CANADA AND THE STATES RECOLLECTIONS 1851 to 1886. 

BY SIR E. W. WATKIN, BART. , M. P. 

"_If the Maritime Provinces [of Britain] would join us, spontaneously, to-day--sterile as they may be in the soil under a skyof steel--still with their hardy population, their harbours, fisheries, and seamen, they would greatly strengthen and improve our position_, and aid us in our struggle for equality upon the ocean. _If we wouldsucceed upon the deep, we must either maintain our fisheries or_ABSORB THE PROVINCES. "

E. H. DERBY, Esq, Report to the Revenue Commissioners of the UnitedStates, 1866. 

[Illustration: The Duke of Newcastle, K. G. ]

_In the absence of any formal Dedication, I feel that to no one couldthe following pages be more appropriately inscribed than to_

Lady Watkin. 

_On her have fallen the anxieties of our home life during my manylong absences away on the American Continent--which Continent she once, in 1862, visited with me. My business, in relation to Canada, has, fromtime to time, been undertaken with her knowledge, and under her goodadvice; and no one has been animated with a stronger hope for Canada, as a great integral part of the Empire of the Queen, than herself. _

_E. W. WATKIN. __ROSE HILL, NORTHENDEN, __2nd May, 1887. _

PREFACE. 

The following pages have been written at the request of many oldfriends, some of them co-workers in the cause of permanent British ruleover the larger part of the Great Northern Continent of America. 

In 1851 I visited Canada and the United States as a mere tourist, insearch of health. In 1861 I went there on an anxious mission ofbusiness; and for some years afterwards I frequently crossed theAtlantic, not only during the great Civil War between the North andSouth, but, also, subsequent to its close. In 1875 I had to undertakeanother mission of responsibility to the United States. And, last year, I traversed the Dominion of Canada from Belle Isle to the Pacific. Ireturned home by San Francisco and the Union Pacific Railways toChicago; and by Montreal to New York. Thence to Liverpool, in thatunsurpassed steamer, the "Etruria, " of the grand old Cunard line. Iended my visits to America, as I began them, as a tourist. This passagewas my thirtieth crossing of the Atlantic Ocean. 

Within the period from 1851 to 1886, history on the North AmericanContinent has been a wonderful romance. Never in the older stories ofthe world's growth, have momentous changes been effected, and, apparently, consolidated, in so short a time, or in such rapidsuccession. 

Regarding the United States, the slavery of four millions of the negrorace is abolished for ever, and the black men vote for Presidents. Agreat struggle for empire--fought on gigantic measure--has been won forliberty and union. Turning to Canada, the British half of the Continenthas been moulded into one great unity, and faggotted together, withoutthe shedding of one drop of brothers' blood--and in so tame and quiet away, that the great silent forces of Nature have to be cited, to find aparallel. 

In this period, the American Continent has been spanned by three mainroutes of iron-road, uniting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans: and oneof these main routes passes exclusively through British territory--theDominion of Canada. The problem of a "North-west Passage" has beensolved in a new and better way. It is no longer a question of threadingdark and dismal seas within the limits of Arctic ice and snow, doubtfulto find, and impossible, if found, to navigate. Now, the two oceans arereached by land, and a fortnight suffices for the conveyance of ourpeople from London or Liverpool to or from the great Pacific, on theway to the great East. 

Anyone who reads what follows will learn that I am an Imperialist--thatI hate little-Englandism. That, so far as my puny forces would go, Istruggled for the union of the Canadian Provinces, in order that theymight be retained under the sway of the best form of government--alimited monarchy, and under the best government of that form--thebeneficent rule of our Queen Victoria. I like to say our Queen: for nosovereign ever identified herself in heart and feeling, in anxiety andpersonal sacrifice, with a free and grateful people more thoroughlythan she has done, all along. 

In this period of thirty-six years the British American Provinces havebeen, more than once, on the slide. The abolition of the old Colonialpolicy of trade was a great wrench. The cold, neglectful, contemptuoustreatment of Colonies in general, and of Canada in particular, by thedoctrinaire Whigs and Benthamite-Radicals, and by Tories of theAdderley school, had, up to recent periods, become a painful strain. Denuding Canada of the Imperial red-coat disgusted very many. And theconstant whispering, at the door of Canada, by United Statesinfluences, combined with the expenditure of United States money onNova Scotian and other Canadian elections, must be looked to, andstopped, to prevent a slide in the direction of Washington. 

On the other hand, the statesmanlike action of Sir Edward BulwerLytton, Colonial Minister in 1859, in erecting British Columbia into aCrown Colony, was a break-water against the fell waves of annexation. The decided language of Her Majesty's speech in proroguing Parliamentat the end of 1859 was a manifesto of decided encouragement to allloyal people on the American Continent: and, followed as it was by thevisit--I might say the triumphal progress--of the Prince of Wales, accompanied by the Colonial Minister, the great Duke of Newcastle, through Canada, in 1860, the loyal idea began to germinate once more. Loyal subjects began to think that no spot of earth over which theBritish flag had once floated would ever, again, be given up--without afight for it. Canada for England, and England for Canada!

But, what will our Government at home do with the new "North-westPassage" through Canada? The future of Canada depends upon thedecision. What will the decision be? How soon will it be given?

Is this great work, the Canadian Pacific Railway, to be left as amonument, at once, of Canada's loyalty and foresight, and of Canada'sbetrayal: or is it to be made the new land-route to our Eastern andAustralian Empire? If it is to be shunted, then the explorations of thelast three hundred years have been in vain. The dreams of some of thegreatest statesmen of past times are reduced to dreams, and nothingmore. The strength given by this glorious self-contained route, fromthe old country to all the new countries, is wasted. On the other hand, if those who now govern inherit the great traditions of the past; ifthey believe in Empire; if they are statesmen--then, a line of MilitaryPosts, of strength and magnitude, beginning at Halifax on the Atlantic, and ending at the Pacific, will give power to the Dominion, and, wherever the red-coat appears, confidence in the old brave country willbe restored. 

Then the soldier, his arms and our armaments, will have theirperiodical passages backwards and forwards through the Dominion. Mailsfor the East, for Australia, and beyond, will pass that way; and thesubject of every part of the Empire will, as he passes, feel that he istreading the sacred soil of real liberty and progress. 

Which is it to be?

Some years ago, Sir John A. Macdonald said, "I hope to live to see theday--and if I do not, that my son may be spared, to see Canada theright arm of England. To see Canada a powerful auxiliary of the Empire, not, as now, a source of anxiety, and a source of danger. "

Does Her Majesty's Government echo this aspiration?

Thinking people will recognize that the United States become, year byyear, less English and more Cosmopolitan; less conservative and moresocialist; less peaceful and more aggressive. Twice within ten yearsthe Presidential elections have pushed the Republic to the very brinkof civil war. But for the forbearance of Mr. Tilden and the Democrats, on one occasion; and the caution of leading Republicans when PresidentCleveland was chosen, disturbance must have happened. 

We have yet to see whether Provincial Government may not, in theDominion, lead towards Separation, rather than towards Union. While oneCustom-house and one general Government is aiding Union, the Provinceof Quebec accentuates all that is French; the Province of Ontarioaccentuates all that is British: the problem, here, is how, gradually, to weaken sectional, and how gradually to strengthen Union, ideas. State rights led to a civil war in the United States: ProvincialGovernment fifty years hence may lead to conflicts in Canada. 

In the United States there was no solution but war. Surely in Canada wecan apply the safety valve of augmenting British aid and influence. Whynot try the re-introduction of the red-coat of the Queen's soldier--that soldier to be enlisted and officered, let us hope in the earlyfuture, from every portion of the Queen's Dominions--as of the oneImperial army;--an Imperial army paid for by the whole Empire. 

CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY--ONE REASON WHY I WENT TO THE PACIFIC

CHAPTER II. TOWARDS THE PACIFIC--LIVERPOOL TO QUEBEC

CHAPTER III. TO THE PACIFIC--MONTREAL TO PORT MOODY

CHAPTER IV. CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAYS

CHAPTER V. A BRITISH RAILWAY FROM THE ATLANTIC TO THE PACIFIC

CHAPTER VI. PORT MOODY--VICTORIA--SAN FRANCISCO TO CHICAGO. 

CHAPTER VII. NEGOCIATIONS AS TO THE INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY: AND NORTH-WESTTRANSIT AND TELEGRAPH, 1861 TO 1864. 

CHAPTER VIII. NEGOCIATIONS FOR PURCHASE OF THE HUDSON'S BAY PROPERTY

CHAPTER IX. THE RIGHT HONORABLE EDWARD ELLICE, M. P. 

CHAPTER X. THE SELECT COMMITTEE, ON HUDSON'S BAY AFFAIRS, OF 1857

CHAPTER XI. RE-ORGANIZATION OF HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY

CHAPTER XII. THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY AND THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF 1748-9

CHAPTER XIII. THE HUDSON'S BAY POSTS--TO-DAY. 

CHAPTER XIV. "UNCERTAIN SOUNDS"

CHAPTER XV. "GOVERNOR DALLAS"

CHAPTER XVI. THE HONORABLE THOMAS D'ARCY McGEE

CHAPTER XVII. 1851--FIRST VISIT TO AMERICA: A REASON FOR IT. 

CHAPTER XVIII. THE RECIPROCITY TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES. 

CHAPTER XIX. THE DEFENCES OF CANADA. 

CHAPTER XX. INTENDED ROUTE FOR A PACIFIC RAILWAY IN 1863. 

CHAPTER XXI. LETTERS PROM SIR GEORGE E. CARTIER--QUESTION OF HONORS

CHAPTER XXII. DISRAELI-BEACONSFIELD

CHAPTER XXIII. VISITS TO QUEBEC AND PORTLAND: AND LETTERS HOME CANADA AND THENORTH ATLANTIC COUNTRY. 

CHAPTER I. 

_Preliminary--One Reason why I went to thePacific. _

A quarter of a century ago, charged with the temporary oversight of thethen great Railway of Canada, I first made the acquaintance of Mr. Tilley, Prime Minister of the Province of New Brunswick, whom I met ina plain little room, more plainly furnished, at Frederickton, in NewBrunswick. My business was to ask his co-operation in carrying out thephysical union of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and through them PrinceEdward Island and Newfoundland, with Canada by means of what has sincebeen called the "Intercolonial" Railway. That Railway, projected half acentury ago, was part of the great scheme of 1851, --of which the GrandTrunk system from Portland, on the Atlantic, to Richmond; and fromRiviere du Loup, by Quebec and Richmond, to Montreal, and then on toKingston, Toronto, Sarnia, and Detroit--had been completed and openedwhen I, thus, visited Canada, as Commissioner, in the autumn of 1861. Ifound Mr. Tilley fully alive to the initial importance of theconstruction of this arterial Railway--initial, in the sense that, without it, discussions in reference to the fiscal, or the political, federation, or the absolute union, under one Parliament, of all theProvinces was vain. I found, also, that Mr. Tilley had, ardently, embraced the great idea--to be realized some day, distant though thatday might be--of a great British nation, planted, for ever, under theCrown, and extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

Certainly, in 1861, this great idea seemed like a mere dream of theuncertain future. Blocked by wide stretches of half-explored country:dependent upon approaches through United States' territory: eachProvince enforcing its separate, and differing, tariffs, the oneagainst the other, and others, through its separate Custom House; itwas not matter of surprise to find a growing gravitation towards theUnited States, based, alike, on augmenting trade and augmentingprejudices. 

Amongst party politicians at home, there was, at this time, of 1861, little adhesion to the idea of a Colonial Empire; and the reader hasonly to read the reference, made later on, to a published letter of SirCharles Adderley to Mr. Disraeli in 1862, to see how the pulse of someof the Conservative party was then beating. 

There was, however, one bright gleam of hope. That was to be found inthe, still remembered, effects of the visit of the Prince of Wales, accompanied by the Duke of Newcastle, to Canada, and the United States, in 1860. 

Entertaining, with no small enthusiasm, and in common, these views ofan Anglo-American Empire, Mr. Tilley and I were of the same opinion asto practical modes. We must go "step by step, " and the IntercolonialRailway was the first step in the march before us. 

In the following pages will be found some record of what followed. Suffice it here to say, that the Railway is made, not on the route Iadvocated: but it is in course of improvement, so that the shortestiron road from the great harbour of Halifax, in Nova Scotia, to thePacific may be secured. The vast western country, bigger than Russia inEurope, more or less possessed and ruled over, since the days of PrinceRupert, the first governor, by the "Merchant Adventurers of Englandtrading to Hudson's Bay, " has been annexed to Canada, and one country, under one Parliament, is bounded by the two great oceans; and, as aconsequence, the "Canadian Pacific Railway" has been made and openedfor the commerce of the world. 

Mr. Tilley, now Sir Leonard Tilley, is, at the moment, Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick, having previously filled the highest officesin the Government of the "Dominion of Canada;" and he has not forgottenthe vow he and I exchanged some while after our first acquaintance. That vow was, that we neither of us would die, if we could help it, "until we had looked upon the waters of the Pacific from the windows ofa British railway carriage. " The Canadian Pacific Railway is completed, completed by the indomitable perseverance of Sir George Stephen, Mr. Van Horne, and their colleagues--sustained as they have been, throughout, by the far-sighted policy and liberal subsidies, grantedungrudgingly, by the Dominion Parliament, under the advice of Sir JohnA. Macdonald, the Premier. I have, in the past year, fulfilled my vow, by traversing the Canadian Continent from Quebec to Port Moody, Vancouver City, and Victoria, Vancouver's Island, over the 3, 100 milesof Railway possessed by the Canadian Pacific Company, and have "lookedupon the waters of the Pacific from the windows of a British railwaycarriage. "

My impressions of this grand work will be found in future chapters. 

"The Dominion of Canada" now includes the various Provinces of NorthAmerica, formerly known as Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick, NovaScotia, Prince Edward Island, British Columbia, Vancouver's Island, andthe extensive regions of The Hudson's Bay Company, including the newProvince of Manitoba, and the North West Territories; in fact, thewhole of British North America, except Newfoundland. 

This territory stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and(including Newfoundland) is estimated to contain a total area of somefour million square miles. 

As matter of mere surface, and probably of cultivable area, also, morethan half the Northern Continent of America owes allegiance to theCrown and to Queen Victoria. So may it remain. So it will remain if weretain the Imperial instinct. These noble provinces are confederatedinto a vast dominion, with one common Law, one Custom House, and one"House of Commons"--by a simple Act of the Imperial Parliament, theConfederation Act of 1867, passed while Lord Beaconsfield was PrimeMinister and the Duke of Buckingham Colonial Minister. This union waseffected quietly, unostentatiously, and in peace; and (circumstanceswell favouring) by the exertions, influence, and faithfulness toImperial traditions, of Cartier, John A. Macdonald, John Ross, Howe, Tilley, Galt, Tupper, Van Koughnet, and other provincial statesmen, whoforced the Home Government to action and fired their brother colonistswith their own enthusiasm. 

At home, all honour is due to a great Colonial Minister--the Duke ofNewcastle. 

Taking up, some years ago, a tuft of grass growing at the foot of oneof the grand marble columns of the Parthenon at the Acropolis atAthens, I found a compass mark in the footing, or foundation--a merescratch in the stone--made, probably, by some architect's assistant, before the Christian era. I make no claim to more than having made ascratch of some sort on the foundation stone of some pillar, or other, of Confederation. And I throw together these pages with no idea ofgaining credit for services, gratuitously rendered, over a period ofyears and under many difficulties, to a cause which I have always hadat heart; but with the desire to record some facts of interest which, hereafter, may, probably, be held worthy of being interleaved in somefuture history of the union of the great American provinces of theBritish Empire. I have another motive also: I should wish to contributesome information bearing upon any future account of the life of thelate Duke of Newcastle. He is dead: and, so far, no one has attemptedto write his biography. That may be reserved for another generation. Hewas the Colonial Minister under whose rule and guidance the foundationsof the great measure of Confederation were, undoubtedly, laid; and tohim, more than to any minister since Lord Durham, the credit ofpreserving, as I hope for ever, the rule of her Majesty, and hersuccessors, over the Western Continent ought to attach. For, while theidea of an union, of more or less extent, was suggested in LordDurham's time--probably by Charles Buller, --and was now and thenfondled by other Governors-General, in Canada, and by ColonialMinisters at home--the real, practical measures which led to thecreation of one country extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific weredue to the far-sighted policy and persuasive influence of the Duke. TheDuke was a statesman singularly averse to claiming credit for his ownspecial public services, while ever ready to attribute credit andbestow praise on those around him. 

My first interview with the Duke was in January, 1847. He was then LordLincoln, and the Conservative candidate for Manchester; in disgracewith his father. His father was the old fashioned nobleman who desired"to do what he liked with his own, " and never would rebuild NottinghamCastle, burnt in 1832 by the Radicals. The son had cast in his lot withSir Robert Peel and free trade. The father was still one of the narrow-minded class to whom reform of any kind was the spectre of "ruin to thecountry. " They were quite honest in the conviction that the people were"born to be governed, and not to govern. " They probably saw in the freeimportation of foreign food the abrogation of rent. 

In 1847 Mr. Bright was the candidate for Manchester, whom we of the oldAnti-Corn Law League supported. The interview I refer to was actuatedby our desire to avoid an undeserved opposition; Lord Lincoln retired, however, owing mainly to other reasons, including that of theintolerance of a body of Churchmen regarding popular education. 

A long period of wretched health compelled me for several years toconsume what strength I had left in the ordinary routine of dailybusiness. And it was not until 1852 that any further intercourse of anykind took place between us. In that year I published a little bookabout the United States and Canada, the record of my first visit toNorth America, in 1851. And, if I recollect rightly, I travelled withthe Duke in the spring of 1852, probably between Rugby and Derby, andfound him in possession of a copy of this little book, on which he had, faute de mieux, spent half-a-crown at the book stall at Euston. Herecognised me; and it was my fault, and not his, that I saw no more ofhim till 1857, by which time, no doubt, he had forgotten me. Still ourconversation in 1852 about America, and especially as to slavery, andthe probability of a separation of North and South, will always dwellin my memory. Lord Lincoln had studied De Tocqueville; but he had not, yet, seen America. He had, therefore, at that time many erroneousviews, which could only be corrected by the actual and personalopportunity of seeing and measuring, on the spot, the country, whichalways really means the people. This opportunity was given to him bythe visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States, in1860. He accompanied the Prince in his capacity of Colonial Minister. 

These casual glimpses of Lord Lincoln were followed by an interviewbetween us in 1857. In the meantime, it is true, he had had my namebrought before him during his term of office pending the Crimean WarSome one had suggested to the Government to send me out to the Crimeato take charge of the Stores Department, at a time when all wasconfusion and mess, out there, and I was asked to call on the Ministerabout it. It seemed to me, however, a duty impossible of execution by acivilian, unless the condition of "full powers" were conceded, --and thematter came to nothing. 

In 1856 I was the Manager of the Manchester, Sheffield and LincolnshireRailway. In that year a reckless engine, travelling between Shireoaksand Worksop, threw out some sparks, which set fire to the underwood ofone of the Duke's plantations--for he was then Duke--and he wrote tothe Chairman of the Railway, the then Earl of Yarborough, in whatappeared to me a very haughty manner. I therefore felt bound to defendmy chief, and I took up the quarrel. In a note addressed from theLibrary of the House of Commons, I asked for an interview, which wassomewhat stiffly granted. This was the note which led to ourinterview:--

 "CLUMBER, "1 Decr. 1856. 

"MY DEAR YARBOROUGH, "Instead of placing the enclosed extraordinary production in the handsof my Solicitor, I think it best, in the first instance, to send it toyou as Chairman of the M. S. & L. Railway, because I cannot believethat either its tone or its substance can have been authorized by theDirectors. 

"I am sorry to say this is not the first piece of impertinence which Ihave had to complain of in reference to the damage done to my woods bythe engines of the Company, and neither Mr. Foljambe nor I have had anyencouragement to treat the matter in the amicable spirit which we wereanxious to evince. 

"The demands now made by the aggressors upon the party aggrieved issimply preposterous, and, of course, will be treated as it deserves. Weshall next have the Company, or rather, as I hope and believe, theCompany's Solicitors, demanding us to cut all our corn within 100 yardsof the line before it becomes ripe, and consequently inflammable. 

"Your Solicitor knows perfectly well that the Company is by law liablefor damage done to woods; and, moreover, that such damage ispreventible by proper care on the part of its servants. 

"I think the Directors ought to order their Solicitor to write to meand others, to whom so impertinent a letter has been addressed, and begto withdraw it, with an apology for having sent it. 

"I am sorry to trouble you with this matter, because I feel that youought not to be troubled with business in your present state of health;but as you are still the Chairman, I could not with propriety write toany other person. 

 "I am, my dear Yarborough, "Yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. 

"THE EARL OF YARBOROUGH, &c. , &c. "

Accordingly, I went to the mansion in Portman Square. I waited sometime; but at last in stalked the Duke, looking very awful indeed--sostern and severe--that I could not help smiling, and saying--"The burntcoppice, your Grace. " Upon this he laughed, held out his hand, placedme beside him, and we had a very long discussion, not about the fire, but about the colliery he, then, was sinking--against the advice ofmany of his friends in Sheffield--at Shireoaks; and when he had donewith that, we talked, once more, about Canada, the United States, andthe Colonies generally. 

After this date, I had to see the Duke on business, more and morefrequently. The year after the Duke's return from Canada, in 1861, hehappened to read an article I had written in a London paper, hereaftergiven, about opening up the Northern Continent of America by a Railwayacross to the Pacific, and he spoke of it as embodying the views whichhe had before expressed, as his own. 

In 1854 Mr. Glyn and Mr. Thomas Baring had urged me to undertake amission to Canada on the business of the Grand Trunk Railway, whichmission I had been compelled to decline; and when, in 1860-1, theaffairs of that undertaking became dreadfully entangled, the Committeeof Shareholders, who reported upon its affairs, invited me to acceptthe post of "Superintending Commissioner, " with full powers. Theydesired me to take charge of such legislative and other measures asmight retrieve the Company's disasters, so far as that might bepossible. Before complying with this proposal, I consulted the Duke, and it was mainly under the influence of his warm concurrence that Iaccepted the mission offered to me. I accepted it in the hope of beingable, not merely to serve the objects of the Shareholders of the GrandTrunk, but that at the same time I might be somewhat useful in aidingthose measures of physical union contemplated when the Grand TrunkRailway was projected, and which must precede any confederation ofinterests, such as that happily crowned in 1867 by the creation of the"Dominion of Canada. "

I find that my general views were, some time before, epitomized in thefollowing letter. It is true that Mr. Baring, then President of theGrand Trunk, did not, at first, accept my views; but he and Mr. Glyn(the late Lord Wolverton) co-operated afterwards in all ways in thedirection those views indicated. 

 "NORTHENDEN, "13_th November_, 1860. 

"Some years ago Mr. Glyn (I think with the assent of Mr. Baring)proposed to me to go out to Canada to conduct a negotiation with theColonial Government in reference to the Grand Trunk Railway. I wascompelled then, from pressure of other business, to refuse what at thattime would have been, to me, a very agreeable mission. Since then, Ihave grown older, and somewhat richer; and not being dependent upon thelabour of the day, I should be very chary of increasing the somewhatheavy load of responsibility and anxiety which I still have to bear. Itis doubtful, therefore, whether I could bring my mind to undertake soarduous, exceptional--perhaps even doubtful--an engagement as that ofthe 'restoration to life' of the Grand Trunk Railway. 

"This line, both as regards its length, the character of its works, andits alliances with third parties, is both too extensive, and tooexpensive, for the Canada of to-day; and left, as it is, dependentmainly upon the development of population and industry on its own line, and upon the increase of the traffic of the west, it cannot beexpected, for years to come, to emancipate itself thoroughly from theload of obligations connected with it. 

"Again, the Colonial Government having really, in spite of all thejobbery and political capital alleged to have been perpetrated and madein connexion with this concern, made great sacrifices in its behalf, isnot likely, having got the Railway planted on its own soil, to be readyto give much more assistance to this same undertaking. 

"That the discipline and traffic of the line could be easily put upon asound basis, that that traffic could be vigorously developed, that theexpenses, except always those of repair and renewal, could be keptdown, and that friendly, and perhaps improving and more beneficial, arrangements could be made with the local government--is matter, to me, of little doubt. Any man thoroughly versed in railways and quite up tobusiness, and especially accustomed to the management of men and theconduct of serious negotiation, could easily accomplish this. But afterall, unless I am very much deceived, all this will be insufficient, formany years to come, to satisfy the Shareholders; and I should notadvise Mr. Glyn or Mr. Baring to tie their reputations to any man, however able or experienced, if it involved a sort of moral guaranteethat the result of his appointment should be any very suddenimprovement, of a character likely much to raise the _value of theproperty in the market_, which unfortunately is what theShareholders very naturally look at, as the test of everything. 

"To work the Grand Trunk as a gradually improving property would, Irepeat, be easy; but to work it so as to produce _a great success_in a few years can only, in my opinion, be done in one way. That way, to many, would be chimerical; to some, incomprehensible; and possibly Imay be looked upon myself as somewhat visionary for even suggesting it. That way, however, to my mind, lies through the extension of railwaycommunication to the Pacific. 

"Try for one moment to realize China opened to British commerce: Japanalso opened: the new gold fields in our own territory on the extremewest, and California, also within reach: India, our AustralianColonies--all our eastern Empire, in fact, material and moral, anddependent (as at present it too much is) upon an overlandcommunication, through a foreign state. 

"Try to realize, again, assuming physical obstacles overcome, a mainthrough Railway, of which the first thousand miles belong to the GrandTrunk Company, from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Pacific, made just within--as regards the north-western and unexplored district--the corn-growing latitude. The result to this Empire would be beyondcalculation; it would be something, in fact, to distinguish the ageitself; and the doing of it would make the fortune of the Grand Trunk. 

"Assuming also, again I say, that physical obstacles can be overcome, is not the time opportune for making a start? The Prince is just cominghome full of glowing notions of the vast territories he has seen: theDuke of Newcastle has been with him--and he is Colonial Minister: thereis jealousy and uncertainty on all questions relating to the east, coincident with an enormous development of our eastern relations, making people all anxious, if they could, to get another way across tothe Pacific:--the new gold fields on the Frazer River are attractingswarms of emigrants; and the public mind generally is ripe, as it seemsto me, for any grand and feasible scheme which could be laid before it. 

"To undertake the Grand Trunk with the notion of gradually working outsome idea of this kind for it and for Canada, throws an entirely newlight upon the whole matter, and as a means to this end doubtless theCanadian Government would co-operate with the Government of thiscountry, and would make large sacrifices for the Grand Trunk inconsequence. The enterprise could only be achieved by the co-operationof the two Governments, and by associating with the Railway'senterprise some large land scheme and scheme of emigration. "

The visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the Maritime Provinces, in 1860, had evoked the old feeling of loyalty to the mother country, damaged as it had been by Republican vicinity, the entire change ofcommercial relations brought about by free trade, and sectionalconflicts. And the Duke, at once startled by the underlying hostilityto Great Britain and to British institutions in the United States--which even the hospitalities of the day barely cloaked--and gratifiedbeyond measure by the outbursts of genuine feeling on the part of thecolonists, was most anxious, especially while entrusted with theportfolio of the Colonies, to strengthen and bind together all that wasloyal north of the United States boundary. 

Walking with Mr. Seward in the streets of Albany, after the day'sshouts and ceremonies were over, Mr. Seward said to the Duke, "Wereally do not want to go to war with you; and we know you dare not goto war with us. " To which the Duke replied, "Do not remain under suchan error. There is no people under Heaven from whom we should endure somuch as from yours; to whom we should make such concessions. You may, while we cannot, forget that we are largely of the same blood. But oncetouch us in our honour and you will very soon find the bricks of NewYork and Boston falling about your heads. " In relating this to me theDuke added, "I startled Seward a good deal; but he put on a look ofincredulity nevertheless. And I do not think they believe we shouldever fight them; but we certainly should if the provocation werestrong. " It will be remarked that this conversation between Seward andthe Duke was in 1860. That no one, then, expected a revolution from ananti-slave-state election of President. Still less did the people, ofeither England or the United States, dream of a divergence, consequenton such an election, to end in a struggle, first for political power, and then following, in providential order, for human freedom. Astruggle culminating in the entire subjection of the South, in 1865, after four years' war--a struggle costing a million of lives, untoldhuman misery, and a loss in money, or money's worth, of over a thousandmillions sterling. 

In our many conversations, I had always ventured to enforce upon theDuke that the passion for territory, for space, would be found at thebottom of all discussion with the United States. Give them territory, not their own, and for a time you would appease them, while, still, thevery feast would sharpen their hunger. I reminded the Duke that GeneralCass had said, "I have an awful swallow ('swaller' was hispronunciation) for territory;" and all Americans have that "awfulswallow. " The dream of possessing a country extending from the Pole tothe Isthmus of Panama, if not to Cape Horn, has been the ambition ofthe Great Republic--and it is a dangerous ambition for the rest of theworld. We have seen its effects in all our treaties. We have alwaysbeen asked _for land_. We gave up Michigan after the war of 1812. We gave up that noble piece, the "Aroostook" country, now part of theState of Maine, under the Ashburton Treaty in 1841. We have, again, been shuffled out of our boundary at St. Juan on the Pacific, under anarbitration which really contained its own award. The ReciprocityTreaty was put an end to, in 1866, by the United States, not becausethe Great West--who may govern the Union if they please--did not wantit, but because the Great West was cajoled by the cunning East intobelieving that a restriction of intercourse between the United Statesand the British Provinces would, at last, force the subjects of theQueen to seek admission into the Republic. So it was, and is and willbe; and the only way to prevent aggression and war was, is, and willbe, to "put our foot down. " Not to cherish the "peace-in-our-time"policy, or to indulge in the half-hearted language, to which I shallhave hereafter to allude--but to combine and strengthen the sections ofour Colonial Empire in the West--to give to their people a greaterEmpire still, a nobler history, and a prouder lot: a lot to_last_, because based upon institutions which have stood, and willstand, the test of time and trouble. Unfortunately we have had a"little England" party in our country. A Liberal Government, immediately following the Act of Confederation, took every red-coat outof the Dominion of Canada, shipped off, or sold, the very shot andshell to any one, friend or foe, who chose to buy: and the few guns andmortars Canada demanded were charged to her "in account" with the ruthof the miser. If the Duke of Newcastle had been a member of thatCabinet such a miserable policy never could have been put in force; buthe was _dead_. I venture to think that the whole people ofEngland, who knew of the transaction, were ashamed of it. Certainly, Isaw, a few years ago, that one member of the very Cabinet which didthis thing, repudiated the "little England" policy, as opposed to thebest traditions of the Liberal party. 

The "little England" party of the past have tried, so far in vain, toalienate these our fellow subjects. But, fortunately for the Empire, while some in the mother country have been indifferent as to whetherthe Provinces went or stayed, many in the Colonies have been earnest intheir desire to escape annexation to the States. The feeling of thesepatriotic men was well described in December, 1862, by LordShaftesbury, at a dinner given to Messrs. Howe, Tilley, Howland andSicotte, delegates from the Provinces of Canada, New Brunswick and NovaScotia. He said Canada addressed us in the affecting language of Ruth--"Entreat me not to leave thee, nor to refrain from following afterthee"--and he asked, "Whether the world had ever seen such a spectacleas great and growing nations, for such they were, with full andunqualified power to act as they pleased, insisting on devoting theirhonor, strength, and substance to the support of the common mother; andnot only to be called, but to be, sons. " And Lord Shaftesbury asked, "Whether any imperial ruler had ever preferred, " as he said Canada had, "love to dominion, and reverence to power. "

Lord Shaftesbury's sentiments are, I believe, an echo of those of the"great England" party; but, I repeat, "little England" sold the shotand shell, nevertheless. 

Whatever this man or that may claim to have done towards building upConfederation, I, who was in good measure behind the scenes throughout, repeat that to the late Duke of Newcastle the main credit of themeasure of 1867 was due. While failing health and the Duke's prematuredecease left to Mr. Cardwell and Mr. W. E. Forster--and afterwards toLord Carnarvon and the Duke of Buckingham--the completion of the workbefore the English Parliament, it was he who stood in the gap, andformed and moulded, with a patience and persistence admirable tobehold, Cabinet opinion both in England and in the Provinces. At thesame time George Etienne Cartier, John A. Macdonald, and John Ross, inCanada; Samuel L. Tilley, in New Brunswick, and, notably, Joseph Howe, in Nova Scotia, stood together for Union like a wall of brass. Andthese should ever be the most prominent amongst the honoured names ofthe authors of an Union of the Provinces under the British Crown. 

The works, I repeat, to be effected were--first, the physical union ofthe Maritime Provinces with Canada by means of Intercolonial Railways;and, second, to get out of the way of any unification, the heavy weightand obstruction of the Hudson's Bay Company. The; latter was mostdifficult, for abundant reasons. 

This difficult work rested mainly on my shoulders. 

It may be well here to place in contrast the condition of the Provincesin 1861 and of the Confederation in 1886. In 1861 each of the fiveProvinces had its separate Governor, Parliament, Executive, and systemof taxation. To all intents and purposes, and notwithstanding thefunctions of the Governor-General and the unity flowing from thecontrol of the British Crown--these Provinces, isolated for want of themeans of rapid transit, were countries as separate in every relation ofbusiness, or of the associations of life, as Belgium and Holland, orSwitzerland and Italy. The associations of New Brunswick and NovaScotia were far more intimate with the United States than with Canada;and the whole Maritime Provinces regulated their tariffs, as Canada didin return, from no consideration of developing a trade with each other, or with the Canadas, between whose territory and the ocean theseProvinces barred the way. Thus, isolated and divided, it could be nomatter of wonder if their separate political discussions narrowedthemselves into local, sectional, and selfish controversies; and if, while each possessing in their Legislature men in abundance whodeserved the title of sagacious and able statesmen, brilliant orators, far-sighted men of business, their debates often reminded the strangerwho listened to them of the squabbles of local town councils. Again, the Great Republic across their borders, with its obvious future, offered with open arms, and especially to the young and ambitious, anoble field, not shut in by winter or divided by separate governments. Thus the gravitation towards aggregation--which seems to be a conditionof the progress of modern states--a condition to be intensified asspace is diminished by modern discoveries in rapid transit--was, in thecase of the Provinces, rather towards the United States than towardseach other or the British Empire. Thus there were, in 1860, many causesat work to discourage the idea of Confederation. And it is by no meansimprobable that the occurrence of the great Civil War destroyed thistendency. 

I remember an incident which occurred at a little dinner party which Igave in Montreal, in September, 1861, to the delegates who assembledthere, after my visits, in response to the appeal just made to theGovernments of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, on the subjectof the Intercolonial Railway. It illustrates the personal isolationalluded to above. The Honorable Joseph Howe, then Premier of NovaScotia, said, "We have been more like foreigners than fellow-subjects;you do not know us, and we do not know you. There are men in this room, who hold the destinies of this half of the Continent in their hands;and yet we never meet, unless by some chance or other, like the visitof the Prince of Wales, we are obliged to meet. I say, " he added, "wehave done more good by a free talk over this table, to-night, than allthe Governors, general and local, could do in a year, if they didnothing' but write despatches. Oh! if you fellows would only now andthen dine and drink with us fellows, we would make a great partnershipdirectly. " And the great partnership has been made, save only thatNewfoundland still remains separate. 

In Canada the divisions between the Upper and Lower Provinces were, in1861, serious, and often acrimonious; for they were religious as wellas political. The rapid growth of Upper Canada, overtopping that of theFrench-speaking and Catholic Lower Province, led to demands to upsetthe great settlement of 1839, and to substitute for an equalrepresentation, such a redistribution of seats as would have followedthe numerical progression of the country. "Representation bypopulation"--shortly called "Rep. By Pop. "--was the great cry of theardent Liberal or "Grit" party, at whose head was George Brown, of the"Toronto Globe"--powerful, obstinate, Scotch, and Protestant, and withYankee leanings. In fact, the same principles were in difference asthose which evolved themselves in blood in the contest between theNorth and South between 1861 and 1865. The minority desired to preservethe power and independence which an equal share in parliamentarygovernment had given them. The majority, mainly English and Scotch, andlargely Protestant and Presbyterian, chafed under what they deemed tobe the yoke of a non-progressive people; a people content to live inmodest comfort, to follow old customs, and obey old laws; to defer toclerical authority, and to preserve their separate national identityunder the secure protection of a strong Empire. Indeed, it isdifficult, in 1886, to realise the heat, or to estimate the danger, ofthe discussion of this question; and more than one "Grit" politician, whom I could name, would be startled if we reminded him of his opinionin 1861, --that the question would be "settled by a civil war" if it"could not be settled peaceably, " but that "settled it must be--andsoon. "

The cure for this dangerous disease was to provide, for all, a biggercountry--a country large enough to breed large ideas. There is a careeropen in the boundless resources of a varied land for every reasonableambition, and the young men of Canada, which possesses an excellenteducational machinery, may now look forward to as noble, if not morenoble, an inheritance than their Republican neighbours--an inheritancewhere there is room for 100, 000, 000 of people to live in freedom, comfort, and happiness. While progress will have its periodical checks, and periodical inflations, there is no reason to doubt that before thenext century ends the "Dominion, " if still part of the Empire, will--innumbers--outstrip the present population of the British Islands. 

Now, in 1886, all this past antagonism of "Rep. By Pop. " is forgotten. Past and gone. A vast country, rapidly augmenting in population andwealth, free from any serious sectional controversy, free, especially, from any idea of separation, bound together under one governingauthority, with one tariff and one system of general taxation, hasexhibited a capacity for united action, and for self-government andmutual defence, admirable to behold. 

CHAPTER II. 

_Towards the Pacific--Liverpool to Quebec. _

Leaving Liverpool at noon of the 2nd September, 1886, warping out ofthe dock into the river--a long process--we arrived, in the fine screwsteamer "Sardinian, " of the Allan line, off Moville, at five on thefollowing morning; and we got out of the inlet at five in theafternoon, after receiving mails and passengers. It may be asked, why adelay of twelve hours at Moville? The answer is--the Bar at Liverpool. The genius and pre-vision of the dock and harbour people at Liverpoolkeep the entrance to that port in a disgraceful condition, year afteryear--year after year. And the trade of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Cheshire, and Derbyshire, is compelled to depend upon a sand-bar, overwhich, at low tide, there is eight feet of water only. Such a big shipas "The Sardinian" can cross the bar in two short periods, or twice inthe twenty-four hours, over a range, probably, of three or four hours. On my return home I wrote the following letter about this bar to "TheTimes":--

"THE BAR AT LIVERPOOL. 

"SIR, --You inserted some time ago in 'The Times' a letter fromProfessor Ramsay detailing the troubles arising to travellers from theother side of the Atlantic, owing to shallow water outside the entranceto Liverpool, and you enforced the necessity of some improvement, in avery able article. Professor Ramsay was at that time returning from themeeting of the British Association, held in the Dominion of Canada. 

"Still, while time goes on, and the question becomes more and moreurgent, the bar, with its eight feet of water at low tide, remains asit was, save that some navigators contend that it grows worse. 

"Yesterday 340 passengers, of whom I was one, by the noble Cunard ship'The Etruria, ' experienced the difficulty in all its varieties oftrouble. 

"After rushing through very heavy seas and against violent winds forthree or four days, we cast anchor a good way outside the bar at 5o'clock yesterday (Sunday) morning. The weather was too rough for thefine tug-boat, 'The Skirmisher, ' to come so far out. So, after swingingabout till 10 o'clock, we moved slowly on, crossed the bar about half-past 11, and were off the northernmost dock later on. Here the usualprocess of hauling the ship round by the aid of the tug took place, andthen the further process of putting the baggage on board the tug, inadvance of taking the passengers. I was fortunate in being taken offthe ship in a special tug-boat by some friends, got to the landing-stage, where the baggage is examined by the Customs, and, a carriagewaiting for me, was at the Central Station at Liverpool at one o'clock. But, with all these comfortable arrangements, I had lost at least sevenhours, and had missed all morning trains. The other passengers, I fear, did not get through for two or three hours later, and those for Londonwould be lucky if they just caught the 4 o'clock train. 

"It would not, I am told, be prudent to take a ship of the size anddraught of 'The Etruria' over the bar till two hours before high wateron a flowing, and one hour after on an ebbing, tide. Thus, for such aship--and the tendency is to build larger and larger vessels--themargin, even in moderate weather, is probably three hours out of thetwenty-four, or, in other words, exclusion from the port for twenty-onehours out of the twenty-four, more or less. 

"Lancashire will soon have to say whether its manufactures and commerceare to be tied to the bar at Liverpool; and, in the new competition ofports, a port open at any time of tide must ultimately draw the tradeand traffic. 

"Before the Committee of the House of Commons, on HarbourAccommodation, on which Committee I had the honour to sit, it wasproved that every country in Europe, having a sea-board, was making andimproving deep-water harbours, --except England. 

"Take the case of Antwerp, which is already attracting traffic to andfrom the great British possessions themselves by reason of its greatfacilities. 

"Liverpool is a place where the dogma of absolute perfection isaccepted as a religion. But some of us may be pardoned if, in bothlocal and national interests, we must be dissenters. 

"That the bar may be made better instead of growing worse is obvious. But the great cure is by cutting through the peninsula of Birkenheadand obtaining a second entrance to the Mersey, always accessible, andobviously alternative. This was the advice of Telford seventy yearsago, and 'The Times' has called public attention to a practical way ofworking out the Telford idea, planned by Mr. Baggallay, C. E. , and laidbefore the Liverpool authorities--in vain. 

"I may add that if our ship had called at Holyhead, the Londonpassengers might have left Holyhead on Saturday evening instead ofLiverpool on Sunday afternoon, a difference of a day. 

 "I beg to remain very faithfully yours, "EDWARD W. WATKIN. "Northenden, _Oct_. 18, 1886. "

Some Liverpool cotton broker wrote to me to say that I had forgottenthat there were two tides in the twenty-four hours. Nothing of thekind. There was one word miswritten, and, therefore, misprinted, whichI have corrected: but the broad fact remains, and why my compatriots inthe broad Lancashire district do not see the danger, I cannotcomprehend, unless it be that some of them are up in the "Ship Canal"balloon, and others, the best of them, are indifferent. 

Steaming along, after leaving Moville, we passed Tory Island, the sceneof many wrecks, and of disasters around. It has a lighthouse, but notelegraphic communication with the shore at all. 

I wrote a letter about that to the Editor of the "Standard. " Here itis:--

"TORY ISLAND. 

"SIR, --Newspapers are not to be had here, but as this good ship is onlya week out from Liverpool, and five days from out of sight of land tosight of land, I may fairly assume that Parliament is still discussingIrish questions. 

"Thus I ask your indulgence to make reference to a question which isdecidedly Irish, but is also Imperial, in the sense that it affects thelives of large numbers of persons, especially of the emigrant class, and is interesting to all the navigation and commerce of necessitypassing the north-west extremity of Ireland. 

"If your readers will refer to the map they will see, outside thenorth-west corner of the mainland of Ireland, Tory Island. It was onTory Island that 'The Wasp' and her gallant captain were lost, withouthope of rescue, for want of cable communication; and Tory Island itselfhas excited the interest of the philanthropist on many occasions. OnTory Island there is a lighthouse, with a fixed light, which can beseen sixteen miles. Not long ago, as I learn, a deputation from theBoard of Irish Lighthouses went all the way to England to beg the Boardof Trade, at Whitehall, to sanction the expenditure of eight hundredpounds, with a view to double the power of the light on Tory Island. Perhaps the Board of Trade, after some interval of time, may see theirway to do what any man of business would decide upon in five minutes asobvious and essential. But that is not the point I wish to lay beforeyou. My point is, that while the lighthouse on Tory Island is good forwarning ships, and may, as above, be made more effective, no use ismade of it in the way of transmitting ship intelligence. 

"I ask, therefore, to be allowed to advocate the connection of ToryIsland, by telegraph cable, with the mainland of Ireland and itstelegraph system. The cost of doing this one way would, as I estimate, be two thousand five hundred pounds; the cost of doing it another waywould be about six thousand pounds. 

"The first way would be by a cable from the lighthouse on Tory Island, leaving either Portdoon Bay, on the east end of Tory Island, or leavingCamusmore Bay on the south of it, and landing either on the sandy beachat Drumnafinny Point, or at Tramore Bay, where there is a similarlyfavourable beach. The distance in the former case is six and a half, inthe latter seven and a half miles, the distance being slightly affectedby the starting point selected. Adopting this route at a cost of twothousand five hundred pounds, which would include about twenty miles ofcheap land telegraphs, available for postal and other local purposes, would be the shortest and cheapest mode. 

"The second way would be to lay a cable from Tory Island to Malin Head, where the Allan Steamship Company have a signal station. The distanceis twenty-nine miles; the cost, as I estimate, about six thousandpounds. I should, however, prefer the former and cheaper plan, as Ithink it would serve a larger number of purposes and interests. 

"From Portdoon Bay, on Tory Island, to Tramore Bay the sea-bottom iscomposed of sand and shells, very good for cable-laying; and there is adepth of water of from seventeen to nineteen fathoms. 

"Tory Island is the turning point--I might say pivot point--for allsteam and sailing vessels coming from the South and across the WesternOcean, and using the North of Ireland route for Liverpool, Londonderry, Belfast, Glasgow, and a host of other ports and places. It can beapproached with safety at a distance of half-a-mile, near thelighthouse, as the water is deep close to, there being twenty fathomsat a distance of one-third of a mile from the Island. 

"The steamers of all the Canadian lines pass this point--the Allan, theBeaver, the Anchor, the Dominion--while all the steam lines beginningand ending at Glasgow, Greenock, and other Scotch ports do the same. Again, all sailing vessels, carrying a great commerce for Liverpool andports up to Greenock and Glasgow, and round the north of Scotland toNewcastle and the East Coast ports, would be largely served by thisproposal. Repeating that this is a question of saving life and ofaiding navigation at an infinitesimal cost, I will now proceed to showthe various benefits involved. 

"First of all it would save five hours, as compared with present plans, in signalling information of the passing to and fro of steamships. Asrespect all Canadian and many other steamers it would also expedite themails, by enabling the steam tenders at Loch Foyle to come out and meetthe ships outside at Innishowen Head; and this gain of time would oftensave a tide across the bar at Liverpool, and sometimes a day to thepassengers going on by trains. As respects the Scotch steamers goingnorth of Tory Island, it would enable the owners to learn thewhereabouts of their vessels fourteen hours sooner than at present. Inthe case of sailing ships the advantages are far greater. CaptainSmith, of this ship, a commander of deserved eminence, informs me thathe has known sailing ships to be tacking about at the entrance of theChannel, between the Mull of Cantyre and the north coast of Ireland, for eighteen days in adverse and dangerous winds, unable to communicatewith their owners, who, if informed by telegraph, could at once sendtugs to their relief. Again, when eastern winds prevail, in the springof the year, tugs being sent, owners would get their ships into portmany days, or even weeks, sooner than at present. 

"But it needs no arguing that to all windbound and to disabled shipsthe means of thus calling for assistance would be invaluable. 

"For the above reason I hope the slight cost involved will not begrudged, especially by our patriots, who have taken the Irish andScotch emigrants under their special protection. I respectfully invitethem and every one else to aid in protecting life and property in thisobvious way. 

 "I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, "E. W. WATKIN. "S. S. Sardinian, off Belle Isle, "_September_ 9, 1886. "

Our voyage on to Quebec had the usual changes of weather: hot sun, coldwinds, snow, hail, icebergs, and gales of wind, and, when nearing BelleIsle, dense fog, inducing our able, but prudent, captain to stop hisengines till daylight, when was sighted a wall of ice across our trackat no great distance. Captain Smith prefers to take the north side ofBelle Isle. There is a lighthouse on the Island, not, I thought, in avery good situation for passing on the north side. But I found thatthere was no cable communication between Belle Isle and Anticosti. Thus, in case of disaster, the only warning to Quebec would be the non-arrival of the ship, and the delay might make help too late. I venturedto call the attention of a leading member of the Canadian Government tothis want of means of sending intelligence of passing ships and shipsin distress. In winter this strait is closed by ice, and thelighthouses are closed too. Inside the fine inlet of "Amour Bay, " anatural dock, safe and extensive, we saw the masts of a French man-of-war. The French always protect their fishermen; we at home usually letthem take care of themselves. This French ship had been in theseEnglish waters some time; and on a recent passage there was gun-firing, and the movement of men, to celebrate, as the captain learned, thetaking of the Bastille. On the opposite coast is a little cove, inwhich a British ship got ashore, and was stripped by the local piratesof everything. Captain Smith took off the crew and reported the piracy;but nothing seems to have been done. A British war-ship is never seenin these distant and desolate northern regions. It may well be that thesparse population think all the coasts still belong to France, inaddition to the Isles of St. Pierre and Miquelon. This is how our navyis managed. Can it be true that the Marquis of Lorne recommended thatan ironclad should be sent to Montreal for a season, as an emblem ofBritish power and sway--and was refused?

After some trouble with fog and wind, preceded by a most remarkableAurora Borealis, and some delay at night at Rimouska, we reachedQuebec, and got alongside at Point Levi, on the afternoon of Saturday, the 11th September; and I had great pleasure in meeting my old friendMr. Hickson, who came down to meet Mrs. Hickson and his son anddaughter, fellow-passengers of mine. I also at once recognized Dr. Rowand, the able medical officer of the Port of Quebec, who I had notset eyes on for twenty-four years. I stayed the night at Russell'sHotel; and next day renewed my acquaintance with the city, finding the"Platform" wonderfully enlarged and improved, the work of LordDufferin, a new and magnificent Courthouse being built, and, above all, an immense structure of blue-grey stone, intended for the futureParliament House of the Province of Quebec. The facility of borrowingmoney in England on mere provincial, or town, security, appears to be aGodsend to architects and builders, and to aid and exalt local ambitionfor fine, permanent structures. Well, the buildings remain. To find thegrand old fortifications of Quebec in charge of a handful of Canadiantroops, seemed strange. Such fortresses belong to the Empire; and theQueen's redcoats should hold them all round the world. I was told--Ihope it is not true--that the extensive works above Point Levi, opposite Quebec, constructed by British military labour, arepractically abandoned to decay and weeds. 

CHAPTER III. 

_To the Pacific--Montreal to Port Moody_. 

On the evening of the 12th September I left Quebec by the train forMontreal, and travelled over the "North Shore" line of 200 miles. Oneof the secretaries of the Vice-President of the Canadian Pacific, Mr. Van Horn, called upon me to say that accommodation was reserved for mein the train; and that Mr. Van Horn was sending down his own car, whichwould meet me half way. It was no use protesting against the non-necessity of such luxurious treatment. I was further asked, if I had"got transportion?" which puzzled me. But I found, being interpreted, the question was modern American for "Have you got your throughticket?" I replied, that I had paid my fare right through fromLiverpool to Vancouver's Island--as every mere traveller for his ownpleasure ought to do; and I was remonstrated with for so unkind aproceeding, as the fact of my having been President of the Grand Trunkwas of itself a passport all over Canada. 

