of Judah--doubtlessManasseh, but the name is lost--the kings of Edom, Moab, Gaza, Askelon, Ekron, Gebal, Arvad, Paphos, Soli, Curium, Tamassus, Ammochosta, Lidini, and Aphrodisias, with probably those also of Ammon, Ashdod, Idalium, Citium, and Salamis. [14171] Each in turn prostrated himself at the footof the Great Monarch, paid homage, and made profession of fidelity. Asshur-bani-pal then proceeded on his way, and the kings returned totheir several governments. 

It is about four years after this, B. C. 664, that we find Baal attackedand punished by the Assyrian monarch. The subjugation of Egypt hadbeen in the meantime, though not without difficulty, completed. Asshur-bani-pal's power extended from the range of Niphates to the FirstCataract. Whether during the course of the four years' struggle, bywhich the reconquest of Egypt was effected, the Tyrian prince hadgiven fresh offence to his suzerain, or whether it was the old offence, condoned for a time but never forgiven, that was now avenged, is notmade clear by the Assyrian Inscriptions. Asshur-bani-pal simply tells usthat, in his third expedition, he proceeded against Baal, king of Tyre, dwelling in the midst of the sea, _who his royal will disregarded, anddid not listen to the words of his lips_. "Towers round him, " he says, "I raised, and over his people I strengthened the watch; on sea andland his forts I took; his going out I stopped. Water and sea-water, topreserve their lives, their mouths drank. By a strong blockade, whichremoved not, I besieged them; their works I checked and opposed; to myyoke I made them submissive. The daughter proceeding from his body, andthe daughters of his brothers, for concubines he brought to my presence. Yahi-milki, his son, the glory of the country, of unsurpassed renown, at once he sent forward, to make obeisance to me. His daughter, and thedaughters of his brothers, with their great dowries, I received. FavourI granted him, and the son proceeding from his body, I restored, andgave him back. "[14172] Thus Baal once more escaped the fate he musthave expected. Asshur-bani-pal, who was far from being of a clementdisposition, suffered himself to be appeased by the submission made, restored Baal to his favour, and allowed him to retain possession of hissovereignty. 

Another Phoenician monarch also was, about the same time, threatenedand pardoned. This was Yakinlu, the king of Arvad, probably the son andsuccessor of Mattan-Baal, the contemporary of Esarhaddon. [14173] Heis accused of having been wanting in submission to Asshur-bani-pal'sfathers;[14174] but we may regard it as probable that his real offencewas some failure in his duties towards Asshur-bani-pal himself. Eitherhe had openly rebelled, and declared himself independent, or he hadneglected to pay his tribute, or he had given recent offence in someother way. The Phoenician island kings were always more neglectful oftheir duties than others, since it was more difficult to punish them. Assyria did not even now possess any regular fleet, and could onlypunish a recalcitrant king of Arvad or Tyre by impressing into herservice the ships of some of the Phoenician coast-towns, as Sidon, orGebal, or Accho. These towns were not very zealous in such a service, and probably did not maintain strong navies, having little use for them. Thus Yakinlu may have expected that his neglect, whatever it was, would be overlooked. But Asshur-bani-pal was jealous of his rights, and careful not to allow any of them to lapse by disuse. He let hisdispleasure be known at the court of Yakinlu, and very shortly receivedan embassy of submission. Like Baal, Yakinlu sent a daughter to takeher place among the great king's secondary wives, and with her he senta large sum of money, in the disguise of a dowry. [14175] The tokens ofsubjection were accepted, and Yakinlu was allowed to continue kingof Arvad. When, not long afterwards, he died, [14176] and his ten sonssought the court of Nineveh to prefer their claims to the succession, they were received with favour. Azi-Baal, the eldest, was appointedto the vacant kingdom, while his nine brothers were presented byAsshur-bani-pal with "costly clothing, and rings. "[14177]

Two other revolts of two other Phoenician towns belong to a somewhatlater period. On his return from an expedition against Arabia, aboutB. C. 645, Asshur-bani-pal found that Hosah, a small place in thevicinity of Tyre, [14178] and Accho, famous as Acre in later times, hadrisen in revolt against their Assyrian governors, refused theirtribute, and asserted independence. [14179] He at once besieged, andsoon captured, Hosah. The leaders of the rebellion he put to death; theplunder of the town, including the images of its gods, and the bulk ofits population, he carried off into Assyria. The people of Accho, hesays, he "quieted. " It is a common practice of conquerors "to make asolitude and call it peace. " Asshur-bani-pal appears to have punishedAccho, first by a wholesale massacre, and then by the deportation of allits remaining inhabitants. 

It is evident from this continual series of revolts and rebellions that, however mild had been the sway of Assyria over her Phoenician subjectsin the earlier times, it had by degrees become a hateful and a grindingtyranny. Commercial states, bent upon the accumulation of wealth, donot without grave cause take up arms and affront the perils of war, muchless do so when their common sense must tell them that success isalmost absolutely hopeless, and that failure will bring about theirdestruction. The Assyrians were a hard race. Such tenderness as theyever showed to any subject people was, we may be sure, in every casedictated by policy. While their power was unsettled, while they fearedrevolts, and were uncertain as to their consequences, their attitudetowards their dependents was conciliating. When they became fullyconscious of the immense preponderance of power which they wielded, andof the inability of the petty states of Asia to combine against them inany firm league, they grew careless and confident, reckless of givingoffence, ruder in their behaviour, more grasping in their exactions, more domineering, more oppressive. Prudence should perhaps havecounselled the Phoenician cities to submit, to be yielding and pliant, to cultivate the arts of the parasite and the flatterer; but the peoplehad still a rough honesty about them. It was against the grain toflatter or submit themselves; constant voyages over wild seas infragile vessels kept up their manhood; constant encounters with pirates, cannibals, and the rudest possible savages made them brave and daring;exposure to storm, and cold, and heat braced their frames; the nauticallife developed and intensified in them a love of freedom. The Phoenicianof Assyrian times was not to be coaxed into accepting patiently the lotof a slave. Suffer as he might by his revolts, they won him a certainrespect; it is likely that they warded off many an indignity, many anoutrage. The Assyrians knew that his endurance could not be reckoned onbeyond a certain point, and they knew that in his death-throes he wasdangerous. The Phoenicians probably suffered considerably less than theother subject nations under Assyrian rule; and the maritime population, which was the salt of the people, suffered least of all, since it wasscarcely ever brought into contact with its nominal rulers. 

4. Phoenicia during its struggles with Babylon and Egypt (about B. C. 635-527)

 Decline of Assyria--Scythic troubles--Fall of Nineveh--Union of the Phoenician cities under Tyre--Invasion of Syria by Neco--Battle of Megiddo--Submission of Phoenicia to Neco-- Tyrian colony at Memphis--Conquest of Phoenicia by Nebuchadnezzar--Reign of Ithobal II. At Tyre--He revolts from Nebuchadnezzar but is reduced to subjection--Decline of Tyre--General weakness of Phoenicia under Babylon. 

It is impossible to fix the year in which Phoenicia became independentof Assyria. The last trace of Assyrian interference, in the way ofcompulsion, with any of the towns belongs to B. C. 645, when she severelypunished Hosah and Accho. The latest sign of her continued dominationis found in B. C. 636, when the Assyrian governor of a Phoenician town, Zimirra, appears in the list of Eponyms. [14180] It must have been verysoon after this that the empire became involved in those troublesand difficulties which led on to its dissolution. According toHerodotus, [14181] Cyaxares, king of Media, laid siege to Nineveh in B. C. 633, or very soon afterwards. His attack did not at once succeed; but itwas almost immediately followed by the irruption into South-western Asiaof Scythic hordes from beyond the Caucasus, which overran country aftercountry, destroying and ravaging at their pleasure. [14182] The realityof this invasion is now generally admitted. "It was the earliestrecorded, " says a modern historian, "of those movements of the northernpopulations, hid behind the long mountain barrier, which, under the nameof Himalaya, Caucasus, Taurus, Hæmus, and the Alps, has been reared bynature between the civilised and uncivilised races of the old world. Suddenly, above this boundary, appeared those strange, uncouth, fur-cladforms, hardly to be distinguished from their horses and their waggons, fierce as their own wolves or bears, sweeping towards the southernregions, which seemed to them their natural prey. The successiveinvasions of Parthians, Turks, Mongols in Asia, of Gauls, Goths, Vandals, Huns in Europe, have, it is well said, 'illustrated the law, and made us familiar with its operations. But there was a time inhistory before it had come into force, and when its very existence musthave been unsuspected. Even since it began to operate, it has so oftenundergone prolonged suspension that the wisest may be excused ifthey cease to bear it in mind, and are as much startled when afresh illustration of it occurs, as if the like had never happenedbefore. '[14183] No wonder that now, when the veil was for the first timerent asunder, all the ancient monarchies of the South--Assyria, Babylon, Media, Egypt, even Greece and Asia Minor--stood aghast at the spectacleof these savage hordes rushing down on the seats of luxury andpower. "[14184] Assyria seems to have suffered from the attack almost asmuch as any other country. The hordes probably swarmed down fromMedia through the Zagros passes into the most fruitful portion of theempire--the flat country between the mountains and the Tigris. Many ofthe old cities, rich with the accumulated stores of ages, were besieged, and perhaps taken, and their palaces wantonly burnt by the barbarousinvaders. The tide then swept on. Wandering from district to district, plundering everywhere, settling nowhere, the clouds of horse passedover Mesopotamia, the force of the invasion becoming weaker as it spreaditself, until in Syria it reached its term through the policy of theEgyptian king, Psamatik I. That monarch bribed the nomads to advanceno further, [14185] and from this time their power began to wane. Theirnumbers must have been greatly thinned in the long course of battles, sieges, and skirmishes wherein they were engaged year after year;they suffered also through their excesses;[14186] and perhaps throughintestine dissensions. At last they recognised that their power wasbroken. Many bands probably returned across the Caucasus into the Steppecountry. Others submitted and took service under the native rulers ofAsia. [14187] Great numbers were slain, and, except in a province ofArmenia, which thenceforward became known as Sacasêné, [14188]and perhaps in one Syrian town, which acquired the name ofScythopolis, [14189] the invaders left no permanent trace of their briefbut terrible inroad. 

The shock of the Scythian irruption cannot but have greatly injured andweakened Assyria. The whole country had been ravaged and depopulated;the provinces had been plundered, many of the towns had been taken andsacked, the palaces of the old kings had been burnt, [14190] and allthe riches that had not been hid away had been lost. Assyria, when theScythian wave had passed, was but the shadow of her former self. Her_prestige_ was gone, her armed force must have been greatly diminished, her hold upon the provinces, especially the more distant ones, greatlyweakened. Phoenicia is likely to have detached herself from Assyria atlatest during the time that the Scyths were dominant, which was probablyfrom about B. C. 630 to B. C. 610. When Assyrian protection was withdrawnfrom Syria, as it must have been during this period, and when everystate and town had to look solely to itself for deliverance from abarbarous and cruel enemy, the fiction of a nominal dependence on adistant power could scarcely be maintained. Without any actual revolt, the Phoenician cities became their own masters, and the speedy fall ofAssyria before the combined attack of the Medes and Babylonians, [14191]after the Scythians had withdrawn, prevented for some time anyinterference with their recovered independence. 

A double danger, however, impended. On the one side Egypt, on the otherBabylon, might be confidently expected to lay claim to the debatableland which nature had placed between the seats of the great Asiatic andthe great African power, and which in the past had almost always beenpossessed by the one or the other of them. Egypt was the nearer of thetwo, and probably seemed the most to be feared. She had recently fallenunder the power of an enterprising native monarch, who had already, before the fall of Assyria, shown that he entertained ambitious designsagainst the Palestinian towns, having begun attacks upon Ashdodsoon after he ascended the throne. [14192] Babylon was, comparativelyspeaking, remote and had troublesome neighbours, who might be expectedto prevent her from undertaking distant expeditions. It was clearly thetrue policy for Phoenicia to temporise, to enter into no engagementswith either Babylon or Egypt, to strengthen her defences, to bide hertime, and, so far as possible, to consolidate herself. Something likea desire for consolidation would seem to have come over the people; andTyre, the leading city in all but the earliest times, appears to havebeen recognised as the centre towards which other states must gravitate, and to have risen to the occasion. If there ever was such a thing as aconfederation of all the Phoenician cities, it would seem to have beenat this period. Sidon forgot her ancient rivalry, and consented tofurnish the Tyrian fleet with mariners. [14193] Arvad gave not onlyrowers to man the ships, but also men-at-arms to help in guarding thewalls. [14194] The "ancients of Gebal" lent their aid in the Tyriandockyards. [14195] The minor cities cannot have ventured to hold aloof. Tyre, as the time approached for the contest which was to decide whetherEgypt or Babylon should be the great power of the East, appears to havereached the height of her strength, wealth, and prosperity. It is nowthat Ezekial says of her--"O Tyrus, thy heart is lifted up, and thouhast said, I am a God, I sit in the seat of God in the midst of theseas--Behold, thou art wiser than Daniel, there is no secret that theycan hide from thee: from thy wisdom and with thine understanding hastthou gotten thee riches, and hast gotten gold and silver into thytreasures: by thy great wisdom and by thy traffick thou hast increasedthy riches, and thy heart is lifted up because of thy riches"[14196];and again, "O thou that are situated at the entry of the sea, which artthe merchant of the peoples unto many isles, thus saith the Lord God, Thou, O Tyre, hast said, I am perfect in beauty. Thy borders are in theheart of the sea; thy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have madeall thy planks of fir-trees from Senir; they have taken from Lebanoncedars to make masts for thee; of the oaks of Bashan have they madethine oars; they have made thy benches of ivory, inlaid in boxwood, fromthe isles of Kittim . . . The ships of Tarshish were thy caravans forthy merchandise; and thou wast replenished, and made very glorious inthe heart of the sea. "[14197]

The first to strike of the two great antagonists was Egypt. Psamatik I. , who was advanced in years at the time of Assyria's downfall, [14198] diedabout B. C. 610, and was succeeded by a son still in the full vigour oflife, the brave and enterprising Neco. Neco, in B. C. 608, having madeall due preparations, led a great expedition into Palestine, [14199] withthe object of bringing under his dominion the entire tract betweenthe River of Egypt (Wady el Arish) and the Middle Euphrates. Alreadypossessed of Ashdod[14200] and perhaps also of Gaza[14201] andAskelon, [14202] he held the keys of Syria, and could have no difficultyin penetrating along the coast route, through the rich plain of Sharon, to the first of the mountain barriers which are interposed between theNile and the Mesopotamian region. His famous fleet[14203] would supporthim along the shore, at any rate as far Carmel; and Dor and Accho wouldprobably be seized, and made into depôts for his stores and provisions. The powerful Egyptian monarch marching northward with his numerousand well-disciplined army, partly composed of native troops, partly ofmercenaries from Asia Minor, Greeks and Carians, probably did not lookto meet with any opposition, till, somewhere in Northern Syria, heshould encounter the forces of Babylonia, which would of course be movedwestward to meet him. What then must have been his surprise when hefound the ridge connecting Carmel with the highland of Samaria occupiedby a strong body of troops, and his further progress barred by a foe whohad appeared to him too insignificant to be taken into account? Josiah, the Jewish monarch of the time, grandson of Manasseh and great-grandsonof Hezekiah, who, in the unsettled state of Western Asia, had unitedunder his dominion the entire country of the twelve tribes, [14204] hadquitted Jerusalem, and thrown himself across the would-be conqueror'spath in the strong and well-known position of Megiddo. Here, in remotetimes, had the great Thothmes met and defeated the whole force of Syriaand Mesopotamia under the king of Kadesh;[14205] here had Deborah andBarak, the son of Abinoam, utterly destroyed the mighty army of Jabin, king of Canaan, under Sisera. [14206] Here now the gallant, if rash, Judæan king elected to take his stand, moved either by a sense ofduty, because he regarded himself as a Babylonian feudatory, or simplydetermined to defend the Holy Land against any heathen army that, without permission, trespassed on it. In vain did Neco seek to induceJosiah to retire and leave the way open, by assuring him that he had nohostile intentions against Judæa, but was marching on Carchemish by theEuphrates, there to contend with the Babylonians. [14207] The Jewish kingpersisted in his rash enterprise, and Neco was forced to brush him fromhis path. His seasoned and disciplined troops easily overcame the hastylevies of Josiah; and Josiah himself fell in the battle. 

We have no details with respect to the remainder of the expedition. Neco, no doubt, pressed forward through Galilee and Coele-Syria towardsthe Euphrates. Whether he had to fight any further battles we are notinformed. It is certain that he occupied Carchemish, [14208] and made ithis headquarters, but whether it submitted to him, or was besieged andtaken, is unknown. All Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine were overrun, andbecame temporarily Egyptian possessions. [14209] But Phoenicia does notappear to have been subdued by force. Tyrian prosperity continued, andthe terms on which Phoenicia stood towards Egypt during the remainder ofNeco's reign were friendly. Phoenicians at Neco's request accomplishedthe circumnavigation of Africa;[14210] and we may suspect that it wasNeco who granted to Tyre the extraordinary favour of settling a colonyin the Egyptian capital, Memphis. [14211] Probably Phoenicia acceptedat the hands of Neco the same sort of position which she had at firstoccupied under Assyria, a position, as already explained, satisfactoryto both parties. 

But the glory and prosperity which Egypt had thus acquired were veryshort-lived. Within three years Babylonia asserted herself. In B. C. 605, the crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar, acting on behalf of his father, Nabopolassar, who was aged and infirm, [14212] led the forces of Babylonagainst the audacious Pharaoh, who had dared to affront the "King ofkings, " "the Lord of Sumir and Accad, " had taken him off his guard, and deprived him of some of his fairest provinces. Babylonia, underNabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar, was no unworthy successor of the mightypower which for seven hundred years had held the supremacy of WesternAsia. Her citizens were as brave; her armies as well disciplined; herrulers as bold, as sagacious, and as unsparing. Habakkuk's descriptionof a Babylonian army belongs to about this date, and is probably drawnfrom the life--"Lo, I raise up the Chaldæans, that bitter and hastynation, which shall march through the breadth of the land, to possessthe dwelling-places that are not theirs. They are terrible and dreadful;from them shall proceed judgment and captivity; their horses are swifterthan leopards, and are more fierce than the evening wolves; and theirhorsemen shall spread themselves, and their horsemen shall come fromfar; they shall fly as the eagle that hasteth to eat. They shall comeall for violence; their faces shall sup as the east wind, and they shallgather the captivity as the sand. And they shall scoff at kings, andprinces shall be a scorn unto them; they shall derive every stronghold;for they shall heap dust, and take it. "[14213] Early in the yearB. C. 605 the host of Nebuchadnezzar appeared on the right bank of theEuphrates, moving steadily along its reaches, and day by day approachingnearer and nearer to the great fortress in and behind which lay the armyof Neco, well ordered with shield and buckler, its horses harnessed, and its horsemen armed with spears that had been just furbished, andprotected by helmets and brigandines. [14214] One of the "decisivebattles of the world" was impending. If Egypt conquered, Orientalcivilisation would take the heavy immovable Egyptian type; change, advance, progress would be hindered; sacerdotalism in religion, conventionalism in art, pure unmitigated despotism in government wouldgenerally prevail; all the throbbing life of Asia would receive a suddenand violent check; Semitism would be thrust back; Aryanism, just pushingitself to the front, would shrink away; the monotonous Egyptian tone ofthought and life would spread, like a lava stream, over the manifoldand varied forms of Asiatic culture; crushing them out, concealing them, making them as though they had never been. The victory of Babylon, onthe other hand, would mean room for Semitism to develop itself, and forAryanism to follow in its wake; fresh stirs of population and of thoughtin Asia; further advances in the arts; variety, freshness, growth; thecontinuance of the varied lines of Oriental study and investigationuntil such time as would enable Grecian intellect to take hold of them, sift them, and assimilate whatever in them was true, valuable, andcapable of expansion. 

We have no historical account of the great battle of Carchemish. Jeremiah, however, beholds it in vision. He sees the Egyptians "dismayedand turned away back--their mighty ones are beaten down, and are fledapace, and look not back, since fear is round about them. "[14215] Hesees the "swift flee away, " and the "mighty men" attempting to"escape;" but they "stumble and fall toward the north by the riverEuphrates. "[14216] "For this is the day of the Lord God of hosts, a dayof vengeance, that He may avenge Him of His adversaries; and the sworddevours, and it is satiate and made drunk with their blood, for theLord God of hosts hath a sacrifice in the north country by the riverEuphrates. "[14217] The "valiant men" are "swept away"--"many fall--yea, one falls upon another, and they say, Arise and let us go again toour own people, and to the land of our nativity from the oppressingsword. "[14218] Nor do the mercenaries escape. "Her hired men are in themidst of her, like fatted bullocks; for they also are turned back, andare fled away together; they did not stand because the day of theircalamity was come upon them, and the time of their visitation. "[14219]The defeat was, beyond a doubt, complete, overwhelming. The shock ofit was felt all over the Delta, at Memphis, and even at distantThebes. [14220] The hasty flight of the entire Egyptian host left thewhole country open to the invading army. "Like a whirlwind, likea torrent, it swept on. The terrified inhabitants retired intothe fortified cities, "[14221] where for the time they were safe. Nebuchadnezzar did not stop to commence any siege. He pursued Neco upto the very frontier of Egypt, and would have continued his victoriouscareer into the Nile valley, had not important intelligence arrested hissteps. His aged father had died at Babylon while he was engaged in hisconquests, and his immediate return to the capital was necessary, if hewould avoid a disputed succession. [14222] Thus matters in Syria had tobe left in a confused and unsettled state, until such time as the GreatKing could revisit the scene of his conquests, and place them upon somedefinite and satisfactory footing. 

On the whole, the campaign had, apparently, the effect of drawing closerthe links which united Phoenicia with Egypt. [14223] Babylon had shownherself a fierce and formidable enemy, but had disgusted men more thanshe had terrified them. It was clear enough that she would be ahard mistress, a second and crueller Assyria. There was thus, onNebuchadnezzar's departure, a general gravitation of the Syrian andPalestinian states towards Egypt, since they saw in her the onlypossible protector against Babylon, and dreaded her less than they didthe "bitter and hasty nation. "[14224] Neco, no doubt, encouraged themovement which tended at once to strengthen himself and weaken hisantagonist; and the result was that, in the course of a few years, both Judæa and Phoenicia revolted from Nebuchadnezzar, and declaredthemselves independent. Phoenicia was still under the hegemony ofTyre, and Tyre had at its head an enterprising prince, a secondIthobal, [14225] who had developed its resources to the uttermost, andwas warmly supported by the other cities. [14226] His revolt appearsto have taken place in the year B. C. 598, the seventh year ofNebuchadnezzar. [14227] Nebuchadnezzar at once marched against him inperson. The sieges of Tyre, Sidon, and Jerusalem were formed. Jerusalemsubmitted almost immediately. [14228] Sidon was taken after losing halfher defenders by pestilence;[14229] but Tyre continued to resist for thelong space of thirteen years. [14230] The continental city was probablytaken first. Against this Nebuchadnezzar could freely employ hiswhole force--his "horses, his chariots, his companies, and his muchpeople"--he could bring moveable forts close up to the walls, and castup banks against them, and batter them with his engines, or underminethem with spade and mattock. When a breach was effected, he could pourhis horse into the streets, and ride down all opposition. It isthe capture of the continental city which Ezekiel describes when hesays:[14231] "Thus saith the Lord God: Behold, I will bring upon TyrusNebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, a king of kings, from the north, withhorses and with chariots, and with horsemen, and companies, and muchpeople. He shall slay with the sword thy daughters in the field; and heshall make a fort against thee, and cast a mount against thee, and liftup the buckler against thee. And he shall set engines of war against thywalls, and with his axes he shall break down thy towers. By reason ofthe abundance of his horses, their dust shall cover thee; thy wallsshall shake at the noise of the horseman, and of the wheels and of thechariots, when he shall enter into thy gates, as men enter into a citywherein is made a breach. With the hoofs of his horses shall he treaddown all thy streets: he shall slay thy people by the sword, and thystrong garrisons shall go down to the ground. And they shall make aspoil of thy riches, and make a prey of thy merchandise; and they shallbreak down thy walls, and destroy thy pleasant houses: and they shalllay thy stones and thy timber and thy dust in the midst of the water. "But the island city did not escape. When continental Phoenicia wasreduced, it was easy to impress a fleet from maritime towns; to manit, in part with Phoenicians, in part with Babylonians, no meansailors, [14232] and then to establish a blockade of the isle. Tyre maymore than once have crippled and dispersed the blockading squadron; butby a moderate expenditure fresh fleets could be supplied, while Tyre, cut off from Lebanon, would find it difficult to increase or renewher navy. There has been much question whether the island city wasultimately captured by Nebuchadnezzar or no; but even writers who takethe negative view[14233] admit that it must have submitted and owned thesuzerainty of its assailant. The date of the submission was B. C. 585. 

Thus Tyre, in B. C. 585, "fell from her high estate. " Ezekiel'sprophecies were fulfilled. Ithobal II. , the "prince of Tyrus" of thoseprophecies, [14234] whose "head had been lifted up, " and who had said inhis heart, "I am a God, I sit in the seat of God, in the midst of thewaters, " who deemed himself "wiser than Daniel, " and thought that nosecret was hid from him, was "brought down to the pit, " "cast to theground, " "brought to ashes upon the earth in the sight of all themthat beheld him. "[14235] Tyre herself was "broken in the midst of theseas. "[14236] A blight fell upon her. For many years, Sidon, rather thanTyre, became once more the leading city of Phoenicia, was regarded aspre-eminent in naval skill, [14237] and is placed before Tyre whenthe two are mentioned together. [14238] Internal convulsion, moreover, followed upon external decline. Within ten years of the death ofIthobal, the monarchy came to an end by a revolution, [14239] whichsubstituted for Kings Suffetes or Shophetim, "judges, " officers of aninferior status, whose tenure of office was not very assured. Ecnibal, the son of Baslach, the first judge, held the position for no more thantwo months; Chelbes, the son of Abdæus, who followed him, ruled for tenmonths; Abbarus, a high priest, probably of Melkarth, for three months. Then, apparently to weaken the office, it was shared between two, as atCarthage, and Mytgon (perhaps Mattan), together with Ger-ashtoreth, the son of Abd-elim, judged Tyre for six years. But the partisans ofmonarchy were now recovering strength; and the reign of a king, Balator, was intruded at some point in the course of the six years' judgeship. Judges were then abolished by a popular movement, and kings of the oldstock restored. The Tyrians sent to Babylon for a certain Merbal, who must have been either a refugee or a hostage at the court ofNeriglissar. He was allowed to return to Tyre, and, being confirmedin the sovereignty, reigned four years. His brother, Eirom, or Hiram, succeeded him, and was still upon the throne when the Empire of Babyloncame to an end by the victory of Cyrus over Nabonidus (B. C. 538). 

Phoenicia under the Babylonian rule was exceptionally weak. She had tosubmit to attacks from Egypt under Apries, which fell probably in thereign of Baal over Tyre, about B. C. 565. She had also to submit to theloss of Cyprus under Amasis, [14240] probably about B. C. 540, or a littleearlier, when the power of Babylon was rapidly declining. She had been, from first to last, an unwilling tributary of the Great Empire on theLower Euphrates, and was perhaps not sorry to see that empire go downbefore the rising power of Persia. Under the circumstances she wouldview any chance as likely to advance her interests, and times ofdisturbance and unsettlement gave her the best chance of obtaining atemporary independence. From B. C. 538 to B. C. 528 or 527 she seems tohave enjoyed one of these rare intervals of autonomy. Egypt, contentwith having annexed Cyprus, did not trouble her; Persia, engaged in warsin the far East, [14241] made as yet no claim to her allegiance. In peaceand tranquillity she pursued her commercial career, covered the seaswith her merchant vessels, and the land-routes of trade with hercaravans, repaired the damages inflicted by Nebuchadnezzar on hercities; maintained, if she did not even increase, her naval strength, and waited patiently to see what course events would take now thatBabylon was destroyed, and a new and hitherto unknown power was about toassume the first position among the nations of the earth. 

5. Phoenicia under the Persians (B. C. 528-333)

 Phoenicia not claimed by Cyrus--Submits willingly to Cambyses--Takes part in his invasion of Egypt--Refuses to proceed against Carthage--Exceptional privileges enjoyed by the Phoenicians under the Persians--Government system of Darius advantageous to them--Their conduct in the Ionian revolt--In the expeditions of Mardonius and Datis--In the great expedition of Xerxes--Interruption of the friendly relations between Phoenicia and Persia--Renewal of amity-- Services rendered to Persia between B. C. 465 and 392-- Amicable relations with Athens--Phoenicia joins in revolt of Evagoras--Supports Tachos, king of Egypt--Declares herself independent under Tennes--Conquered and treated with great severity of Ochus--Sidonian dynasty of the Esmunazars. 

The conquest of Babylon by Cyrus gave him, according to Orientalnotions generally, a claim to succeed to the inheritance of the entireBabylonian empire; but the claim would remain dormant until it wasenforced. The straggling character of the territory, which was shapedlike a Greek {L}, ascending from Babylon along the course of theEuphrates to the Armenian mountains, and then descending along theline of the Mediterranean coast as far as Gaza or Raphia, rendered theenforcement of the claim a work of difficulty, more especially in theremote West, which was distant fifteen hundred miles from Persia Proper, and more than a thousand miles from Babylon. Cyrus, moreover, wasprevented, first by wars in his immediate neighbourhood, [14242] andlater on by a danger upon his north-eastern frontier, [14243] from takingthe steps usually taken by a conqueror to establish his dominion in anewly-annexed region, and thus he neither occupied Syria with troops, nor placed it under the administration of Persian governors. The onlystep which, so far as we know, he took, implying that his authorityreached so far, was the commission which he gave to Zerubbabel and theother chiefs of the Jewish nation to proceed from Babylonia to Judæa, and re-establish themselves, if they could, on the site of the destroyedJerusalem. [14244] The return from the Captivity which followed was insome sense the occupation of a portion of the extreme West by a Persiangarrison, and may be viewed as a step intended to be "preparatorytowards obtaining possession of the entire sea-coast;"[14245] but itappears to have been an isolated movement, effected without activePersian support, and one whereby the neighbouring countries were onlyslightly affected. 

That Phoenicia retained her independence until the reign of Cambyses isdistinctly implied, if not actually asserted, by Herodotus. [14246] Shesaw without any displeasure the re-establishment in her neighbourhoodof a nation with which her intercourse had always been friendly, andsometimes close and cordial. Tyre and Sidon vied with each other intheir readiness to supply the returned exiles with the timber which theyneeded for the rebuilding of their temple and city; and once more, asin the days of Solomon, the Jewish axes were heard amid the groves ofLebanon, and the magnificent cedars of that favoured region were cutdown, conveyed to the coast, and made into floats or rafts, whichPhoenician mariners transported by sea to Joppa, the nearest seaportto Jerusalem. [14247] In return, the Jews willingly rendered to thePhoenicians such an amount of corn, wine, and oil as was equivalent invalue to the timber received from them, [14248] and thus the relationsbetween the two peoples were replaced on a footing which recalled thetime of their closest friendship, nearly five hundred years previously. 

On the death of Cyrus, and the accession of his son Cambyses, B. C. 529, the tranquillity which South-western Asia had enjoyed since the timeof the wars of Nebuchadnezzar came to an end. Cyrus had, it is said, designed an expedition against Egypt, [14249] as necessary to round offhis conquests, and Cambyses naturally inherited his father's projects. He had no sooner mounted the throne than he commenced preparations foran attack upon the ancient kingdom of the Pharaohs, which, under thedynasty of the Psamatiks, had risen to something of its early greatness, and had been especially wealthy and prosperous under the usurperAmasis. [14250] It was impossible to allow an independent and rivalmonarchy so close upon his borders, and equally impossible to shrinkfrom an enterprise which had been carried to a successful issue both byAssyria and by Babylon. Persian prestige required the subjugationand absorption of a country which, though belonging geographicallyto Africa, was politically and commercially an integral part ofthat Western Asia over which Persia claimed a complete and absolutesupremacy. 

The march upon Egypt implied and required the occupation of theMediterranean seaboard. No armies of any considerable size have everattempted to traverse the almost waterless desert which separates theLower Euphrates valley from the delta of the Nile. Light _corps d'armée_have no doubt occasionally passed from Circesium by way of Tadmorto Damascus, and _vice versâ_;[14251] but the ordinary line of routepursued by conquerors follows the course of the Euphrates to Carchemish, then strikes across the chalky upland in the middle of which stands thecity of Aleppo, and finally descends upon Egypt by way of the Orontes, the Coele-Syrian valley, and the plains of Sharon and Philistia. [14252]This was undoubtedly the line followed by Cambyses, [14253] and itnecessarily brought him into contact with the Phoenicians. The contactwas not an hostile one. It would have been madness on the part of thePhoenicians to have attempted any resistance to the vast host with whichCambyses, we may be sure, made his invasion, and it would have beenfolly on the part of Cambyses to employ force when he could betterobtain his object by persuasion. It must have been a very special objectwith him to obtain the hearty co-operation of the Phoenician navalforces in the attack which he was meditating, since he would otherwisehave had no fleet at all capable of coping with the fleet of Egypt. Necohad made Egypt a strong naval power;[14254] Apries had contented fornaval supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean with Tyre;[14255] Amasishad made an expedition by sea against Cyprus, had crushed whateverresistance the Cyprians were able to offer, had permanently occupied theisland, [14256] and added the Cyprian fleet to his own. Cambyses had asyet no ships, except such as he could procure from the Greek cities ofAsia Minor, which were not likely to be very zealous in his service, since they had friends engaged upon the other side. [14257] Accordingly, the Persian monarch seems to have made friendly overtures to thePhoenician states, which were received with favour, and led to anarrangement satisfactory to both parties. Phoenicia surrendered theindependence which it was impossible for her to maintain, and placedher fleet at the disposal of Persia. [14258] Persia spared her citiesany occupation, imposed on her a light tribute, and allowed her thatqualified independence which is implied in the retention of her nativeprinces. From first to last under the Persian _régime_, Phoenicianmonarchs bear rule in the Phoenician cities, [14259] and command thecontingents which the cities furnish to any combined Persian fleet. 