At Three Rivers, about half way, while reading by very good light--goodlamp, excellent oil, very good trimming--there was some shunting of thetrain, and the usual "bang" of the attachment of a carriage. A momentafterwards Mr. Van Horn's car steward entered, and asked if I was SirEdward Watkin; and he guessed I must come into Mr. Van Horn's car, sentspecially down for me. Where was my baggage? I need not say that I wassoon removed from the little, beautifully-fitted, drawing-room intothis magnificent car. In passing through, I heard some growls, inFrench, about stopping the train, and sending a car for one "Anglais. "So, on being settled in the new premises, I sent my compliments, stating that I only required one seat, and that I was certain that thecar was intended for the general convenience, and would they do me thefavour to finish their journey in it? I received very polite replies, stating that every one was very comfortable where he was. OneEnglishman, however, came in to make my acquaintance, but left me soon. I now became acquainted with Mr. Van Horn's car steward--James French, or, as his admirers call him, "Jim"--and I certainly wish to express mygratitude to him for his intelligence, thoughtfulness, admirablecookery, and general good nature. He took me, a few days later, rightacross to the Pacific in this same car, which certainly was a completehouse on wheels--bedroom, "parlour, kitchen and all. " His firstpractical suggestion was, would I take a little of Mr. Van Horn's "oldBourbon" whisky? It was "very fine, first rate. " On my assenting, heasked would I take it "straight, " as Mr. Van Horn did, or would I havea little seltzer water? I elected the latter, at the same timeobserving, that when I neared the Rocky Mountains perhaps I should haveimproved my ways so much that I could take it "straight" also. 

At Montreal, my old friend and aforetime collaborateur, Mr. JosephHickson, met me and took me home with him; and in his house, under thekind and generous care of Mrs. Hickson, I spent three delightful days, and renewed acquaintance with many old friends of times long passed. Itwas on the 28th December, 1861, that Mr. Hickson first went to Canadain the Cunard steamer "Canada" from Liverpool. He was accompanied byMr. Watkin, our only son, a youth of 15, anxious to see the biggerEngland. Mr. Watkin afterwards entered the service (Grand Trunk), inthe locomotive department, at Montreal, and deservedly gained therespect of his superior officer, who had to delegate to Mr. Watkin, then under 18, the charge of a thousand men. There were, also, Howson, Wright, Wainwright, and Barker; subsequently, Wallis. Mr. John Taylor, who acted as my private secretary in my previous visit, I had leftbehind, much to his distress at the time, much for his good afterwards. Mr. Barker is now the able manager of the Buenos Ayres Great SouthernRailway, a most prosperous undertaking; and poor dear, big, valiant, hard-working Wallis is, alas! no more: struck down two years ago byfever. These old friends, still left in Canada, are leading honorable, useful, and successful lives, respected by the community. To see themagain made it seem as if the world had stood still for a quarter of acentury. Then, again, there was my old friend and once colleague, theHonble. James Ferrier, a young-minded and vigorous man of 86: who, onmy return to Montreal, walked down to the grand new offices of theGrand Trunk, near Point St. Charles--offices very much unlike the oldwooden things I left behind, and which were burnt down--to see me andwalked back again. Next day I had the advantage of visiting theextensive workshops and vast stock yards of the Canadian Pacific, atHochelaga, to the eastward of Montreal, and of renewing my acquaintancewith the able solicitor of the Company, Mr. Abbot, and with thesecretary, an old Manchester man, Mr. Drinkwater. Then on the followingday Mr. Peterson, the engineer of this section of the Canadian PacificCompany, drove me out to Lachine, and took me by his boat, manned bythe chief and a crew of Indians, to see the finished piers and also thecoffer-dams and works of the new bridge over the St. Lawrence, by meansof which his Company are to reach the Eastern Railways of the UnitedStates, without having to use the great Victoria Bridge at Montreal. This bridge, of 1, 000 yards, or 3, 000 feet, in length, is a remarkablestructure. It was commenced in May and intended to be finished inNovember. But the foundations of the central pier, in deep and doubtfulwater, were not begun, though about to begin, and this, as it appearedto me, might delay the work somewhat. The work is a fine specimen ofengineering, by which I mean the adoption of the simplest and cheapestmode of doing what is wanted. All the traffic purposes required arehere secured in a few months, and for about 200, 000_l_. Only. 

The "Victoria" bridge at Montreal is a very different structure. A longsheet-iron box, 9, 184 feet in length, with 26 piers 60 feet above thewater level, and costing from first to last 2, 000, 000_l_. Sterling. The burning of coal had begun to affect it; but Mr. Haunaford, the chief engineer of the Grand Trunk, has made someopenings in the roof, which do not in any way reduce the strength ofthe bridge, and at the same time get rid of, at once into the air, thesulphurous vapours arising from coal combustion. 

Mr. Peterson told me that their soundings in winter showed that icethickened and accumulated at the bottom of the river. This would seem, at first sight, impossible. But experiment, Mr. Peterson said, hadproved the fact, which was accounted for by scientific people invarious and, in some cases, conflicting ways. May it not be that theaccumulation is ice from above, loaded with earth or stones, which, sinking to the bottom by gravity, coagulates from the low temperatureit produces itself? Mr. Peterson is not merely an engineer, and anexcellent one, but an observant man of business. His views upon theall-important question of colonising the unoccupied lands of theDominion seemed to be wise and far-sighted. He would add to thehomestead grants of land, an advance to the settler--a start, in fact--of stock and material, to be repaid when final title to the property, were given. 

Taking leave of my old friends, I left Montreal at 8 p. M. On the nightof September 15th, in the ordinary "Pacific Express, " on which wasattached Mr. Van Horn's car, in charge of James French. I went byordinary train because I was anxious to have an experience of theactual train-working. Mr. Edward Wragge, C. E. , of Toronto, an ableengineer of great experience, located now at Toronto, has sent me soconcise an account of the journey of this train, and of the generalengineering features of the line, that, anticipating his kindpermission, I venture to copy it:--

"Leaving Montreal in Mr. Van Horn's car, the 'Saskatchewan, ' by the 8p. M. Train on the 15th September, we passed Ottawa at 11. 35 p. M. 

"During the night we ran over that portion of the Canadian PacificRailway which was formerly called the Canada Central Railway, andreached Callander (344 miles from Montreal), the official easternterminus of the Canadian Pacific Railway, at 8. 30 a. M. 13 miles fromthis, at Thorncliff is the junction with the Northern and PacificJunction Railway, which forms the connection with Toronto and WesternOntario, being distant from Toronto 227 miles. At North Bay, which is adivisional terminus, the line touches Lake Nipissing, where there is aflourishing settlement, the land being of a fair quality. The line islaid with steel rails, about 56 lbs. To the lineal yard, and with tiesabout 2, 640 to the mile. For the first 60 or 70 miles from Callanderthe line is ballasted entirely by sand, and, with the exception of afew settlements, is entirely without fencing. Most of the bridges areof timber; but there are one or two of the larger ones of iron orsteel, with masonry abutments. 

"At Sudbury is the junction with the Algama Branch, not yet opened fortraffic. This is 443 miles from Montreal. After leaving Sudbury thecharacter of the country changes, and is alternately swampy and wildrocky land. Numerous large trestles are necessary, which willeventually be filled in with culverts and earthwork. The schedulerunning time of the trains along this portion of the line is 24 milesper hour, including stoppages. 

"At 8 p. M. Chapleau, another divisional terminus, was reached, and theschedule running time during the night from that point to Heron Bay, reached at 5. 15 a. M. The following morning, is 20 miles an hour. AtHeron Bay (802 miles from Montreal) the north shore of Lake Superior isfirst touched, and the line runs along it to Port Arthur, a distance of993 miles from Montreal. The scenery here is very wild and picturesque. At one time the line runs along the face of the rock, with the lakefrom 50 to 100 feet below, the road-bed being benched out on the cliff, and at another time is away back among barren hills and rocks, crossingseveral large streams (with either bridges of iron and masonry ortimber trestle work), which streams flow into the lake at the north endof deep indentations or arms of the lake. The line through thisdistrict is winding, having many sharp curves and steep grades. Thereare several short tunnels, all of them through rock, and not lined. Theschedule time for trains on this portion of the line is 16 miles perhour. We were detained some little time near Jack Fish, owing to aslight land slide coming down in one of the cuttings. 

"The Nepigon River is crossed at a high level with a steel trussedbridge, masonry piers and abutments, and there is an old Hudson's Baysettlement on the river a short distance above the bridge. BetweenNepigon and Port Arthur the line runs through a country much moreaccessible for railways, and the schedule time here is at the rate of24 miles an hour. We reached Port Arthur at 4 p. M. On the 17th. This isa flourishing town, situated at the head of Thunder Bay, a large bay onthe north shore of Lake Superior, and has a population of four or fivethousand at the present time. From the north shore of Lake Nipissing tothis point, however, a distance of over 600 miles, the country may besaid to be almost without inhabitants, except those connected with theworking of the railway, squatters, and Hudson's Bay trappers andtraders. The weather was chilly during the evening of this day, and aheavy sleet storm arose before arriving at Port Arthur. At night a firehad to be lighted in the car, as there was a sharp frost. During thenight the train was detained for some little time east of Rat Portage, in consequence of a trestle having given way while being pulled in, andthe train arrived at Rat Portage at 7. 30 a. M. , four hours, behind time. 

"From Port Arthur the line westward is run upon the 24 o'clock system, commencing from midnight; 1 p. M. Being 13 o'clock, 2 p. M. Being 14o'clock, and so on. The train arrived at Winnipeg at 12. 45 on the 18th(1, 423 miles from Montreal), and time was allowed to drive round thetown, the train leaving again for the west at 13. 30 o'clock. FromWinnipeg westward the line runs through a prairie country, whichextends without intermission to Calgary, a distance of 838 miles, and2, 261 from Montreal. At Winnipeg the Company have good machine shops, round houses, &c. , and a large yard, and has acquired 132 acres of landfor these purposes of working and repair and renewal. 

"The country for three or four hundred miles from Winnipeg west is moreor less settled; in some parts farms are quite numerous, and the landgood and well cultivated. At Portage la Prairie the Manitoba and North-Western Line leaves the Canadian Pacific. It is being rapidly pushedforward, and 120 miles of it have already been completed through the'Fertile belt. ' It should have been mentioned that the line betweenPort Arthur and Winnipeg, a length of 430 miles, was constructed by theGovernment of Canada and given to the Canadian Pacific Railway Companyfree as a portion of their system. This part of the line is laid with57 lbs. Steel rails, and is well ballasted. The line is also ballastedeast of Port Arthur, though in some places the ballast is of poorquality, and in others there is not sufficient of it. West of Winnipeg, however, there is no ballast across the prairie, except where theexcavations through which the line goes afford ballast, it being simplysurfaced up from side ditches with whatever the material may happen tobe; but it is in good condition for a line of such a character, and theschedule time is 24 miles an hour, including stoppages. 

"The train ran through Qu'Appelle, Regina, and Moose Jaw during thenight of the 18th, and reached Dunmore (650 miles from Winnipeg) at15. 30 o'clock on the 19th. At this point there is a branch, 3-feetgauge line, 110 miles in length, to the Lethbridge mines, belonging toSir Alexander Galt & Company. His son, Mr. Galt, met us at Dunmore, andinvited us to go and inspect the mines, but as it would have made adelay of at least one day, the idea had regretfully to be abandoned. The train reached Bassano (750 miles from Winnipeg) at 19 o'clock, ourtime, having made up 3 hours and 20 minutes since leaving Winnipeg, which was the time late leaving there. The train was then exactly 97hours since leaving Montreal, having travelled 2, 180 miles, an averagespeed, including all stoppages and delays, of 22-1/2 miles an hour. 

"During the night of the 19th and the early morning of the 20th, thetrain ran through Calgary, at the foothills of the Atlantic slope ofthe Rocky Mountains; and at 5. 30 on the 20th arrived at the summit ofthe Rocky Mountains. As it was just daylight we were enabled to see thescenery at that point and Kicking Horse Pass. From the summit of theRocky Mountains, for some nine miles, the line is considered to bemerely a temporary one, though permanently and strongly constructed, there being a grade for two or three miles of it of 4-1/2 feet perhundred, say 1 in 22-1/2. There are several catch sidings on thisgrade, running upwards on the slopes of the mountains, for trains orcars to be turned into, in the event of a break loose or run away, anda man is always in attendance at the switches leading to these sidings. All this day the train ran through mountains, the Rocky Mountains, theSelkirk Range, and Eagle Pass. With the exception of the steep gradementioned, the ruling ones are 116 feet to the mile, and there arenumerous sharp curves, usually to save short tunnels. The line, however, is in some parts well ballasted, and work is still going on inthis direction. The rails are of steel, 70 lbs. To the yard, and thelocomotives, of the "Consolidation" pattern, with eight driving wheels, are able, Mr. Marpole, the able divisional superintendent, stated, totake a train of 12 loaded cars over the ruling grades, two of thembeing required for the same load on the steep grade already mentionedat Kicking Horse Pass. Mr. Marpole stopped the train at the Stony CreekBridge, a large timber structure 296 feet high, and said to be thehighest wooden bridge in America. The scenery through the Selkirks ismagnificent, the mountain peaks being six and seven thousand feet abovethe level of the railway, many of them even at this season of the yearcovered with snow, and there being several large glaciers. 

"During last year, before the line was opened for traffic, observationswere taken with the view of ascertaining what trouble might beanticipated from avalanches, the avalanch paths through the Selkirksbeing very numerous. Several large avalanches occurred, the largestcovering the track for a length of 1, 300 feet, with a depth in oneplace of 50 feet of snow, and containing, as was estimated, a quarterof a million cubic yards of snow and earth. The result of theseobservations caused the Company to construct during this season four-and-a-half miles of snow sheds, at a cost of $900, 000, or $200, 000 amile. 

"The sheds are constructed as follows:--On the high side of themountain slope a timber crib filled with stones is constructed. Alongthe entire length of the shed, and on the opposite side of the track, atimber trestle is erected, strong timber beams are laid from the top ofthe cribwork to the top of the trestle, 4 feet apart and at an anglerepresenting the slope of the mountain, as nearly as possible. Theseare covered over with 4-inch planking, and the beams are strutted oneither side from the trestle and from the crib. The covering is placedat such a height as to give 21 feet headway from the under side of thebeam to the centre of the track. The longest of these sheds is 3, 700feet, and is near the Glacier Hotel. 

"Over the Selkirk Range the schedule time for trains from Donald toRevelstoke, that is, from the first to the second crossing of theColumbia River, a distance of 79 miles, is only eleven miles an hour;but this time table was made before there was much ballast on thisportion of the line, and better time can now be made. On the 21stSeptember the Fraser River was crossed early in the morning over asteel cantilever bridge, and the line runs down the gorge of the FraserRiver to Port Moody, reached at noon. The train had thus beentravelling from 8 p. M. On the 15th September to 12 noon on the 21st, apparently a total of 136 hours; but, allowing for the gain of threehours in time, an actual total of 139 hours. During this time the traintravelled 2, 892 miles, or an average speed made throughout the journey, including all stoppages, of 20-1/2 miles per hour, and this is theregular schedule time for passenger trains at the present time. 

"Port Moody is the present terminus of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but the line has been partially graded for 12 miles further toVancouver. Owing, however, to the hostile attitude of some landowners, the Company have not been able to complete this work, as the contentionhas been made that, although the Company have power to build branches, an extension of the main line is not a branch, and the Company willhave to obtain legislation before this can be done. Vancouver at thepresent time is said to have a population of about 3, 000. It issituated at Burrard Inlet, a mile or so inside what are called theFirst Narrows, but the neck of land on which it is situate is onlyabout a mile across; and in the future, when the town grows, EnglishBay, which is outside the Narrows, can easily be made the harbour inpreference to the present one, as it is fairly well sheltered, andaffords good anchorage. 

"The trip down Burrard Inlet, the Straits of Georgia, and through theSan Juan Archipelago to Victoria, a distance of about 90 miles fromPort Moody, occupied 9-1/2 hours, and Victoria was reached at 10. 30 onthe night of the 21st September. "

To this memorandum I may add a few words. First, in praise of theexcellent rolling stock; secondly, of the good discipline and smartnessof the service; and, thirdly, of the wonderful energy, boldness, andsuccess of the whole engineering features of this grand work of moderntimes. I should be ungrateful if I did not thank the chief officers ofthe Canadian Pacific, whose acquaintance I had great pleasure inmaking, for their exceeding kindness, for the full information theyafforded to me, and for showing me many cheap, short, and ready plansof construction, which might well be adopted in Europe. These gentlemenhave looked at difficulties merely in respect to the most summary wayof surmounting them; and, certainly, the great and bold works aroundthe head of Lake Superior, the many river and ravine crossings ofunusual span and height, and, especially, the works of the 600 miles ofmountain country between Calgary and the last summit of BritishColumbia, so successfully traversed, would make the reputation of adozen Great George Streets. 

CHAPTER IV. 

_Canadian Pacific Railways_. 

The pioneer suggestion of a railway across British territory to thePacific has been claimed by many. To my mind, all valuable creditattaches to those who have completed the work. The christening of "LaChine"--the town seven miles from Montreal, where the canals which goround the rapids end, and the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa rivers jointheir differently coloured streams--contained the prophecy of a futuregreat high road to the then mysterious East, to China, to Japan, toAustralia; and it is to the Sieur de la Salle, who, 200 years ago, bought lands above the rapids from the Sulpician Fathers of Montreal, and began his many attempts to reach the lands of the "setting sun, "that we owe the name; while the resolution of Sir Charles Tupper, carried in the Dominion Parliament, finally embodied in an Act whichreceived the Royal assent on the 17th February, 1881, and was opposedthroughout by the "Grit" party, was really the practical start. Itwould be inadequate to write of the Great Canadian Pacific Railwaywithout some reference to the history of railways in Canada itself. 

In the interesting book, "Rambles on Railways, " published in 1868, itis remarked that great as has been the progress of Canada, in norespect has the growth of the country shown itself in a more markedmanner than in the development of its railway system. It was in 1848, or almost immediately after the completion of the magnificent canalsystem of Canada proper, and by which vessels of 800 tons could passfrom the ocean to Lake Ontario, and _vice versa_ (ships now passfrom Chicago to Liverpool of over 1, 500 tons burthen), that theCanadians discovered it was necessary, notwithstanding their unrivalledinland navigation, to combine with it an equally good railwaycommunication; and accordingly, in 1849, an Act was passed by theCanadian Government pledging a six per cent. Guarantee on one-half thecost of all railways made under its provisions. In 1852, however, theGovernment, fearing the effect of an indiscriminate guarantee, repealedthe law of 1849, and passed an Act guaranteeing one-half of the cost ofone main Trunk line of railway throughout the Province, and it wasunder this Act that the Grand Trunk Railway was projected. 

These terms were subsequently modified, by granting a fixed sum of3, 000_l_. Per mile of railway forming part of the main Trunk line. It is true that prior to these dates railways existed in Canada. Therewas, for example, the horse railway from La Prairie, nine miles aboveMontreal, to St. John's on the Richelieu River, opened in July, 1836, and first worked with locomotives in 1837; there was also a horserailway between Queenstown and Chippewa, passing Niagara, opened in1839, and over which I travelled in 1851; but with these exceptions, and the Lachine Railway, a line running from Montreal for seven milesto the westward, the railway system of Canada cannot be said to havecommenced until after the passing of the Railway Act in 1849, and eventhen, it was not for about a year that any progress was made. Soonafter that date, however, the works of several lines were pushedforward, and in 1854 the section between Montreal and Quebec wasopened, the first train having carried Lord Elgin, who was then _enroute_ to England to confer with the home authorities respecting thefuture Reciprocity Treaty with the United States Government. So, whilstin 1852, Canada could only boast of about 30 miles of railway, she hasnow over 10, 000 miles. The population of the Dominion is estimatedroughly at 5, 000, 000, so that this mileage gives something over twomiles of railway for every thousand inhabitants, a greater railwaymileage system per head of population than, perhaps, is possessed byany other country in the world. 

The old Grand Trunk proprietors feel that their early pioneer servicesto Canada, and their heavy sacrifices, have rather been ignored incompetition, than recognized, by the Canadian Pacific not being anextension of the Grand Trunk system. Had I remained in office asPresident of the Grand Trunk, undoubtedly I should have laboured hardto bring about such a consummation, which undoubtedly would haveeconomised capital and hastened the completion of the great Inter-oceanic work. But the London agents of Canada, who were, and are, responsible for launching the Grand Trunk and for its many issues ofcapital to British shareholders, have undoubtedly aided the competitionand rivalry complained of; for in July, 1885, they floated--when othergreat financial houses were unable--3, 000, 000_l_. Sterling, notfor the Pacific line itself, but to complete other extensions of thePacific Company's system of a directly competitive character with theGrand Trunk, and which could never have been finished but for thisBritish money, so raised. While I do not enter into the controversy, itstill seems to me that blame lies nearer home than in Canada, if blamebe deserved at all. Great financiers seem sometimes ready to devourtheir own industrial children. 

The Canadian Pacific Railway from Quebec to Port Moody is a mixture ofthe new and the old. The first section, from Quebec to Montreal, is anold friend, the North Shore Railway, once possessed by the Grand TrunkCompany, and sold back to the Canadian Government for purposes ofextending the Pacific route to tide-water at Quebec, and making one, throughout, management. From Montreal to Ottawa, and beyond, is anothersection of older-made line. The piece from Port Arthur to Winnipeg isan older railway, made by the Canadian Government. Again, on thePacific there is the British Columbia Government Railway. All the rest, round the head of Lake Superior up to Port Arthur, from Winnipeg acrossthe Great Prairies to Calgary, and on to, and across, the RockyMountains, the crossings of the Selkirk and other Columbian Ranges, isnew Railway--with works daring and wonderful. 

Pioneer railways are not like works at home. The lines are single, withcrossing places every five, ten, or twenty miles; ballast is not alwaysused, the lines on prairies being laid for long stretches on the earthformation; rivers, chasms, canons and cataracts are crossed by timbertrestle bridges. The rails, of steel, are flat bottomed, fastened byspikes, 60 lbs. To the yard, except through the mountains, where theyare 70 lbs. 

Begun as pioneer works, they undergo, as traffic progresses, manyimprovements. Ballast is laid down. Iron or steel bridges aresubstituted for timber. The gorges spanned by trestles are, one by one, filled up, by the use of the steam digger to fill, and the ballastplough to push out, the stuff from the flat bottomed wagons on eachside and through the interstices of, the trestles. Sometimes the timberis left in; sometimes it is drawn out and used elsewhere. This trestlebridge plan of expediting the completion, and cheapening theconstruction, of new railways, wants more study, at home. Wheneverthere are gorges and valleys to pass in a timbered country, thefacility they give of getting "through" is enormous. The CanadianPacific would not be open now, but for this facility. 

All these lines across the Continent have very similar features. Theyeach have prairies to pass, with long straight lines and horizons whichseem ever vanishing and never reached; mountain ranges of vastaltitudes to cross, alkaline lands, hitherto uncultivable, hot sulphursprings, prairie-dogs, gophyrs, and other animals not usually seen. Thebuffalo has retired from the neighbourhood of these iron-roads and ofthe "fire-wagons, " as the Indians call the locomotives. Here and thereon all the prairies on all the lines, heaps of whitened bones, ofbuffalo, elk, and stag, are piled up at stations, to be taken away foragricultural purposes. The railways resemble each other in theirambitious extensions. The Canadian Pacific Railway, from Quebec to PortMoody, is above 3, 000 miles in length, but the total mileage of theCompany is already 4, 600 miles, and no one knows where it is to stop, while Messrs. Baring and Glyn will, and can, raise money from Englishpeople; the Union Pacific possesses 4, 500 miles in the United States;the Southern Pacific nearly 5, 000; and the newest of the three, theNorthern Pacific, has about 3, 000 miles, and is "marching on" to ajunction with Grand Trunk extensions at the southern end of LakeSuperior, in order to complete a second Atlantic and Pacific route, through favoured Canada. Each of these great lines has found thenecessity of supplementing the through, with as much local traffic, asit can command. Some of this is new, such as the coal traffic from SirAlexander Galt's mines, situated on a branch line of 110 miles, runningout of the Canadian Pacific at Dunmore, and the mineral traffic in theterritory of Wyoming on the Union Pacific. But, again, some of it isthe result of competition. Let us hope that the development of bothCanada and the United States may quickly give trade enough for all. Itseems to me, however, that the Ocean to Ocean traffic, alone, cannot, at present at least, find a good return for so many railways. 

Canada has been unusually generous to the promoters of the CanadianPacific Railway. A free gift of five millions sterling: a free gift of713 miles of, completed, railway: a free gift of twenty-five millionsof acres of land: all materials admitted free of duty: the lands givento be free of taxation for twenty years: the Company's, property to befree of taxation: the Company to have absolute control in fixing itsrates and charges until it should pay 10 per cent. Dividend on itsOrdinary Stock: and for twenty years no competitive Railway to besanctioned;--summarize the liberality of the Dominion of Canada, in herefforts to bind together her Ocean coasts. The work is essentially anImperial work. What is the duty of the Empire?

CHAPTER V. 

_A British Railway from the Atlantic to thePacific_. 

("ILLUSTRATED LONDON NEWS, " 1861. )

My letter of the 15th November, 1860, to a friend of Mr. Thomas Baring, then President of the Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, gives concisely mygeneral notions of opening up the British portion of the GreatContinent of America. A while later a leading article written by meappeared in the "Illustrated London News" of the 16th February, 1861. The article was headed, "A British Railway from the Atlantic to thePacific. " I will here quote a portion of it:--

"'I hope, ' said her Majesty, on proroguing Parliament in 1858, 'thatthe new Colony on the Pacific (British Columbia) may be but one step inthe career of steady progress by which my dominions in North Americamay be ultimately peopled in an unbroken chain, from the Atlantic tothe Pacific, by a loyal and industrious population. ' The aspiration, sostrikingly expressed, found a fervent echo in the national heart, andit continues to engage the earnest attention of England; for it speaksof a great outspread of solid prosperity and of rational liberty, ofthe diffusion of our civilization, and of the extension of our moralempire. 

"Since the Royal Speech, Governments have done something, and eventshave done more, to ripen public opinion into action. The Governments athome and in Canada have organized and explored. The more perfectdiscoveries of our new gold fields on the Pacific, the Indian Mutiny, the completion of great works in Canada, the treaties with Japan andwith China, the visit of the Prince of Wales to the American Continent, and, at the moment, the sad dissensions in the United States, combineto interest us in the question, and to make us ask, 'How is this hopeto be realized; not a century hence, but in our time?'

"Our augmenting interests in the East, demand, for reasons both ofEmpire and of trade, access to Asia less dangerous than by Cape Horn, less circuitous even than by Panama, less dependent than by Suez andthe Red Sea. Our emigration, imperilled by the dissensions of theUnited States, must fall back upon colonization. And, commercially, thecountries of the East must supply the raw materials and provide themarkets, which probable contests between the free man and the slave maydiminish, or may close, elsewhere. Again, a great nation like ourscannot stand still. It must either march on triumphantly in the van, orfall hopelessly into the rear. The measure of its accomplishment must, century by century, rise higher and higher in the competition ofnations. Its great works in this generation can alone perpetuate itsgreatness in the next. 

"Let us look at the map: there we see, coloured as 'British America, ' atract washed by the great Atlantic on the East, and by the PacificOcean on the West, and containing 4, 000, 000 square miles, or one-ninthof the whole terrestrial surface of the globe. Part of this vastdomain, upon the East, is Upper and Lower Canada; part, upon the West, is the new Colony of British Columbia, with Vancouver's Island (theMadeira of the Pacific); while the largest portion is held, as onegreat preserve, by the fur-trading Hudson's Bay Company, who, in rightof a charter given by Charles II. , in 1670, kill vermin for skins, andmonopolise the trade with the Native Indians over a surface many timesas big again as Great Britain and Ireland. Still, all this land isours, for it owes allegiance to the sceptre of Victoria. Between themagnificent harbour of Halifax, on the Atlantic, open throughout theyear for ships of the largest class, to the Straits of Fuca, oppositeVancouver's Island, with its noble Esquimault inlet, intervene some3, 200 miles of road line. For 1, 400 or 1, 500 miles of this distance, the Nova Scotian, the Habitan, and the Upper Canadian have spread, moreor less in lines and patches over the ground, until the population of60, 000 of 1759 amounts to 2, 500, 000 in 1860. The remainder is peopledonly by the Indian and the hunter, save that at the southern end ofLake Winnipeg there still exists the hardy and struggling Red RiverSettlement, now called 'Fort Garry:' and dotted all over the Continent, as lights of progress, are trading posts of the Hudson's Bay Company. 

"The combination of recent discoveries places it at least beyond alldoubt that the best, though, perhaps, not the only, thoroughlyefficient route for a great highway for peoples and for commerce, between the Atlantic and the Pacific, is to be found through thisBritish territory. Beyond that, it is alleged that while few, if any, practicable passes for a wagon-road, still less for a railway, can befound through the Rocky Mountains across the United States' territory, north-west of the Missouri, there have been discovered already no lessthan three eligible openings in the British ranges of these mountains, once considered as inaccessible to man. While Captain Palliser prefersthe 'Kananaskakis, ' Captain Blakiston and Governor Douglas, the'Kootanie, ' and Dr. Hector the 'Vermilion' Pass, all agree that each isperfectly practicable, if not easy, and that even better openings mayprobably yet be found as exploration progresses. Again, while BritishColumbia, on the Pacific, possesses a fine climate, an open country, and every natural advantage of soil and mineral, it has been alsodiscovered that the doubtful region from the Rocky Mountains eastwardup to the Lake of the Woods, contains, with here and there someexceptions, a 'continuous belt' of the finest land. 

"Professor Hind says:--

"'It is a physical reality of the highest importance to the interestsof British North America that this continuous belt can be settled andcultivated from a few miles west of the Lake of the Woods, to thepasses of the Rocky Mountains; and any line of communication, whetherby wagon, road, or railroad, passing through it, will eventually enjoythe great advantage of being fed by an agricultural population from oneextremity to the other. '

"Although the lakes and the St. Lawrence give an unbroken navigation of2, 000 miles, right to the sea, for ships of 300 tons burden, yet ifthere is to be a continuous line, along which, and all the year round, the travel and the traffic of the Western and Eastern worlds can passwithout interruption, railway communication with Halifax must beperfected, and a new line of iron road, passing through Ottawa, the RedRiver Settlement, and this 'continuous belt, ' must be constructed. Thisnew line is a work of above 2, 300 miles, and would cost probably20, 000, 000_l_. , if not 25, 000, 000_l_. , sterling. 

"The sum, though so large, is still little more than we voluntarilypaid to extinguish slavery in our West Indian dominions; it does notmuch exceed the amount which a Royal Commission, some little time ago, proposed to expend in erecting fortifications and sea-works to defendour shores. It is but six per cent, of the amount we have laid out oncompleting our own railway system in this little country at home. It isequal to but two and a-half per cent. Of our National Debt, and theannual interest upon it is much less than the British Pension List. 

"We say, then, 'Establish an unbroken line of road and railway from theAtlantic to the Pacific through British territory. '

"Such a great highway would give shorter distances by both sea andland, with an immense saving of time. 

"As regards the great bugbear of the general traveller--sea distance--it would, to and from Liverpool, save, as compared with the Panamaroute, a tossing, wearying navigation of 6, 000 miles to Japan, of 5, 000miles to Canton, and of 3, 000 miles to Sydney. For Japan, for China, for the whole Asiatic Archipelago, and for Australia, such a route mustbecome the great highway to and from Europe; and whatever nationpossesses that highway, must wield of necessity the commercial sceptreof the world. 

"In the United States, the project of a Railway to the Pacific to crossthe Rocky Mountains has ebbed and flowed in public opinion, and hasbeen made the battle-cry of parties for years past, but nothing has yetbeen done. Such a project, in order to answer its purpose, requiressomething more than a practicable surface, or convenient mountainpasses. Fine harbours on both Oceans, facilities for colonization onthe route, and the authority of one single Power over the whole of thewild regions traversed, are all essential to success. As regards theUnited States, these conditions are wanting. While there are harboursenough on the Atlantic, though none equal to Halifax, there is noavailable harbour at all fit for the great Pacific trade, from Acapulcoto our harbour of Esquimault, on Vancouver's Island, except SanFrancisco--and that is in the wrong place, and is, in many states ofthe wind, unsafe and inconvenient. The country north-west of theMissouri is found to be sterile, and at least one-third of the wholeUnited States territory, and situated in this region, is now known asthe 'Great American Desert. ' Again, the conflicting interests ofseparate and sovereign States present an almost insuperable bar toagreement as to route, or as to future 'operations' or control. It istrue that Mr. Seward, possibly as the exponent of the policy of the newPresident, promises to support _two_ Pacific Railways--one for theSouth, another for the North. But these promises are little better thanpolitical baits, and were they carried out into Acts of Congress, financial disturbance would delay, if not prevent, their finalrealization; and, even if realized, they would not serve the greatwants of the East and the West, still less would they satisfy Englandand Europe. We, therefore, cannot look for the early execution of thisgigantic work at the hands of the United States. 

"Such a work, however, is too costly and too difficult for the grasp ofunaided private enterprise. To accomplish it out of hand, the wholehelp of both the Local and Imperial Parliaments must be given. Thathelp once offered, by guarantee or by grant, private enterprise wouldflock to the undertaking, and people would go to colonise on the broadtracts laid open to their industry. "

My subsequent and semi-official inquiries induced me to modify many ofthe conclusions of the article quoted above. On the essential questionof the pass in the Rocky Mountains, in British territory, most adaptedby Nature for the passage of a road or a railway, all the evidencewhich I collected tended to show that the passage by the "Tete-jauneCache, " or "Yellow-head, " Pass, was the best. The Canadian PacificCompany have adopted the "Kicking Horse" Pass, much to the southward ofthe "Yellow-head" Pass. Again, it became clear to me that the wholeRocky Mountain range was rather a series of high mountain peaks, standing on the summit of gradual slopes, rising almost imperceptiblyfrom the plains and prairies on the eastern side, and droppingsuddenly, in most cases, towards the sea-level on the western orPacific side, than a great wall barring the country for hundreds ofmiles, as some had dreamed. Every inquiry from trappers, traders, Indian voyageurs, missionary priests of the Jesuits, and from all sortsand conditions of men and women, made difficulty after difficultydisappear. The great work began to appear to me comparatively easy ofexecution between Fort Garry, or the lower town of Selkirk and BritishColumbia; the cost less; and, owing to facilities of transport, especially in winter, the time of execution much shorter than had beenpreviously assumed. In addition, an examination into the physicalconditions of the various routes proposed through the United States, convinced me that here again the difficulties were less, and facilitiesfor construction greater, than I and others had first imagined. Infact, I came rightly to the conclusion that the more southerly theUnited States route, and the more northerly the British route--whilealways, in the latter case, keeping within cultivable range--thebetter. Still, at this time there was much to find out. As respectsreal knowledge of the country to be traversed, the factors of theHudson's Bay Company knew every fact worth divulging, but they wereafraid to speak; while the Catholic missionaries, accustomed to travelon foot in their sacred cause over the most distant regions, possesseda mine of personal knowledge, never, so far as I could learn, closed tothe Government of Canada or to any authorized inquirer. 

Prior to my sailing to New York, _en route_ for Canada, to fulfilmy mission for the Grand Trunk, in 1861, I had a long interview withthe Duke of Newcastle, as Colonial Minister. He had seen, and we hadoften previously discussed, the questions raised in the article abovequoted, and which he had carefully read. The interview took place onthe 17th July, 1861. Every point connected with the British Provincesin America, as affected by the then declared warlike separation of thenorthern and southern portions of the United States, was carefullydiscussed. The Duke had the case at his fingers ends. His visit toAmerica with the Prince of Wales, already alluded to more than once, had rendered him familiar with the Northern Continent, and its manyinterests, in a way which a personal study on the spot can alone bringabout; and he declared his conviction that the impression made upon themind of the Prince was so deep and grateful, that in anything great andout of the ordinary rut of our rule at home, he would always find anearnest advocate and helper in the Prince, to whom he said he "feltendeared with the affection of a father to a son. " I called the Duke'sspecial attention to the position and attitude of the Hudson's Bayauthorities. How they were always crying down their territory as unfitfor settlement; repelling all attempts from the other side to open upthe land by roads, and use steamers on such grand rivers as, forinstance, the Assiniboin and the Saskatchewan. He said Sir FrederickRogers, the chief permanent official at the Colonial Office, whosewife's settlement was in Hudson's Bay shares, and who, in consequence, was expected to be well informed, had expressed to him grave doubts ofthe vast territory in question being ever settled, unless in smallspots here and there. The Duke fully recognized, however, thedifficulty I had put my finger upon. I never spent an hour with a manwho more impressed me with his full knowledge of a great imperialquestion, and his earnest determination to carry it out successfullyand speedily. The Intercolonial Railway, to connect Halifax on theAtlantic with the Grand Trunk Railway at Riviere du Loup, 106 milesbelow Quebec, he described as "the preliminary necessity. " Thecompletion of an iron-road, onwards to the Pacific, was, "to his mind, a grand conception. " The union of all the provinces and territoriesinto "one great British America, " was the necessary, the logical, result of completing the Intercolonial Railway and laying broadfoundations for the completion, as a condition of such union, of arailway to the Pacific. He authorized me to say; in Canada, that theColonial Office would pay part of the cost of surveys; that these worksmust be carried out in the greatest interests of the nation, and thathe would give his cordial help. This he did throughout. 

In bidding me good-bye, and with the greatest kindness of manner, headded: "Well, my dear Watkin, go out and inquire. Master thesequestions, and, as soon as you return, come to me, and impart to me theinformation you have gained for me. " Just as I was leaving, he added, "By the way, I have heard that the State of Maine wants to be annexedto our territory. " I made no reply, but I doubted the correctness ofthe Duke's information. Still, with civil war just commencing, whocould tell? "Sir, " said old Gordon Bennett to me one day, while walkingin his garden, beyond New York, "here everything is new, and nothing issettled. " Failing health, brought on by grievous troubles, compelledthe Duke to retire from office in the course of 1864, and on the 18thof October of that year he died; on the 18th October, 1865, he wasfollowed by his friend, staunch and true, Lord Palmerston, who left hiswork and the world, with equal suddenness, on that day. 

But from that 17th July, 1861, I regarded myself as the Duke'sunofficial, unpaid, never-tiring agent in these great enterprises, and, undoubtedly, in these three years, ending by his retirement and death, the seeds were sown. 

CHAPTER VI. 

_Port Moody--Victoria--San Francisco to Chicago_. 

At "Port Moody, " and even at the new "Vancouver City, " I felt somedisappointment that the original idea of crossing amongst the islandsto the north-east of Vancouver's Island, traversing that island, andmaking the Grand Pacific terminus at the fine harbour of Esquimalt, hadnot been realized. Halifax to Esquimalt was our old, well-worn plan. The "Tete Jaune" was our favoured pass. This plan, I believe, met theviews both of Sir James Douglas and the Honorable Mr. Trutch. But Iconsoled myself with the reflection, that if we had not gained thebest, we had secured the next best, grand scheme--a scheme which, astime goes on, will be extended and improved, as the original PacificRailways of the United States have been. 

The sea service between "Port Moody" and "Victoria, " Vancouver'sIsland, is well performed; and Victoria itself is an English town, withbetter paved streets, better electric lighting, and better in manyother ways that might be named, than many bigger American and Englishtowns I know of. I spent four delightful days in and about it, including an experimental trip, through the kindness of Mr. Dunsmuir--the proprietor of the Wellington Collieries, a few miles north ofNanaimo--over the new railway from Victoria to Nanaimo, constructed, with Government aid, by himself and Mr. Crocker, of San Francisco. Ihad the pleasure of making the acquaintance of Sir Mathew Begbie, theChief Justice of British Columbia, to whose undaunted courageVancouver's Island and British Columbia owed law and order in thedangerous and difficult times of the gold discoveries. 

Upon the question of relative distances, engineering, and generallywhat I saw between Port Moody and Chicago, I again take advantage ofMr. Edward Wragge's excellent notes. 

"_Table of Distances between Liverpool and China andJapan_, via _the Canadian Pacific Railway, through Canadianterritory, and_ via _New York and San Francisco, through UnitedStates territory_:--

"ROUTE THROUGH CANADIAN TERRITORY. 

"_Summer Route_ MILES. 

Liverpool to Quebec, _via_ Belle Isle 2, 661Quebec to Montreal 172Montreal to Port Moody 2, 892Port Moody to Vancouver 12Vancouver to Victoria 78Vancouver to Yokohama 4, 334Vancouver to Hongkong 5, 936

"_Winter Route_ MILES. 

Liverpool to Halifax 2, 530Halifax to Quebec 678Other points as in summer. 

Summer route, Liverpool to Yokohama 10, 071Winter route, " " 10, 618

"ROUTE THROUGH UNITED STATES TERRITORY. 

Liverpool to New York 3, 046New York to Chicago, _via_ N. Y. C. And M. C. Railways 961Chicago to San Francisco 2, 357San Francisco to Yokohama 4, 526San Francisco to Hongkong 6, 128Liverpool to Yokohama 10, 890

"For distance to Hongkong, add 1, 602 miles to the distance to Yokohama. 

"_Note_, --Distances by rail are statute miles. Distances by sea, geographical miles. 

"ESQUIMALT AND NANAIMO RAILWAY AND COAL MINES AT WESTWELLINGTON AND NANAIMO. 

"The Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway runs from West Victoria, nearEsquimalt, to Nanaimo, which latter place is a small mining town in theIsland of Vancouver, lying on the east coast, on the shore of theStraits of Georgia, nearly opposite Burrard Inlet, from which it isdistant about 28 miles. 

"The line is well constructed with a good and substantial road-bed;steel rails, weighing 54 lbs. Per yard (except a few miles nearNanaimo, where they are 50 lbs. Per yard); well ballasted, and welltied; the bridges and trestles are all of timber, of which materialthere is about 1, 000, 000 cubic feet employed altogether. The steepestgrade is 80 feet per mile rising towards Nanaimo, and 79 feet per milerising towards Esquimalt; these grades are rendered necessary to enablethe line to overcome the summit lying between the two places, and whichis 900 feet above the level of the sea. Running, as the line does, through a rugged country, there are a good many sharp curves renderednecessary. The distance from Esquimalt to Victoria is 75 miles. Theline was not quite completed when we went over it; and the buildings, turn-tables, &c. Were not yet erected, although some of them were underconstruction. 

"The traffic on the line will be light, the country being sparselysettled. It will consist to some extent of coal; but there is watercompetition for the carriage of this article of merchandize; and thestation at Victoria is too far from the town at present for much of itto come by rail for consumption in the town. There is a wharf in theharbour of Esquimalt, at which coal can be delivered to men-of-warlying there. Mr. Dunsmuir, of Victoria, is the chief proprietor of therailway, and he has associated with him Mr. Cracker, President of theSouthern Pacific Railway, and others. 

"The Government of Canada gave a bonus of $750, 000 (say150, 000_l_. ) in aid of the construction of the railway, and a beltof land, with the minerals under it, of 10 miles in width on each sideof the line. 

"During the afternoon of the 23rd of September we visited the WestWellington Coal Mines, 4 or 5 miles beyond Nanaimo, and to which therailway is to be extended, work on the extension having just beencommenced. The mines are owned by Messrs. Dunsmuir & Sons, and at thepresent time they are working at five shafts, the output for the monthof August being 17, 000 tons. We went down the shaft of No. 5 pit, whichwas 240 feet deep, and found the seam was very thick, from 10 to 11feet, but not very solid block coal, having apparently been crushed. The mines are all connected with wharves on the coast at Departure Bayby a three-feet gauge railway; the lines around the mines were all infair order. The line is worked by small locomotives, six wheels coupledand no truck, of the Baldwin Locomotive Company's manufacture, the loadhandled by them being 15 cars, each containing 3-1/2 tons of coal, andaveraging in dead weight 1-3/4 tons each. The grade down to the port isvery steep, and the heaviest work for the engines is in taking theempties back again. 

"The coal is mined by white miners, who employ each of them a Chineselabourer; they employ gunpowder for blasting purposes, chiefly Curtis &Harvey's make, and use naked lights of oil. The miners are found in alltools except their auger drills, which they all use, and which costsome $30 each. Each miner has an allowance of one ton of coal per monthfor his own use. There was a little drip at the foot of the shaft wewent down, but otherwise the mine was quite dry. The mode of unloadingthe cars at the wharf was rather primitive, but at the same time simpleand ingenious. When the car has been weighed it is run forward by fiveChinamen to the end of the wharf, the front end of the car being hingedat the top, with a catch opened by a lever, a short piece of tracksufficiently long for the car to stand upon is built projecting beyondthe wharf and over the hold of the vessel, this piece of track is laidon a framework, which is hinged to the wharf in front so as to tip upfrom behind, to it is attached a long wooden pole as a lever, round theend of which is a rope, made fast to the wharf by a belaying pin; assoon as the car is on the tipping track, the lever on the front end ofthe car is knocked up so as to allow the coal to fall out, and the endof the long wooden pole is allowed to rise slowly by the rope beingloosened, the coal then shoots out of the car. When empty the Chinamenweigh down on the pole and bring the track, with the car on it, back toits former position, making the rope fast to the belaying pin, and thecar is run back to make way for another. We were told that in this wayfive Chinese have put 1, 000 tons of coal on board a vessel in a workingday. 

"On the following morning we visited the mine at Nanaimo, of theVancouver Coal Company, and Mr. S. Robins, the superintendent, showedus over his works, and accompanied us down the shaft into the mine. Theshaft is 600 feet deep, and the heading and workings are under the seato a distance of 400 or 500 yards. The coal is hard and of goodquality, making a good gas coal (which the West Wellington coal doesnot do). There have been one or two faults met with lately in the seam, which is 7 feet thick; but Mr. Robins thinks they have been overcome. There is only one shaft working, and the output in the 24 hours of theday previous had been 434 tons. The coal comes to the surface in two'boxes' at a time, each containing about 35 cwt. This Company has goodrailway tracks of 4 feet 8-1/2 inches gauge, with English locomotives, &c. The machinery and appliances at this mine were all better and morecostly than at the West Wellington mines, and the cars were hopperbottomed, and discharged their contents directly into the hold of thevessels by simply opening the hopper bottom. The staff of men employedat the present time amounts to 350, and the miners are white men, withChinese labourers. The work at this mine and West Wellington is alldone by piecework. 

"ESQUIMALT HARBOUR AND DOCK. 

"The harbour at Esquimalt is quite land-locked, and can be very easilyprotected from an enemy approaching by sea, the heights around beingeasily fortified, as there are many in good positions for commandingthe entrance, both at a distance from it, and also in the immediatevicinity; there is plenty of depth of water at low tide to enter theharbour. A fort on the Race Rocks, where there is a lighthouse, andwhich are some 2 miles or so from the coast, would, if supplied withheavy guns capable of long range, command the whole of the San Juan deFuca Straits, the distance from Race Rock to the American shore notexceeding 8 miles. 

"The harbour contains an area of about 400 or 500 acres, in which thereis sufficient depth of water for large vessels to lie at all states ofthe tide. 

"The line of railway from Nanaimo to Esquimalt touches the harbour, andhas a wharf at which coal from Nanaimo and West Wellington mines may bedelivered at any time. 

"The graving dock, which has been some eleven years in progress, orrather which was commenced eleven years ago, but which practically hasbeen constructed within the past two years, has a length of 430 feet onthe ways, and could easily have been made, in the first instance, 600feet in length for a comparatively small additional cost. The cost willhave been, when completed, about $700, 000, and it is now waiting onlyfor the entrance caisson, which is being made at the Dominion BridgeCompany's Works, near Montreal. 

"The masonry of the dock is of a hard sandstone, the character of theworkmanship being very good, and the dock very dry and free fromleakage; it has been constructed, so as to save excavation, in a smallcreek, but this has caused an additional thickness for the walls, and aconsiderable quantity of filling behind them. It would appear that itcould have been built for very much less money had a site been selectedamong the numerous rocky situations in the harbour, where the rockwould only have required facing with masonry instead of the work havingbeen done as it has. 

"The naval-yard is a fair size; the workshop is small, however, andapparently little or no materials for the repair of vessels are kept onhand. It will be a necessity for this to be remedied if the gravingdock is to be of any use for ships of the navy. We saw two torpedoboats, and some Whitehead torpedoes, the boats were built in GreatBritain for Chili, and purchased from the Chilians two years ago. 

"SAN FRANCISCO TO CHICAGO. 

"Left San Francisco on 29th September, 1886, at 7. 30, by steam ferry toOakland, 4 miles across the harbour; left Oakland by train at 8. 10a. M. ; 32 miles from Oakland we reached Port Costa, where the train wasferried across an estuary of the sea to Benicia; for 20 miles fromthere the line (the Central Pacific division of the Southern PacificRailway Company) runs, across a flat, marshy country, then into acultivated country with the western foothills of the Sierra Nevadarising around it, the country being very dry and parched, having had norain since March: the farm-houses have the Eucalyptus, or Australianblue gum, planted around them; and about 75 miles from San Francisco weentered the vineyard country, which continues to and past Sacramento. Reached Sacramento, which is 90 miles from San Francisco, and only 30feet above the level of the sea, at 12 o'clock; the schedule time fromOakland, including the ferry at Port Costa, being 25 miles an hour. AtSacramento we crossed the Sacramento and American Rivers, the former bya Howe truss bridge, one of the spans being a swing-bridge, and havinga total length of 700 or 800 feet; the latter by a Howe truss bridge, and fully a mile of trestle work. 

"From Sacramento the line begins to rise so as to cross the SierraNevada Range; the country is rolling, and with the 'live oak' treesscattered over it among the grass presents quite a park-likeappearance. The grades as we ascend are very steep, 116 feet to themile, this line being well ballasted. In the valleys the line was laidoriginally with steel rails of 50 lbs. Weight, and 3, 080 ties to themile, in the mountains with 60 lbs. Rails, but no renewals are madewith less than a 60 lbs. Rail. From Rocklin to Newcastle the vineyardsand orchards are very numerous, and again at Colfax, at which latterplace we got some very fine grapes grown at an elevation of 2, 400 feetabove the sea. In the afternoon we passed the mining country, where thewhole features of the country have been changed by the use of the'Monitor' for hydraulic mining, by means of which the sides of themountains have been washed down to the valleys, filling them and thestreams up, and doing much damage to the flats below: this system ofdirecting a stream of water through a six-inch nozzle against the cliffto wash out the gold has now been discontinued, and is illegal, owingto the damage caused by it. The snow sheds commence at Blue Canon, 4, 693 feet above the sea, and 170 miles from San Francisco. They aresimply rough wooden sheds to protect the line from drifting and fallingsnow, there being no avalanches to contend with on this route. 

"Some of the views on the Sierra Nevada are very fine, notably that at'Cape Horn. ' There is very little timber until Blue Canon is reached, but from there to Truckee and beyond the timber is good, and aboutequal to that on the Rocky Mountains of the Canadian Pacific Railway. There are several saw mills in this vicinity. After leaving EmigrantGap we ran through a continuous snow shed for 39 miles, which was veryunpleasant, both by reason of the smoke in the cars, and the noise, aswell as the loss of the view. We reached Reno about 10 p. M. , an hourand a half late. The schedule time over the mountain, up grade, is 17miles an hour, and from Oakland to Reno, 246 miles, 20 miles an hour. Reno is 4, 497 feet above the sea. The summit of the Sierras, which is196 miles from San Francisco, is 7, 017 feet above the sea. We remainedall night at Reno. While there we saw in the morning a locomotiveengine, with cylinders 22 x 30 and eight driving wheels coupled, saidby the driver to weigh 165, 000 lbs. , start for the ascent of themountain, up grades of 116 feet to the mile, with 22 cars and a van. 