The friendly arrangement concluded between Phoenicia and Persia wasfollowed, very naturally, by a further accession to the Persian power. Cyprus, whose population was in great part Phoenician, had for centuriesbeen connected politically in the closest manner with the Phoeniciantowns on the Asiatic mainland, especially with Tyre and Sidon. Herenslavement by Amasis must have been hateful to her, and she must havebeen only too glad to see an opportunity of shaking off the Egyptianyoke. Accordingly, no sooner did the Phoenicians of the mainlandconclude the arrangement by which they became part and parcel of thePersian Empire than the Cyprians followed their example, and, revoltingfrom Egypt, offered themselves of their own free will to Persia. [14260]Cambyses, it is needless to say, readily accepted them as his subjects. 

The invasion of Egypt could now be taken in hand with every prospect ofa successful issue. The march of the land army along the shore would besupported by a parallel movement on the part of a powerful fleet, whichwould carry its provisions and its water, explore the country in front, and give notice of the movements of the enemy, and of the place wherethey proposed to make a stand in force. When Egypt was reached thefleet would command all the navigable mouths of the Nile, would easilyestablish a blockade of all ports, and might even mount the Nile andtake a part in the siege of Memphis. It would seem that all theseservices were rendered to the Persian monarch by the great fleet whichhe had collected, of which the Phoenician ships were recognised asthe main strength. The rapid conquest of Egypt was in this way muchfacilitated, and Cambyses within a twelvemonth found himself inpossession of the entire country within its recognised limits of theMediterranean and "the tower of Syêné. "[14261]

But the Great King was not satisfied with a single, albeit amagnificent, achievement. He had accomplished in one short campaign whatit took the Assyrians ten years, and Nebuchadnezzar eighteen years, toeffect. But he now set his heart on further conquests. "He designed, "says Herodotus, [14262] "three great expeditions. One was to be againstthe Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third againstthe long-lived Ethopians, who dwelt in that part of Lybia which bordersupon the southern sea. " The expedition against the Carthaginians is theonly one of the three which here concerns us: it was to be entrustedto the fleet. Instead of conducting, or sending, a land force along theseaboard of North Africa, which was probably known to be for the mostpart barren and waterless, Cambyses judged that it would be sufficientto dispatch his powerful navy against the Liby-Phoenician colony, whichhe supposed would submit or else be subjugated. But on broachingthis plan to the leaders of the fleet he was met with a determinedopposition. The Phoenicians positively refused to proceed against theirown colonists. They urged that they were bound to the Carthaginians bymost solemn oaths, and that it would be as wicked and unnatural forthem to execute the king's orders as for parents to destroy their ownchildren. [14263] It was a bold act to run counter to the will of adespotic monarch, especially of one so headstrong and impetuous asCambyses. But the Phoenicians were firm, and the monarch yielded. "Hedid not like, " Herodotus says, "to force the war upon the Phoenicians, because they had surrendered themselves to the Persians, and because onthe Phoenicians his entire sea-service depended. " He thereforeallowed their opposition to prevail, and desisted from his proposedundertaking. [14264]

This acquiescence in their wishes on the part of the Great King, and hisabstinence from any attempt at compulsion, would seem to have paved theway for that thoroughly good understanding between the suzerain powerand her dependency which characterises the relations of the two forthe next century and a half, with the single exception of one shortinterval. "The navy of Phoenicia became a regular and very importantpart of the public power"[14265] of the Persian state. Completeconfidence was felt by their Persian masters in the fidelity, attachment, and hearty good-will of the Phoenician people. Exceptionalfavour was shown them. Not only were they allowed to maintain theirnative kings, their municipal administration, their national laws andreligion, but they were granted exceptional honours and exceptionalprivileges and immunities. The Great King maintained a park and royalresidence in some portion of Phoenicia, [14266] probably in the vicinityof Sidon, [14267] and no doubt allowed his faithful subjects to baskoccasionally in the sunshine of his presence. When the internalorganisation of the empire was taken in hand, and something approachingto a uniform system of government established for revenue purposes, though Phoenicia could not be excused from contributing to thetaxation of the empire, yet the burden laid upon her seems to have beenexceptionally light. United in a satrapy--the fifth--with Syria, Cyprus, and Palestine, and taxed according to her population ratherthan according to her wealth, she paid a share--probably not more thana third or a fourth--of 350 talents, [14268] or an annual contributionto the needs of the empire amounting to no less than 30, 000l. Persia, moreover, encouraged Phoenicia to establish an internal organisation ofher own, and, under her suzerainty, Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus were unitedby federal bonds, and had a common council, which met at Tripolis, probably of three hundred members. [14269] This council debatedmatters in which Phoenicia generally was interested, and, in times ofdisturbance, decided questions of peace and war. 

The reign of Darius Hystaspis (B. C. 521-486), the successor of Cambysesupon the Persian throne, introduced several changes into the Persiangovernmental system which were of advantage to the Phoenicians. Dariusunited the most distant parts of his empire by postal routes, alongwhich at moderate intervals were maintained post-houses, with relaysof horses, [14270] primarily for the use of the government, but at theservice of the traveller or private trader when not needed for businessof state. Phoenician commerce must have been much helped by thesearrangements, which facilitated rapid communication, gave security tolines of route which had been previously infested with robbers, andprovided resting-places for the companies of merchants and traders, notunlike the caravanserai of modern Turkey and Persia. 

Darius also established throughout his vast empire a uniform coinage, based apparently on that which had previously prevailed in Lydia. His "darics, " as they were called by the Greeks, were, in the firstinstance, gold coins of a rude type, a little heavier than oursovereigns, weighing between 123 and 124 grains troy. [14271] They borethe figure of an archer on the obverse, and on the reverse a very roughand primitive _quadratum incusum_. Darius must have coined them in vastabundance, since early in the reign of his successor a singleindividual of no great eminence had accumulated as many as 3, 993, 000of them. [14272] Subsequently to the introduction of the gold darics, a silver coinage was issued, originally (we are told) in Egypt by aPersian satrap called Aryandes, [14273] but afterwards by the centralgovernment. The name of "daric" was extended to these coins also, which, however, were much larger and heavier than the gold coins, weighingas much as 235 grains, and corresponding to the Greek tetradrachm, and (nearly) to the Hebrew shekel. The establishment of this excellentcirculating medium, and the wide extension which it almost immediatelyattained, must have given an enormous stimulus to trade, and have beenfound of the greatest convenience by the Phoenician merchants, who hadno longer to carry with them the precious metal in bars or ingots, andto weigh their gold and silver in the balance in connection with everypurchase that they made, but could effect both sales and purchasesin the simple and commodious manner still in use among all civilisednations at the present day. 

Under these circumstances we can well understand that the Phoenicianswere thoroughly satisfied with the position which they occupied underthe earlier Persian kings, and strove zealously to maintain and extendthe empire to which they owed so much. Their fidelity was put to acrucial test after they had been subjects of Darius Hystaspis for alittle more than twenty years, and had had about fourteen or fifteenyears' experience of the advantages of his governmental system. Aristagoras of Miletus, finding himself in a position of difficulty, hadlighted up the flames of war in Asia Minor, and brought about a generalrevolt of the Greeks in those parts against the Persian power--a revoltwhich spread on from the Greeks to the native Asiatics, and in a shorttime embraced, not only Ionia and Æolis, but Caria, Caunus, andalmost the whole of Cyprus. [14274] The bulk of the Cyprian cities werePhoenician colonies, and the political connection between these citiesand Phoenicia was so close and of such ancient date that the Phoenicianscan scarcely have failed to be moved by their example and by theirdanger. A wave of sympathy might have been expected to sweep across theexcitable people, and it would not have been surprising had they rushedheadlong into rebellion with the same impetuosity as their Cyprianbrethren. Had they done so the danger to Persia would have been verygreat, and the course of the world's history might perhaps have beendifferently shaped. The junction of the Phoenician fleet with the naviesof Cyprus, Ionia, Caria, and Æolis would have transferred thecomplete sovereignty of the Eastern Mediterranean to the side of therebels. [14275] The contagion of revolt would probably have spread. Lyciaand Cilicia, always eager for independence, [14276] would probably havejoined the malcontents; Pamphylia, which lay between them, would havefollowed their example; the entire seaboard of Asia Minor and Syriawould have been lost; Egypt would, most likely, have seen in thecrisis her opportunity, and have avenged the cruelties and insultsof Cambyses[14277] by the massacre of her Persian garrison. Persia'sprosperity would have received a sudden check, from which it might neverhave recovered; Greece would have escaped the ordeal of the invasion ofXerxes; and the character of the struggle between Europe and Asia wouldhave been completely altered. 

But the view which the Phoenicians took of their duties, or of theirinterests, led them to act differently. When the Persians, anxious torecover Cyprus, applied to the Phoenician cities for a naval force, totransport their army from Cilica to the island, and otherwise help themin the war, their request was at once complied with. Ships were sent tothe Cilician coast without any delay;[14278] the Persian land force wasconveyed in safety across the strait and landed on the opposite shore;the ships then rounded Cape St. Andreas and anchored in the bayopposite Salamis, where the Ionian fleet was drawn up in defence ofthe town. [14279] An engagement followed--the first, so far as weknow, between Phoenicians and Greeks--wholly to the advantage of thelatter. [14280] No complaint, however, is made of any lukewarmness, orwant of zeal, on the part of the Phoenicians, who seem to have beenbeaten in fair fight by an enemy whom they had perhaps despised. Theirill fortune did not lead to any very serious result, since the Persianland force defeated the Cyprians, and thus Persia once more obtainedpossession of the island. 

A year or two later the Phoenicians recovered their lost laurels. InB. C. 495 the Persians, having trampled out the flames of revolt inCyprus, Caria, and Caunus, resolved on a great effort to bring the warto a close by attacking the Ionian Greeks in their own country, andcrushing the head and front of the rebellion, which was the great andflourishing city of Miletus. Miletus lay on the southern shore of adeep bay--the Sinus Latmicus--which penetrated the western coast of AsiaMinor in about Lat. 37º 30´, but which the deposits of the Mæander havenow filled up. [14281] North-west of the town, at the distance of abouta mile, was the small island of Ladé, now a mere hillock on the flatalluvial plain. While the Persian land force advanced along the shore, and invested Milestus on the side towards the continent, a combinedfleet of six hundred vessels[14282] proceeded to block the entrance tothe bay, and to threaten the doomed city from the sea. This fleet wasdrawn from four only of the countries subject to Persia--viz. Phoenicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Egypt--whereof Phoenicia, we are told, "showed thegreatest zeal, "[14283] and we may presume furnished by far the largernumber of ships. On their arrival in Milesian waters the captains founda strong naval force collected to meet them, which rested upon theisland of Ladé, and guarded the approaches to the town. Miletus hadsummoned to her aid the contingents of her various allies--Chios, Lesbos, Samos, Teos, Priene, Erythræ, Phocæa, Myus--and had succeededin gathering together a fleet amounting to above three hundred and fiftyvessels. [14284] This time Phoenicia did not despise her foe. Beforeengaging, every effort was made to sow discord and dissension among theconfederates, and induce the Greek captains to withdraw their squadrons, or at any rate to remain neutral in the battle. [14285] Considerableeffect was produced by these machinations; and when at last the attackwas made, two of the principal of the Greek allies[14286] drew off, andsailed homewards, leaving the rest of the confederates to their fate. Yet, notwithstanding this defection, the battle was stoutly contestedby the ships which remained, especially those of the Chians, [14287] andthough a very decisive and complete victory was ultimately gained by thePhoenicians and their allies, the cost of the victory was great. Persiaregained her naval supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean; Phoeniciare-established her claim to be considered the great sea power of thetime; but she lost a large number of her best vessels and seamen, andshe was taught the lesson that, to cope with Greeks, she must have avast superiority of force upon her side--a superiority of not much lessthan three to one. 

Miletus soon fell after the victory of Ladé, and the Phoenician fleetwas then employed for some time in chastising the islanders who hadtaken part in the revolt, and in reducing various towns upon theEuropean shores of the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Bosphorus, including Perinthus, Selymbria, and Byzantium. [14288] Miltiades, thedestined hero of Marathon, narrowly escaped capture at the hands of thePhoenicians at this time, as he fled from his government in the ThracianChersonese to Athens. The vessel which bore him just escaped into theharbour of Imbrus; but his son, Metiochus, who was on board a worsesailer, was less fortunate. The Phoenicians captured him, and, learningwho he was, conveyed him to Darius at Susa, where he was well treatedand became a naturalised Persian. [14289]

After the Ionian revolt had been completely put down and avenged, thestates subject to Persia, and the Phoenicians among them, enjoyed abrief period of repose. But soon the restless spirit which possessedall the earlier Persian monarchs incited Darius to carry his warlikeenterprises into "fresh fields and pastures new. " From the easterncoast of the Ægean Sea he looked out towards a land possessing everyattraction that soil or clime could offer, fertile, rich in minerals, and with many excellent harbours, well watered, abounding in corn andwine and oil, in wooded hillsides, and in productive plains. Accordingto Herodotus, [14290] he had already explored the strength and weaknessof the region by means of a commission of Persian nobles, who hadsurveyed all the shores of Greece from the decks of Phoenician ships. The result was that he coveted the possession of the land thus madeknown to him, and came to a fixed resolution that he would add it to histerritories. 

There were two modes by which Greece might be approached from Asia. Bridges of boats could be thrown across the Bosphorus or the Hellespont, mere salt rivers, scarcely more formidable than the streams of theEuphrates and the Tigris. In this way Europe could be invaded in force, and the army sent across the straits, could pursue its way along theshore till it reached the rich plains of Thessaly, and from Thessalypassed into Boetia, Attica, and the Peloponnese. Or a fleet, with a landforce on board, might proceed from Asia Minor across the Ægean, wherethe numerous islands, scattered at short intervals, seemed to have beenarranged by nature as stepping-stones, whereby the adventurous denizensof either continent might cross easily into the other; and a landingmight be suddenly effected near the very heart of Greece without a tenthpart of the trouble that must be taken if the other line of route werepursued. In either case the attendance of a fleet would be necessary. Ifthe more circuitous route were pursued, a powerful squadron must attendthe march of the army along the shore, to convey its supplies; if thedirect route were preferred, a still larger fleet would be necessary forthe conveyance, not only of the supplies, but of the army itself. Dariusgave a trial to each of the two plans. In the year B. C. 492 he sent afleet and army under Mardonius by way of the Hellespont and the Europeancoast; but this expedition met with severe disasters, the fleet beingshattered by a storm off Mount Athos, and the land force greatly damagedby a night attack on the part of the Thracians. [14291] Two years laterhe dispatched the famous expedition under Datis and Artaphernes, whichtook its course through the islands, and landed perhaps 200, 000 men onthe plain of Marathon, [14292] but being there defeated by Miltiades, returned hastily to Asia by the sea route. The fleets employed on boththese occasions were numerous, [14293] and appear to have been collectedfrom several of the Persian maritime states;[14294] the proportion whichthe several contingents bore one to another is not stated, but there canbe little doubt that the Phoenicians contributed the greater number. Wehave no details of the conduct of the Phoenicians on either occasion, beyond a casual notice that in the expedition of Datis and Artaphernesone of their vessels plundered the temple of Delium on the Boeotiancoast opposite Chalcis, carrying off from it an image of Apollo platedwith gold. [14295] The superstition of Datis deprived them of thisvaluable booty; but we may safely conclude from the anecdote that, whilerendering service to Persia, the keen-witted mariners took care not toneglect their own material interests. 

In the third and greatest of the expeditions conducted by Persia againstGreece, the Phoenicians are found to have played a very important andprominent part. Even before the expedition commenced, a call was madeupon them in connection with it for services of an unusual character. The loss of the fleet of Mardonius off Mount Athos induced Xerxes todetermine on cutting a ship-canal through the isthmus which joins Athosto the mainland; and his passion for great and striking achievementscaused him to project the construction of a double bridge of boatsacross the Hellespont. Phoenician technical skill was invoked for thefurtherance of both objects. At Athos they worked in conjunction withthe maritime states generally, but showed an amount of engineeringknowledge far in advance of their fellow-labourers. The others attemptedto give perpendicular sides to their portions of the excavation, butfound the sides continually fall in, and so (as Herodotus observes) "haddouble labour. "[14296] The Phoenicians alone knew that the sides must besloped at an angle, and, calculating the proper slope aright, performed their share of the task without mishap. At the Hellespont thePhoenicians had for co-partners the Egyptians only, and the two nationsappear to have displayed an equal ability. [14297] Cables were passedfrom shore to shore, made taut by capstans and supported by an almostcontinuous line of boats; planks were then laid upon the cables, andcovered with brushwood, while a thick layer of earth was placed upon thetop. A solid causeway was thus formed, which was guarded on either sideby bulwarks of such a height that the horses which crossed the bridgecould not see over them; and thus the cavalry and the sumpter beastspassed from one continent to the other without a suspicion that they hadever had anything but _terra firma_ under them. The structure servedits purpose, but was not found strong enough to defy even for a year theforces of the winds and waves. Before the return of Xerxes, towards theclose of B. C. 480, the autumnal gales had broken it up; and the armywhich accompanied him had to re-cross the strait in a number of separateships. [14298]

The fleet which Xerxes collected to accompany his land army and takepart in his great expedition amounted, it is said, to a total of 1207vessels. [14299] Of these the Phoenician triremes were at once the mostnumerous and the best. While Egypt furnished 200 ships, Cyprus 150, Cilicia, Ionia, and the Hellespontine Greeks 100 each, and the othermaritime nations, all together, 257, Phoenicia singly contributed nofewer than 300. [14300] The superiority of the Phoenician vessels wassufficiently shown, first by the regatta at Abydos, which was won bya Sidonian trireme;[14301] next, by the preference of Xerxes forPhoenician over other vessels;[14302] and, thirdly, by the positionassigned them at Salamis, where care was taken to pit them against theAthenians, [14303] who were recognised as superior at sea to all theother Greeks. If the Phoenician prowess and naval skill did not succeedin averting defeat from the Persians, we must ascribe it first to thenarrowness of the seas in which they had to engage the enemy; and, secondly, to the still greater prowess and skill of their principalantagonists, the Athenians, the Eginetans, and the Corinthians. 

In the naval combats at Artemisium, the Egyptians, according toHerodotus, [14304] were considered to have borne off the palm on thePersian side; but Diodorus assigns that honour to the Sidonians. [14305]At Salamis the brunt of the conflict fell on the Phoenician contingent, which began the battle, [14306] and for some time forced the Atheniansquadron to beat a retreat, but was ultimately overpowered and forcedto take to flight, after suffering great losses. A large number of theships were sunk; several were taken by the Greeks; comparatively fewescaped from the battle without serious injury. [14307] Xerxes, however, who from his silver-footed throne on Mount Ægaleos surveyed thescene, [14308] but, amid the general turmoil and confusion, could illdistinguish the conduct of the several contingents, enraged at theloss of the battle, and regarding the Phoenicians as answerable for theunhappy result, since they formed the nucleus and chief strength of thefleet, laid the whole blame of the failure upon them, and, on someof the captains appearing before him to excuse themselves, had thembeheaded upon the spot. [14309] At the same time he also threatened theother Phoenician commanders with his vengeance, and so alarmed themthat, according to Diodorus, [14310] they quitted the fleet and sailedaway to Asia. 

This harsh and unjust treatment seems to have led to an estrangementbetween the Persians and the foremost of the naval nations subject tothem, which lasted for fifteen years. The Persians naturally distrustedthose whom they had injured, and were unwilling to call them in to theiraid. The Phoenicians probably brooded over their wrongs, and abstainedfrom volunteering an assistance which they were not asked to furnish. The war between Persia and Greece continued, and was transferred fromEurope to Asia, but no Phoenicians are mentioned as taking part in it. The Phoenician ships retired from Samos on the approach of the Greekfleet under Leotychides. [14311] No Phoenicians fought at Mycale. Noneare heard of as engaged at Sestos, or Byzantium, or Eïon, or Doriscus, or even Phaselis. It was not until--in B. C. 465--the war passed fromthe Ægean to the southern coast of Asia Minor, and their dependency, Cyprus, was threatened, that the Phoenicians again appeared uponthe scene, and mustered in strength to the support of their Persiansuzerain. 

The Persian fleet which fought at the Eurymedon is said to haveconsisted of three hundred and forty vessels, drawn from thethree subject nations of the Phoenicians, the Cyprians, and theCilicians. [14312] It was under the command of Tithraustes, a son ofXerxes. Cimon, who led the fleet of the Athenians and their allies, attacked it with a force of 250 triremes, of which Athens had furnishedthe greater number. The battle was contested with extreme obstinacyon both sides; but at length the Athenians prevailed, and besidesdestroying a large number of the enemy's vessels, took as many as ahundred with their crews on board. At the same time a land victory wasgained over the Persian troops. The double exploit was regarded as oneof the most glorious in the annals of Greece, and was commemorated atDelos by a tablet with the following inscription:--[14313]

 Since first the sea Europe from Asia severed, \ And Mars to rage 'mid humankind began, Never was such a blow as this delivered \ On land and sea at once by mortal man. These heroes did to death a host of Medes \ Near Cyprus, and then captured with their crews \ Five score Phoenician vessels; at the news All Asia groaned, hard hit by such brave deeds. 

It is scarcely necessary to follow further in detail the services whichPhoenicia rendered to Persia as her submissive and attached ally. Forthe space of about seventy-five years from the date of the engagementat the Eurymedon (B. C. 465-390), the Phoenicians continued to hold thefirst place among the Persian naval states, and to render their mistresseffective help in all her naval enterprises. They protected Cyprusand Egypt from the Athenian attacks, bore their part in the war withAmyrtæus and Inaros, and more than once inflicted severe blows upon theAthenian navy. [14314] It was his command of a Phoenician fleet amountingto nearly a hundred and fifty triremes which enabled Tissaphernes toplay so influential a part in Asia Minor during the later years of thePeloponnesian war. It was the presence of their ships at Cnidus which, in B. C. 394, turned the scale between Athens and Sparta, enablingthe Athenians to recover the naval supremacy which they had lost atÆgos-Potami. It was the appearance of a Phoenician fleet in Greekwaters[14315] which, in the following year, gave an opportunity to theAthenians to rebuild their "Long Walls, " alarmed Sparta for her ownsafety, and extorted from her fears--in B. C. 387--the agreement knownas "the Peace of Antalcidas. " Persia owed to her Phoenician subjectsthe glory of recovering complete possession of Asia Minor, and of beingaccepted as a sort of final arbiter in the quarrels of the Grecianstates. From B. C. 465 to B. C. 392 Phoenicia served Persia with rarefidelity, never hesitating to lend her aid, and never showing the leastinclination to revolt. 

It was probably under these circumstances, when Athens owed the recoveryof her greatness in no small measure to the Phoenicians, that thoserelations of friendship and intimacy were established between the twopeoples of which we have evidence in several inscriptions. Phoenicianssettled in Attica, particularly at Phalerum and the Piræus, and hadtheir own places of worship and interment. Six sepulchral inscriptionshave been found, either in Athens itself or at the Piræus, [14316] fiveof them bilingual, [14317] which mark the interment in Attic soil ofpersons whose nationality was Phoenician. They had monuments erectedover them, generally of some pretension, which must have obtained asmuch respect as the native tombstones, since otherwise they could nothave endured to our day. There is also at the Piræus an altar, [14318]which a Phoenician must have erected and dedicated to a Phoenician god, whom he worshipped on Attic soil apparently without let or hindrance. The god's name is given as "Askum-Adar, " a form which does not elsewhererecur, but which is thought to designate the god elsewhere calledSakon, who corresponded to the Grecian Hermes. [14319] Moreover, there isevidence of the Phoenicians having worshipped two other deities in theirAttic abodes, one a god who corresponded to the Greek Poseidon and theRoman Neptune, the other the Babylonian and Assyrian Nergal. Among thelost orations of Deniarchus was one delivered by that orator on theoccasion of the suit between the people of Phalerum and thePhoenician inhabitants of the place with respect to the priesthood ofPoseidon;[14320] and a sepulchral monument at the Piræus was erectedto Asepta, daughter of Esmun-sillem, of Sidon, by Itten-bel, son ofEsmun-sibbeh, high priest of the god Nergal. [14321] It appears furtherfrom the Greek inscription, edited by Böckh, [14322] that about this time(B. C. 390-370) a decree was promulgated by the Council {bonle} ofAthens whereby the relation of Proxenia was established betweenStrato (Abd-astartus), king of Sidon, and the Athenian people, andall Sidonians sojourning in Attica were exempted from the tax usuallycharged upon foreign settlers, from the obligation of the Choregia, andfrom all other contributions to the state. 

The power of Persia began about this time to decline, and thePhoenicians seem to have wavered in their allegiance. In B. C. 406 or 405Egypt shook off the Persian yoke, and established her independence undera native sovereign. [14323] Soon afterwards, probably in B. C. 392 or 391, Evagoras, a Cypriot Greek, who claimed descent from Teucer, inaugurateda revolution at Salamis in Cyprus, where he slew the Phoenician monarch, Abdemon, who held his throne under Persia, and, himself mounting thethrone, proceeded to reduce to subjection the whole island. [14324] Vastefforts were made to crush him, but for ten years he defied the powerof Persia, and maintained himself as an independent monarch. [14325] Evenwhen finally he made his submission, it was under an express stipulationthat he should retain his royal dignity, and be simply bound to payhis tribute regularly, and to render such obedience as subject kingscommonly paid to their suzerain. [14326]

In the course of his resistance to Persia, it is beyond question thatEvagoras received a certain amount of support from Phoenicia; but thecircumstances under which the support was given was doubtful. Accordingto Isocrates, [14327] he equipped a large fleet, and attacked thePhoenicians on the mainland with so much vigour as even to take thegreat city of Tyre by assault; but Diodorus says nothing of the attack, and it is conjectured that the contagion of revolt, which certainlyaffected, more or less, Cyprus, Cilicia, Caria, and some of the SyrianArabs, [14328] spread also thus early to Phoenicia, and that "thesurrender of Tyre was a voluntary defection. "[14329] In that case, wemust view Phoenicia, or at any rate a portion of it, as having detacheditself from Persia, about B. C. 390, sixty years before the finalbreak-up of the Empire. 

But the disaffection of Phoenicia does not become open and patent untilabout thirty years later. The decline of Persia had continued. In B. C. 375 an attempt to recover Egypt, for which a vast armament had beencollected under Pharnabazus and Iphicrates, completely failed. [14330]Nine years afterwards, in B. C. 366, the revolt of the satraps began. First Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, renounced his allegiance, anddefended himself with success against Autophradutes, satrap of Lydia, and Mausolus, native king of Caria under Persia. Then Aspis, who held apart of Cappadocia, revolted and maintained himself by the help of thePisidians, until he was overpowered by Datames. Next Datames himself, satrap of the rest of Cappadocia, understanding that the mind of thePersian king was poisoned against him, made a treaty with Ariobarzanes, and assumed an independent attitude in his own province. Finally, inB. C. 362, there seems to have been something like a general revoltof the western provinces, in which the satraps of Mysia, Phrygia, andLydia, Mausolus prince of Caria, and the peoples of Lycia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, Cilicia, and Syria participated. [14331] Then, if not earlier, Phoenicia openly threw in her lot with the disaffected;[14332] refusedher tribute like the others, and joined her forces with theirs. Nor, when the rebellion collapsed, did she at once return to her allegiance. When Tachos, native king of Egypt, in B. C. 361, having secured theservices of Agesilaus and Chabrias, advanced boldly into Syria, with theobject of enlarging his own dominions at the expense of Persia, he wasreceived with favour by the Phoenicians, who were quite willing to forma portion of his empire. But the rebellion of Nectanebo forced Tachosto relinquish his projects, [14333] and the dominion over the Phoeniciancities seems to have reverted to Persia without any effort on her part. 

In this condition matters remained till about the year B. C. 351, when Sidon, feeling herself aggrieved by the conduct of the Persianauthorities at Tripolis, [14334] where the general assembly of thePhoenicians held its meetings, boldly raised the standard of revoltagainst Persia under Tennes, or Tabnit II. , and induced the Phoeniciansgenerally to declare themselves independent. Alliance was at once formedwith the Egyptian king, Nekht-nebf, or Nectanebo II. , who sent a bodyof 4, 000 Greek mercenaries, under Mentor the Rhodian, to the aid ofTennes. [14335] Hostilities commenced by the Phoenicians expellingor massacring the Persian garrisons, devastating the royal park orparadise, and burning the stores of forage collected for the use of thePersian cavalry. [14336] An attempt made by two satraps--Belesys of Syriaand Mazæus of Cilicia--to crush the revolt was completely defeated byTennes, with the aid of Mentor and his Greeks, who gained adecisive victory over the satraps, and drove the Persians out ofPhoenicia. [14337] Cyprus then joined the rebels. The nine principalcities made common cause, expelled the Persians, and declared themselvesfree states, under their respective native kings. [14338] Ochus, thePersian king, was at last roused to exert himself. Collecting an armyof 300, 000 foot and 30, 000 horse, supported by 300 triremes and 500transports or provision-ships, [14339] he proceeded to the west inperson, determined to inflict condign punishment on the rebels, andto recover to the empire, not only Cyprus and Phoenicia, but also thelong-lost Egypt. 

Tennes, on his part, had done his best in the way of preparations fordefence. He had collected a fleet of above a hundred ships--triremesand quinqueremes, [14340] the latter now heard of for the first timein Asiatic warfare. He had strengthened the fortifications of Sidon, surrounding the town with a triple ditch of great width and depth, andconsiderably raising the height of the walls. [14341] He had hired Greekmercenaries to the number of six thousand, raising thus the numberin his service to ten thousand in all, had armed and drilled the mostactive and athletic of the citizens, and had collected vast stores ofprovisions, armour, and weapons. But the advance of the Persian monarchat the head of so large a force filled Tennes with dismay anddespair. Successful resistance was, he thought, impossible; and with aselfishness and a cowardice that must ever make him rank among the mostinfamous of men, he resolved, if possible, to purchase his own pardonof the King by delivering to his vengeance the entire body of hisfellow-countrymen. Accordingly, after handing over to him a hundred ofthe principal citizens, who were immediately transfixed with javelins, he concerted measures with Mentor for receiving the Persians withinthe walls. While the arrangements were proceeding, five hundred of theremaining citizens issued forth from one of the gates of the town, withboughs of supplication, as a deputation to implore the mercy of Ochus, but only to suffer the same fate as their fellow-townsmen. The Persianswere then received within the walls; but the citizens, understandingwhat their fate was to be, resolved to anticipate it. They had alreadyburnt their ships, to prevent any desertion. Now they shut themselvesup, with their wives and children, in their houses, and applying thetorch to their dwellings lighted up a general conflagration. More thanforty thousand persons perished in the flames. Ochus sold the ruins ata high price to speculators, who calculated on reimbursing themselvesby the treasures which they might dig out from among the ashes. As forTennes, it is satisfactory to find that a just vengeance overtook him. The treachery which he had employed towards others was shown also tohimself. Ochus, who had given him a solemn promise that he would sparehis life, no sooner found that there was nothing more to be gained byletting him live, than he relentlessly put him to death. [14342]

No further resistance was made by the Phoenician cities. Ochus marchedon against Egypt and effected its reconquest. [14343] The Cyprian revoltwas put down by the Prince of Caria, Istricus. [14344] A calm, prelude tothe coming storm, settled down upon Persia; and Phoenicia participatedin the general tranquillity. The various communities, exhausted bytheir recent efforts, and disappointed with the result, laid aside theirpolitical aspirations, and fell back upon their commercial instincts. Trade once more flourished. Sidon rose again from her ashes, andrecovered a certain amount of prosperity. She held the coast fromLeontopolis to Ornithonpolis, and possessed also the dependency ofDor;[14345] but she had lost Sarepta to Tyre, [14346] which stepped intothe foremost place among the cities on her fall, and retained it untildestroyed by Alexander. The other towns which still continued to be ofsome importance were Aradus, and Gebal or Byblus. These cities, likeTyre and Sidon, retained their native kings, [14347] who ruled theirseveral states with little interference from the Persians. The line ofmonarchs may be traced at Sidon for five generations, from the firstEsmunazar, who probably reigned about B. C. 460-440, through threegenerations and four kings, to the second Strato, the contemporary ofAlexander. [14348] The first Esmunazar was succeeded by his son, Tabnit, about B. C. 440. Tabnit married his sister, Am-Ashtoreth, priestess ofAshtoreth, and had issue, two sons, Esmunazar II. , whose tomb was foundnear Sidon by M. De Vogüé in the year 1855, and Strato I. Esmunazar II. Is thought to have died about B. C. 400, and to have been succeeded byhis brother Strato, the Proxenus of Athens, who reigned till B. C. 361. On Strato's death, his son, the second Tabnit--known to the Greeks asTennes--mounted the throne, and reigned till B. C. 345, when he was putto death by Ochus. A second Strato, the son of Tennes, then became king, and retained his sovereignty till after the battle of Issus[14349] (B. C. 333). 

6. Phoenicia in the time of Alexander the Great (B. C. 333-323)

 Alexander's invasion of Asia--Preparations made to resist it, insufficient--What should have been done--Movements of Memnon in B. C. 333--His death--Paralysis of the Persian fleet--Attack on Phoenicia after Issus--Submission of all the cities but Tyre--Siege of Tyre--Fall of the city--Cruel treatment of the inhabitants. 

The invasion of Asia by Alexander the Great, though it found thePersians unready, was by no means of the nature of a surprise. Thedesign had been openly proclaimed by Philip in the year B. C. 338, whenhe forced the Grecian States to appoint him generalissimo of theirarmies, which he promised to lead to the conquest of the East. [14350]Darius Codomannus had thus ample warning of what he had to expect, and abundant opportunity to make the fullest preparations for defence. During the years B. C. 338 and 337, while Philip was still alive, he diddo something towards organising defensive measures, collected troopsand ships, and tried to foment discontent and encourage anti-Macedonianmovements in Greece. [14351] But the death of Philip by the dagger ofPausanias caused him most imprudently to relax his efforts, to considerthe danger past, and to suspend the operations, which he had commenced, until he should see whether Alexander had either the will or the powerto carry into effect his father's projects. The events of the yearsB. C. 336 and 335, the successes of Alexander in Thrace, Illyria, andBoeotia, [14352] woke him from his fool's paradise to some sense of therealities of the situation. In B. C. 335 the preparations for defencewere resumed. Orders were issued to the satraps of Phrygia and Lydiato draw together their troops towards the north-western corner of AsiaMinor, and to take the offensive against the Macedonian force which hadcrossed the straits before Philip's death. The Persian garrisons in thisquarter were strongly reinforced with troops of a good quality, drawnfrom the remoter provinces of the empire, as from Persia Proper, Media, Hyrcania, and Bactria. Notice was given to the Phoenicians to prepare aconsiderable fleet, and hold it in readiness for active service. Aboveall, Memnon the Rhodian was given a command on the Asiatic seaboard, andentrusted with a body of five thousand Greek mercenaries, which he wasempowered to use at his discretion. [14353]

But these steps, though in the right direction, were quite inadequateunder the circumstances. Everything that was possible should have beendone to prevent Alexander from crossing to Asia in force. The fleetshould not only have been commanded to hold itself in readiness, but should have been brought up. Four hundred or five hundredvessels, [14354] from Phoenicia, Cyprus, Egypt, Lycia, and Cilicia, should have been moved into the northern Egean and the Propontis, andhave kept watch on every Grecian port. Alexander was unable to musterfor the transport of his army across the Straits a larger number than160 triremes. [14355] Persia should have met them with a fleet threetimes as large. Had Memnon been given from the first a free hand at sea, instead of satrapial power on land, it is quite conceivable thatthe invasion of Asia by Alexander might have proved as abortive anenterprise as the contemplated invasion of England by Napoleon. 