"The country round Reno is table land with high mountains around it. The only crop grown is 'alfalfa, ' a species of clover. Three crops ayear are taken off the land, and it fetches, as fodder, from $8. 00 to$16. 00 per ton, according to the season. 

"At Wadsworth we saw a very nice reading-room and library for theemployes of the railway. This is quite a model station, kept green andbright with lawns and flowers. It is a division terminus, and has amachine shop, round house, &c. The country from Reno to Salt Lake isdry, and almost a desert, sandy, and with sage bush in tufts; thejourney through it was hot and terribly dusty. The view of Brigham andother villages, with farms at the foot of the hills on approachingOgden, was a great relief after the monotony of the last day's run. 

"At Ogden we were transferred from the Central Pacific to the UnionPacific train, and upon leaving there passed, after a few miles, through Weber Canon, and afterwards Echo Canon; the scenery was verypicturesque, and, at this season of the year, was rendered more so bythe beautiful autumn tints which were afforded by the foliage of thebushes which grow up the mountain sides for more than half theirheight. At Evanston we left the mountains and got on the high tableland, over which we ran all day, having it cool and pleasant, a greatcontrast to the heat of the previous day. During the night of the 1stOctober we had it quite cold, our altitude being at no time less than6, 000 feet above the sea. 

"On the morning of the 2nd October we reached Laramie, where we saw theworks of the Union Pacific Railway Company for Burnettizing their ties. The ties are placed on trucks, run into a cylinder, steamed, treatedwith a solution of chloride of zinc, with glue mixed with it, andafterwards with a solution of tannic acid. When dried they retain onlyabout 1 1/4 lb. Of the material with which they have been treated. Mr. Octave Chanute, of Kansas City, Missouri, United States, erected theworks for the Union Pacific Company, and has an interest in the patentsunder which the process is carried out, which is a modification of SirWilliam Burnett's process. At 8. 55 we crossed the highest point on theRocky Mountains, 8, 235 feet above the sea, on table land, no peaksbeing more than a few hundred feet above us. The rock here is all redgranite, and some of it disintegrated, which is used for ballast. Thereare many snow sheds on the high land here, but none very long. We ranrapidly down from 'Sherman, ' the summit, to 6, 000 feet level, and moregradually afterwards, running all day through the plains, over which, although very dry, numerous herds of cattle and horses were pasturing, and we reached Omaha at 7. 50 a. M. On the 3rd October. 

"At Omaha we crossed the Missouri River. The bridge here, of iron, founded on iron cylinder piers, is for a single track only, and isbeing taken down bit by bit, and a double track iron bridge on masonrypiers substituted.. 

"From Council Bluffs, the station on the Iowa side of the MissouriRiver, we left by the Chicago and North Western Railway, which is awell constructed, well equipped, and first class American Railway. Theline runs through a good agricultural country, the chief crop beingIndian corn, and was doing a good business. We met many freight trainsduring the day, and saw several trains of cattle going east also. Wereached Chicago on time at 6. 50 a. M. On the morning of the 4thOctober. "

CHAPTER VII. 

_Negociations as to the Intercolonial Railway; and North-WestTransit and Telegraph_, 1861 _to_ 1864. 

It was in September, 1861, that I visited Frederickton and Halifax onthe question of the Intercolonial Railway, travelling by way of Rivieredu Loup, Lake Temiscouata, Little Falls, Woodstock, round by St. Andrews, Canterbury, Frederickton, St. John, Shediac, and Truro toHalifax. Later in the autumn, representatives from New Brunswick andNova Scotia visited Quebec and Montreal, and it was generally agreedthat deputations from Canada and from the two Maritime Provinces shouldproceed to England. These deputations were, from Canada the Hon. Mr. Van Koughnet, from New Brunswick the Hon. Mr. Tilley, and from NovaScotia the Hon. Joseph Howe. It was impossible to choose a moreinfluential delegation: men earnest in the cause they came to advocate;politicians of tried metal; men of great influence in the colonies theyrepresented. 

I arrived in England from Canada in the beginning of November, 1861, and at once telegraphed to the Duke, and on my way to London, at hisrequest, I visited him at Clumber, and made my report of progress, which appeared to be highly satisfactory. The only difficulty, as tothe Intercolonial, appeared to rest in Mr. Gladstone's "peculiar viewsabout subsidies, grants, and guarantees out of the funds, or on thesecurity, of the State. " But the Duke said, he must "labour to show theChancellor of the Exchequer that this was no new proposal; that, infact, the Provinces had been led to believe that if they would find themoney, the State would guarantee the interest under proper precaution, as the State had guaranteed the capital for the Canadian canals, everyshilling expended on which had been honourably repaid. " In fact, "thiswork was not a mere local work, but satisfied military and otherImperial conditions. " The end of this, and many other, interviews, atthe Colonial Office and at the Duke's residences, was completeconcurrence in the following programme:--(I) the Intercolonialguarantee must be carried by the Duke; (2) measures must be taken tostart Pacific transit, in the first instance, and as a pioneer work, byroads and telegraphs; (3) Confederation must be pushed on; and (4) thatthe difficulties arising from the position of the Hudson's Bay Companymust be gravely considered with a view to some solution. 

Mr. Van Koughnet, accompanied by Mrs. Van Koughnet, was, unfortunately, wrecked off Anticosti, in the Allan steamer "North Briton. " Happilyevery one, after a time of great peril, was landed in safety, whilelosing personal baggage and almost everything else. At a criticalmoment Sir Allen McNab, who was on board the ship, also on his way toEngland, when the vessel was expected to go down, said to Van Koughnet, "Come with me and bring your wife, and we will go down together, awayfrom this crowd of frightened people"--alluding to the mass of steeragepassengers jostling about in panic. 

On the 11th November Mr. Howe and Mrs. Howe, and Mr. Tilley arrived:and I took the delegates to the Duke's house in London on the 14th. TheDuke received these delegates with very great cordiality. He had made, already, an appointment with Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister, andhad spoken to Mr. Gladstone. So, armed with a letter from the Duke, wewent on to Cambridge House. We were shown into a room overlooking thecourt-yard, and had not long to wait for the veteran minister. He came, as usual, with his grey--not white--hair brushed up at the sides, hissurtout buttoned up to his satin neck-tie, or, more correctly, "breast-plate, " which had a jewelled pin in the midst of its amplitude. Hesaid, the Duke had told him our business, which was very important, notonly for the interests we represented, but for the Empire, andespecially so at a time when the "fires were alight" across the Britishborder. 

Mr. Howe very ably and concisely stated the case. No subsidy wanted, simply a guarantee on perfect security. Precedent for such guarantees, which had always been punctually and fully met. Previous promises ofprevious Governments--sanction of such statesmen as Lord Grey, LordDerby, and Bulwer Lytton. Peculiar need of the work at this time; andso on. 

Palmerston listened attentively, did not interrupt; did not while Howe, and afterwards Tilley, were speaking, stop either, by asking a singlequestion; but when they had concluded, he repeated and summed up thecase in far fewer words than had been used to state it: and in a mannerwhich gave a new force to it all. He then spoke of the various treatieswith the United States. He spoke of the giving up of the fine Aroostookdistrict, now part of the State of Maine, and with some heat said, that"the Ashburton Treaty was the most foolish treaty ever made. " Hereplied to the argument about the past commitment of other Governments, by describing it as "not possessing much attraction for an existingGovernment. " Here Howe made him laugh much, by saying, "At least, myLord, it might have an influence with your conscientious Chancellor ofthe Exchequer. "

After a good many questions and answers affecting the state of theProvinces, the facilities and difficulties of moving troops in winter, the conveyance of the mails, future closer relations of commercebetween the Provinces, and, especially, the state of things in theUnited States, --he asked us to "Go and see Gladstone. " We "might say hehad suggested it. "

Then he shook hands, with a swinging jollity, with each of us, saw usto the door, and, finally, wished us "success. " There might have beenno "Trent" affair pending, to look at him. 

Some delay took place before we could see Mr. Gladstone. But we finallyaccomplished the interview with him at his fine house in Carlton HouseTerrace, on the 23rd November. After waiting some while, following, aswe did, about a dozen previous waiters on the Chancellor, we were showninto Mr. Gladstone's working room, or den. The room was very untidy. Placards, papers, letters, newspapers, magazines, and blue boots on thetable, chairs, bookshelves, and the floor. It looked, altogether, as ifthe window had been left open, and the contents of a miscellaneousnewspaper, book, and parliamentary paper shop had been blown into theapartment. Mr. Gladstone, himself, looked bored and worried. Thoughperfectly civil, he had the expression of a man on his guard against acanvasser or a dun. He might be thinking of the "Trent" affair. Westated our errand, and as I had, as arranged, to say something, I usedthe argument of probable saving in the Atlantic mail subsidies, by thecreation of land routes, &c. He brushed that aside by the sharp remark, "Those subsidies are unsound, and they will not be renewed. " He thenspoke of the objectionable features of all these "helps to other peoplewho might help themselves. " He did not seem to mind the argument, thatassuming this work to be of Imperial as well as of Provincialimportance, unless aid, --costless to England, or, at the highest, avery remote risk, and not in any sense a subsidy, --were given, the workcould not proceed at all. He struck me to be a man who thought spendingmoney, or taking risks, however slight, a kind of crime. That, in fact, it was better to trust to Providence in important questions, and keepthe national pocket tightly buttoned. We got little out of him, save aninsight into the difficulty to be overcome. And yet he had been a partyto the Crimean War. On the final discussion, in the House, on the votefor the Intercolonial guarantee, on the 28th March, 1867, Mr. Gladstoneconcluded his speech by declaring, "I believe the present guaranteedoes depend upon motives of policy belonging to a very high order, andintimately and inseparably associated with most just, most enlightenedviews of the true interests of the Empire. " Thus we had sown the seednot in vain, and the counsel of the Duke was not forgotten. 

Mr. Van Koughnet arrived on the 26th November. On the 27th I took himto see the Duke, and we had a long conference. 

Finally, it was decided to send in a memorial to the Duke to lay beforethe Cabinet. Howe prepared it. It was most ably drawn, like all theState papers of that distinguished man, and it was sent in to theColonial Office on the 2nd December, 1861. Thus, all had been done thatcould then be done by the delegation. We had to rely upon the Duke. Ourdifficulty was with Mr. Gladstone. 

In the time of waiting, Howe, Tilley, and I, attended meetings atBristol, Manchester, Liverpool, Oldham, Ashton, and other places, endeavouring, with no small success, to make the Intercolonial Railwaya public question. 

But the delays; the "pillar to post"; the want of knowledge ofpermanent officials, whose geography, even, I found very defective, made our efforts irksome, and now and then, apparently, hopeless. 

But an event had startled England, like a thunderclap in a summer sky. On the 8th of November, 1861, Captain Wilkes, of the United States ship"San Jacinta, " took the Southern States envoys--Messrs. Slidel andMason--and two others, forcibly from the deck of a British mail ship, "The Trent. " The country was all on fire. Palmerston showed fight, andthe Guards and other troops, and arms and stores to the value of morethan a million sterling, were sent out to Canada. The delegates weresent for to the War Office, and, as desired, I accompanied them. At thetime all seemed to hang in the balance. The powers had joined Englandin protest, and our ambassador was instructed by despatch, per ship--for the submarine wires were not at work--to leave Washington in sevendays if satisfaction were not given. 

At the War Office we met Mr. Cornewall Lewis, Minister for War, a manerudite and accomplished, who had lived on public employments nearlyall his life, but who hardly knew the difference between the two endsof a ramrod. He asked, in long sentences, the questions whichPalmerston had put shortly and in the pith; all sorts of queries as towinter transport in the Provinces, the disposition for fight of thepeople, and so on. Then it was demanded, What we had to suggest? VanKoughnet, who writhed under the tone adopted, bluntly said, "Why, tofight it out, of course; we in Canada will have to bear the firstbrunt. But we cannot fight with jack-knives; and there are no arms inthe country. You have failed to keep any store at all. " This led to adeliberate note being taken by the Under Secretary, the present Marquisof Ripon. Other details followed, and then, finally, we were asked ifwe had anything more to propose? To which I answered "Yes; send out aman who may be truly regarded as a general. " This was received withsilence and open mouths. The fact was, the soldier in command in Canadawas General Fenwick Williams, a most gallant man, who, in a siege, would eat his boots before he would give in: but was not the man whocould so manoeuvre small bodies of men as to keep in check, in forestsand on plains, large masses of the enemy. When we left, Captain Galloncame running after us, and said, "I am so glad you said that, we allfeel as you do here"--(the War Office). 

Although the Government of the United States retreated from anundefendable position, wisely and with dignity, by surrendering theirprisoners, who, delivered over to a British man-of-war, landed inEngland on the 29th January, 1862, --still it was decided to keep thetroops in the Provinces, to reinforce them, to add to the armaments, and to adequately arm strategic points alongside the American frontier. And, as President of the Grand Trunk, I was asked to go out to Canadato aid and direct transport across the country. 

In the meantime--whether the cause was the "Trent" affair, or pre-occupation on the part of the Duke, or neglect of permanent officials, or their bad habit at that time of regarding Colonists as inferiorpersons--our delegates and their wives felt hurt at the social neglectwhich they experienced. And I agreed in the truth of their complaintsso much, that I formally addressed the Duke on the 31st December. Heacknowledged the neglect, apologised for it, and thereafter, until theday of their departure, the delegates, and Mrs. Howe and Mrs. VanKoughnet, were received in high circles, and were especially invited toClumber. 

To sum up, I left England for Canada, in "The Asia, " on the 1stFebruary, 1862, landing at New York, where my son and Messrs. Brydgesand Hickson met me--and after a deal of hard work on the part of everyofficer and man on the Grand Trunk, and no small anxiety, labour, responsibility, and exposure to storms and climate, inflicted uponmyself, Mr. Brydges, Mr. Hickson, and the whole staff, Quartermaster-General Mackenzie sent us a handsome acknowledgment of our semi-military services. But the authorities at home did not condescend torecognize our existence or our labours. 

The late Sir Philip Rose gave me the greatest assistance with Mr. Disraeli, Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, and all the great party whoseconfidence he possessed. The following letter, addressed to him by SirE. Bulwer Lytton, will be read with great interest:--

 "BUXTON, DERBYSHIRE, "_April_ 27, 1862. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I am much flattered by your wish, and that of our Colonial friends;but I fear that I must decline the important and honourable task towhich you invite me: partly from a valid personal reason; partly onpolitical grounds. With regard to the first, I am here for a course ofthe Baths, in hopes to get rid of a troublesome lumbago, which hasharassed me all the winter, and appears to have been epidemical fromthe number of victims it has cramped and racked this wet season. And Ifear I shall not be able to get away till the middle of May, unless itbe for some special vote. But apart from this consideration, I doubtwhether it would be prudent for any member of Lord Derby's lateGovernment, with the support of those leaders who might very soon formanother administration, to urge upon Parliament any new pecuniaryburthen, nay, any new loan, in the face of a deficit. Would not thisreally play into Gladstone's hands, and furnish him with a plausibleretaliation in case of attack on the side in which he is mostvulnerable, viz. , the dealing with a deficit as if it were a surplus?And again, would it be quite prudent in the coming ConservativeChancellor of the Exchequer and his future colleagues to committhemselves to a measure they might find it inconvenient to carry outwhen in power?

"These are doubts that occur to me; and would be well weighed by Mr. Disraeli--who might, perhaps, agree with me, that, on the whole, itwould be better that this very important question should be broughtbefore the House by some one not in the late Cabinet--some greatmerchant, perhaps--some one, in short, who could not be supposed tocompromise or commit the future administrative policy of the party. 

"I remain, however, of the same opinion, that aid to intercolonialcommunication can be defended on Imperial grounds--and would in itself, if not opposed on purely fiscal reasons, be a wise as well as generouspolicy. 

"I regret much that my absence from town prevents, my seeing Mr. Watkinand profiting by the information, he could give me. I fear he will haveleft London before I return to it. But I should be very glad if hewould write to me and acquaint me with the exact state of the case atpresent--and the exact wishes and requests of the Colonists. 

"Is it a renewal of the former proposition or what? 'The whole questionof intercolonial communication' is a vast one. But I supposepractically it would limit itself before Parliament to the Railwaybefore submitted to us--according to the pamphlet you sent me. 

 "Believe me, "Yours very truly and obliged, "E. B. LYTTON. "

The following letter was addressed to me:--

 "BUXTON, "_May_ 3, 1862. 

"DEAR SIR, "Allow me to thank you cordially for a letter, which cannot but beextremely gratifying to my feelings. Certainly my first object when Ihad the honour to preside at the Colonial Office was to attach allparts of that vast Empire which our Colonies comprise to the MotherCountry, by all the ties of mutual interests and reciprocal affection. 

"The importance of the Railway line between Halifax and Quebec must betransparent to every clear-sighted politician. And had I remained inoffice, I should have urged upon my colleagues--I do not doubtsuccessfully--the justice and expediency, both for Imperial interests, commercial and military, and for the vindication of the Imperial goodfaith which seems to me indisputably pledged to it, some efficient aid, or guarantees the completion of the line. I should willingly haveundertaken the responsibility of recommending that aid to Parliament;and I do not think the House of Commons would have refused it whenproposed with the authority of Government. In that case the Railway bythis time would have been nearly, if not wholly, completed. 

"Traffic begets traffic; railways lead on to railways; and a line onceformed to Quebec, it would not be long before the resources of BritishColumbia would, if properly directed and developed, suffice to commencethe Railway that must ultimately connect the Atlantic and Pacific. Thatonce accomplished, the destinies of British North America seem to meassured. 

"I shall rejoice to hear that the present Government make a proposalwhich the Provinces accept. Some time, I conclude, must elapse beforetheir decision can be known; and in that case the question can scarcelycome before Parliament this Session. A mode of aid accepted by theColonies would have my most favourable consideration; and, I cannotdoubt, my hearty support, whatever might be the administration thatproposed it. 

 "Yours truly obliged, E. B. LYTTON. "

The Canadian Parliament met, early in March, 1862, at Quebec; in bitterwinter and snow storms. We took down all the members who chose to go, by a special through train, in charge of Mr. Brydges, --desiring to showthem that, poor and unfortunate as the Grand Trunk might be, we couldcarry "M. P. Ps. " safely and quickly, as we had carried soldiers, andguns, and stores, to the satisfaction of the military authorities. Thetrain made a famous journey. In a few days I followed in company withthe Honourable John Ross, and was several days on the road--in constantfight with snowdrifts--in getting to Point Levi. Then came the canoecrossing of the St. Lawrence, an enterprise startling, no doubt, as afirst experience, though safe, if tedious. We were put in a canoe, really a disembowelled tree, and this was dragged, like a sledge, by ahorse down to the margin of the river, where it was launched amongstfloating ice, going up, down, and across the stream and its eddies. Ourcanoe men coming to a big piece of ice, perhaps 20 feet square, jumpedout, dragged our canoe over the obstruction, and then launched itagain. When getting jammed between the floating ice, they got on thesides of our boat, and working it up and down, like pumping the oldfire engine, they liberated us. Sometimes we went up stream, sometimesdown--all points of the compass--but, after an hour's struggle, wegained the wharf at Quebec, safe and sound. But a while after Icertainly was exercised. It was important that Mr. Brydges should goback to Montreal, and my son went with him. I watched their crossingthe river from the "Platform, " in a clear, grey, winter afternoon. Theywere two hours in crossing the river, a mile or two in width, in astraight line. At one time, I almost despaired, for they had drifteddown almost into the Bay; but, by the pluck and hard work of their men, they kept, in this tacking backwards and forwards, and up and down, gradually making their way, till they landed, a long way below theright point, however, and we exchanged handkerchief signals--and allwas well. 

In the interval between this and my last visit, Lord Monck had beenappointed Governor-General in place of Sir Edmund Head, retiring. Intalking with the Duke about this appointment, he said, "I offered theposition to five men previously, and they refused it. " I replied, "Didyour Grace offer it to Lord Lawrence, now at home?" The Duke put downhis pen, turned from one side of his chair to the other, looked downand looked up, and at last said, "Upon my honour, I never thought ofthat. What a good appointment it would have been!" Be that as it may, Lord Monck made an excellent Governor in very difficult times. Canada, and the great cause of Confederation, owe him a deep debt of gratitude. 

I found unexpected difficulties about Grand Trunk affairs. TheGovernment were afraid of their own shadows. Instead of bringing in theGrand Trunk Relief Bill as a Government measure, as we had expected, they, in spite of remonstrance from Mr. Gait, confided it to a privatemember, and such was the, unexplained, opposition that I verily believehad the Cartier-Macdonald Government remained in power the Bill, thoughentirely in the nature of a private Bill, affecting the public in everysense of indirect advantage, would have been thrown out. The newspapersthroughout the two Provinces, with half-a dozen honorable exceptions, were vile and vicious, as trans-Atlantic newspapers especially can be. I was full of unexpected anxiety. The Government tactics were Fabian;and on the 5th April they decided to adjourn the House to the 23rd. SoI went home in the "China" from New York on the 9th April with my son;saw the Duke of Newcastle, discussed the situation; saw the opening ofthe Great Exhibition of 1862 on the 1st May, and a few days afterwardssailed, with Lady Watkin, in the old Cunarder, the "Niagara;" arrivingat Boston after a long and difficult passage, and then travelling on toQuebec. But, on the 20th May, an event occurred--caused, it seemed tome, as a looker on, through want of tact--which ended in theresignation of the Government. The circumstances were these. Underpressure from home, administered through the new. Governor-General, theMinistry had brought forward measures of defence. They proposed toraise and equip, at the cost of Canada, 50, 000 men. They proceeded, ifmy memory serves me, by the introduction of a Bill, and that Bill wasrejected by a very small majority (61 to 54), composed of SandfieldMacdonald and a few others, described as "Ishmaelites. " Upon that voteMr. Cartier at once resigned, as I thought in too much haste. I met himas he walked away from the Parliament House in the afternoon, andexpressed regret. He said, with set teeth, clenched fist, and sparklingeyes, "Ah! Well, I have saved the honour of my country against those'Grits' and 'Rouges;' traitres, traitres. " Mr. J. A. Macdonald, afterwards, took the matter very quietly, merely remarking that theslightest tact might have prevented the occurrence. So I thought. 

The question was, Who was to succeed? In the ordinary course Mr. Foley, the assumed leader of the Opposition, would have been sent for. It wasthe opinion of the Honorable John Ross that he ought to have been. Butthe Governor, considering, I suppose, that the scanty majority was ledby Sandfield Macdonald, sent for him. All sides believed that it wouldbe a ministry of a month. But this astute descendant of Highlandersmanaged to stay in for nearly two years: two years of no good: twoyears of plausible postponement of all that the Duke had been soloyally working for in the interest of Canada. Personally, I had noreason to complain as regarded Grand Trunk legislation. SandfieldMacdonald promised to carry our Bill, and he honourably fulfilled hispromise. The Bill passed; Lady Watkin and I sailed from Boston forEngland on the 7th June. 

But the refusal of the Canadian Parliament to vote money for defencehad created a very bad impression in England. England had made largesacrifices in filling Canada with troops and stores, at a criticaltime--and it was naturally said, in many quarters, "Are these peoplecowards? Are they longing for another rule?" Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, whenMr. Rose and I called upon him at his lodgings, in St. James's Place, during my short stay in London, said, "I do not see what we can do. HadCanada helped us at all, we could have succeeded. Now every one willsay, What is the use of helping such people?" And Mr. Disraeli said, inthe House, answering a statement that the vote of the CanadianParliament did not represent the feeling of the people: "I decline toassume that the vote of a popular assembly is not the vote of thosethey represent. " All this was awkward. But I resolved I would nevergive in. So I went to Canada again in the autumn of 1862. 

Mr. Joseph Howe came from Halifax to Canada to meet me. He did all hecould to induce Sandfield Macdonald to settle the long out-standingpostal claim on Canada of the Grand Trunk; but in vain. He never wouldsettle it, just and honest as it was. Mr. Howe tried to induce theGovernment to take up the Intercolonial question where we had left itin the previous autumn: and in this he so far succeeded that it wasagreed a delegation from Canada should meet delegations from NovaScotia and New Brunswick before the end of this year--1862--in London. Messrs. Howland and Sicotte were the Canadian delegates; Mr. Howe forNova Scotia, and Mr. Tilley for New Brunswick. We set to work to carryboth the Intercolonial guarantee, and the Pacific transit scheme, themoment these gentlemen arrived in England. 

Meeting Messrs. Rowland and Sicotte at their hotel, in Jermyn Street, on the 2nd December, 1862, and discussing matters all round, theycertainly led me, unsuspectingly, to believe they had the same desireto carry the Intercolonial as that entertained by Messrs. Howe andTilley; and further, that if a road and telegraph project could becarried on the broad lines laid down in so many discussions, theirarrangements on both questions would be cordially welcomed and approvedby their colleagues. I very soon found out, however, that they were"riding to orders, " and those orders, no doubt, being interpreted, were: "Refuse nothing, discuss everything, but do nothing. "

On the 8th December we met the Canadian delegates at the bank ofMessrs. Glyn, in Lombard Street, and we drew up a proposal, which thesegentlemen corrected. We adopted their corrections and sent in thepaper, as an agreed paper, to the Duke. 

Two days afterwards, for better assurance, we received the followingmemorandum:--

"With a view of better enabling the gentlemen whom they met yesterdayat 67, Lombard Street, to take immediate measures to form a Company forthe object of carrying out the construction of a telegraph line, and ofa road to establish frequent and easy communication between Canada andthe Pacific, and to facilitate the carrying of mails, passengers, andtraffic, the undersigned have the honour to state, that they are ofopinion that the Canadian Government will agree to give a guarantee ofinterest at the rate of four per cent, upon one-third of the sumexpended, provided the whole sum does not exceed five hundred thousandpounds, and provided also that the same guarantee of interest will besecured upon the other two-thirds of the expenditure by Imperial orColumbian contributions. 

"If a Company composed of men of the standing and wealth of those theyhad the pleasure to meet is formed for the above purposes, under suchconditions as will secure the interests of all parties interested, andthe accomplishment of the objects they have in view, such anorganization will be highly favourable to the settlements of an immenseterritory, and, if properly administered, may prove to be also of greatadvantage to the trade of England. 

"London, 10 Decr. 1862. "L. V. SICOTTE, "W. P. HOWLAND. "To MM. Glyn, Benson, Chapman, Newmarsh, Watkin, &c. &c. &c. "

A few days afterwards these Canadian delegates started an objection. The Imperial Government merely gave land and did not take one-third ofthe proposed guarantee, and the following further memorandum was sentto me:--

"Although little disposed to believe that Her Majesty's Government willnot accede to the proposal of co-operation they have made in relationto the opening of communication from Canada to the Pacific, theundersigned have the honour to state, in answer to the letter of Mr. Watkin of the 17th instant, that in their opinion the Government ofCanada will grant to a Company organised as proposed in the papersalready exchanged, a guarantee of interest, even on one-half of thecapital stated in these documents, should the Imperial Governmentrefuse to contribute any portion of this guaranteed sum of interest. 

"In answer to another demand made in the same letter, the undersignedmust state that the guarantee of the Canadian Government of thispayment of interest ought to secure the moneys required at the rate offour per cent, and that they will not advise and press with theircolleagues a higher rate of interest as the basis of the arrangement. 

"London, 20 December, 1862. "L. V. SICOTTE, "W. P. ROWLAND. 

"ED. WATKIN, Esq. , London. "

So much, and so far, for the Pacific affair. But in the Intercolonialdiscussion there was an undercurrent. The only points left fordiscussion with the Duke and Mr. Gladstone were the question of survey, which was easily settled, and the question of a sinking fund for theloan to be made on the credit of Great Britain. At first Mr. Gladstoneinsisted on such a short term of repayment, and therefore so heavy aput-by, that his terms took away the pecuniary value of the guaranteeitself: that is to say, that what the Colonies would have annually topay, would have amounted to more than the annual sum for which theycould have borrowed the money themselves. I suggested a longer term, and also, that the interest on the annual put-by, to accumulate, shouldbe altered so as to alleviate the burden. In answer to a letter writtenwith the assistance of Messrs. Howe and Tilley, I received thefollowing from the Duke:--

 "CLUMBER, "8 _Decr_. 1862. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I am sorry to say your letter confirms the impression I haveentertained from my first interview with the Canadian delegates--animpression strengthened by each subsequent meeting--that Mr. Sicotte isa traitor to the cause he has come over to advocate. I am unable tomake out whether he is playing false on his own account or by order ofhis colleagues; but I cannot say I have any reason to associate Mr. Howland with the want of faith in any dealings with me. 

"You can have no idea how I have been compelled to forbear and to fencewith Mr. S. To prevent his breaking off upon every possible occasionand upon any almost impossible pretext. His whole aim has been to findsome excuse for throwing up the railroad and saying it was the act ofthe Imperial Government. As for Mr. Gladstone being 'all powerful, ' heknows that in the financial details alone Mr. G. Interferes, and Ipresume Mr. Rowland would tell him that this is the duty of a FinanceMinister. 

"Nothing struck me more than Mr. S. 's objection to _your_ beingpresent at our meetings. When you did 'drop in' I felt obliged to saynothing about it till your card was brought, and on that occasion Iparticularly remarked that his usual obstructiveness was suspended. 

"The _one_ point now in dispute between the delegates and theTreasury is really of no importance to either party. I hope and expectthat Mr. G. Will give way; but I suspect if he does Mr. S. Will be (byno means for the first time) much disappointed. 

"Have you seen a remarkable letter in the 'Standard' of the 6th, signed'A British Canadian, ' commenting upon Mr. Sicotte going over to Parisand dictating to the editor of 'La France' an article upon a despatchof mine to Canada on the subject of the Militia? The article in 'LaFrance' can _only_ come from _a_ member of the presentCanadian Government. 

"Do not at present get up any new deputation or go to Lord Palmerston. Considering Mr. G. 's strong opposition to the whole scheme onprinciple, I cannot say I think he has shown any desire to thwart byobstacles in details a measure upon which his views have beenoverruled, and it would be ungracious to show distrust where none atpresent has been merited. I may differ with him on some points; but hehas certainly conceded more to me than I to him, and I could be noparty to attempting to supersede his proper functions of the financialwatch-dog!

"I am anxious not to be brought up to town _unnecessarily_, for Iam conscious that I want _comparative_ rest, and that my health isnot very fit for the commencement of a Session; but whenever you arepassing between London and Manchester I shall always be happy to seeyou, and glad if you can stay a day or two--only invite yourself. 

 "Yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

The next day I had the following:--

 "CLUMBER, "9 _Decr_. 1862. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "It is no easy matter to give any advice as to what should be done, especially as I do not know whether Mr. Gladstone is still in London, though I rather imagine he has left for Hawarden. 

"If Mr. Sicotte were anywhere but here (where he never ought to havebeen), I should advise Messrs. Howe and Tilley to see Mr. Gladstone, perhaps with you; but I can neither recommend them to see him_with_ or _without_ Mr. Sicotte, so long as he is here. 

"As I wrote to you yesterday, the business ought to have been closedthree days ago, for though I think. Mr. Gladstone's stipulation wrong, it ought not to have been allowed to interfere with a finalarrangement. 

"I agree with you that the new phrase about an 'uncovered loan' is notvery intelligible, but I put the same interpretation upon it that youdo. 

"I am not without hope that whilst I am writing some 'leeway' may havebeen recovered through Sir F. Rogers and Mr. Anderson, but, as the bestthing I can do, I propose this:

"I _ought_ to go down to Surrey, to attend Mrs. Hope's funeral onThursday morning, but being far from well, I was inclined to excusemyself from so long a railway journey, which I find injurious, but mydecision is altered by your difficulty. I will be at Thomas' Hotel to-morrow night at 10 o'clock, if you can meet me at that time, and if youlike to appoint Howe and Tilley a quarter of an hour later, I will seethem and discuss what we ought to do. 

"I feel very confident we can yet set matters right, if we can onlyprevent Mr. Sicotte upsetting the coach. 

"I cannot see you on Thursday, as, being in London, I must go by the 9a. M. Train to attend the funeral at Deep Dene, and I may be late inreturning to town in the evening. 

 "I am, yours sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

_Memorandum from my diary of 10th December, 1862. _

"To the Duke (_of Newcastle_), at 10 p. M. --(Thomas Hotel), byrequest. Saw Howe (_representing Nova Scotia_), and Tilley(_representing New Brunswick_)after. Very satisfactory. Duke saidGladstone had expressed strong approval of Pacific, &c. Affair--and hadadded, 'that it was one of the grandest affairs ever conceived, and hehoped it would be completed in Duke's time--and it should have hishearty support. ' Good. "

Messrs. Sicotte and Rowland suddenly went home, and we appeared to beat a dead lock. After several letters and suggestions, the Duke sent methis letter:--

 "CLUMBER, "6 _Jany_. 1863. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I have received several letters from you without sending any answer;but I must confess I am so disheartened about the result of all thetrouble I have taken with the 'delegates, ' that I do not know how toproceed, or, rather, I do not see the possibility of proceeding at all. 

"At the last interview I had with the Canadian delegates, everythingwas considered settled to their satisfaction, except the one point of asinking fund, and even that was admitted by all but Mr. Sicotte to bemet by Mr. Gladstone's consent, that the money should be invested inColonial securities. Thus matters stood until the _day_ theCanadians embarked, when (avoiding an interview with Sir F. Rogers, andeverybody else) they sent me in a paper, couched in terms offensive tothe British Government, and complaining of every single provision inthe conditions--evidently got up to carry out Mr. Sicotte's pre-arranged plan of upsetting the whole scheme, and throwing the blame onthe Imperial Government. 

"Unless this miserable creature and his colleagues are turned out ofoffice on the first day of the Session, it is manifest that the measurewill be _sold_ for party purposes; and in that case I shall beunwilling to play into their hands, by giving them the N. W. TransitScheme. 

"I cannot be in town till after the 19th. I will see you then, if youwish it, or any day next week if, on your way to or from Manchester, itwere convenient to you to dine and sleep here. I shall most likely bealone. 

"I do not understand your alarm about a clause in the Treasury Minute. I know of no provision which impedes legislation this Session, exceptthat requiring a previous survey, which I more than once discussed withyou, and which I thought you agreed could easily be met. 

"When you are in London Sir F. Rogers can show you Messrs. Sicotte andRowland's extraordinary paper, if you wish to see it. 

 "I am, my dear Sir, "Yours sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

Sir Frederick Rogers showed me the "extraordinary paper" of Messrs. Sicotte and Howland, and yet Mr. Howland, on his return, favoured mewith the following letter:--

 "QUEBEC, "3_rd April_, 1863. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "The pressure of public business has prevented me from sending anearlier reply to your valued favour of the 26th February. In referenceto the tariff of charges of your Company, you must be aware that it isnot legal, unless approved by the Governor and Council. I am not awareof the circumstances stated by you, but presume, that if the ProvincialSecretary called for your tariff, it was because it had not receivedthe sanction of the Government; however, I feel safe in saying, that inthe exercise of that power the Government would not be actuated by anyfeeling other than that of performing a public duty. 

"Mr. Sicotte and myself were treated with the greatest considerationand kindness by His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and I deeply regretthat the action which we felt it necessary to take, in the performanceof a public duty, should have produced any unpleasant feeling on thepart of his Grace: however important the Intercolonial railroad may be, the opening up of the N. W. Territory would increase its value, and, infact, afford much stronger grounds for its construction than exists atpresent, and the immediate result of opening up that territory would, in my opinion, be productive of much greater good to the people ofEngland and Canada than would result from the construction of theIntercolonial railroad. 

"I send by post the report of Mr. Taylor to the United StatesGovernment, upon the N. W. Territory of B. A. , by which you willperceive, that they attach much greater importance to the future ofthat country than the people of England or Canada have hitherto shown. The description given of the climate appears to have been compiled fromreliable data, and affords the clearest information upon that pointthat has as yet come before the public: I regret not having anothercopy to send His Grace the Duke of Newcastle; if he has not receivedone, will you be kind enough to send him this. 

"Mr. Sandford Fleming (who is an engineer of high character andability) is now here, as a delegate from the people of Red River, incharge of a memorial on their behalf to the Governments of Canada andEngland: this memorial is accompanied with a very clear statement ofthe condition and prospects of the country, and a report upon theproposed communication to be made through it. I am now getting thedocuments printed, and when done I will send you a copy, and one willbe forwarded by His Excellency to the Duke. 

"Mr. Fleming and myself are preparing some suggestions for you, inreference to the purchase of the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, with a view to show in what manner it could be carried out, and affordsecurity that the country should be opened for settlement, and at thesame time afford an inducement to the parties who might become thepurchasers. It would truly be a great project, and if the Company wouldcome down in their pretensions to what their possessory rights arereally worth, it could be carried out, and result in great good to thecountry, and offer great inducement to those who might engage in it. 

"I am much pressed with work, and somewhat better in health. 

 "Yours faithfully, "WM. P. HOWLAND. 

"EDW. WATKIN, Esq. , "21, Old Broad Street, London. "

And if further proof were wanting that these gentlemen deserved thepreviously-quoted strictures of the Duke, always bearing in mind thetrouble, responsibility and expense incurred, mainly at their instance, upon the Pacific project, the following gives it:--

"No. 1107. SECRETARY'S OFFICE, QUEBEC, "1_st Augt_. 1863. 

"SIR, "I have the honour to inform you that your letter of the 27th ultimo, addressed to the Hon. John S. Macdonald, has been transferred to thisDepartment. 

"I am now directed to state, in reply to the inquiry therein made, thatthe details of the scheme for the promotion of telegraphic and postalcommunication across the Continent of British North America have not, as yet, been placed before the Provincial Government in such a definiteshape as to enable them to determine the course which it may beadvisable to take in relation to that important undertaking. 

"The Government will, however, be prepared, whenever a sufficientlymatured scheme shall be submitted for their consideration, to give thesubject their most earnest attention. 

 "I have the honour to be, Sir, "Your most obedient Servant, "E. A. MEREDITH, "_Assistant Secretary_. "

"EDWD. W. WATKIN, Esq. , "_Montreal_"

Two days after the Duke's last letter, came the following:--

 "KELHAM, NEWARK, "8 _Jany_. 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "Since your letter of the 6th (received to-day), you will partly havelearnt why I could not answer some of your private letters, but asregards the official letter respecting the Western project, I think youwill see that I cannot answer it without consulting my colleagues. _I_ cannot _grant_ a subsidy, and on the other hand I shouldbe unwilling to _refuse_ it. The proposal that part of the subsidyshould be Imperial necessarily entails delay. I do not think I canpossibly send an answer till after the next Cabinet. 

"I shall be sorry to miss Mr. J. A. Macdonald. The only chance ofseeing him would be if he could dine and sleep a night at Clumber onhis way to Liverpool. Unfortunately I must be all day on the 16th atNewark on County business. Could he come on the afternoon, of 15thwithout inconvenience?

 "I am, yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

And farther letters in the order given. 

 "CLUMBER, "15 _Jany_. 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I have written officially to the Admiralty respecting the formation ofa Naval Station at Esquimault, but I will now write privately to theDuke of Somerset and ask for an early answer. 

"Mr. Macdonald came last night, and I was delighted to see him a newand healthy man. I had an interesting conversation with him, but fullyexpecting he would stay till to-morrow reserved several things for to-day. It was not till breakfast was over that I knew he was returning infive minutes. As, however, his return to Canada is postponed for aweek, I shall see him in London. 

 "I am, yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

 "CLUMBER, "26 _Jan_. 

"Your letter received just as I am starting for London. I remain there, and can see Mr. Cameron in town any day. I was in London last week, andsaw Mr. Macdonald. Mr. Cameron was Mr. Malcolm Cameron, a man whoseworth was undoubted. 

 "Yours, &c. , "N. "

 "DOWNING STREET, "20 _Feby_. 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "It has not been till to-day that I could have given you any answerrespecting the proposed subsidy to the N. W. Transit. 

"I think a short verbal communication would be more satisfactory thanexplanation by letter. 

"Can you call here to-morrow about 2. 30, or, if more convenient, atThomas' Hotel--between 11 and 1. 

 "Yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

 "DOWNING STREET, "27 _March_, 1863. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I do not on the first blush of your proposal see any great difficultyin agreeing to it, --_if_ indeed the Imperial Government is inabsolute possession of the tract of country you speak of. 

"I have requested Sir F. Rogers to look into this and see you if youlike to call upon him when you come to town. 

"I leave London to-morrow morning for, I hope, a fortnight. 

 "I am, yours sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

This letter of the 27th March, 1863, was in reply to a letter fromme:--

 "ROSE HILL, NORTHEN, "_March 27th_, 1863. 

"MY LORD DUKE, "In looking over the maps very carefully prior to sending in thedocuments proposed to be transmitted through your Grace, I find that itis very probable--from the desirability of carrying a telegraph througha wooded country, and avoiding the plains, where buffaloes often moveabout in square miles of extent--that we may go through the Imperialterritory for a more or less considerable distance. It thereforestrikes me, that what I have before suggested, as to the desirabilityof Imperial assistance, may not be reconciled with Mr. Gladstone'sdesire to avoid an Imperial contribution of money. I therefore suggestto your Grace, that the Imperial Government should agree to give agrant of land of some reasonable extent, also that portion of theterritory lying between the Hudson's Bay territory and British Columbiawhich belongs to the Crown, provided a telegraphic and roadcommunication passes through any portion of that territory. 

"If this meets your Grace's views, would it not be better that the factof the Imperial Government having made this concession should berecited in the preamble of the proposed Bill which we are to send toCanada, and that thus invited to the scheme by a contribution of land, power to purchase or control should be directly given by a clause tothe Crown? If your Grace will give me your views upon this at once, Iwill have the documents prepared accordingly, and transmitted withoutdelay. 

"'Minesota' has given about two millions of acres in aid of works toextend their rail and water communications in the direction of RedRiver. 

"I have to thank your Grace for sending me Mr. Foley's report, and, also, copy of the Minutes of Council as to the Intercolonial and thewestern project. 

"The territory I allude to is hunted over by the Hudson's Bay Company, and forms, mainly, a portion of what they call the Athabasca district. "

It was matter of deep regret to me that the Government of the day wouldnot accept any share of the pecuniary responsibility of adding to thecompactness of the Empire, by connecting the two oceans by telegraphand by road. The despatch which I copy--dated Downing Street, 5 March, 1863--distinctly says, in its third paragraph, "Her Majesty'sGovernment are of opinion that they cannot apply to Parliament tosanction any share in the proposed subsidy by this country. "

 "DOWNING STREET, "5_th March_, 1863. 

"SIR, "I am directed by the Duke of Newcastle to acknowledge the receipt ofyour letter of the 27th of December, and to express his Grace's regretthat so long, though quite unavoidable, a delay should have occurred inreplying to it. 

"I am now desired to make to you the following communication:--

"Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that they cannot apply toParliament to sanction any share in the proposed subsidy by thiscountry; and though they take great interest in the projectcontemplated with so much public spirit by the gentlemen represented byyou for carrying a telegraphic and postal communication from theconfines of Canada to the Pacific, they do not concur in the opinion ofthe Canadian delegates that the work is of such special 'Imperialimportance' as to induce them to introduce for the first time theprinciple of subsidizing or guaranteeing telegraphic lines on land. 

"Her Majesty's Government are further of opinion that without asubmarine Transatlantic telegraph the proposed line in America will beof comparatively small value to the Imperial Government, and thatwhenever a scheme of the former kind is renewed, it is almost certainthat this country must be called upon to bear a much larger charge forit than that which it is now proposed to devolve upon the BritishColonies in respect of the land-telegraph and communication. 

"As Canada has offered to bear one-half of the proposed guarantee, theDuke of Newcastle is prepared to recommend, and his Grace has no doubtof ready acquiescence, that British Columbia and Vancouver Island shallpay the sum of L10, 000 per annum, as their share of L20, 000 (being atthe rate of L4 per cent, on a capital of L500, 000), to commence whenthe line is in working order. 

"It will, however, be necessary, before any proposal is made officiallyto the Colonies, that the Duke of Newcastle should receive furtherdetails. It is requisite that his Grace should be informed whatprovision will be proposed as to the duration of this subsidy; whatconditions as to the right of purchasing the line, and to whatauthorities that right should belong; and on what terms the wholearrangement may be revised in the event of the Hudson's Bay Companycoming to any agreement for the sale of their territory. 

"There will doubtless be other provisions which the Colonies willexpect. 

 "I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, "T. F. ELLIOT. "E. W. WATKIN, Esq. "

I close this narrative of the Pacific Transit Scheme with the despatchof the 1st May, 1863, which summarises the proposals made and generallyconcurred in. These long discussions were not abortive, for they led upto the great question of the buying out of the Hudson's Bay Company, without which neither successful Confederation, nor its child theCanadian Pacific Railway, would have been achieved in this generation. 

 "DOWNING STREET, "1_st May_, 1863. 

"SIR, "I am directed by the Duke of Newcastle to state that he has had muchsatisfaction in receiving your letter of the 28th ultimo, enclosing theheads of a proposal for establishing telegraphic and postalcommunication between Lake Superior and New Westminster, through theagency of the Atlantic and Pacific Transit and Telegraph Company. Theseproposals call for some observations from his Grace. 

"New Westminster is named as the Pacific terminus of the road andtelegraph. His Grace takes for granted that if the Imperial Governmentand that of British Columbia should find on further inquiry that someother point on the coast would supply a more convenient terminus, theCompany would be ready to adopt it. 

"_Article_ 1. --His Grace sees no objection to the grant of landcontemplated in this Article, but the 'rights' stipulated for are soindeterminate that without further explanation they could scarcely bepromised in the shape in which they are asked. He anticipates, however, no practical difficulty on this head. 

"_Nos_. 1 _and_ 2. --The Duke of Newcastle, on the part ofBritish Columbia and Vancouver Island, sees no objection to the maximumrate of guarantee proposed by the Company, provided that the liabilityof the Colonies is clearly limited to 12, 500_l_. Per annum. Nordoes he think it unfair that the Government guarantee should coverperiods of temporary interruption from causes of an exceptionalcharacter, and over which the Company has no control. 

"But he thinks it indispensable that the Colonies should besufficiently secured against having to pay, for any lengthened period, an annual sum of 12, 500_l_. Without receiving the correspondingbenefit, that is to say, the benefit of direct telegraphiccommunication between the seat of government in Canada and the coast ofthe Pacific. 

"It must, therefore, be understood that the commencement of theundertaking must depend on the willingness of the Canadian Governmentand Legislature to complete telegraphic communication from the seat ofgovernment to the point on Lake Superior at which the Company will takeit up. Nor could his Grace strongly urge on the Colonies of VancouverIsland and British Columbia the large annual guarantee which thisproject contemplates, unless there were good reason to expect that thekindred enterprise of connecting Halifax and Montreal by railway wouldbe promptly and vigorously proceeded with. It will also be requisite tosecure by formal agreements that the guarantee shall cease, and thegrants of land for railway purposes revert to the grantors, in case ofthe permanent abandonment of the undertaking, of which abandonment someunambiguous test should be prescribed, such as the suspension ofthrough communication for a stated period. 

"The Duke of Newcastle does not object to five years as the maximumperiod for the completion of the undertaking--and he thinks it fair toexclude from that period, or from the period of suspension abovementioned, any time during which any part of the line should be inoccupation of a foreign enemy. But injuries from the outbreaks ofIndian tribes and other casualties, which are inherent in the nature ofthe undertaking, must be taken as part of the risks which fall on theconductors of the enterprise, by whose resource and foresight alonethey can be averted. 

"His Grace apprehends that the Crown land contemplated in Article 3, isthe territory lying between the eastern boundary of British Columbiaand the territory purporting to be granted to the Hudson Bay Company bytheir charter. His Grace must clearly explain that Her Majesty'sGovernment do not undertake, in performance of this article of theagreement, to go to the expense of settling any questions of disputedboundary, but only to grant land to which the Crown title is clear. 

"With regard to the 7th Article, the Duke of Newcastle could not holdout to the Company the prospect of protection by any military or policeforce in the uninhabited districts through which their line would pass--but he would consider favourably any proposal for investing theofficers of the Company with such magisterial or other powers as mightconduce to the preservation of order and the security of the Company'soperations. 

"With reference to the 9th and concluding Article, the Duke ofNewcastle would not willingly undertake the responsible functionsproposed to him, but he will agree to do so if by those means he can inany degree facilitate the project, and if he finds that the Coloniesconcur in the proposal. 

"Subject to these observations, and to such questions of detail asfurther consideration may elicit, the Duke of Newcastle cordiallyapproves of the Company's proposals, and is prepared to sanction thegrants of land contemplated in the 3rd Article. He intends tocommunicate the scheme, with a copy of this letter, to the Governor-General of Canada, and the Governor of Vancouver Island, recommendingthe project to their attentive consideration. 

 "I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, "C. FORTESCUE. "E. W. WATKIN, Esq. "

CHAPTER VIII. 

_Negociations for Purchase of the Hudson's BayProperty_. 

In response to our demand for a large tract of land through the"Fertile belt" of the Hudson's Bay territory, the Governor answered, almost in terror, to the Duke of Newcastle:--"What! sequester our verytap-root! Take away the fertile lands where our buffaloes feed! Let inall kinds of people to squat and settle, and frighten away the fur-bearing animals they don't hunt and kill! Impossible. Destruction--extinction--of our time-honoured industry. If these gentlemen are sopatriotic, why don't they buy us out?" To this outburst the Dukequietly replied: "What is your price?" Mr. Berens, the Governor, answered: "Well, about a million and a half. "

Finding that our demands for land alongside the proposed road andtelegraph were not acceptable to the Governor and Court of the Hudson'sBay Company, we had nothing for it but either to drop the Pacifictransit proposal, after many months of labour and trouble, or to takethe bold course of accepting the challenge of those gentlemen, andnegociating for the purchase of all their property and rights. Beforemaking a decided move, however, I had many anxious discussions with theDuke as to who the real purchaser should be. My strong, and oftenurged, advice was, that whoever the medium of purchase might be, GreatBritain should take to the bargain. I showed that at the price namedthere could be no risk of loss; and I developed alternative methods ofdealing with the question:--That the fur trade could be separated fromthe land and rights, and that a new joint stock company could beorganized to take over the trading posts, the fleet of ships, the stockof goods, and the other assets, rights, and privileges affecting trade, and that such a company would probably pay a rental--redeemable over aterm of years, were that needful to meet Mr. Gladstone's notions--of 3or 3-1/2 per cent, on 800, 000_l_. , leaving only 700, 000_l_. As the value of a territory bigger than Russia in Europe. Such acompany would have to raise additional capital of its own to modernizeits business, to improve the means of intercourse between its posts, and to cheapen and expedite the transport to and fro of itsmerchandise. I carefully described the nature of these changes and allthat they involved. The Duke seemed to favour this idea. Then I pointedout that, if desired, a land company could be organized in England, Canada, and the United States, which, on a similar principle of rentaland redemption, might take over the lands--leaving a reserve ofprobably a fourth of the whole as the, unpaid for, property of theGovernment--at the price of 700, 000_l_. If these proposalssucceeded, then all the country would have to do was to lend1, 500, 000_l_. On such security as could be offered, ample, in eachcase, in my opinion. But I said it must be a condition, if these planswere adopted, to erect the Hudson's Bay territory into a Crown Colony, like British Columbia, and to govern it on the responsibility of theEmpire. I showed that this did not involve any large sum annually; andthat, as in the case of British Columbia, the loss would be turned intoa profit by sales of the one-fourth of the land to be given, in returnfor the responsibilities, taken, to our country. Again, the cost ofgovernment might be recouped by a moderate system of duties in and outof the territory, to be agreed with Canada and British Columbia on theone hand, and the United States on the other. This, in outline, was oneplan. The next was, to sell a portion of the territory to the UnitedStates at the price, which I knew could be obtained, of a million. Athird plan which I suggested was, to open up portions of the "Fertilebelt" to colonization from the United States. To offer homes, in abracing, healthy country--with fertile lands and long waterways--to themultitudes of men and women in Ohio, Kentucky, Maryland, and many otherStates, who desired to flee from war and conflict; whose yearning wasfor settled government and peace. These men and women had stillresources, friends, and credit, and if our country opened its arms tothem, they would flock to the old red flag, and bring their energies tobear on the industrial conquest of these vast regions to the West. 

But--if any man went, morally, down on his knees to another, I did tothe Duke, to beg, beseech, implore, --that this great bargain, thispurchase of purchases, of a Continent, should be made for our country, and should be untainted by even the suspicion of a mercantileadventure. In the end, I thought I had converted the Duke, welldisposed always, to the wisdom of such a policy. Following this line, we discussed many details. He "would not sell, " but he would"exchange;" and, studying the map, we put our fingers upon theAroostook wedge, in the State of Maine--upon a piece of territory atthe head of Lake Superior, and upon islands between British Columbiaand Vancouver's Island--which might be the equivalent of rectificationof boundary on many portions to the Westward along the 49th parallel oflatitude. 

Further, at one of our many interviews a name for the new Crown Colony, if established, was mentioned--"Hysperia. " Dr. Mackay had suggested itto me. The general answer of the Duke was--"Were I a minister of RussiaI should buy the land. It is the right thing to do for many, for all, reasons; but ministers here must subordinate their views to theCabinet. " Still, he went so far, that I believed if the Hudson's Bayproperty were once bought, the Duke would manage to take the purchaseover for the country. I was too sanguine. I had not measured thepassive resistance of the inside of the Colonial Office to everythingthat inside had not initiated; though the fact that day by dayobjections, urged to the Duke from inside, were put to me, by him, and, I believe, always satisfactorily answered, might have warned me. I hopeto live to find three conditions established at the Colonial Office:--(1) That no one, from the head down to the office boy, shall enter thedoors without having passed in general and in British Empire, geography. (2) That no one shall be promoted who has not visited someone British Colony or Province; and (3) That no one shall be eligiblefor the highest offices who has not visited and studied, personally, every portion of the distant British Empire. 

With confident hope I went to work. It is true that Mr. Thomas Baringwarned me. He said: "If the Duke wants these great efforts made he mustmake them on behalf of the Government: he must not leave privatepersons to take the risk of Imperial work. " And, in this state of mind, Mr. Baring refused, afterwards, to be one of the promoters of thePacific scheme, a refusal which led Mr. Glyn to hesitate to sign thelegal papers without his friend and colleague. It was an anxious timefor me; for on my head rested the main responsibility. One circumstancesomewhat sustained me. On "the 10th December, 1862, at Thomas' Hotel, the Duke had read to me a private letter from Mr. Gladstone to him, containing these words. Words of which I was allowed to make a note"Your Pacific scheme would be one of the grandest affairs ever achieved, and I hope it will be completed in your time. It shall have my heartysupport. " Alas! however, Mr. Baring was right. 

The first official interview with the Governor and Court of theHudson's Bay Company was at the "Hudson's Bay House, " Fenchurch Street, on the 1st December, 1862. The room was the "Court" room, dark anddirty. A faded green cloth, old chairs almost black, and a fineportrait of Prince Rupert. We met the Governor, Berens, Eden Colville, and Lyell only. On our part there were Mr. G. G. Glyn (the present LordWolverton), Captain Glyn (the late Admiral Henry Glyn), and Messrs. Newmarch, Benson, Blake, and myself. Mr. Berens, an old man andobstinate, bearing a name to be found in the earliest lists of Hudson'sBay shareholders, was somewhat insulting in his manner. We took itpatiently. He seemed to be astounded at our assurance. "What! interferewith his Fertile belt, tap root, &c. !" Subsiding, we had a reasonablediscussion, and were finally informed that they would give us land forthe actual site of a road and a telegraph through their territory, butnothing more. But they would sell all they had, as we "were, no doubt, rich enough to buy, " for "about" 1, 500, 000_l_. , as they had toldthe Duke. 

The offer of the mere site of a road and ground for telegraph poles wasof no use. So, just as we were leaving, I said, "We are quite ready toconsider your offer to sell; and, to expedite matters, will you allowus to see your accounts, charters, &c. " They promised to consult theirCourt. And, gradually, it got to this, that I was put in communicationwith old Mr. Roberts, aged 85, their accountant, and with theirsolicitor, the able and honorable Mr. Maynard, of the old firm ofCrowder and Maynard, Coleman Street, City. 

I had many interviews; and on the 17th March, 1863, I met the Governor, Mr. Ellice, jun. (son of Edward Ellice-the "old bear"), Mr. Mathesonand Mr. Maynard. They showed me a number of schedules, which theycalled "accounts. " Next day I had a long private interview with Mr. Maynard, but "could not see the 'balance-sheet. '" The same day I sawthe Duke with Messrs. Glyn and Benson. Next day (19th) I spent theforenoon with Mr. Roberts, the accountant, and his son and assistant, at the Hudson's Bay House. Mr. Roberts told me many odd things; one wasthat the Company had had a freehold farm on the site of the presentcity of San Francisco of 1, 000 acres, and sold it just before the golddiscoveries for 1, 000_l_. , because two factors quarrelled over it. I learnt a great deal of the inside of the affair, and got someglimpses of the competing "North West" Company, amalgamated by Mr. Edward Ellice, its chief mover, many years agone with the Hudson's BayCompany. Pointing to some boxes in his private room one day, Mr. Maynard said: "There are years of Chancery in those boxes, if anyoneelse had them. " And he more than once quoted a phrase of the "oldbear": "My fortune came late in life. "

On the 8th May I went to see the Duke. He was very ill; but hisinterest in the Hudson's Bay purchase was unabated. I saw him again onthe 15th, and wrote a letter to the Hudson's Bay Company. On the 19thMr. Maynard told me that the Hudson's Bay Court were meeting that dayto reply to my letter. The reply came on the 21st, and was "nearly whatwe wished. "

Owing to the Duke's illness, and to some secret difficulty which henever enlightened me upon, I was given to understand, after a short, but anxious delay, that any purchase must be carried out by privateresources; but all sorts of moral support would be at our service. Whatgood was moral support in providing a million and a half? What was tobe done? There were only two ways: one, to make a list of fifteenpersons who would each take a "line" of a hundred thousand pounds forhimself and such friends as he chose to associate with him; the other, to hand the proposed purchase over to the just founded InternationalFinancial Association, who were looking out for some important projectto lay before the public. 

Leaving out Mr. Baring and Mr. Glyn (senr. ) we had a strong body ofearnest friends, substantial men, and we could, no doubt, haveunderwritten the amount. My proportion was got ready; and my personalfriends would have doubled that proportion, or more, if I had wantedit. I strongly recommended this course. But the Hudson's Bay Companywould give no credit. We must take up the shares as presented and payfor them over the counter. Thus, the latter alternative was, after someanxious days, adopted. Mr. Richard Potter was the able negociator incompleting this great transaction, began and carried on as above. Theshares were taken over and paid for by the International FinancialSociety, who issued new stock to the public to an amount which covereda large provision of new capital for extension of business by theCompany, and a profit to themselves and their friends who had taken therisk of so new and onerous an engagement. 

I may finish this section by stating that, as respects the new Hudson'sBay shareholders, their 20_l_. Shares have been reduced by returnsof capital to 13_l_. , and having, nevertheless, in the "boom" oflands in the West, been sold at 37_l_. As the price of the13_l_. ; they are now about 24_l_. Thus, every one who hasheld his property, and will continue to hold it, has, and will have, asafe and unusually profitable investment. These shareholders, besidesthe large reserves near their posts, which I shall enumerate later on, have a claim to one-twentieth of the land where settlements aresurveyed and made. This gives a great future to the investor. On theother hand, Canada--in place of the Mother Country, to whom the wholeought to have belonged, for the purposes previously set forth--hasobtained this vast and priceless dominion for a payment of only300, 000_l_. , on the award of Earl Granville; and the PacificRailway, by reason of that great possession, has been completed andopened. 

But there is much to record between the period of purchase and the saleto Canada. 

I here give to the reader some letters of the Duke's relating to thesenegotiations generally:--

 "DOWNING STREET, "14 _Augt. _ 1862. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I am glad to tell you that since I received your letter of Saturdaylast, the Hudson's Bay Company has replied to my communication, and haspromised to _grant_ land to a company formed under such auspicesas those with whom I placed them in communication. The question nowis--what _breadth_ of land they will give, for of course theypropose to include the whole _length_ of the line through theirterritory. A copy of the reply shall be sent to Mr. Baring, and I hopeyou and he will be able to bring this concession to some practicalissue. 

"I was quite aware of the willingness of the Company to _sell_their _whole_ rights for some such sum as 1, 500, 000_l_. Iascertained the fact two months ago, and alluded to it in the House ofLords in my reply to a motion by Lord Donoughmore. I cannot, however, view the proposal in so favourable a light as you do. There would be noimmediate or _direct_ return to show for this large outlay, for ofcourse the trade monopoly must cease, and the sale of land would forsome time bring in little or nothing--certainly not enough to pay forthe government of the country. 

"I do not think Canada _can_, or if she can _ought_ to, takeany large share in such a payment. Some of her politicians would nodoubt support the proposal with views of their own, --but it would be aserious, and for some time unremunerative, addition to their veryembarrassing debt. 

"I certainly should not like to _sell_ any portion of theterritory to the United States--_exchange_ (if the territory wereonce acquired) would be a different thing, --but that would not helptowards the liquidation of the purchase-money. 

"I admire your _larger views_, and have some tolerably large onesin this matter of my own, but I fear purchase of this great territoryis just now impracticable. 

 "I am, yours sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "Edwd. Watkin, Esq. "

This letter was written in the educational period. The doubts came fromthe officials of the Colonial Office. I removed them. 

 "Downing Street, "17 _Novr_. 1862. 

"My dear Mr. Watkin, "I send you the 'route' from the Pacific to Canada, which I promised. 

"I cannot vouch for it; but it comes from an unusually well-informedquarter, and I incline to think it is much nearer accuracy than suchinformation as represents the obstacles to be almost insuperable. 

 "I am, yours very truly, "NEWCASTLE. "

"Memorandum of a Route from Vancouver Island toCanada. 

 _Stations_ _Conveyance_ _Time_

"Victoria, Vancouver IslandYale, on Fraser River, orDouglas, on Harrison Lake Steamer 2 daysLytton, on Fraser River, orLillovet Stage coach 2 daysAlexander, on Fraser River Do. 4 daysFort George, on Fraser River Steamer 2 daysTete Jaune Cache do. Do. 5 days between 53 degrees and 54 degrees N L ------- 15 days =======

The stage road from Douglas to Lillovet is described as complete, andthat from Lillovet to Alexandria as in progress, as also the machineryof a stern-wheel steamboat for the water communication betweenAlexandria and Tete Jaune Cache. 

The last-named place [Sidenote: Tete Jaune Cache. ] is situated between53 degrees and 54 degrees N. L. , and is at the western extremity of themost practicable pass of the Rocky Mountains. The distance from this toJasper House, [Sidenote: Jasper House, between 53 degrees and 54degrees N. L. , and distant 120 miles from Tete Jaune Cache. ] at theeastern extremity of the pass, is 120 miles by trail, admitting, it issaid, of conversion at small cost into an easy carriage road. 

The distance from Jasper House to the next post, Edmonton, [Sidenote:Edmonton, 200 miles by road from Jasper House, and 90 miles by roadfrom Assiniboin. ] on the Saskatchewan, is 200 miles by road through alevel wooded country, or the Elk and Athabasca Rivers may be descendedby water to Fort Assiniboin, whence to Edmonton is only 90 miles. 

The road communication between Tete Jaune Cache and Edmonton isrepresented as the only necessary work beyond Alexandria, and may beopened for 50, 000_l_. 

Two courses are suggested from Edmonton to the Red River, one by wateralong the Saskatchewan and Lake Winnipeg, another by road fromCarleton, on the Saskatchewan, through the Prairie. 

No remarks are offered upon the character of the route between the RedRiver and Lake Superior, except that it is said to present no seriousdifficulties. 

 "13_th Nov_. 1862. R. E. "

 "DOWNING STREET, "18 _Novr_. 1862. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I have had a long interview of two hours today with Mr. Berens, Mr. Colville, and Mr. Maynard; but I am sorry to find that matters have byno means progressed so far as I was led to expect. 

"I think I ought now to see Mr. Baring, Mr. Glyn, and yourself as soonas possible. 

"Can they and you come here on Thursday at any hour not earlier than2. 30 nor later than 4? If that will interrupt other business, I couldpropose 11. 30 on Friday at Thomas' Hotel. 

 "Yours sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

 "CLUMBER, "7 _April_, 1863. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I have received from Sir F. Rogers the draft print of your Bill, andhis remarks upon it. 

"I still think it quite possible to meet your views respecting thelower portion of the Athabasca territory; but the _mode_ of doingit does not appear to me so simple or clear. 

"I should much desire to consult the Land Commissioners before thematter is settled; and I do not see that the delay of ten days or afortnight from this date could endanger the measure, for Lord Monckwrote to me by last mail that the Parliament had as yet not begunbusiness. 

"If you agree to this, I will send the papers and my remarks to theLand Commissioners at once, and see you (after getting their report) onWednesday next, or any day after it, except Friday. 

"Pray let me hear by return. 

 "Yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

 "DOWNING STREET, "6 _May_, 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I hope and believe that the despatches in their final shape, as theywent out to N. Columbia on Friday last, and to Canada on Saturday, werequite what you and the proposed 'N. W. Transit Company' would wish. 

"I added words which (without dictation) will be understood as implying'No Intercolonial, no Transit. '

"If you happen to be in this neighbourhood any day between 3 and 4. 30, I shall be glad to see you, though I have nothing at all pressing tosay. 

 "Yours very sincerely, "NEWCASTLE. "

CHAPTER IX. 

_The Right Honorable Edward Ellice, M. P. _

I have alluded to this remarkable man under the soubriquet attached tohim for a generation--"the old Bear. " I assume that when his son, whofor many years represented the Scotch constituency of the St. AndrewsBurghs, grew up, the father became the "old" and the son the "young"Bear. Mr. Ellice was the son of Mr. Alexander Ellice, an eminentmerchant in the City of London. Born, if the "Annual Register" beaccurate, in 1789, he died at the end of 1863. It is strange that hebegan life by uniting the Canadian fur trade with that of the Hudson'sBay Company, and just lived long enough to witness the sale andtransfer of the interests he had, by a bold and masterly policy, combined in 1820. Leaving Canada, Mr. Ellice joined the Whig party, andwas returned to Parliament for Coventry in 1818; and, with theexception of the period from 1826 to 1830, he retained his seat tillthe day of his death. Marrying the youngest sister of Earl Grey, of theReform Bill--the widow of Captain Bettesworth, R. N. --who died in 1832, leaving him an only son; and, in 1843, the widow of Mr. Coke, ofNorfolk, he became intimately connected with the Whig aristocracy. 

In Mr. Ellice's evidence before the Parliamentary Committee of 1857, onthe Hudson's Bay Company, I find that, in answer to a question put byMr. Christy, M. P. , as to the probability of a "settlement being madewithin what you consider to be the Southern territories of the Hudson'sBay Company?"--he replied, "None, in the lifetime of the youngest mannow alive. " Events have proved his error. Mr. Ellice was a man ofcommanding stature and presence, but, to my mind, had always thedemeanour of a colonist who had had to wrestle with the hardships ofnature, and his cast of countenance was Jewish. According to his ownaccount, he went out to Canada in 1803, when he must have been a mereyouth, and then personally associated himself with the fur trade, atrade which attracted the attention of almost the whole Canadiansociety. It was, in fact, at that time, the great trade of the country. The traders had inherited the skill and organization of the old Frenchvoyageurs, who, working from Quebec and Montreal as bases of theiroperations, were the doughty competitors of the Hudson's Bay Company, many of whose posts were only separated by distances of a hundred milesfrom those of the French. When Canada became the possession of ourcountry, in the last century, Scotch and English capital and energyreinforced the trade; and, as time went on, a powerful organization, called the "North-West Company, " arose, and extended its operationsright across to the Pacific. 

At the end of the last century, or the beginning of this, Mr. Ellice'sfather, as Mr. Ellice stated, "had supplied a great part of the capitalby which the whole north-west trade was conducted. " Profitable tradingbrought division of interests; and, in addition to smaller swarms fromthe parent hive, a new organization, called the "X. Y. Company, " or"Sir Alexander Mackenzie and Company, " carried on trade in competitionwith the original "North-West Company of Canada. " Mr. Ellice becameconnected with this "X. Y. Company" in 1805. The leading spirit of theNorth-West Company was Mr. McGillivray: and Mr. McGillivray and Mr. Ellice were, as a rule, cordial allies. Two leading firms engaged inthe fur trade were McTavish, Fraser & Co. , and Inglis, Ellice & Co. 

Competition raged amongst these Canadian interests, and between themand the Hudson's Bay Company, whose affairs were administered fromEngland. The business was carried on, therefore, with greatextravagance. The Indians were tempted and corrupted by strong drink. Frequent collisions took place between the Indians and the whites, andeverything grew worse till 1811. In 1811 Lord Selkirk joined theHudson's Bay Company. He became not only a stockholder in the Company, but took great interest in the trade; and he was the proprietor of alarge tract of territory on the Red River, acquired from the Hudson'sBay Company under a deed dated 12th June, 1811. In this territory, hemade settlements for the purposes of agriculture. 

The conflict of interests between the Canadian fur traders and theHudson's Bay Company became more and more violent, and ended inbloodshed. Finally Lord Selkirk, in virtue of his assumed powers as amagistrate, seized Mr. McGillivray, of the North-West Company, at FortWilliam, at the head of Lake Superior, and the whole of his property. The confusion and outrage became so great that Canada became alarmed, and a Mr. Coltman was sent up as Commissioner. Mr. Coltman reported, and made a recommendation that, to restore peace and order, someattempt should be made to unite the interests of the various furtraders in the country. In the meantime the Hudson's Bay Company ceasedto pay dividends, and the other companies were almost bankrupt. At thismoment Mr. Ellice, by great tact, and force of will, succeeded inuniting all the conflicting combinations; and from that time onwardsthe fur trade has been carried on under the Charter of the Hudson's BayCompany, extended by licenses, from time to time renewed, of exclusivetrade in the North-West and in the Pacific States, includingVancouver's Island. Out of these fusions arose the Puget Sound Company, created to utilise, cultivate, and colonise the Pacific territories, over which licenses to trade had been given to the Hudson's BayCompany. 

The vigorous action of the united interests soon told upon the tradeand discipline of the vast area hunted and traded over. The Indianswere brought back to tea and water in place of rum and brandy; andpeace was restored, everywhere, between the white man and the red. Theepidemics of small pox, which had at times decimated whole tribes ofIndians, were got rid of by the introduction of vaccination. Settlement, if only on a small scale, was encouraged by the security oflife and property. The enlargement of their action, as issuers of notesand as bankers aided the trade and the colonists; and so good was aHudson's Bay Company's note that it was taken everywhere over thenorthern continent, when the "Shin Plasters" of banks in the UnitedStates and Canada were refused. When, for a short time, in 1865 and1866, I held the office of shareholders' auditor of the Hudson's BayCompany, I cancelled many of these notes, which had become defaced, mainly owing to the fingering of Indians and others, who left behind onthe thick yellow paper coatings of "Pemmican, "--the pounded flesh andfat of the buffalo, done up in skins like sausages--a food eminentlynutritious and lasting long, but fearfully odorous and nasty. 

Mr. Ellice supplied much of the political energy inside the old Reformparty, displayed in the Reform Bill struggle of 1830-1832. He becameone of the Secretaries of the Treasury; and, in 1831, had to organizethe eventful election of that year. His great powers and never-failingenergy, devoted in early life to the fur trade and its conflicts, became of infinite value to the country, in many momentous struggles, at home, for liberty and progress. It amused me much when, by chance, meeting Mr. Ellice, after we had bought and paid for his Hudson's Bayproperty, to see the kind of astonished stare with which he regardedme. I think the purchase of the Hudson's Bay Company was a mystery tohim. I remember meeting him at the Royal Academy a few months beforehis death. He stopped opposite to me, as if to study my features. Hedid not speak a word, nor did I. He seemed in a state of abstraction, like that of a man endeavouring to recollect a long history ofdifficulty, and to realize how strangely it had all ended, --by thenegociation I had brought to a head. 

CHAPTER X. 

_The Select Committee, on Hudson's Bay Affairs, of_1857. 

This Committee was appointed "to consider the state of those Britishpossessions in North America which are under the administration of theHudson's Bay Company, or over which they possess a licence to trade. "Lord John Russell, Mr. Gladstone, the present Lord Derby, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Lowe, and Mr. Edward Ellice, were of the nineteenmembers of which the Committee originally consisted. Later on, thenames of Mr. Alexander Matheson and Viscount Goderich were substitutedfor those of Mr. Adderley and Mr. Bell; and Mr. Christy was added tothe Committee. The evidence before the Committee much resembled thattaken by the Committee of 1749. There were the same disaffected, anddischarged, officials; the same disappointed merchants and rivals; thesame desire, in varied quarters, as before, to depreciate and despoil asomewhat prosperous undertaking. The rival views were those of themajority of the Committee, on the one hand, and of Mr. Gladstone, onthe other. The claims of Canada to annex territory useful, in heropinion, to her inhabitants, was solidly urged. But the Honorable JohnRoss, then President of the Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, who was thefirst witness examined, said, "It is complained that the Hudson's BayCompany occupy that territory and prevent the extension of settlementand civilization in that part of the Continent of America. I do notthink they ought to be permitted to do that; but I think it would be avery great calamity if their control and power in that part of Americawere entirely to cease. My reason for forming that opinion is this:during all the time that I have been able to observe their proceedingsthere, there has been peace within the whole territory. The operationsof the Company seem to have been carried on, at all events, in such away as to prevent the Indian tribes within their borders from molestingthe Canadian frontier; while, on the other hand, those who have turnedtheir attention to that quarter of the world must have seen that, fromOregon to Florida, for these last thirty years or more, there has beena constant Indian war going on between the natives of Americanterritory, on the one side, and the Indian tribes on the other. Now, Ifear very much that if the occupation of the Hudson's Bay Company, inwhat is called the Hudson's Bay territory, were to cease, our fate inCanada might be just as it is with Americans in the border settlementsof their territory. "

Mr. Ross advocated a railway to the Pacific, and he showed goodpractical reasons for it. Failing a railway, he claimed a "good, broadopen road. " On the question of renewed competition in the fur trade, headded, "I believe there are certain gentlemen at Toronto very anxiousto get up a second North-West Company, and I dare say it would resultin something like the same difficulties which the last North-WestCompany created. I should be sorry to see them succeed. I think itwould do a great deal of harm, creating further difficulties in Canada, which I do not desire to see created. "

"Certain gentlemen at Toronto" have ever been ready to despoil any oldand successful undertaking. 

Mr. Gladstone's resolutions, as proposed at the end of the evidence, were negatived by the casting vote of the chairman, Mr. Labouchere, thenumbers being 7 and 7. Mr. Gladstone proposed that the country capableof colonization should be withdrawn from the jurisdiction of theHudson's Bay Company; while the country incapable of colonizationshould remain under that jurisdiction. And, having thus disposed of anychartered, or other, rights of the Company, his last, or 10th, resolution, said, "That inasmuch as the Company has tenderedconcessions which may prove sufficient to meet the necessities of thecase, the Committee has come to no decision upon the question how farit may be, as some think, just and even necessary, or on the otherhand, unwise or even unjust, to raise any judicial issue with the viewof ascertaining the legal rights of the Company. "

The Committee's report recommended that the Red River and Saskatchewandistricts of the Hudson's Bay Company might be "ceded to Canada onequitable principles, " the details being left to her Majesty'sGovernment. The Committee advised the termination of the government ofVancouver's Island by the Hudson's Bay Company; a recommendationfollowed, a year later, by the establishment of a Crown Colony. Butthey strongly advised, in the interests of law and order, and of theIndian population, as well as for the preservation of the fur trade, that the Hudson's Bay Company "should continue to enjoy the privilegesof exclusive trade which they now possess. "

CHAPTER XI. 

_Re-organization of Hudson's Bay Company_. 

Thus, after a long and continuous period of inquiry and investigation--a grave game of chess with the Hudson's Bay Company--many anxieties anda great pecuniary risk, surmounted without the expected help of ourGovernment, the battle was won. What now remained was to take care thatthe Imperial objects, for which some of us had struggled, were notsacrificed, to indifference in high places at home, or to possibleconflicts between the two Provinces in Canada; and to secure anenergetic management of the business of the fur trade and of landdevelopment by the executive of the Company, whose 144 posts coveredthe continent from Labrador to Sitka, Vancouver's Island, and SanFrancisco. 

It seemed to me that this latter business was of vital and pressingimportance. The Hudson's Bay factors, and traders were, in variousgrades and degrees, partners in the annual trade or "outfit, " under theprovisions of the "deed poll. " This "deed poll" was the charter underwhich the hardy officials worked and saved. Their charter had beenaltered or varied over the long period since the date of the Royalconcession, in the twenty-second year of the reign of Charles theSecond. The deed poll in existence in 1863 provided that the profits ofthe fur trade (less interest on capital employed in the trade, whichbelonged to the stockholders who provided it) were to be divided into100 parts, of which 60 parts belonged to the stockholders, and 40 tothe "wintering partners. " The "wintering partners" were the "chieffactors" and the "chief traders. " These 40 parts were again subdividedinto 85 shares; and each "chief factor" was entitled to two of suchshares, and each "chief trader" to one share. The clerks were paid bysalary, and only a person who had served as a clerk could be promotedto a "chief tradership, " and only a "chief trader" to a "chieffactorship. " Thus all had a direct or remote partnership interest. Onretirement, an officer held his full interest for one year and half hisinterest for the succeeding six years. 

I had much apprehension that if the unexpected sale and transfer of theshare property, under terms and conditions in every sense unique, werenot frankly and explicitly explained, and under authority, alarm andmisconception would arise; while the news of the transfer would findits way to distant regions in a distorted fashion, and throughunfriendly sources, long before the explanation and answer couldarrive. My fear, owing to bad management in London, was somewhatrealized, and I found that I had not rushed across the Atlantic, toperform every service in my power to the undertaking, in June, 1863, one moment too soon. 

Then, having studied the "deed poll, " I felt that, unless we made thefactors and traders partners in the whole enterprise--fur trade, banking, telegraphs, lands, navigation of rivers--on generous terms, wecould not expect to elicit either their energies or their adhesion to anew order of things. 

Further, I saw no way to secure supervision and control over theFertile belt, and all around it, except by the construction, to beginwith, of a main line of telegraph from St. Paul to the Hudson's Bayterritory, and thence by Fort Garry to the extreme western post on theeast side of the Rocky Mountains. Such main line to be supplemented byother subsidiary lines as rapidly as possible. The "wire, " to my mind, was the best "master's eye" under the circumstances. But, apart frombusiness re-organization, it was most essential to explain everythingto the Government of Canada; and to ascertain the views of politicalparties, and of industrial interests, as, also, of religious bodies, asto future government. In dealing with these questions, I had to assumean authority which was to have been confided to a delegation, toconsist of Captain Henry Glyn, Colonel Synge, and myself. 

On leaving England promptly--the main work being done--Mr. RichardPotter undertook for me all the details which, if at home, I shouldhave managed, and he especially took up the discussions at the ColonialOffice, which I had personally carried on, with the Duke, for theprevious period. 

Thus it was that the new Board was constituted, and the arrangementsfor taking over were made in England without my taking any, further, part. Sir Edmund Head was appointed Governor at the suggestion--almostthe personal request--of the Duke of Newcastle: some members of the oldBoard were retained for the, expected, value of their experience, andamongst the new members were Mr. Richard Potter and Sir Curtis MirandaLampson, a rival fur trader of eminence and knowledge, and an American. A seat at the Board was left vacant for me. 

It may be interesting here to quote what the Duke of Newcastle said, inexplaining, in the House of Lords, the recent transactions with theHudson's Bay Company. 

TIMES, _July_ 3, 1863. [HOUSE OF LORDS. ]

"The DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, in moving the second reading of the BritishColumbia Boundaries Bill, said that he should give some furtherinformation as to an extension of the means of communication acrossthat great interval of country between British Columbia and Canada. After referring to the system of government which then existed both inVancouver's Island and British Columbia, and to the revenues of bothcolonies for the previous few years--that of British Columbia beingmost remarkable, having nearly doubled itself in two years (the importsin 1861 being $1, 400, 000, and in 1862 $2, 200, 000)--the noble Dukeproceeded to say, that the greatest impediment to the future prosperityof the Colony was a want of communication with the outer world. He hadstated on a previous occasion that he hoped to be able to state thisyear to the House that arrangements had been made to complete thecommunications between the Colony and the east of British NorthAmerica, and he thought he could now inform their Lordships that sucharrangements would be carried out. He had desired a gentleman of greatexperience, knowledge, and energy, who was constantly travellingbetween Canada and this country, to inquire whether it would bepossible to effect a communication across the Continent. Thisgentleman--Mr. Watkin--had returned with considerable information, andhe had suggested to him to place himself in communication with personsin the commercial world who might be willing to undertake the carryingout of such a communication. He had put himself in communication withMr. Baring and others, and he believed they had arrived at theconclusion that if arrangements could be made with the Hudson BayCompany the undertaking should have their best attention. In order thatthese important communications might be made certain, guarantees wereto be given by Canada on the one hand, and British Columbia andVancouver Island on the other. A complete Intercolonial railway systemhad long been looked forward to by those interested in our NorthAmerican Provinces, and it would be impossible to overrate theimportance to this country of an inter-oceanic railway between theAtlantic and Pacific. By such a communication, and the electrictelegraph, so great a revolution would be effected in the commerce ofthe world as had been brought about by the discovery of the Cape ofGood Hope. It was unnecessary to point out to their Lordships of whatimportance it would be in the case of war on the other side of theAtlantic. There was another matter on which he wished to say a fewwords. Some eight or nine days ago it was stated in a portion of thepress that the Hudson Bay Company had sold their property. Thatstatement was not altogether accurate, and certainly it was premature, for he had been informed within two hours before he came down to theHouse that the whole arrangement had only been completed thatafternoon. He had not received any official communication on thesubject, but some of the gentlemen concerned had been kind enough toinform him of the facts. He had stated on a former occasion that theHudson Bay Company had wished to sell. Certain parties in the City had, in the first instance, entered into communication with them for thepurpose either of purchasing or obtaining permission for a transitthrough the Company's possessions. After some negociation thealternative of permission for a transit was agreed upon. Thatconclusion having been arrived at he did not know what it was thatraised the whole question of sale again, but some fortnight or threeweeks ago fresh negociations were opened. Parties in the City proposedto the Hudson Bay Company to give them by way of purchase a sum of1, 500, 000_l_. What had taken place was this: The Hudson BayCompany very prudently required that the money should be paid down, andthat the whole sum of 1, 500, 000_l_. Should be ready on a givenday, which he believed was yesterday. Of course the intendingpurchasers could not carry out that transaction in the course of aweek, and they, therefore, applied to the International FinancialAssociation to assist them. The Association agreed to do so, and themoney either had been paid or would be on a day arranged upon. Aprospectus would be issued tomorrow morning, and the shares would bethrown upon the market, to be taken up in the ordinary way upon theformation of companies. These shares would not remain in the hands ofthe Association, but would pass to the Proprietors, as if they hadbought their shares direct from the Hudson Bay Company. Of course theCompany would only enjoy the rights which those shares carried, and nomore. They would, in fact, be a continuation of the Company; but theirefforts would be directed to the promotion of the settlement of thecountry: the development of the postal and transit communication beingone of the objects to which they would apply themselves. Of course, theold Governor and his colleagues, having sold their shares, ceased to bethe governing body, and a new council, consisting of most respectablepersons, had been formed that afternoon. Among them were two of theCommittee of the old Company, with one of whom, Mr. Colville, he hadhad much personal communication, and could speak in the highest termsas a man of business and good sense. There were, also, seven or eightmost influential and responsible people, and the name of the Governor, Sir Edmund Head, who had been elected to-day, would be a guarantee ofthe intentions of the new Company, for no one would believe that he hadentered into this undertaking for mere speculative purposes, or thatthe Company would be conducted solely with a view to screw the lastpenny out of this territory. While the council, as practical men ofbusiness, would be bound to promote the prosperity of theirshareholders, he was sure they would be actuated by statesmanlikeviews. No negociation with the Colonial Office had taken place; and asthis was a mere ordinary transfer, no leave on their part wasnecessary. But arrangements must be entered into with the ColonialOffice for the settlement of the country; and at some future time itwould be, no doubt, his duty to inform their Lordships what thesearrangements were. "

The Prospectus, as issued in London, for the new organization, at theend of June, 1863, contained this paragraph:--

"With the view of providing the means of telegraphic and postalcommunication between Canada and British Columbia, across the Company'sterritory, and thereby of connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans byan exclusively British route, negociations have been pending for sometime past between certain parties and Her Majesty's Government and therepresentatives of the Government of Canada, and preliminaryarrangements for the accomplishment of these objects have been madethrough Her Majesty's Government (subject to the final sanction of theColonies), based upon a 5 per cent. Guarantee from the Governments ofCanada, British Columbia, and Vancouver Island. In further aid of theseImperial objects, Her Majesty's Government have signified theirintention to make grants of land in portions of the Crown territorytraversed by the proposed telegraphic line. 

"One of the first objects of the Company will be to examine thefacilities and consider the best means for carrying out this mostimportant work; and there can be little doubt that it will besuccessfully executed either by the Hudson's Bay Company itself, orwith their aid and sanction. 

"For this, as well as for the other proposed objects, Mr. EdwardWatkin, who is now in Canada, will be commissioned, with othergentlemen specially qualified for the duty, to visit the Red River andsouthern districts, to consult the officers of the Company there, andto report as to the best and safest means of giving effect to thecontemplated operations. "

A letter of instructions, from the new Governor, dated London, 6thJuly, 1863, received by me about the 22nd July, after I had made nosmall advance in the real business, stated:--

"SIR, "I am authorized by the Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company torequest you to proceed on their behalf to the Red River Settlement, forthe purpose of reporting to them on the state and condition of thisSettlement, the condition of the adjoining territory, the prospect ofsettlement therein, and the possibility of commencing operations for anelectric telegraph line across the southern district of Rupert's Land. 

"The Committee have full confidence in your discretion and judgment, but they have deemed it right to associate with you in this inquiryGovernor Dallas, of the Red River Settlement, with whom they requestyou to communicate at once. 

"The Committee are aware that it is now so late in the season as topreclude you from doing more than procure such information as mayenable them to commence fresh inquiries at the opening of next season. 

 "I have the honour to be, Sir, "Your obedient Servant, "EDMUND HEAD, Governor. "EDWARD WATKIN, Esq. "

I found soon after my arrival in Canada that Governor Dallas was comingdown from Red River, and would meet me at Montreal. He was a very ableman; cool, clear, cautious, but when once he had had time to calculateall the consequences, firm and decided. He had been for years on thePacific coast; and, thanks to his prudence, the landing, in 1859, ofGeneral Harney, and a detachment of United States troops on the Islandof St. Juan, between Vancouver's Island and the mainland, on thePacific, had been controlled and checkmated, by the proposal of a jointoccupation until negotiations had settled the question of right. Thisright was, afterwards, given away by our Government under the form ofan arbitration before the Emperor of Germany. Governor Dallas' opinionof the transaction will be gathered from his letters to me of the 29thand 30th October, 1872, hereafter copied. 

The Governor and I became fast friends, and our friendship, cordial onboth sides, continued until his death, a very few years ago. The onlyfault of Governor Dallas was a want of self-assertion. Brought out bythe Mathesons--hardy Scots of the North--as he was, he made areasonable fortune in China: and coming home, intending to retire, hewas persuaded to accept the Governorship of the Hudson's Bay Company onthe death of Sir George Simpson. Meeting at Montreal, our first act of"business" was to voyage in the Governor's canoe from Lachine throughthe rapids to Montreal; a voyage, to me, as almost a novice, save formy New Brunswick canoeing, of rather startling adventure; but theeleven stalwart Indians, almost all six feet high, who manned the boat, made the trip interesting, as it was to me in the nature of a newexperience. These men had been with Governor Dallas nearly 4, 000 milesby river, lake, and portage; and he told me he never knew them to belate, however early the start had to be made; never unready; alwayscheerful and obliging; and that a cross word had never, in his hearing, been uttered by any one of them. These men made Caughna Wauga, oppositeLachine, their home, and there were their families. 

After the most careful study and discussion of the questions abovealluded to, and others, the discussion extending over a month, weagreed to various memoranda. The one affecting the re-organization ofmanagement was as follows:--

"The first measure necessary towards the re-organization of theHudson's Bay service, will be the abolition, or modification of thedeed poll, under which the fur trade is at present carried on. Thedifficulty involved in this proceeding is, an interference in thevested rights of the wintering partners (chief factors and chieftraders). That might be overcome by some equitable scheme for theextinction of those rights, which would serve the double purpose ofrendering practicable a reorganization of the service, and a reductionin the number of superior officers, at present too large. Thisreduction would give the opportunity of dispensing with such men as areinefficient, and of retaining those only likely to be useful. TheCompany are under no covenants in reference to the clerks. 

"The arrangements of the deed poll are, in outline, as follows:--Theprofits of the fur trade (less the interest charge, which goesexclusively to the stockholders) are divided into one hundred parts; ofthose, sixty are appropriated to the stockholders, and forty to thewintering partners. These last are subdivided into eighty-five shares, of which two are held by each chief factor, and one by each chieftrader. 

"Clerks are paid by salary. Only a clerk can be promoted to a chieftradership (1-1/85 share), and only a trader to a chief factorship (2-1/85 shares). The promotions are made by the Company on the nominationof the chief factors, though this rule has not always been adhered to. On retirement an officer holds his full interest for the first year, and half this interest for the succeeding six years. The deed pollauthorizes the Company to put an officer on the retired list, withoutreasons assigned, after he has served four years, but they cannotdeprive him of his retired interest except for proved misconduct; butneither of these regulations has ever been put in force. It is possiblethe wintering partners might raise a question whether, under theexisting deed poll, the Company could make any great changes in theirbusiness, or embark in new undertakings, if likely to affectinjuriously the incomes of the officers on the active list, or theinterests of those on retirement. 

"One mode of removing this obstacle would be to ascertain the value ofa retired interest, and to give a money compensation to each officer onhis entering into an agreement to consent to the abrogation of the deedpoll. This would involve an outlay of money, but would also beproductive of a considerable subsequent annual saving. 

"The eighty-five shares belonging to the wintering partners are, atthis date, held as follows:--

 15 chief factors 30 shares 37 " traders 37 " 10 retired chief factors 13 " 10 " " traders 5 " --- 85 " ===

"As regards the shares held on retirement, some of the interests havenearly run out, and none of the parties have any voice in the business. 

"The value of a 1-85th share has been, on the average of the lastthirteen outfits, which have been wound up (1846-1858), about408_l_. At that rate a chief factor's retired interest wouldamount to 3, 264_l_. , and a chief trader's to 1, 632_l_. , lessdiscount, supposing payment to be made at once, instead of its beingspread over nine or ten years. On the other hand, the invariable customof the service has been to allow every officer one or more year'sfurlough on retiring, which has come to be considered almost a right;when more than one year has been granted, it has been by specialfavour. Adding one year's furlough, a factor's retired allowance wouldbe 4, 080_l_. , and a trader's 2, 040_l_. The discount beingtaken off, to render them equal to cash, would make a factor'sallowance about 3, 000_l_. , and a trader's 1, 500_l_. 

"The cost of commutation, on the above scale, would be--

 15 chief factors, at 3, 000_l_ L45, 000 37 " traders, at 1, 500_l_ 55, 500 18 shares held on retirement, about 14, 000 -------- L114, 500 ========

"Without allowing a year's furlough, the above amount would be reducedabout one-sixth. 

"The outlay would only be called for in the case of such officers asare already retired, and of such as under a new agreement might not bere-engaged. The retired interest of the officers who might enter into anew engagement would be provided for in the revised deed poll. 

"As a set-off for the outlay on commutations would be a large reductionin the pay of officers, to be hereafter noticed, and the Company wouldalso receive actual value for their money; and on buying out thewintering partners they would become possessed of their 4/10th share ofthe profits of the trade. 

"Under the present organization the pay of officers in the service isabout as follows:--

 Governor-in-Chief L 2, 000 16 chief factors 12, 000 35 chief traders 14, 000 Clerks, about 10, 000 ------- L38, 000 =======

"The following would probably prove a more efficient staff:--

 Governor-in-Chief L 2, 000 Lieutenant-Governor 1, 250 4 councillors, at 800_l_ 3, 200 25 chief traders, at 300_l_ 7, 500 100 clerks, at various salaries, about 10, 000 ------- L23, 950 =======

"The saving of 14, 000_l_. Per annum would soon reimburse theCompany's outlay in buying up the present interests of the factors andtraders. 

"The system of making the pay of officers (of the upper grade)dependent on the success of the business, has worked well, and might beadvantageously continued, in a modified form, to be hereafter noticed. 

"The duties of the officers of the proposed reduced staff would beadapted to the existing distribution of the territory into departmentsand districts, which are as follows:--

"There are four main divisions--the Northern, Southern, Western, andMontreal Departments, roughly bounded as follows:--the 'Western'embraces all the country west of the Rocky Mountains; the 'Northern' iscomposed of the country east of the mountains, as far as Lake Winnipegand Lac la Pluie, and from the American frontier to the Arctic Sea; the'Southern' embraces the southern and eastern shores of Hudson's Bay;and the 'Montreal' extends from Lake Superior down the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Labrador. These departments are divided into districts, andin each district are several posts. The limits of districts are fixedby local peculiarities; but commonly embrace some large river, on whichthe various stations are planted--such, for example, as the McKenzieand the Saskatchewan. There are twenty-three districts on the east sideof the mountains; to the west such subdivision of the business is nowscarcely practicable, and is being abandoned. To proceed to the dutiesof the officers. 

"The Governor-in-Chief would fulfil his present large functions, and bethe medium of communication between the Company and their officers inthe country. 

"Under the present system the Governor is supposed to maintain apersonal supervision of the whole service. This is practicallyimpossible, the country being too large to enable him to travel overmore than a limited section of it in each season. To relieve him ofthat heavy duty, and at the same time to maintain a real and closepersonal inspection, one of the four councillors might be stationed ineach department, of which, in the absence of the Governor, he would bethe chief officer, and held responsible for all local details, and thevarious posts in which he should periodically inspect and report upon. Once, or oftener, in each year, a meeting of the Governor and the fourcouncillors should be held, at any time or place most convenient--say, Fort Garry, Montreal, or elsewhere. Aided by such a council, theGovernor would be accurately informed as to details in every part ofthe country, and able to deal satisfactorily with all local questions. 

"The duty of the Lieutenant-Governor would be to relieve the Governor-in-Chief of some share of his labours, and to act in his absence asPresident of Council. 

"The chief traders would, as a general rule, be placed at the head ofdistricts, and the clerks in charge of posts. 

"The very efficient class of officers known as 'postmasters' wouldremain as at present. They are usually men who have risen from theranks from merit; and, being good interpreters, and Indian traders, arecommonly placed in charge of small posts. Their scale of pay is ratherless than that of clerks, and they are rarely advanced to any higherrank; indeed, their ambition is satisfied when they are madepostmasters. 

"Reverting to the mode of paying officers, and making their incomes tosome extent dependent on the success of the business, it might answerto give them an interest as stockholders. Instead of paying a chieftrader 300_l_. Per annum, he might have 250_l_. , and a sum of1, 000_l_. Of stock placed to his credit, of which he would receivethe dividends only, the stock itself reverting to the Company when hisconnection with them terminated. 

"A councillor might have 700_l_. Pay and the dividends on2, 000_l_. Stock. It would also be a great encouragement to theofficers, and secure prolonged service, to give them an annual increaseof stock--say, 200_l_. To be added for every year's service. Thus, if a man did not get as early promotion as he expected, he would stillbenefit by length of service. 

"The principle of retired interests might be maintained, by allowingthe officers to receive the dividends on the stock they held atretirement for--say, seven or ten years, before it reverted to theCompany. 

"To carry out these arrangements, it would be necessary to set aside intrust about 150, 000_l_. Stock. But the Company would lose nothingby it, as they would save in salaries what they gave in dividends. 

"At the outset only 35, 000_l_. Of the stock would be called for, with an increase of 5, 400_l_. Per annum. Even allowing for aconsiderable retired list, it is doubtful if the whole 150, 000_l_. Would ever be appropriated; and of course the dividends on whateverportion was not appropriated would revert to the Company. 

"In the revision of the deed poll, it would be essential to retain theclauses which secure to the Company the right to place officers on theretired list, and to dismiss them for misconduct. 

"The mode of keeping the accounts, both in London and in the country, is one of much importance, requiring early consideration. At presentthere are no accounts, properly speaking, kept at the posts; and verygreat delay occurs in ascertaining the results of the business fromLondon. It is essential to introduce some system of analysed postaccounts, which should keep the Governor and his Council fully informedof the state of the business at every post, and by which they mightjudge of the management of the officers in charge. There is now nopractical check on extravagance or dishonesty, except that arising fromthe upright principles of the officers in the service. The adoption ofa system of local audit appears the best remedy for many of theexisting evils. 

"The Company's agent at New York (Mr. Wm. McNaughton), who is avaluable officer, has not at present sufficient employment to make hisposition worth occupying. As there is a valuable market in New York towhich it would, at certain times, be advantageous to send buffalorobes, wolves' and some other furs, which could be done withoutinterference with the market in England, it is important to render theNew York agency more efficient. 

 "(Signed) A. G. DALLAS. "(Signed) EDWARD W. WATKIN. 

"_7th August_, 1863. "

This memorandum was sent home to Governor Sir Edmund Head, with otherpapers. 

On the serious questions of the future relations of the vast territoryto Canada and the Mother Country; how it could best be settled; how itshould be governed; what arrangement as to boundaries, and so on--I hadmany and serious conferences with public men. And in answer to manyquestions as to my own views, I drew up the following memorandum, as a_resume_ of the whole subject. It is now nearly twenty-four yearsold. I have read it again and again. I am not ashamed of it. I seenothing to retract; little to alter:--

"The present state of government in the Red River Settlement isattributable alike to the habitual attempt, encouraged, perhaps verynaturally, in England and in Canada, to discredit the traditions, andquestion the title of the Hudson's Bay Company, and to the falseeconomy which has stripped the Governor of a military force, withwhich, in the last resort, to support the decisions of the legaltribunals. No other organized Government of white men in the world, since William Penn, has endeavoured to rule any population, still lessa promiscuous people composed of whites, half-breeds. Indians, andborderers, without a soldiery of some sort, and the inevitable resultof the experiment has, in this case, been an unpunished case of prison-breaking, not sympathised in, it is true, by the majority of thesettlers, but still tending to bring law and government into contempt, and greatly to discourage the governing body held responsible forkeeping order in the territory. 

"At the same time it must be conceded, that, while government by amerchant organization has eminently succeeded, up to an obvious pointof time and circumstances, in the cases both of the East India andHudson's Bay Companies, and is still applicable to the control andmanagement of distant districts, it contains within itself the seeds ofits own ultimate dissolution. In fact, the self-interest, howeverenlightened, which brings a dividend to stockholders, is opposed to thehigh impartiality and absence of individualism which shouldcharacterize a true Government. Individuals and corporations may tradeand grow rich, --Government may not; they may embark in constantspeculation, while it cannot; they must either insensibly measure theirdealings by consequences, as affecting _gain_, or be suspected ofdoing so, while the interest of Government is not individual, butcollective; its duty being, to give facility to the acquirer, securityto the possessor, and justice and equal protection to all. 

"Therefore, although the Government of Red River has had few faults andmany excellences, and has been marked by a generous policy, in manyinstances it has been, and is, open to suspicion; because thecommercial power which buys furs, trades with Indians and whites alike, and is, in fact, the great merchant, storekeeper, and forwarder of thecountry; appoints a Governor and assistants, places judges upon thebench, selects magistrates, and administers the law, even amongst itspossible rivals and trade competitors. Such a state of things isunsound in principle, and ought only to be continued until a strongerand permanent Government can be organized; at the same time it can onlybe continued in safety, on the opening up of the country, by arming theGovernor with a military force of reasonable amount. 

"That the Hudson's Bay Company _can_ govern the countryefficiently, on this obvious condition of all other Governments, isclear enough; and the peaceable relations between the Indians and thewhites, and between the various tribes themselves, throughout the wholeof this enormous territory, as well as the general state of health andoccupation of the aborigines, prove how perfect and wise has been themanagement of the country. But government of Indians, who can beemployed and traded with, and who at last become more or less dependentupon the Company's organization, as in this case, is one thing, --government of a large and expanding colony of free white men is quiteanother. 

"It is a question whether the government of the Indians can or ought tobe changed, for a long period to come, so completely is the Indian lifenow associated with the operations of the Company. Of course, thesettlement of a new or an extended colony, involves the extinguishmentof Indian rights within the area proposed; and while the outsidedistrict not set apart, would still be roamed over by the Indians, andbe valuable for the fur trade, its limits must, from time to time, benarrowed by further additions to the circle of civilization and freegovernment. Thus, the Hudson's Bay Company, if dispossessed of thegovernment of Red River, and the proposed new Colony, would stillmanage and govern where it traded, and would still preserve sobriety, order, and peace amongst the Indian tribes of its territory thuslimited. 

"It may happen that the Hudson's Bay Company may be compelled to governeverywhere, by the refusal of the Home or Canadian Government toencounter the responsibility and expense, which at first might beserious, and which, as regards cost, must be greater in their handsthan in those of a Company using portions, of its business organizationfor purposes of administration. It is well to look these probabilitiesfairly in the face. 

"Such a necessity may arise from the indisposition of certain schoolsof politicians at home to incur Colonial expense, and theresponsibility of defending a new nation flanking the United States; itmay happen, owing to the refusal of Lower Canada to widen out theborders, and thus increase the political power of Upper Canada; or itmay be objected in Canada generally, that the finances of the countrywill not, at present, prudently authorize the maintenance of a newCanadian military force; and again, the Indian war in Minnesota, whichmay spread itself, may raise up fears of Indian wars in the new countryto be settled. 

"Should the Hudson's Bay Company be compelled, then, to continue togovern the whole territory, the first essential, as before said, is amilitary force. That force may consist partly of regular troops, partlyof mounted irregulars or militia, and it need not, in their hands, belarge. The population is suited to military pursuits, and the half-breeds mounted would make an excellent irregular cavalry. And the nextessential would be a convention and treaty with the United States, asto boundary and transit through the United States and Hudson's Bayterritory respectively, for purposes of travel, and commerce, and ofpostage, and the telegraph. 