As it was, the fleet of Persia, composed mainly of Phoenician vessels, did not appear in the northern Egean waters until some weeks afterAlexander had transported his grand army into Asia, and fought atthe Granicus, so that when it arrived it was of comparatively littleservice. Too late even to save Miletus, it had to be a tame spectatorof the siege and capture of that important town. [14356] It was thenwithdrawn to Halicarnassus, where its presence greatly helped thedefence, but not to the extent of wholly baffling the besiegers. Halicarnassus fell, like Miletus, after a while, being entered fromthe land side; but the fleet saved the troops, the stores, and theinhabitants. [14357]

During the early part of the ensuing year, B. C. 333, while Alexanderwas engaged in conquering the interior of Asia Minor, the Persian fleetunder Memnon at last took the aggressive, and, advancing northwards, employed itself in establishing Persian influence over the whole of theEgean, and especially in reducing the important islands of Chios andLesbos. [14358] Memnon was now in full command. Fortune smiled onhim; and it seemed more than probable that the war would be, at leastpartially, transferred into Greece, where the Spartans only waitedfor Memnon's appearance to commence an anti-Macedonian movement. Thepresence of a powerful fleet in Greek waters, and Memnon's almostunlimited command of Persian gold, might in a short time have raisedsuch a flame in Greece as to necessitate Alexander's return in order toextinguish it. [14359] The invasion of Asia might have been arrested inmid course; Alexander might have proved as powerless as Agesilaus toeffect any great change in the relations of the two continents; but, at the critical moment, the sudden and unexpected death of the Rhodianchief cast all these hopes to the ground, [14360] and deprived Persia ofher last chance of baffling the invader. 

Thus, first by mismanagement and then by an unhappy accident, thePhoenicians were precluded from rendering Persia any effective servicein the time of her great necessity. Wiser than Napoleon, Alexander wouldnot contest the sovereignty of the seas with the great naval power ofthe day, and he even, when he once felt himself strongly lodged in Asia, disbanded his naval force, [14361] that so it might be impossible fordisaster at sea to tarnish his prestige. He was convinced that Asiacould be won by the land force which he had been permitted to disembarkon its shores, and probably anticipated the transfer of naval supremacywhich almost immediately followed on the victory of Issus. The completedefeat of the great army of Codomannus, and its retirement on theEuphrates, [14362] left the entire seaboard of Syria and Phoenicia opento him. He resolved at once to take advantage of the opportunity, and todetach from Persia the three countries of Phoenicia, Egypt, and Cyprus. If he could transfer to himself the navies of these powers, his maritimesupremacy would be incontestable. He would render his communicationswith Macedonia absolutely secure. He would have nothing to fear fromrevolt or disturbance at home, however deeply he might plunge into theAsiatic continent. If the worst happened to him in Asia, he would haveassured himself a safe return. 

Accordingly, no sooner was the retreat of Darius upon the line of theEuphrates, and his abandonment of Syria, ascertained, than Alexander, after despatching a detachment of his army to Damascus, marched inperson into Phoenicia. [14363] The Phoenicians were placed betweentwo dangers. On the one hand, Alexander might ravage their territory, capture and pillage their cities, massacre or sell for slaves thegreater portion of their citizens, and destroy their very existence asa people; on the other hand, Darius held as hostages for their fidelitythe crews and captains of their triremes, which formed a portion of hisfleet, and had on board a large number of their chief men, and evensome of their kings. [14364] It was impossible, however, to temporise; achoice had necessarily to be made; and when Alexander entered Phoenicia, the cities, in almost every case, decided on submitting to him. FirstStrato, the son of Ger-astartus, king of Aradus, who was serving onboard the Phoenician contingent to the Persian fleet, went out to meetAlexander, and surrendered into his hands the four cities of Aradus, Marathus, Sigon, and Mariamme. [14365] Then Byblus, whose king was alsoabsent with the fleet, opened its gates to the Macedonians. [14366] NextSidon, mindful of her recent wrongs, sent envoys to invite Alexander'sapproach, and joyfully embraced his cause. [14367] Even Tyre nominallymade submission, and declared itself ready to obey Alexander'scommands;[14368] and the transfer of Phoenicia to the side of Alexandermight have been made without bloodshed, had the Macedonian monarch beencontent to leave their island city, which was their true capital, and their pride and glory, unmolested. But Alexander could not brookanything that in any degree savoured of opposition to his will. Whentherefore, on his expressing a wish to sacrifice to Melkarth in theirisland town, the Tyrians declined to receive him within the walls, andsuggested that his pious design might be sufficiently accomplished byhis making his intended offering in Palæ-Tyrus, where there was a templeof the same god, which was older (they said) and more venerable thantheir own, Alexander's pride was touched, and he became violentlyenraged. [14369] Dismissing the envoys with angry threats, he at oncebegan preparations for an attack upon the town. 

The Tyrians have been accused of extreme rashness and folly innot making an unqualified submission to the demands preferred byAlexander, [14370] but the reproach scarcely appears to be deserved. They had on previous occasions resisted for years the entire powerof Assyria, and of Babylon; they naturally deemed themselves onlyassailable by sea; their fortifications were of immense strength; andthey possessed a navy much superior to any of which Alexander couldboast at the time when he threatened them. Their own vessels were eightyin number; those of their kinsmen upon the continent were likewiseeighty; Cyprus, which for centuries had been closely allied with them, and which was more than half Phoenician in blood, could furnish ahundred and twenty; Carthage, if she chose, could send to their aid, without any difficulty, as many as two hundred. [14371] Alexander hadnever been able to collect from the Greek states which owned his swaya fleet of more than one hundred and sixty sail; and, having disbandedthis fleet, he could not readily have mustered from the cities andcountries accessible to him, exclusive of Cyprus and Phoenicia, so manyas a hundred. [14372] The Tyrians, when they took their resolution tooppose Alexander, had a right to expect that their kindred would eitherassist them, or at any rate not serve against them, and that thus theywould be sure to maintain their supremacy at sea. As for Alexander'sdesign to join the island Tyre to the continent by means of a mole, theycannot have had the slightest suspicion of it, since no work of thekind had ever previously been accomplished, or even attempted; forthe demonstration of Xerxes against Salamis was not seriouslyintended. [14373] They naturally counted on the struggle being entirelyby sea, and may well have thought that on their own element they wouldnot be worsted. Even if the continental towns forsook them and went overto the enemy, why might they not do as they had done in Shalmaneser'stime, defeat their unnatural countrymen, and retain their navalsupremacy? Moreover, if they made a gallant fight, might not Persia beexpected to second their efforts? Would she not attack Alexander fromthe flanks of Lebanon, intercept his supplies, cut off his foragers, andmake his position untenable; the Tyrians could scarcely anticipate thatPersia would sit with folded hands, a calm spectator of a seven months'siege, and do absolutely nothing. 

Having determined on resistance to the demands of Alexander, the Tyrianslost no time in placing their city in a position to resist attack. Theysummoned their king, Azemilcus, from the Persian fleet, and required himto hasten home with the entire squadron which he commanded. [14374]They collected triremes and lighter vessels from various quarters. Theydistributed along the walls of the city upon every side a number ofengines of war, constructed to hurl darts and stones, and amply providedthem with missiles. [14375] The skilled workmen and engineers residentin the town were called upon not merely to furnish additional enginesof the old type, but to exercise their ingenuity in devising new andunheard of structures. [14376] They armed all the young and vigorousamong the people, and appointed them their several stations at thewalls. Finally, to diminish the number of mouths to be fed, and to savethemselves from distracting cares, they sent away to Carthage a numberof their aged men, their women, and their children, who were readilyreceived and supported by the rich and friendly colonists. [14377]

Meantime Alexander had taken his resolution. Either recollecting whatXerxes had threatened to do at Salamis, or prompted merely by his owninventive genius, he determined on the construction of a great mole, orembankment, which should be carried out from the Asiatic mainland acrossthe half-mile of channel to the very walls of the recalcitrant city, and should thus join the island to the Syrian shore. The width of theembankment he fixed at two plethra, or nearly seventy yards. [14378]Material for the construction was abundant. The great city of Palæ-Tyruswas close at hand, partly in ruins, and with many of the houses desertedby their inhabitants. Its walls would furnish abundance of stone, mortar, and rubble. Behind Palæ-Tyrus lay the flanks of Lebanon, cultivated in orchards, while beyond were its dense and inexhaustibleforests of fir, pine, and cedar. Human labour could be obtained toalmost any extent, for the neighbourhood was populous, and Alexander'sauthority acknowledged by all. Accordingly the work, once commenced, fora while made fair progress. Piles were cut in the mountain, whichwere driven with much ease into the soft mud of the channel, which wasshallow near the shore, [14379] and completely under the control of theMacedonians, since the Tyrian vessels could not approach it for fear ofsticking in the ooze. Between the piles, towards the edge of the mole, were sunk stones, trunks of trees, and material of the more solidcharacter, while the central part was filled up with rubble and rubbishof every sort and kind. Still, the operation was toilsome and tedious, even from the first, while the further that the mole was advanced intothe sea, the more difficult and dangerous became its construction. Thechannel deepened gradually from a few feet towards the shore to eighteenor twenty, [14380] as it approached the island. The Tyrians in theirvessels were soon able to act. In small boats at first, and afterwardsin their triremes, they attacked and annoyed the workmen, perpetuallyhindered their work, and occasionally destroyed portions of it. [14381]Damage was also inflicted by the wind and waves; and the rate ofprogress became, in consequence, exceedingly slow. A strong current setthrough the channel, and this was continually working its way amongthe interstices of the mole, washing holes in its sides and face, andloosening the interior of the structure. When a storm arose, the surfbroke over the top of the work, and did even greater damage, carryingportions of the outer casing into the sea. 

To meet the assaults of the Tyrian ships upon the work, the Macedoniansconstructed two movable towers, well protected against torches andweapons by curtains made of raw hides, [14382] and advancing these uponthe surface of the mole to the points most threatened, discharged fromthe engines which the towers contained darts and stones of a large sizeagainst the Tyrian sailors. Thus protected, the workmen were able tomake sensible progress, and the Tyrians began to fear that, unless theycould destroy the towers, the mole would ere long be completed. Forthe accomplishment of their purpose, they resolved to employa fire-ship. [14383] Selecting one of the largest of theirhorse-transports, they stowed the hold with dry brushwood and othercombustible materials; and erecting on the prow two masters, each witha projecting arm, attached to either a cauldron, filled with bitumenand sulphur, and with every sort of material apt to kindle and nourishflame. By loading the stern of the transport with stones of a largesize, they succeeded in depressing it and correspondingly elevating theprow, which was thus prepared to glide over the smooth surface of themole and bring itself into contact with the towers. In the fore partof the ship were deposited a quantity of torches, resin, and othercombustibles. Watching an opportunity when the wind blew strongly fromthe seaward straight upon the mole, they towed the vessel at their bestspeed in the direction of the towers, set it on fire, and then, loosingtheir hawsers, allowed it to dash itself upon the work. The prow slidover the top a certain distance and then stopped. The arms projectingfrom the masts broke off at the sudden check, [14384] and scattered thecontents of the cauldrons around. The towers caught fire and were atonce in a blaze. The Macedonians found it impossible to extinguish theflames, since the Tyrian triremes, drawing close to the mole, preventedapproach by flights of arrows and other missiles. "At the same time, the full naval force of the city, both ships and little boats, was sentforth to land men at once on all parts of the mole. So successful wasthis attack, that all the Macedonian engines were burnt--the outerwoodwork which kept the mole together was torn up in many places--anda large part of the structure came to pieces. "[14385] A heavysea, moreover, accompanied the gale of wind which had favoured theconflagration, and penetrating the loosened work, carried the whole intodeep waters. [14386]

Alexander had now seriously to consider what course he should take. Hitherto his attempt had proved an entire failure. Should he relinquishit? To do so would be to acknowledge himself baffled and defeated, totarnish the prestige which he held so dear, and to cripple the plansthat he had formed against Persia. It was simply impossiblethat Alexander, being the man he was, should so act. No--he mustpersevere--he must confront and overcome his difficulties--he mustrepair the damages that he had suffered, restore his lost works, andcarry them out on a larger scale, and with more skill than before. Hegave orders therefore for an enlargement and alteration of the mole, which he no longer carried across the strait in a direct line, butinclined to the south-west, [14387] so that it might meet the force ofthe prevalent wind, instead of exposing its flank to the violent gusts. He also commanded the construction of fresh towers and fresh engines, stronger and more in number than the former ones. [14388] But this alonewould not, he felt, be enough. His designs had been frustrated hithertosolely from the fact that the Tyrians were masters of the sea; andit was plain to him that, so long as this state of things remainedunaltered, it was next to impossible that he should succeed. The greatdesideratum--the one condition of success--was the possession of apowerful fleet. Such a fleet must be either built or collected. Leavingtherefore the restoration of the mole and the engines to his generals, Alexander went in person to Sidon, and there set himself to gathertogether as large a fleet as he could. Most opportunely it happenedthat, either shortly before Alexander's arrival or immediatelyafterwards, the ships of Sidon, Aradus, and Byblus, which had beenserving with the Persian naval force in the Ægean, had been required bytheir respective commanders to proceed homewards, and, to the number ofeighty, had sailed into the harbour of Sidon. [14389] The kings had, in fact, deserted the Persian cause on hearing that their cities hadsubmitted to Alexander, and readily placed their respective squadronsat his disposal. Further contingents were received from otherquarters--from Rhodes ten triremes, from the seaports of Lycia thesame number, from Soli and Mallus three, from Macedonia a singlepenteconter. [14390] The number of the vessels was thus brought up to onehundred and four; but even with such a fleet it would have been rash toengage the Tyrian navy; and Alexander would probably have had to buildan additional squadron had he not received, suddenly and unexpectedly, the adhesion of the princes of Cyprus. Cyprus, being an island, wasas yet in no danger, and might have been expected at least to remainneutral until the fate of Tyre was decided; but, for reasons thathistory has not recorded, the petty kings of the island about thistime--some months after the battle of Issus--resolved to desert Persia, to detach themselves wholly from Tyre, and to place their navy atthe disposal of the Macedonians. [14391] The number of their triremesamounted to 120; and Alexander, having now under his command a fleetof 224 sail, could no longer feel any doubt of being able to wrest thesupremacy at sea from the unfortunate Tyrians. 

Accordingly, after allowing his ships a period of eleven days fornautical practice, and placing on board a number of his bravestsoldiers, [14392] Alexander sailed out from Sidon at the head of hisentire fleet, and made straight for Tyre in order of battle. He himselfin person commanded the right wing, the post of danger, since it heldthe open sea, and had under him the bulk of the Cyprian ships, withtheir commanders. Pnytagoras of Salamis and Craterus led the left wing, which was composed mainly of the vessels furnished by the Phoeniciantowns upon the mainland, and held its course at no great distance fromthe shore. The Tyrians, who had received no intelligence from without, saw with astonishment the great fleet, nearly three times as largeas their own, [14393] bearing down upon them in orderly array, andchallenging them to the combat. They had not now the spirit of ancienttimes, when no disparity of force dismayed them. Surprised and alarmed, they resolved to decline a battle, to remain within their ports, and touse their ships for blocking the entrances. Alexander, advancing fromthe north, when he saw the mouth of the Sidonian harbour, which facednorthwards, strongly guarded, did not attempt to force it, but anchoredhis vessels outside, and established a blockade, the maintenance ofwhich he entrusted to the Cyprian squadron. The next day he ordered thePhoenician ships to proceed southwards, and similarly block and watchthe southern or Egyptian harbour. [14394] For himself, he landed uponthe mole, and pitching his tent near the south-western corner, thereestablished himself. [14395]

The mole had not advanced very much during his absence. Vast efforts hadbeen made to re-establish it, but they had not been attended with anygreat success. [14396] Whole trees, torn up by the roots, and with theirbranches still adhering to them, had been dragged to the water's edge, and then precipitated into the strait;[14397] a layer of stones and mudhad been placed upon them, to solidify them into a mass; on the top ofthis other trees had been placed, and the former process repeated. Butthe Tyrians had met the new tactics with new methods. They had employeddivers to attach hooks to the boughs where they projected into the sea, and by sheer force had dragged the trees out from the superincumbentmass, bringing down in this way large portions of the structure. [14398]But with Alexander's coming, and the retirement of the Tyrian fleet, all this was altered. Alexander's workmen were no longer impeded, exceptfrom the town, and in a short time the mole was completed across thechannel and carried up to the very foot of the defences. The new towers, which had replaced the burnt ones, were brought up close to the walls, and plied the new machines which Cyprian and Phoenician engineers hadconstructed for their new master. [14399] The battering of the wallbegan. Engines moreover of a large size were placed on horse-transportsfurnished by Sidon, and on the heavier and clumsier of the triremes, andwith these attacks were made upon the town in various places, all roundthe circuit of the walls, which, if they did nothing else, served todistract the attention of the defenders. To meet such assailants theTyrians had let down huge blocks of stone into the sea, which preventedthe approach of the ships, and hindered those on board from using thebattering ram. These blocks the Macedonians endeavoured to weigh up andremove by means of cranes; but their vessels were too unsteady for thepurpose, whereupon they proceeded to anchor them. The Tyrians went outin boats well protected, and passing under the stems and sterns of thevessels, cut the cables, whereupon the Macedonians kept an armed watchupon the cables in boats of their own, which the Tyrians did not ventureto attack. They were not, however, without resource even yet, sincethey contrived still to cut the cables by means of divers. At last theMacedonians bethought themselves of using chains for cables instead ofropes; these could not be cut, and the result was that at length theysucceeded in dragging the stones away and obtaining access to the footof the walls wherever they pleased. [14400]

Under these circumstances, threatened on every side, and feeling almostat the last gasp, the Tyrians resolved on a final desperate effort. They would make a bold attempt to recover the command of the sea. As theMacedonian fleet was divided, part watching the Sidonian and part theEgyptian harbour, they could freely select to contend with which portionthey preferred. Their choice fell upon the Cyprian contingent, whichwas stationed to the north of the mole, keeping guard on the "PortusSidonius. " This they determined to attack, and to take, if possible, bysurprise. Long previously they had spread sails along the mouth ofthe harbour, to prevent their proceedings inside it from beingoverlooked. [14401] They now prepared a select squadron of thirteenships--three of them quinqueremes, three quadriremes, and seventriremes--and silently placing on board their best sailors and the bestand bravest of their men-at-arms, waited till the hour of noon, when theCyprian crews would be taking their mid-day meal, and Alexander might beexpected, according to his general habit, to have retired to his tenton the opposite side of the mole. When noon came, still in deep silence, they issued from the harbour in single file, each crew rowing gentlywithout noise or splash, or a word spoken, either by the boatswainsor by anyone else. In this way they came almost close to the Cyprianswithout being perceived: then suddenly the boatswains gave out theircry, and the men cheered, and all pulled as hard as they could, and withsplash and dash they drove their ships against the enemy's, which wereinert, lying at anchor, some empty, others hurriedly taking their crewson board. The ships of three Cyprian kings--Pnytagoras, king of Salamis, Androcles, king of Amathus, and Pasicrates, king of Curium[14402]--wereat once run down and sunk. [14403] Many others were disabled; the restfled, pursued by the Tyrians, and sought to reach the shore. All wouldprobably have been lost, had not Alexander returned from his tentearlier than usual, and witnessed the Tyrian attack. With his usualpromptitude, he at once formed his plan. As only a portion of theCyprian fleet had maintained the blockade, while the remainder oftheir ships were lying off the north shore of the mole with their crewsdisembarked, he set to work to man these, and sent them off, as eachwas got ready, to station themselves at the mouth of the harbour, andprevent any more of the Tyrian vessels from sallying forth. He thenhurried to the southern side of the mole, where the Greco-Phoeniciansquadron kept guard, and manning a certain number of the vessels, [14404]sailed with them round the western shore of the island into the northernbay, where the Tyrians and the remnant of the Cyprian fleet were stillcontending. Those in the city perceived the movement, and made everyeffort to signal it to their sailors, but in vain. The noise and uproarof the battle prevented them from hearing until it was too late. It wasnot till Alexander had entered the northern bay that they understood, and turned and fled, pursued by his ships, which captured or disabledthe greater number. The crews, however, and the men-at-arms, escaped, since they threw themselves overboard, and easily swam into theharbour. [14405]

This was the last attempt of the Tyrians by sea. They were now investedon every side, and hopelessly shut up within their defences. Still, however, they made a desperate resistance. On the side of the mole theMacedonians, having brought up their towers and battering-ram close tothe wall, attacked it with much vigour, hurling against it great massesof stone, and by constant flights of darts and arrows drivingthe defenders from the battlements. [14406] At the same time thebattering-rams were actively plied, and every effort made to effect abreach. But the Tyrians deadened the blows of the rams and the forceof the stones by letting down from the walls leathern bags filled withsea-weed at the points assailed;[14407] while, by wheels which were setin rapid motion, they intercepted the darts and javelins wherewiththey were attacked, and broke them or diverted them from their intendedcourses. [14408] When boarding-bridges were thrown from the towers to thetop of the walls, and an attempt was made to pass troops into thetown across them, they flung grappling hooks among the soldiers on thebridges, which caught in their bodies and lacerated them, or draggedtheir shields from their hands, or sometimes hauled them bodily into theair, and then dashed them against the wall or against the ground. [14409]Further, they made ready masses of red-hot metal, and hurled themagainst the towers and the scaling-parties. [14410] They also heated sandover fires and poured it from the battlements on all who approached thefoot of the wall; this, penetrating between the armour and the skin, inflicted such intolerable pain that the sufferers were forced to tearoff their coats of mail, whereupon they were easily transfixed by arrowsor long lances. [14411] With scythes they cut the ropes and thongs bymeans of which the rams were worked;[14412] and at last, armedwith hatchets, they sprang from the battlements upon the Macedonianboarding-bridges, and in a hand-to-hand combat defeated and drove backtheir assailants. [14413] Finally, when, despite of all their efforts, the outer wall began to give way, they constructed an inner wall to takeits place, broader and stronger than the other. [14414]

Alexander, after a time, became convinced that his endeavours to takethe city from the mole were hopeless, and turned his attention to thesea defences, north and south of the mole, which were far less strongthan those which he had hitherto been attacking. [14415] He placed hisbest engines and his boarding-bridges upon ships, and proceeded tobatter the sea walls in various places. On the south side, near theEgyptian harbour, he found a weak place, and concentrating his effortsupon it, he succeeded in effecting a large breach. [14416] He then gaveorders for a general assault. [14417] The two fleets were commanded toforce simultaneously the entrances to the two harbours; other vesselsto make demonstrations against the walls at all approachable points; thearmy collected on the mole to renew its assaults; while he himself, with his trustiest soldiers, delivered the main attack at the southernbreach. [14418] Two vessels were selected for the purpose. On one, whichwas that of Coenus, he embarked a portion of the phalanx; on theother, which was commanded by Admetus, he placed his bodyguard, himselfaccompanying it. The struggle was short when once the boarding-bridgeswere thrown across and rested on the battered wall. Fighting under theeye of their king, the Macedonians carried all before them, though notwithout important losses. Admetus himself, who was the first to stepon to the wall, received a spear thrust, and was slain. [14419] But thesoldiers who were following close behind him maintained their footing, and in a little time got possession of several towers, with the spacesbetween them. Alexander was among the foremost of those who mounted thebreach, [14420] and was for a while hotly engaged in a hand-to-hand fightwith the enemy. When those who resisted him were slain or driven off, he directed his troops to seize the royal palace, which abutted on thesouthern wall, and through it make their entrance into the town. [14421]

Meanwhile, the Greco-Phoenician fleet on the south side of the mole hadburst the boom and other obstacles by which the Egyptian harbour wasclosed, and, attacking the ships within, had disabled some, and driventhe rest ashore, thus gaining possession of the southern port and aready access to the adjacent portion of the city. [14422] The Cyprians, moreover, on the north, had forced their way into the Sidonian harbour, which had no boom, and obtained an entrance into the town on thatquarter. [14423] The defences were broken through in three places, andit might have been expected that resistance would have ceased. But thegallant defenders still would not yield. A large body assembled at theAgenorium, or temple of Agenor, and there made a determined stand, whichcontinued till Alexander himself attacked them with his bodyguard, andslew almost the entire number. Others, mounting upon the roofs of thehouses, flung down stones and missiles of all kinds upon the Macedoniansin the street. A portion shut themselves up in their homes and perishedby their own hands. In the streets and squares there was a terriblecarnage. The Macedonians were infuriated by the length of the siege, thestubbornness of the resistance, and the fact that the Tyrians had in thecourse of the siege publicly executed, probably by way of sacrifice, anumber of their prisoners upon the walls. Those who died with arms intheir hands are reckoned at eight thousand;[14424] two thousand more, who had been made prisoners, were barbarously crucified by command ofAlexander round the walls of the city. [14425] None of the adult freemales were spared, except the few who had taken refuge with Azemilcusthe king in the temple of Melkarth, which Alexander professed greatlyto revere, and a certain number whom the Sidonians, touched at last withpity, concealed on board their triremes. The women, the children, andthe slaves, to the number of thirty thousand, [14426] were sold to thehighest bidder. 

Having worked his will, and struck terror, as he hoped, into the heartsof all who might be thinking of resisting him, Alexander concluded theTyrian episode of his career by a religious ceremony. [14427] Enteringthe city from the mole in a grand procession, accompanied by his entireforce of soldiers, fully armed and arrayed, while his fleet also playedits part in the scene, he proceeded to the temple of Melkarth in themiddle of the town, and offered his much desired sacrifice to Hercules. A gymnastic contest and a torch race formed a portion of the display. To commemorate his victory, he dedicated and left in the temple thebattering-ram which had made the first impression on the southern wall, together with a Tyrian vessel, used in the service of the god, which hehad captured when he bore down upon the city from Sidon with his fleet. Over the charred and half-ruined remnants of the city, into which hehad introduced a certain number of colonists, chiefly Carians, [14428]he placed as ruler a member of a decayed branch of the royal family, acertain Abd-elonim, whom the Greeks called Ballonymos. [14429]

7. Phoenicia under the Greeks (B. C. 323-65)

 The Phoenicians faithful subjects of Alexander--At his death Phoenicia falls, first to Laomedon, then to Ptolemy Lagi--Is held by the Ptolemies for seventy years--Passes willingly, B. C. 198, under the Seleucidæ--Relations with the Seleucid princes and with the Jews--Hellenisation of Phoenicia-- Continued devotion of the Phoenicians generally to trade and commerce--Material prosperity of Phoenicia. 

Phoenicia continued faithful to Alexander during the remainder of hiscareer. Phoenician vessels were sent across the Ægean to the coastof the Peloponnese to maintain the Macedonian interest in thatquarter. [14430] Large numbers of the mercantile class accompanied themarch of his army for the purposes of traffic. A portion of these, whenAlexander reached the Hydaspes and determined to sail down the course ofthe Indus to the sea, were drafted into the vessels which he caused tobe built, [14431] descended the river, and accompanied Nearchus in hisvoyage from Patala to the Persian Gulf. Others still remained with theland force, and marched with Alexander himself across the frightfuldeserts of Beloochistan, where they collected the nard and myrrh, whichwere almost its only products, and which were produced in such abundanceas to scent the entire region. [14432] On Alexander's return to Babylon, Phoenicia was required to supply him with additional vessels, andreadily complied with the demand. A fleet of forty-eight ships--twoof them quinqueremes, four quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirtypentaconters, or fifty-oared galleys--was constructed on the Phoeniciancoast, carried in fragments to Thapsacus on the Euphrates, and thereput together and launched on the stream of the Euphrates, down which itsailed to Babylon. [14433] Seafaring men from Phoenicia and Syria were atthe same time enlisted in considerable numbers, and brought to Alexanderat his new capital to man the ships which he was building there, andalso to supply colonists for the coasts of the Persian Gulf and theislands scattered over its surface. [14434] Alexander, among his manyprojects, nourished an intention of adding to his dominions, at anyrate, the seaboard of Arabia, and understood that for this purposehe must establish in the Persian Gulf a great naval power, such asPhoenicia alone out of all the countries under his dominion was ableto furnish. His untimely death brought all these schemes to an end, andplunged the East into a sea of troubles. 

In the division of Alexander's empire, which followed upon his death, Phoenicia was at first assigned, together with Syria, to Laemedon, and the two formed together a separate satrapy. [14435] But, after thearrangement of Triparadisus (B. C. 320), Ptolemy Lagi almost immediatelyattacked Laemedon, dispossessed him of his government, and attached itto his own satrapy of Egypt. [14436] Six years later (B. C. 314), attacked in his turn by Antigonus, Ptolemy was forced to relinquish hisconquests, [14437] none of which offered much resistance exceptingTyre. Tyre, though no more than eighteen years had elapsed since itsdesolation by Alexander, had, like the fabled phoenix, risen again fromits ruins, and through the recuperative energy of commerce had attainedalmost to its previous wealth and prosperity. [14438] Its walls had beenrepaired, and it was defended by its Egyptian garrison with pertinacity. Antigonus, who was master of the Phoenician mainland, establisheddockyards at Sidon, Byblus, and Tripolis, set eight thousand sawyers andlabourers to cut down timber in Lebanon, and called upon the kingsof the coast towns to build him a fleet with the least possibledelay. [14439] His orders were carried out, and Tyre was blockaded by seaand land for the space of fifteen months, when the provisions failed andthe town was forced to surrender itself. [14440] The garrison marched outwith the honours of war, and Phoenicia became an appendage of the empire(for such it was) of Antigonus. 

From Antigonus Phoenicia passed to his son Demetrius, who maintained hishold on it, with some vicissitudes of fortune, till B. C. 287, when itonce more passed under the dominion of Ptolemy Lagi. [14441] Fromthis time it was an Egyptian dependency for nearly seventy years, and flourished commercially, if it not distinguish itself by warlikeexploits. The early Ptolemies were mild and wise rulers. They encouragedcommerce, literature, and art. So far as was possible they protectedtheir dominions from external attack, put down brigandage, and ruledwith equity and moderation. It was not until the fourth prince of thehouse of Lagus, Philopator, mounted the throne (B. C. 222) that thecharacter of their rule changed for the worse, and their subjects beganto have reason to complain of them. The weakness and profligacy ofPhilopater[14442] tempted Antiochus III. To assume the aggressive, andto disturb the peace which had now for some time subsisted betweenSyria and Egypt, the Lagidæ and the Seleucidæ. In B. C. 219 he drove theEgyptians out of Seleucia, the port of Antioch, [14443] and being joinedby Theodotus, the Egyptian governor of the Coelesyrian province, invadedthat country and Phoenicia, took possession of Tyre and Accho, whichwas now called Ptolemaïs, and threatened Egypt with subjugation. [14444]Phoenicia once more became the battle-field between two great powers, and for the next twenty years the cities were frequently taken andre-taken. At last, in B. C. 198, by the victory of Antiochus overScopas, [14445] and the surrender of Sidon, Phoenicia passed, withCoelesyria, into the permanent possession of the Seleucidæ, and, thoughfrequently reclaimed by Egypt, was never recovered. 

The change of rulers was, on the whole, in consonance with the wishesand feelings of the Phoenicians. Though Alexandria may not have beenfounded with the definite intention of depressing Tyre, and raisingup a commercial rival to her on the southern shore of theMediterranean;[14446] yet the advantages of the situation, and theinterests of the Lagid princes, constituted her in a short time anactual rival, and an object of Phoenician jealousy. Phoenicia had beenfrom a remote antiquity[14447] down to the time of Alexander, the main, if not the sole, dispenser of Egyptian products to Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe. With the foundation of Alexandria this traffic passed out ofher hands. It may be true that what she lost in this way was "more thancompensated by the new channels of eastern traffic which Alexander'sconquests opened to her, by the security given to commercial intercourseby the establishment of a Greek monarchy in the ancient dominions of thePersian kings, and by the closer union which now prevailed between allparts of the civilised world. "[14448] But the balance of advantage anddisadvantage does not even now always reconcile traders to a definiteand tangible loss; and in the ruder times of which we are writing itwas not to be expected that arguments of so refined and recondite acharacter should be very sensibly felt. Tyre and Sidon recognised inAlexandria a rival from the first, and grew more and more jealous of heras time went on. She monopolised the trade in Egyptian commodities fromher foundation. In a short time she drew to herself, not only thedirect Egyptian traffic, but that which her rulers diverted from otherquarters, and drew to Egypt by the construction of harbours, and roadswith stations and watering places. [14449] Much of the wealth that hadpreviously flowed into Phoenicia was, in point of fact, diverted toEgypt, and especially to Alexandria, by the judicious arrangements ofthe earlier Lagid princes. Phoenicia, therefore, in attaching herself tothe Seleucidæ, felt that she was avenging a wrong, and though materiallyshe might not be the gainer, was gratified by the change in herposition. 

The Seleucid princes on their part regarded the Phoenicians withfavour, and made a point of conciliating their affections by personalintercourse with them, and by the grant of privileges. At thequinquennial festival instituted by Alexander ere he quitted Tyre, whichwas celebrated in the Greek fashion with gymnastic and musical contests, the Syrian kings were often present in person, and took part in thefestivities. [14450] They seem also to have visited the principal citiesat other times, and to have held their court in them for many daystogether. [14451] With their consent and permission, the towns severallyissued their own coins, which bore commonly legends both in Greek andin Phoenician, and had sometimes Greek, sometimes Phoenicianemblems. [14452] Both Aradus and Tyre were allowed the privilege of beingasylums, [14453] from which political refugees could not be demanded bythe sovereign. 

The Phoenicians in return served zealously on board the Syro-Macedonianfleet, and showed their masters all due respect and honour. [14454] Theywere not afraid, however, of asserting an independence of thought andjudgment, even in matters where the kings were personally concerned. Onone occasion, when Antiochus Epiphanes was holding his court at Tyre, acause of the greatest importance was brought before him for decision bythe authorities at Jerusalem. The high-priest of the time, Menelaus, who had bought the office from the Syrian king, was accused of havingplundered the Temple of a number of its holy vessels, and of havingsold them for his own private advantage. The Sanhedrim, who prosecutedMenelaus, sent three representatives to Tyre, to conduct the case, andpress the charges against him. The evidence was so clear that the HighPriest saw no chance of an acquittal, except by private interest. Hetherefore bribed an influential courtier, named Ptolemy, the son of acertain Dorymenes, to intercede with Antiochus on his behalf, and, if possible, obtain his acquittal. The affair was not one of muchdifficulty. Justice was commonly bought and sold at the Syro-MacedonianCourt, and Antiochus readily came into the views of Ptolemy, andpronounced the High Priest innocent. He thought, however, that in sograve a matter some one must be punished, and, as he had acquittedMenelaus, he could only condemn his accusers. These unfortunatessuffered death at his hands, whereon the Tyrians, compassionating theirfate, and to mark their sense of the iniquity of the sentence, decreedto give them an honourable burial. The historian who relates thecircumstance evidently feels that it was a bold and courageous act, verycreditable to the Tyrian people. [14455]

It is not always, however, that we can justly praise the conduct ofthe Phoenicians at this period. Within six years of the time when theTyrians showed themselves at once so courageous and so compassionate, the nation generally was guilty of complicity in a most unjust andiniquitous design. Epiphanes, having driven the Jews into rebellion bya most cruel religious persecution, and having more than once suffereddefeat at their hands, resolved to revenge himself by utterly destroyingthe people which had provoked his resentment. [14456] Called away tothe eastern provinces by a pressing need, he left instructions with hisgeneral, Lysias, to invade Judæa with an overwhelming force, and, aftercrushing all resistance, to sell the surviving population--men, women, and children--for slaves. Lysias, in B. C. 165, marched into Judæa, accompanied by a large army, with the full intention of carrying out tothe letter his master's commands. In order to attract purchasers for themultitude whom he would have to sell, he made proclamation that the rateof sale should be a talent for ninety, or less than 3l. A head, [14457]while at the same he invited the attendance of the merchants from all"the cities of the sea-coast, " who must have been mainly, if not wholly, Phoenicians. The temptation was greater than Phoenician virtue couldresist. The historian tells us that "the merchants of the country, hearing the fame of the Syrians, took silver and gold very much, withservants, and came into the Syrian camp to buy the children of Israelfor money. "[14458] The result was a well-deserved disappointment. TheSyrian army suffered complete defeat at the hands of the Jews, and hadto beat a hasty retreat; the merchants barely escaped with their lives. As for the money which they had brought with them for the purchase ofthe captives, it fell into the hands of the victorious Jews, and formedno inconsiderable part of the booty which rewarded their valour. [14459]

After this, we hear but little of any separate action on the part ofthe Phoenicians, or of any Phoenician city, during the Seleucid period. Phoenicia became rapidly Hellenised; and except that they still remaineddevoted to commercial pursuits, the cities had scarcely any distinctivecharacter, or anything that marked them out as belonging to a separatenationality. Greek legends became more frequent upon the coins; Greeknames were more and more affected, especially by the upper classes; themen of letters discarded Phoenician as a literary language, and composedthe works, whereby they sought to immortalize their names, in Greek. Greek philosophy was studied in the schools of Sidon;[14460] and atByblus Phoenician mythology was recast upon a Greek type. At the sametime Phoenician art conformed itself more and more closely to Greekmodels, until all that was rude in it, or archaic, or peculiar, diedout, and the productions of Phoenician artists became mere feebleimitations of second-rate Greek patterns. 

The nation gave itself mainly to the pursuit of wealth. The old tradeswere diligently plied. Tyre retained its pre-eminence in the manufactureof the purple dye; and Sidon was still unrivalled in the production ofglass. Commerce continued to enrich the merchant princes, while at thesame time it provided a fairly lucrative employment for the mass of thepeople. A new source of profit arose from the custom, introduced bythe Syro-Macedonians, of farming the revenue. In Phoenicia, as in Syriagenerally, the taxes of each city were let out year by year to some ofthe wealthiest men of the place, [14461] who collected them with extremestrictness, and made over but a small proportion of the amount tothe Crown. Large fortunes were made in this way, though occasionallyforeigners would step in, and outbid the Phoenician speculators, [14462]who were not content unless they gained above a hundred per cent. On each transaction. Altogether, Phoenicia may be pronounced to haveenjoyed much material prosperity under the Seleucid princes, though, in the course of the civil wars between the different pretenders tothe Crown, most of the cities had, from time to time, to endure sieges. Accho especially, which had received from the Lagid princes the nameof Ptolemaïs, and was now the most important and flourishing of thePhoenician towns, had frequently to resist attack, and was more thanonce taken by storm. [14463]

8. Phoenicia under the Romans (B. C. 65-A. D. 650)

 Syria made a Roman province, B. C. 65--Privileges granted by Rome to the Phoenician cities--Phoenicia profits by the Roman suppression of piracy, but suffers from Parthian ravages--The Phoenicians offend Augustus and lose their favoured position, but recover it under later emperors-- Mention of the Phoenician cities in the New Testament-- Phoenicia accepts Christianity--Phoenician bishops at the early Councils--Phoenician literature at this date--Works of Antipater, Apollonius, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Maximus, and Porphyry--School of law at Berytus--Survival of the Phoenician commercial spirit--Survival of the religion-- Summary. 

The kingdom of the Seleucidæ came to an end through its own internalweakness and corruption. In B. C. 83 their subjects, whether nativeAsiatics or Syro-Macedonians, were so weary of the perpetual series ofrevolts, civil wars, and assassinations that they invited Tigranes, the king of the neighbouring Armenia, to step in and undertake thegovernment of the country. [14464] Tigranes ruled from B. C. 83 till B. C. 69, when he was attacked by the Romans, to whom he had given just causeof offence by his conduct in the Mithridatic struggle. Compelled byLucullus to relinquish Syria, he retired to his own dominions, and wassucceeded by the last Seleucid prince, Antiochus Asiaticus, who reignedfrom B. C. 69 to B. C. 65. Rome then at length came forward, and took theinheritance to which she had become entitled a century and a quarterearlier by the battle of Magnesia, and which she could have occupied atany moment during the interval, had it suited her purpose. The combatwith Mithridates had forced her to become an Asiatic power; and havingonce overcome her repugnance to being entangled in Asiatic politics, she allowed her instinct of self-aggrandizement to have full play, and reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidæ into the form of a Romanprovince. [14465]

The province, which retained the name of Syria, and was placed undera proconsul, [14466] whose title was "Præses Syriæ, " extended from theflanks of Amanus and Taurus to Carmel and the sources of the Jordan, and thus included Phoenicia. The towns, however, of Tripolis, Sidon, andTyre were allowed the position of "free cities, " which secured them anindependent municipal government, under their own freely elected counciland chief magistates. These privileges, conferred by Pompey, were notwithdrawn by Julius Cæsar, when he became master of the Roman world; andhence we find him addressing a communication respecting Hyrcanus to the"Magistates, Council, and People of Sidon. "[14467] A similar regard wasshown for Phoenician vested rights by Anthony, who in B. C. 36, when hisinfatuation for Cleopatra was at its height, and he agreed to make overto her the government of Palestine and of Coelesyria, as far as theriver Eleutherus, especially exempted from her control, despite herearnest entreaties, the cities of Tyre and Sidon. [14468] Anthony alsowrote more than one letter to the "Magistates, Council, and Peopleof Tyre, " in which he recognised them as "allies" of the Roman peoplerather than subjects. [14469]

So far the Phoenicians would seem to have gained rather than lost byexchanging the dominion of Syria for that of Rome. They gained alsogreatly by the strictness with which Rome kept the police of the EasternMediterranean. For many years previously to B. C. 67 their commerce hadbeen preyed upon to an enormous extent by the piratical fleets, which, issuing from the creeks and harbours of Western Cilicia and Pamphylia, spread terror on every side, [14470] and made the navigation of theLevant and Ægean as dangerous as it had been in the days anterior toMinos. [14471] Pompey, in that year, completely destroyed the piraticalfleets, attacked the pirates in their lairs, and cleared them out fromevery spot where they had established themselves. Voyages by sea becameonce more as safe as travels by land; and a vigilant watch being kept onall the coasts and islands, piracy was never again permitted to gatherstrength, or become a serious evil. The Phoenician merchants could oncemore launch their trading vessels on the Mediterranean waters withoutfear of their suffering capture, and were able to insure their cargoesat a moderate premium. 

But their connection with Rome exposed the Phoenicians to some fresh, and terrible, perils. The great attack of Crassus on Parthia in the yearB. C. 53 had bitterly exasperated that savage and powerful kingdom, whichwas quite strong enough to retaliate, under favourable circumstances, upon the mighty mistress of the West, and to inflict severe sufferingsupon Rome's allies, subjects, and dependencies. After a preliminarytrial of strength[14472] in the years B. C. 522 and 51, Pacorus, theson of Orodes, in B. C. 40, crossed the Euphrates in force, defeated theRomans under Decidius Saxa, and carried fire and sword over the wholeof the Syrian presidency. [14473] Having taken Apamea and Antioch, hemarched into Phoenicia, ravaged the open country, and compelled allthe towns, except Tyre, to surrender. Tyre, notwithstanding the moleconstructed by Alexander, which joined it to the continent, was stillregarded as impregnable, unless invested both by sea and land; on whichaccount Pacorus, as he had no naval force, relinquished the idea ofcapturing it. [14474] But all the other cities either gave themselvesup or were taken, and the conquest of Phoenicia being completed, theParthian prince proceeded to occupy Palestine. Jerusalem fell into hishands, and for three years the entire tract between the Taurus rangeand Egypt was lost to Rome, and formed a portion of the Parthian Empire. What hardships, what insults, what outrages the Phoenicians had toendure during this interval we do not know, and can only conjecture; butthe conduct of the Parthians at Jerusalem[14475] makes it probable thatthe inhabitants of the conquered districts generally had much cause forcomplaint. However, the time of endurance did not last very long; inthe third year from the commencement of the invasion the fortune of warturned against the assailants. Rome, under Ventidius, recovered herlost laurels. Syria was reoccupied, and the Parthians driven across theEuphrates, never again to pass it. [14476]

In the struggle (which soon followed these events) between Antony andAugustus, Phoenicia had the misfortune to give offence to the latter. The terms on which they stood with Antony, and the protection which hehad afforded to their cities against the greed of Cleopatra, naturallyled them to embrace his cause; and it should scarcely have been regardedas a crime in them that they did so with ardour. But Augustus, whowas certainly not clement by nature, chose to profess himself deeplyaggrieved by the preference which they had shown for his rival, and, when he personally visited the East in B. C. 20, inflicted a severepunishment on two at least of the cities. Dio Cassius can scarcely bemistaken when he says that Tyre and Sidon were "enslaved"--i. E. Deprivedof freedom--by Augustus, [14477] who must certainly have revoked theprivilege originally granted by Pompey. Whether the privilege wasafterwards restored is somewhat uncertain; but there is distinctevidence that more than one of the later emperors was favourablydisposed to Rome's Phoenician subjects. Claudius granted to Accho thetitle and status of a Roman colony;[14478] while Hadrian allowed Tyre tocall herself a "metropolis. "[14479]

Two important events have caused Tyre and Sidon to be mentioned in theNew Testament. Jesus Christ, in the second year of his ministry, "aroseand went" from Galilee "into the borders of Tyre and Sidon, " andthere wrought a miracle at the earnest request of a "Syro-Phoenicianwoman. "[14480] And Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, when at Cæsarea in A. D. 44, received an embassy from "them of Tyre andSidon, " with whom he was highly offended, and "made an oration" to theambassadors. [14481] In this latter place the continued semi-independenceof Tyre and Sidon seems to be implied. Agrippa is threatening them withwar, while they "desire peace. " "Their country" is spoken of as ifit were distinct from all other countries. We cannot suppose thatthe Judæan prince would have ventured to take up this attitude if thePhoenician cities had been fully incorporated into the Roman State, since in that case quarrelling with them would have been quarrellingwith Rome, a step on which even Agrippa, with all his pride and all hisrashness, would scarcely have ventured. It is probable, therefore, thateither Tiberius or Claudius had revoked the decree of Augustus, andre-invested the Phoenician cities with the privilege whereof the firstof the emperors had deprived them. 

Not long after this, about A. D. 57, we have evidence that the greatreligious and social movement of the age had swept the Phoenician citieswithin its vortex, and that, in some of them at any rate, Christiancommunities had been formed, which were not ashamed openly to professthe new religion. The Gospel was preached in Phoenicia[14482] as earlyas A. D. 41. Sixteen years later, when St. Paul, on his return fromhis third missionary journey, landed at Tyre, and proceeded thenceto Ptolemaïs, he found at both places "churches, " or congregations ofChristians, who received him kindly, ministered to his wants, prayedwith him, and showed a warm interest in his welfare. [14483] Thesecommunities afterwards expanded. By the end of the second century afterChrist Tyre was the seat of a bishopric, which held an important placeamong the Syrian Sees. Several Tyrian bishops of the second, third, andfourth centuries are known to us, as Cassius (ab. A. D. 198), Marinus(A. D. 253), Methodius (A. D. 267-305), Tyrannion (A. D. 310), and Paulinus(A. D. 328). Early in the fourth century (B. C. 335) Tyre was the seat ofa synod or council, called to consider charges made against the greatAthanasius, [14484] who was taxed with cruelty, impiety, and the use ofmagical arts. As the bishops who assembled belonged chiefly to the partyof Arius, the judgment of the council condemned Athanasius, and deprivedhim of his see. On appeal the decision was reversed; Athanasius wasreinstated, [14485] and advanced; the cause with which he had identifiedhimself triumphed; and the Synod of Tyre being pronounced unorthodox, the Tyrian church, like that of Antioch, sank in the estimation of theChurch at large. 

Tyre also made herself obnoxious to the Christian world in anotherway. In the middle of the third century she produced the celebratedphilosopher, Porphyry, [14486] who, of all the literary opponents ofChristianity, was the most vigorous and the most successful. Porphyryappears to have been a Phoenician by descent. His original name wasMalchus--i. E. Melek or Malik, "king. " To disguise his Asiatic origin, and ingratiate himself with the literary class of the day, who werechiefly Greeks or Grecised Romans, he took the Hellenic and far moresonorous appellation of Porphyrius, which he regarded as a sort ofsynonym, since purple was the _royal_ colour. He early gave himself tothe study of philosophy, and was indefatigable in his efforts to acquireknowledge and learning of every kind. In Asia, probably at Tyreitself, he attended the lectures of Origen; at Athens he studied underApollonius and Longinus; in Rome, whereto he ultimately gravitated, heattached himself to the Neo-Platonic school of Plotinus. His literarylabours, which were enormous, had for their general object theestablishment of that eclectic system which Ammonius Saccas, Plotinus, Jamblichus, and others had elaborated, and were endeavouring toimpose upon the world as constituting at once true religion and truephilosophy. He was of a constructive rather than a destructive turn ofmind. Still, he thought it of great importance, and a necessity ofthe times, that he should write a book against the Christians, whoseopinions were, he knew, making such progress as raised the suspicionthat they would prevail over all others, and in a short time becomeuniversal. This polemical treatise ran to fifteen books, and "exhibitedconsiderable acquaintance with both the Jewish and the Christianscriptures. "[14487] It is now lost, but its general character is wellknown from the works of Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The style wascaustic and trenchant. An endeavour was made to show that both thehistorical scriptures of the Old Testament and the Gospels and Acts inthe New were full of discrepancies and contradictions. The history andantiquities of the Jews, as put forth in the Bible, were examined, anddeclared to be unworthy of credit. A special attack was made on thegenuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel, which was pronouncedto be the work of a contemporary of Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeededin palming off upon his countrymen his own crude production as thework of the venerated sage and prophet. Prevalent modes of interpretingscripture were passed under review, and the allegorical exegesis ofOrigen was handled with especial severity. The work is said to haveproduced a vast effect, especially among the upper classes, whoseconversion to Christianity it tended greatly to check and hinder. Answers to the book, or to particular portions of it, were published byEusebius of Cæsarea, by Apollinaris, and by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre;but these writers had neither the learning nor the genius of theiropponent, and did little to counteract the influence of his work on theupper grades of society. [14488]

The literary importance of the Phoenician cities under the Romans isaltogether remarkable. Under Augustus and Tiberius--especially fromabout B. C. 40 to A. D. 20--Sidon was the seat of a philosophical school, in which the works of Aristotle were studied and explained, [14489]perhaps to some extent criticised. [14490] Strabo attended this schoolfor a time in conjunction with two other students, named Boëthus andDiodotus. Tyre had even previously produced the philosophers, Antipater, who was intimate with the younger Cato, and Apollonius, who wrote a workabout Zeno, and formed a descriptive catalogue of the authors who hadcomposed books on the subject of the philosophy of the Stoics. [14491]Strabo goes so far as to say that philosophy in all its various aspectsmight in his day be better studied at Tyre and Sidon than anywhereelse. [14492] A little later we find Byblus producing the semi-religioushistorian, Philo, who professed to reveal to the Greeks the secrets ofthe ancient Phoenician mythology, and who, whatever we may think of hisjudgment, was certainly a man of considerable learning. He was followedby his pupil, Hermippus, who was contemporary with Trajan and Hadrian, and obtained some reputation as a critic and grammarian. [14493] Aboutthe same time flourished Marinus, the writer on geography, who wasa Tyrian by birth, and "the first author who substituted maps, mathematically constructed according to latitude and longitude, for theitinerary charts" of his predecessors. [14494] Ptolemy of Pelusium basedhis great work entirely upon that of Marinus, who is believed to haveutilised the geographical and hydrographical accumulations of the oldPhoenician navigators, besides availing himself of the observations ofHipparchus, and of the accounts given of their travels by various Greekand Roman authors. Contemporary with Marinus was Paulus, a native ofTyre, who was noted as a rhetorician, and deputed by his city to go astheir representative to Rome and plead the cause of the Tyrians beforeHadrian. [14495] A little later we hear of Maximus, who flourished underMarcus Aurelius and Commodus (ab. A. D. 160-190), a Tyrian, like Paulus, and a rhetorician and Platonic philosopher. [14496] The literary gloriesof Tyre culminated and terminated with Porphyry, of whose works we havealready given an account. 

Towards the middle of the third century after Christ a school of law andjurisprudence arose at Berytus, which attained high distinction, andis said by Gibbon[14497] to have furnished the eastern provinces of theempire with pleaders and magistrates for the space of three centuries(A. D. 250-550). The course of education at Berytus lasted five years, and included Roman Law in all its various forms, the works of Papinianbeing especially studied in the earlier times, and the same togetherwith the edicts of Justinian in the later. [14498] Pleaders were forcedto study either at Berytus, or at Rome, or at Constantinople, [14499]and, the honours and emoluments of the profession being large, thesupply of students was abundant and perpetual. External misfortune, andnot internal decay, at last destroyed the school, the town of Berytusbeing completely demolished by an earthquake in the year A. D. 551. Theschool was then transferred to Sidon, but appears to have languishedon its transplantation to a new soil and never to have recovered itspristine vigour or vitality. 

It is difficult to decide how far these literary glories of thePhoenician cities reflect any credit on the Phoenician race. Such anumber of Greeks settled in Syria and Phoenicia under the Seleucidæthat to be a Tyrian or a Sidonian in the Græco-Roman period furnishedno evidence at all of a man having any Phoenician blood in his veins. It will have been observed that the names of the Tyrian, Sidonian, andBerytian learned men and authors of the time--Antipater, Apollonius, Boëthus, Diodotus, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Paulus, Maximus, Porphyrius--are without exception either Latin or Greek. The language inwhich the books were written was universally Greek, and in only one ortwo cases is there reason to suppose that the authors had any knowledgeof the Phoenician tongue. The students at Berytus between A. D. 250 and550 were probably, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, Greeks orRomans. Phoenician nationality had, in fact, almost wholly disappearedin the Seleucid period. The old language ceased to be spoken, andthough for some time retained upon the coins together with a Greeklegend, [14500] became less frequent as time went on, and soon after theChristian era disappeared altogether. It is probable that, as a spokenlanguage, Phoenician had gone out of use even earlier. [14501]

In two respects only did the old national spirit survive, and giveindication that, even in the nation's "ashes, " there still lived someremnant of its "wonted fires. " Tyre and Sidon were great commercialcentres down to the time of the Crusades, and quite as rich, quite asimportant, quite as flourishing, commercially, as in the old days ofHiram and Ithobal. Mela[14502] speaks of Sidon in the second centuryafter Christ as "still opulent. " Ulpian, [14503] himself a Tyrian bydescent, calls Tyre in the reign of Septimus Severus "a most splendidcolony. " A writer of the age of Constantine says of it: "The prosperityof Tyre is extraordinary. There is no state in the whole of the Eastwhich excels it in the amount of its business. Its merchants arepersons of great wealth, and there is no port where they do not exerciseconsiderable influence. "[14504] St. Jerome, towards the end of thefourth century, speaks of Tyre as "the noblest and most beautiful of allthe cities of Phoenicia, "[14505] and as "an emporium for the commerce ofalmost the whole world. "[14506] During the period of the Crusades, "Tyreretained its ancient pre-eminence among the cities of the Syrian coast, and excited the admiration of the warriors of Europe by its capaciousharbours, its wall, triple towards the land and double towards the sea, its still active commerce, and the beauty and fertility of the oppositeshore. " The manufactures of purple and of glass were still carried on. Tyre was not reduced to insignificance until the Saracenic conquesttowards the close of the thirteenth century of our era, when its tradecollapsed, and it became "a rock for fishermen to spread their netsupon. "[14507]

The other respect in which the vitality of the old national spiritdisplayed itself was in the continuance of the ancient religion. WhileChristianity was adopted very generally by the more civilised of theinhabitants, and especially by those who occupied the towns, there wereshrines and fanes in the remote districts, and particularly in the lessaccessible parts of Lebanon, where the old rites were still in force, and the old orgies continued to be carried on, just as in ancient times, down to the reign of Constantine. The account of the licentious worshipof Ashtoreth at Aphaca, which has been already quoted from Eusebius, belongs to the fourth century after our era, and shows the tenacity withwhich a section of the Phoenicians, not withstanding their Hellenisationin language, in literature, and in art, clung to the old barbarous andawful cult, which had come down to them by tradition from their fathers. A similar worship at the same time maintained itself on the other sideof the Lebanon chain in Heliopolis, or Baalbek, where the votaries ofimpurity allowed their female relatives, even their wives andtheir daughters, to play the harlot as much as they pleased. [14508]Constantine exerted himself to put down and crush out these iniquities, but it is more than probable that, in the secret recesses of themountain region, whither government officials would find it hard topenetrate, the shameful and degrading rites still found a refuge, rootedas they were in the depraved affections of the common people, to a muchlater period. 

The mission of the Phoenicians, as a people, was accomplished before thesubjection to Rome began. Under the Romans they were still ingenious, industrious, intelligent. But in the earlier times they were far morethan this. They were the great pioneers of civilisation. Intrepid, inventive, enterprising, they at once made vast progress in the artsthemselves, and carried their knowledge, their active habits, and theircommercial instincts into the remotest regions of the old continent. They exercised a stimulating, refining, and civilising influencewherever they went. North and south and east and west they adventuredthemselves amid perils of all kinds, actuated by the love of adventuremore than by the thirst for gain, conferring benefits, spreadingknowledge, suggesting, encouraging, and developing trade, turning menfrom the barbarous and unprofitable pursuits of war and bloodshed tothe peaceful occupations of productive industry. They did not aim atconquest. They united the various races of men by the friendly links ofmutual advantage and mutual dependence, conciliated them, softened them, humanised them. While, among the nations of the earth generally, bruteforce was worshipped as the true source of power and the only basis ofnational repute, the Phoenicians succeeded in proving that as much couldbe done by arts as by arms, as great glory and reputation gained, asreal a power built up, by the quiet agencies of exploration, trade, andcommerce, as by the violent and brutal methods of war, massacre, andravage. They were the first to set this example. If the history of theworld since their time has not been wholly one of the potency in humanaffairs of "blood and iron, " it is very much owing to them. They, andtheir kinsmen of Carthage, showed mankind what a power might be wieldedby commercial states. The lesson has not been altogether neglected inthe past. May the writer be pardoned if, in the last words of what isprobably his last historical work, he expresses a hope that, in thefuture, the nations of the earth will more and more take the lesson toheart, and vie with each other in the arts which made Phoenicia great, rather than in those which exalted Rome, her oppressor and destroyer?

FOOTNOTES

PREFACE

[Footnote 01: _Die Phönizier, und das phönizische Alterthum_, by F. C. Movers, in five volumes, Berlin, 1841-1856. ]

[Footnote 02: _History and Antiquities of Phoenicia_, by John Kenrick, London, 1855. ]

[Footnote 03: _Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, par MM. Perrot etChipiez, Paris, 1881-7, 4 vols. ]

[Footnote 04: Will of William Camden, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, founderof the "Camden Professorship, " 1662. ]

I--THE LAND

[Footnote 11: See Eckhel, _Doctr. Num. Vet. _ p. 441. ]

[Footnote 12: {'H ton 'Aradion paralia}, xvi. 2, § 12. ]

[Footnote 13: Pomp. Mel. _De Situ Orbis_, i. 12. ]

[Footnote 14: The tract of white sand (Er-Ramleh) which forms thecoast-line of the entire shore from Rhinocolura to Carmel is said tobe gradually encroaching, fresh sand being continually brought by thesouth-west wind from Egypt. "It has buried Ascalon, and in the north, between Joppa and Cæsaræa, the dunes are said to be as much as threemiles wide and 300 feet high" (Grove, in Smith's _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 673). ]

[Footnote 15: See Cant. Ii. 1; Is. Xxxiii. 9; xxxv. 2; lxv. 10. ]

[Footnote 16: Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 254. ]

[Footnote 17: The Kaneh derives its name from this circumstance, and maybe called "the River of Canes. "]

[Footnote 18: Robinson, _Biblical Researches_, iii. 28, 29. ]

[Footnote 19: Grove, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 110: Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 260. ]

[Footnote 111: Lynch found it eighteen yards in width in April 1848(_The Jordan and the Dead Sea_, p. 64). He found the Belus twice as wideand twice as deep as the Kishon. ]

[Footnote 112: A more particular description of these fountains will begiven in the description of the city of Tyre, with which they were veryclosely connected. ]

[Footnote 113: Robinson, _Biblical Researches_, iii. 410. ]

[Footnote 114: Robinson, iii. 415. ]

[Footnote 115: Ibid. P. 414. Compare Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 524, 665. ]

[Footnote 116: Robinson, iii. 420. ]

[Footnote 117: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 353. ]

[Footnote 118: See Edrisi (traduction de Joubert), i. 355; D'Arvieux, _Mémoires_, ii. 33; Renan, pp. 352, 353. ]

[Footnote 119: Gesenius, _Thesaurus_, p. 247. ]

[Footnote 120: Renan, pp. 59, 60. ]

[Footnote 121: Kenrick (_Phoenicia_, p. 8), who quotes Burckhardt(_Syria_, p. 161), and Chesney (_Euphrates Expedition_, i. 450). ]

[Footnote 122: Renan, p. 59:--"C'est un immense tapis de fleurs. "]

[Footnote 123: Mariti, _Travels_, ii. 131 (quoted by Kenrick, p. 22). ]

[Footnote 124: Strabo, xvi. 2, § 27. ]

[Footnote 125: Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 344. ]

[Footnote 126: Martineau, _Eastern Life_, p. 539. ]

[Footnote 127: Van de Velde, _Travels_, i. 317, 318. Compare Porter, _Giant Cities of Bashan_, p. 236. ]

[Footnote 128: Ritter, _Erdkunde_, xvi. 31. ]

[Footnote 129: Grove, in Smith's _Dictionary of the Bible_, i. 278. ]

[Footnote 130: Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 156. ]

[Footnote 131: The derivation of Lebanon from "white, " is generallyadmitted. (see Gesenius, _Thesaurus_, p. 369; Buxtorf, _Lexicon_, p. 1119; Fürst, _Concordantia_, p. 588. )]

[Footnote 132: Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 395. ]

[Footnote 133: Tristram, _The Land of Israel_, p. 634. ]

[Footnote 134: Ibid. P. 7. ]

[Footnote 135: Porter, in Smith's _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 86. ]

[Footnote 136: Ibid. Compare _Nat. Hist. Review_, No. V. P. 11. ]

[Footnote 137: See Tristram, _Land of Israel_, pp. 625-629. ]

[Footnote 138: See Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 626. ]

[Footnote 139: Porter, in _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 86. ]

[Footnote 140: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 621. ]

[Footnote 141: Ibid. P. 600. Compare Porter, in Smith's _Dictionary ofthe Bible_, ii. 87. ]

[Footnote 142: Such outlets are common in Greece, where they are called_Katavothra_. They probably also occur in Asia Minor. ]

[Footnote 143: Burckhardt, _Travels in Syria_, p. 10; Chesney, _Euphrates Expedition_, i. 398. ]

[Footnote 144: Tristram, p. 600. ]

[Footnote 145: Porter, _Handbook for Syria_, p. 571; Robinson, _LaterResearches_, p. 423. ]

[Footnote 146: Tristram, p. 594. ]

[Footnote 147: Robinson, _Biblical Researches_, iii. 409. ]

[Footnote 148: Burckhardt, _Travels in Syria_, p. 161; Chesney, _Euphrates Expedition_, i. 450; Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 49. ]

[Footnote 149: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 116. ]

[Footnote 150: Porter, _Giant Cities of Bashan_, p. 289. ]

[Footnote 151: Ibid. P. 288. ]

[Footnote 152: Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 44. ]

[Footnote 153: Porter, _Giant Cities_, p. 292; Robinson, _LaterResearches_, p. 605; Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 297. ]

[Footnote 154: Maundrell, _Travels_, pp. 57, 58; Porter, _Giant Cities_, p. 284; Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 283. ]

[Footnote 155: Porter, p. 283. ]

[Footnote 156: Porter, p. 284. ]

[Footnote 157: Robinson, _Later Researches_, p. 45. ]

[Footnote 158: Ibid. P. 43. ]

[Footnote 159: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 44. ]

[Footnote 160: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 20. ]

[Footnote 161: See the _Transactions of the Society of Bibl. Archæology_, vol. Vii. ; and compare Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 14;Robinson, _Later Researches_, pp. 617-624. ]

[Footnote 162: Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 6. ]

[Footnote 163: Ibid. P. 34. Compare Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, whocalls the pass over the spur "un véritable casse-cou sur des rochesinclinées" (p. 150). ]

[Footnote 164: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 16. ]

[Footnote 165: Robinson, _Biblical Researches_, iii. 432. ]

II--CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS

[Footnote 21: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 32. ]

[Footnote 22: Grove, in Smith's _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 693. ]

[Footnote 23: Kenrick, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 24: See Canon Tristram's experiences, _Land of Israel_, pp. 96-115. ]

[Footnote 25: Ibid. Pp. 94, 95. ]

[Footnote 26: Kenrick, p. 34. ]

[Footnote 27: Walpole's _Ansayrii_, p. 76. ]

[Footnote 28: Kenrick, p. 33. ]

[Footnote 29: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 95. ]

[Footnote 210: Ibid. P. 409. ]

[Footnote 211: Ibid. P. 31. ]

[Footnote 212: Ibid. P. 34. ]

[Footnote 213: Ibid. P. 596. ]

[Footnote 214: Hooker, in _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 684. ]

[Footnote 215: Hooker, in _Dictionary of the Bible_, p. 683. ]

[Footnote 216: Dr. Hooker says:--"_Q. Pseudococcifera_ is perhaps thecommonest plant in all Syria and Palestine, covering as a low densebush many square miles of hilly country everywhere, but rarely or nevergrowing on the plains. It seldom becomes a large tree, except in thevalleys of the Lebanon. " Walpole found it on Bargylus (_Ansayrii_, iii. 137 et sqq. ); Tristram on Lebanon, _Land of Israel_, pp. 113, 117. ]

[Footnote 217: Hooker, in _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 684. CompareTristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 113. ]

[Footnote 218: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 219: See Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 222, 236; Tristram, _Landof Israel_, pp. 622, 623; Robinson, _Later Researches_, p. 607. ]

[Footnote 220: Walpole, iii. 433; Robinson, _Later Researches_, p. . 614. ]

[Footnote 221: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 6. ]

[Footnote 222: Ibid. P. 111; Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 166; Hooker, in_Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 683. ]

[Footnote 223: Walpole says that Ibrahim Pasha cut down as many as500, 000 Aleppo pines in Casius (_Ansayrii_, iii. 281), and that it wouldbe quite feasible to cut down 500, 000 more. ]

[Footnote 224: Hooker, in _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 684; and compareTristram, _Land of Israel_, pp. 16, 88. ]

[Footnote 225: Robinson, _Biblical Researches_, iii. 383, 415. ]

[Footnote 226: Ezek. Xxxi. 3. ]

[Footnote 227: Ibid. Xxvii. 5. The Hebrew _erez_ probably covered othertrees besides the actual cedar, as the Aleppo pine, and perhaps thejuniper. The pine would have been more suited for masts than the cedar. ]

[Footnote 228: 1 Kings vi. 9, 10, 15, 18, &c. ; vii. 1-7. ]

[Footnote 229: _Records of the Past_, i. 104. Ll. 78, 79; iii. 74, ll. 88-90; p. 90, l. 9; &c. Compare Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, pp. 356, 357. ]

[Footnote 230: Joseph, _Bell. Jud. _, v. 5, § 2. ]

[Footnote 231: Plin. _H. N. _, xiii. 5; xvi. 40. ]

[Footnote 232: Compare the arguments of Canon Tristram, _Land ofIsrael_, pp. 631, 632. ]

[Footnote 233: Walpole, _Ansayrii_, pp. 123, 227. ]

[Footnote 234: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 621. ]