"Then the limits of colonization must be defined, and it must bematurely considered at the outset, and decided as to how far, and inwhat form, and how soon, the principle of self-government shall beintroduced. It is assumed that a thriving and expanding colony of whitemen neither can nor ought to be taxed and governed without their ownconsent, obtained in some form or other; and that it would be bothunwise and unjust to attempt a permanently autocratic government. Thisis a most serious question, and the Act 31st George III. , under whichCanada was governed until 1841, would appear to solve the difficulty. The general scheme of government of that Act might operate so soon asthe new Colony had a population of (say) 50, 000, and its provisionsmight be elaborated into a constitution, to be voted by the Colony ingeneral assembly, so soon as the population reached (say) 300, 000. 

"The grand basis of all successful settlement--the land--presents fewerdifficulties than might have been imagined, because the admirable modelof the land system of the United States is before us, and no better canbe devised to enable a country to grow up side by side with theRepublic. Reliable surveys and plans, cheap and unclogged titles to theland in fee, a limited upset price of not exceeding $1-25/100 an acre;division of the land saleable into regular sections; the issue of landwarrants and regulations as to location, which will prevent, as far asmay be, monopolies of land in the hands of speculators--are allessential conditions, and whatever power governs, they must be equallyobserved. 

"Again, --reserves of land, on a liberal scale, must be made to supportschools and churches, and to assist roads and other public worksconducted by the Government. 

"But let it be hoped that this necessity of continued government by theHudson's Bay Company may be avoided by the wise and far-sighted actionof the Home Government and of Canada. No beneficial decision can bearrived at without the concurrence of both powers, for each have rightsand ideas in some respects differing, and Canada especially has thedeepest concern in the future organization of the North-west. Inselecting a governing power for such a country, the strength andinfluence of that power are the grand essentials. Even with equalenlightenment, these essentials could not be overlooked. A weakGovernment would invite attack, deter investment, and check generalconfidence. 

"Apart from the government by the Hudson's Bay Company, there appear tobe these alternatives:--

"1. Government by Canada annexing to her territory a tract of countryextending to the limits of British Columbia, under some reasonablearrangement with the Hudson's Bay Company, fairly protective of theirrights, and which arrangement ought not to be difficult to draw out, when once the principle of the settlement of the country, and the landsystem, and extent of land reserves, are agreed upon. 

"2. Government by the Crown, as a separate Crown Colony, totallyindependent of Canada. 

"3. Government by the Crown as a separate Crown Colony, withfederation, more or less extensive, with Canada, and the establishmentof a customs union between the new and old communities. 

"It must always be observed that a decision as to the fate of thisterritory must be immediately made. It cannot wait politicalnecessities elsewhere, or be postponed to suit individual wishes. Thefertile country between Lake Winnipeg and the Rocky Mountains will benow settled, since that is now a fixed policy, and its plan ofgovernment must be in advance of, and not lag behind, that settlement. The electric wire, the letter post, and the steamboat, which two yearsmore will see at work, will totally change the face of things; and asMinnesota has now 250, 000 inhabitants, where, in 1850 there was hardlya white man, so this vast district may, when once it can becommunicated with from without, with reasonable facility, be floodedwith emigrants, not forgetting a very probable rush of English, Irish, and Scotch farmers, and settlers from the United States, who here willfind a refuge from conscription and civil war. 

"The discoveries of gold, and the disturbed state of the border Indiansin Minnesota, are both unanswerable reasons of necessity for theimmediate establishment of a permanent form of Government, and fixedlaws and arrangements for the settlement and development of thecountry. 

"1. The government of the North-west, as an 'annexe' to Canada, possesses advantages of contiguity and similarity of ideas on the partof Canadians and the probable settlers. Canada, it will be said, has agood and responsible Government, and why not now extend its machineryto the 1, 300 miles between the height of land and the Rocky Mountains?

"But will Canada accept the expense and responsibility, and, moreespecially, is it just now politically possible? Were Canadapolitically and practically one united country, the answer would beperhaps not difficult. But Canada, for the present, is really twocountries, or two halves of one country, united under the same form ofgovernment, each half jealous of the mutual balance, and neither halfdisposed to aggrandize the power or exaggerate the size of the other. 

"Would Lower Canada, then, submit to see Upper Canada become, at onebound, so immensely her superior? And would Upper Canadian statesmen, however personally anxious to absorb the North-west, risk theconsequences of such a discussion as would arise? Would it be possible, in fact, to found a Government based upon the platform of accepting theresponsibility of settling, defending, and governing the North-west? Ifnot, then, however desirable, the next best alternative must be chosen. 

"Assuming that at some period, near or distant, the British NorthAmerican Provinces, between the Atlantic and the Pacific, unite in afederal or legislative union, and thus become too great and too strongfor attack, that next best alternative would point to sucharrangements, as respects the North-west, as would lead on to andpromote this union, and not stand in its way. Thus, disputes about raceand customs should, if possible, be avoided by anticipation, and theconstitution and power of the new Colony should foreshadow itsconnection with the countries to the east and to the west. Futureisolation should be forbidden, while present independence should beaccorded. 

"2. The above assumption tends to throw doubt upon the desirability ofestablishing a Crown Colony, separate in all respects from Canada, andable to shut out or let in Canadian produce and manufactures at itspleasure. This is a danger to be foreseen and avoided. 

"The new Colony, placed between Canada and the Pacific, must beessentially British, in the sense of its forming one secure link in achain of British nations, or, in the interests of Canada, it had betternever be organized. The power and _prestige_ of the Crown isessential to this end, and a separate Colony, even, would have manyadvantages _per se_. It would also save Canada the cost of a newGovernment at a time when financial pressure and political majoritieswould be in the way. A Crown Colony could not be looked upon withjealousy in Canada, while government by the Hudson's Bay Company wouldbe so regarded. 

"3. But a Crown Colony with such a federation as would not alter thepolitical balance of Upper and Lower Canada, and with a system of freetrade with Canada, would appear to solve the whole difficulty; and ifso, the scope of the federative principle would be matter to be settledbetween Canadian statesmen and the Colonial Office. The interchangebetween the North-west and Canada appears to be an absolute necessityin the interest of the latter. As Government, however, would requiretaxation, the new Colony must, in all probability, have its Custom-house; and it should be considered whether the Custom-house of Canadawould not serve, as far as the eastern frontier is concerned, for thenew Colony. If so, why should not duties, on a scale to be agreed uponunder constitutional powers to agree, be levied on imported foreigngoods, by Canada, and the duties be divided between the two powers inagreed proportions? Were this done, at least in the beginning, expensewould be saved to the new Colony, a revenue would be easily collectedfor it, through existing machinery, and Canada would obtain the revenueand trade. Of course the scale of duties must be moderate, so as not toexcite dissatisfaction, by establishing dear prices, and it would bethe interest of Canada to make them so, for the more she stimulated thegrowth of the new customer, the better for the trade. On the otherhand, the new Colony would be insured a market and an outlet for itsown productions, and would be content, therefore, to accept areasonably high scale of duties, levied for revenue purposes only, onits articles of foreign consumption. "

I discussed the question involved at length with the Honorable GeorgeBrown and with his brother Gordon, at Toronto. I felt the importance ofhaving the views, and, if possible, the concurrence of the leader ofthe "Grit" party. He led me to think that he concurred with me; and Isent him a copy of this document. He kept it some time, and then re-directed it to me without remark. Afterwards, I received a verbalmessage to the effect that "It would not do at all. " I became convincedthat nothing "would do at all" with a small band of men--who, at thattime, had objects of their own--in Upper Canada. Some of them--few innumber, I am happy to know, and impecunious--appeared to consider theold corporation of the Hudson's Bay in the light of Blucher, whendriving through the streets of London, "Mein Gott! what a plunder. "Some of them tried their best to confiscate the property; and once ortwice, by weakness and vacillation in London, they almost gained theday. 

Governor Dallas and I also carefully considered the telegraph question;the route, the cost, and the best agencies to complete its very earlyconstruction. 

The two agreements, which, as matter of history, I here copy, wereintended to bring about the complete connection of the Hudson's Bayterritories direct with England and with the United States. 

"Memorandum of Agreement between Mr. Edward W. Watkin and Mr. O. S. Wood (subject to the approval of the Montreal Telegraph Company and theUnited States Telegraph Companies, affected by this Agreement, and alsoby the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company) forcompleting telegraphic communication between the Atlantic and Pacific. 

"1. The Montreal Telegraph Company to construct a new line of telegraphbetween Father Point and Halifax, _via_ Dalhousie and Mirimichi, to be completed on or before the 1st October, 1865; and also a linefrom the telegraph at Arnprior to the Hudson's Bay post at the SaultSt. Marie, to be completed on or before the 1st October, 1865, with allnecessary instruments, stations, staff, and appliances for a first-class through and local telegraph line. 

"2. The Hudson's Bay Company (directly or through parties to beappointed by them, as they may elect) to construct a telegraph linefrom Fort Langley to Jasper House, thence to Fort Garry, and on to theUnited States boundary, near Pembina, to be completed on or before the15th October, 1865; and also a telegraph from Fort Garry to theHudson's Bay post at Fort William, at the head of Lake Superior; andalso to make arrangements with other parties to erect a telegraph fromFort William to the Sault St. Marie, with all necessary instruments, stations, staff, and appliances for a first-class through and localtelegraph line: provided always that the construction of the telegraphbetween Fort Garry and Sault St. Marie is dependent upon arrangementswith the Canadian Government, and that it is understood that, failingor pending these arrangements, the route to be adopted shall be_via_ Detroit, St. Paul, and Pembina to Fort Garry. 

"3. The telegraph from Fort Langley to Halifax to be worked for allthrough business as one through system, and the through rates to bedivided _pro rata_ the mileage, except that for the lines west ofthe Sault St. Marie (to be erected by the Hudson's Bay Company asabove) an additional mileage proportion of thirty-three per cent. Overthe actual distance shall be allowed, until those lines pay ten percent per annum on the outlay, after paying all operating and otherexpenses, including repairs and renewals, and this allowance shall be acondition with the United States lines between Canada and the Hudson'sBay boundary. 

"4. Arrangements to be made by the Montreal Telegraph Company, withparties in the United States, for the construction of a telegraph fromSt. Paul to the connecting point near Pembina. 

"5. The Sault St. Marie and Sarnia to be respectively the boundaries ofthe Montreal Telegraph Company and of the Hudson's Bay Company andtheir representatives, for the purposes of this Agreement. 

"6. This Agreement to be for twenty-five years. 

 "(Signed) EDWD. W. WATKIN. "(Signed) O. S. WOOD. 

"Montreal, _August_ 10_th_, 1863. "

"Agreement between Mr. Edward W. Watkin and Mr. O. S. Wood, for theconstruction of the telegraph between Fort Garry and Jasper House, and, if hereafter agreed, between Fort Langley and Jasper House, and FortGarry and the United States boundary near Pembina (subject to theapproval of the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company inEngland). 

"1. Mr. Wood to construct a telegraph, and all needful works andstations, from Fort Garry to Jasper House, at the cost of the Hudson'sBay Company, and to put the same in full operating order, and alsoinstruct, and where necessary provide, the staff for the operation andrepair of the line. 

"2. Mr. Wood to proceed with Governor Dallas to St. Paul, with aslittle delay as possible, and on to Fort Garry, if necessary; and tomake all arrangements required for transporting the telegraph wire, insulators, fittings, instruments, and other materials to Fort Garry;for distributing all materials from Fort Garry; for cutting, preparing, and distributing the poles; and generally for commencing and forcompleting the work (including a system of posts at proper distancesapart) in an efficient manner, and at the earliest period. 

"3. Mr. Wood to receive the cordial aid and cooperation of the staff ofthe Hudson's Bay Company in carrying out this work, under the orders, instructions, and control of Governor Dallas. 

"4. Mr. Wood's travelling and other necessary expenses, and thesalaries and other necessary expenses of his assistants, to be paid, and, in consideration of his services, he is to receive the sum of tenthousand (10, 000) dollars, as a fixed payment; one-third to be paid onthe storage of the materials as above at Fort Garry, one-third upon thecompletion of two hundred (200) miles of the telegraph, and one-thirdon the completion and operation of the whole line between Fort Garryand Jasper House; and further, should the whole be completed prior tothe 15th October, 1864, Mr. Wood is to receive a bonus of two thousand(2, 000) dollars, so soon as the line has been one month in operation;and should the whole cost of the work not exceed thirty thousand(30, 000) pounds sterling, Mr. Wood to receive a further bonus offifteen per cent. On all savings upon that sum, payable when the linehas been in operation twelve (12) months. 

"5. Should the telegraph lines between Fort Langley and Jasper House, and Fort Garry and the United States boundary near Pembina be orderedto be constructed, and the Hudson's Bay Company desire it, Mr. Wood toundertake the construction, on proportionate terms. 

 "(Signed) EDWD. W. WATKIN. "(Signed) O. S. WOOD. 

"Montreal, _August_ 10_th_, 1863. "

"MEMORANDUM _by Mr. Wood as to supply of Materials_. 

 "MONTREAL, "_August_ 10_th_, 1863. 

"DEAR SIR, "We shall want 40, 000 insulators--they will cost from $6 to $8 per 100;35, 000 red cedar top pins will cost $3 per 100; 40 sets of telegraphinstruments at $60 per set; main and local batteries, $500. 

"As some of these articles ought immediately to be prepared, sincetheir preparation takes a little time, I will at once, in accordancewith our understanding of this morning, order a small quantity, and theremainder when I receive your confirmation of the whole arrangement. Inthe meantime I shall go to New York personally, to arrange the exactform and description of insulator, it being very desirable to have thisarticle of the most perfect description. 

 "Yours faithfully, "(Signed) O. S. WOOD. "EDWD. W. WATKIN, Esq. "

My official letter to Sir Edmund Head from Montreal, 24th July, 1863, summarized all my proceedings up to its date. 

 "MONTREAL, "_July_ 24_th_, 1863. 

"SIR, "I have the honour to acknowledge your official letter of the 6th July, requesting me to proceed to the Red River Settlement, for the purposeof reporting upon the state and condition of that Settlement, of thecondition of the adjoining territory, the prospects of settlementtherein, and the possibility of commencing operations for an electrictelegraph line across the southern district of Rupert's Land; andassociating with me in this inquiry Governor Dallas, of the Red RiverSettlement, with whom you request me to communicate at once. 

"I observe that the Committee consider the lateness of the season willpreclude me from doing more than procure such information as willenable them to commence further inquiries at the opening of the nextseason. 

"In consequence of verbal communications received before leavingEngland, and suggestions unofficially received from members of the newCommittee, I have deemed it my duty, though unofficially, tocommunicate with the Canadian Government, and with those gentlemenlikely to form the Government of Canada, should any change of ministrytake place on the opening of Parliament, so as, as far as possible(unauthorized as I was), to prevent antagonism to the operations of thenew organization pending official communication and explanations fromthe Governor and Committee. 

"No one can be better aware of the state and views of parties in Canadathan yourself. The leader of the present Government expresses a strongopinion in favour of the settlement of a separate Crown Colony in theHudson's Bay district, and this also is the view taken by Mr. Cartierand Mr. J. A. Macdonald, and is strongly concurred in by Mr. Cazeau, the Vicar-General, who, as you are aware, leads the Catholic party inLower Canada. On the other hand, the feeling of Mr. Geo. Brown and the'Grits, ' as heretofore expressed, has been in favour of annexing theHudson's Bay territory to Canada, thereby securing that preponderancewhich would practically settle the question of the future government ofthe whole country. 

"The views of the Duke of Newcastle, and also, so far as I understandthem, the views of yourself and your colleagues, being in favour of theestablishment of a separate colony unconnected with Canada, I considerthe discussions which have taken place have now put the question in itsright position here; but at the same time I shall endeavour to see Mr. George Brown, and give such explanations, unofficially, as may at allevents prevent his considering that he has not been consulted in thisimportant transaction. 

"I have also placed myself in communication with many of those who haveadvocated the settlement of the North-west, including Professor Hind, who has explored much of the district; and, at my request, ProfessorHind has written a memorandum, and letter upon the gold discoveries inthe Hudson's Bay territory, which I now enclose. 

"I have no doubt that Governor Dallas's own letters will more thancorroborate what is stated in this memorandum, and I need not suggestthat the most anxious and immediate attention of yourself and theCommittee be directed to these discoveries, and to their political andother necessities and consequences. 

"Having possessed myself of so much information in reference to thesubjects referred to Governor Dallas and myself, I think we shall beable to fulfil the wishes of the Governor and Committee, GovernorDallas being here, accompanied by Mr. Hopkins, without the necessity ofmy proceeding on this occasion to the Red River; though, should furtherdiscussion with the Governor lead to our joint impression that such avisit would be advantageous, I shall not hesitate to undertake thejourney. 

"In advance of some memorandum to be prepared for you by GovernorDallas and myself, and which I shall beg him to be good enough todraft, I would mention that I have suggested that the Governor issue acircular to the employes of the Company, stating briefly the nature ofthe recent changes of proprietorship in the Company, and thereby havingthe tendency to remove any misconceptions which might arise, and which, I regret to learn, have in some few quarters appeared amongst thefactors and other officers of the Company, who, as partners in thetrade, have considered themselves entitled to be consulted by the lateGovernor and Council on the subject of the transfer. 

"Governor Dallas informs me that the outfit of 1862-3 will show verymuch improved results; and I have little doubt that the wise andenergetic measures which he has initiated since his tenure of officewill bring abundant benefits in every direction. The result in thewestern district, which, if I recollect rightly, exhibited a loss, andwhich, in the past year, with all exclusive privileges taken away, gives a profit of no less than $166, 000, is a convincing proof of whatmay be effected by improved business organization and thorough energyand firmness. It has, however, been matter of considerable anxiety tome to learn that it is Governor Dallas's desire to return to Englandnext year. 

"As regards the future management of the fur trade, Governor Dallas isof opinion that a considerable reduction may be made in the number ofthe employes; and that by a judicious weeding out of those who, in alllarge establishments managed from a distance, either were originally, or have become, inefficient, not only will expenses be saved, but amuch larger trade be carried on. 

"In any considerable change of personnel, the partnership rights of thefactors will have to be considered; and one of the gravest and mostdifficult subjects of consideration will be, how to reconcile therights of these gentlemen in a share of profit with that reorganizationwhich the commercial interests of the Company evidently require. 

"These changes can only be made after discussion with the factors andchief officers; and in some cases it may be desirable to buy outindividual interests on a more or less extended scale. 

"The 40 per cent. Of the net profit of the Company allowed to thefactors, in addition to the salaries of considerable amount, is a heavydrain, and involves other considerations opposed to rigid discipline, which need not be further touched upon here, but which are sufficientlyobvious. This re-organization can only be effected by giving to theGovernor very large and exceptional powers, and without delay. If thesepowers are given, I am quite confident that the results will be such asabundantly to satisfy the Committee. Hitherto, as it appears to me, fartoo little discretion has been permitted; and the practice of sendingall the accounts home to England, and dealing with them in such amanner that the Governor could not tell from time to time how thefinancial results of expenses and profits were progressing, hasproduced its inevitable consequences. In future, I feel convinced, itwill be found matter of the utmost consequence to concentrate theaccounts at Fort Garry, and to send copies of the vouchers, journals, and ledgers from Fort Garry to England, instead of adopting the reversepractice, and endeavouring, as hitherto, to make the accounts travel aslong a distance and be made up over as remote a time as possible. Withproper telegraphic and postal communication between the principal postsof the Company and Fort Garry and Montreal, there is no reason why theaccounts should ever be two years in arrear in future. 

"As regards the settlement of the country, and, involved in thatimportant question, the state and prospects of the Red River, thediscoveries of gold above alluded to involve very seriousconsiderations. 

"Assuming a rush of miners to different portions of the territory, themachinery of Government for the preservation of order cannot be for amoment neglected, or its construction be delayed. This involves, again, the question of the establishment of a new colony. Is that colony to begoverned by the Hudson's Bay Company, who are essentially a trading andlandowning corporation, or is it to be governed in the name of herMajesty, the Hudson's Bay Company, so far as the limits of the CrownColony are concerned, becoming merely traders and landowners, andceasing to govern as at present?

"All the difficulties at Red River--which, after all, have been muchexaggerated, and can be very easily dealt with--would be disposed of atonce were a Governor, appointed by the Crown, to be sent out; and itdoes not follow that representative institutions need at first begranted, though ultimately they would become matter of necessity. Thegreat object of the Governor and Committee--and Governor Dallas andmyself perfectly agree in the view--should be to induce the ColonialGovernment to found a Crown Colony under arrangement with the Hudson'sBay Company with the least possible delay. 

"Such a Government would not only relieve the Hudson's Bay Company ofan immense responsibility, but it would render titles to land sold bythem, and claims to interest in the minerals, far more certain, marketable, and profitable than at present. 

"The commercial re-organization of the Company is a matter perfectlyeasy in the hands of Governor Dallas, empowered to act in accordancewith his own best judgment; but this question of the government of thecountry is, after all, the grand difficulty, and, if successfullynegociated, the grand hope of success as regards the future settlementof this vast district. 

"As to the suitability of an immense portion of the district west ofFort Garry for eligible settlement, Governor Dallas--who has now madejourneys of 1, 800 miles in the last year--has no doubt whatever; and Itrust that the old traditional phantoms of inhospitable deserts will befinally dismissed from the minds of the new Governor and Committee, especially when they have before them the many letters and reports inevidence of the true state of affairs, which must be in possession ofthe Company in Fenchurch Street. 

"As regards telegraphic communication, I have made every inquirynecessary upon the subject, and Governor Dallas agrees with my views ofthe importance of connecting the Hudson's Bay posts by telegraphiccommunication. 

"Subject to further discussion, I may indicate my opinion that theroute suggested by Governor Dallas through the Hudson's Bay territory, viz. , from Jasper House by Edmonton, Carlton, and Fort Pitt to FortGarry, would be the proper route for a telegraph. 

"This portion, as it seems to me, should be constructed at once, and bythe Hudson's Bay Company. 

"Were it to be constructed in Canada, it would not cost more than15, 000_l_. Sterling. It may cost less, though in some cases it maycost more, through your territory; though I am inclined to think thatit may be constructed for 20, 000_l_. As an outside sum, and thatit is impossible that the cost of this portion of the work shouldexceed 30, 000_l_. In any event. 

"This outlay being sanctioned, the connection with the Americantelegraph through Minnesota would be a matter of negociation; and theextension of telegraphic communication to Fort William on the one side, and to Fort Langley on the other, would depend upon the subsidies to beobtained from Canada, and from British Columbia and Vancouver Island. 

"I have the assurance of the present leader of the Canadian Government, that the offer to give a subsidy, made last year, will be officiallyrenewed, and I shall endeavour to get this promise put into writing, and send it to you home. 

"British Columbia, I assume, would do what the Colonial Officerequested, but, in any case, we ought not to commit ourselves to athrough communication through Canada and British Columbia without aclear understanding as to the subsidies. At the same time, if you, theHudson's Bay Company, have command of one thousand miles of telegraph, enabling you to transmit information through your own channels with anew expedition, you will practically have command of the futurediscussion of this large question. 

"I have obtained estimates, and made calculations of the cost of thesetelegraphic operations, and I have selected a very eligible gentleman, Mr. Wood, the Manager of the Montreal Telegraph Company, who, I amquite sure, will carry out the operation, with the assistance of theemployes of the Hudson's Bay Company, and under the orders of GovernorDallas, with perfect success. 

I should recommend that immediate steps be taken; and there is noreason, in my opinion, why all the materials should not be on theground by the end of the coming winter, since much of it can be takenby canoe, and the remainder may be taken across the snow in the winter;and why may not the whole telegraph from Jasper House to Fort Carry becompleted by September in next year?

"The present attitude of the Sioux Indians in the State of Minnesotadeserves serious attention. Little Crow has waited upon GovernorDallas, and the Governor has written to General Sibley. 

"I have suggested whether a visit to Washington would not be desirable, and that the opportunity of assisting the American Government to makepeace with these troublesome Indians should be improved, by attemptingto get a settlement of your Oregon claims. 

 "I have the honour to be, Sir, "Your most obedient Servant, "(Signed) EDWARD W. WATKIN. "Sir EDMUND WALKER HEAD, Bart. , &c. &c. , "Governor, Hudson's Bay Company. "

Finding, however, that the Governor and his Committee were not preparedto act with the energy and preciseness I had desired, I closed my, unpaid, mission by the following letter of 26th August, 1863, from myhouse, Norfolk Street, Park Lane. 

 "NORFOLK STREET, PARK LANE, "_August_ 26, 1863. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I have to thank you for sending me copies of the official letter fromthe Secretary of the 13th instant, in reply to my report and privateletter of the 24th July, and of your private notes of the 13th and 18thinstant, the latter noticing my letter of the 4th instant. 

"I desire at once to say that the heads of arrangement which I havewritten down with the Montreal Telegraph Company and with Mr. Wood, foryour consideration, were of course entirely subject to the sanction ofthe Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company. And, inaccordance with what I understood to be your views, when to-day youwere good enough to leave the Deputy-Governor in order to see me in theboard room by appointment, I shall consider it my duty to cancel allthat has passed, in such a manner as, I trust, will be perfectlysatisfactory to your colleagues. There will then remain nothing beyonda responsibility for a few essential materials, as to which time was anobject, amounting to not more than a few hundred pounds at the utmost, which I shall take entirely upon myself, under the circumstances ofdoubt and difficulty as to the opinions of the shareholders of theHudson's Bay Company which you represented to me. And with a desire toavoid similar complaints, I do not propose to make any charge whateverfor my own expenses, or, if I may be excused the word, services, inconnection with the mission I have had to undertake. That mission, however, cannot go without explanation, for I am anxious to avoid allmisconception now, or hereafter, and I desire, therefore, by a frankstatement, at once to court contradiction, should it be merited. 

"Having had much to do with the discussions which led to the transferof the Hudson's Bay Company's property, I had expressed my willingness, inconvenient as it must be to me, to act as a member of a proposedcommission of three, including Captain Glyn, R. N. , and Captain Synge, R. E. , whose duty would be to investigate the position of theundertaking at its head establishment, --to report upon the re-organization of its business, the development of its mineral resources, the settlement of portions of its territory as a new colony, and theopening up of the country by the telegraph and by means of transit. Captain Glyn and Captain Synge had both been consulted, and the Duke ofNewcastle had been applied to to obtain leave for Captain Synge at theWar Office. I had been led to believe that my services were consideredof some value, and I left England on the 20th June, expecting thatCaptain Glyn and Captain Synge would follow me in a week, and that weshould at once proceed to Red River, and send home a first, but full, report by the beginning of October. I understood also that such areport was desired, to clear away any objections to the operations ofthe re-organized Company which might be factiously raised. And when, after my arrival in Canada, I received the prospectus with your name asGovernor of the Company at its head, I found a condition of thatdocument to be that I was to examine and report and advise generally, in concert with other gentlemen, specially qualified for the duty, notonly upon the question of telegraphic and postal communication, butalso as to the other objects proposed in the scheme officially laidbefore the public. 

"Before leaving England, I repeatedly pressed the necessity ofcommunicating with the Governor and 'wintering partners' of the Companyin America, so that they should not hear of the transfer of theproperty for the first time from the newspapers; and I expected to bespecially authorized to give the needful information and assurances. Iwas no party, I beg to say, to this mention of my name in theprospectus; but my friends and business connections who may have takenshares on the faith of my name, will naturally hold me responsibleaccordingly. Still, anxious to witness the success of a project which, energetically managed, is so intrinsically sound, I refrained fromwriting to you to decline the responsibility, hoping that the originalplan of delegation, though delayed, would be carried out. That plan, Imust observe, involved not a mere commission of engineers to explorethe route for a telegraph to Jasper House, as assumed in theSecretary's letter of the 13th inst. , but far wider objects, therealization of which would, I venture to think, have given satisfactionat home, and have dissipated many misconceptions, now existing, inimical to the interests of the new proprietary. 

"Your letter to me of the 6th July did not reach me till the 20th, andin the meantime the newspaper notices in England led to many officialand unofficial inquiries from me, involving difficulty of answer. Ifound, in fact, that the staff of the Hudson's Bay Company was quite atfault, and that public men in Canada misunderstood the objects of thenew organization, for want of information very simple in its nature, but which--except so far as the prospectus authorized me--I had noright to supply. 

"Several of the Hudson's Bay Company's chief factors and traders had, it appeared, addressed a memorial to the then Governor and Committee, some months ago, upon the rumoured sale of the property, and had been, as stated to me, informed that no transfer was likely to take place, orwould in fact be undertaken without previous consultation; and yetthese gentlemen learnt for the first time from the public papers thatnew arrangements had been made. It was not unnatural, therefore, considering the relations of these gentlemen with the Company, thatthey should feel much annoyed; nor was it, perhaps, surprising that aninfluential member of the body should have predicted a generalresignation of the factors 'from Labrador to Sitka, ' followed by aconfederation amongst them, in order to carry on the fur trade incompetition with the Hudson's Bay Company, they possessing, as wassaid, 'the skill, the will, and the capital to do it. '

"The appearance of Mr. Lampson's name as Deputy-Governor, in theabsence of any prior explanation, aggravated the first feeling ofdistrust; for it was said that he and his connections had been, andthen were, the Company's great, and often successful, rivals in the furtrade, carrying on a vigorous competition at all accessible points. 

"The arrival of Governor Dallas at Montreal some days before my receiptof your letter of the 6th July, enabled these misconceptions to bedealt with; and the issue of a circular by the Governor, together withmany personal explanations, and some firmness on the part of Mr. Dallas, will, I trust, very soon remove the want of confidence anddissatisfaction on the part of the staff, which at first lookedthreatening. These explanations, of course, took time, and rendered theGovernor's presence in Canada necessary. 

"Governor Dallas and myself made various opportunities of meetingmembers of the present and of the late Government of Canada, and oftalking over the subject of the North-west, and of its organization andgovernment; and I feel convinced that these unofficial discussions wereof considerable use, and may help to prevent antagonism and territorialclaims on the part of Canada, which, in my opinion, might be veryembarrassing, and ought to be foreseen and avoided. Possibly thefollowing article in the Government organ, written by order, and handedto me by the Honorable W. P. Howland, will best exhibit, withoutfurther troubling you, the friendly spirit of the Canadian Governmentbefore I left for England:--

"(From the _Quebec Mercury_. )

"'The recent announcements concerning the transfer of the title andterritory of the Hudson's Bay Company to a new corporation havenaturally awakened considerable interest in Canada. So far, however, nospecific intimation of the opinions of the new Company has been given. It is understood that they will not confine themselves to a merefollowing in the footsteps of their predecessors, but thatcolonization, telegraphy, the opening up of common roads, andeventually of railroad communication, enter into the scheme which, whether as regards the interests at stake or the capital involved, maybe said to be colossal in its character. It is no doubt anticipated bythe new Company that the Canadian Government and people will cheerfullyaid them in an enterprise which evidently concerns us so closely. Speaking in general terms, we presume that it may be conceded that suchanticipations have been correctly formed. The development of Canadianterritory, or of British territory immediately adjacent to it, couldnever be a matter of indifference to the Government or people. Thoughyoung in years, still Canada cannot forego those aspirations regardingthe future which are naturally suggested by the magnificent domainwhich, stretches along the northern portion of the Continent. It is forCanadians to occupy and eventually to govern it, and any means whichpoint to the furtherance of an object which may be called spontaneousin the Canadian mind must engender solicitude and evoke encouragement. 

"'When Messrs. Howland and Sicotte were in England, they expressedtheir opinion that Canada would be willing to aid the "Atlantic andPacific Transit Company" in their enterprise of opening upcommunication across the Continent through British territory. Upontheir return to this country, the matter was fully discussed, and itwas understood, subsequently, that the Government of that day wasprepared to recommend an appropriation of $50, 000 per annum, providedthat the Company gave the necessary assurances of their ability tocommence and carry out the work. Since that time, however, those whoformed that Association appear to have enlarged the field of theiroperations, and have included the whole of the Hudson's Bay Company, with their territory, _prestige_, and appliances, within the scopeof their operations. But the same general policy which suggested therecommendation of the $50, 000 referred to, would also prompt similarassistance to the New Hudson's Bay Company. It can be of little momentto Canada by whose agency the western territory is developed--thatwhich is wanted is development. 

"'Judging, then, by what has gone before, and from the exigencies whichthe spirit of progress imposes upon all Governments, it is notimprobable when the new Company has itself determined what they willdo, in what shape their enterprise will be promoted, that reasonableassistance will be given them. At present, it seems hardly likely thatany exact conclusion has been made by themselves in this matter. Mr. Watkin, in whom a wide and just confidence is placed, not only by theshareholders in the new enterprise, but by the British Governmentitself, is here, engaged, no doubt, in collecting from the varioussources within his reach such information as will enable him to reportfully upon the matter. That done, the Company will be able to makepropositions and to solicit the kindly aid of Canada. Looking at thewide field for enterprise that will be opened up; at the speedycolonization that is likely to take place, consequent upon the recentdiscoveries of gold; at the prospect that Canada may be made the highroad for commerce between the great East and West; that the trade ofthe St. Lawrence, and all the various and manifold interests connectedwith it, will be inspired with new and energetic vitality, --from theseand many other considerations it must be evident that the policy forCanada, let her political position as to parties be what it may, is toextend a friendly and greeting hand to those who come with capital andconfidence to become the pioneers of a new order of things, whichcannot fail to pour riches into the lap of Canada, and to lay thefoundation of a prosperity which can be at present but dimly imagined. '

"The importance of assisting the work of opening up the North-west fortelegraphic and postal purposes would, I believe, be alluded to in theGovernor-General's speech on the 15th. [Footnote: This was done, andthe following is an extract from the speech of the Governor-General ofCanada, on opening Parliament:--

"I have received a despatch from the Secretary of State for theColonies, enclosing copies of a correspondence between Her Majesty'sGovernment and the agent of the 'Atlantic and Pacific Transit andTelegraph Company, ' in reference to a proposal made by that Company forthe establishment of a telegraphic and postal communication betweenLake Superior and New Westminster, in British Columbia. The importanceof such an undertaking to the British North American Provinces, both ina commercial and in a military point of view, induces me to commend thesubject to your consideration. Copies of the correspondence shall belaid before you, and I feel assured that should any proposal calculatedto effect the establishment of such communication on terms advantageousto the province be submitted to you, it will receive encouragement atyour hands. "] But whatever may be the extent or the value--as to whichlatter point I fear my opinion does not, as I regretted to find, quitecoincide with yours--of the sympathy and support of Canada, any newbias in favour of your projects, as promised in your prospectus, hasbeen mainly aided by the belief which, entertaining it, I inculcated, that without loss of time, and with the promptness and energy ofEnglish merchants, the new Government of the Hudson's Bay Company wouldestablish, with the aid of the provinces east and west of the Hudson'sBay territory, but without shirking its own share of duty, telegraphicand postal communication in British interests, available forcommercial, and requisite for other and even more serious, purposes. That the works would be begun at once, and that the Hudson's BayCompany, so long obstructive, would now set an example of despatch, andthat that which had long been hoped for and promised by others, wouldnow be accomplished by them as the pioneer works of an early settlementof the cultivatable portions of the country. 

"It is obvious that, unless materials are supplied and plans arrangedbefore the end of September, the overland operations must wait a year'stime. Therefore, apparently under a misapprehension of your wishes orpolicy, as our interview of yesterday showed, I looked out for the bestpractical man I could find fit to undertake the construction of atelegraph and system of posts, enabling postal and telegraphic serviceto be worked together. I found that man in Mr. O. S. Wood, an Americansettled in Canada, the engineer and manager of the 4, 000 miles oftelegraph owned by the Montreal Telegraph Company, which pays 23 percent, upon its capital of 100, 000_l. _; and believing him to beexactly the man for the occasion, I agreed with him, subject to yoursanction, to superintend and be responsible for the erection andoperation of a telegraph and system of posts between Fort Garry andJasper House. I do not trouble you with the document, as it is to becancelled, so far as your Company is concerned; but I may shortly statethat it proposed the completion of the works by October, 1864, and inaddition to a liberal, but not excessive, payment for Mr. O. S. Wood'swork, responsibility, and experience, it awarded a percentage upon allsavings on the total sum of L30, 000_l. _, the outside estimatetaken for the whole job, and a small premium for all time saved in thecompletion of the work. These payments were to be so made that theintegrity, completeness, and success of the work would be their maincondition. 

"I also made a very important conditional agreement with this MontrealTelegraph Company, under which they were to extend a new andindependent, or precautionary, line of telegraph from Halifax (NovaScotia) to Mirimichi and on to Father Point, connecting with the otherexisting telegraphs up to Arnprior (Ottawa), and another telegraph fromArnprior to the Sault St. Marie, where you have a trading port. On theother hand, subject to the aid of Canada and British Columbia, yourCompany were to extend, or obtain the extension of, a telegraph fromthe Sault by Lake Superior to Fort Garry, and another by Jasper Houseto Fort Langley. All these telegraphs were to be completed by October, 1865. The Montreal Company were also to obtain the extension of theMinnesota telegraph to your boundary near Pembina, you extending yourtelegraph to that point. Thus, assuming the Fort Carry and Jasper Housetelegraph to be completed by October, 1864, and knowing that this, andthe telegraph from Fort Langley to Jasper House, could be finished aseasily, a complete and independent Atlantic and Pacific telegraph, stretching for more than 1, 000 miles through your territory, might havebeen secured, --always assuming that this season of 1863 were saved, which was the great practical object before me. I obtained, as acondition, that in dividing the rates paid for messages, yourtelegraphs should have a bonus of 33 per cent. So long as your capitaldid not pay a clear 10 per cent. Dividend. 

"To this end, I advised you to confirm the order of 175 tons ofcharcoal wire and of the insulators, post pins, batteries, andinstruments needed for the length between Fort Garry and Jasper House(the wire from England, and the other material from Canada and theUnited States), at a total cost, already given you in complete detail, estimated, when delivered at Fort Garry, as not to exceed10, 000_l. _. This statement of cost, and a reference to my paststatements, will answer the question in Mr. Fraser's letter of the13th, as to whether I had calculated the heavy expense of carriage--20_l. _ per ton to Fort Garry. The question shows that it had notbeen calculated in Fenchurch Street that the poles and timber would begot in the country, and that the whole weight of material to be sent toFort Garry was about 200 tons at the most. 

"I may pause, however, in answer to another similar question, about therelative prices of American and English wire, &c. , to say, that thebest market for wire is England; and the best market for the lessimportant articles is the United States, while the proper priceschargeable for the best article by the best houses are known to allpractical men. I may add, as I am asked what is the weight per mile oftelegraphic wire, that 'best charcoal No. 9 electric wire' is 320 lbs. To the mile of 1, 760 yards. 

"On leaving this subject, I may add, that if on further considerationyou determine to store the material above named (cost and carriage10, 000_l. _) at Fort Garry, there is yet time to get it out to St. Paul, and some, if not all, may go through to Fort Gany. There is apost three days per week to Fort Garry, and posts go through all partsof your own territory regularly, the 'Winter Express' leaving FortGarry on Christmas Day. Though, in my humble opinion, not the bestthing, still the transmission and storage of that material would belooked upon as an evidence of your intentions, and would help to keepyou right in Canada and in your own territory, as also in BritishColumbia, and would expedite a final and favourable decision as to theproposed subsidy. So strong is my opinion, that I am ready to join anyfour or five gentlemen of your Committee feeling an interest in thework, in providing and paying for the material itself, if you will sendit through at once. 

"It will, I assume, be apparent to you how necessary it is to keep thesection of telegraph in your own special district in your own hands. Your organization, also, will enable you to convey and erect materialvery cheaply. As to all details, I refer to the papers already sentover containing full particulars, and showing quantities, kind, cost, means of conveyance, and, more important than all, character of countryand proposed route; the latter from the personal experience andknowledge of the country of Governor Dallas and Mr. Hopkins, whosereliability and capacity as advisers no one will question. 

"While in Upper Canada, I received proposals for the establishment ofsteamers on your rivers and lakes: and no doubt these could be arrangedfor; but as the telegraph is to stand over for the present, I do notadd to the length of this paper by any statement on this head. 

"I would call attention, however, to the exploration of Dr. Hector, onbehalf of the Canadian Government, of the lands adjoining Lakes Huronand Superior. Dr. Hector has surveyed a line of road all the way up toDog Lake; and Mr. McDougal, the present Commissioner of Crown Lands, appears ready to recommend the gradual, but rapid, construction ofroads throughout this territory, and onwards to that of the Hudson'sBay Company. Possibly you may consider the suggestion which I made inreference to obtaining an independent outlet to Lake Superior, in thedirection of Superior City, as well worthy of consideration. 

"As respects the alleged discoveries of gold, upon which some doubt isthrown in Mr. Fraser's letter of the 13th, I have merely to add thatthe testimony of Governor Dallas is important, and that the report ofProfessor Hind appeared to me to contain valuable evidence andreasoning, which can be tested by the further explorations of ageographical commission, for which purpose either Professor Hind, orSir William Logan, or Mr. Sterry Hunt, or all these well knownCanadians, are at once available. Professor Hind's suggestion as to thesupply of quicksilver by the Company to miners, may or may not bevaluable to a Company desiring to retain the lead of trade in portionsof its own territory; but a reference to his report will show that itwas not proposed to you as an immediate measure, as surmised. In anycase, it is undoubted that gold exists in districts east of the primaryrocks of the east flanks of the Rocky Mountains, and that persons areseeking for it in greater or less numbers. We have yet to learn how farthe information has spread, and what influence it may have upon themovement of the American population. But, great or small, it is a factaffecting the settlement of the community, which enlarges the generalpressure for a decision as to how large tracts of your territory, suitable beyond doubt for human habitation, are hereafter to begoverned for the good of the people who may come, and so as to preserveBritish ascendency in your part of the Continent. Both Governor Dallasand myself have had many discussions as to this, and you have beforeyou already both his views and mine. But the paper gives a_resume_ of the general case as presenting itself to manythoughtful persons, known to you in Canada, and belonging to thevarious political parties. It was desirable to record their ideas, andI present them for what they may be worth, wishing you to understandthat the proposal for federation and a joint Custom-house is the viewof Mr. George Brown. On the other hand, Mr. Cartier, and even Mr. Sandfield Macdonald, desire to see a separate Crown Colony established. 

"I now come to the all-important matter of the wise, economical, andefficient working of the business of the Company in America. The paperdrawn up under the instructions of Governor Dallas by Mr. Hopkins, anddiscussed at length between us, is offered to you as an attempt tosolve a difficulty which must be got rid of if more business is to bedone at less cost, and if the competition around you is to be met, asit easily may be, with thorough success. The deed poll is anarrangement standing in the way of change and extension of youroperations: it covers legal questions which some day may give youtrouble; and it may be modified in some such manner as that suggestedby your assent in the first place, and by the judicious action ofGovernor Dallas, who should receive your instructions soon, consequentthereon. 

"The proposal to substitute a contingent and temporary interest in somuch stock of the Company for the 40 per cent. Of profits now given tothe chief factors and traders, may assist you in placing your unissuedshares, in a mode leading to a very large annual saving, to beaccompanied by an evident increase of efficiency. For, able as yourstaff is in general, there are many useless, and even mischievous, persons under pay or profits; and the unfortunate propensities of SirGeorge Simpson did not lead in his latter years, I fear, to theimprovement of the moral tone of your servants. There are cases offavouritism and abuse not at all creditable, such as that of theemployment of Sir George's illegitimate son, and the retention of achief trader notoriously useless and drunken, for many years after thechief factor of his district had reported his demerits to the localgovernor. But the service is popular, and there can be no difficulty inkeeping up a staff fully able to cope with the sharp and energetic menemployed by the American traders, --your permanent rivals in business. 

"It is perhaps unnecessary further to explain the reasons of my notproceeding to Red River. As before stated, I had expected to do so incompany with Captains Glyn and Synge, without whom I should havehesitated to undertake the more extended and responsible task at firstproposed. I did not in any event expect that Governor Dallas would cometo Canada prior to the receipt of your official letter of the 6th July, and for which I had been waiting from the 30th June until the 20thJuly; and when he arrived, and especially when I found that thepurposes of my proposed journey had been in great measure previouslyfulfilled by him, it became a question of whether it ought not to bepostponed. He had already folly advised the Governor and Committee ofthe 'state of the Red River Settlement, ' of its 'suitability forsettlement, ' and of the general and highly favourable features of thetracts, over which he had travelled for 1, 800 miles in variousdirections. The best route for a telegraph could be, and was, suggested, to you from his own observations, corroborated and added toby the personal experience of Mr. Hopkins and others, who had oftentraversed the districts, and had resided for years therein. The entirefeasibility of constructing a telegraph across the Continent was notonly confirmed by these experiences, but by the practical views ofpersons consulted, who had set up lines through even more difficult andwilder tracts of country. 

"Therefore the objects you appeared to have before you were realized, if not directly through me, yet through the colleague you had selectedfor me, your own local governor, of whom I cannot express too high anopinion, having been his almost constant companion for above a month, during which every detail, so far as we could grasp it, was thoroughlydiscussed. 

"Having given my best attention and labours to the whole subject forsome years, and believing that I might be of more service to you here, since Governor Dallas could not be spared to come home, and could notprudently have left Canada until he had put all your business there inorder, I exercised no unwise discretion in returning to England. 

"I have now to ask your forgiveness for the length of this paper, andto express my readiness to give any further explanations in my power, while wishing you and your colleagues quite to understand that I haveno desire whatever--but far the contrary--to obtrude myself upon you inthe control of an enterprise which I honestly believe can be madecompletely successful by the exercise of even ordinary energy andskill, and which ought to be safe and certain in such experienced andable hands as yours. 

 "I have the honour to be, dear Sir, "Yours faithfully, "EDWD. W. WATKIN. 

 "Sir E. W. HEAD, Bart. , _"Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company. "_

One other object I desired to accomplish, was an exchange of boundarybetween the Hudson's Bay and the United States, with the view toSuperior City being brought into British territory by a fair paymentand exchange of land. The negociation looked very hopeful at one time, but it was not followed up in London, and it fell to the ground. Thereare few people who understand that it is not only desirable to do theright thing, but to do it at the right time--that is, whencircumstances favour the doing. 

I am entitled to say that, owing to the non-acceptance, at the time, ofour proposals, much delay in realizing the great object of settling thegovernment and colonizing the territory arose: inadequate terms for thesale and purchase of the vast landed estate of the Company had to beaccepted from Canada; and the "wintering partners, " not made realpartners, as recommended by Governor Dallas and myself, but held atarm's length, had, at last, to be compensated for giving up the old"deed poll" with a sum of 107, 055_l. _, paid in 1871--ten yearsafter the date of our report to Sir Edmund Head. 

But, "all's well that ends well, " and the great work is, at last, accomplished. 

CHAPTER XII. 

_The Hudson's Bay Company and the Select Committee of_1748-9. 

The history of the old co-partnery, the "Governor and Company ofAdventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, " ought to be writtenby some able hand. Samuel Smiles or Goldwin Smith, with the aid of thearchives held by the Governor and Committee, would make a book whichwould go round the world. To publish such a record is a duty incumbentupon Mr. Eden Colville and his colleagues. From no merit or previsionof theirs, a happy and profitable transformation has been made of theirundertaking. The individuals, as well as Canada as a State, and theEmpire, also, have gained largely. The monopoly has been broken up, under liberal and generous treatment of the monopolists--monopolistswho had deserved their monopoly by their able administration; and thosewho ran the risk, paid the cost, and incurred the anxiety, neithercomplain nor ask for the credit of their work. The merchant adventurertrading to the Eastern Indies, and the merchant adventurer trading intoHudson's Bay, each on his side of the world, has preserved vastterritories to the Crown and people of England. Their conquests havecost the taxpayers of England nothing; while the trade and enterprisethey promoted have enriched millions, and have opened careers, oftenbrilliant, for men of courage and self denial, many of whose names willgo down to posterity in fame and honour. 

The Hudson's Bay Company was constituted under a charter of Charles theSecond. That charter began thus: "Charles the Second, by the grace ofGod King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of theFaith, to all to whom these presents shall come greeting:

"Whereas our dear intirely beloved cousin, Prince Rupert, CountPalatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria and Cumberland; George Duke ofAlbemarle, William Earl of Craven, Henry Lord Arlington, Anthony LordAshley, Sir John Robinson, and Sir Robert Vyner, Knights and Baronets;Sir Peter Colleton, Baronet, Sir Edward Hungerford, Knight of the Bath, Sir Paul Neele, Sir John Griffith, Sir Philip Carteret, and Sir JamesHayes, Knights; John Kirke, Francis Millington, William Prettyman, JohnFenn, Esquires, and John Portman, citizen and goldsmith of London, haveat their own great costs and charges undertaken an expedition forHudson's Bay, in the Northwest parts of America, for the discovery of anew passage into the South Sea, and for the finding of some trade forfurs, minerals, and other considerable commodities; and by such theirundertaking have already made such discoveries as do encourage them toproceed farther in pursuance of their said design, by means whereofthere may probably arise great advantage to us and our kingdom:

"And whereas the said undertakers, for their further encouragement inthe said design, have humbly besought us to incorporate them, and grantunto them, and their successors, the whole trade and commerce of allthose seas, streights, and bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, inwhatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of thestreights commonly called Hudson's Streights; together with all thelands, countries, and territories upon the coasts and confines of theseas, streights, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks, and sounds aforesaid, which are not now actually possessed by any of our subjects, or by thesubjects of any other Christian Prince or State. "

And the adventurers were made "one body corporate and politic, in deedand in name, " by the name of "The Governor and Company of Adventurersof England trading into Hudson's Bay. "

They were granted "the sole trade and commerce" of "all those seas, "&c. , &c. , "in whatever latitude they shall be;" "together with all thelands and territories upon the countries, coasts, and confines of theseas, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks and sounds aforesaid;" "with thefishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all other royalfishes;" "together with the royalty of the sea upon the coasts withinthe limits aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well discovered as notdiscovered, of gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, to be found anddiscovered within the territories, limits, and places aforesaid; andthat the land be from henceforth reckoned and reputed as one of ourplantations or Colonies in America, called Rupert's Land. "

All this was to be "holden" "of us, our heirs and successors, as of ourmanor of East Greenwich, in the County of Kent, in free and commonsoccage, and not in capite or by knight's service; yielding and payingyearly to us, our heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and twoblack beavers, whensoever and as often as we, our heirs and successors, shall happen to enter into the said countries, territories, and regionshereby granted. "

The adventurers were further granted "not only the whole, intire, andonly liberty of trade and traffick, and the whole, intire, and onlyliberty, use and privilege of trading and traffick to and from theterritories, limits, and places aforesaid, but also the whole andintire trade and traffick to and from all havens, bays, creeks, rivers, lakes, and seas into which they shall find entrance, or passage bywater, or land, out of the territories, &c. Aforesaid; and to and withall the natives and people, inhabitants, or which shall inhabit withinthe territories, &c. "

The charter proceeds to grant the fullest powers for the government ofthe countries by the adventurers; every power, in fact, provided thelaws in force in England were administered. And then it authorizes"free liberty and license, in case they conceive it necessary, to sendeither ships of war, men, or ammunition, into any of their plantations, forts, factories, or places of trade, " "for the security and defence ofthe same. " "And to choose commanders and officers over them, and togive them power and authority, by commissions under their common seal, or otherwise, to continue, or make peace or war with any prince orpeople whatsoever, that are not Christians, in any places where thesaid Company have plantations, forts, or factories, or adjacentthereunto, as shall be most for the advantage and benefit of saidGovernor and Company, and of their trade;" "and also to right andrecompense themselves upon the goods, estate, or people of thoseparts. "

Thus, the adventurers had exclusive rights of trade, exclusivepossession of territories, exclusive powers of government, and theright to make war, or conclude peace. 

By an Order of Council of 4th February, 1748, a petition from oneArthur Dobbs, Esq. , and from members of a committee appointed by the"subscribers for finding out a passage to the Western and SouthernOcean of America, " was referred to the consideration of "A. Ryder" and"W. Murray, " who heard counsel for and against the Hudson's BayCompany, and finally decided that, "Considering how long the Companyhave enjoyed and acted under this charter without interruption orencroachment, we cannot think it advisable for his Majesty to make anyexpress or implied declaration against the validity of it till therehas been some judgment of a court of justice to warrant it. "

On the 24th April, 1749, a Select Committee of Parliament reported, through Lord Strange, upon "the state and condition of the countriesadjoining to Hudson's Bay, and the trade carried on there. " The reportbegins by stating--

"The Committee appointed to inquire into the state and condition of thecountries adjoining to Hudson's Bay, and the trade carried on there;and to consider how those countries may be settled and improved, andthe trade and fisheries there extended and increased; and also toinquire into the right the Company of Adventurers trading to Hudson'sBay pretend to have, by charter, to the property of lands, andexclusive trade to those countries;--have, pursuant to the order of theHouse, examined into the several matters to them referred, and find theparticular state thereof to be as follows:--

"Your Committee thought proper, in the first place, to inquire into thenature and extent of the charter granted by King Charles the Second tothe Company of Adventurers trading to Hudson's Bay; under which charterthe present Company claim a right to lands, and an exclusive trade tothose countries; which charter being laid before your Committee, theythought it necessary, for the information of the House, to annex a copythereof to this Report, in the Appendix No. 1. Your Committee thenproceeded to examine the following witnesses:--

"The witnesses were Joseph Robson, who had been employed in Hudson'sBay for six years as a stonemason; Richard White, who had been a clerkat Albany Fort and elsewhere; Matthew Sergeant, who had been employedin the Company's service, and 'understood the Indian language'; JohnHayter, who 'had been house-carpenter to the Company for six years, atMoose River'; Mathew Gwynne, who 'had been twice at Hudson's Bay';Edward Thompson, who had been three years at Moose River, as surgeon;Enoch Alsop, who had been armourer to the Company at Moose River;Christopher Bannister, who had been armourer and gunsmith, and hadresided in the Bay for 22 years; Robert Griffin, silversmith, who hadbeen five years in the Company's service; Thomas Barnett, smith, whowent over to Albany in 1741; Alexander Brown, who had been six years atHudson's Bay as surgeon; Captain Thomas Mitchell, who had commanded asloop of the Company's; Arthur Dobbs, 'Esquire, ' 'examined as to theinformation he had received from "a French Canadese Indian" (sincedeceased), and who was maintained at the expense of the Admiralty, on aprospect of his being of service on the discovery of a North-westPassage, ' 'and who informed your Committee that the whole of thatdiscourse is contained in part of a book printed for the witness in1744, to which he desired leave to refer'; Captain William Moore, who'had been employed in Hudson's Bay from a boy'; Mr. Henry Spurling, merchant, who 'had traded chiefly in furs for 28 years past, duringwhich time he had dealt with the Hudson's Bay Company'; CaptainCarruthers, who had been in the Hudson's Bay service 35 years ago;Arthur Slater, who had been employed by the Company on the East Main. "

It will be seen that one object aimed at in granting a charter to theHudson's Bay Company was to further the discovery of the "North-westPassage. " Beginning in 1719, and ending, probably in despair, in 1737, the Hudson's Bay Company fitted and sent out in the whole six separateexpeditions, which the Committee record in their Appendix, as follows(The instructions to the commanders usually ended, "So God send thegood ship a successful discovery, and to return in safety. Amen"):--

_A List of Vessels fitted out by the Hudson's Bay Company forDiscovery of a North-West Passage_. 

1719. _Albany_, frigate, Captain George Berley, sailed fromEngland on or about 5th June. _Never returned_. 

1719. _Prosperous_, Captain Henry Kelsey, sailed from York Fort, June 19th. Returned 10th August following. 

 _Success_, John Hancock, master, sailed from Prince ofWales' Fort, July 2nd. Returned 10th August. 

1721. _Prosperous_, Captain Henry Kelsey, sailed from York Fort, June 6th. Returned 2nd September. 

 _Success_, James Napper, master, sailed from York Fort, June26th. Lost 30th of same month. 

1721. _Whalebone_, John Scroggs, master, sailed from Gravesend31st May, wintered at Prince of Wales' Fort. 

1723. Sailed from thence 21st June. Returned July 25th following. 

1737. The _Churchill_, James Napper, master, sailed from Prince ofWales' Fort, July 7th. Died 8th August, and the vessel returned the18th. 

 The _Mus-quash_, Robert Crow, master, sailed from Prince ofWales' Fort, July 7th. Returned 22nd August. 

It must be observed that, in 1745, Parliament had offered a reward of20, 000_l_. For the discovery of the North-west Passage. The Actwas entitled "An Act for giving a publick reward to such person, orpersons, His Majesty's subjects, as shall discover a North-west Passagethrough Hudson's Streights to the Western and Southern Ocean ofAmerica. " In the evidence before the Committee, varied opinions weregiven as to this Northwest Passage. Mr. Edward Thompson, who had been aship-surgeon, being examined as to the probability of a North-westPassage, said, "He had the greatest reason to believe there is one, from the winds, tides, and black whales; and he thinks the place to beat Chesterfield's inlet; that the reason of their coming back was theymet the other boat which had been five leagues further, and the crewtold them the water was much fresher and shallower there; but where hewas the water was fifty fathoms deep, and the tide very strong; the ebbsix hours and the flood two, to the best of his remembrance; that it isnot common for the tide to flow only two hours; but he imagines it tobe obstructed by another tide from the westward; that the rapidity ofthe tide upwards was so great, that the spray of the water flew overthe bow of the schooner, and was so salt that it candied on men'sshoes, but that the tide did not run in so rapid a manner the otherway. " Captain William Moore, being asked whether he believed there wasa North-west Passage to the South Seas, said, "He believes there is acommunication, but whether navigable or not he cannot say; that ifthere is any such communication 'tis further northward than heexpected; that if it is but short, as 'tis probable to conclude fromthe height of the tides, 'tis possible it might be navigable; and itwas the opinion of all the persons sent on that discovery that a north-west wind made the highest tides. " Captain Carruthers said, "That hedon't apprehend there is any such passage; but if there is, he thinksit impracticable to navigate it on account of the ice; that he wouldrather choose to go round by Cape Horn; and that it will be impossibleto go and return through such passage in one year; and he thinks 'tisthe general opinion of seamen that there is no such passage. " Mr. JohnTomlinson, merchant, of London, said, "He was a subscriber to theundertaking for finding a North-west Passage; which undertaking wasdropped for want of money: that he should not choose to subscribe againupon the same terms; that he cannot pretend to say whether there issuch a passage or not, or whether, if found, it could be ever rendereduseful to navigation. "

The merchant witnesses were in favour of throwing open the trade ofHudson's Bay; and this Mr. Tomlinson said more ships would be sent, andmore people brought down to trade. "This is confirmed, " he said, "bythe experience of the Guinea trade, which, when confined to a company, employed not above ten ships, and now employs 150;" and "that the caseof the Guinea trade was exactly similar (to the Hudson's Bay), wherethe ships near one another, and each endeavours to get the trade; andthe more ships lie there, the higher the price of negroes. "

The capital of the Hudson's Bay Company, increased by doublings andtreblings of its nominal amount, was, in 1748, 103, 950_l_. , heldby eighty-six proprietors. 

The trade between London and Hudson's Bay was carried on in 1748, andfor some previous years, by four ships. The cost of the exports was in1748 5, 102_l_. 12_s_. 3_d_. , and the value of the salesof furs and other imports in that year amounted to 30, 160_l_. 5_s_. 11_d_d. The "charge attending the carrying on theHudson's Bay trade, and maintaining their factories, " in 1748, isstated at 17, 352_l_. 4_s_. 10_d_. The original cashcapital was 10, 500_l_. That capital was "trebled" in 1690, makingthe nominal capital 31, 500_l_. ; in August, 1720, it was proposedto augment the cash capital, and to make the nominal total378, 000_l_. But at a "General Court, " held on the 23rd December, 1720, it was resolved to "vacate" the subscription "by reason of thepresent scarcity of moneys, and the deadness of credit. " And it wasfurther "Resolved, that in the opinion of this Committee, that eachsubscriber shall have 30_l_. Stock for each 10_l_. By himpaid in, " "which resolutions were agreed to by this Court. " Anyhow, thecapital in 1748 is stated at 103, 950_l_. A trade which, by sendingout about 5, 000_l_. A year, brought back a return of30, 000_l_. , was no doubt worth preserving; and even taking theoutlay for working and maintenance of forts and establishments, therewas over 8 per cent, on the nominal capital left, or probably 40 percent on all the cash actually paid in; not too great a reward for thebenefits gained by the country from this trade. 

Some particulars of the regulation of exchange of commodities may herebe interesting. 

The system of trade was simple barter. The equivalent of value wasbeaver skins; while skins of less value were again calculated as somuch of each for one beaver. A kettle was exchanged for one beaver. Apound and a half of gunpowder, one beaver. One blanket, six beavers. Two bayonets, one beaver. Four fire-steels, one beaver. One pistol, four beavers. Twelve needles, one beaver. One four-foot gun, twelvebeavers. Three knives, one beaver, and so on over a long list ofvarious articles. Some of the things exchanged nearly 130 years ago, show that the Indians had a good knowledge of trade, and of objectsused by civilised people. For example; brandy (English), one gallon, four beavers. Vermilion, one and a half ounces, one beaver; and combs, egg-boxes, files, glasses, goggles, handkerchiefs, hats (laced), hawk-bells, rings, scissors, spoons, shirts, shoes, stockings, and thimbles. 

The factors were accused of imposing upon the Indians by usingdefective weights and measures; and it was said that the doubtfulprofit thus made, in opposition to the standards sent out from England, was called the "overplus-trade. "

In the year 1748, the forts and settlements of the Hudson's Bay Company"in the Bay" were:--

 _Latitude_

Moose Fort 51 28Henley House, or Fort 52The East Main House 52 10Albany Fort 52 18York Fort 57 10Prince of Wales' Fort 59

This limited occupation contrasts in a marked manner with the area ofposts, all over the continent, at this later date; see a list at pp. 222-226, and a map in front of this volume. 

The skins and other articles imported, and sold at the Company'swarehouse, in the City of London, by the "inch of candle"--a mode ofauction common in those days (under which the bidding went on till theinch of lighted wax, candle went out)--fluctuated in the ten yearsbetween the years 1739 and 1748 very much. In that period the highestand lowest prices were for:--

 L s d L s d_Beaver (per lb ) 0 7 101/4 0 5 3Martin (per skin) 0 6 8 0 5 11/4Otter " 0 13 6 0 5 5Cat " 0 18 0 0 10 101/4Fox " 0 11 71/4 0 6 71/4Wolverines " 0 7 0 0 5 5Bear (per skin) 1 6 71/2 0 12 101/4Mink " 0 4 8 0 2 0Wolves " 0 18 11 0 9 01/4Woodshock " 0 12 0 0 8 0Elk " 0 11 7 0 6 1Deer " 0 0 9 0 2 01/4Bed feathers (per lb ) 0 1 41/4 0 1 0Castorum " 0 13 21/4 0 6 1Ivory " ---------- 0 0 61/4Whale Fins " 0 2 9 0 1 101/4Wesakapupa " 0 2 4 0 0 61/4Whale Oil (per tun) 18 13 0 10 1 0Goose quills (per 1, 000) 0 18 0 0 11 7

"Ivory" only appears once, viz. In the sale of 1738-9. This article mayhave been, simply, bones of the whale; and "whale oil" only appearsfour times in the ten years quoted. 

The report of Lord Strange's Committee quotes many quaint and solidinstructions, as well in times of war as of peace, to the governors andagents on the Bay. A letter from London, dated 10th May, 1744, says, "The English and French having declared war against each other, and thewar with Spain still continuing, we do hereby strictly direct you to bealways on your guard and to keep a good watch; and that you keep allyour men as near home as possible. We do hereby further direct that youcut away all trees, hedges, bushes, &c. , or any other cover for anenemy; and lay all level and open round the factory, further thancannon shot, which we compute to be a mile; in order to hinder theenemy from attacking you unawares, and from being sheltered from thefactory's guns. But you are to keep up, and repair, your palisadoes, for your defence. " ... "You are to fire point blank upon any ship, sloop, or vessel that shall come near the factory, unless they make thetrue signal, and answer yours. The letter proceeds to offer 30_l_. To the widow or children of any man killed in defence of the factory;to every one who should lose a leg, or an arm, 30_l_. Compensationto men receiving smaller wounds; and especial reward to such of the"chiefs, officers, and common men" as might specially distinguishthemselves. 

The 18th paragraph of this remarkable letter says: "In case you areattacked at Henley House, and, notwithstanding a vigorous resistance, you should have the misfortune to be overpowered, then you are to nailup the cannon, blow up the house, and destroy everything that can be ofservice to the enemy, and make the best retreat you can to thefactory. "

Grand old London merchants, these!

CHAPTER XIII. 

_The Hudson's Bay Posts--to-day_. 

In their Report of 28th June, 1872, the Governor and Committee reportthe details of the varied posts from Ocean to Ocean of the Hudson's BayCompany, as follows:--

_Statement of Land belonging to the HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY, exclusiveof their claim to one-twentieth of the Land set out for settlement inthe "Fertile Belt, " or the district coloured green in the accompanyingMap [in front of this volume]_. 

---------------------------------------------------------------- | | AcresDistrict | Post | of | | Land----------------------------------------------------------------LAKE HURON | 1 | La Cloche | 6, 400TEMISCAMINQUE | 2 | Kakababeagino | 10SUPERIOR | 3 | Long Lake | 10UNITED STATES | 4 | Georgetown | 1, 133MANITOBA, or }| 5 | Fort Garry | 500RED RIVER SETTLEMENT }| 6 | Lower Fort | 500 }| 7 | White Horse Plains | 500MANITOBA LAKE | 8 | Oak Point | 50PORTAGE LA PRAIRIE | 9 | | 1, 000LAC LA PLUIE | 10 | Fort Alexander | 500 | 11 | Fort Frances | 500 | 12 | Eagles Nest | 20 | 13 | Big Island | 20 | 14 | Lac du Bennet | 20 | 15 | Rat Portage | 50 | 16 | Shoal Lake | 20 | 17 | Lake of the Woods | 50 | 18 | White Fish Lake | 20 | 19 | English River | 20 | 20 | Hungry Hall | 20 | 21 | Trout Lake | 20 | 22 | Clear Water Lake | 20 | 23 | Sandy Point | 20SWAN RIVER | 24 | Fort Pelly | 3, 000 | 25 | Fort Ellice | 3, 000 | 26 | Qu'Appelle Lakes | 2, 500 | 27 | Touchwood Hills | 500 | 28 | Shoal River | 50 | 29 | Manitobah | 50 | 30 | Fairford | 100 | | |CUMBERLAND | 31 | Cumberland House | 100 | 32 | Fort la Corne | 3, 000 | 33 | Pelican Lake | 50 | 34 | Moose Woods | 1, 000 | 35 | The Pas | 25 | 36 | Moose Lake | 50 | 37 | Grand Rapid Portage | 100 | | |50 Acres | | |at each | | |end of | | |PortageSASKATCHEWAN | 38 | Edmonton House | 3, 000 | 39 | Rocky Mountain House | 500 | 40 | Fort Victoria | 3, 000 | 41 | St Paul | 3, 000 | 42 | Fort Pitt | 3, 000 | 43 | Battle River | 3, 000 | 44 | Carlton House | 3, 000 | 45 | Fort Albert | 3, 000 | 46 | Whitefish Lake | 500 | 47 | Lac la Biche | 1, 000 | 48 | Fort Assiniboine | 50 | 49 | Lesser Slave Lake | 500 | 50 | Lac St Anne | 500 | 51 | Lac la Nun | 500 | 52 | St Albert | 1, 000 | 53 | Pigeon Lake | 100 | 54 | Old White Mud Fort | 50 | | |ENGLISH RIVER | 55 | Isle a la Crosse | 50 | 56 | Rapid River | 5 | 57 | Portage da Loche | 20 | 58 | Green Lake | 100 | 59 | Cold Lake | 10 | 60 | Deers Lake | 5 | | |YORK | 61 | York Factory | 100 | 62 | Churchill | 10 | 63 | Severn | 10 | 64 | Trout Lake | 10 | 65 | Oxford | 100 | 66 | Jackson's Bay | 10 | 67 | God's Lake | 10 | 68 | Island Lake | 10 | | |NORWAY HOUSE | 69 | Norway House | 100 | 70 | Berens River | 25 | 71 | Grand Rapid | 10 | 72 | Nelson's River | 10 | | |ALBANY 73 | Albany Factory | 100 | 74 | Martin's Falls | 10 | 75 | Osnaburg | 25 | 76 | Lac Seul | 500 | | |EASE MAIN | 77 | Little Whale River | 50 | 78 | Great Whale River | 50 | 79 | Fort George | 25 | | |MOOSE | 80 | Moose Factory | 100 | 81 | Hannah Bay | 10 | 82 | Abitibi | 10 | 83 | New Brunswick | 25 | | |RUPERT'S RIVER | 84 | Rupert's House | 50 | 85 | Mistassing | 10 | 86 | Temiskamay | 10 | 87 | Woswonaby | 10 | 88 | Meehiskun | 10 | 89 | Pike Lake | 10 | 90 | Nitchequon | 10 | 91 | Kamapiscan | 10 | | |KINOGUMISSEE | 92 | Matawagauinque | 50 | 93 | Kuckatoosh | 10 | | |LABRADOR | 94 | Fort Nascopie | 75 | 95 | Outposts do. | 25 | 96 | Fort Chimo (Ungava) | 100 | 97 | South River, Outposts | 30 | 98 | George's River | 50 | 99 | Whale River | 50 |100 | North's River | 25 |101 | False River | 25 | | |ATHABASCA |102 | Fort Chippewyan | 10 |103 | Fort Vermilion | 500 |104 | Fort Dunvegan | 50 |105 | Fort St John's | 20 |106 | Forks of Athabasca River | 10 |107 | Battle River | 5 |108 | Fond du Lac | 5 |109 | Salt River | 5 | | |MCKENZIE RIVER |110 | Fort Simpson | 100 |111 | Fort Liard | 300 |112 | Fort Nelson | 200 |113 | The Rapids | 100 |114 | Hay River | 20 |115 | Fort Resolution | 20 |116 | Fort Rae | 10 |117 | Fond du Lac | 10 |118 | Fort Norman | 10 |119 | Fort Good Hope | 10 |120 | Peel's River | 10 |121 | Lapierre's House | 10 |122 | Fort Halkett | 100----------------------------------------------------------------

WESTERN DEPARTMENT

----------------------------------------------------------------VANCOUVER'S ISLAND |123 | Victoria, including | | | Town Lots, about | 70 |124 | Esquimault (Puget's Sound | | | Company Land | 2, 300 |125 | Uplands Farm | 1, 125 |126 | North Dairy Farm | 460 | | |BRITISH COLUMBIA |127 | Fort Alexander | 100 |128 | Fort George | 100 |129 | Fraser's Lake | 100 |130 | Stuart's Lake | 100 |131 | McLeod's Lake | 100 |132 | Connolly's Lake | 100 |133 | Babine | 100 |134 | Chilcotin | 100 | | Five other places | 100 |135 | Fort Dallas | 50 |136 | Fort Berens | 50 |137 | Fort Shepherd | 100 |138 | Fort Simpson | 100 |139 | Salmon River | 50 |140 | Langley and Langley Farm | 2, 220 |141 | Yale, sundry small blocks | |142 | Hope | 5 |143 | Kamloops | 1, 976 |144 | Similkameen | 1, 140 | | Barkerville ) | Town | | Quesnel ) | Lots----------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER XIV. 

_"Uncertain Sounds"_

I may illustrate the consequences of vacillation and delay in thevigorous government of the Hudson's Bay territory, and in all distantparts of the Empire, by giving a verbatim copy of a Bill ordered to be"printed and introduced" in July, 1866, into the "House ofRepresentatives" of the United States, at Washington, providing forrelieving the Queen of her sovereign rights in the British territoriesbetween the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. The only excuse--an excuse farfrom valid for so monstrous a proposal--was that no one knew what theBritish Government were inclined to do; and at Washington no onebelieved that John Bull would "make a fight of it;" while everyone knewthat if a similar Bill, with the object of enabling the Southern Statesto come under the dominion of the Queen, had been introduced into theBritish House of Commons, the United States Ambassador "to the Court ofSt. James'" would have been recalled--to begin with. The BritishAmbassador took no notice, made no remonstrance; but the advent of Mr. Disraeli to power discouraged such outrages, and led in the followingyear to the passing of the Act for Confederation. In printing thisBill, my object is to show the mischief, mischief which half-a-dozentimes in my lifetime has placed before my countrymen the alternative ofignominious concessions or war between English-speaking people, of"uncertain sounds. " It is essential to continued peace, trade andprosperity, that it should be known to all the world that the broadlands between the two great oceans are an integral part of the Empire;that they will never be parted with without a struggle, in which allour forces will be amply used; and that either invasion, or theinsidious agitations which from time to time are hatched in the UnitedStates with an eye to rebellion, will be put down by force. 

Here is this insulting document printed verbatim. I challenge thequotation of any similar outrage on the part of any civilized nation atpeace with the Empire attacked:--

 "[Printer's No. , 266. "39TH CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. "H. R. 754. "IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. "JULY 2, 1866. "Read twice, referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and orderedto be printed. "Mr. BANKS, on leave, introduced the following Bill:"A BILL

"For the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, CanadaEast, and Canada West, and for the organization of the Territories ofSelkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia. 

_"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled_, That the Presidentof the United States is hereby authorized and directed, whenever noticeshall be deposited in the Department of State that the Governments ofGreat Britain and the Provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, PrinceEdward Island, Newfoundland, Canada, British Columbia, and Vancouver'sIsland have accepted the proposition hereinafter made by the UnitedStates, to publish by proclamation that, from the date thereof, theStates of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, andthe Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, with limits andrights as by this Act defined, are constituted and admitted as Statesand Territories of the United States of America. 

"SEC. 2. _And be it further enacted_, That the following articlesare hereby proposed, and from the date of the proclamation of thePresident of the United States shall take effect, as irrevocableconditions of the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, NewBrunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, and the future States ofSelkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, to wit:

"ARTICLE I. 

"All public lands not sold or granted; canals, public harbors, light-houses, and piers; river and lake improvements, railway stocks, mortgages, and other debts due by railway companies to the provinces;custom-houses and post-offices, shall vest in the United States; butall other public works and property shall belong to the Stategovernments respectively, hereby constituted, together with all sumsdue from purchasers or lessees of lands, mines, or minerals at the timeof the union. 

"ARTICLE II. 

"In consideration of the public lands, works, and property vested asaforesaid in the United States, the United States will assume anddischarge the funded debt and contingent liabilities of the lateprovinces, at rates of interest not exceeding five per centum, to theamount of eighty-five million seven hundred thousand dollars, apportioned as follows: to Canada West, thirty-six million five hundredthousand dollars; to Canada East, twenty-nine million dollars; to NovaScotia, eight million dollars; to New Brunswick, seven million dollars;to Newfoundland, three million two hundred thousand dollars; and toPrince Edward Island, two million dollars; and in further considerationof the transfer by said provinces to the United States of the power tolevy import and export duties, the United States will make an annualgrant of one million six hundred and forty-six thousand dollars in aidof local expenditures, to be apportioned as follows: To Canada West, seven hundred thousand dollars; to Canada East, five hundred and fiftythousand dollars; to Nova Scotia, one hundred and sixty-five thousanddollars; to New Brunswick, one hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars;to Newfoundland, sixty-five thousand dollars; to Prince Edward Island, forty thousand dollars. 

"ARTICLE III. 

"For all purposes of State organization and representation in theCongress of the United States, Newfoundland shall be part of CanadaEast, and Prince Edward Island shall be part of Nova Scotia, exceptthat each shall always be a separate representative district, andentitled to elect at least one member of the House of Representatives, and except, also, that the municipal authorities of Newfoundland andPrince Edward Island shall receive the indemnities agreed to be paid bythe United States in Article II. 

"ARTICLE IV. 

"Territorial divisions are established as follows:--(1) New Brunswick, with its present limits; (2) Nova Scotia, with the addition of PrinceEdward Island; (3) Canada East, with the addition of Newfoundland andall territory east of longitude eighty degrees and south of Hudson'sStrait; (4) Canada West, with the addition of territory south ofHudson's Bay and between longitude eighty degrees and ninety degrees;(5) Selkirk Territory, bounded east by longitude ninety degrees, southby the late boundary of the United States, west by longitude onehundred and five degrees, and north by the Arctic circle; (6)Saskatchewan Territory, bounded east by longitude one hundred and fivedegrees, south by latitude forty-nine degrees, west by the RockyMountains, and north by latitude seventy degrees; (7) ColumbiaTerritory, including Vancouver's Island, and Queen Charlotte's Island, and bounded east and north by the Rocky Mountains, south by latitudeforty-nine degrees, and west by the Pacific Ocean and Russian America. But Congress reserves the right of changing the limits and subdividingthe areas of the western territories at discretion. 

"ARTICLE V. 

"Until the next decennial revision, representation in the House ofRepresentatives shall be as follows:--Canada West, twelve members;Canada East, including Newfoundland, eleven members; New Brunswick, twomembers; Nova Scotia, including Prince Edward Island, four members. 

"ARTICLE VI. 

"The Congress of the United States shall enact, in favour of theproposed Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, all theprovisions of the Act organizing the Territory of Montana, so far asthey can be made applicable. 

"ARTICLE VII. 

"The United States, by the construction of new canals, or theenlargement of existing canals, and by the improvement of shoals, willso aid the navigation of the Saint Lawrence river and the great lakesthat vessels of fifteen hundred tons burden shall pass from the Gulf ofSaint Lawrence to Lakes Superior and Michigan: _Provided_, Thatthe expenditure under this article shall not exceed fifty millions ofdollars. 

"ARTICLE VIII. 

"The United States will appropriate and pay to 'The European and NorthAmerican Railway Company of Maine' the sum of two millions of dollarsupon the construction of a continuous line of railroad from Bangor, inMaine, to Saint John's, in New Brunswick: _Provided_, That said'The European and North American Railway Company of Maine' shallrelease the Government of the United States from all claims held by itas assignee of the States of Maine and Massachusetts. 

"ARTICLE IX. 

"To aid the construction of a railway from Truro, in Nova Scotia, toRiviere du Loup, in Canada East, and a railway from the city of Ottawa, by way of Sault Ste. Marie, Bayfield, and Superior, in Wisconsin, Pembina, and Fort Garry, on the Red River of the North, and the valleyof the North Saskatchewan river, to some point on the Pacific Oceannorth of latitude forty-nine degrees, the United States will grantlands along the lines of said roads to the amount of twenty sections, or twelve thousand eight hundred acres, per mile, to be selected andsold in the manner prescribed in the Act to aid the construction of theNorthern Pacific Railroad, approved July two, eighteen hundred andsixty-two, and Acts amendatory thereof; and in addition to said grantsof lands, the United States will further guarantee dividends of fiveper centum upon the stock of the Company or Companies which may beauthorized by Congress to undertake the construction of said railways:_Provided_, That such guarantee of stock shall not exceed the sumof thirty thousand dollars per mile, and Congress shall regulate thesecurities for advances on account thereof. 

"ARTICLE X. 

"The public lands in the late provinces, as far as practicable, shallbe surveyed according to the rectangular system of the General LandOffice of the United States; and in the Territories west of longitudeninety degrees or the western boundary of Canada West, sections sixteenand thirty-six shall be granted for the encouragement of schools; andafter the organization of the Territories into States, five per centumof the net proceeds of sales of public lands shall be paid into theirtreasuries as a fund for the improvement of roads and rivers. 

"ARTICLE XI. 

"The United States will pay ten millions of dollars to the Hudson BayCompany in full discharge of all claims to territory or jurisdiction inNorth America, whether founded on the charter of the Company or anytreaty, law, or usage. 

"ARTICLE XII. 

"It shall be devolved upon the Legislatures of New Brunswick, NovaScotia, Canada East, and Canada West, to conform the tenure of officeand the local institutions of said States to the Constitution and lawsof the United States, subject to revision by Congress. 

"SEC. 3. _And be it further enacted_, That if Prince Edward Islandand Newfoundland, or either of those provinces, shall decline unionwith the United States, and the remaining provinces, with the consentof Great Britain, shall accept the proposition of the United States, the foregoing stipulations in favour of Prince Edward Island andNewfoundland, or either of them, will be omitted; but in all otherrespects the United States will give full effect to the plan of union. If Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswickshall decline the proposition, but Canada, British Columbia, andVancouver Island shall, with the consent of Great Britain, accept thesame, the construction of a railway from Truro to Riviere du Loup, withall stipulations relating to the maritime provinces, will form no partof the proposed plan of union, but the same will be consummated in allother respects. If Canada shall decline the proposition, then thestipulations in regard to the Saint Lawrence canals and a railway fromOttawa to Sault Ste. Marie, with the Canadian clause of debt andrevenue indemnity, will be relinquished. If the plan of union shallonly be accepted in regard to the north western territory and thePacific Provinces, the United States will aid the construction, on theterms named, of a railway from the western extremity of Lake Superior, in the State of Minnesota, by way of Pembina, Fort Garry, and thevalley of the Saskatchewan, to the Pacific coast, north of latitudeforty-nine degrees, besides securing all the rights and privileges ofan American territory to the proposed territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia. "

So much for an outrage of a character unheard of and unparalleled. Itwas the result of "uncertain sounds;" of "duffer" government. 

Let me give some illustrations. Before we began the, finallysuccessful, movement for the Intercolonial Railway, the confederationof the Provinces of North America, and the final completion of arailway binding the coasts of the Atlantic and Pacific together, theRight Hon. C. B. Adderley, M. P. , wrote a "letter to the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, M. P. , on the present relations of England with the Colonies. "It was a skinflint document, and here are a couple of quotations:--

Page 57. --"I would have the Canadian Government, in the right time andmanner, informed that after a. Certain date, unless war were going on, they would have to provide for their own garrisons, as well as alltheir requisite peace establishments, as they might deem fit; and thatthey should be prepared to hold their own in case of foreign attack, atleast till the forces of the Empire could come to their aid. "

Page 50. --"Let Canada, however, by all means look to England in the hourof peril also; but if the sight of English red-coats, at all times, hasbecome a needful support of Canadian confidence, and English pay hasceased to be resented as a symptom of dependence, we must bow humblyunder the conviction that Canada is no longer inhabited by men likethose who conquered her. "

Then I must quote my revered friend, Mr. Cobden, who, addressing hisrelative, Colonel Cole (at one time administrator of New Brunswick), onthe 20th March, 1865, only thirteen days before his ever-to-be-lamenteddeath, wrote about Canada: "We are two peoples to all intents andpurposes, and it is a perilous delusion to both parties to attempt tokeep up a sham connection and dependence, which will snap asunder if itshould ever be put to the strain of stem reality. It is all very wellfor our cockney newspapers to talk of defending Canada at all hazards. It would be just as possible for the United States to sustain Yorkshirein a war with England as for us to enable Canada to contend against theUnited States. It is simply an impossibility. We must not forget thatthe only serious danger of a quarrel between these two neighboursarises from the connection of Canada with this country. In my opinionit is for the interest of both that we should, as speedily as possible, sever the political thread by which we are, as communities, connected, and leave the individuals on both sides to cultivate the relations ofcommerce and friendly intercourse as with other nations. " ... "Thereis, I think, an inherent weakness in the parody of our old Englishconstitution, which is performed on the miniature scenes of theColonial capitals, with their speeches from the throne, votes ofconfidence, appeals to the country, changes of ministry, &c. , and allabout such trumpery issues that the game at last becomes ridiculous inthe eyes of both spectators and actors. "

Speaking in the House of Commons on the second reading of the BritishNorth America Bill, in 1867, Mr. Bright said: "Is this new State--orthis new nation, as I think Lord Monck described it--to be raised upunder the authority of an Act of Parliament--is everything to be donefor it? Is it intended to garrison its fortresses by English troops? Atpresent there are, I believe, in the Province 12, 000 or 15, 000 men. There are persons in this country, and there are some also in the NorthAmerican Provinces, who are ill-natured enough to say that not a littleof the loyalty that is said to prevail in Canada has its price. I thinkit is natural and reasonable to hope that there is in that country avery strong attachment to this country. But if they are constantly tobe applying to us for guarantees for railways, and for fortresses, andfor works of defence; if everything is to be given to a nationindependent in everything except Lord Monck and his successors, andexcept in the contributions we make for these public objects, then Ithink it would be far better for them, and for us--cheaper for us, andless demoralising for them--that they should become an independentState, and maintain their own fortresses, fight their own cause, andbuild up their own future, without relying upon us. And when we know, as everybody knows, that the population of Canada, family for family, is in a much better position as regards the comforts of home thanfamily for family are in the great bulk of the population of thiscountry--I say the time has come when it ought to be clearly understoodthat the taxes of England are no longer to go across the ocean todefray expenses of any kind within the confederation which is about tobe formed. The Right Honorable gentleman the Under-Secretary of theColonies (Mr. Adderley) has never been an advocate for greatexpenditure in the Colonies by the Mother Country. On the contrary, hehas been one of the members of this House who have distinguishedthemselves by what I will call an honest system to the Mother Country, and what I believe is a wise system to the Colonies. But I think thatwhen a measure of this kind is being passed, having such stupendousresults upon the population of these great Colonies, we have a right toask that there should be some consideration for the Revenue and for thetaxpayers of this country. "

In speaking on the Canada Railway Loan Bill in the House on the 28thMarch, 1867, Mr. Gladstone, alluding to Canada, said: "We have carriedit to this point, that as far as regards the Administration, I believeit may be said that the only officer appointed by the ColonialSecretary is the Governor; and I believe there cannot be a doubt thatif it were the well-ascertained desire of the Colonies to have theappointment of their own Governor, the Imperial Parliament would atonce make over to them that power. "

I may, perhaps without presumption, here add two short speeches of minein the House of Commons: one, in reply to Mr. Bright in the discussionon the Confederation, or British North America Bill, on the 28thFebruary, 1867; the other, in reply to Mr. Lowe, on the Canada LoanBill, on the 28th March, 1867. 

Language affecting the relations between the Mother Country and theColonies, such as I have quoted, does infinite mischief--more mischiefthan those who do not mix with the people can understand. It is as badin its consequences as the unfortunate policy of Mr. Gladstone: the"Majuba Hill" policy. 

[_Hansard, vol. 185, page 1187, Feb. 28, 1867. _]

"Mr. Watkin said he fully concurred in the statement of the right hon. Gentleman (Sir John Pakington), that the House of Representatives andthe Senate of Nova Scotia had approved the scheme of Confederation. Therepresentative body approved it in 1861--not 1862, as the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty had stated. 

"There was a general election in 1863, and the Prime Minister (Mr. Tupper) went through the country preaching this Confederation of theProvinces. It was brought under the notice of the electors at everypolling-booth, and at every hustings the issue was distinctly raised. Well, after that general election, the plan of the Government wassustained by an enormous majority in the House of Representatives, anddelegates were sent to the Conference to carry out the plan. If therewas any question on which the British North American Provinces not onlyhad enjoyed an opportunity of expressing, but had actually expressed, opinion, it was on this very question of Confederation. 

"Mention having been made of the name of Mr. Howe, whose acquaintancehe had the honour of possessing, he might state his own conviction thata man of purer patriotism, or one who had rendered more able anddistinguished service to the Crown of this country, did not exist. Heremembered the speech delivered by Mr. Howe some years ago at Detroiton the question of whether the Reciprocity Treaty should be continuedor not; and he believed it was in no small degree owing to thatremarkable speech--one of the most eloquent ever heard--that theunanimous verdict in favour of continuing the treaty had been arrivedat. It was matter of surprise and regret to him that the valuable andlife-long services of Mr. Howe had not received recognition at thehands of either the late or the present Government. 

"The hon. Member for Birmingham seemed dissatisfied with the phraseused by Lord Monck respecting the establishment of a new nation. Now he(Mr. Watkin) supported the Confederation, not as the establishment of anew nation, but as the confirmation of an existing nation. It meantthis, that the people of the confederated colonies were to remain underthe British Crown--or it meant nothing. He joined issue with those whosaid, 'Let the Colonies stand by themselves. ' He dissented from theview that they were to separate from the control of the British Crownthe territory of this enormous Confederation. But there was a vasttract beyond Canada, extending to the Pacific; and the House shouldbear in mind that more than half of North America was under Britishdominion. 

"Did the hon. Member (Mr. Bright) think that it was best forcivilization and for public liberty that this half of the Continentshould be annexed to the United States? If that were the opinion of thehon. Gentleman, he did not think it was the opinion of that House. Every man of common sense knew that these territories could not standby themselves; they must either be British or American--under the Crownor under the Stars and Stripes. The hon. Member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) might think that we should be the better for losing allterritorial connection with Canada; but he could not agree with thatdoctrine. Extent and variety were amongst the elements of Imperialgreatness. 

"Descending to the lowest and most material view of the subject, he didnot believe that, as a mere money question, the separation would be forour interest. 

"Take, again, the question of defence. Our North American possessionshad a coast line of 1, 000 miles on the east, and 800 on the west, andpossessed some of the finest harbours on that Continent, and amercantile marine entitling it to the third rank among maritimenations. The moment these advantages passed into the hands of theUnited States, that country would become the greatest naval power inthe world. In preserving commercial relations with the United States, the Canadian frontier line of 3, 000 miles was likewise extremelyuseful. 

"As long as British power and enterprise extended along one side ofthis boundary line, and as long as the tariff of extremely light dutieswas kept up by us, and that imposed only for the purposes of revenue, it would be impossible for the United States to pursue what might becalled a Japanese policy. 

"If England, therefore, desired to maintain her trade, even apart fromother considerations, it was desirable for her to maintain her NorthAmerican possessions. 

They had lately had to pass through a cotton famine, and they had beentaught the inconvenience of the prohibition of the export of cotton bythe American Government. 

"A large proportion of the corn imported into this country was broughtfrom America, and in what state would England find herself if all thefood exports of North America were placed under the control of theGovernment of Washington? If the frontier line became the sea coast, what might be looked for then? Scarcely three years had elapsed sinceMr. Cobden declared that if there had not been a plentiful harvest inAmerica he did not know where food could have been procured for thepeople of this country. 

"Now, the corn-growing fields of Upper Canada alone ranked fifth inpoint of productiveness. Did England not wish to preserve this vaststorehouse? Suppose that Canada belonged to America: in the event of aquarrel with England there was nothing to prevent the United Statesfrom declaring that not an ounce of food should leave its territories, which would then extend from the Arctic regions to the Gulf of Mexico. He had hoped that upon this Bill, not only both sides of the House, butevery section of the House, might have been found in unison. 

"It was no use blinking the question. This would not be a decisionaffecting Canada merely. We had sympathies alike with Australia and theother Colonies. If it were seriously proposed that England shoulddenude herself of her possessions--give up India, Australia, NorthAmerica, and retire strictly within the confines of her own Islands, tomake herself happy there, --the same result might be brought about muchmore easily by those who wished it. They might become citizens of somesmall country like Holland, and realize their ideas of happiness in amoment. But he hesitated to believe that the people of England didreally favour any such policy. 

"If any one were to hoist the motto, 'Severance of the Colonies fromthe Crown, ' he did not believe that one per cent. Of the people wouldadopt it. He believed that the people of England felt a deep attachmentto their Empire, and that not a barren rock over which the flag ofEngland had ever waved would be abandoned by them without a cogent andsufficient reason. Every argument used in support of the necessity ofgiving up the Provinces, which lay within eight days of our own shores, would apply with equal force in the case of Ireland, if the people ofthe United States chose to demand possession. 

"Was this country prepared to give up Gibraltar, Malta, Heligoland, allits outlying stations, merely because some strong power took a fancy tothem? He did not believe that the people of England would ever act insuch a spirit. 

"As to the argument of expense, if Canada chose to pick a quarrel onher own account, clearly she ought to pay the bill; but if she wereinvolved in war on Imperial considerations, then he maintained that theImperial revenues might properly be resorted to. 

"The British Empire was one and indivisible, or it was nothing. Andwhat was the principle upon which the United States acted? If anyportion of the territory of the Union was touched, were there one ofits citizens who would not be ready and forward to defend it? Should wethen be less determined to maintain intact the greatness and the gloryof the British Empire?

"He, for one, would not give up the opinion that Englishmen wereprepared to maintain, in its integrity, the greatness and glory of theEmpire; and that such a feeling would find a hearty response in thatHouse. "

"CANADA RAILWAY LOAN. 

"[_March_ 28, 1867. ]

"In reply to Mr. Lowe and others, "Mr. Watkin said that, in followingthe right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Lowe), he felt very much as a quiet Romancitizen must have done on passing the chief gladiator in the street--inclined to pass over to the other side, and to have nothing to say tohim, for fear of the consequences. 

"But some years ago he was requested by the late Duke of Newcastle tomake inquiries, which convinced him that the hobgoblin fears expressedthat night in regard to the construction of this 375 miles of railwaywere unfounded. 

"Let hon. Members remember that Her Majesty's American dominionsextended over an area equal to one-eighth of the habitable globe. ThisRailway gave us communication, not only with Canada and with 10, 000miles of American railways, but with the vast tract of Britishterritory extending across to the Pacific. The consequence of makingthis Railway would be, that two days would be saved in going fromEngland to the northern continent of America, including the great corn-growing district of the West. 

"If the House had seen, as he had seen, the Canadian volunteers turnout in bitter winter to repel a threatened invasion, without a red-coatnear them, they would think that the right hon. Gentleman's tauntsmight have been spared. 

"The British Provinces had taxed themselves 360, 000_l_. A-year forthe execution of these works, which Lord Durham had proposed in 1838, with the object of binding together, by the means of physicalcommunication, the varied sections of the Queen's American dominions. 

"The evidence of every military man, including Sir John Michell, thepresent Commander-in-Chief in Canada, was that this Railway wasabsolutely necessary for the military defence of the Colonies. It was, however, to be defended not only on that ground, but upon the ground ofits great commercial advantages. 

"There were now in the Government offices memorials from many of thelarge towns in the three kingdoms, concurring in the commercialnecessity and advantages of the measure which the House was now askedto agree to. Therefore, originating as it did with Lord Durham, --sanctioned as it was by Lord Grey's proposals of 1851--adopted by thelate and present Governments, --demanded for purposes of defence, asalso for the more genial and generous objects of commerce and peace, --he hoped the House would support the construction of the Railway by aguarantee, which would not cost this country a shilling. "

The motion for giving the guarantee was carried by 247 votes to 67--orby a majority of 180. 

CHAPTER XV. 

"_Governor Dallas. _"

I should do injustice to my own loving memory of the man, if I did notpublish some letters from the late Governor Dallas, which are, to mymind, especially interesting. Though some of his views, in 1863, as tothe value of the Hudson's Bay lands, and their settlement, did notaccord with my own, yet his experience should plead against mine. Noone was more pleased than he to find that the country was in process--after many delays, over which he and I used to groan in concert--ofsuccessful colonization. 

 "MONTREAL, "_17th August_, 1863. 

"DEAR SIR, "With reference to our late conversations upon various mattersconnected with the past and future of the Hudson's Bay Company, I takethe liberty of calling your attention to several points of the businessrequiring immediate attention, in a more explicit manner than I mayhave done in desultory conversation. 

"The government of the territory is come almost to a dead-lock in theRed River Settlement, and nothing short of direct administration underthe authority of the Crown will, in my opinion, remedy the evil. Twoprisoners have been, in separate instances, forcibly rescued from jail, and they, with about thirty to fifty others implicated in the riots, are still at large, fostering discontent, and creating great disquiet. Their secret instigator controls the only paper published in thesettlement, and its continued attacks upon the Company find a greedyear with the public at large, both in the settlement and in Canada. Theposition of those in authority is so disagreeable that I have had greatdifficulty in persuading the magistrates to continue to act. Mr. William Mactavish, Governor of Assiniboin, has resigned his post, and Ihave only been restrained from following his example, for a short time, in the hope that a remedy would speedily be applied, and that I shouldbe relieved from the unfair position in which I find myself placed, with all the responsibility, and the semblance of authority over a vastterritory, but unsupported, if not ignored, by the Crown. In theabsence of a just grievance, the cry of 'the Company' is quite asufficient watchword amongst the ignorant and discontented. 

"The open malcontents are few in number, and I had ample volunteerforce at my back to protect the jail and support my authority, but, asI have already explained to you, I could exercise but little controlover my friends, who were keen for what would have ended in a freefight, with the certain death of the sheriff and ringleaders on bothsides, and led to endless animosities. It required more resolution onmy part to follow the course I did, than to have resisted the rioters. For details of the transactions I refer you to my official letters tothe Board, which you will find in the Hudson's Bay House. 

"Of the settlers, the greater number, including the French Canadians, are our staunch personal friends, while the openly disaffected are butfew. There is still, however, a considerable portion of the people who, though taking no open part, are yet dissatisfied. Some of these lastnamed have real or imaginary grievances, of long standing to complainof, and nothing but the extinction of the governing powers of theCompany will satisfy them. I came amongst them as free from prejudiceas you can be, and determined to redress every grievance and meet theirwishes in every reasonable way, but to no avail. I have alreadytransmitted to the Board evidence in the 'Nor' Wester, ' that ourunpopularity arises entirely from the _system_ of government, andnot from any faults in its administrators. 

"A continuance of this state of matters may lead to the formation of aprovisional government by the people themselves, and to annexation tothe United States, as have been threatened. With the opening up of theSt. Paul's route, there has been a large increase of the 'American'element in the settlement; and in the enclosed copy of the 'Nor'Wester' of the 22nd July, you will observe that the United StatesGovernment is quietly recruiting for its army in British territory. This matter, I trust, may be in the meantime brought to the notice ofthe proper authorities pending further information upon my return toRed River. 

"The trust which the Board has placed in my hands, and the confidencereposed in my ability to guide you in forming your plans for thefuture, impose on me no little responsibility and anxiety. I mustrelieve my shoulders of this weight by stating plainly my belief thatthe opening up of the country by waggon road and telegraph, and by theencouragement of settlement, must prove so far detrimental to thecurrent commercial business of the Company as to render it difficult, if not impossible, to provide a fair dividend upon the portion of itscapital embarked in the trade. I do not, however, the less recognizethe necessity of opening up the country and its communications. It isnot at all clear to my mind how you are to secure a remunerativedividend upon the extra sum to be embarked in the erection of thetelegraph, formation of roads, &c. , &c. In a commercial point of view, I do not consider it safe to enter upon these extended operations tillsecure of a sufficient subsidy from the different Governmentsinterested. 

"Upon a mature consideration of the whole subject, I entirely concur inthe views expressed by Mr. Johnstone in his letter, of which I havealready sent only an _extract_ to Sir Edmund Head, viz. , that withthe government of the country the territorial right should also revertto the Crown, upon whatever terms might be arranged. Anything short ofa full measure of this sort would fail to satisfy the settlers and thepublic at large, who seem inclined to view with distrust the presentposition of Her Majesty's Government in its supposed alliance with thenew Board of Direction. 

"It is a question for consideration whether the northern region of thecountry beyond the limits of probable settlement should not stillremain under the control of the Company, with such a monopoly of tradeas would induce them to undertake the responsibility of managing theIndian tribes, and excluding the introduction of ardent spirits. I makethis suggestion solely on behalf of the Indians, upon whom freeintercourse with white men will, in my opinion, be ultimatelydestructive. 

"Having already impressed upon you the necessity of procuring from HerMajesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies such instructions to theGovernors of Vancouver's Island and British Columbia as may put an endto all proceedings against us in the local courts, and place us inpossession of proper titles to our lands, I have now, in reminding youof the importance of the matter, to hand you the enclosed extract of aprivate letter which I received yesterday from Mr. D. Mactavish, seniormember of our Board of Management in Victoria, which speaks for itself. 

"Though I have marked this communication 'private, ' I shall be obligedby your laying it before Sir Edmund Head, as I am so very hurried thatI have not time at present to write officially to the Board. 

 "I remain, dear Sir, yours faithfully, "A. G. DALLAS. 

"E. WATKIN, Esq. , London. 

"P. S. --The undoubted discoveries of gold diggings in the Saskatchewanand other portions of the territory is another strong reason why theland should revert to and be administered by the Crown. Large grants tothe Company would be looked upon with great disfavour by the public. 

"A. G. D. "

Extract private letter from D. Mactavish, Esq. , to A. G. Dallas, datedVictoria, Vancouver's Island, 13th July, 1863:--

"We hear nothing of our land question from the Governor, and there isno getting him to give titles for the Company's lands at Hope, Yale, and Langley. Orders have come out for the Royal Engineers to go toEngland immediately after the new year, so that Colonel Moodie and hisstaff of surveyors will do no more work, their time being so nearlyup--this is worrying, but cannot be helped. The Governor has so muchto do, making roads and so forth in British Columbia, that there is nodrawing his attention to our matters, and when we do call on him toact, his invariable answer is, that he cannot get Moodie to doanything, and I daresay there is some truth in it, as it is shrewdlysurmised that His Excellency has had more to do with the recall of theEngineers home than anyone else, and they all feel that they areleaving under a cloud. "

 "MONTREAL, "17_th Augt. _ 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "Along with this I send you a letter which, though marked private, treats only of our affairs, in such a manner that it may be laid beforethe Duke of Newcastle. It ought, I think, also to be laid before SirEdmund Head, and I shall refer him to it for my views. It is veryimportant that _the whole_ of Johnstone's letter, and of myaccount of affairs at Red River, in regard to the Corbett riots, addressed to the Board, should be read along with the above letter. Ido not think that we can ever make anything out of our lands, [Footnote: Experience has shown that this was an error. ] and I amtherefore strongly of opinion that they should be transferred to theGovernment upon certain terms, excepting only such lands around ourforts as may be necessary for our business, and our farms, &c. Inactual occupation. 

"Although a great outcry has been raised against us on account of ourbeing a 'stop in the way, ' and enjoying a monopoly of trade, the cry isgroundless. It may, therefore, be well for you to know that for anumber of years past we have enjoyed _no monopoly_ of tradewhatever, and that there is no impediment to the settlement of thecountry by any one who pleases. A settler may squat wherever he thinksfit, without question, or being called upon to pay for lands yetunsurveyed, and of which the Indian titles are not yet extinguished. The small portion of surveyed land in the district of Assiniboin hasbeen all long since occupied, though not paid for. With a recognizedGovernment, there would be no difficulty in obtaining payment for theselands from the occupiers. 

"In erecting the telegraph, the Indian titles to the land ought to beextinguished by annual payments; but the absence of a recognized andrespected Government will be of itself a great bar to the successfulerection of the apparatus, and the preserving it and the variousstations in good order. Though, by increased energy and supervision, the fur trade _may_ for a time be maintained, yet you must not_count upon_ increased profits, as with the opening up of thecountry the furs are costing us more, and many of our posts are sodistant that they cannot, from that and a variety of causes, be placedall at once upon a proper footing, and it is very difficult to exercisea proper supervision over them. It behoves the Company, therefore, tolook out for other sources of profit. One of these is that of bankingoperations, both here and at Red River, and probably also at Victoriaand at St. Paul, or other suitable locality in the U. S. On this head Imay again address you from Red River, and Mr. Hopkins will afford youevery information in regard to the prospects at this place, which arerepresented to be _very great_, when you come out in September. 