[Footnote 235: Ibid. Pp. 13, 38, &c. ]

[Footnote 236: Hooker, in _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 684. ]

[Footnote 237: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 82; compare Hooker, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 238: This is Dr. Hooker's description. Canon Tristram saysof the styrax at the eastern foot of Carmel, that "of all the floweringshrubs it is the most abundant, " and that it presents to the eye "onesheet of pure white blossom, rivalling the orange in its beauty and itsperfume" (_Land of Israel_, p. 492). ]

[Footnote 239: Ibid. P. 596. ]

[Footnote 240: Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 298. ]

[Footnote 241: Tristram, pp. 16, 28, &c. ; Robinson, _BiblicalResearches_, iii. 438. ]

[Footnote 242: The "terraced vineyards of Esfia" on Carmel are noted byCanon Tristram (_Land of Israel_, p. 492). Walpole speaks of vineyardson Bargylus (_Ansaryii_, iii. 165). The vine-clad slopes of the Lebanonattract notice from all Eastern travellers. ]

[Footnote 243: Quoted by Dr. Hooker, in Smith's _Dictionary of theBible_, ii. 684, 685. ]

[Footnote 244: Deut. Xxxiii. 24. ]

[Footnote 245: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, pp. 7, 16, 17; Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 147, 177. ]

[Footnote 246: Tristram, p. 492; Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, p. 347. ]

[Footnote 247: Hooker, in Smith's _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 685. ]

[Footnote 248: Tristram, pp. 622, 633; Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 446;Robinson, _Later Researches_, p. 607. ]

[Footnote 249: Tristram, pp. 17, 38; Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 32, 294, 373. ]

[Footnote 250: Robinson, _Bibl. Researches_, iii. 419, 431, 438, &c. ]

[Footnote 251: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 28. ]

[Footnote 252: Hasselquist, _Reise_, p. 188. ]

[Footnote 253: _Ansayrii_, i. 66. ]

[Footnote 254: Tristram, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 255: Hooker, in _Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 685. ]

[Footnote 256: _Reise_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 257: _Mémoires_, i. 332. ]

[Footnote 258: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 493. ]

[Footnote 259: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 82. ]

[Footnote 260: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 59; Hooker, in_Dictionary of the Bible_, ii. 687; Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 493. ]

[Footnote 261: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 262: Ibid. P. 82. ]

[Footnote 263: Ibid. P. 596. Compare Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 443. ]

[Footnote 264: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 102. ]

[Footnote 265: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, pp. 61, 599. ]

[Footnote 266: Ibid. Pp. 38, 626, &c. Dr. Robinson notices thecultivation of the potato high up in Lebanon; but he observed it only intwo places (_Later Researches_, pp. 586, 596). ]

[Footnote 267: It can scarcely be doubted that Phoenicia containedanciently two other land animals of considerable importance, viz. Thelion and the deer. Lions, which were common in the hills of Palestine(1 Sam. Xvii. 34; 1 Kings xiii. 24; xx. 36; 2 Kings xvii. 25, 26) andfrequented also the Philistine plain (Judg. Xiv. 5), would certainly nothave neglected the lowland of Sharon, which was in all respects suitedfor their habits. Deer, which still inhabit Galilee (Tristram, _Land ofthe Israel_, pp. 418, 447), are likely, before the forests of Lebanonwere so greatly curtailed, to have occupied most portions of it (SeeCant. Ii. 9, 17; viii. 14). To these two Canon Tristram would add thecrocodile (_Land of Israel_, p. 103), which he thinks must have beenfound in the Zerka for that river to have been called "the CrocodileRiver" by the Greeks, and which he is inclined to regard as still adenizen of the Zerka marshes. But most critics have supposed that theanimal from which the Zerka got its ancient name was rather some largespecies of monitor. ]

[Footnote 268: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 36. ]

[Footnote 269: See his article on Lebanon in Smith's _Dictionary of theBible_, ii. 87. ]

[Footnote 270: _Land of Israel_, p. 447. ]

[Footnote 271: Houghton, in Smith's _Dict. Of the Bible_, ad voc. BEAR, iii. Xxv. ]

[Footnote 272: _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 87. ]

[Footnote 273: _Land of Israel_, p. 116. Compare Porter's _Giant Citiesof Bashan_, p. 236. ]

[Footnote 274: Cant. Iv. 8; Is. Xi. 6; Jer. V. 6; xiii. 23; Hos. Xiii. 7; Hab. I. 8. ]

[Footnote 275: _Land of Israel_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 276: Ibid. P. 83. ]

[Footnote 277: Ibid. P. 115. ]

[Footnote 278: Walpole's _Ansayrii_, iii. 23. ]

[Footnote 279: Houghton, in Smith's _Dict. Of the Bible_, ad voc. CONEY(iii. Xliii. ); Tristram, _Land of Israel_, pp. 62, 84, 89. ]

[Footnote 280: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 106. ]

[Footnote 281: Ibid. Pp. 88, 89. ]

[Footnote 282: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 83. ]

[Footnote 283: Ibid. P. 55. ]

[Footnote 284: Ibid. P. 103. Compare Walpole, _Ansayrii_, iii. 34, 188, and Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, pp. 58, 61. ]

[Footnote 285: _Hist. Nat. _ ix. 36. ]

[Footnote 286: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 239. There are representationsof the Buccunum in Forbes and Hanley's _British Mollusks_, vol. Iv. Pl. Cii. Nos. 1, 2, 3. ]

[Footnote 287: Kenrick, p. 239. ]

[Footnote 288: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 51. ]

[Footnote 289: Wilksinson, in Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, ii. 347, note 2. ]

[Footnote 290: Canon Tristram writs: "Among the rubbish thrown out inthe excavations made at Tyre were numerous fragments of glass, and whole'kitchen middens' of shells, crushed and broken, the owners of which hadonce supplied the famous Tyrian purple dye. All these shells were of onespecies, the _Murex brandaris_" (_Land of Israel_, p. 51). ]

[Footnote 291: Porter, in _Dict. Of the Bible_, ii. 87. ]

[Footnote 292: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 37. ]

[Footnote 293: Tristram, p. 634. ]

[Footnote 294: Grove, in _Dict. Of the Bible_, i. 279. ]

III--THE PEOPLE--ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS

[Footnote 31: _Histoire des Languages Sémitiques_, p. 22. ]

[Footnote 32: _Rhet. _ iii. 8. ]

[Footnote 33: Deutsch, _Literary Remains_, p. 160. ]

[Footnote 34: Renan, _Hist. Des Langues Sémitiques_, pp. 5, 14. ]

[Footnote 35: Ibid. P. 16. ]

[Footnote 36: Deutsch, _Literary Remains_, p. 305. ]

[Footnote 37: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 38: _Ancient Monarchies_, i. 275; Deutsch, p. 306. ]

[Footnote 39: Herod. I. 2; vii. 89. ]

[Footnote 310: Strab. Xvi. 3, § 4. ]

[Footnote 311: _Hist. Philipp. _ xviii. 3, § 2. ]

[Footnote 312: _Ancient Monarchies_, i. 14. ]

[Footnote 313: Renan, _Histoire des Langues Sémitiques_, p. 183. ]

[Footnote 314: Deutsch, _Literary Remains_, pp. 162, 163. ]

[Footnote 315: Herod. Vi. 47:--{'Oros mega anestrammenon en tezetesei}. ]

[Footnote 316: On this imaginary "monsters, " see Herod. Vi. 44. ]

[Footnote 317: Ibid. Iv. 42. ]

[Footnote 318: Herod. Vii. 85. ]

[Footnote 319: Ibid. Ii. 112. ]

[Footnote 320: 1 Kings xi. 1. ]

[Footnote 321: Ibid. Xvi. 31. ]

[Footnote 322: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 323: Is. Xxiii. 15-18. ]

[Footnote 324: Mark vii. 26-30. ]

[Footnote 325: Acts xii. 20. ]

[Footnote 326: Herod. Iv. 196. ]

[Footnote 327: Herod, i. 1:--{Perseon oi Lagioi}. ]

[Footnote 328: Ibid. Ii. 190. ]

[Footnote 329: Ibid. Ii. 4, 99, 142. ]

[Footnote 330: Ibid. I. 1; iv. 42; vi. 47; vii. 23, 44, 96. ]

[Footnote 331: As they do of being indebted to the Babylonians and theEgyptians for astronomical and philosophic knowledge. ]

[Footnote 332: Deutsch, _Literary Remains_, p. 163. ]

[Footnote 333: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 334: Compare the representation of Egyptian ships inDümichen's _Voyage d'une Reine Egyptienne_ (date about B. C. 1400)with the far later Phoenician triremes depicted by Sennacherib (Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, second series, pl. 71). ]

[Footnote 335: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 100, 101. ]

[Footnote 336: The Cypriot physiognomy is peculiar. (See Di Cesnola's_Cyprus_, pp. 123, 129, 131, 132, 133, 141, &c. )]

[Footnote 337: Herod. Vii. 90. ]

[Footnote 338: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 68, note 3. ]

IV--THE CITIES

[Footnote 41: The nearest approach to such a period is the time a littlepreceding Nebuchadnezzar's siege, when Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus allappear as subject to Tyre (Ezek. Xxvii. 8-11). ]

[Footnote 42: 1 Kings xvii. 9-24. ]

[Footnote 43: 1 Macc. Xv. 37. ]

[Footnote 44: Gen. X. 15. ]

[Footnote 45: Josh. Xix. 29. ]

[Footnote 46: Ibid. Verse 28. ]

[Footnote 47: See Hom. _Il. _ vii. 290; xxiii. 743; _Od. _ iv. 618; xiv. 272, 285; xvi. 117, 402, 424. ]

[Footnote 48: _Hist. Philipp. _ xviii. 3, § 2. ]

[Footnote 49: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 460. ]

[Footnote 410: Steph, Byz. Ad voc. ]

[Footnote 411: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pl. Lxvii. ]

[Footnote 412: Scylax, _Periplus_, § 104. This work belongs to the timeof Philip, Alexander's father. ]

[Footnote 413: See Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pl. Lxii. ]

[Footnote 414: The inscription on the sarcophagus of Esmunazar. (See_Records of the Past_, ix. 111-114, and the _Corp. Inscr. Semit. _, i. 13-20. )]

[Footnote 415: The name "Palæ-Tyrus" is first found in Strabo (xvi. 2, §24). ]

[Footnote 416: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 347. ]

[Footnote 417: Plin. _H. N. _ v. 17. ]

[Footnote 418: Renan (_Mission de Phénicie_, p. 552) gives the area as576, 508 square metres. ]

[Footnote 419: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 21. ]

[Footnote 420: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 560. ]

[Footnote 421: So Bertou (_Topographie de Tyr_, p. 14), and Kenrick(_Phoenicia_, p. 352). ]

[Footnote 422: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 560. ]

[Footnote 423: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 351. ]

[Footnote 424: See the fragments of Dius and Menander, preserved byJosephus (_Contr. Ap. _ i. § 17, 18), and compare Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ii. 24. It is quite uncertain what Phoenician deity is represented by"Agenor. "]

[Footnote 425: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 559. ]

[Footnote 426: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 427: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 428: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 23. ]

[Footnote 429: Menand, ap. Joseph. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 430: Strab. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 431: Eight thousand are said to have been killed in the siege, and 30, 000 sold when the place was taken. (Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ l. S. C. )A certain number were spared. ]

[Footnote 432: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 552. ]

[Footnote 433: Plin. _H. N. _ v. 17. ]

[Footnote 434: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 348. ]

[Footnote 435: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 22. ]

[Footnote 436: See Capt. Allen's _Dead Sea_, ii. 179. ]

[Footnote 437: See Capt. Allen's _Dead Sea_, ii. 179. ]

[Footnote 438: Strabo, xvi. 2, § 13. ]

[Footnote 439: Allen, _Dead Sea_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 440: Ibid. P. 180. ]

[Footnote 441: See the woodcut, and compare Renan, _Mission dePhénicie_, planches, pl. Ii. ; and Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Artdans l'Antiquité_, iii. 25. ]

[Footnote 442: Allen, _Dead Sea_, ii. 180. ]

[Footnote 443: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 444: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 13. ]

[Footnote 445: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 13. See also Lucret. _De Rer. Nat. _ vi. 890. ]

[Footnote 446: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 42. ]

[Footnote 447: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 12. ]

[Footnote 448: Fr. Ii. 7. Philo, however, makes "Brathu" a mountain. ]

[Footnote 449: See _Records of the Past_, iii. 19, 20. ]

[Footnote 450: _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 58-61. ]

[Footnote 451: Strab. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 452: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 453: Gen. X. 18. ]

[Footnote 454: _Eponym Canon_, p. 123, 1. 2. ]

[Footnote 455: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 115. And compare themap. ]

[Footnote 456: Carnus is identified by M. Renan with the modern Carnoun, on the coast, three miles north of Tortosa (_Mission_, p. 97). ]

[Footnote 457: _Eponym Canon_, p. 114, l. 104. ]

[Footnote 458: Josh. Xiii. 5; 1 Kings v. 18. ]

[Footnote 459: Arr. _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 15. ]

[Footnote 460: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 18. ]

[Footnote 461: Fragm. Ii. 8, § 17. ]

[Footnote 462: _Corp. Inscr. Sem. _, i. 3 (pl 1); Philo-Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 25. ]

[Footnote 463: Strab. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 464: Allen, _Dead Sea_, ii. 164. ]

[Footnote 465: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 466: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 15. ]

[Footnote 467: See G. Smith's _Eponym Canon_, pp. 123, 132, 148. ]

[Footnote 468: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 9. ]

[Footnote 469: Burckhardt, _Travels in Syria_, p. 162. ]

[Footnote 470: Scylax, _Peripl. _, § 104; Diod. Sic. Xvi. 41; Pomp. Mel. I. 12. ]

[Footnote 471: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 633; Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, iii. 56. ]

[Footnote 472: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 57, 59. ]

[Footnote 473: Allen, _Dead Sea_, ii. 152. ]

[Footnote 474: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 295. ]

[Footnote 475: Lucian, _De Dea Syra_, § 9. ]

[Footnote 476: Philo. Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 25. ]

[Footnote 477: Stephen of Byzantium calls it {polin thoinikes ek mikraemegalen}. Strabo says that it was rebuilt by the Romans (xvi. 2, § 19). ]

[Footnote 478: Phocas, _Descr. Urbium_, § 5. ]

[Footnote 479: Cellarius, _Geograph. _ ii. 378. ]

[Footnote 480: Gen. X. 17. ]

[Footnote 481: _Eponym Canon_, pp. 120, l. 25; 123, l. 2. ]

[Footnote 482: Josh. Xix. 29. ]

[Footnote 483: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132, l. 10. ]

[Footnote 484: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132, l. 10; 148, l. 103. ]

[Footnote 485: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 20, 21. ]

[Footnote 486: This seems to be the true meaning of Strab. Xvi. 2, § 25;sub init. ]

[Footnote 487: Josh. Vii. 23. ]

[Footnote 488: Ibid. Xvii. 11. ]

[Footnote 489: 1 Kings iv. 11. ]

[Footnote 490: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 132. ]

[Footnote 491: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. DORA. ]

[Footnote 492: Hieronym. _Epit. Paulæ_ (Opp. I. 223). ]

[Footnote 493: Josh. Xix. 47. ]

[Footnote 494: 1 Macc. X. 76. ]

[Footnote 495: Jonah i. 3. ]

[Footnote 496: 2 Chron. Ii. 16. ]

[Footnote 497: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 498: See Capt. Allen's _Dead Sea_, ii. 188. ]

[Footnote 499: Eustah. _ad Dionys. Perieg. _ l. 915. ]

[Footnote 4100: Compare the Heb. "Ramah" and "Ramoth" from {. .. }, "to behigh. "]

[Footnote 4101: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 3. ]

[Footnote 4102: Gesenius, _Monumenta Scripture Linguæque, Phoeniciæ_, p. 271. ]

[Footnote 4103: Allen, _Dead Sea_, ii. 189. ]

[Footnote 4104: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 23. ]

[Footnote 4105: Perrot and Chipiez, iii. 23-25. ]

[Footnote 4106: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, iii. 25, 26. ]

[Footnote 4107: The Phoenicians held Dor and Joppa during the greaterpart of their existence as a nation, but the tract between them, andthat between Dor and Carmel--the plain of Sharon--shows no trace oftheir occupation. ]

V--THE COLONIES

[Footnote 51: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 71. ]

[Footnote 52: Gen. X. 4. Compare Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ i. 6. ]

[Footnote 53: Kenrick, p. 72. ]

[Footnote 54: The two plains are sometimes regarded as one, which iscalled that of Mesaoria; but they are really distinct, being separatedby high ground in Long. 33º nearly. ]

[Footnote 55: Ælian, _Hist. Ann. _ v. 56. ]

[Footnote 56: Strab. Xiv. 6, § 5. ]

[Footnote 57: Theophrastus, _Hist. Plant. _ v. 8. ]

[Footnote 58: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, Introduction, p. 7. ]

[Footnote 59: The copper of Cyprus became known as {khalkos Kuprios}or {Æs Cyprium}, then as _cyprium_ or _cyprum_, finally as "copper, ""kupfer, " "cuivre, " &c. ]

[Footnote 510: Ezek. Xxvii. 6. ]

[Footnote 511: Compare Ammianus--"Tanta tamque multiplici fertilitateabundat rerum omnium Cyprus, ut, nullius externi indigens adminiculi, indigenis viribus a fundamento ipso carinæ ad supremos ipsos carbasosædificet onerariam navem, omnibusque armamentis instructam maricommittat" (xiv. 8, § 14). ]

[Footnote 512: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 49. ]

[Footnote 513: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 75. ]

[Footnote 514: Di Cesnola, pp. 65-117. ]

[Footnote 515: Ibid. Pp. 68, 83. ]

[Footnote 516: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 215. ]

[Footnote 517: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 518: {Polis Kuprou arkhaiotate}. ]

[Footnote 519: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 294. ]

[Footnote 520: Ibid. Pp. 254-281. ]

[Footnote 521: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 294. ]

[Footnote 522: Ibid. P. 378. ]

[Footnote 523: Strabo, xiv. 6, § 3; Steph. Byz. Ad voc. CURIUM. ]

[Footnote 524: Herod. V. 113. ]

[Footnote 525: Apollodor. _Biblioth. _ iii. 14, § 13. ]

[Footnote 526: Virg. _Æn. _ i. 415-417; Tacit. _Ann. _ iii. 62; _Hist. _ii. 2; Strab. Xiv. 6, § 3. ]

[Footnote 527: Ps. Lxxvi. 2. ]

[Footnote 528: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 201. ]

[Footnote 529: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 198, and Map. ]

[Footnote 530: _Eponym Canon_, p. 139, l. 23. ]

[Footnote 531: Ibid. P. 144, l. 22. ]

[Footnote 532: On the copper-mines of Tamasus, see Strab. Xiv. 6, § 5;and Steph. Byz. Ad voc. ]

[Footnote 533: _Eponym Canon_, ll. S. C. ]

[Footnote 534: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 228. ]

[Footnote 535: Plut. _Vit. Solon. _ § 26. ]

[Footnote 536: Diod. Sic. Xiv. 98, § 2. ]

[Footnote 537: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 231. ]

[Footnote 538: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 74. ]

[Footnote 539: Gen. X. 4. ]

[Footnote 540: Gesenius, _Mon. Script. Linquæque Phoeniciæ_, p. 278. ]

[Footnote 541: Strab. Xiv. 5, § 3. ]

[Footnote 542: Ibid. Xiv. 3, § 9. Mt. Solyma, now Takhtalu, is the moststriking mountain of these parts. Its bald summit rises to the height of4, 800 feet above the Mediterranean (Beaufort, _Karamania_, p. 57). ]

[Footnote 543: Strab. Xiv. 3, § 8, sub fin. ]

[Footnote 544: Beaufort, _Karamania_, p. 31. ]

[Footnote 545: Herod. Iii. 90; vii. 77; Strab. Xiii. 4, § 15; Steph. Byz. Ad. Voc. ]

[Footnote 546: Beaufort, _Karamania_, p. 56. ]

[Footnote 547: Strab. Xiv. 3, § 9. ]

[Footnote 548: Beaufort, pp. 59, 60. ]

[Footnote 549: Ibid. P. 70. ]

[Footnote 550: As Corinna and Basilides (see Athen. _Deipnos_, iv. 174). ]

[Footnote 551: Ap. Phot. _Bibliothec. _ p. 454. ]

[Footnote 552: Ap. Athen. _Deipn. _ viii. 361. ]

[Footnote 553: Dict. Cret. I. 18; iv. 4. ]

[Footnote 554: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 80, 81. ]

[Footnote 555: Aristid. _Orat. _ § 43. ]

[Footnote 556: Acts xxvii. 12. ]

[Footnote 557: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. ]

[Footnote 558: Herod. Iv. 151. ]

[Footnote 559: Heb. {. .. }, Copt. _labo_, &c. ]

[Footnote 560: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {KUTHERA}; Festus, ad voc. MELOS. ]

[Footnote 561: Kenrick, p. 96. ]

[Footnote 562: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {MEMBLIAROS}. ]

[Footnote 563: Heraclid. Pont. Ap. Steph. Byz. Ad voc. ]

[Footnote 564: Herod. Iv. 147. ]

[Footnote 565: Thucyd. I. 8. ]

[Footnote 566: Herod. Iii. 57; Pausan. X. 11. ]

[Footnote 567: Tournefort, _Voyages_, i. 136. ]

[Footnote 568: Plin, _H. N. _ iv. 12. Compare Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {KUTHERA}. ]

[Footnote 569: Theophrast. _Hist. Plant. _ iv. 2; Plin. _H. N. _ xxxv. 15. ]

[Footnote 570: Strab. X. 5, § 16. ]

[Footnote 571: Ibid. § 19, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 572: Herod. Ii. 44. ]

[Footnote 573: Ibid. Vi. 47. ]

[Footnote 574: Hesych. Ad voc. {KABEIROI}; Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {IMBROS};Strab. Vii. Fr. 51. ]

[Footnote 575: Strab. Xiv. 5, § 28; Plin. _H. N. _ vii. 56. ]

[Footnote 576: Strab. X. 1, § 8. ]

[Footnote 577: Herod. V. 57; Strab. Ix. 2, § 3; Pausan. Ix. 25, § 6, &c. ]

[Footnote 578: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {PRONEKTOS}; Scymn. Ch. L. 660. ]

[Footnote 579: Apollon. Rhod. Ii. L. 178; Euseb. _Præp. Ev. _ p. 115;Schol. Ad Apollon. Rhod. L. S. C. ; Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {SESAMOS}. ]

[Footnote 580: So Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 91, 92. ]

[Footnote 581: Utica was said to have been founded 287 years beforeCarthage (Aristot. _De Ausc. Mir. _ § 146). Carthage was probably foundedabout B. C. 850. ]

[Footnote 582: Thucyd. Vi. 2. ]

[Footnote 583: Strab. Xvii. 3, § 13. ]

[Footnote 584: See the chart opposite, and the description in the_Géographie Universelle_, xi. 271, 272. ]

[Footnote 585: Ibid. P. 270. ]

[Footnote 586: Plin. _H. N. _ v. 4, § 23; _Géographie Universelle_, xi. 157. ]

[Footnote 587: _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 275. ]

[Footnote 588: Ibid. P. 274. ]

[Footnote 589: _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 413, 414. ]

[Footnote 590: Ibid. Pp. 410, 411. ]

[Footnote 591: See Davis's _Carthage_, pp. 128-130; and compare thewoodcut in the _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 259. ]

[Footnote 592: Beulé, _Fouilles à Carthage_, quoted in the _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 258. ]

[Footnote 593: "Adrymes" is the Greek name (Strab. Xvii. 3, § 16), Adrumetum or Hadrumetum, the Roman one (Sall. _Bell. Jugurth. _ § 19;Liv. Xxx. 29; Plin. _H. N. _ v. 4, § 25). ]

[Footnote 594: _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 227, 228. ]

[Footnote 595: Ibid. P. 227, note. ]

[Footnote 596: _Géographie Universelle_, xi. 224. ]

[Footnote 597: _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 84. ]

[Footnote 598: Strabo, xvii. 3, § 18. ]

[Footnote 599: See Della Cella, _Narrative_, p. 37, E. T. ; Beechey, _Narrative_, p. 51. ]

[Footnote 5100: Herod. Iv. 198. Compare Ovid. _Pont. _ ii. 7, 25. ]

[Footnote 5101: See the chart in the _Géographie Universelle_, xi. 223. ]

[Footnote 5102: Strab. Xvii. 3, § 12. ]

[Footnote 5103: See Daux, _Recherches sur les Emporia Phéniciens_, pp. 256-258; and compare Pl. Viii. ]

[Footnote 5104: At Utica, Carthage, and elsewhere. ]

[Footnote 5105: Daux, _Recherches_, pp. 169-171; Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, iii. 400-402. ]

[Footnote 5106: Thucyd. Vi. 2. ]

[Footnote 5107: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 336. ]

[Footnote 5108: Diod. Sic. Xiv. 68. ]

[Footnote 5109: Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenicia_, pp. 297, 298, and Tab. 39, xii. A, B. ]

[Footnote 5110: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 330. ]

[Footnote 5111: Polyb. I. 55. ]

[Footnote 5112: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 331. Compare the accompanying woodcut. ]

[Footnote 5113: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 334; Woodcuts, No. 242 and 243. ]

[Footnote 5114: Marsala, whose wine is so well known, occupies a site onthe coast at a short distance. ]

[Footnote 5115: _Géographie Universelle_, i. 552. ]

[Footnote 5116: _Géographie Universelle_, i. P. 551. ]

[Footnote 5117: See Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenicia_, pp. 288-290, andTab. 38, ix. Mahanath corresponds to the Greek {skenai} and the Roman_castra_. Compare the Israelite "Mahanaim. "]

[Footnote 5118: Serra di Falco, _Antichità di Sicilia_, v. 60, 67. ]

[Footnote 5119: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 187-189. ]

[Footnote 5120: Ibid. P. 426. ]

[Footnote 5121: _Géographie Universelle_, i. 571. ]

[Footnote 5122: Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenicia_, p. 298. ]

[Footnote 5123: Diod. Sic. V. 12. ]

[Footnote 5124: See the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, vol. I. No. 132. ]

[Footnote 5125: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. 40, xiv. ]

[Footnote 5126: For an account of these buildings, called by the natives"Giganteja, " see Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 297, 298. ]

[Footnote 5127: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 5128: Ibid. P. 299. [Footnote 5129: "Malte, l'île de miel"(_Géogr. Univ. _ i. 576). ]

[Footnote 5130: {Kunidia, a kalousi Melitaia} (Strab. Vi. 2, § 11, subfin. ). ]

[Footnote 5131: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iv. 2. ]

[Footnote 5132: Diod. Sic. Xiv. 63, § 4; 77, § 6; xxi. 16, &c. ]

[Footnote 5133: Perrot et Chipiez, l. S. C. Compare the _GéographieUniverselle_, i. 599, 600. ]

[Footnote 5134: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 233; La Marmora, _Voyage enSardaigne_, ii. 171-341. ]

[Footnote 5135: Strabo calls the town Sulchi ({Soulkhoi}, v. 2, § 7). ]

[Footnote 5136: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 231, 232, 253, &c. ]

[Footnote 5137: None of the classical geographers mentions the placeexcepting Ptolemy, who calls it "Tarrus" (_Geograph. _ iii. 3). ]

[Footnote 5138: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 231-236, and 418-421. ]

[Footnote 5139: Herod. I. 166. ]

[Footnote 5140: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 116; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 46, 186. ]

[Footnote 5141: _Géographie Universelle_, i. 800. ]

[Footnote 5142: Strab. Iii. 5, § 1. ]

[Footnote 5143: Kenrick, p. 118; _Géogr. Univ. _ i. 795. ]

[Footnote 5144: "Un admirable port natured divisé par des ilôts et despéninsules en cales et en bassins secondairs; tous les avantages setrouvent réunis dans ce bras de mer" (_Géographie Universelle_, i. 808). ]

[Footnote 5145: Ibid. P. 801. ]

[Footnote 5146: Ibid. P. 799. ]

[Footnote 5147: {Phoinikike to skhemati} (Strab. Iii. 4, § 2). ]

[Footnote 5148: {Phoinikon ktisma} (ib. Iii. 4, § 3). ]

[Footnote 5149: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ pp. 308-310; Tab. 40, xvi. ]

[Footnote 5150: Strab. Iii. 4, § 2. ]

[Footnote 5151: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 5152: Ibid. Iii. 4, § 6. ]

[Footnote 5153: Three hundred, according to some writers (Ibid. Xvii. 3, § 3). ]

[Footnote 5154: Plin. _H. N. _ xix. 4. ]

[Footnote 5155: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ pp. 309, 310. ]

[Footnote 5156: _Géograph. Univ. _ xi. 710-713. ]

[Footnote 5157: Strab. Ii. 3, § 4; Hanno, _Peripl. _ § 6; Scylax, _Peripl. _ § 112. ]

[Footnote 5158: See _Géograph. Univer. _ xi. 714. ]

[Footnote 5159: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 337. ]

[Footnote 5160: Ibid. P. 339. ]

[Footnote 5161: Ibid. P. 341. ]

[Footnote 5162: See Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 118; Dyer, in Smith's _Dict. Of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 1106. ]

[Footnote 5163: Scymn. Ch. Ll. 100-106; Strabo, iii. 2, § 11; Mela, _De Situ Orbis_, ii. 6; Plin. _H. N. _ iv. 21; Fest. Avien. _DescriptioOrbis_, l. 610; Pausan. Vi. 19. ]

[Footnote 5164: Stesichorus, _Fragmenta_ (ed. Bergk), p. 636; Strab. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 5165: Scymn. Ch. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 5166: See Herod. I. 163. ]

[Footnote 5167: 1 Kings x. 22. ]

[Footnote 5168: Strab. Iii. 2, § 8; _Géograph. Univ. _ i. 741-745. ]

[Footnote 5169: Strab. Iii. 2, § 11. ]

[Footnote 5170: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 119. ]

[Footnote 5171: Strab. Iii. 2, § 7. ]

[Footnote 5172: Aristoph. _Ran. _ l. 476; Jul. Pollux, vi. 63. ]

[Footnote 5173: Vell. Paterc. I. 2. ]

[Footnote 5174: _Géograph. Univ. _ i. 756-758. ]

[Footnote 5175: Ibid. P. 758. ]

[Footnote 5176: Strab. Iii. 5, § 5; Diod. Sic. V. 20; Scymn. Ch. 160;Mela, iii. 6, § 1; Plin. _H. N. _ v. 19; &c. ]

[Footnote 5177: Gesen. _Mon. Phoen. _ pp. 304, 370. ]

[Footnote 5178: Strabo, iii. 5, § 3. ]

[Footnote 5179: See the _Géographie Universelle_, i. 759. ]

[Footnote 5180: The name is to be connected with the words Baal, Belus, Baalath, &c. There was a river "Belus, " in Phoenicia Proper. ]

[Footnote 5181: Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenicia_, pp. 311, 312. ]

[Footnote 5182: Ibid. P. 311. ]

[Footnote 5183: I. E. Towards the north-east, in the Propontis and theEuxine. ]

VI--ARCHITECTURE

[Footnote 61: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, iii. 101. ]

[Footnote 62: See Renan, _Mission de Phoenicie_, p. 92, and Planches, pl. 12. ]

[Footnote 63: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 64: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 62-68. ]

[Footnote 65: Ibid. Planches, pl. 10. ]

[Footnote 66: 1 Kings v. 17, 18. ]

[Footnote 67: _Our Work in Palestine_, p. 115. Warren, _Recovery ofJerusalem_, i. 121. ]

[Footnote 68: See the _Corpus. Inscr. Semit. _ Pars I. Planches, pl. 29, No. 136. ]

[Footnote 69: As at Sidon in the pier wall, and at Aradus in the remainsof the great wall of the town. ]

[Footnote 610: M. Renan has found reason to question the truth of thisview. Bevelling, he thinks, may have begun with the Phoenicians; but itbecame a general feature of Palestinian and Syrian architecture, beingemployed in Syria as late as the middle ages. The enclosure of themosque at Hebron and the great wall of Baalbek are bevelled, but arescarcely Phoenician. ]

[Footnote 611: See Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, Planches, pl. Vi. ]

[Footnote 612: Compare the enclosure of the Haram at Jerusalem, themosque at Hebron, and the temples at Baalbek (Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 105, No. 42; iv. 274, No. 139, and p. 186, No. 116). ]

[Footnote 613: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 108, 299, &c. ]

[Footnote 614: Renan, _Mission_, p. 822. ]

[Footnote 615: See Renan, _Mission_, pp. 62-68; and compare Perrot etChipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 242, 243. ]

[Footnote 616: See Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 64. ]

[Footnote 617: See Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 63, 64. ]

[Footnote 618: Ibid. P. 65. ]

[Footnote 619: See the volume of Plates published with the _Mission_, pl. Ix. Fig 1. ]

[Footnote 620: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 110; pl. Xxxv. Fig. 20; xxxvi. Fig. 7; xxxvii. Figs. 10, 11; Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. Pp. 124, 428, 533, &c. ]

[Footnote 621: Renan, _Mission_, Planches, pl. Ix. Fig. 3. ]

[Footnote 622: See Perrot et Chipie, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 253, No. 193; p. 310, No. 233. ]

[Footnote 623: See the author's _History of Ancient Egypt_, i. 237. ]

[Footnote 624: _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 64, 65. ]

[Footnote 625: See Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, pp. 210-212. ]

[Footnote 626: The temple of Solomon was mainly of wood; that of Golgi(Athiénau) was, it is thought, of crude brick (Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 139). ]

[Footnote 627: See the plan in Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 267, No. 200. Explorations are now in progress, which, it is hoped, may reveal more completely the plan of the building. ]

[Footnote 628: As being the most important temple in the island. ]

[Footnote 629: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 211. ]

[Footnote 630: Ibid. P. 210. ]

[Footnote 631: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 632: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 269. ]

[Footnote 633: In M. Gerhard's plan two circular ponds or reservoirs aremarked, of which General Di Cesnola found no trace. ]

[Footnote 634: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 211. ]

[Footnote 635: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 322. ]

[Footnote 636: As Di Cesnola, and Ceccaldi. ]

[Footnote 637: Ceccaldi, as quoted by Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 275. ]

[Footnote 638: Ceccaldi, _Monuments Antiques de Cypre_, pp. 47, 48. ]

[Footnote 639: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 139. ]

[Footnote 640: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 149; Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 274; Ceccaldi, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 641: Di Cesnola, p. 139. ]

[Footnote 642: Ibid. P. 140. ]

[Footnote 643: Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 644: The only original account of this crypt is that ofGeneral Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 303-305. ]

[Footnote 645: Mephitic vapours prevented the workmen from continuingtheir excavations. ]

[Footnote 646: The length of this room was twenty feet, the breadthnineteen feet, and the height fourteen feet (Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 304). ]

[Footnote 647: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 285. ]

[Footnote 648: See the woodcut representing a portion of the old wall ofAradus, which is taken from M. Renan's _Mission_, Planches, pl. 2. ]

[Footnote 649: In some of the ruder walls, as in those of Banias andEryx, even this precaution is not observed. See Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 328, 334. ]

[Footnote 650: Diod. Sic. Xxxii. 14. ]

[Footnote 651: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 21, § 3. ]

[Footnote 652: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 331, 332, 339. ]

[Footnote 653: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. Pp. 333, 334. ]

[Footnote 654: See his _Recherches sur l'origine et l'emplacement desEmporia Phéniciens_, pl. 8. ]

[Footnote 655: Compare Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pls. 7, 16, 18, &c. ; and Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 224. ]

[Footnote 656: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 256, 260; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 219-221. ]

[Footnote 657: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 255. ]

[Footnote 658: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 255, 256. ]

[Footnote 659: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 260; and compare Perrot etChipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 219, No. 155. ]

[Footnote 660: Di Cesnola, p. 259. ]

[Footnote 661: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 224. ]

[Footnote 662: See Ross, _Reisen nach Cypern_, pp. 187-189; and_Archäologische Zeitung_ for 1851, pl. Xxviii. Figs. 3 and 4. ]

[Footnote 663: They are not shown in Ross's representation, but appearin Di Cesnola's. ]

[Footnote 664: See Sir C. Newton's _Halicarnassus_, pls. Xviii. Xix. ]

[Footnote 665: 1 Macc. Xiii. 27-29. ]

[Footnote 666: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 80. ]

[Footnote 667: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 81. ]

[Footnote 668: Ibid. Pp. 82, 85. ]

[Footnote 669: See Robinson, _Researches in Palestine_, iii. 385. ]

[Footnote 670: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 599. ]

[Footnote 671: Perrot and Chipiez remark that "the general aspect of theedifice recalls that of the great tombs at Amrith;" and concludethat, "if the tomb does not actually belong to the time of Solomon'scontemporary and ally, at any rate it is anterior to the Greco-Romanperiod" (_Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 167). ]

[Footnote 672: See the section of the building in Renan's _Mission_, Planches, pl. Xlviii. ]

[Footnote 673: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 71. ]

[Footnote 674: Ibid. Planches, pl. 13. ]

[Footnote 675: Ibid. P. 72. ]

[Footnote 676: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 153. ]

[Footnote 677: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 71-73. ]

[Footnote 678: "Ce que ce tombeau offre de tout à fait particulier c'estque l'entrée du caveau, ou, pour mieux dire, l'escalier qui y conduit, est couvert, dans sa partie antérieure, par un énorme bloc régulièrementtaillé en dos d'âne et supporté par une assise de grosses pierres"(Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 154). ]

[Footnote 679: Mark xvi. 3, 4. ]

[Footnote 680: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 334. ]

[Footnote 681: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 126, No. 68. ]

[Footnote 682: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 211, 301. ]

[Footnote 683: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 129-134. ]

[Footnote 684: _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 822. ]

[Footnote 685: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 822. ]

[Footnote 686: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 829. ]

VII--ÆSTHETIC ART

[Footnote 71: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 404, andcompare pp. 428 and 437. ]

[Footnote 72: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 129-157, &c. ]

[Footnote 73: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 510. ]

[Footnote 74: Ibid. P. 513: "Les figures semblent avoir été taillées nondans des blocs prismatiques, mais dans de la pierre débitée en carrière, sous forme de dalles épaisses. "]

[Footnote 75: Di Cesnola, p. 150. ]

[Footnote 76: Ibid. Pp. 149, 150. ]

[Footnote 77: Di Cesnola, p. 157. ]

[Footnote 78: So both Di Cesnola (l. S. C) and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 565. ]

[Footnote 79: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. Nos. 349, 385, 405, &c. ; Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 133, 149, 157. ]

[Footnote 710: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 519, No. 353. ]

[Footnote 711: Ibid. Nos. 323, 342, 368. Occasionally an arm is placedacross the breast without anything being clasped (Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 131, 240). ]

[Footnote 712: Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 299, 322, 373. ]

[Footnote 713: Ibid. Nos. 291, 321, 379, 380. ]

[Footnote 714: Ibid. Nos. 381, 382. ]

[Footnote 715: Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 306, 345, 349, &c. ]

[Footnote 716: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 141, 230, 243, &c. ]

[Footnote 717: Compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 530, No. 358; p. 533, No. 359; and Di Cesnola, pp. 131, 154, &c. ]

[Footnote 718: Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 545. ]

[Footnote 719: Di Cesnola, pp. 149, 151, 161, &c. ]

[Footnote 720: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 201, No. 142;p. 451, No. 323; p. 598, No. 409. The best dove is that in the hand of apriest represented by Di Cesnola (_Cyprus_, p. 132). ]

[Footnote 721: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 114. ]

[Footnote 722: Ibid. P. 331; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 203, and Pl. Ii. Opp. P. 582. ]

[Footnote 723: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 136; Ceccaldi, _Rev. Arch. _ vol. Xxiv. Pl. 21. ]

[Footnote 724: Di Cesnola, p. 137. ]

[Footnote 725: Ibid. P. 133. ]

[Footnote 726: Ibid. Pp. 110-114. ]

[Footnote 727: See the _Story of Assyria_, p. 403; and compare _AncientMonarchies_, i. 395, 493. ]

[Footnote 728: See _Story of Assyria_, l. S. C. ; and for the classicalpractice, which was identical, compare Lipsius, _Antiq. Lect. _ iii. ]

[Footnote 729: So it is in a garden that Asshurbani-pal and his queenregale themselves (_Ancient Monarchies_, i. 493). Compare Esther i. 7. ]

[Footnote 730: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 620. ]

[Footnote 731: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 259-267. ]

[Footnote 732: Di Cesnola is in favour of Melkarth (p. 264); MM. Perrotand Chipiez of Bes (_Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 610). Individually, I inclineto Esmun. ]

[Footnote 733: See Di Cesnola, Pl. Vi. ; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 450, 555, 557; Nos. 321, 379, 380, 381, and 382. ]

[Footnote 734: Herod. Iii. 37. ]

[Footnote 735: Perrot et Chipiez see in it the travels of the deceasedin another world (_Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 612); but they admit that atfirst sight one would be tempted to regard it as the representation ofan historical event, as the setting forth of a prince for war, or histriumphant return. ]

[Footnote 736: A similar crest was used by the Persians (_AncientMonarchies_, iii. 180, 234), and the Lycians (Fellows's _Lycia_, pl. Xxi. Oop. P. 173). ]

[Footnote 737: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 609-611. ]

[Footnote 738: See the _Journal le Bachir_ for June 8, 1887, publishedat Beyrout. ]

[Footnote 739: 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. Ii. 14. ]

[Footnote 740: 1 Kings vii. 21. ]

[Footnote 741: "_In_ the porch" (1 Kings vii. 21); "_before_ the house, ""before the temple" (2 Chron. Iii. 15, 17). ]

[Footnote 742: 1 Kings vii. 15, 16. ]

[Footnote 743: Jer. Lii. 21. ]

[Footnote 744: 1 Kings vii. 17, 20. ]

[Footnote 745: Ibid. Verse 20; 2 Chron. Iv. 13; Jer. Lii. 23. ]

[Footnote 746: 1 Kings vii. 22. ]

[Footnote 747: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, vol. Iv. Pls. Vi. And vii. Opp. Pp. 318 and 320. ]

[Footnote 748: 1 Kings vii. 23. ]

[Footnote 749: Ibid. Vv. 23-25. ]

[Footnote 750: See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 327, No. 172. ]

[Footnote 751: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 328. ]

[Footnote 752: 1 Kings vii. 27-39. ]

[Footnote 753: Ibid. Verse 38. ]

[Footnote 754: Ibid. Verse 29. ]

[Footnote 755: See the woodcut in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 331, No. 173;and compare 1 Kings vii. 31. ]

[Footnote 756: 1 Kings vii. 36. ]

[Footnote 757: 1 Kings vii. 33. ]

[Footnote 758: Ibid. V. 40. Compare 2 Chron. Iv. 16. ]

[Footnote 759: See Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, Pls. Xxi. And xxx. ]

[Footnote 760: A single statue in bronze, of full size, or larger thanlife, is said to have been exhumed in Cyprus in 1836 (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 514); but it has not reached our day. ]

[Footnote 761: See the works of La Marmora (_Voyage en Sardaigne_), Cara(_Relazione sugli idoli sardo-fenici_), and Perrot et Chipiez (_Hist. Del'Art_, iv. 65-89). ]

[Footnote 762: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 65, 66. ]

[Footnote 763: Ibid. Pp. 67, 69, 88. ]

[Footnote 764: Ibid. Pp. 67, 70, 89. ]

[Footnote 765: Ibid. 52, 74, 75, 87, &c. ]

[Footnote 766: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, Pl. Iv. Opp. P. 84. ]

[Footnote 767: Ibid. Opp. P. 345. ]

[Footnote 768: Ibid. P. 337. ]

[Footnote 769: _Monumenti di cere antica_, Pl. X. Fig. 1. ]

[Footnote 770: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 77. ]

[Footnote 771: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, Pl. Xi. Opp. P. 114. ]

[Footnote 772: In the museum of the Varvakeion. (See Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 782-785. )]

[Footnote 773: Ibid. P. 783, No. 550. ]

[Footnote 774: Compare the author's _History of Ancient Egypt_, i. 362. ]

[Footnote 775: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 779, No. 548. ]

[Footnote 776: See _Ancient Monarchies_, i. 392. ]

[Footnote 777: See Clermont-Ganneau, _Imagerie Phénicienne_, p. Xiii. ]

[Footnote 778: See Clermont-Ganneau, _Ima. Phénicienne_, Pls. Ii. Iv. And vi. Compare Longpérier, _Musée Napoléon III. _, Pl. X. ; Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 329; Pl. Xix. Opp. P. 276; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. Del'Art_, iii. 777, 789; Nos. 547 and 552. ]

[Footnote 779: Clermont-Ganneau, Pl. I. At end of volume; Perrot etChipiez, iii. 759, No. 543. ]

[Footnote 780: _L'Imagerie Phénicienne_, p. 8. ]

[Footnote 781: Helbig, _Bullettino dell' Instituto di Corrispondenzaarcheologica_, 1876, p. 127. ]

[Footnote 782: _L'Imagerie Phénicienne_, p. 8. ]

[Footnote 783: _L'Imagerie Phénicienne_, pp. Xi, xiii, and 18-39. ]

[Footnote 784: Ibid. P. 151. ]

[Footnote 785: _L'Imagerie Phénicienne_, pp. 150-156. It is fatal to M. Clermont-Ganneau's idea--1. That the hunter in the outer scene has nodog; 2. That the dress of the charioteer is wholly unlike that ofthe fugitive attacked by the dog; and 3. That M. Clermont-Ganneau'sexplanation accounts in no way for the medallion's central and mainfigure. ]

[Footnote 786: "Les formes et les mouvements des chevaux sont indiquésavec beaucoup du sûreté et de justesse" (ibid. P. 6). ]

[Footnote 787: So Mr. C. W. King in his appendix to Di Cesnola's_Cyprus_, p. 387. He supports his view by Herod. Vii. 69. ]

[Footnote 788: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 632. ]

[Footnote 789: Compare the cylinder of Darius Hystaspis (_AncientMonarchies_, iii. 227) and another engraved on the same page. ]

[Footnote 790: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 635, note. ]

[Footnote 791: _Proceedings of the Society of Bibl. Archæology_ for1883--4, p. 16. ]

[Footnote 792: See M. A. Di Cesnola's _Salaminia_, Pls. Xii. And xiii. ]

[Footnote 793: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 639, No. 431. ]

[Footnote 794: These fluttering ends of ribbon are very common in thePersian representations. See _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. 351. ]

[Footnote 795: _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. Pp. 203, 204, 208. ]

[Footnote 796: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 630. ]

[Footnote 797: Ibid. Pp. 635-639. Green serpentine is the most usualmaterial (C. W. King, in Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, p. 387). ]

[Footnote 798: King, in Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, p. 388. ]

[Footnote 799: Pl. Xxxvi. A. ]

[Footnote 7100: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 277. ]

[Footnote 7101: See De Vogüé's _Mélanges d'Archéologie Orientale_, pl. V. ]

[Footnote 7102: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 631. ]

[Footnote 7103: See Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, pl. Xxvi. (top line). ]

[Footnote 7104: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 645. ]

[Footnote 7105: Ibid. P. 646. ]

[Footnote 7106: De Vogüé, _Mélanges_, p. 111. ]

[Footnote 7107: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 651. ]

[Footnote 7108: Ibid. P. 652. ]

[Footnote 7109: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. Xxxvi. Fig. 8. ]

[Footnote 7110: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 646. ]

[Footnote 7111: Herod. Vii. 61. ]

[Footnote 7112: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. Xxxv. Fig. A. ]

[Footnote 7113: Herod. V. 113. ]

[Footnote 7114: That of Canon Spano. (See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655, note 1. )]

[Footnote 7115: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 656, 657, Nos. 466, 467, 468. ]

[Footnote 7116: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. P. 655. ]

[Footnote 7117: Ibid. P. 656, Nos. 464, 465. ]

[Footnote 7118: See the author's _History of Ancient Egypt_, ii. 47, 54, 70. ]

[Footnote 7119: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 657, 658, Nos. 471-476. ]

[Footnote 7120: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655:--"La couleur parait y avoirété employée d'une manière discrète; elle servait à faire ressortircertains détails. "]

[Footnote 7121: Ross, _Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln_, iv. 100. ]

[Footnote 7122: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 666:--"On obtenait ainsi unensemble qui, malgré la rapidité du travail, ne manquait pas de gaieté, d'harmonie et d'agrément. "]

[Footnote 7123: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 65, 71, 91, 181, &c. ; andPerrot et Chipiez, iii. 686, 691, 699, &c. ]

[Footnote 7124: _Cyprus_, pl. Xxix. (p. 333). ]

[Footnote 7125: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 704. ]

VIII--INDUSTRIAL ART AND MANUFACTURES

[Footnote 81: Ezek. Xxvii. 18. ]

[Footnote 82: Ibid. Xxvii. 21. ]

[Footnote 83: See Herod. Ii. 182, and compare the note of Sir G. Wilkinson on that passage in Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, ii. 272. ]

[Footnote 84: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 246. ]

[Footnote 85: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 86: Hom. _Il. _ vi. 289; _Od. _ xv. 417; Æsch. _Suppl. _ ll. 279-284; Lucan, _Phars. _ x. 142, &c. ]

[Footnote 87: Ex. Xxvi. 36, xxviii. 39. ]

[Footnote 88: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 877. ]

[Footnote 89: Smyth, _Mediterranean Sea_, pp. 205-207. ]

[Footnote 810: Tristram, _Land of Israel_, p. 51. ]

[Footnote 811: Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 103. ]

[Footnote 812: See _Phil. Transactions_, xv. 1, 280. ]

[Footnote 813: Wilksinson, in Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, ii. 347. ]

[Footnote 814: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 258. ]

[Footnote 815: See Jul. Pollux, _Onomasticon_, i. 4, § 45. ]

[Footnote 816: This is the case with almost all the refuse shells foundin the "kitchen middens" (as they have been called) on the Syrian coast. See Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 103). ]

[Footnote 817: See Réaumur, quoted by Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 256. ]

[Footnote 818: Plin. _H. N. _ ix. 38. ]

[Footnote 819: See Grimaud de Caux's paper in the _Revue de Zoologie_for 1856, p. 34; and compare Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 102. ]

[Footnote 820: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 821: Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 127. ]

[Footnote 822: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxii. 22. ]

[Footnote 823: Ibid. Ix. 37-39. ]

[Footnote 824: For the tints producible, see a paper by M. Lacaze-Duthiers, in the _Annales des Sciences Naturelles_ for 1859, Zoologie, 4me. Série, xii. 1-84. ]

[Footnote 825: Plin. _H. N. _ ix. 41. ]

[Footnote 826: Ibid. Ix. 39:--"Cornelius Nepos, qui divi Augustiprincipatu obiit. Me, inquit, juvene violacea purpura vigebat, cujuslibra denariis centum venibat. "]

[Footnote 827: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 242. Compare Pliny, _H. N. _ ix. 38:--"Laus summa in colore sanguinis concreti. "]

[Footnote 828: _Hist. Nat. _ xxxvi. 65. ]

[Footnote 829: Wilkinson, in Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, ii. 82. Similarrepresentations occur in tombs near the Pyramids. ]

[Footnote 830: Wilksinson, _Manners and Customs_, iii. 88. ]

[Footnote 831: Herod. Ii. 86-88. ]

[Footnote 832: Plin. _H. N. _ v 19; xxxvi. 26, &c. ]

[Footnote 833: Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 113. ]

[Footnote 834: Ibid. P. 127. ]

[Footnote 835: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 735, note 2. ]

[Footnote 836: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxvi. 26. ]

[Footnote 837: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 739. ]

[Footnote 838: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 734-744. ]

[Footnote 839: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histore de l'Art_, iii. Pl. Viii. No. 2 (opp. P. 740). ]

[Footnote 840: Ibid. Pl. Vii. No. 1 (opp. P. 734). ]

[Footnote 841: Herod. Ii. 44. ]

[Footnote 842: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 745, and pl. X. ]

[Footnote 843: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 844: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 746, No. 534. ]

[Footnote 845: Ibid. Pp. 739, 740. ]

[Footnote 846: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 740, 741. ]

[Footnote 847: The British Museum has a mould which was found atCamirus, intended to give shape to glass earrings. It is of a hardgreenish stone, apparently a sort of breccia. ]

[Footnote 848: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 745. ]

[Footnote 849: Strabo, iii. 5, § 11. ]

[Footnote 850: Scylax, _Periplus_, § 112. ]

[Footnote 851: Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 669. (Compare Renan _Mission de Phénicie_, pl. Xxi. )]

[Footnote 852: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 670. The vase is figured on p. 670, No. 478. ]

[Footnote 853: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 68. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 671, No. 479. ]

[Footnote 854: Perrot et Chipiez, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 855: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, appendix, p. 408. ]

[Footnote 856: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 685, No. 485. ]

[Footnote 857: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 102. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 675, No. 483. ]

[Footnote 858: So Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 332, and Mr. Murray, of theBritish Museum, ibid. , appendix, pp. 401, 402. ]

[Footnote 859: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 693-695. ]

[Footnote 860: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 394, 402, and pl. Xlii. Fig. 4. ]

[Footnote 861: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 698. ]

[Footnote 862: Ibid. P. 676, No. 484; p. 691, No. 496; and p. 697, No. 505. ]

[Footnote 863: Ibid. P. 730. ]

[Footnote 864: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 282, and pl. Xxx. ]

[Footnote 865: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 866: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 866-868. Compare Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. X. ]

[Footnote 867: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 335, 336, and pls. Iv. Andxxx. ; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 831, 862, 863, &c. ]

[Footnote 868: Di Cesnola, l. S. C. ; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 864. ]

[Footnote 869: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. Xx. ]

[Footnote 870: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 15, 66-68, 70; Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 203. ]

[Footnote 871: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 870, 871. ]

[Footnote 872: Ibid. P. 867, No. 633. ]

[Footnote 873: Ibid. Iv. 94. ]

[Footnote 874: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 94, No. 91. ]

[Footnote 875: Ibid. P. 67, No. 53. ]

[Footnote 876: Ibid. Iii. 862, No. 629. ]

[Footnote 877: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. P. 863. ]

[Footnote 878: De Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 336. ]

[Footnote 879: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 133, Nos. 80, 81. ]

[Footnote 880: Di Cesnola, p. 335. ]

[Footnote 881: See Ezek. Xxvii. 12; Strab. Iii. 2, § 8. ]

[Footnote 882: Plutarch, _Vit. Alex. Magni_, § 32. ]

[Footnote 883: Ceccaldi, _Monumens Antiques de Cyprus_, p. 138; DiCesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 282; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 874. ]

[Footnote 884: Plutarch, _Vit. Demetrii_, § 21. ]

[Footnote 885: Hom. _Il. _ xi. 19-28. ]

[Footnote 886: 2 Chron. Ii. 14. Iron, in the shape of nails and rings, has been found in several graves in Phoenicia Proper, where the coffinseems to have been of wood (Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 866). ]

[Footnote 887: Strab. Iii. 5, § 11. ]

[Footnote 888: Ezek. Xxvii. 12. ]

[Footnote 889: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iv. 80. ]

[Footnote 890: Ibid. Iii. 815, No. 568. ]

[Footnote 891: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 427, and pl. Lx. Fig. 1;Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 177, No. 123. ]

IX--SHIPS, NAVIGATION, AND COMMERCE

[Footnote 91: Plin. _H. N. _ vii. 56. ]

[Footnote 92: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 517, No. 352. ]

[Footnote 93: Layard, _Nineveh and its Remains_, ii. 383. ]

[Footnote 94: Compare the practice of the Egyptians (Rosellini, _Monumenti Storici_, pl. Cxxxi. )]

[Footnote 95: See Mionnet, _Déscript. De Médailles_, vol. Vii. Pl. Lxi. Fig. 1; Gesenius, _Ling. Scripturæque Phoen. Monumenta_, pl. 36, fig. G;Layard, _Nineveh and its Remains_, ii. 378. ]

[Footnote 96: Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, first series, pl. 71;_Nineveh and its Remains_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 97: So Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 34. ]

[Footnote 98: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. Xlv. ]

[Footnote 99: Herod. Iii. 136. ]

[Footnote 910: In later times there must have been more sails than one, since Xenophon describes a Phoenician merchant ship as sailing by meansof a quantity of rigging, which implies _several_ sails (Xen. _OEconom. _§ 8). ]

[Footnote 911: Scylax. _Periplus_, § 112. ]

[Footnote 912: Thucyd. I. 13. ]

[Footnote 913: Herod. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 914: See Herod. Vii. 89-94. ]

[Footnote 915: Ibid. Vii. 44. ]

[Footnote 916: Ibid. Vii. 100. ]

[Footnote 917: Xen. _OEconom. _ § 8, pp. 11-16 (Ed. Schneider). ]

[Footnote 918: Herodotus (iii. 37) says they were at the prow of theship; but Suidas (ad voc. ) and Hesychius (ad voc. ) place them at thestern. Perhaps there was no fixed rule. ]

[Footnote 919: The {pataikoi} of the Greeks probably representes theHebrew {. .. }, which is from {. .. }, "insculpere, " and is applied inScripture to "carved work" of any kind. (See 1 Kings vi. 29; Ps. Lxxiv. 6; &c. ) Some, however, derive the word from the Egyptian name Phthah, orPtah. (See Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 235. )]

[Footnote 920: Manilius, i. 304-308. ]

[Footnote 921: Strab. _Geograph. _ xv. ]

[Footnote 922: Tarshish (Tartessus) was on the Atlantic coast, outsidethe Straits. ]

[Footnote 923: Ezek. Xxvii. ]

[Footnote 924: Signified by one of its chief cities, Haran (nowHarran). ]

[Footnote 925: Signified by "the house of Togarmarh" (verse 14). ]

[Footnote 926: Ionia, Cyprus, and Hellas are the Greek correspondents ofJavan, Chittim, and Elishah, Chittim representing Citium, the capital ofCyprus. ]

[Footnote 927: Spain is intended by "Tarshish" (verse 12) == Tartessus, which was a name given by the Phoenicians to the tract upon the lowerBætis (Guadalquivir). ]

[Footnote 928: See the _Speaker's Commentary_, ad loc. ]

[Footnote 929: Strab. Xv. 3, § 22. ]

[Footnote 930: Minnith appears as an Ammonite city in the history ofJephthah (Judg. Xi. 33). ]

[Footnote 931: Herod. Ii. 37, 182; iii. 47. ]

[Footnote 932: See Rawlinson's _Herodotus_, ii. 157; _History of AncientEgypt_, i. 509; Rosellini, _Mon. Civili_, pls. 107-109. ]

[Footnote 933: See Herod. Iii. 107; _History of Ancient Egypt_, ii. 222-224. ]

[Footnote 934: That these were Arabian products appears from Herod. Iii. 111, 112. They may be included in the "chief of all spices, " which Tyreobtained from the merchants of Sheba and Raamah (Ezek. Xxvii. 22). ]

[Footnote 935: Arabia has no ebony trees, and can never have producedelephants. ]

[Footnote 936: See Ezek. Xxvii. 23, 24. Canneh and Chilmad were probablyBabylonian towns. ]

[Footnote 937: Upper Mesopotamia is indicated by one of its chiefcities, Haran (Ezek. Xxvii. 23). ]

[Footnote 938: Ezek. Xxvii. 6. Many objects in ivory have been found inCyprus. ]

[Footnote 939: Ibid. Verse 7. The _Murex brandaris_ is still abundant onthe coast of Attica, and off the island of Salamis (Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 881). ]

[Footnote 940: Strab. Iii. 2, § 8-12; Diod. Sic. V. 36; Plin. _H. N. _iii. 3. ]

[Footnote 941: See Gen. Xxxvii. 28. ]

[Footnote 942: Isaiah xxi. 13. ]

[Footnote 943: Ibid. Lx. 6. ]

[Footnote 944: Ibid. Verses 6, 7. ]

[Footnote 945: Heeren, _Asiatic Nations_, ii. 93, 100, 101. ]

[Footnote 946: 1 Kings v. 11; 2 Chr. Ii. 10. ]

[Footnote 947: Ezek. Xxvii. 17. ]

[Footnote 948: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 949: Acts xii. 20. ]

[Footnote 950: 2 Chron. L. S. C. ; Ezra l. S. C. ; Ezek. Xxvii. 6, 17. ]

[Footnote 951: Ezek. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 952: Gen. Xxxvii. 28. ]

[Footnote 953: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 41. ]

[Footnote 954: Ezek. Xxvii. 18. ]

[Footnote 955: Strab. Xv. 3, § 22. ]

[Footnote 956: So Heeren (_As. Nat. _ ii. 118). But there is a Helbon alittle to the north of Damascus, which is more probably intended. ]

[Footnote 957: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 958: See Amos, iii. 12, where some translate "the children ofIsrael that dwell in Samaria in the corner of a bed, and upon a damaskcouch. "]

[Footnote 959: Ezek. Xxvii. 16. ]

[Footnote 960: The Hebrew terms for Syria {. .. } and Edom {. .. } areconstantly confounded by the copyists, and we must generally look to thecontext to determine which is the true reading. ]

[Footnote 961: Herod. I. 1. ]

[Footnote 962: Ibid. Ii. 112. ]

[Footnote 963: Ch. Xxvii. 7. ]

[Footnote 964: Egyptian pottery, scarabs, seals, figures of gods, andamulets, are common on most Phoenician sites. The Sidonian sarcophagi, including that of Esmunazar, are of an Egyptian stone. ]

[Footnote 965: Herod. Iii. 5, 6. ]

[Footnote 966: Ibid. Iii. 107; Strab. Xvi. 4, § 19; Diod. Sic. Ii. 49. ]

[Footnote 967: Theophrast. _Hist. Plant. _ ix. 4. ]

[Footnote 968: Wilkinson, in the author's _Herodotus_, iii. 497, note 6;Heeren, _As. Nat. _ ii. 95. ]

[Footnote 969: Is. Lx. 7; Her. Xlix. 29. ]

[Footnote 970: Ezek. Xxvii. 21. ]

[Footnote 971: Ezek. Xxvii. 20. ]

[Footnote 972: Ex. Xxvi. 7; xxxvi. 14. ]

[Footnote 973: Ezek. Xxvii. 15, 19-22. ]

[Footnote 974: See Heeren, _Asiatic Nations_, ii. 96. ]

[Footnote 975: Ibid. Pp. 99, 100. ]

[Footnote 976: Gerrha, Sanaa, and Mariaba were flourishing towns inStrabo's time, and probably during several centuries earlier. ]

[Footnote 977: Ezek. Xxvii. 23, 24. ]

[Footnote 978: Herod. I. 1. ]

[Footnote 979: See Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pls. Xxxi. -xxxiii. ; A. DiCesnola, _Salaminia_, ch. Xii. ; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 636-639. ]

[Footnote 980: Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, 2nd series, pls. 57-67;_Nineveh and Babylon_, pp. 183-187. ]

[Footnote 981: Ezek. Xxvii. 23. ]

[Footnote 982: So Heeren translates (_As. Nat. _ ii. 123). ]

[Footnote 983: Ezek. Xxvii. 14. ]

[Footnote 984: Strab. Xi. 14, § 9:--{'Estin ippobotos sphodra e khora}. ]

[Footnote 985: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 986: 1 Kings i. 33; Esth. Viii. 10, 14. ]

[Footnote 987: Ezek. Xxvii. 13. ]

[Footnote 988: Xen. _Anab. _ iv. 1, § 6. ]

[Footnote 989: Hom. _Od. _ xv. 415-484; Herod. I. 1. ]

[Footnote 990: Joel iii. 6. ]

[Footnote 991: Ezek. Xxvii. 13. ]

[Footnote 992: Herod. V. 5. ]

[Footnote 993: Herod. Ii. 32. ]

[Footnote 994: Ibid. Iv. 183. ]

[Footnote 995: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 996: Ibid. Iv. 181-184. Compare Heeren, _African Nations_, ii. Pp. 202-235. ]

[Footnote 997: No doubt some of these may have been imparted by theCyprians themselves, and others introduced by the Egyptians when theyheld Cyprus; but they are too numerous to be accounted for sufficientlyunless by a continuous Phoenician importation. ]

[Footnote 998: Especially Etruria, which was advanced in civilisationand the arts, while Rome was barely emerging from barbarism. ]

[Footnote 999: 2 Chron. Ii. 14. ]

[Footnote 9100: Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_, ii. 204, 514; Gerhard, _Etruskische Spiegel_, passim. ]

[Footnote 9101: Schliemann, _Mycenæ_, Pls. 357-519. ]

[Footnote 9102: Ezek. Xxvii. 12; Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiv. 16; &c. ]

[Footnote 9103: Strabo, iii. 5, § 11. ]

[Footnote 9104: Ibid. In Roman times the pigs of tin were brought to theIsle of Wight by the natives, thence transported across the Channel, andconveyed through Gaul to the mouth of the Rhône (Diod. Sic. V. 22). ]

[Footnote 9105: Heeren, _Asiatic Nations_, ii. 80. ]

[Footnote 9106: Hom. _Od. _ xv. 460. Some doubt, however, if amber ishere intended. ]

[Footnote 9107: Scylax, _Periplus_, § 112. ]

[Footnote 9108: Herod. Iv. 196. ]

[Footnote 9109: These forests (spoken of by Diodorus, v. 19) have nowto a great extent been cleared away, though some patches still remain, especially in the more western islands of the group. The most remarkableof the trees is the _Pinus canariensis_. ]

[Footnote 9110: Pliny, _H. N. _ vi. 32, sub fin. ]

[Footnote 9111: Pliny, l. S. C. The breed is now extinct. ]

[Footnote 9112: The savagery of the ancient inhabitants of the mainlandis strongly marked in the narrative of Hanno (_Periplus_, passim). ]

[Footnote 9113: As Heeren (_As. Nat. _ ii. 71, 75, 239). ]

[Footnote 9114: Ezek. Xxvii. 15, 20, 23. ]

[Footnote 9115: See 1 Kings x. 22; 2 Chr. Ix. 21. ]

[Footnote 9116: 1 Kings ix. 26, 27. ]

[Footnote 9117: Ibid. X. 11; 2 Chr. Ix. 10. ]

[Footnote 9118: Gen. X. 29. Compare Twistleton, in Dr. Smith's_Dictionary of the Bible_, vol. Ii. Ad voc. OPHIR. ]

[Footnote 9119: Ps. Lxxii. 15; Ezek. Xxvii. 22; Strab. Xvi. 4, § 18;Diod. Sic. Ii. 50. ]

[Footnote 9120: Ezel. L. S. C. ; Strab. Xvi. 4, § 20. ]

[Footnote 9121: There are no sufficient data for determining what treeis intended by the almug or algum tree. The theory which identifies itwith the "sandal-wood" of India has respectable authority in its favour, but cannot rise beyond the rank of a conjecture. ]

[Footnote 9122: If Scylax of Cadyanda could sail, in the reign of DariusHystaspis, from the mouth of the Indus to the Gulf of Suez (Herod. Iv. 44), there could have been no great difficulty in the Phoeniciansaccomplishing the same voyage in the opposite direction some centuriesearlier. ]

X--MINING

[Footnote 101: Diod. Sic. V. 35, § 2. ]

[Footnote 102: Brugsch, _History of Egypt_, i. 65; Birch, _AncientEgypt_, p. 65. ]

[Footnote 103: Deut. Viii. 7-9. ]

[Footnote 104: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiv. 2:--"In Cypro proma æris inventio. "The story went, that Cinryas, the Paphian king, who gave Agamemnon hisbreastplate of steel, gold, and tin (Hom. _Il. _ xii. 25), invented themanufacture of copper, and also invented the tongs, the hammer, thelever, and the anvil (Plin. _H. N. _ vii. 56, § 195). ]

[Footnote 105: Strab. Xiv. 6, § 5; Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {Tamasos}. ]

[Footnote 106: See the _Dictionary of Gk. And Rom. Geography_, i. 729. ]

[Footnote 107: Ross, _Inselnreise_, iv. 157, 161. ]

[Footnote 108: Plin. _H. N. _ l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 109: Herod. Vi. 47. ]

[Footnote 1010: Plin. _H. N. _ vi. 56; Strab. Xiv. 5, § 28. ]

[Footnote 1011: See the description of Thasos in the _GéographieUniverselle_, i. 142. ]

[Footnote 1012: Herod. Vii. 112; Aristot. _De Ausc. Mir. _ § 42; Thuc. Iv. 105; Diod. Sic. Xvi. 8; App. _Bell. Civ. _ iv. 105; Justin, viii. 3;Plin. _H. N. _ vii. 56, &c. ]

[Footnote 1013: Col. Leake speaks of _one_ silver mine as still beingworked (_Northern Greece_, iii. 161). ]

[Footnote 1014: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iv. 99. ]