"I am just about starting for Lake St. John's on the Saguenay River, and shall be absent about ten days. Upon my return I shall be ready toreturn to Red River--say, about the 1st September. 

"Hoping you have had a pleasant passage, believe me, "Yours very truly, "E. WATKIN, Esq. , London. 

"A. G. DALLAS. 

"P. S. --I do not see how the Company can make anything out of placergold diggings in such a country. The miners must be encouraged, andmining licences cannot be expected to do more than pay the cost ofcollection, magistracy, police, &c. The surrender of all this territoryto the Crown, however, is a question to be dealt with by the Board. Myaim is to disabuse you of the idea that the Company can of itself turnthe territory to profit by sale of lands, mining rights, making roads, telegraph, &c. 

"A. G. D. "

 "MONTREAL, "18_th August, _ 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I left New York the evening of the day I parted from you, and reachedthis place on the Saturday night, _via_ Boston and Portland, quitedone up, having travelled two nights without undressing. The crowdswere such as they were on the Hudson, and my mind often reverted to thegood things I left at the door of the steward's pantry in the 'Scotia, '

"Brydges is not yet back from Quebec, and Hopkins and I start to-morrowfor the Saguenay and St. John's Lake, where affairs require to belooked after. 

"I have a letter to-day from St. Paul, in which Kittson says that therailroad gentry were anxiously expecting you, and making much capitalout of the expected visit. He adds, 'The people of the State will notbe so blind to their own interest as to decline to undertake tocomplete the portion of telegraph required. I have no doubt that acompany could immediately be formed to accomplish the object. '

"Reverting to _my grievance_ against the old Board, I wish tostate what I complain of, viz. , that I am charged with my passageacross the Atlantic, and with a sum of L50, drawn to cover travellingexpenses to Montreal. These were charged against me in February, 1862, and _have borne interest against me_ since then. 

"2ndly. I complain that I am charged interest on all sums drawn by mein each year--though _within_ the amount of that year's salary. Isurely am entitled to draw my pay from time to time to cover myexpenditure? Officers in this country manage under the existing systemof accounts to get the benefit of funds, even in excess of their pay, for two years without interest. 

"3rdly. I had charge of the Puget Sound Company's affairs, which, withgreat labour, I placed upon a satisfactory footing--including therecovery of large sums from Government, and the terminating complicatedand ruinous engagements with bailiffs or tenants and partners. I paidmy expenses to Vancouver's Island, and devoted my whole time to theabove matters, from 1st January, 1857, to the period of my leaving theIsland in 1861, without having received one shilling of recompense. Forthe latter portion of the time I was paid by the H. B. Co. , when I hadthe sole charge of its affairs during a most anxious and harassingperiod--constantly involved with all around me defending the rights ofboth companies. 

"I say nothing as to my scale of pay under the old Board, but in makingthe changes which they did I think they ought not to have assumed thatI should continue to act for the same remuneration. 

"The pay was not my inducement to come to the country, but whenovertures were first made to me, nothing being said to the contrary, Iexpected that I should at least receive the same pay and be placed onan equally good footing with the late Sir George Simpson, who for anumber of years past lived at his ease at Lachine, and attended more, apparently, to his own affairs than to those of the Company. The latterbear evidence in every district of having been left entirely tothemselves, while extreme discontent prevails in consequence offavouritism having regulated the promotions. 

"Though not a ground of complaint, or a matter requiring redress--yet Imay call attention to the inadequacy of my pay hitherto, when it istaken into account, that, from the unsettled life I have led in theCompany's service, I have been obliged to neglect my private affairs. Ihave never received anything for outfit, and I was unlucky enough on myway out to have the most of our traps burnt the night before weembarked at Liverpool, in the Adelphi Hotel. The clothes ordered toreplace these have all gone to the bottom in the 'Anglo Saxon. '

"I do not allude to these matters now with the view of obtaining higherpay for the future, as you know my intention is to return to England inthe spring, and with the business in fair working order I can be ofmore avail there. 

"It so happens that the fruits of my labours in America, both asregards the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound Companies, will be reapedmainly by the present proprietors. At the same time, all such claims asthe above ought to have been settled up to 31st May last by the oldBoard. 

"A grumbling fellow is, I know, looked upon with great disfavour, especially when there is nothing more to be got out of him. This, therefore, is intended for your own eye alone. The substance of mycomplaint you may make use of as you see fit. 

"Excuse this scrawl, and believe me in haste, "Very truly yours, "A. G. DALLAS. 

"E. WATKIN, Esq. , London. "

 "FORT GARRY, RED RIVER, "16th October, 1863. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I arrived here on the 9th instant, after a wet, cold, and verymiserable ride on horseback, of 520 miles, from St. Cloud, and was notsorry to get _home_ again. 

"After parting from you I went to the Saguenay River and Lake St. John's, where I need say no more than that my presence was very muchwanted. No practical supervision had ever been exercised over the postsin that district, so far as I could learn. 

"Brydges accompanied me to St. Paul; but I could not induce him to comeany further, as he said he had a wife, eleven hundred children, and sixmiles of railway (more or less of either) to look after. 

"You will doubtless have seen what I have written to the Board inregard to the telegraph across the Continent. The more I consider thesubject the more satisfied I am that next year's operations ought to beconfined to a survey of the line, and to bring the material to FortGarry. In addition to sending a practical man, I would recommend thatMr. Wood himself come to Fort Carry. By following the 'Crow Wing' routehe will get a perfect idea of the difficulties to be encountered alongthe whole line, as perfectly as a pinch of flour would represent thecontents of the whole sack. 

"I wish to call your particular attention to a letter which I have thisday addressed to the Board, upon the subject of Indian claims to lands, and the officious part taken by the editor of the 'Nor' Wester, ' in thehope that you may be able to exercise some influence over the Duke ofNewcastle in prevailing upon him to discourage such men in some markedmanner. As my residence in that country will now be a very short one, and as I have no pecuniary interest in the Company or the country, Iwrite disinterestedly, and this knowledge may induce his Grace to paysome attention to my warnings. There will be serious trouble hereafterwith the Indians and half-breeds, unless the local government is bettersupported, and such men as Ross and others are discountenanced. 

"My interest in the old Company was a nominal one, merely sufficient toqualify myself for a seat on the Direction. That interest I sold out onaccepting my present appointment. During my residence at VancouverIsland and on this side, I have been working for _honoraryoccupation_--my pay having formed no inducement, and being quiteinadequate in countries where, in matters of expenditure, a dollarpasses for little more than a shilling in England, and liable, as Iwas, from my wandering life, and with a family--to the losses incurredby a frequent breaking up of establishment. I allude to these matters, not for the purpose of complaint, but in support of the position that, as a disinterested and impartial administrator of the affairs entrustedto my charge, I was actuated by no selfish or pecuniary motives. 

"The formation of the colony of British Columbia could not have beencarried on as it was but for the assistance rendered by the H. B. Co. , and I considered I was acting as much for the Government as for theCompany, in the services then rendered, which, being unofficial, havenot been in any way recognized. The unscrupulous way in which Douglaswished to saddle all expenses on the Company, and his attempts todeprive us of the lands which he himself made over to me as Company'sproperty, led to serious differences between him and me, and which mayhave caused me to be looked on with probably a hostile eye by theGovernment, when I was actuated by the most impartial motives, and didat the same time everything I could to help the local government in itselections and other views, where our influence was overwhelming. 

"Since assuming office on this side, I have been thoroughlydisheartened, in the midst of very trying and difficult circumstances, between the Americans, Sioux Indians, and local disturbances on onehand, and the want of any encouragement or support by Government on theother hand. We have been not only ignored, but the worst enemies of thecountry have direct access to the Colonial Office, and though, probably, not attended to, are yet encouraged, from the fact of theirpetitions being received. No temptation would induce me to continuelonger in office, even were it considered desirable that I shouldcontinue to hold my appointment, which for the good of the country Iought not. At the same time. Her Majesty's Government cannot continuemuch longer to ignore this territory. By such a course they are onlysowing the seeds of further trouble, which I shall not be sorry toescape. 

"I am afraid I have let my pen run away with me; but in our isolationlocal matters absorb our whole energies, and we look upon the affairsof Europe, or even the fall of Charleston, as of minor importance. 

 "Believe me, yours very truly, "A. G. DALLAS. 

"EDWARD WATKIN, Esq. , London. "

The extract from the "Grit" paper, the "Nor 'Wester" was as follows:--

"THE HUDSON'S BAY TERRITORY. 

[_"From the 'Nor' Wester. '_]

"IMPORTANT STATEMENT OF PEGOWIS, THE INDIAN CHIEF. 

"A few weeks ago, the venerable Chief of the Red River Indians, WilliamKing, or 'Pegowis, ' left his home at the Indian Settlement--a mostunusual thing for him--and came up to Fort Carry to make a formalstatement, once for all, of the arrangement made by the late Earl ofSelkirk with the Indians of this region in regard to their land. Thisstatement, which he made voluntarily and deliberately, for the benefitof all whom it may concern, and for future reference if necessary, hedesired to be published in this journal, and a copy thereof to beforwarded to the Duke of Newcastle. His immediate reason for doing thisat present, is, he says, because he is now the only surviving Chief ofthe five who treated with Lord Selkirk, and as there have been manymisrepresentations, he desires to see the facts placed on record beforehe passes off the earthly stage. 

"The following is his account, taken down at his own request, by one ofthe editors of this journal:--

"'This transaction happened a long long time ago. I am now a very oldman--I was then in the prime and vigour of manhood. We were taken bysurprise when, all of a sudden, those who came before, disembarked. Wehad not been apprised of the coming of the foreigners--when theylanded, we were greatly surprised and wondered what they meant. We werein this neighbourhood at the time. They only spoke among themselves, while the agents of the North-west Company were here. We did not knowwhat it meant, when they asked the North-westers into the plain. Assoon as they were done speaking among themselves the cannons werefired. We said, "What can it mean? It must be some great affair. " Theapparent harmony of the two Companies did not last long. The samesummer differences arose which led to fighting: they fought twice thatsummer. We wondered at their proceedings--meeting in friendly counciltogether, and then, immediately after, taking each others' lives!

"'As soon as the fighting was over, the report came that Lord Selkirkhad arrived at Fort William. The ensuing winter, I called together allthe Indians round here--those at Red Lake, at the Manitobah, and at themouth of the Red River; I also invited the Crees on the UpperAssiniboine. "Come, " said I--"assemble here--come and listen--thisgreat man cannot be coming for nothing. " A large multitude had gatheredhere early in the spring, when the Earl arrived with 30 canoes. 

"'The day after he arrived, about noon, he sent for us. There were manyof us, and we all left our tents at his call, and marched to the placeof conference. There lay before us six kegs. He said--"Friends, Isalute you. " Immediately after the salutations, a day was fixed for aCouncil. Two personages were appointed to meet us. On the day named, one gentleman arrived, the other did not. He said--"Let us do withouthim who did not come. " But the other soon came. 

"'As soon as we had taken our seats, he said--"Friends, I have come toask you about the lands, if you will give them to me. I do not wantmuch--give what you choose. Will you give me as far from the river asyou can distinguish the belly of a horse? It is to put settlers here--people far off, who have misery in their own country. This is why Iwant it. They will not trespass upon or spoil your lands that youretain outside of the limits I have named. I wish to put inhabitantsupon it to cultivate the soil. I will endeavour to make the countrylike my own country. If I succeed in accomplishing what I intend, therewill be merchants and traders from one end of the Settlement to theother, who will furnish you with goods. They will be at a littledistance from each other, and you will have a chance of seeking out thebest places for trading. All this I will do, if we can arrange aboutthe land. "

"'We were five Chiefs. I represented this district, the other Chiefs, other districts. The Earl said to me--"Speak you first--how much landwill you give me?" I said--"I will speak last: let the others speakbefore me. " KITCHE OTTAWA (Grand Courte-Oreille) spoke first. Hementioned Riviere aux Rose Aux. The Earl made no reply to this;whereupon the Chief mentioned as far as Pembina. The Earl said--Yes. Then he appealed to Mahkatayihkoonaya, _Le Grand Noir_, and askedwhat _he_ would give. He said, from Pembina to Red Lake. Then heturned to _La Robe Noir_, who said as far as Portage Laprairie. Atthis the gentlemen hummed among themselves for a little, and the endwas a question from the Earl. Is there no stream about there which youcould mention as a limit? Mahkatayihkoonayai replied--Yes, there is laRiviere Champignon, a little beyond. The Earl said--There, that will bethe limit. Then he asked Senna the Cree Chief, who said--No, I do notwant agriculturists, I only want traders! The Earl said--Do you thinkyou will ever see your trader again? (referring to the North-WestCompany). Never: he (the N. W. Co. ) has done a bad thing--he has killedpeople. The Earl added--Then you do not wish to get a load of powder, aknife or a steel from _settlers?_ Well, work diligently at thefurs, and you will find a trader (meaning the H. B. Co. ). The noblemanthen said to me--Your turn, speak. I said--This is my place. How muchwill you give me for the part between this and the Rapids? I will thengo below that. He said--a little further down, if you will. I replied--Yes, I will give you to the bend of the river above Sugar Point. Thatpoint I like very much--I cannot part with it--it is for my children. This satisfied the Earl, and he said further--Fear not: the people Iplant here will not trouble your wild animals--they will merely work thesoil. If they pass beyond the two-miles limit, do not allow them: theyhave no right there. At present we cannot conclude the arrangement, forI have nothing to pay you with. Let us leave the matter as it stands. Iwill come back, and then we will close the negociations. I am in ahurry, and cannot remain longer, but I will be sure to return. I wantto go to the States and get cattle, that we may eat. That is the meat_we_ eat. Perhaps even _you_ may desire to get some of ourcattle when you see them with the inhabitants here. But before I leave, I would like to give you something in consideration of the arrangement, which is to be made when I come back. What would you like to have? Isaid--Powder is useful to Indians, and tobacco they like--rum, too, they would fain have. We got what we asked. When we were done speaking, the Earl said--I want you to put your names to a paper, to show inEngland what we propose to do. We all said, No--wait till you comeback. He asked us again to sign, but we refused, saying it would betime enough when the arrangement was completed. The Earl said--If yournames were down, it would be easier for me to conclude the affair whenI get back; besides, your young men would see, in the event of yourdeaths, what you had proposed to do. So we consented. Our names andmarks were put down. We did not see why he pressed us to sign; but Inow think it was in order to have us in his power, should he not dowhat he promised. He did not tell us what was in the paper, and Iregret to say we did not even ask him what was in it. That was ourignorance. It was a great mistake, as after events showed; Lord Selkirknever came back, and never completed the arrangements about the lands. Our lands have not been bought from us--we have not received paymentfor them. We got some things from time to time--small supplies--butless and less as time rolled along, until we got nothing. These littlepresents we looked upon as a consideration for the use of our landuntil a bargain should be properly made. Besides, we were friendly tothe settlers, and often saved them from harm. We thought this also areason why we got things. For my part, there was a great reason why Ishould receive something, irrespective of the land. I was the means onetime of saving Lord Selkirk's life. When he was going off, some half-breeds wished to kill him--they asked us to take pemican to an ambushahead. I refused, and prevented them doing it. The Earl thanked me forthis. The things we got, I repeat, were not in payment for our lands. We never sold them. We only proposed to do so; but the proposal wasnever carried out, as Lord Selkirk never came back. At the time we heldcouncil with him, there was no mention of the Hudson's Bay Company. They were not spoken of, or taken into account at all. All of a sudden, some years afterwards, it turned out that they were claiming to bemasters here. 

"'And now I wish this statement to go across the waters to my great andgood Mother, and I pray her to cause a proper settlement to be madewith us for our lands, so that our children, and our children'schildren, whose lands are being taken possession of by foreigners, mayreceive what is just and fair for the loss of their lands. I am old andfeeble. I am the only surviving Chief of those who spoke to LordSelkirk. I pray the great Mother, whose medal I have, to feel for usand help us. 

 "'(Signed) "WILLIAM KING. '"

I should like here to add a very interesting letter from the agent ofthe Hudson's Bay Company in the United States:--

 "52, CEDAR STREET, NEW YORK, "_24th August, 1863. _

"DEAR SIR, "If in addressing you, and expressing a sincere hope that you had apleasant voyage to Liverpool per the steamer 'Scotia, ' I seem to taketoo much liberty, I beg your pardon, as it is not my nature to beintrusive'. 

"A friend, knowing that I am interested in the fur and skin trade, handed me, to-day, a copy of the (London) 'Economist' of 4th ulto. , calling my attention to the article headed _'The Hudson's BayCompany. '_ As you are interested in the 'International FinancialSociety, ' I thought it proper, even at this late date, to call yourattention to the ignorance, if not malice, displayed by the editor. 

"He says: '_Civilization destroys wild animals, we all know. An eagertrade destroys them, too. The moment they become either valuable toman, or disagreeable to man, they cease to live. '_ This sounds verylike Dr. Johnson, _without Dr. Johnson:_ for any farmer, trapper, or trader knows, that as the United States territory becomes settled, _furred_ animals increase, because the refuse of civilization--thehen-roosts, the corn-fields, &c. --feed, directly and indirectly, thesmaller animals, such as musquash, minks, foxes, racoons, opossums, skunks, and others; but the larger animals, such as buffaloes, bears, wolves, deer, elk, and others, would suffer from civilization were itnot that they retire to the deserts, of which there will be enough forhundreds of years. Germany (it is said) produces more red-foxes thanall America; and wolves are plentiful in France. As to an '_eagertrade_, ' or excessive hunting, destroying wild animals, it isimpossible. If the 'catch' is excessive this year, the supply willexceed the demand, and prices will fall; the hunt will be less_eager_ next year, and the animals will increase. In the Marchsales in London this year, there were only 3, 094 skunks, and the demandwas greater than the supply, so that the price was as high as _7s. 2d. _, which stimulated the United States collectors so much thatvery likely C. M. Lampson & Co. Will have about 100, 000 in theirSeptember sale, and prices will very likely fall to _1s_. , orlower. The result will be, that the skunks will live in peace, andincrease and multiply for some years to come. The skunk is the most'disagreeable' of animals to man; but it is not, therefore, destroyed. I have a catalogue (Row, Row, Goad & Reece, brokers) of a fur sale (bythe candle) at the London Commercial Sale Room, Mincing Lane, on the21st and 22nd March, 1821, which I compare below with catalogues of fursales in London on 27th and 28th January, and 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 9th, and 11th March, 1863. I include January, because musquash andbeaver are sold in that month. This statement does not embrace manyother, but lesser, sales, which take place about the same time. _Avast quantity goes direct from here to Germany, which, in past years, went to London_. 

1821 1863---- ----

 300 Musquash 1, 289, 773 6, 380 Bears 3, 962 None Beaver 95, 557 8, 290 Otter 12, 933 3, 280 Fisher 5, 485108, 850 Martens 66, 827 10, 340 Minks 25, 989 8, 190 Foxes 28, 369 2, 500 Wolves 3, 322 370 Wolverines 918 57, 100 Racoons 204, 888 None Skunks 3, 094 None Opossums 560 None Badgers 1, 370 23, 000 Rabbits 46, 151 5, 631 Lynx 4, 276 2, 285 Cats 100

"Do the above data of forty-two years prove his assertion, that '_thefur trade, by which old profits were made, is a peculiar trade, tendingto disappear_' or do they prove the reverse? The value or price offurs has steadily advanced also. 

"Again: '_The hunters in the Hudson's Bay Company are as perishable arace as the animals hunted. '_ Any trader knows this is false, exceptin the sense that we are all perishable. Applied to the United StatesIndians, it is true, from the cause assigned--rum--and worse causes--the vices of civilization. The cost of transportation to any portion ofthe Hudson's Bay territory heretofore has been so great that the rumused there must, _to be profitable, _ be the purest that can befound, as there is water enough in Prince Rupert's Land with which todilute it: so that what the Indian gets will not hurt him. The riversin the United States (the Mississippi, the Missouri, the Yellowstone, the Arkansas, the Platte, and others) easily and cheaply carry '_rot-gut_' and death to the United States Indian. It seems to be the aim, and will be the gain, of the United States to exterminate the Indian;it ought to be the aim, and would be the gain, of the 'InternationalFinancial Society' to preserve him. 

"Again: '_The climate forbids effectual fertility, and the distancefrom more habitable regions forbids effectual transit. The regions tobe colonized are mostly very cold and very barren_. ' If such is thecase, of what value, applied to the new Company, are his assertions:'Civilization destroys wild animals, ' &c. , and 'The hunters are asperishable, ' &c. ? The shareholders of the International FinancialSociety need have no fears of a failure of the fur trade, whatever maybecome of the 'sale of lands to new settlements, and the communicationwith British Columbia. '

"Again: '_In fact, the whole of the Red River region, such as it is, is best accessible from the United States, and, in case of war, wouldbe exposed to an inroad from Minnesota, which adjoins it, without thepossibility of aid from England_. ' If the editor would undertake totravel from St. Paul to Pembina (about 600 miles), and also read theaccounts of expeditions in pursuit of hostile Indians in Minnesota, hewould quickly get rid of his fear of the Americans ever invading theBritish North Western Territory. One of my correspondents, an oldIndian trader, writes me on the 30th ult. That he had just reachedPembina, after a 'dirty and disagreeable trip' of 25 days from St. Paul. So long as the British Indians are treated as they have been, they could, and they would, sweep Minnesota clean of any army, evenalthough as invincible as the 'army of the Potomac. ' Even if theredskins did not want help, the United States Indians would unite withthe British Indians, in order to be revenged on the pale faces. 

"To my mind, the worst feature in the new Company is that of allowing aforeigner (American) to hold office. He owes allegiance to the UnitedStates, _and his position gives him, knowledge which no Americanshould possess_. 'Blood is thicker than water, ' says the proverb. Besides, he has his own fur trade to attend to, and it is as true now, as it was in old times, that 'no man can serve two masters. ' Althoughhe should withdraw from his own firm, still 'blood is thicker thanwater. ' As to the idea that, being in the fur trade, his experience andinfluence will benefit the new Company, will any furrier believe that?If the new Company will sell _all the furs they may have in theirwarehouse at the time of their regular sales_, HOLDING BACK NONE TORAISE PRICES, they will always have the confidence of the buyers, always get full value, and never require the influence or experience ofany man. I am, unfortunately for myself, not a shareholder in eitherthe old or the new Company, but if I were, I would never rest satisfiedwhile an American was in the management. 

"Should you ever visit this city, I will feel honoured if you call onme, and be glad to hear from you, or be of service to you, at any time. 

 "With great respect, yours truly, "WM. MACNAUGHTAN. 

"E. W. Watkin, Esquire, "Care Hon. Hudson's Bay Co. , London. "

 "Dunean, Inverness, "_29th October, 1872. Midnight. _

"My dear Sir Edward, "Your letter reached me to-night, just in the nick of tune, and Ienclose a letter which I was just about to send to the Editor of theLondon 'Standard. ' Please send it to that or any other paper you like, barring the 'Times, ' 'Saturday Review, ' or 'Pall Mall Gazette. ' I wroteanother letter to the 'Times, ' by which they corrected the discrepancybetween their statement of the 18th Oct. And that of the 26th, that theEmperor had three channels to consider, but they never published oracknowledged my letter. I suppose because it exposed their blunder, andattacked the Government. I had written both to the 'Pall Mall' and'Saturday Review' in summer, pointing out that we had virtuallysurrendered our position by departing from the words of the Treaty of1846, on the American demand; but for certain reasons they would notpublish the letter, and you will observe that they now refrain fromlaying the blame on our Government. You must read carefully thearticles in the 'Times' of 18, 25 and 26 October, and in the 'Standard'of Saturday last. The 'Standard' attacks our Government fairly andably. You may give my name as the writer of the enclosed letter, butnot for publication, as I do not wish to make an enemy of the 'Times. 'Send me a copy of the paper in which it may appear, or make any use youmay like of it. 

"I send you Tuckerman's Report. It is very satisfactory and re-assuring. 

"I and some others here were much pleased at your expose of Fowler. Hetried to set up here as the cock of all our railways, but he got theworst of it, and now he has got his quietus (that is, if you intend tolet him rest), and has lost what he was very ambitious of, viz. , highsocial position in the North. The Duke of Sutherland and others withwhom he had gained a footing, have given him the cold shoulder, and Ihope you will, by some means or other, enlighten his friends at theEgyptian Embassy. I may write a few lines to you tomorrow--being now ingreat haste, "Yours truly, "A. G. DALLAS. 

"P. S. --I have not kept a copy of my San Juan letter, which I have onlyjust hurriedly written. "

 "Dunean, Inverness, N. B. "_30 October, 1872. _

"My dear Sir Edward, "I wrote you a few hurried lines last night, with an enclosure, forpublication, on the subject of the San Juan Arbitration. 

"In the 'Times' of yesterday there is a letter signed 'The Ghost, 'which, like all that the 'Times' permits to appear in its columns, isintended to throw dust in the eyes of the public, and direct attentionfrom the real authors of the calamity, viz. , the present Government, tothat of Lord Aberdeen, or the German Emperor. The letter says, 'It isdifficult to understand how an arbitrator could have accepted the taskimposed upon him, ' &c. , alluding to his being debarred from deciding onthe middle channel. An arbitrator will, of course, decide upon anyconditions laid down; but is it not much more difficult to understand_why_ we should have imposed such conditions on the arbitrator, onthe demand of America, when we had the simple words of the Treaty to goby?

"The same letter, in alluding to Harney's invasion, says, 'It ispleasant to remember how promptly the American Government disavowed theact of their officer. ' They never did so practically. They neverwithdrew the offensive troops, and forced us to maintain an equalnumber of men there since that date, at who can tell what cost to thiscountry, and for what good end?

"In considering the main question, I all along held that we erred inclaiming the Rosario Channel; for the reason that although I have nodoubt whatever it was the channel intended in the Treaty (as againstthe Haro Channel, and excluding consideration of the middle channel), we cannot prove to demonstration that it was so. In getting up agrievance it is now doubly dangerous to claim it, as we know that, comparing it with the Haro Channel, it is decided against us, on whatwe must suppose to be good reasons. On the above contention, too, weabsolve our Government of their blunder, and make a scape-goat of theEmperor of Germany. The words of the Treaty define the boundary to be aline drawn southerly through the centre of the channel from the centreof the channel separating Vancouver's Island from the mainland. Had theexistence of three channels been then known, one of them--the onemeant--would certainly have been named. Only one channel, Rosario, wasknown at the time, and the presumption is that it was meant. Making toosure of this we claimed it. It is, however, clear to my mind that thewhole space between the Continent and Vancouver Island was treated asone channel. The Douglas, or middle channel, would then fulfil to theletter the words of the Treaty, and give us all we wanted, and stillleave a channel free to the Americans. It was, I contend, a fatal errorto abandon this position. Having done so and departed from the words ofthe Treaty, it was really a toss up which of the two other channels wasselected by the umpire. Though we argued that Rosario was the onlychannel known at the time of the Treaty, the Americans argue (as youknow how) that it was not so, and moreover that there was no intentionto give us more than Vancouver Island. Why such a red herring as thiswas allowed to decoy us from the straight path of the words of theTreaty is what, in the words of Dundreary, 'No fellah can understand. '

"I hope I have made myself clear to you, and that you will ventilatethe subject in Canada (through the press), where and in BritishColumbia there must be a deep feeling of disappointment and disgust, without a just appreciation of how we came to be so befooled. 

"Don't forget to send me any paper that may be published on the subjectthrough you. I feel as if I had been personally swindled and insulted, and have lost all confidence in our present ministry. I am writing thisagain at midnight, having been from home all day. 

 "Yours truly, "A. G. DALLAS. 

"P. S. --Laing passed through Inverness to-day, on his way to canvass theOrkneys. "

At Victoria, Vancouver's Island, in a fine position fronting the sea, there is a granite pedestal to record the services of Sir JamesDouglas, K. C. B. , the father-in-law of Governor Dallas. The services ofSir James, were rendered to the great benefit, not only of the island, but of British Columbia generally. The colonist roads along the greatmountain sides, across rivers, and, through the forests, are of hisdoing, with the practical co-operation of ex-Governor Trutch, a veryable engineer; and to Douglas, Trutch, Sir Mathew Begbie, Mr. Dunsmuir, and a few others, the order, obedience to the law, and progress of thecountry must be mainly attributed. But no stone marks the services ofGovernor Dallas; no honour was offered him by our Government at home;and he received scant reward from the Governor and Committee of theHudson's Bay Company sitting in London. Surely those who have profitedby his self-denying labours might consider whether his great servicesshould be allowed to fall into oblivion for want of some adequatemonument to his memory. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Honorable Thomas d'Arcy McGee. 

Amongst the men, able and earnest, who carried the union of theBritish, separated, Provinces, and made the "Dominion, " no man gavemore soul and substance to the cause, by his eloquence, than Mr. D'ArcyMcGee. His had been a chequered career. Beginning, like Sir GeorgeEtienne Cartier, in revolt against what he believed to be Britishtyranny, he ended his life, one of the most loyal, as he was one of themost eloquent, of Her Majesty's subjects. In 1848 he was one of the"Young Ireland" party, and became an exile from his country; and, atlength, a denizen of the United States. From thence he came to Canada. In Canada he found all the liberty, without very much of the license, of politicians in the United States. In Canada he could think forhimself; in the United States he must think the thoughts of some secretorganization--or perish. In Canada he was welcomed, and soon made aposition. I first met him, in a casual way, in Ireland, in the time ofO'Connell, I think in 1844; and in 1861 I made his acquaintance, and Iknew him well until his untimely death, by Fenian assassination, atOttawa. He had faults--what politician has not? But he was honorableand kindly; no man's enemy, unless it were his own. He was remarkablein appearance; of middle height, very dark complexion, and with hair socurious and curly that he always joked about his popularity with thenegroes of Canada. He told a story of a meeting in Montreal at a littlepublic-house called "Uncle Tom's Cabin. " Here he was addressing anaudience containing a considerable number of dark men. Mr. Holton, hiscolleague, had orated about differential duties, very dry and Yankee-like, as usual. McGee followed in one of his arousing speeches. When hesat down, the respected negro landlord of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" got up tomove a vote of confidence. And, according to McGee's story, said:"Bredren, we all on us heah came to dis land on a venter. Mr. McGee hecame heah on a venter. Dis child know nothing bout dem disgreableduties. All we wants, bredren, is to pick out de best man. How is we todo dat? Bredren, best way is to follow de hair. Mr. McGee has hair likegood nigger. Bredren, let us follow our hair. " The result was McGee wasadopted unanimously. 

In 1865 a volume of Mr. McGee's speeches was published by Chapman &Hall. He did me the favour to dedicate the book to me in these, toocomplimentary, terms: "To E. W. Watkin, Esq. , M. P. For Stockport, whoseintimate connection with many great enterprises in which the materialfuture of British America is interwoven, and, still more, whose high-spirited advocacy of a sound Colonial policy, both in and out ofParliament, has conferred lasting obligations, upon these Provinces, this volume is very sincerely and cordially dedicated. "

The last speech in this volume was delivered in the LegislativeAssembly of Canada, at Quebec, on the 9th February, 1865. I venture torecord some portion of it in this book:--

"With your approbation, Sir, and the forbearance of the House, I willendeavour to treat this subject in this way:--First, to give someslight sketch of the history of the question; then to examine theexisting motives which ought to prompt us to secure a speedy union ofthese Provinces; then to speak of the difficulties which this questionhas encountered before reaching its present fortunate stage; then tosay something of the mutual advantages, in a social rather thanpolitical point of view, which these Provinces will have in theirunion; and, lastly, to add a few words on the Federal principle ingeneral: when I shall have done. In other words, I propose to considerthe question of Union mainly from within, and, as far as possible, toavoid going over the ground already so fully and so much betteroccupied by hon. Friends who have already spoken upon the subject. 

"So far back as the year 1800, the Hon. Mr. Uniacke, a leadingpolitician in Nova Scotia at that date, submitted a scheme of ColonialUnion to the Imperial authorities. In 1815, Chief Justice Sewell, whosename will be well remembered as a leading lawyer of this city, and afar-sighted politician, submitted a similar scheme. In 1822, Sir JohnBeverley Robinson, at the request of the Colonial Office, submitted aproject of the same kind; and I need not refer to the report of LordDurham, on Colonial Union, in 1839. These are all memorable, and someof them are great, names. If we have dreamed a dream of Union (as someof you gentlemen say), it is at least worth while remarking that adream which has been dreamed by such wise and good men, may, for aughtwe know, or you know, have been a sort of vision--a visionforeshadowing forthcoming natural events in a clear intelligence: avision--I say it without irreverence, for the event concerns the livesof millions living, and yet to come--resembling those seen by theDaniels and Josephs of old, foreshadowing the trials of the future, thefate of tribes and peoples, the rise and fall of dynasties. But theimmediate history of the measure is sufficiently wonderful, withoutdwelling on the remoter predictions of so many wise men. Whoever, in1862, or even in 1863, would have told us that we should see even whatwe see in these seats by which I stand--such a representation ofinterests acting together, would be accounted, as our Scotch friendssay, 'half daft'; and whoever, in the Lower Provinces, about the sametime, would have ventured to foretell the composition of theirdelegations which sat with us under this roof last October, wouldprobably have been considered equally demented. But the thing cameabout; and if those gentlemen who have had no immediate hand inbringing it about, and, therefore, naturally feel less interest in theproject than we who had, will only give us the benefit of the doubt--will only assume that we are not all altogether wrong-headed--we hopeto show them still farther, though we think we have already shown themsatisfactorily, that we are by no means without reason in entering onthis enterprise. I submit, however, we may very well dismiss theantecedent history of the question for the present: it grew from anunnoticed feeble plant, to be a stately and flourishing tree; and, formy part, any one that pleases may say he made the tree grow, if I canonly have hereafter my fair share of the shelter and the shade. But inthe present stage of the question, the first real stage of its success--the thing that gave importance to theory in men's minds, was the nowcelebrated despatch, signed by two members of this Government and anhonourable gentleman formerly their colleague (Hon. Mr. Ross), a memberof the other House. I refer to the despatch of 1858. Therecommendations in that despatch lay dormant until revived by theConstitutional Committee of last Session, which led to the Coalition, which led to the Quebec Conference, which led to the draft of theConstitution now on our table, which will lead, I am fain to believe, to the union of all these Provinces. At the same time that we mentionthese distinguished politicians, I think we ought not to forget thosezealous and laborious contributors to the public press, who, althoughnot associated with governments, and not themselves at the time inpolitics, yet greatly contributed to give life and interest to thisquestion, and, indirectly, to bring it to the happy position in whichit now stands. Of those gentlemen I will mention two. I do not knowwhether honorable gentlemen of this House have seen some letters onColonial Union, written in 1855--the last addressed to the late Duke ofNewcastle--by Mr. P. S. Hamilton, an able public writer of Nova Scotia, and the present Gold Commissioner of that province; but I take thisopportunity of bearing my testimony to his well-balanced judgment, political sagacity, and the skilful handling the subject received fromhim at a very early period. There is another little book, written inEnglish, six or seven years ago, to which I must refer. It is apamphlet, which met with an extraordinary degree of success, entitledNova Britannia, by my honorable friend, the member for South Lanark(Mr. Morris); and as he has been one of the principal agents inbringing into existence the present Government, which is now carryingout the idea embodied in his book, I trust he will forgive me if I takethe opportunity, although he is present, of reading a single sentence, to show how far he was in advance, and how true he was to the comingevent which we are now considering. At page 57 of his pamphlet--which Ihope will be reprinted among the political miscellanies of theProvinces when we are one country and one people--I find thisparagraph:--

"'The dealing with the destinies of a future Britannic empire, theshaping its course, the laying its foundations broad and deep, and theerecting thereon a noble and enduring superstructure, are indeed dutiesthat may well evoke the energies of our people, and nerve the arms andgive power and enthusiasm to the aspirations of all true patriots. Thevery magnitude of the interests involved, will, I doubt not, elevatemany amongst us above the demands of mere sectionalism, and enable themto evince sufficient comprehensiveness of mind to deal in the spirit ofreal statesmen with issues so momentous, and to originate and develop anational line of commercial and general policy, such as will proveadapted to the wants and exigencies of our position. '

"We, on this side, Mr. Speaker, propose for that better future our planof Union; and, if you will allow me, I shall go over what appear to methe principal motives which exist at present for that Union. My hon. Friend the Finance Minister mentioned the other evening several strongmotives for Union--free access to the sea, an extended market, breakingdown of hostile tariffs, a more diversified field for labour andcapital, our enhanced credit with England, and our greatereffectiveness when united for assistance in time of danger. The Hon. President of the Council, last night also enumerated several motivesfor Union in relation to the commercial advantages which will flow fromit, and other powerful reasons which may be advanced in favour of it. But the motives to such a comprehensive change as we propose, must bemixed motives--partly commercial, partly military, and partlypolitical; and I shall go over a few--not strained or simulated--motives which must move many people of all these Provinces, and whichare rather of a social, or, strictly speaking, political than of afinancial kind. In the first place, I echo what was stated in thespeech last night of my hon. Friend, the President of the Council--thatwe cannot stand still; we cannot stave off some great change; we cannotstand alone--Province apart from Province--if we would; and that we arein a state of political transition. All, even honorable gentlemen whoare opposed to this description of Union, admit that we must dosomething, and that that something must not be a mere temporaryexpedient. We are compelled, by warning voices from within and without, to make a change, and a great change. We all, with one voice who areUnionists, declare our conviction that we cannot go on as we have gone;but you, who are all anti-Unionists, say--'Oh! that is begging thequestion; you have not yet proved that. ' Well, Mr. Speaker, what proofsdo the gentlemen want? I presume there are the influences whichdetermine any great change in the course of any individual or State. First--His patron, owner, employer, protector, ally, or friend; or, inour politics, 'Imperial connection. ' Secondly--His partner, comrade, orfellow-labourer, or near neighbour; in our case, the United States. And, thirdly, --The man himself, or the Province itself. Now, all threehave concurred to warn and force us into a new course of conduct. Whatare these warnings? We have had at least three. The first is fromEngland, and is a friendly warning. England has warned us by severalmatters of fact, according to her custom, rather than verbiage, thatthe Colonies had entered upon a new era of existence, a new phase intheir career. She has given us this warning in several differentshapes--when she gave us 'Responsible Government'--when she adoptedFree Trade--when she repealed the Navigation Laws--and when, three orfour years ago, she commenced that series of official despatches inrelation to militia and defence which she has ever since poured in onus, in a steady stream, always bearing the same solemn burthen-'Prepare! prepare! prepare!' These warnings gave us notice that the oldorder of things between the Colonies and the Mother Country had ceased, and that a new order must take its place. About four years ago, thefirst despatches began to be addressed to this country, from theColonial Office, upon the subject. From that day to this there has beena steady stream of despatches in this direction, either upon particularor general points connected with our defence; and I venture to say, that if bound up together, the despatches of the lamented Duke ofNewcastle alone would make a respectable volume--all notifying thisGovernment, by the advices they conveyed, that the relations--themilitary apart from the political and commercial relations--of thisProvince to the Mother Country had changed; and we were told in themost explicit language that could be employed, that we were no longerto consider ourselves, in relation to defence, in the same position weformerly occupied towards the Mother Country. Then, Sir, in the secondplace, there came what I may call the other warning from without--theAmerican warning. Republican America gave us her notices in times past, through her press, and her demagogues, and her statesmen, but of latedays she has given us much more intelligible notices--such as thenotice to abrogate the Reciprocity Treaty, and to arm the lakes, contrary to the provisions of the Convention of 1818. She has given usanother notice in imposing a vexatious passport system; another in heravowed purpose to construct a ship canal round the falls of Niagara, soas 'to pass war vessels from Lake Ontario to Lake Erie;' and yetanother, the most striking one of all, has been given to us, if we willonly understand it, by the enormous expansion of the American army andnavy. I will take leave to read to the House a few figures which showthe amazing, the unprecedented, growth (which has not, perhaps, aparallel in the annals of the past) of the military power of ourneighbours, within the past three or four years. I have the detailshere by me, but shall only read the results, to show the House theemphatic terms of this most serious warning. In January, 1861, theregular army of the United States, including of course the whole of theStates, did not exceed 15, 000 men. This number was reduced, fromdesertion and other causes, by 5, 000 men, leaving 10, 000 men as theregular army of the United States. In December, 1862, that is, fromJanuary, 1861, to January, 1863, this army of 10, 000 was increased to800, 000 soldiers actually in the service. No doubt there areexaggerations in some of these figures--the rosters were, doubtless, insome cases filled with fictitious names, in order to procure thebounties that were offered; but if we allow two-thirds as correct, wefind that a people who had an army of 10, 000 men in 1861, had in twoyears increased it to an army of 600, 000 men. As to their munitions andstock of war material at the opening of the war--that is to say, at thedate of the attack upon Fort Sumter--we find that they had of siege andheavy guns 1, 952; of field artillery, 231; of infantry firearms, 473, 000; of cavalry firearms, 31, 000; and of ball and shell, 363, 000. At the end of 1863, the latest period to which I have statistics uponthe subject, the 1, 052 heavy guns had become 2, 116; the 231 fieldpieces had become 2, 965; the 473, 000 infantry arms had become2, 423, 000; the 31, 000 cavalry arms had become 369, 000; and the 363, 000ball and shell had become 2, 925, 000. Now as to the navy of the UnitedStates, I wish also to show that this wonderful development of warpower in the United States is the second warning we have had, that wecannot go on as we have gone. In January, 1861, the ships of warbelonging to the United States were 83; in December, 1864, theynumbered 671, of which 54 were monitors and iron-clads, carrying 4, 610guns, with a tonnage of 510, 000 tons, and manned by a force of 51, 000men. These are frightful figures; frightful for the capacity ofdestruction they represent, for the heaps of carnage they represent, for the quantity of human blood spilt they represent, for the lust ofconquest they represent, for the evil passions they represent, and forthe arrest of the onward progress of civilization they represent. Butit is not the figures which give the worst view of the fact--forEngland still carries more guns afloat even than our well-armedneighbours. It is the change which has taken place in the spirit of thepeople of the Northern States themselves which is the worst view of thefact. How far have they travelled since the humane Channing preachedthe unlawfulness of war--since the living Sumner delivered hisaddresses to the Peace Society on the same theme! I remember anaccomplished poet, one of the most accomplished the New England Stateshave ever produced, taking very strong grounds against the prosecutionof the Mexican war, and published the Bigelow Papers, so well known inAmerican literature, to show the ferocity and criminality of war. Thatpoet made Mr. Bird-o'-Freedom Sawin sing:

 "'Ef you take a soaord an droar it, An go stick a feller thru, Guv'ment won't answer for it, God'll send the bill to you!'

This was slightly audacious and irreverent in expression, but it wasremarkably popular in New England at that time. The writer is now oneof the editors of a popular Boston periodical, and would be one of thelast, I have no doubt, to induce a Northern soldier to withdraw hissword from the body of any unhappy Southerner whom he had, contrary tothe poet's former political ethics, 'stuck thru. ' But it is not therevolution wrought in the minds of men of great intelligence that ismost to be deplored--for the powerful will of such men may compel theirthoughts back again to a philosophy of peace; no, it is the mercenaryand military interests created under Mr. Lincoln which are represented, the former by an estimated governmental outlay of above $100, 000, 000this year, and the other by the 800, 000 men, whose blood is thus to bebought and paid for; by the armies out of uniform who prey upon thearmy in uniform; by the army of contractors who are to feed and clotheand arm the fighting million; by that other army, the army of tax-collectors, who cover the land, seeing that no industry escapesunburthened, no possession unentered, no affection even, untaxed. Tax!tax! tax! is the cry from the rear! Blood! blood! blood! is the cryfrom the front! Gold! gold! gold! is the chuckling undertone whichcomes up from the mushroom _millionaires_, well named a shoddyaristocracy. Nor do I think the army interest, the contractinginterest, and the tax-gathering interest, the worst results that havegrown out of this war. There is another and equally serious interest--the revolution in the spirit, mind, and principles of the people, thatterrible change which has made war familiar and even attractive tothem. When the first battle was fought--when, in the language of theDuke of Wellington, the first 'butcher's bill was sent in'--a shudderof horror ran through the length and breadth of the country; but by-and-by, as the carnage increased, no newspaper was considered worthlaying on the breakfast table unless it contained the story of thebutchery of thousands of men. 

'Only a thousand killed! Pooh, pooh, that's nothing!' exclaimed Mr. Shoddy, as he sipped his coffee--in his luxurious apartment; andnothing short of the news of ten or fifteen thousand maimed or slain ina day could satisfy the jaded palate of men craving for excitement, andsuch horrible excitement as attends the wholesale murder of theirfellow-creatures. Have these sights and sounds no warning addressed tous? Are we as those who have eyes and see not; ears and hear not;reason, neither do they understand? If we are true to Canada--if we donot desire to become part and parcel of this people--we cannot overlookthis, the greatest revolution of our own times. Let us remember this, that when the three cries among our next neighbours are shoddy, taxation, blood, it is tune for us to provide for our own security. Isaid, in this House, during the session of the year 1861, that thefirst gun fired at Fort Sumter had a 'message for us;' I was unheededthen; I repeat now that every one of the 2, 700 great guns in the field, and every one of the 4, 600 guns afloat, whenever it opens its mouth, repeats the solemn warning of England---Prepare! prepare! prepare! Ithink, Sir, I am justified in regarding the American conflict, as oneof the warnings we have received; and the third warning, that thingscannot go on in this country as they are, is a warning voice fromwithin--a warning voice from our own experience in the government ofthese Provinces. On these internal constitutional difficulties existingamong ourselves, which were so fully exposed last evening by my hon. Friend, the President of the Council, I need say little; they areadmitted to have been real, not imaginary, on all hands. Anillustration was used in another place in explaining this part of thesubject by the venerable and gallant knight, our Premier, than whichnothing could be more clear. He observed that when we had had fiveadministrations within four years, it was full time to look out forsome permanent remedy for such a state of things. True--most true--Constitutional Government among us had touched its lowest point when itexisted only by the successful search of a messenger or a page after amember willingly or unwillingly absent from his seat. Any one might inthose days have been the saviour of his country. All he had to do was, when one of the five successive Governments which arose in four yearswas in danger, to rise in his place, say 'Yea!' and _presto_ thecountry was saved. This House was fast losing, under such a state ofthings, its hold on the country; the administrative departments werebecoming disorganized under such frequent changes of chiefs andpolicies; we were nearly as bad as the army of the Potomac before its'permanent remedy' was found in General Grant. Well, we have had ourthree warnings: one warning from within and two from without. Somehonorable gentlemen, while admitting that we have entered, within thepresent decade, on a period of political transition, have contendedthat we might have bridged the abyss with that Prussian pontoon calleda Zollverein. But if any one for a moment will remember that the tradeof the whole front of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia gravitates atpresent along-shore to Portland and Boston, while the trade of UpperCanada, west of Kingston, has long gravitated across the lakes to NewYork, he will see, I think, that a mere Zollverein treaty without astrong political end to serve, and some political power at its back, would be, in our new circumstances, merely waste paper. The charge thatwe have not gone far enough--that we have not struck out boldly for aConsolidated Union, instead of a union with reserved localjurisdictions--is another charge which deserves some notice. To this Ianswer that if we had had, as was proposed, an Intercolonial Railwaytwenty years ago, we might by this time have been perhaps, and onlyperhaps, in a condition to unite into one consolidated government; butcertain politicians and capitalists having defeated that project twentyyears ago, special interests took the place great general interestmight by this time have occupied; vested rights and local ambitionsarose and were recognized; and all these had to be admitted as existingin a pretty advanced stage of development when the late conferenceswere called together. The lesson to be learned from this squandering ofquarter centuries by British Americans is this, that if we lose thepresent propitious opportunity, we may find it as hard a few yearshence to get an audience, even for any kind of union (except democraticunion), as we should have found it to get a hearing last year for alegislative union, from the long period of estrangement and non-intercourse which had existed between these Provinces, and the specialinterests which had grown up in the meantime in each of them. Anothermotive to union, or rather a phase of the last motive spoken of, isthis, that the policy of our neighbours to the south of us has alwaysbeen aggressive. There has always been a desire amongst them for theacquisition of new territory, and the inexorable law of democraticexistence seems to be its absorption. They coveted Florida, and seizedit; they coveted Louisiana, and purchased it; they coveted Texas, andstole it; and then they picked a quarrel with Mexico, which ended bytheir getting California. They sometimes pretend to despise these ourcolonies as prizes beneath their ambition; but had we not had thestrong arm of England over us we should not now have had a separateexistence. The acquisition of Canada was the first ambition of theAmerican Confederacy, and never ceased to be so, when her troops were ahandful and her navy scarce a squadron. Is it likely to be stopped now, when she counts her guns afloat by thousands and her troops by hundredsof thousands? On this motive a very powerful expression of opinion haslately appeared in a published letter of the Archbishop of Halifax, Dr. Connolly. Who is the Archbishop of Halifax? In either of the coastcolonies, where he has laboured in his high vocation for nearly a thirdof a century, it would be absurd to ask the question; but in Canada hemay not be equally well known. Some of my honorable friends in this andthe other House, who were his guests last year, must have felt theimpress of his character as well as the warmth of his hospitality. 

Well, he is known as one of the first men in sagacity, as he is inposition, in any of these colonies; that he was for many years theintimate associate of his late distinguished _confrere_, Archbishop Hughes of New York; that he knows the United States asthoroughly as he does the Provinces, --and these are his views on thisparticular point; the extract is somewhat long, but so excellently putthat I am sure the House will be obliged to me for the whole of it:--

"Instead of cursing, like the boy in the upturned boat, and holding onuntil we are fairly on the brink of the cataract, we must at once beginto pray and strike out for the shore by all means, before we get toofar down on the current. We must at this most critical moment invokethe Arbiter of nations for wisdom, and abandoning in time our perilousposition, we must strike out boldly, and at some risks, for some rockon the nearest shore--some resting-place of greater security. A cavalryraid, or a visit from our Fenian friends on horseback, through theplains of Canada and the fertile valleys of New Brunswick and NovaScotia, may cost more in a single week than Confederation for the nextfifty years; and if we are to believe you, where is the security evenat the present moment against such a disaster? Without the whole powerof the Mother Country by land and sea, and the concentration in asingle hand of all the strength of British America, our condition isseen at a glance. Whenever the present difficulties will terminate--andwho can tell the moment?--we will be at the mercy of our neighbours;and, victorious or otherwise, they will be eminently a military people, and with all their apparent indifference about annexing this country, and all the friendly feelings that may be talked, they will have thepower to strike when they please; and this is precisely the kernel andthe only touch-point of the whole question. No nation ever had thepower of conquest that did not use it, or abuse it, at the very firstfavourable opportunity. All that is said of the magnanimity andforbearance of mighty nations can be explained on the principle ofsheer inexpediency, as the world knows. The whole face of Europe hasbeen changed, and the dynasties of many hundred years have been sweptaway within our own time, on the principle of might alone--the oldest, the strongest, and, as some would have it, the most sacred of alltitles. The thirteen original States of America, with all theirprofessions of self-denial, have been all the time, by money, power, and by war, and by negociation, extending their frontier until theymore than quadrupled their territory within sixty years; and believe itwho may, are they now of their own accord to come to a full stop? No;as long as they have the power, they must go on onward: for it is thevery nature of power to grip whatever is within its reach. It is nottheir hostile feelings, therefore, but it is their power, and onlytheir power, I dread; and I now state it as my solemn conviction, thatit becomes the duty of every British subject in these Provinces tocontrol that power, not by the insane policy of attacking or weakeningthem, but by strengthening ourselves--rising, with the whole power ofBritain at our back, to their level, and so be prepared for anyemergency. There is no sensible or unprejudiced man in the communitywho does not see that vigorous and timely preparation is the onlypossible means of saving us from the horrors of a war such as the worldhas never seen. To be fully prepared is the only practical argumentthat can have weight with a powerful enemy, and make him pausebeforehand and count the cost. And as the sort of preparation I speakof is utterly hopeless without the union of the Provinces, so at amoment when public opinion is being formed on this vital point, as onedeeply concerned, I feel it a duty to declare myself unequivocally infavour of Confederation as cheaply and as honourably as possible--butConfederation at all hazards and at all reasonable sacrifices. 