[Footnote 1015: Ibid. P. 100, note. ]

[Footnote 1016: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiii. 4, § 21. ]

[Footnote 1017: Ibid. Xxxiii. 4, § 23. ]

[Footnote 1018: Diod. Sic. V. 35, § 1. ]

[Footnote 1019: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiii. 6, § 31. ]

[Footnote 1020: Ibid. § 96. ]

[Footnote 1021: Strab. Iii. 2, § 8; Diod. Sic. V. 36, § 2. ]

[Footnote 1022: Ap. Strab. Iii. 2, § 9. Compare Diod. Sic. V. 38, § 4. ]

[Footnote 1023: Strab. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1024: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiv. 16, § 156. ]

[Footnote 1025: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiv. 16, § 158 and § 165. ]

[Footnote 1026: Polyb. Xxxiv. 5, § 11; Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiv. 16, § 158. ]

[Footnote 1027: Plin. Xxxiv. 18, § 173. ]

[Footnote 1028: Ibid. § 159. ]

[Footnote 1029: Ibid. Xxxiv. 17, § 164. ]

[Footnote 1030: Quicksilver is still among the products of the Spanishmines, where its presence is noted by Pliny (_H. N. _ xxxiii. 6, § 99). ]

[Footnote 1031: Diod. Sic. V. 36, § 2. ]

[Footnote 1032: Ibid. {Kai plagias kai skolias diaduseis poikilosmetallourgountes}. ]

[Footnote 1033: Pliny says "flint, " but this can scarcely have been thematerial. (See Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiii. 4, § 71. )]

[Footnote 1034: Ibid. § 70. ]

[Footnote 1035: Ibid. § 73. ]

[Footnote 1036: Diod. Sic. V. 37, § 3. ]

[Footnote 1037: Diod. Sic. V. 37, § 3. Compare Strab. Iii. 2, § 9. ]

[Footnote 1038: Plin. _H. N. _ xxxiii. 4, § 69. ]

[Footnote 1039: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1040: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 263. ]

[Footnote 1041: Diod. Soc. V. 38, § 1. ]

[Footnote 1042: Kenrick thinks that the Carthaginians "introduced thepractice of working the mines by slave labour" (_Phoenicia_, l. S. C. ); butto me the probability appears to be the other way. ]

[Footnote 1043: See Wilkinson, in the author's _Herodotus_, ii. 504. ]

[Footnote 1044: Herod. Iii. 96. ]

XI--RELIGION

[Footnote 0111: Renan, _Histoire des Langues Sémitiques_, p. 5. ]

[Footnote 0112: Ithobal, father of Jezebel, was High Priest of Ashtoreth(Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1). Amastarte, the mother of Esmunazar II. (_Recordsof the Past_, ix. 113) was priestess of the same deity. ]

[Footnote 0113: As figures of Melkarth, or Esmun, or dedications to Baal, as lord of the particular city issuing it. ]

[Footnote 0114: Herod. Iii. 37. ]

[Footnote 0115: For the fragments of the work which remain, see the_Fragmenta Historicum Græcorum_ of C. Müller, iii. 561-571. Its valuehas been much disputed, but seems to the present writer only slight. ]

[Footnote 0116: Compare Max Müller, _Science of Religion_, p. 177 etseqq. ]

[Footnote 0117: Gen. Xiv. 18-22. ]

[Footnote 0118: Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5. ]

[Footnote 0119: _Records of the Past_, iv. 109, 113. ]

[Footnote 1110: Gen. Vi. 5. ]

[Footnote 1111: Ps. Cxxxix. 2. ]

[Footnote 1112: Max Müller, _Chips from a German Workshop_, i. 28. ]

[Footnote 1113: Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5. Compare the _Corpus Ins. Semit. _vol. I. P. 29. ]

[Footnote 1114: See Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pl. Xxxii. ; Gesenius, _Linguæ Scripturæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta_, Tab. Xxi. ]

[Footnote 1115: 2 Kings xxiii. 5. Compare verse 11. ]

[Footnote 1116: Gesenius, _Monumenta Phoenicia_, p. 96. ]

[Footnote 1117: Ibid. Pp. 276-278. ]

[Footnote 1118: See Döllinger's _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, i. 425; E. T. ]

[Footnote 1119: Döllinger, _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, i. 425, E. T. Compare Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. Xxiii. ]

[Footnote 1120: Herod. Ii. 44; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 77. ]

[Footnote 1121: Judg. Ii. 11; iii. 7; x. 6, &c. ]

[Footnote 1122: 2 Kings i. 2. ]

[Footnote 1123: Strab. Iii. 5, § 5. ]

[Footnote 1124: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iv. 113. ]

[Footnote 1125: 2 Kings iii. 2. ]

[Footnote 1126: See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. Del'Art_, iii. 73. ]

[Footnote 1127: Döllinger, _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, i. 427. ]

[Footnote 1128: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 77. ]

[Footnote 1129: Gen. Xiv. 5. ]

[Footnote 1130: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 419, 450, 555, &c. ]

[Footnote 1131: Ibid. P. 554. ]

[Footnote 1132: Curtius, in the _Archäologische Zeitung_ for 1869, p. 63. ]

[Footnote 1133: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 303. ]

[Footnote 1134: Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1. ]

[Footnote 1135: See Philo Bybl. Fe. Ii. 8, § 14; {'Ilon ton kai Kronon}. Damascius ap. Phot. _Bibl. _ p. 1050. ]

[Footnote 1136: Philo. Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 17. ]

[Footnote 1137: Diod. Sic. Xx. 14. ]

[Footnote 1138: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 25. ]

[Footnote 1139: Ibid. Fr. Iv. ]

[Footnote 1140: Ibid. Fr. Ii. 8, § 14-19. ]

[Footnote 1141: _Karth_ or _Kartha_, is probably the root of Carthage, Carthagena, Carteia, &c. , as Kiriath is of Kiriathaim, Kiriath-arba, Kiriath-arim, &c. ]

[Footnote 1142: Melicertes is the son of Demaroüs and the grandson ofUranus; Baal-samin is a god who stands alone, "without father, withoutmother, without descent. "]

[Footnote 1143: See Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 567, 577, 578; Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. Xxxvii. I. ]

[Footnote 1144: Herod. Ii. 44. ]

[Footnote 1145: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1146: Strab. Iii. 5, § 4-6. ]

[Footnote 1147: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 575. ]

[Footnote 1148: Ibid. P. 574. ]

[Footnote 1149: Strab. Iii. 5, § 5. ]

[Footnote 1150: Sil. Ital. Iii. 18-20. ]

[Footnote 1151: Ibid. Iii. 21-27. ]

[Footnote 1152: 1 Sam. V. 2-5; 1 Mac. X. 18. ]

[Footnote 1153: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 14. ]

[Footnote 1154: Ibid. § 20. ]

[Footnote 1155: Layard, _Ninev. And Bab. _ p. 343; Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 323. ]

[Footnote 1156: See 2 Sam. Viii. 3, and 1 Kings xv. 18, where the namesHadad-ezer and Ben-hadad suggest at any rate the worship of Hadad. ]

[Footnote 1157: Macrob. _Saturnalia_, i. 23. ]

[Footnote 1158: So Macrobius, l. S. C. Compare the representations ofthe Egyptian Sun-God, Aten, in the sculpures of Amenhotep IV. (See the_Story of Egypt_, in G. Putnam's Series, p. 225. )]

[Footnote 1159: The _h_ in "Hadad" is _he_ ({. .. }), but in _chad_ it is_heth_ ({. .. }). The derivation also leaves the reduplication of the

[Footnote 1160: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 24, § 1. ]

[Footnote 1161: Zech. Xii. 11. ]

[Footnote 1162: 1 Kings i. 18; 2 Kings v. 18. ]

[Footnote 1163: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 311. ]

[Footnote 1164: Ezek. Viii. 14. ]

[Footnote 1165: The Adonis myth is most completely set forth by thePseudo-Lucian, _De Dea Syra_, § 6-8. ]

[Footnote 1166: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 11. ]

[Footnote 1167: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1168: "King of Righteousness" and "Lord of Righteousness" arethe interpretations usually given; but "Zedek is my King" and "Zedek ismy Lord" would be at least equally admissible. ]

[Footnote 1169: Berytus was under the protection of the Cabeirigenerally (Philo Bybl. Ii. 8, § 25) and of Esmun in particular. Kenricksays that he had a temple there (_Phoenicia_, p. 327). ]

[Footnote 1170: Cyprian inscriptions contain the names of Bar-Esmun, Abd-Esmun, and Esmun-nathan; Sidonian ones those of two Esmun-azars. Esmun's temple at Carthage was celebrated (Strab. Xvii. 14; Appian, viii. 130). His worship in Sardinia is shown by votive offerings (Perrotet Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 308). ]

[Footnote 1171: Ap. Phot. _Bibliothec. _ Cod. Ccxlii. P. 1074. ]

[Footnote 1172: Pausan. Viii. 23. ]

[Footnote 1173: The name _Astresmunim_, "herb of Esmun, " given byDioscorides (iv. 71) to the _solanum_, which was regarded as havingmedicinal qualities, is the nearest approach to a proof that thePhoenicians themselves connected Esmun with the healing art. ]

[Footnote 1174: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 11. ]

[Footnote 1175: Herod. Ii. 51; Kenrick, _Egypt_, Appendix, pp. 264-287. ]

[Footnote 1176: Philo Bybl. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1177: Herod. Iii. 37; Suidas ad voc. {pataikos}; Hesych. Advoc. {Kabeiroi}. ]

[Footnote 1178: Strab. X. 3, § 7. ]

[Footnote 1179: Gen. Ix. 22; x. 6. Compare the author's _Herodotus_, iv. 239-241. ]

[Footnote 1180: Herod. Iii. 37. ]

[Footnote 1181: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 65, 78, &c. ]

[Footnote 1182: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. Xxxix. ]

[Footnote 1183: Berger, _La Phénicie_, p. 24; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 70. ]

[Footnote 1184: Pausan. Ix. 12; Nonnus, _Dionysiac. _ v. 70; Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {'Ogkaiai}; Hesych. Ad voc. {'Ogka}; Scholiast. Ad Pind. _Ol. _ii. &c. ]

[Footnote 1185: As Stephen and Hesychius. ]

[Footnote 1186: Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. § 24. ]

[Footnote 1187: The "Oncæan" gate at Thebes is said to have taken itsname from her. ]

[Footnote 1188: Gesen. _Mon. Phoen_. P. 113. ]

[Footnote 1189: Ibid. Pp. 168-177. ]

[Footnote 1190: Prosper, _Op. _ iii. 38; Augustine, _De Civ. Dei_, ii. 3. ]

[Footnote 1191: Gesen. _Mon. Ph. _ Tab. Ix. ]

[Footnote 1192: Ibid. P. 168. ]

[Footnote 1193: Apul. _Metamorph. _ xi. 257. ]

[Footnote 1194: Gesen. _Mon. Ph. _ Tab. Xvi. ]

[Footnote 1195: Ibid. Pp. 115-118. ]

[Footnote 1196: See the author's _History of Ancient Egypt_, i. 400. ]

[Footnote 1197: See the Fragments of Philo Bybl. Fr. Ii. 8, § 19. ]

[Footnote 1198: Ibid. § 25. ]

[Footnote 1199: See Sir H. Rawlinson's _Essay on the Religion of theBabylonians and Assyrians_, in the author's _Herodotus_, i. 658. ]

[Footnote 11100: So Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ p. 402; Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 301, and others. ]

[Footnote 11101: There seems also to have been a tendency to increasethe number of the gods by additions, of which the foreign origin is, at any rate, "not proven. " Among the deities brought into notice by thelater Phoenicians are--1. Zephon, an equivalent of the Egyptian Typhon, but probably a god of Phoenician origin (Ex. Xiv. 2); 2. Sad or Tsad, sometimes apparently called Tsadam; 3. Sakon or Askun, a name whichforms perhaps the first element in Sanchon-iathon (= Sakon-yithan); 4. Elat, a goddess, a female form of El, perhaps equivalent to the ArabianAlitta (Herod. I. 131) or Alilat (ibid. Iii. 8); 5. 'Aziz, a god who wasperhaps common to the Phoenicians with the Syrians, since Azizus is saidto have been "the Syrian Mars;" and 6. Pa'am {. .. }, a god otherwiseunknown. (See the _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ i. 122, 129, 132, 133, 144, 161, 197, 333, 404, &c. )]

[Footnote 11102: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ pp. 96, 110, &c. ; _Corpus Ins. Semit. _ Fasc. Ii. Pp. 154, 155. ]

[Footnote 11103: Ibid. P. 99 and Tab. Xl. A. ]

[Footnote 11104: Steph. Byz. Ad voc. {'Amathous}. ]

[Footnote 11105: Lucian, _De Dea Syra_, § 7. ]

[Footnote 11106: Plut. _De Is. Et Osir. _ § 15, 16; Steph. Byz. L. S. C. ;Gesen. _Mon. Phoen. _ pp. 96, 110. ]

[Footnote 11107: Gesen. _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. Xxi. ]

[Footnote 11108: Ibid. Pp. 168, 174, 175, 177. ]

[Footnote 11109: Ibid. Tab. Xxi. ]

[Footnote 11110: Ibid. Pp. 197, 202, 205. ]

[Footnote 11111: Ibid. Tab. Xxi. And Tab. Xxiii. ]

[Footnote 11112: Lucian, _De Dea Syria_, § 54. ]

[Footnote 11113: Clermont-Ganneau, in the _Journal Asiatique_, Sérievii. Vol. Xi. 232, 444. ]

[Footnote 11114: Lucian, § 42. ]

[Footnote 11115: Ibid. Compare the 450 prophets of Baal at Samaria (1Kings xviii. 19). ]

[Footnote 11116: Lucian, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 11117: Ibid. Lucian's direct testimony is conined toHierapolis, but his whole account seems to imply the closest possibleconnection between the Syrian and Phoenician religious usages. ]

[Footnote 11118: Lucian, § 49. ]

[Footnote 11119: Lucian, § 50: {'Aeidousi enthea kai ira asmata}. ]

[Footnote 11120: Gesenius, _Scripturæ Linguæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta_, Tab. 6, 9, 10, &c. ; _Corp. Ins. Semit. _ Tab. Ix. 52; xxii. 116, 117;xxiii. 115 A, &c. ]

[Footnote 11121: Gesen. Tab. 15, 16, 17, 21, &c. ; _Corp. Ins. Semit. _Tab. Xliii. 187, 240; liv. 352, 365, 367, 369, &c. ]

[Footnote 11122: _Revue Archéologique_, 2me Série, xxxvii. 323. ]

[Footnote 11123: Jarchi on Jerem. Vii. 31. ]

[Footnote 11124: Diod. Sic. Xx. 14. ]

[Footnote 11125: 2 Kings iii. 27; xvi. 3; xxi. 6; Micah vi. 7. ]

[Footnote 11126: Plutarch, _De Superstitione_, § 13. ]

[Footnote 11127: Döllinger, _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, i. 427, E. T. ]

[Footnote 11128: _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, book vi. § 4 (i. 428, 429of N. Darnell's translation). ]

[Footnote 11129: Herod. I. 199; Strab. Xvi. 1058; Baruch vi. 43. ]

[Footnote 11130: _De Dea Syra_, § 6. ]

[Footnote 11131: _Judenthum und Heidenthum_, l. S. C. P. 429; Engl. Trans. ]

[Footnote 11132: Euseb. _Vit. Constantin. Magni_, iii. 55, § 3. ]

[Footnote 11133: See 1 Kings xiv. 24; xv. 12; xxii. 46; 2 Kings xxiii. 7. ]

[Footnote 11134: Lucian, _De Dea Syra_, § 50-52; _Corp. Ins. Semit. _vol. I. Fasc. 1, p. 92; Liv. Xxix. 10, 14; xxxvi. 36; Juv. Vi. 512; Ov. _Fast. _ iv. 237; Mart. _Ep. _ iii. 31; xi. 74; Plin. _H. N. _ v. 32; xi. 49; xxxv. 13; Propert. Ii. 18, l. 15; Herodian, § 11. ]

[Footnote 11135: Lucian, § 51. ]

[Footnote 11136: Ibid. § 50. ]

[Footnote 11137: Döllinger, _Judenthum und Heidenthum_ (i. 431; Engl. Tr. ). Compare Senec. _De Vita Beata_, § 27; Lact. § 121. ]

[Footnote 11138: Liban. _Opera_, xi. 456, 555; cxi. 333. ]

[Footnote 11139: Compare Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 210, 232, 233, 236; Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 66, 67, &c. In theanthropoeid sarcophagi, a hole is generally bored from the cavity ofthe ear right through the entire thickness of the stone, in order, apparently, that the corpse might hear the prayers addressed to it(Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139). ]

[Footnote 11140: One of Esmunazar's curses on those who should disturbhis remains is a prayer that they may not be "held in honour amongthe Manes" (_Corps. Ins. Semit. _ vol. I. Fasc. 1, p. 9). A funerealinscription translated by Gesenius (_Mon. Phoen. _ p. 147) ends with thewords, "After rain the sun shines forth. "]

[Footnote 11141: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139. ]

[Footnote 11142: Job iii. 11-19. ]

[Footnote 11143: The compilers of the _Corpus Ins. Smit. _ edit 256 ofthese, and then stop, fearing to weary the reader (i. 449). ]

[Footnote 11144: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 325. ]

[Footnote 11145: Ibid. P. 146. ]

[Footnote 11146: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 306-334. ]

XII--DRESS, ORNAMENTS, AND SOCIAL HABITS

[Footnote 0121: See also Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 233; Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 405, 447, 515, &c. ]

[Footnote 0122: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 428, 527, 531, 533, 534, &c. ]

[Footnote 0123: Ibid. Pp. 527, 545; Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 145. ]

[Footnote 0124: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 538. ]

[Footnote 0125: Ibid. Pp. 539, 547; Di Cesnola, pp. 143, 145, 149, 151, &c. ]

[Footnote 0126: Di Cesnola, pp. 141, 145, 149, 151, 153, 240, 344. ]

[Footnote 0127: Ibid. Pp. 141, 143, 149; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 511, 513, 531, &c. ]

[Footnote 0128: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 519, 523, &c. ]

[Footnote 0129: Ibid. Pp. 531, 533; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 131, &c. ]

[Footnote 1210: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 533, 539; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145, 154. ]

[Footnote 1211: Di Cesnola, p. 306. ]

[Footnote 1212: Ibid. Pls. Xlvi. And xlvii. ; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 205, 643, 837. ]

[Footnote 1213: Di Cesnola, p. 132. ]

[Footnote 1214: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 64, 450, 555, 557; Di Cesnola, Pls vi. And xv. ; also p. 275. ]

[Footnote 1215: Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 431. ]

[Footnote 1216: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 202, 451, 554. ]

[Footnote 1217: Ibid. Pp. 473, 549; Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 230. ]

[Footnote 1218: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 549. ]

[Footnote 1219: Ibid. Pp. 189, 549, 565. ]

[Footnote 1220: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, 141, 190, 230. ]

[Footnote 1221: Ibid. Pp. 141, 191. ]

[Footnote 1222: Ibid. P. 141. ]

[Footnote 1223: Is. Iii. 18-23. ]

[Footnote 1224: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 257, 450, 542, 563, 824. ]

[Footnote 1225: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pl. Xxiii. ; Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l'Art_, iii. 819, A. ]

[Footnote 1226: Di Cesnola, pl. Xxii. ; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 819, B. ]

[Footnote 1227: Di Cesnola, p. 315. ]

[Footnote 1228: See plate x. In Perrot et Chipiez, iii. Opp. P. 824. ]

[Footnote 1229: Ibid. Pp. 826, 827. ]

[Footnote 1230: Compare Di Cesnola, pl. Xxv. ; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826. ]

[Footnote 1231: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826. ]

[Footnote 1232: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 311. ]

[Footnote 1233: Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 832. ]

[Footnote 1234: These bracelets are in Paris, in the collection of M. DeClercq (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 832). ]

[Footnote 1235: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1236: This bracelet is in silver, but the head of the lion hasbeen gilded. It is now in the British Museum. ]

[Footnote 1237: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 836; No. 604. ]

[Footnote 1238: Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 311, 312. ]

[Footnote 1239: Ibid. P. 312. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 835. ]

[Footnote 1240: Perrot et Chipiez, l. S. C. (No. 603. )]

[Footnote 1241: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818: "Il y a dans les formes deces boucles d'orielles une étonnante variété. "]

[Footnote 1242: See his _Cyprus_, pl. Xxv. , and compare Perrot etChipiez, iii. 819, fig. D. ]

[Footnote 1243: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 821; No. 577. ]

[Footnote 1244: Ibid. Nos. 578, 579. ]

[Footnote 1245: Di Cesnola, pl. Xxvi. ]

[Footnote 1246: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823. ]

[Footnote 1247: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 822; No. 582. ]

[Footnote 1248: Ibid. Pp. 821, 822. Compare Di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, p. 297, and pl. Xxvii. ]

[Footnote 1249: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823. ]

[Footnote 1250: Di Cesnola, p. 310; Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 574. ]

[Footnote 1251: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 575. ]

[Footnote 1252: Di Cesnola, pl. Xxviii. ]

[Footnote 1253: Ibid. Pl. Xxi. ]

[Footnote 1254: Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 830, 831. ]

[Footnote 1255: Perrot et Chipiez, p. 831; No. 595. ]

[Footnote 1256: Di Csnola, p. 316. ]

[Footnote 1257: Ibid. Pl. Xxi (opp. P. 312). ]

[Footnote 1258: Ibid. Pl. Xxx. ]

[Footnote 1259: Ibid. Pl. Ix. ]

[Footnote 1260: Compare Di Cesnola, p. 149. ]

[Footnote 1261: Ibid. Pl. X. ]

[Footnote 1262: Ibid. P. 77; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 783. ]

[Footnote 1263: Di Cesnola, p. 149. ]

[Footnote 1264: Ibid. Pl. Xiv. ]

[Footnote 1265: Ibid. Pl. X. ]

[Footnote 1266: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 769, 771, 789. ]

[Footnote 1267: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 798. ]

[Footnote 1268: C. W. King, in Di Cesnola's _Cyprus_, pp. 363, 364. ]

[Footnote 1269: Mr. King says of it: "No piece of antique worked agatehitherto known equals in magnitude and curiosity the ornament discoveredamong the bronze and iron articles of the treasure. It is a sphere aboutsix inches in diameter, black irregularly veined with white, having theexterior vertically scored with incised lines, imitating, as it were, the gadroons of a melon" (ibid. P. 363). ]

[Footnote 1270: Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, Pls. Xii. Xiii. ; DiCesnola, _Cyprus_, pls. Iv. And xxx. ; and pp. 335, 336. ]

[Footnote 1271: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 846-853. ]

[Footnote 1272: 1 Kings xxii. 39. ]

XIII--PHOENICIAN WRITING, LANGUAGE, AND LITERATURE

[Footnote 0131: This follows from the fact that the Greeks, who tell usthat they got their letters from the Phoenicians, gave them names onlyslightly modified from the Hebrew. ]

[Footnote 0132: See Dr. Ginsburg's _Moabite Stone_, published in 1870. ]

[Footnote 0133: See _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine ExplorationFund_ for October 1881, pp. 285-287. ]

[Footnote 0134: _Corp. Ins. Semit. _ i. 224-226. ]

[Footnote 0135: Herod. V. 58; Diod. Sic. V. 24; Plin. _H. N. _ v. 12; vii. 56; Tacit. _Ann. _ xi. 14; Euseb. _Chron. Can. _ i. 13; &c. ]

[Footnote 0136: Capt. Conder, in the _Quarterly Statement of thePalestine Exploration Fund_, Jan. 1889, p. 17. ]

[Footnote 0137: _Encycl. Britann. _ i. 600 and 606. ]

[Footnote 0138: Conder, in _Quarterly Statement_, &c. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 0139: See Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. 19 and 20. ]

[Footnote 1310: See the _Corpus Ins. Semit. _ i. 3, 30, 73, &c. ;Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ Tab. 29-33. ]

[Footnote 1311: See on this entire subject Gesenius, _ScripturæLinguæque Phoeniciæ Monumenta_, pp. 437-445; Movers, article on_Phoenizien_ in the _Cyclopädie_ of Ersch and Gruber; Renan, _Histoiredes Langues Sémitiques_, pp. 189-192. ]

[Footnote 1312: Renan, _Histoire_, &c. , p. 186. ]

[Footnote 1313: Philo Byblius, Fr. I. ]

[Footnote 1314: Philo Byblius, Fr. Ii. § 5-8. ]

[Footnote 1315: Ibid. Fr. V. ]

[Footnote 1316: _The Voyage of Hanno translated, and accompanied withthe Greek Text_, by Thomas Falconer, M. A. , London, 1797. ]

[Footnote 1317: Quoted by Falconer in his second "Dissertation, " p. 67. ]

[Footnote 1318: See the _Histoire des Langues Sémitiques_ (p. 186):--"Les monuments épigraphiques viennent heureusement combler enpartie cette lacune. "]

[Footnote 1319: See the _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ i. 13. ]

[Footnote 1320: _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ i. 20. ]

[Footnote 1321: _Story of Phoenicia_, p. 269. ]

[Footnote 1322: On the age of Jehavmelek, see M. Renan's remarks in the_Corpus Inscriptionum Semit. _ i. 8. ]

[Footnote 1323: Ibid. P. 3. ]

[Footnote 1324: I have followed the translation of M. Renan (_Corp. Ins. Semit. _ i. 8). ]

[Footnote 1325: See the _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ i. 226-236. ]

[Footnote 1326: See the _Corp. Inscr. Sem. _ i. 30-32. ]

[Footnote 1327: Gesenius, _Script. Linguæque Phoen. Monumenta_, p. 177. ]

[Footnote 1328: Ibid. P. 96. ]

[Footnote 1329: See the _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ i. 36-39. ]

[Footnote 1330: Ibid. Pp. 110-112. ]

[Footnote 1331: Ibid. P. 69. ]

[Footnote 1332: Ibid. P. 76. ]

[Footnote 1333: See the _Corpus Inscr. Semit. _ pp. 67, 68. ]

[Footnote 1334: Gesenius, _Scripturæ Linguæque Phoen. Mon. _ p. 144. ]

[Footnote 1335: Ibid. P. 147. ]

[Footnote 1336: Ibid. P. 187. ]

[Footnote 1337: See the fragments of Dius and Menander, who followed theTyrian historians (Joseph. _Contr. Ap. _ i. 18). ]

[Footnote 1338: Ap. Strab. Xvii. 2, § 22. ]

[Footnote 1339: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1340: See Sallust, _Bell. Jugurth. _ § 17; Cic. _De Orat. _ i. 58; Amm. Marc. Xxii. 15; Solin. _Polyhist. _ § 34. ]

[Footnote 1341: Columella, xii. 4. ]

[Footnote 1342: Ibid. I. 1, § 6. ]

[Footnote 1343: Plin. _H. N. _ xviii. 3. ]

[Footnote 1344: As Antipater and Apollonius, Stoic philosophers of Tyre(Strab. L. S. C. ), Boëthus and Diodotus, Peripatetics, of Sidon (ibid. ), Philo of Byblus, Hermippus of Berytus, and others. ]

XIV--POLITICAL HISTORY

[Footnote 0141: Gen. X. 15-18. ]

[Footnote 0142: "Canaanite" is used in a much wider sence, including allthe Syrian nations between the coast line and the desert. ]

[Footnote 0143: Mark vii. 26. ]

[Footnote 0144: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 0145: 1 Kings v. 18 (marginal rendering). ]

[Footnote 0146: Ezek. Xxvii. 11. ]

[Footnote 0147: Gen. X. 17, 18. ]

[Footnote 0148: Judg. I. 31. ]

[Footnote 0149: Brugsch, _Hist. Of Egypt_, i. 222, et seq. ]

[Footnote 1410: See _Records of the Past_, ii. 110, 111. ]

[Footnote 1411: Josh. Xi. 8; xix. 28. ]

[Footnote 1412: Judg. Xviii. 7, 8. ]

[Footnote 1413: Ibid. I. 31. ]

[Footnote 1414: Ramantha (Laodicea) in later times claimed the rank of"Metropolis, " which implied a supremacy over other cities; but the realchief power of the north was Aradus. ]

[Footnote 1415: Hom. _Il. _ xxiii. 743. ]

[Footnote 1416: Ibid. 743-748. ]

[Footnote 1417: Hom. _Od. _ iv. 613-619. ]

[Footnote 1418: Ibid. Xv. 460 (Worsley's translation). ]

[Footnote 1419: Hom. _Il. _ vi. 290-295 (Sotheby's translation). ]

[Footnote 1420: Scylax, _Periplus_, § 104. ]

[Footnote 1421: Cl. Julius, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium, ad voc. {DOROS}. ]

[Footnote 1422: Justin, _Hist. Philipp. _ xviii. 3. ]

[Footnote 1423: Strab. Xvi. Ii. § 13. ]

[Footnote 1424: Appian, _De Rebus Punicus_, § 1, &c. ]

[Footnote 1425: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ p. 267. ]

[Footnote 1426: The Sidonian vessel which carries off Eumæus quits theSicilian haven after sunset, and continues its voyage night and daywithout stopping--{'Exemar men onos pleomen nuktas te kai e mar} (Hom. _Od. _ xv. 471-476). ]

[Footnote 1427: Strabo, xvi. 2, § 24. ]

[Footnote 1428: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 1429: Manilius, i. 304-309. ]

[Footnote 1430: Herod. I. 1. ]

[Footnote 1431: See Hom. _Odyss. _ xv. 455. ]

[Footnote 1432: Herod. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1433: Hom. _Odyss. _ xv. 403-484. ]

[Footnote 1434: Strabo, xvi. 2, § 14. ]

[Footnote 1435: We find hereditary monarchy among the Hittites (_Recordsof the Past_, iv. 28), at Tyre (Menand. Ap. Joseph. _Contr. Ap. _ i. 18), in Moab (_Records_, xi. 167), in Judah and Israel, in Syria (2 Kings, xiii. 24), in Ammon (2 Sam. X. 1), &c. ]

[Footnote 1436: 1 Sam. Viii. 20. ]

[Footnote 1437: When kings are priests, it is noted as exceptional. (SeeMenand. L. S. C. ; _Inscription of Tabnit_, line 1. )]

[Footnote 1438: Judg. X. 12. ]

[Footnote 1439: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 343. ]

[Footnote 1440: Josh. Xix. 29. ]

[Footnote 1441: _Records of the Past_, ii. 111. ]

[Footnote 1442: Justin, _Hist. Phil. _ xviii. 3. ]

[Footnote 1443: Claudian, _Bell. Gild. _ l. 120. ]

[Footnote 1444: Solinus, _Polyhist. _ § 29; Plin. _H. N. _ v. 76. ]

[Footnote 1445: Herod. I. 1 ({nautiliai makrai}). ]

[Footnote 1446: Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient_, p. 321. ]

[Footnote 1447: See the fragments of Philo Byblius, passim. ]

[Footnote 1448: Euseb. _Præp. Ev_. X. 9, § 12. ]

[Footnote 1449: Tatian, _Adv. Græc. _ § 58. ]

[Footnote 1450: Cinyras and Belus are both connected with Cyprus askings. The Assyrians found kings there in all the cities (G. Smith, _Eponym Canon. _ p. 139). So the Persians (Herod. V. 104-110). ]

[Footnote 1451: Dius, Fr. 2; Menand. Fr. 1. ]

[Footnote 1452: Justin (xviii. 3) is scarcely an exception. ]

[Footnote 1453: See the fragments of Dius and Menander above cited. ]

[Footnote 1454: 1 Chr. Xiv. 1. ]

[Footnote 1455: 2 Sam. Vii. 2. ]

[Footnote 1456: 1 Chr. Xxii. 4. ]

[Footnote 1457: 1 Kings v. 1. ]

[Footnote 1458: Joseph, _Ant. Jud. _ viii. 2, § 6; 1 Kings, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1459: Ibid. Viii. 2, § 8. ]

[Footnote 1460: See Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ viii. 2, § 7, and compare theletters with their Hebrew counterparts in 1 Kings v. 3-6 and 7-9. ]

[Footnote 1461: 1 Kings v. 10-12. ]

[Footnote 1462: Ezek. Xxvii. 17; Acts xii. 20. ]

[Footnote 1463: Menander, Fr. 1. ]

[Footnote 1464: 1 Kings v. 15, 18; 2 Chr. Ii. 18. ]

[Footnote 1465: 1 Kings v. 17, 18. ]

[Footnote 1466: Ibid. Vi. 18, 29. ]

[Footnote 1467: Ibid. Verses 23-28. ]

[Footnote 1468: Ibid. Verse 35. ]

[Footnote 1469: 2 Chron. Iii. 14. ]

[Footnote 1470: Ibid. Ii. 14. ]

[Footnote 1471: 1 Kings vii. 13. ]

[Footnote 1472: 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. Ii. 14. ]

[Footnote 1473: 1 Kings vii. 46. ]

[Footnote 1474: Menander, Fr. 1; Dius, Fr. 2; Philostrat. _Vit. Apoll. _v. 5; Sil. Ital. _Bell. Pun. _ iii. 14, 22, 30. ]

[Footnote 1475: 1 Kings vii. 15-22. ]

[Footnote 1476: Ibid. Verses 27-37. ]

[Footnote 1477: Ibid. Vi. 38. ]

[Footnote 1478: Ibid. Vii. 1. Compare ix. 10. ]

[Footnote 1479: Stanley, _Lectures on the Jewish Church_, ii. 165-167. ]

[Footnote 1480: See the Fragment of Menander above quoted, where Hiramis said to have been fifty-three years old at his decease, and to havereigned thirty-four years. ]

[Footnote 1481: Strabo, xvi. 2, § 23. ]

[Footnote 1482: Menander, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1483: So M. Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, p. 369. ]

[Footnote 1484: Herod. Ii. 44. ]

[Footnote 1485: Arrian, _Exped. Alex. _ ii. 16, 24. ]

[Footnote 1486: So M. Renan, after careful examination (_Mission_, l. S. C. ). The earlier opinion placed the smaller island, with its Templeof Baal, towards the north (Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 347). ]

[Footnote 1487: Menander, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 1488: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 23, sub fin. ]

[Footnote 1489: Josh. Xix. 27. ]

[Footnote 1490: See Robinson, _Later Researches_, pp. 87, 88. ]

[Footnote 1491: 1 Kings ix. 10-13. ]

[Footnote 1492: Justin, _Dial. C. Tryph. _ § 34. ]

[Footnote 1493: Menand. Ap. Clem. Alex. _Strom. _ i. 386. ]

[Footnote 1494: 1 Kings xi. 1. ]

[Footnote 1495: Ibid. Ix. 27. ]

[Footnote 1496: See 1 Kings x. 22. The distinctness of this navy fromthe one which brought gold from Ophir has been maintained by DeanStanley (_Lectures on the Jewish Church_, ii. 156) and the Rev. J. Hammond (_Pulpit Commentary_, Comment on 1 Kings, p. 213), as well as bythe present writer (_Speaker's Commentary_, ii. Pp. 545, 546). ]

[Footnote 1497: Mela. Iii. 1; Plin. _H. N. _ iv. 22, § 115; Catull. Xx. 30, &c. ]

[Footnote 1498: See Plin. _H. N. _ iii. 3; xxxiii. 6; Polyb. X. 10;Strab. Iii. 2, § 3 and 10. ]

[Footnote 1499: Herod. Iv. 191; Plin. _H. N. _ viii. 11. ]

[Footnote 14100: Hanno, _Periplus_, p. 6. ]

[Footnote 14101: Ibid. Pp. 13, 14. ]

[Footnote 14102: 1 Kings ix. 26. ]

[Footnote 14103: 1 Kings x. 11. ]

[Footnote 14104: The case is excellently stated in Mr. Twistleton'sarticle on OPHIR in Dr. Smith's _Dictionry of the Bible_, vol. Ii. ]

[Footnote 14105: As _almug_ or _algum_ which is "the Hebraised form of aDeccan word for sandalwood" (Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 157). ]

[Footnote 14106: 1 Kings ix. 28. ]

[Footnote 14107: _Contr. Ap. _ i. 18. ]

[Footnote 14108: Kenrick argues in favour of {Kitioi} (_Phoenicia_, p. 357). ]

[Footnote 14109: See _Encycl. Britann. _ ad voc. PHOENICIA, xviii. 807. ]

[Footnote 14110: Menander, Fr. 2. ]

[Footnote 14111: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14112: 1 Kings xvi. 31. ]

[Footnote 14113: The Assyrians probably found their way into Phoeniciathrough the gap in the mountain line between Bargylus and Lebanon. Botrys occupied a strong position between this gap and the southernPhoenician cities, Gebal, Sidon, and Tyre. ]

[Footnote 14114: Menander, l. S. C. Aüza, which at a later date becameAuzen, is mentioned by Tacitus (_Ann. _ iv. 25) and Ptolemy (_Geograph_. Iv. 2). ]

[Footnote 14115: The Greek _lamda_, {L}, readily passes into _delta_{D}. Baal-azar is found as a Phoenician name in an inscription (_Corp. Ins. Semit. _ i. 335, no. 256). ]

[Footnote 14116: See Gesen. _Mon. Phoen. _ p. 410. _Mattan_, "a gift, " wasthe name borne by Athaliah's high priest of Baal (2 Kings xi. 18). It isfound as an element in several Phoenician names, as Mattan-elim (_Corp. Ins. Semit. _ i. 298, no. 194); Mattan-Baal (ibid. P. 309, no. 212), &c. ]

[Footnote 14117: See Justin, _Hist. Phil. _ xviii. 5. ]

[Footnote 14118: Menander, Fr. 1. ]

[Footnote 14119: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 363-367. ]

[Footnote 14120: _Contr. Ap. _ i. 18. ]

[Footnote 14121: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 84-89. ]

[Footnote 14122: _Histoire Ancienne_, pp. 347, 348. ]

[Footnote 14123: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 90-99. ]

[Footnote 14124: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 102-106; _Eponym Canon_, pp. 108-114. ]

[Footnote 14125: _Eponym Canon_, p. 112, l. 45. ]

[Footnote 14126: Ibid. P. 108, l. 93. ]

[Footnote 14127: Ibid. P. 115, l. 14. ]

[Footnote 14128: Ibid. P. 120, ll. 33-35. ]

[Footnote 14129: When Assyria became mistress of the Upper Syria, theOrontes valley, and the kingdom of Israel, she could have strangled thePhoenician land commerce at a moment's notice. ]

[Footnote 14130: Is. Xxiii. 2-8. ]

[Footnote 14131: _Eponym Canon_, p. 64. ]

[Footnote 14132: _Eponym Canon_, pp. 117-120. ]

[Footnote 14133: Ibid. P. 123, ll. 1-5. ]

[Footnote 14134: Ibid. P. 120, l. 28. ]

[Footnote 14135: In B. C. 720. (See _Eponym Canon_, p. 126, ll. 33-35. )]

[Footnote 14136: Ezek. Xxviii. 14. ]

[Footnote 14137: Menander ap. Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ ix. 14, § 2; _EponymCanon_, p. 131. ]

[Footnote 14138: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132. ]

[Footnote 14139: Menander, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14140: Joseph, _Ant. Jud. _ l. S. C. {'Epelthe polemon ten teSurian pasan kai Phoiniken}. ]

[Footnote 14141: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14142: A slab of Sennacherib's represents the Assyrian armyentering a city, probably Phoenician, at one end, while the inhabitantsembark on board their ships at the other (Layard, _Monuments ofNineveh_, 1st series, pl. 71; _Nin. And its Remains_, ii. 384). ]

[Footnote 14143: Menander, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14144: Compare Perrot et Chipiez, _Hist. De l'Art_, iii. 357, and Lortet, _La Syrie d'aujourd'hui_, p. 128. ]

[Footnote 14145: Menander, ut supra. ]

[Footnote 14146: This folows from his taking refuge there when attackedby Sennacherib (_Eponym Canon_, p. 136). ]

[Footnote 14147: Since Sennacherib calls him persistently "king ofSidon" (ibid. P. 131, l. 2; p. 135, ll. 13, 17), not king of Tyre. ]

[Footnote 14148: It was the same army which lost 185, 000 men by miraclein one night (2 Kings xix. 35). ]

[Footnote 14149: 2 Kings xix. 23. ]

[Footnote 14150: _Eponym Canon_, p. 134, l. 11. ]

[Footnote 14151: _Records of the Past_, i. 35. ]

[Footnote 14152: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132. ]

[Footnote 14153: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14154: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132, l. 14; p. 136, ll. 14, 19. "Tubaal" is probably for Tob-baal, "Baal is good, " like "Tabrimon" forTob-Rimmon, "Rimmon is good" (1 Kings xv. 18), and "Tabeal" for Tob-El, "God is good" (Is. Vii. 6). ]

[Footnote 14155: _Eponym Canon_, p. 132, ll. 15, 16. ]

[Footnote 14156: Ibid. Ll. 19, 20. ]

[Footnote 14157: From the fact that Abd-Milkut is king of Sidon at theaccession of Esarhaddon (_Records of the Past_, iii. 111). ]

[Footnote 14158: Abd-Melkarth is one of the commonest of Phoeniciannames. It occurs, either fully, or in the contracted form ofBod-Melkarth, scores of times in the inscriptions of Carthage. Themeaning is "servant of Melkarth. "]

[Footnote 14159: _Records of the Past_, iii. 112. ]

[Footnote 14160: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 186. ]

[Footnote 14161: _Rec. Of the Past_, iii. 111, 112. ]

[Footnote 14162: _Eponym Canon_ pp. 139, 140. ]

[Footnote 14163: Ibid. P. 140, Extract xxxviii. Ll. 1-3. ]

[Footnote 14164: _Eponym Canon_, p. 140, Ext. Xxxviii. Ll. 4-9. ]

[Footnote 14165: Ibid. P. 141, Ext. Xl. ]

[Footnote 14166: Ibid. P. 142, ll. 12, 13. ]

[Footnote 14167: _Eponym Canon_, p. 142, l. 14. ]

[Footnote 14168: See _Ancient Monarchies_ ii. 193. ]

[Footnote 14169: Ibid. P. 195. ]

[Footnote 14170: _Eponym Canon_, p. 143, Extr. Xli. L. 3. ]

[Footnote 14171: _Eponym Canon_, pp. 143, 144. Six names are lostbetween the eleventh line and the eighteenth. They may be supplied fromthe broken cylinder of Esarhaddon (_Records of the Past_, iii. 107, 108. )]

[Footnote 14172: _Eponym Canon_, pp. 144, 145, ll. 84-98. ]

[Footnote 14173: Ibid. P. 139, l. 17. ]

[Footnote 14174: _Records of the Past_, vol. I. P. 100. ]

[Footnote 14175: _Records of the Past_, i. 66; ix. 41. ]

[Footnote 14176: Ibid. Iii. 67, ll. 116, 117. ]

[Footnote 14177: Ibid. I. 67, 68. ]

[Footnote 14178: See Judg. Xix. 29; _Eponym Canon_, p. 132, l. 9. ]

[Footnote 14179: _Eponym Canon_, pp. 149, 149. ]

[Footnote 14180: _Eponym Canon_, p. 70. ]

[Footnote 14181: Herod. I. 103. B. C. 633 was, according to Herodotus, the year of the accession of Cyaxares. His attack on Nineveh seems tohave followed shortly after. ]

[Footnote 14182: Herod. L. S. C. And iv. 1; Ezek. Xxxviii. 2-16; Strabo, xi. 8, § 4; Diod. Sic. Ii. 34, § 2-5. ]

[Footnote 14183: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 221. ]

[Footnote 14184: Stanley, _Lectures on the Jewish Church_, ii. 432, 433. ]

[Footnote 14185: Herod. I. 105; Strabo, i. 3, 16; Justin, ii. 3. ]

[Footnote 14186: Herod. L. S. C. ; Hippocrat. _De Aëre, Aqua, et Locis_, vi. § 108. ]

[Footnote 14187: Herod. I. 73. ]

[Footnote 14188: Strabo, xi. 767; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ iii. 8, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14189: Polyb. V. 70, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14190: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 228, note. ]

[Footnote 14191: _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 232. ]

[Footnote 14192: Herod. Ii. 157; and compare the author's _History ofAncient Egypt_, ii. 467, note 6. ]

[Footnote 14193: Ezek. Xxvii. 8. ]

[Footnote 14194: Ibid. Verse 11. ]

[Footnote 14195: Ibid. Verse 9. ]

[Footnote 14196: Ibid. Xxviii. 2-5. ]

[Footnote 14197: Ezek. Xxvii. 3-6, and 25. ]

[Footnote 14198: See the author's _History of Ancient Egypt_, ii. 472, note 1. ]

[Footnote 14199: Herod. Ii. 159; 2 Kings xxiii. 29; 2 Chron. Xxxv. 20-24. ]

[Footnote 14200: Herod. Ii. 157. ]

[Footnote 14201: See Jer. Xlvii. 1. Gaza, however, may not have beentaken till the campaign of B. C. 608. ]

[Footnote 14202: Herod. I. 105 raises the suspicion that Askelon, whichwas nearer Egypt than Ashdod, may have belonged to Psamatik I. ]

[Footnote 14203: Ibid. Ii. 159. ]

[Footnote 14204: 2 Kings xxiii. 19; 2 Chron. Xxxiv. 6. ]

[Footnote 14205: _History of Ancient Egypt_, ii. 228. ]

[Footnote 14206: Judg. Iv. 15; v. 19. ]

[Footnote 14207: 2 Chron. Xxxv. 21. ]

[Footnote 14208: See Jer. Xlvi. 2. ]

[Footnote 14209: Berosus, Fr. 1; 2 Kings xxiv. 7. ]

[Footnote 14210: Herod. Iv. 42. ]

[Footnote 14211: Ibid. Ii. 112. ]

[Footnote 14212: Berosus, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14213: Habakkuk, i. 6-10. ]

[Footnote 14214: Jer. Xlvi. 3, 4. ]

[Footnote 14215: Ibid. Verse 5. ]

[Footnote 14216: Ibid. Verse 6. ]

[Footnote 14217: Jer. Xlvi. 10. ]

[Footnote 14218: Ibid. Verse 16. ]

[Footnote 14219: Ibid. Verse 21. ]

[Footnote 14220: Stanley, _Lectures on the Jewish Church_, ii. 455. ]

[Footnote 14221: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14222: Berosus, l. S. C. The extreme haste of the return isindicated by the fact, which is noted, that Nebuchadnezzer himself, with a few light troops, took the short cut across the desert, whilehis army, with its prisoners, pursued the more usual route throughthe valley of the Orontes, by Aleppo to Carchemish, and then along thecourse of the Euphrates. ]

[Footnote 14223: See _History of Ancient Egypt_, ii. 480. ]

[Footnote 14224: Habak. I. 6. ]

[Footnote 14225: Menander ap. Joseph. _Contr. Ap. _ i. 21. ]

[Footnote 14226: Ezek. Xxvii. 8, 9, 11. ]

[Footnote 14227: So Joseph. L. S. C. Mr. Kenrick disputes the date onaccount of Ezek. Xxvi. 2, which he thinks must refer to the _final_siege and capture of Jerusalem; but the reference may be to the breakingof the power of Judæa, either by Neco in B. C. 608 or by Nebuchadnezzarin B. C. 605. ]

[Footnote 14228: 2 Kings xxiv. 2; 2 Chr. Xxxvi. 6. ]

[Footnote 14229: Ezek. Xxviii. 21-23. ]

[Footnote 14230: Menander, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14231: Ezek. Xxvi. 8-12. ]

[Footnote 14232: Isaiah xliii. 14; Æschyl. _Pers. _ l. 54. ]

[Footnote 14233: As Kenrick (_Phoenicia_, p. 390). ]

[Footnote 14234: See especially, ch. Xxviii. 2, 12. ]

[Footnote 14235: Ibid. Verses 2-10, 17, 18. ]

[Footnote 14236: Ezek. Xxvii. 26. ]

[Footnote 14237: Herod. Vii. 44, 96, 100, 128. ]

[Footnote 14238: Ibid. Ii. 161; vii. 98; Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 14239: Menander, Fr. 2. ]

[Footnote 14240: Herod. Ii. 182. ]

[Footnote 14241: Ibid. I. 201-214; Ctesias, _Ex. Pers. _ § 6-8. ]

[Footnote 14242: Herod. I. 177; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ iii. 27. ]

[Footnote 14243: Herod. I. 201-214; Ctes. _Ex. Pers. _ l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14244: Ezra i. 1-11. ]

[Footnote 14245: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 393. ]

[Footnote 14246: Herod. Iii. 19, 34. ]

[Footnote 14247: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 14248: Ezra iii. 7. ]

[Footnote 14249: Herod. I. 153. ]

[Footnote 14250: Ibid. Ii. 177. ]

[Footnote 14251: See Berosus, ap. Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ x. 11, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14252: Hence the sacred writers speak of the Assyrians andBabylonians as "God's _northern_ army, " "a people from the _north_country. " (Jer. I. 15; vi. 22; Ezek. Xxvi. 7; Joel ii. 20, &c. )]

[Footnote 14253: See Herod. Iii. 5. ]

[Footnote 14254: Ibid. Ii. 159. ]

[Footnote 14255: Ibid. Ii. 161. ]

[Footnote 14256: Ibid. Ii. 182. ]

[Footnote 14257: Herod. Ii. 150, 154; iii. 11. ]

[Footnote 14258: Ibid. Iii. 19. ]

[Footnote 14259: Ibid. Vii. 98; viii. 67, § 2; Diod. Sic. Xvi. 42, § 2;xvii. 47, § 1; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 13, 15, &c. ]

[Footnote 14260: Herod. Iii. 19. ]

[Footnote 14261: Ezek. Xxix. 10. ]

[Footnote 14262: Herod. Iii. 17. ]

[Footnote 14263: Herod. Iii. 19. ]

[Footnote 14264: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14265: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 394. ]

[Footnote 14266: Diod. Sic. Xvi. 41. ]

[Footnote 14267: Kenrick, p. 391, note 3. ]

[Footnote 14268: Herod. Iii. 91. ]

[Footnote 14269: Diod. Sic. Xvi. 41, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14270: Herod. V. 52. ]

[Footnote 14271: See the author's _Herodotus_, iv. 30, note 1. ]

[Footnote 14272: Herod. Vii. 28. ]

[Footnote 14273: Ibid. Iv. 166. ]

[Footnote 14274: Herod. V. 37-104. ]

[Footnote 14275: Phoenicia could furnish 300 triremes, Cyprus 150, Ioniaat this time 283 (Herod. Vi. 8), Æolis at least 70 (ibid. ), Caria thesame number (ib. Vii. 93)--total, 873. Against these Darious could onlyhave mustered 200 from Egypt (ib. Vii. 89), 100 from Cilicia (ib. 91), 50 from Lycia (ib. 92), and 30 from Pamphylia (ib. 91)--total, 380. ]

[Footnote 14276: Herod. I. 28, 176; Appian, _Bell. Civ. _ iv. 80. ]

[Footnote 14277: Herod. Iii. 14-16, 27-29, 37, &c. ]

[Footnote 14278: Ibid. V. 108. ]

[Footnote 14279: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14280: Ibid. V. 112. ]

[Footnote 14281: See the author's _Herodotus_, i. 268, 269, 3rd ed. ]

[Footnote 14282: Herod. Vi. 9. ]

[Footnote 14283: Ibid. Ch. 6. ]

[Footnote 14284: Herod. Ch. 8. ]

[Footnote 14285: Ibid. Chs. 9-13. ]

[Footnote 14286: The Lesbians and most of the Samians (Herod. V. 14). ]

[Footnote 14287: Ibid. Ch. 15. ]

[Footnote 14288: Ibid. Chs. 31-33. ]

[Footnote 14289: Herod. V. 41. ]

[Footnote 14290: Ibid. Iii. 135-138. ]

[Footnote 14291: Herod. Vi. 43-45. ]

[Footnote 14292: See the author's _Herodotus_, iii. 494, note 3. ]

[Footnote 14293: The fleet which accomponied Mardonius lost nearly_three hundred_ vessels off Mount Athos (Herod. Vi. 44), and thereforecan scarcely have fallen much short of 500; that of Datis andArtaphernes is reckoned at 600 by Herodotus (vi. 95), at a thousand byCicero (_Orat. In Verr. _ ii. 1, § 18), and Valerius Maximus (i. 1). ]

[Footnote 14294: So Herodotus (vi. 95). ]

[Footnote 14295: Herod. Vi. 118. ]

[Footnote 14296: Herod. Vii. 23. ]

[Footnote 14297: Ibid. Vii. 34-36. ]

[Footnote 14298: Ibid. Viii. 117. ]

[Footnote 14299: Æschyl. _Pers. _ l. 343; Herod. Vii. 89. ]

[Footnote 14300: Herod. Vii. 89-95; Diod. Sic. Xi. 3, § 7. ]

[Footnote 14301: Herod. Vii. 44. ]

[Footnote 14302: Ibid. Vii. 100, 128. ]

[Footnote 14303: Ibid. Viii. 85. ]

[Footnote 14304: Ibid. Viii. 17. ]

[Footnote 14305: Diod. Sic. Xi. 13, § 2: {'Aristeusai Phasi para mentois 'El-lesin 'Athnaious, para de, tois barbarois Sidonious}. ]

[Footnote 14306: Herod. Viii. 84; Æschyl. _Pers. _ ll. 415-7. ]

[Footnote 14307: Herod. Viii. 86-90. ]

[Footnote 14308: Ibid. Ch. 90. ]

[Footnote 14309: Ibid. Ch. 90. ]

[Footnote 14310: Diod. Sic. Xi. 19, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14311: Herod. Ix. 96. ]

[Footnote 14312: Diod. Sic. Xi. 60, § 5, 6. ]

[Footnote 14313: So Diodorus (xi. 62, § 3); but the mention of Cyprus inline 6 renders this somewhat doubtful. ]

[Footnote 14314: Thucyd. I. 110. ]

[Footnote 14315: See _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. 501. ]

[Footnote 14316: See the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, i. 139-148. ]

[Footnote 14317: Nos. 115, 116, 117, 119, 120. ]

[Footnote 14318: Ibid. No. 118. ]

[Footnote 14319: _Corp. Ins. Sem. _ i. 132, 145. ]

[Footnote 14320: Dionys. Halicarn. _De Orat. Antiq. _ "Dinarch. " § 10. ]

[Footnote 14321: _Corp. Ins. Sem. _ i. 145, No. 119. ]

[Footnote 14322: See the _Corpus Inscriptionum Græcarum_, i. 126, No. 87. ]

[Footnote 14323: Nefaheritis or Nefaa-ert. (See the author's _Story ofEgypt_, pp. 385, 386, and compare _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. 481, 482. )]

[Footnote 14324: Isocrates, _Paneg. _ and _Evag. _; Theopompas, Fr. 111;Diod. Sic. Xiv. 98; Ctesias, _Exc. Pers. _ Fr. 29, § 63. ]

[Footnote 14325: Diod. Sic. Xv. 9, § 2. (See Grote's _Hist. Of Greece_, x. 30, note 3. )]

[Footnote 14326: Diod. Sic. Xv. 9, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14327: Isocrates, _Paneg. _ § 161; _Evag. _ §§ 23, 62. ]

[Footnote 14328: See Diod. Sic. Xiv. 98; xv. 2; Ephorus Fr. ; 134Isocrates, _Evag. _ §§ 75, 76. ]

[Footnote 14329: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 405. ]

[Footnote 14330: See _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. 504. ]

[Footnote 14331: _Ancient Monarchies_, iii. 505, 506. ]

[Footnote 14332: Diod. Sic. Xv. 90, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14333: Ibid. Xv. 92, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14334: Ibid. Xvi. 41, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14335: Diod. Sic. Xvi. 42, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14336: Ibid. Xvi. 41, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14337: Ibid. Xvi. 32, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14338: Ibid. § 5. ]

[Footnote 14339: Ibid. Xvi. 40, § 5, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14340: Ibid. Xvi. 44, § 6, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14341: Diod. Sic. Xvi. § 5. ]

[Footnote 14342: Diodorus is our authority for all these facts (xvi. 45, § 1-6). ]

[Footnote 14343: See the author's _Story of Egypt_, pp. 396-401. ]

[Footnote 14344: Diod. Sic. Xvi. 42, § 6; 46, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14345: Scylax, _Periplus_, § 104. ]

[Footnote 14346: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14347: See Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 13, sub fin. ; 15, subfin. ; 30, sub init. ]

[Footnote 14348: See _Encycl. Brit. _ xviii. 809. ]

[Footnote 14349: Quint. Curt. Iv. 4; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus by mistakemakes Strato II. King of Tyre (xvii. 47, § 1). ]

[Footnote 14350: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ i. 1, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14351: See Grote, _History of Greece_, xii. 102. ]

[Footnote 14352: Ibid. Pp. 29-51. ]

[Footnote 14353: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 7. ]

[Footnote 14354: Four hundred were actually brought to the relief ofMiletus a few weeks later (Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ i. 18, § 5). ]

[Footnote 14355: Ibid. § 4. ]

[Footnote 14356: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 22; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ i. 18-20. ]

[Footnote 14357: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 23-26; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ i. 20-23. ]

[Footnote 14358: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 29, § 2; Arrian. , _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 1, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14359: See the remarks of Mr. Grote (_History of Greece_, xii. 142, 143. )]

[Footnote 14360: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 29, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14361: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ i. 20, § 1; Diod. Sic. I. 22, §5. ]

[Footnote 14362: Arrian, ii. 8-13. ]

[Footnote 14363: Arrian, ii. 13, 87; Diod. Sic. Xvii. 40, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14364: As Ger-astartus, king of Aradus (Arrian, l. S. C. );Enylus, king of Byblus (ibid. Ii. 20, § 1); and Azemileus, king of Tyre(ibid. Ii. 15, ad fin. )]

[Footnote 14365: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 13, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14366: Ibid. Ii. 15, § 6. ]

[Footnote 14367: Arrian, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14368: Ibid. Ii. 15, § 7; Q. Curt. Iv. 2, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14369: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 16, ad fin. ; Q. Curt. Iv. 2, §5; Justin, xi. 10. ]

[Footnote 14370: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 40, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14371: See Diod. Sic. Xv. 73, § 4; 77, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14372: In point of fact, he only obtained, towards the fleetwhich he collected against Tyre, twenty-three vessels that were noteither Cyprian or Phoenician (Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 20, § 2). ]

[Footnote 14373: Herod. Viii. 97. ]

[Footnote 14374: Compare Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 15, § 7, with ii. 24, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14375: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 41, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14376: Ibid. § 4. ]

[Footnote 14377: Q. Curt. Iv. § 20; Diod. Sic. Xvii. 41, § 1, 2. ]

[Footnote 14378: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 40, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14379: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 18, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14380: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 18, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14381: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 42, § 1; Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 18, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14382: Arrian, ii. 18, sub fin. ]

[Footnote 14383: Ibid. Ii. 19, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14384: This seems to be Arrian's meaning, when he says, {aikeraiai periklastheisaiexekhean es to pur osa es exapsin tes phloguspareskeuasmena en} (ii. 19, § 4). ]

[Footnote 14385: Grote, _History of Greece_, xii. 185, 186. ]

[Footnote 14386: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 418. ]

[Footnote 14387: Q. Curt. Iv. 3, § 8. ]

[Footnote 14388: Arrian, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14389: Arrian, ii. 20, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14390: Ibid. § 2. ]

[Footnote 14391: Arrian, ii. 20; § 3; Q. Curt. Iv. 3, § 11. ]

[Footnote 14392: {'Epibibasas tois katastromasi ton upaspiston osoiikanoi edokoun es to ergon} (Arrian, ii. 20, § 6). ]

[Footnote 14393: The Tyrians had but eighty vessels against Alexander's224. ]

[Footnote 14394: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 20, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14395: Ibid. Ii. 21, § 8. ]

[Footnote 14396: Q. Curt. Iv. 3, § 7-9. ]

[Footnote 14397: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 42, § 6; Q. Curt. L. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14398: See Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 421, 422. ]

[Footnote 14399: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 21, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14400: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 21, § 4-7. ]

[Footnote 14401: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 21, § 8. ]

[Footnote 14402: Some editions of Arrian gave {Pasikratous touThourieos}, "Pasicrates the Thurian, " but the right reading isundoubtedly {tou Kourieos}, "the Curian, or king of Curium. " (See thenote of Sintenis ad loc. )]

[Footnote 14403: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 22, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14404: Six triremes and all the quinqueremes (Arrian, ii. 22, § 3). ]

[Footnote 14405: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 22, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14406: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 42, § 7. ]

[Footnote 14407: Ibid. Xvii. 45, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14408: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 45, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14409: Ibid. Xvii. 43, § 7, 8. ]

[Footnote 14410: Ibid. Xvii. 44, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14411: Ibid. Xvii. 44, § 1-3. ]

[Footnote 14412: Ibid. § 4. ]

[Footnote 14413: Ibid. Xvii. 45, § 6. ]

[Footnote 14414: Ibid. Xvii. 43, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14415: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 22, sub fin. ]

[Footnote 14416: {Kateseise tou teikhous epi mega} (Ibid. Ii. 23, § 1). ]

[Footnote 14417: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 46, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14418: Arrian, ii. 23, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14419: Ibid. Ii. 23, § 5. ]

[Footnote 14420: Not "_the_ foremost, " as Diodorus says (xvii. 46, §2). ]

[Footnote 14421: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 23, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14422: Ibid. Ii. 24, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14423: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14424: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ ii. 24, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14425: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 46, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14426: So Arrian (l. S. C. ) Diodorus reduces the number tothirteen thousand (xvii. 46, § 4). ]

[Footnote 14427: Diod. Sic. Xvii. 46, § 5; Arrian, ii. 24, § 6. ]

[Footnote 14428: See Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 428, note 3. ]

[Footnote 14429: See Diod. Sic. Xvii. 46, § 6. The name Abd-elonim, "servant of the gods, " is common. The Greeks and Romans generally renderit by Abdalonymus. ]

[Footnote 14430: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ iii. 6, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14431: Ibid. Vi. 1, § 6. ]

[Footnote 14432: Arrian, _Exp. Alex. _ vi. 22, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14433: Ibid. Vii. 19, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14434: Ibid. § 5. ]

[Footnote 14435: Diod. Sic. Xviii. 3, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14436: Ibid. 43, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14437: Diod. Sic. Xix. 58, § 1. ]

[Footnote 14438: So Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 433. Compare Diod. Sic. Xviii. 37, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14439: Diod. Sic. Xix. 58, § 2-4. ]

[Footnote 14440: Ibid. 61, § 6. ]

[Footnote 14441: Plutarch, _Vit. Demetr. _ § 32. ]

[Footnote 14442: Diod. Sic. Xxx. 17; Polyb. V. 40. ]

[Footnote 14443: Polyb. V. 60. ]

[Footnote 14444: Ibid. V. 62. ]

[Footnote 14445: Polyb. Xvi. 18; Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xii. 3, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14446: See Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 436. ]

[Footnote 14447: Herod. I. 1. Egypt never sent trading ships into theMediterranean. All her commerce with Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe wascarried on either in Greek or Phoenician bottoms. ]

[Footnote 14448: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14449: As that of the Red Sea, Arabia, and the East Africancoast. ]

[Footnote 14450: 2 Macc. Iv. 18. ]

[Footnote 14451: Ibid. Verses 44-50. ]

[Footnote 14452: Gesenius, _Mon. Phoen. _ pls. 32-34. ]

[Footnote 14453: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, pp. 437, 438. ]

[Footnote 14454: Livy, xxvii. 30. ]

[Footnote 14455: 2 Macc. Iv. 49. ]

[Footnote 14456: 1 Macc. Iii. 34-36; 2 Macc. Viii. 9; Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xii. 7, § 2, ]

[Footnote 14457: 2 Macc. Viii. 11. ]

[Footnote 14458: 1 Macc. Iii. 41. ]

[Footnote 14459: 2 Macc. Viii. 25; Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xii. 7, § 4. ]

[Footnote 14460: Strab. Xvii. 2, § 22. ]

[Footnote 14461: Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xii. 4, § 3. ]

[Footnote 14462: Ibid. § 4. ]

[Footnote 14463: By Theodotus in B. C. 219 (Polyb. V. 61, § 5), byCleopatra, queen of Syria, about B. C. 85 (Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xiii. 13, § 2), by Tigranes in B. C. 83 (ibid. Xiii. 16, § 4), &c. ]

[Footnote 14464: Justin, _Hist. Philipp. _ xl. 1; Appian, _Syriaca_, §48. ]

[Footnote 14465: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 438. ]

[Footnote 14466: Or, sometimes, under a proprætor. ]

[Footnote 14467: Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xiv. 10, § 2. ]

[Footnote 14468: Ibid. Xv. 4, § 1, ad fin. ]

[Footnote 14469: Ibid. Xiv. 12, §§ 4, 5. ]

[Footnote 14470: Mommsen, _History of Rome_, iv. 113-115, Engl. Tr. ;Merivale, _Roman Empire_, i. 36. ]

[Footnote 14471: Thucyd. I. 4. ]

[Footnote 14472: See the author's _Sixth Oriental Monarchy_, pp. 178-180. ]

[Footnote 14473: Dio Cass. _Hist. Rom. _ xlviii. 25. ]

[Footnote 14474: Ibid. § 26. ]

[Footnote 14475: Joseph. _Ant. Jud. _ xiv. 13. ]

[Footnote 14476: Dio. Cass. Xlviii. 39-41. ]

[Footnote 14477: Ibid. Liv. 7. ]

[Footnote 14478: Ramsay, in Smith's _Dict. Of Greek and Rom. Geography_, i. 11. ]

[Footnote 14479: Suidas ad voc. {Paulos Turios}. ]

[Footnote 14480: Mark vii. 24-30. Compare Matt. Xv. 21-28. ]

[Footnote 14481: Acts xii. 20, 21. ]

[Footnote 14482: Acts xi. 19. ]

[Footnote 14483: Ibid. Xxi. 3-7. ]

[Footnote 14484: See Robertson, _History of the Christian Church_, i. 195, 196. ]

[Footnote 14485: Ibid. P. 201. ]

[Footnote 14486: Some doubts have been entertained as to whetherPorphyry was really a Tyrian, but his own statement (_Vit. Plotini_, ii. 107), backed as it is by the testimony of Eunapius and Suidas, should beregarded as settling the question. ]

[Footnote 14487: Mason, in Smith's _Dict. Of Greek and Rom. Biography_, iii. 502. ]

[Footnote 14488: See the article on PORPHYRIUS in Smith's _Dict. OfGreek and Rom. Biography_, iii. 498-502. ]

[Footnote 14489: Strab. Xvi. 2, § 24. ]

[Footnote 14490: See the lines quoted by Kenrick (_Phoenicia_, p. 440, note) from Cramer's _Anecdota Græca_ (iv. 19, § 6):--]

{Oi tes Stoas bullousin 'Akademian, Purronas outoi, pantas oStegeirites. 'Alloi de touton Phoinikes te kai Suroi. }]

[Footnote 14491: Strabo, l. S. C. ]

[Footnote 14492: Ibid. Strabo's words are: {Nuni de pases kai tes allesphilosophias euporian polu pleisten labein estin ek touton ton poleon. }]

[Footnote 14493: Smith's _Dict. Of Greek and Rom. Biography_, ii. 417. ]

[Footnote 14494: Kenrick, _Phoenicia_, p. 440. ]

[Footnote 14495: Suidas, s. V. {Paulos Turios}. ]

[Footnote 14496: Smith's _Dict. Of Greek and Rom. Biography_, ii. 1000. ]

[Footnote 14497: Smith's Gibbon, ii. 317. ]

[Footnote 14498: Heineccius, _Ant. Rom. Synt. _ Proëm, § 45. ]

[Footnote 14499: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 14500: See Eckhel, _Doctr. Num. Vet. _ iii. 366; Mionnet, _Description des Médailles_, Supplement. ]

[Footnote 14501: Note that the "Syro-Phoenician woman" who conversed withour Lord is spoken of as also {'Ellenis}, one whose language was Greek(Mark vii. 26). ]

[Footnote 14502: _De situ orbis_, i. 12; "Sidon adhuc opulenta. "]

[Footnote 14503: Ulpian, _Digest. Leg. De Cens. _ tit. 15. ]

[Footnote 14504: _Exp. Totius Mundi_ in Hudson's _Geographi Minores_, iii. 6. ]

[Footnote 14505: Hieronymus, _Comment. Ad Ezek. _ xxxvi. 7. ]

[Footnote 14506: Hieronymus, _Comment. Ad Ezek. _ xxvii. 2. ]

[Footnote 14507: Ezek. Xxvi. 14. ]

[Footnote 14508: Euseb. _Vita Constantin. Magni_, iii. 58. ]