"'After the most mature consideration, and all the arguments I haveheard on both sides for the last month, these are my inmost convictionson the necessity and merits of a measure which alone, under Providence, can secure to us social order and peace, and rational liberty, and allthe blessings we now enjoy, under the mildest Government and thehallowed institutions of the freest and happiest country in the world. '

"These are the words of a statesman--of a mitred statesman--one of thatorder of mighty men, powerful in their generation, whose statesmanlygifts have been cast in the strong mould of theological discipline--such men as were Ximenes and Wolsey, Laud and Knox. The next motive forUnion to which I shall refer is, that it will strengthen rather thanweaken the connection with the Empire, so essential to these risingProvinces. Those who may be called, if there are any such, the anti-Unionists, allege, that this scheme now submitted will bring separationin its train. How, pray? By making these countries more important, willyou make them less desirable as connections to England? By making theirtrade more valuable, will you make her more anxious to get rid of it?By reducing their Federal tariff, will you lessen their interest forEngland? By making them stronger for each other's aid, will you makeher less willing to discharge a lighter than a greater responsibility?But if the thing did not answer itself, England has answered that she'cordially approves' of our plan of Union, --and she has always beenaccounted a pretty good judge of her own Imperial interests. She doesnot consider our union inimical to those interests. Instead of lookingupon it with a dark and discouraging frown, she cheers us on by hermost cordial approval, and bids us a hearty 'God speed' in the new pathwe have chosen to enter. But I put it on provincial grounds as well. When Canada proposed to move, in 1859, Newfoundland alone responded;when Nova Scotia moved, in 1860, New Brunswick alone agreed to go withher; at all events, Canada did not then concur. Of late years thelanguage of the Colonial Office, of Mr. Labouchere, of Sir BulwerLytton, and of the lamented Duke of Newcastle, was substantially:'Agree among yourselves, gentlemen, and we will not stand in the way. 'Ah! there was the rub--'Agree among yourselves!' Easier said than done, with five Colonies so long estranged, and whose former negotiations hadgenerally ended in bitter controversies. Up to the last year there wasno conjunction of circumstances favourable to bringing about thisunion, and probably if we suffer this opportunity to be wasted we shallnever see again such another conjunction as will enable us to agree, even so far, among ourselves. By a most fortunate concurrence ofcircumstances--by what I presume to call, speaking of events of thismagnitude, a providential concurrence of circumstances--the Governmentof Canada was so modified last spring as to enable it to dealfearlessly with this subject, at the very moment when the coastColonies, despairing of a Canadian union, were arranging a conferenceof their own for a union of their own. Our Government embraced amongits members from the western section the leaders of the former Ministryand former Opposition from that section. At the time it was formed itannounced to this House that it was its intention, as part of itspolicy, to seek a conference with the Lower Colonies, and endeavour tobring about a general union. This House formally gave the Governmentits confidence after the announcement of that policy, and although Ihave no desire to strain terms, it does appear to me that this Housedid thereby fully commit itself to the principle of a union of theColonies, if practicable. Everything we did was done in form and withpropriety, and the result of our proceedings is the document that hasbeen submitted to the Imperial Government as well as to this House, andwhich we speak of here as a treaty. And that there may be no doubtabout our position in regard to that document, we say, Question it youmay, reject it you may, or accept it you may, but alter it you may not. It is beyond your power, or our power, to alter it. There is not asentence--not even a word--you can alter without desiring to throw outthe document. Alter it, and we know at once what you mean--you therebydeclare yourselves against the only possible union. On this point, Irepeat, after all my hon. Friends who have already spoken, for oneparty to alter a treaty, is, of course, to destroy it. Let us be frankwith each other; you do not like our work, nor do you like us who standby it, clause by clause, line by line, and letter by letter. Well, webelieve we have here given to our countrymen of all the Provinces thepossible best--that we have given them an approximation to the right--their representatives and ours have laboured at it, letter and spirit, form and substance, until they found this basis of agreement, which weare all confident will not now, nor for many a day to come, be easilyswept away. And first, I will make a remark to some of the FrenchCanadian gentlemen who are said to be opposed to our project, on FrenchCanadian grounds only. I will remind them, I hope not improperly, thatevery one of the Colonies we now propose to re-unite under one rule--inwhich they shall have a potential voice--were once before united as NewFrance. Newfoundland, the uttermost, was theirs, and one large sectionof its coast is still known as the 'French shore;' Cape Breton wastheirs till the final fall of Louisburgh; Prince Edward Island wastheir Island of St. Jean; Charlottetown was their Port Joli; andFrederickton, the present capital of New Brunswick, their St. Anne's;in the heart of Nova Scotia was that fair Acadian land, where the rollof Longfellow's noble hexameters may be heard in every wave that breaksupon the base of Cape Blomedon. In the northern counties of NewBrunswick, from the Mirimichi to the Metapediac, they had their fortsand farms, their churches and their festivals, before the Englishspeech had ever once been heard between those rivers. Nor is thattenacious Norman and Breton race extinct in their old haunts and homes. I have heard one of the members for Cape Breton speak in high terms ofthat portion of his constituency; and I believe I am correct in sayingthat Mr. Le Visconte, the late Finance Minister of Nova Scotia, was, inthe literal sense of the term, an Acadian. Mr. Cozzans, of New York, who wrote a very readable little book the other day about Nova Scotia, describes the French residents near the basin of Minas, and he says, especially of the women, 'they might have stepped out of Normandy ahundred years ago!' In New Brunswick there is more than one county, especially in the North, where business, and law, and politics, requirea knowledge of both French and English. 

"I think it is to their honour, that the Highlanders in all the LowerProvinces preserve faithfully the religion, as well as the language andtraditions of their fathers. The Catholic Bishop of Charlottetown is aMcIntyre; his Right Rev. Brother of Arichat (Cape Breton) is aMcKinnon; and in the list of the clergy, I find a. Constant successionof such names as McDonald, McGillis, McGillvary, McLeod, McKenzie, andCameron--all 'Anglo-Saxons' of course, and mixed up with themFourniers, Gauvreaus, Paquets, and Martells, whose origin is easy todiscover. Another of the original elements of that population remainsto be noticed--the U. E. Loyalists, who founded New Brunswick (as theyfounded Upper Canada), for whom New Brunswick was made a separateProvince in 1784, as Upper Canada was for their relatives in 1791. Their descendants still flourish in the land, holding many positions ofhonour; and as a representative of the class, I shall only mentionJudge Wilmot, who the other day declared, in charging one of his grandjuries, that if it were necessary to carry Confederation in NewBrunswick, so impressed was he with the necessity of the measure, tothe very existence of British laws and British institutions on thiscontinent, he was prepared to quit the Bench and return to politics. There are other elements also not to be overlooked. The thrifty Germansof Lunenberg, whose homes are the neatest upon the land, as their fleetis the tightest on the sea; and other small sub-divisions; but I shallnot prolong this analysis. I may observe, however, that this populationis almost universally a native population of three or four or moregenerations. In New Brunswick, at the most there is about twelve percent. Of an immigrant people; in Nova Scotia, about eight; in the twoIslands, even less. In the eye of the law, we admit no disparitybetween natives and immigrants in this country; but it is to beconsidered that where men are born in the presence of the graves oftheir fathers, for even a few generations, the influence of the fact isgreat in enhancing their attachment to that soil. I admit, for my part, as an immigrant, of no divided allegiance to Canada and her interest;but it would be untrue and paltry to deny a divided affection betweenthe old country and the new. Kept within just bounds, such an affectionis reasonable, is right and creditable to those who cherish it. Why Irefer to this broad fact, which distinguishes the populations of allthe four seaward Provinces, as much as it does Lower Canada herself, is, to show the fixity and stability of that population; to show thatthey are by birth British-Americans; that they can nearly all, of everyorigin, use that proud phrase when they look daily from their doors, 'This is my own, my native land. ' Let but that population and ours cometogether for a generation or two--such are the elements that compose, such the conditions that surround it--and their mutual descendants willhear with wonder, when the history of these present transactions iswritten, that this plan of union could ever have been seriously opposedby statesmen in Canada or elsewhere. I am told, however, by one or twomembers of this House, and by exclusive-minded Canadians out of it, that they cannot get up any patriotic feeling about this union with NewBrunswick or Nova Scotia, and that they cannot look with any interestat those Colonies, with which we have had hitherto so littleassociation. 'What's Hecuba to me, or I to Hecuba!' Well, I answer tothat, Know them, and my word for it, you will like them. I have madeseveral journeys there, and I have seen much of the people, and themore I have seen of them, the more I respected and esteemed them. Isay, then, to these gentlemen, that if you desire any patriotism on thesubject; if you want to stir up a common sentiment of affection betweenthese people and ourselves, bring us all into closer relation together, and, having the elements of a vigorous nationality within us, each willfind something to like and respect in the other; mutual confidence andrespect will follow, and the feeling of being engaged in a common causefor the good of a common nationality will grow up of itself withoutbeing forced by any man's advocacy. The thing who shuts up his heartagainst his kindred, his neighbours, and his fellow-subjects, may be avery pretty fellow at a parish vestry, but do you call such a forked-radish as that, a man? Don't so abuse the noblest word in the language. 

 * * * * *

"But there is one special source of wealth to be found in the MaritimeProvinces, which was not in any detail exhibited by my hon. Friends--Iallude to the important article of coal. I think there can be no doubtthat, in some parts of Canada, we are fast passing out of the era ofwood as fuel, and entering on that of coal. In my own city every year, there is great suffering among the poor from the enormous price offuel, and large sums are paid away by national societies and benevolentindividuals, to prevent whole families perishing for want of fuel. Ibelieve we must all concur with Sir William Logan, that we have no coalin Canada, and I may venture to state, on my own authority, anotherfact, that we have--a five months' winter, generally very cold. 

"Sir W. E. Logan demonstrated by a laborious survey the thickness ordepth of the whole group in Northern Nova Scotia to be over 2 3/4miles, an amount which far exceeds anything seen in the coal formationin other parts of North America; in this group there are seventy-sixcoal beds one above the other. 

"These exhaustless coal fields will, under our plan--which is in factour Reciprocity Treaty with the Lower Provinces--become, hereafter, thegreat resource of our towns for fuel. I see the cry is raised below bythe anti-Unionists, that to proceed with Confederation would be toentail the loss of the New England market for their coals. I do notquite see how they make this out, but even an anti-Unionist might seethat the population of Canada is within a fraction of that of all NewEngland put together, that we consume in this country as much fuel perannum as they do in New England; and, therefore, that we offer them amarket under the Union equal to that which these theorizers want topersuade their followers they would lose. Sir, another cry raised bythe anti-Unionists below is, that they would have to fight for thedefence of Canada--a very specious argument. What, Sir, three millionsand one million unite, and the one million do the fighting for all! Inproportion to their numbers no doubt these valiant gentlemen will haveto fight, if fighting is to be done, but not one man or one shillingmore than Canada, _pro rata_, will they have to risk or spend. Onthe contrary, the greater community, if she should not happen to befirst attacked, would be obliged to fight for them, and in doing so, Ido not hesitate to say, on far better authority than my own, that theman who fights for the valley and harbour of St. John, or even forHalifax, fights for Canada. I will suppose another not impossible case. I will suppose a hostile American army, on a fishery or any other war, finding it easier and cheaper to seize the Lower Colonies by land thanby sea, by a march from a convenient rendezvous on Lake Champlain, through Lower Canada, into the upper part of New Brunswick, and sodownward to the sea--a march like Sherman's march from Knoxville toSavannah. While we obstructed such a march by every means in our power, from the Richelieu to Riviere du Loup, whose battles would we befighting then? Why, the seaports aimed at, for our common subjugation. But the truth is, all these selfish views and arguments are remarkablyshort-sighted, unworthy of the subject, and unworthy even of those whouse them. In a commercial, in a military, in every point of view, weare all, rightly considered, dependent on each other. Newfoundlanddominates the Gulf, and none of us can afford to be separated from her. Lord Chatham said he would as soon abandon Plymouth as Newfoundland toa foreign power, and he is thought to have understood how to governmen. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are Siamese twins, held together bythat ligature of land between Baie Verte and Cumberland Basin, and thefate of the one must follow the fate of the other. Prince Edward Islandis only a little bit broken off by the Northumberland Strait from thosetwo bigger brethren, and Upper and Lower Canada are essential to eachother's prosperity. 

"If the honest and misguided would but reflect for a moment the risksthey run by defeating, or even delaying this measure, I am sure theywould, even yet, retract. If we reject it now, is there any humanprobability that we shall ever see again so propitious a set ofcircumstances to bring about the same results? How they came about weall know. The strange and fortunate events that have occurred inCanada; the extraordinary concessions made by the leaders of theGovernments below--Dr. Tupper, the Nova Scotian Premier, for instance, admitting to his confidence, and bringing with him here as his co-representatives, the Hon. Messrs. Archibald and McCully, two of hismost determined political opponent--can we ever expect, if we rejectthis scheme, that the same or similar things will occur again to favourit? Can we expect to see the leader of the Upper Canadian Conservativeparty and the leader of the Upper Canadian Liberals sitting side byside again, if this project fails to work out, in a spirit of mutualcompromise and concession, the problem of our constitutionaldifficulties? No, Sir, it is too much to expect. Miracles would ceaseto be miracles if they were events of every-day occurrence; the verynature of wonders requires that they should be rare; and this is amiraculous and wonderful circumstance, that men at the head of theGovernments in five separate Provinces, and men at the head of theparties opposing them, all agreed at the same time to sink partydifferences for the good of all, and did not shrink, at the risk ofhaving their motives misunderstood, from associating together for thepurpose of bringing about this result. I have asked, Sir, what risks dowe run if we reject this measure? We run the risk of being swallowed upby the spirit of universal democracy that prevails in the UnitedStates. Their usual and favourite motto is--

 "'No pent-up Utica contracts our powers, But the whole boundless continent is ours. 

That is the popular paraphrase of the Monroe doctrine. And the popularvoice has favoured--aye, and the greatest statesmen among them havelooked upon it as inevitable--an extension of the principles ofdemocracy over this continent. Now, I suppose a universal democracy isno more acceptable to us than a universal monarchy in Europe would havebeen to our ancestors; yet for three centuries--from Charles V. ToNapoleon--our fathers combated to the death against the subjugation ofall Europe to a single system or a single master, and heaped up a debtwhich has since burdened the producing classes of the Empire with anenormous load of taxation, which, perhaps, none other except the hardyand ever-growing industry of those little islands could have borne upunder. The idea of a universal democracy in America is no more welcometo the minds of thoughtful men among us than was that of a universalmonarchy to the minds of the thoughtful men who followed the standardof the third William, or who afterwards, under the great Marlborough, opposed the armies of the particular dynasty that sought to placeEurope under a single dominion. 

"But if we are to have a universal democracy on this continent, theLower Provinces--the smaller fragments--will be 'gobbled up' first, andwe will come in afterwards by way of dessert. The proposedConfederation will enable us to bear up shoulder to shoulder; to resistthe spread of this universal democracy doctrine; it will make it moredesirable to maintain on both sides the connection that binds us to theparent State; it will raise us from the position of mere dependentcolonies to a new and more important position; it will give us a newlease of existence under other and more favourable conditions; andresistance to this project, which is pregnant with so many advantagesto us and to our children, means simply this, ultimate union with theUnited States. But these are small matters, wholly unworthy of theattention of the Smiths, and Annands, and Palmers, who have comeforward to forbid the banns of British-American Union. Mr. Speaker, before I draw to a close the little remainder of what I have to say--and I am sorry to have detained the House so long--

I beg to offer a few observations _apropos_ of my own position asan English-speaking member for Lower Canada. I venture, in the firstplace, to observe that there seems to be a good deal of exaggeration onthe subject of race, occasionally introduced, both on the one side andthe other, in this section of the country. I congratulate my honorablefriend, the Attorney-General for this section, on his freedom from suchprejudices in general, though I still think in matters of patronage andthe like he always looks first to his own compatriots for which neitherdo I blame him. But this theory of race is sometimes carried to ananti-christian and unphilosophical excess. Whose words are these--'Godhath made of one blood all nations that dwell on the face of theearth'? Is not that the true theory of race? For my part, I am notafraid of the French Canadian majority in the future local governmentdoing injustice, except accidentally; not because I am of the samereligion as themselves; for origin and language are barriers strongerto divide men in this world than is religion to unite them. Neither doI believe that my Protestant compatriots need have any such fear. TheFrench Canadians have never been an intolerant people; it is not intheir temper, unless they had been persecuted, perhaps, and then itmight have been as it has been with other races of all religions. 

"All who have spoken on this subject have said a good deal, as wasnatural, of the interests at stake in the success or failure of thisplan of Confederation. I trust the House will permit me to add a fewwords as to the principle of Confederation considered in itself. In theapplication of this principle to former constitutions there certainlyalways was one fatal defect, the weakness of the central authority. Ofall the Federal constitutions I have ever heard or read of, this wasthe fatal malady: they were short-lived, they died of consumption. ButI am not prepared to say that because the Tuscan League elected itschief magistrates but for two months and lasted a century, thattherefore the Federal principle failed. On the contrary, there issomething in the frequent, fond recurrence of mankind to thisprinciple, among the freest people, in their best times and in theirworst dangers, which leads me to believe, that it has a very deep holdin human nature itself--an excellent basis for a government to have. But, indeed, Sir, the main question is the due distribution of powersin a Federal Union--a question I dare not touch to-night, but which Imay be prepared to say something on before the vote is taken. Theprinciple itself seems to me to be capable of being so adapted as topromote internal peace and external security, and to call into action agenuine, enduring, and heroic patriotism. It is a fruit of thisprinciple that makes the modern Italian look back with sorrow and prideover a dreary waste of seven centuries to the famous field of Legnano;it was this principle kindled the beacons which yet burn on the rocksof Uri; it was this principle that broke the dykes of Holland andoverwhelmed the Spanish with the fate of the Egyptian oppressor. It isa principle capable of inspiring a noble ambition and a most salutaryemulation. You have sent your young men to guard your frontier. Youwant a principle to guard your young men, and thus truly defend yourfrontier. For what do good men who make the best soldiers fight? For aline of scripture or chalk line--for a text or for a pretext? What is abetter boundary between nations than a parallel of latitude, or even anatural obstacle?--what really keeps nations intact and apart?--aprinciple. When I can hear our young men say as proudly, 'ourFederation, ' or 'our Country, ' or 'our Kingdom, ' as the young men ofother countries do, speaking of their own, then I shall have lessapprehension for the result of whatever trials the future may have instore for us. It has been said that the Federal Constitution of theUnited States has failed. I, Sir, have never said it. The Attorney-General West told you the other night that he did not consider it afailure; and I remember that in 1861, when in this House I remarked thesame thing, the only man who then applauded the statement was theAttorney-General West, --so that it is plain he did not simply adopt theargument for use the other night when advocating a Federal Union amongourselves. It may be a failure for us, paradoxical as this may seem, and yet not a failure for them. They have had eighty years' use of it, and having discovered its defects, may apply a remedy and go on with iteighty years longer. But we also were lookers on, who saw its defectsas the machine worked, and who have prepared contrivances by which itcan be improved and kept in more perfect order when applied toourselves. And one of the foremost statesmen in England, distinguishedalike in politics and literature, has declared, as the President of theCouncil informed us, that we have combined the best parts of theBritish and the American systems of government; an opinion deliberatelyformed at a distance, without prejudice, and expressed withoutinterested motives of any description. We have, in relation to the headof the Government, in relation to the judiciary, in relation to thesecond chamber of the Legislature, in relation to the financialresponsibility of the General Government, and in relation to the publicofficials whose tenure of office is during good behaviour instead of atthe caprice of a party--in all these respects we have adopted theBritish system; in other respects we have learned something from theAmerican system, and I trust and believe we have made a very tolerablecombination of both. 

"The principle of Federation is a generous principle. It is a principlethat gives men local duties to discharge, and invests them at the sametime with general supervision, and excites a healthy sense ofresponsibility and comprehension. It is a principle that has produced awise and true spirit of statesmanship in all countries in which it hasever been applied. It is a principle eminently favourable to liberty, because local affairs are left to be dealt with by local bodies, andcannot be interfered with by those who have no local interest in them, while matters of a general character are left exclusively to a GeneralGovernment. It is a principle inseparable from every government thatever gave extended and important services to a country, because allgovernments have been more or less confederations in their character. Spain was a Federation, for although it had a king reigning over thewhole country, it had its local governments for the administration oflocal affairs. The British Isles are a _quasi_-Confederation, andthe old French dukedoms were confederated in the States-General. It isa principle that runs through all the history of civilization in oneform or another, and exists alike in monarchies and democracies; andhaving adopted it as the principle of our future government, there wereonly the details to arrange and agree upon. Those details are beforeyou. It is not in our power to alter any of them even if the Housedesires it. If the House desires, it can _reject_ the treaty, butwe cannot, nor can the other Provinces, which took part in itsnegociation, consent that it shall be _altered_ in the slightestparticular. 

"Mr. Speaker, I am sorry to have detained the House so long, and wasnot aware till I had been some time on my legs, that my physicalstrength was so inadequate to the exposition of those few points which, not specially noticed by my predecessors in this debate, I undertook tospeak upon. We stand at present in this position: we are bound inhonour, we are bound in good faith, to four Provinces occupied by ourfellow colonists, to carry out the measure of Union agreed upon here inthe last week of October. We are bound to carry it to the foot of theThrone, and ask there from Her Majesty, according to the firstresolution of the Address, that she will be graciously pleased todirect legislation to be had on this subject. We go to the ImperialGovernment, the common arbiter of us all, in our true Federalmetropolis--we go there to ask for our fundamental Charter. We hope, byhaving that Charter, which can only be amended by the authority thatmade it, that we will lay the basis of permanency for our futuregovernment. The two great things that all men aim at in freegovernment, are liberty and permanency. We have had liberty enough--toomuch, perhaps, in some respects--but, at all events, liberty to ourhearts' content. There is not on the face of the earth a freer peoplethan the inhabitants of these Colonies. But it is necessary thereshould be respect for the law, a high central authority, the virtue ofcivil obedience, obeying the law for the law's sake; for even when aman's private conscience may convince him sufficiently that the law insome cases may be wrong, he is not to set up his individual willagainst the will of the country, expressed through its recognizedconstitutional organs. We need in these Provinces, and we can bear, alarge infusion of authority. I am not at all afraid this Constitutionerrs on the side of too great conservatism. If it be found tooconservative now, the downward tendency in political ideas whichcharacterises this democratic age is a sufficient guarantee foramendment. Its conservatism is the principle on which this instrumentis strong, and worthy of the support of every colonist, and throughwhich it will secure the warm approbation of the Imperial authorities. We have here no traditions and ancient venerable institutions; here, there are no aristocratic elements hallowed by time or bright deeds;here, every man is the first settler of the land, or removed from thefirst settler one or two generations at the farthest; here, we have noarchitectural monuments calling up old associations; here, we have noneof those old popular legends and stories which in other countries haveexercised a powerful share in the government; here, every man is theson of his own works. We have none of those influences about us which, elsewhere, have their effect upon government just as much as theinvisible atmosphere itself tends to influence life, and animal andvegetable existence. This is a new land--a land of young pretensionsbecause it is new; because classes and systems have not had that timeto grow here naturally. We have no aristocracy but of virtue andtalent, which is the best aristocracy, and is the old and true meaningof the term. There is a class of men rising in these Colonies, superiorin many respects to others with whom they might be compared. What Ishould like to see, is--that fair representatives of the Canadian andAcadian aristocracy should be sent to the foot of the Throne with thatscheme, to obtain for it the royal sanction--a scheme not suggested byothers, or imposed upon us, but one the work of ourselves, the creationof our own intellect and of our own free, unbiassed, and untrammelledwill. I should like to see our best men go there, and endeavour to havethis measure carried through the Imperial Parliament--going into HerMajesty's presence, and by their manner, if not actually by theirspeech, saying--'During Your Majesty's reign we have had responsibleGovernment conceded to us: we have administered it for nearly a quarterof a century, during which we have under it doubled our population, andmore than quadrupled our trade. The small Colonies which your ancestorscould hardly see on the map, have grown into great communities. A greatdanger has arisen in our near neighbourhood. Over our homes a cloudhangs, dark and heavy. We do not know when it may burst. With our ownstrength we are not able to combat against the storm; but what we cando, we will do cheerfully and loyally. We want time to grow; we wantmore people to fill our country, more industrious families of men todevelop our resources; we want to increase our prosperity; we want moreextended trade and commerce; we want more land tilled--more menestablished through our wastes and wildernesses. We of the BritishNorth-American Provinces want to be joined together, that, if dangercomes, we can support each other in the day of trial. We come to YourMajesty, who have given us liberty, to give us unity, that we maypreserve and perpetuate our freedom; and whatsoever charter, in thewisdom of Your Majesty and of Your Parliament, you give us, we shallloyally obey and observe as long as it is the pleasure of Your Majestyand Your Successors to maintain the connection between Great Britainand these Colonies. '"

CHAPTER XVII. 

1851. --First Visit to America: a Reason for it. 

My first visit to America was mainly induced by a misfortune whichhappened to me in the spring of 1846. The year 1845 had been one ofexcitement, and my hands had been very full at that time. I was to agreat extent a water drinker. I had the habit of sticking to my work, various and complicated as much of it was, day by day, until that day'swork was done. It often happened that I forgot to eat the modest lunchcarefully put in my pocket by my wife on my leaving home, in earlymorning. And often and often I did not get home till nine o'clock atnight, so tired that occasionally I fell asleep over my dinner; and mywife, seeing my condition of fatigue, got into the habit of carving ourfrugal joints, a habit which has become permanent. Thus, when I say, asa bit of pleasantry, that where the lady carves, you learn who is themaster of the house, Lady Watkin will retort by mentioning this oldstory of past and anxious times. 

Well, the Trent Valley Railway, of which I was Secretary and Manager, was sold, at a large profit--I think 438, 000_l. _--to the Londonand Birmingham and Grand Junction Companies, then about to amalgamateunder the name of the "London and North Western. " In the spring of 1846it became necessary to close our accounts, and balance our books, witha view to give each shareholder his share of principal and profit. Itwas arranged that the shareholders should call at the office in NorfolkStreet, in Manchester, for their cheques on and after a day in April, 1846. Two days before this date, my Scotch book-keeper came to me toreport that in balancing the books he was out the small sum of1_s_. 10_d_. (I think it was), and he proposed to carry thatto profit and loss ("Profeet and Loasse, " he said). To which I, ofcourse, replied, "My good friend, a failure to balance of even a pennymay conceal errors on the two sides of the account by the hundred. Setall hands to work to call over every item. " We set to work, and I wasup the best part of one, and the whole of another, night. I was soanxious that I did not feel to want food; and drink I was unused to. Abeefsteak and a pint of stout would have saved me from ten years, moreor less, of suffering, weakness, and all kinds of misery. In the earlymorning of the day on which we were to begin paying off ourshareholders, the books balanced. We had discovered errors, both todebit and credit, probably a hundred at least in number. 

It was a clear, cold morning. I went out to a little barber's shop andgot shaved. I did not feel in want of food--and took none. At teno'clock shareholders began to arrive: got their cheques, and went awaysatisfied. One of them, who would gain about 30, 000_l. _, actuallygave me a 5_l. _ note for the clerks, which was the only expressionof gratitude of a practical character, so far as I remember, now. Aboutnoon Mr. Henry Houldsworth, the father of the present member forManchester, called for his cheque; and, chatting with him at the time, as I was making the upstroke of the letter H in "Houldsworth, " I feltas if my whole body was forced up into my head, and that was ready toburst. I raised my head, and this strange feeling went away. I thought, how strange! I tried again, the same feeling came again and again, till, with a face white as paper, that alarmed those about me, I fellforward on the desk. Water was given me; but I could not swallow it. Inever lost entire consciousness; but I thought I was going to die. Inever can forget all that in those moments passed through my brain. They put me into a carriage, and took me to the consulting room, inMosley Street, of my old friend William Smith, the celebratedManchester surgeon, nephew of the great Mr. Turner, the surgeon. Heplaced me on a sofa, and asked me what it was, --feeling, or trying tofind, my pulse the while. I whispered, "Up all night--over-anxious--nofood. " He gave me brandy and soda water, and a biscuit, and told me tolie still. I had never tasted this popular drink before. In about aquarter of an hour I felt better, got up, and said, "Oh! I am all rightnow. " But Mr. Smith, nevertheless, ordered me to go home at once, go tobed, take a pill--I assume, a narcotic--which he gave me, and not toget up till he had seen me in the morning. I insisted on calling at theoffice. I felt able to go on with my work. But at the office, somethingin my looks induced them to send a faithful clerk with me in the cab toour house, Woodland Cottage, Higher Broughton. So he and I went away. Ifound afterwards, that some of the clerks said, "We shall never see himagain. " But they did--shaky and seedy, as he was, for many a long day. 

Well, just as our cab mounted the small hill on which our house stood, the faithful clerk, with more zeal than discretion, said, "You lookawful ill, sir; why your face is as white as my shirt. " I looked at hisshirt, seemingly guiltless, for days past, of the washerwoman. 

But I was within three minutes of home: and I was distressed at thethought of alarming my wife, who was not in a condition to be alarmed. So, with what little strength I had left, I rubbed my forehead, face, nose, lips, chin, with my clenched fist, to restore some slight colour. Entering our door, I said, "I am rather worn out, and will go to bed. Up all night. Work done. Now, please, I will go to bed. "

So, after every affectionate care that a good wife could pay, Iswallowed my narcotic pill--and slept, slept, slept--till, at eight inthe morning, the sun was coming in, charmingly, through the windows. Nothing seemed to ail me. What weakness, what nonsense, said I. But Ihad promised to remain in bed till Mr. Smith came. But I sent down formy clerks, and at 11 a. M. I was in full activity, dictating to one man, listening to another, and giving orders to a third, in, as I thought, the fullest voice--when in came Mr. Smith. He looked round in doubt, and then went down stairs. I have only just forgiven him for that. Forin a moment up came my wife. "Edward, " she said, "Mr. Smith declaresthat if you do not give over at once, you will have brain fever. " Oh!unwise Smith. The words were hardly out of my wife's mouth, when I feltI could do no more. Had the world been offered to me, I could have doneno more. 

Alas! my _nerve_ was gone. 

At that tune I was working for a livelihood. Fortunate that it was so, otherwise a lunatic asylum, or a permanent state of what the doctorscall hypochondriasis, might have followed. 

After some years of struggle with this nerve-demon, the child ofoverwork, I wrote, in 1850:--

"I am not fond of writing, and I know I must do it badly. Still I feelthat the little narrative I am about to put together may do some goodto some few people who may be suffering. I know that the roughest anddullest book ever written, had it contained a similar relation to thisof mine, would have brought balm to my mind and hope to my heart notmany years ago. And who knows but that other men (for the scenes ofthis world, and its good and evil, are very much alike), may besuffering as I did, and may therefore be influenced by my rudescribbling, as I might have been by some of theirs?

"There was a time, and not a very distant one either, when I wasutterly ignorant of two things--first, the existence, in my particularcase, of the thing called the human stomach; and secondly, the realityof those mysterious telegraphic wires--yclept NERVES. Often nave Isneered at 'bilious subjects, ' 'dyspepsia, ' and that long string ofwoes which one hears of, in such luxuriance of description, usuallyover breakfast, at Clifton, Tonbridge, or Harrogate. Like the oldDuchess of Marlborough, too, I used 'to thank God I was born beforenerves came into fashion. '

"But 'live and learn. ' I have lived; and I have learnt the utter miserywhich a deranged digestion and jarring nerves, acting and reacting uponeach other, can inflict upon their victims. To be laid up in bed for amonth with a violent disease is nothing. You are killed or cured; madebetter, and your illness forgotten even by yourself; or quietly laidunder the dust of your mother earth, to lie there in oblivion, the busyworld moving on, unheeding, over your cold remains, till the great dayof judgment. But to have, as it were, your whole 'mind, body, soul, andstrength' turned, with a resistless fascination, into the frightenedstudy of your own dreadful anatomy. To find your courage quail, notbefore real danger, but at phantoms and shadows--nay, actually at yourown horrid self--to feel every act of life and every moment of businessa task, an effort, a trial, and a pain. Sometimes to be unable to sleepfor a week--sometimes to sleep, but, at the dead of night, to wake, your bed shaking under you from the violent palpitation of your heart, and your pillow drenched with cold sweat pouring from you in streams. But, worst of all, if you are of a stubborn, dogged, temper, and areblessed with a strong desire to 'get on'--to feel yourself unable tomake some efforts at all, to find yourself breaking down before all theworld in others, and to learn, at last, in consequence, almost to hatethe half-dead and failing carcase tied to your still living will. This, not for months only, but for YEARS. Years, too, in what ought to beyour prime of manhood. Ah! old age and incapacity at thirty is abitter, bitter punishment. Better be dead than suffer it; for you mustsuffer it alone and in silence--you may not hope for sympathy--you darenot desire it--you see no prospect of relief--you wage a doublewarfare, with the world and with yourself. I do not, I dare not, exaggerate. Indeed, a lady of a certain age could hardly feel moreabashed at the sudden production of her baptismal certificate than I--aman, a matter-of-fact man, a plain, hard-headed, unimaginative man ofbusiness--do, at this confession. Suffice it to say, that in the lastfour years I have lived the life of a soul in purgatory or aninhabitant of the 'Inferno, ' and though I have worked like a horse, determined, if possible, to rout out my evil genii--the wave of healthhas gradually receded, till, at last, an internal voice has seemedsolemnly to say, 'Thus far shalt thou go and no farther. '

"If any one, who has not suffered similarly, has patience to read thusfar (which is doubtful), before now he has said, with Mr. Burchell inthe 'Vicar of Wakefield'--'FUDGE. ' No matter--I should have soexclaimed once; and I now envy him his healthy ignorance. The historyof my derangements is told above in one word: that word is--OVERWORK. 

"If any one who may not just like an actual dissection, will look atone of Quain's 'Plates of the Bones, Muscles, and Nerves of the HumanBody, ' he will see that, growing as it were out of the walls of thestomach, there are, in our wonderful human machine, great bunches ofnerves, called, by the medicals, the 'great ganglionic system, ' and hewill observe that these nerves are in intimate and inseparableconnection with the spinal cord, and the brain. Then, if he recollectsthat a perpetual series of conversations and signals goes on by thoseagents between the stomach and the brain--that, in fact, the two aretalking together every moment (without even the delay of thatinappreciable interval for which the electric current lingers on thewires in its wondrous progress of intelligence)--he will see that hecannot abuse either great organ without a 'combination of parties'against his administration. 

"My unfortunate mistake, therefore, was this: I _overworked mybrain_. It rebelled. Stomach joined the outbreak. Heart beat to therescue; and all the other corporal powers sympathised in the attempt toput me down. They would not stand ten days' work a week, and noSunday, --relieved though the labour might be by the amusement ofspeeches and leading articles. 

"The first explosion of the conspiracy laid me fainting at the desk. Asort of truce followed this. I consented for a few days to the terms ofthe belligerents. 

I rested. But resting, I was restless. Unfit to work, I was tormentedby an unnatural desire for action. Thus I roused myself early--rode tothe office (for I was too weak to walk), buried myself amidst myletters, reports and accounts--and rushed on with the day's duties asif all the work of the world had to be done in that one day, and thatone day was the last. But an hour or two usually settled the contest. Head swam, heart beat, fluttered, stopped, struggled, --knees knockedtogether, --and out oozed that cold clammy sweat which reminds one ofweakness and the grave. So with a pale face, anxious eye, and hollowcheek, I had to quit the desk again and ride mournfully home, theremainder of the day being consumed in a rest, which only increased mymelancholy feelings, because it made me more than ever conscious of myfeebleness and excitability. 

"But by great care and management of myself, by desperate strivings toget a little health, I _did_ improve. Two hours a day at work, twoor three times a week, became two or three hours every working day ofthe week. Then, as a wonderful achievement, at last I managed to endurehalf a day's business at a time. And at the end of some months (onebeautiful day in August, bless the sunlight) I actually did a_whole_ day's work! And so, at last, I got before the windsufficiently to engage again in the competition of business life, withsome credit and success. None of those, however, with whom I had tocompete, and to whom work (as it should be to every man in health) waseasy and pleasant, knew the cost of many of my weary days and nights oflabour, or the nervous suffering and physical weakness; in spite ofwhich I endeavoured always to meet my compeers in the working worldwith pleasantry, or at least with a smile. 

"I had many relapses--but I hardly ever laid up for more than an houror two. In these cases a loll, or rather a recumbent pant, upon thesofa, and a dose of some bitter tonic, or a strong glass of brandy, usually brought down the palpitation, and enabled me to set to workagain as if nothing had happened. Indeed, as the eels get accustomed toskinning, so I got used to all this; and it became at last an oldhabit, and bearable. 

"Thus I went on from 1846 until 1850. Four years of incessant andvarious labour, relieved only by the confidence and appreciation ofthose who directed, and the good feeling of those who were engaged, like me, in the executive management of the great corporation withwhich, during this (to me) memorable period of my life, I wasconnected. I need not repeat how thoroughly I was sustained andcomforted by the assiduity of one of the best of women. I tried tothank her by making light of my many miseries. 

"This sort of life was, however, too great and continued a strain for arickety machine to last. And at times, when I gave way to those strangethoughts about the use and end of human existence, which crowd upon themind in nervous disease--it seemed to me as if I could weigh andmeasure the particles of vitality from my daily diminishing store--expended in each unnatural effort of labour--as if every stroke of mybusiness craft represented so much of that daily shortening distancewhich lay between me and the end. I felt the price I was paying for theprivilege of labour, and for its remuneration. But I thought, ever, ofmy wife and little babies, and the thought roused me to a kind ofdesperation, and made me feel for the time as if I could trampleweakness under foot, and tear out, break in pieces, and cast away thosemiserable, oversensitive organs, which chained, cramped, and hinderedme. I like work, too. And I had a sort of shame of confessing myselfincapable. I morbidly derided the sympathising regret likely to beshown by my friends, and I pictured the moribund predictions likely tofollow a temporary desertion of my post. 

"But the estates of my mortal realm stepped in again. 

"At the end of a time of hard, anxious, and difficult labours, I wentdown into the country on business, and was seized, in the streets of alittle town, with violent palpitation, and with faintness. I had totake refuge in a shop; to resort to brandy, physic, and a doctor; and, at the close of a day's confinement to my room, to sneak back toLondon, as miserable as any poor dog, who, having run about all daywith a tin kettle at his tail, is, at last, released, to go limping andexhausted home. 

"I struggled with this, too, and for some time would not 'give in. ' Butmy face, now, would not answer to my will. It would look pale andmiserable. My friends began to commiserate me. This was dreadful. So Iat last yielded to the combined movement, of my own convictions ofnecessity, the wishes of my friends, the orders of my physician, and, most effective of all, the kind commands of one whom I deem it anhonour, as it is a necessity, to obey in most things--I went away frombusiness. I went away without hope. I did not expect cure. I believedfunctional derangement had become, at last, organic disease--and thatmy days were numbered. I tried the water cure, homoeopathy, allopathy--everything. Some day, I must recount my consultations, on the sameSunday, with Sir James Clarke, Her Majesty's physician, and Dr. Quin, homoeopathist, jester, and, as some said, quack. "

At the end of five years of my suffering, I went to America. The tripdid me good. It did not cure me. I wrote a book--a very little one. Half-a-crown was its price. The present First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. Smith, published it. All the edition was sold. I did not ventureanother. I will quote some portions of it, as a preface to what is tofollow. 

When this book was just out of the press, I received the followingletters from Mr. Cobden:--

 "DUNFORD, NEAR MIDHURST, SUSSEX, "_6th January_, 1852. 

"MY DEAR WATKIN, "When lately in Manchester I heard from S. P. Robinson that you hadbeen to the United States; that you had been much struck with what yousaw there; that we were being fast distanced by our young rival, &c. Since then I have seen an extract in a paper from a work published byyou; but being in an outlying place here, have no means of informingmyself further about it. Now, if the book be not large, and can be sentthrough the post, I wish you would let me have a copy. I know howunreasonable it is to ask an author to give away his works; for, as Dr. Johnson said to Thrale, the brewer, in vindication of his own rulenever to make a present of his writings, 'You do not give away yourporter, Sir;' but I feel very anxious to know what you think of theUnited States. 

"I have long had my notions about what was coming from the West, andrecorded my prophecy on my return from America in 1835. People inEngland are determined to shut their eyes as long as they can; but theywill be startled out of their wilful blindness some day by somegigantic facts proving the indisputable superiority of that country inall that constitutes the power, wealth, and real greatness of a people. 

"Hoping that you are quite well after your holiday, which you would notallow to be a holiday. 

 "I remain, very truly yours, "R. COBDEN. 

"EDWD. WATKIN, Esq. "

In reference to a paragraph in the following, I should mention that inmy letter transmitting the book, I had written about my meetings withKossuth, the Hungarian patriot, and had referred to his visit to theUnited States. 

 "DUNFORD, NEAR MIDHURST, "_8th January_, 1852. 

"MY DEAR WATKIN, "Many thanks for your kindness in sending me a copy of your work, which, so far as I have gone, pleases me much. You could not have donea wiser and more patriotic service than to make the people of thiscountry better acquainted with what is going on in the United States. It is from that quarter, and not from barbarous Russia, or fickleFrance, that we have to expect a formidable rivalry--and yet thatcountry is less studied or understood in England than is the history ofancient Egypt or Greece. I should like to go once more to America, ifonly to see Niagara again. But I am a bad sailor, and should dread theturmoil of public meetings when I arrived there. 

"My impression of Kossuth's _phrenology_ was that there was notpower or animal energy sufficient to account for the ascendancy heacquired over a turbulent aristocracy and a rude uncivilized democracy. The secret lies evidently in his eloquence, in which he certainlysurpasses any modern orator; and, taking all things into account, he isin that respect probably a phenomenon without equal in past or presenttimes. I fear when the French news reaches America, it will damp theardour of his friends there, and make them more than ever resolved to'stand upon their own ground' rather than venture into the quagmire ofEuropean politics. It has confirmed me in my non-intervention policy. It is evident that we know nothing about the political state of evenour next neighbours, and how are we likely to be better informed aboutGermany or Italy? _Their ways are not our ways. _ Let us notattempt to judge them by our standard. Let us endeavour to set them agood example. If 36 millions of Frenchmen, or 46 millions of Germans, submit to a despotic Government, it is because they do not reallydesire anything better. 

"If they wished for a different form of Government they could have it. What presumption in _us_ to think that our interference in thematter can be necessary!

 "Believe me, faithfully yours, "RICHARD COBDEN. 

"EDWD. WATKIN, Esq. "

I venture here a few extracts from my little book of 1851, as detailingmy views, new and fresh as they were, on American questions. 

 * * * * *

"I have presumed to think that these hasty Letters, destitute as theyare of all literary merit, written during a visit to the 'New World, 'may be, just now, worth presenting to 'every-day sort of people, ' likemyself, who have little time to travel; and, unable to do both, wouldrather watch the free growth of a new country, than observe thedecadence and decrepitude of old ones. For just now, when a large partof our labouring population is strangely awakening to the impression, that a dollar a-day and a vote at elections in the United States arebetter than eightpence a-day in Ireland; the New Home to which ourfellow-countrymen are thus flocking--and in which, somehow or other, they prosper and are independent--is especially interesting. 

"Steam navigation and railways have so far reduced the difficulties anduncertainties of Western travel, that it is now as easy and as cheap tospend one's autumn holidays, as I have done, in a trip to America ofsome eleven thousand miles out-and-home, as fifteen years ago it was toget to John o' Groats and back by land conveyance, or to go a-shootingin Sutherlandshire--which, by-the-bye, is an out of the way and dismalsort of county even yet. 

"Every one ought to know how easy it is, and how pleasant andinstructive, to travel in the States. But, though many people do knowthis, the plague of English travellers which annually overspreadsEurope, from July to December, and disturbs even the quiet of the Nile, has hardly touched America. And while one cannot enter the drawing-roomof any decent house without hearing descriptions of scenery and mannersin Germany, Italy, or Russia, --to have visited America almost involvesthe suspicion of some commercial connection with that country. Yet noother land in the world has so close an alliance with our own; and, while we are culpably ignorant of almost everything but itspeculiarities and its vices, no other country studies our history, andwatches our progress, with greater interest or more solicitude. AnyEnglish youngster will tell you that Americans speak through theirnoses, spit, and hold slaves; but how few, even of the mostintelligent, know that better English is spoken by the mass ofAmericans, than by the majority of English citizens, and that educationis practically an institution of the United States, and universal;though at home it hardly exists as a system, and can never be extendedin any truly national direction without exciting a war of parties! Bethe reason what it may, we have been in the habit of looking down onAmerica. We shall soon perhaps have to look up to it. 

"It is but sixty-two years since the foundation of the Republic. Itthen consisted of thirteen small States. It now comprises twenty-nineStates; without reckoning the new dominions of Oregon, California, New, Mexico, and Texas. Ten years ago its area was 2, 000, 000 square miles, or more than 1, 300, 000, 000 acres. That area has become, in 1850, 3, 252, 689 square miles, or 2, 081, 717, 760 acres. It is thus nearlythirty times the size of Great Britain and Ireland. 

"The Republic now possesses an ocean coast of 5, 140 miles, viz. , --l, 920on the Atlantic, 1, 620 on the Pacific, and 1, 600 on the Gulf of Mexico. 

"Its population in 1790 was less than 4, 000, 000; in 1840 it stood at17, 000, 000; it is now 25, 000, 000. And if its vast territory, with amore productive soil, and greater resources of all kinds, should someday become as thickly peopled as our own island, it will then contain apopulation of 800, 000, 000 of souls speaking the English tongue. If theFederation hold together in peace, why should this result, thoughdistant, be doubtful? For it now comprises almost every variety ofsoil, climate, vegetable productions, and mineral wealth. 

Its 20, 000 miles of river and lake navigation--its 10, 000 miles ofrailway--its 4, 000 miles of canal--and its 11, 000 miles of telegraphicwire--connect every part of its vast territory together, and give to aninterminable continent the compactness of a small island. Thefacilities of communication, too, place at the command of the people ofone part of the country the climate of every other. When thethermometer is below zero at New York, a journey of three days willbring the traveller to Savannah, where a genial temperature of 60degrees, clear skies, and verdant nature, await him. And when ascorching sun is filling New Orleans with fever, the cool weather ofthe North, and upon the great lakes, is healthy and delightful. Theapple bloomed at Natchez, in 1850, as early as the 24th March; while atMontpelier, in Vermont, it bloomed on the 10th June. The distancebetween the two places is but three or four days' travel. 

"One can hardly name a staple article of production which some part orother of the States will not grow--not as a mere garden curiosity, butas an article of profitable cultivation. The champagne of Cincinnati isbeginning to be noted, and tea is under experimental cultivation inSouth Carolina. 

"The mineral resources of the country are enormous; and theirdevelopment is only limited by the present want of capital to work themmore efficiently. The coal of Pennsylvania--the iron in various partsof the Union--the copper of Lake Superior--the lead about Galena on theMississippi; and lastly, the gold of California, which has already putin circulation a coinage of 15, 000, 000_l_. Sterling--all these arebut the first tapping of almost boundless resources. 

"In 1791, the public debt of the United States was $75, 000, 000. It isnow, with six times the population, only $64, 000, 000; and in the sameperiod, the imports of the country have increased from a value of$52, 000, 000 to $147, 000, 000; the exports from $19, 000, 000 to$145, 000, 000; and the tonnage of shipping from 500, 000 tons to3, 300, 000 tons. 

"The post-office statistics show how the transmission of intelligencehas outstripped even the march of population. In 1790, the number ofpost-offices in the entire States was 75; in 1850, the number was16, 789. In 1790, there were 4, 875 miles of post routes; in 1850, therewere 167, 703. In 1790, the whole post-office revenue was 37, 905dollars; in 1850, it was 4, 905, 176 dollars; which sum consisted of4, 082, 762 dollars for letters, and 819, 016 dollars for newspapers andpamphlets. The mileage run in transportation of letters in 1850, was42, 544, 069 miles, at a cost, for transportation only, of a little morethan twopence-halfpenny per mile. And the total number of lettersconveyed was 67, 500, 000; 62, 000, 000 of which were paid, and 5, 500, 000free and franked. 

"To come from letters to arms; it is a curious fact, as exhibiting thereal military strength of this great country, that the militia force ofthe States amounts to 1, 960, 265 men, or as many as the whole populationof Canada, or two-thirds of that of Scotland, who could be called outand in the field in less than a month. 

"The school funds belonging to the respective States, swelled by theconstant addition of every sixteenth section of government land sold, are very large. Those belonging to seventeen free States amounted, in1850, in fixed value, to 21, 400, 000 dollars. Popular education is thecondition on which all new States are admitted into the Union. 

"There are 121 colleges in the States; with a total of 950 instructors;50, 115 alumni; 9, 028 ministers; and 11, 565 students; and having 769, 079volumes in their libraries. 

"And without a farthing from the State, or from any source beyond thefree-will offerings of the people, to support them, there are in thiscountry of yesterday, 30, 217 churches (exclusive of those belonging tothe Wesleyans) connected with the various sects of Christians: 26, 588ministers; and 4, 558, 168 communicants, or 1 in 5 1/2 of the population. 

"This country, then, possesses all the elements which are usuallyconsidered as contributing to civilization and to power. It has faroutstripped us in the rate of its progress; and it becomes every day, more and more, the refuge for the industrious poverty, not only ofGreat Britain, but of Europe. 

"Those who wish to gaze at ruins need not go to it. Those who onlyyearn for the sight of crown jewels, or ancient armour, had better stayaway. But to all who would see the realm which Nature has spread out, in her largest features, for the development of the Anglo-Saxon race, under institutions once deemed Utopian, and even yet wondered at asexperimental--to all who would see how a people can GROW--North Americais the country of irresistible attraction. "

 * * * * *

As to slavery, I wrote:--

"Maryland is a slave State, and Baltimore exhibits traces of theexistence of the 'Institution. ' At the railway stations--the onebelonging to the line which connects Baltimore with Philadelphia, forinstance--are notices, stating 'that coloured persons desiring to go bythe cars, must be at the depot two hours before the starting of thetrain, to have their names registered and their papers examined, orthey will not be allowed to travel. '

"The following announcements in the 'Baltimore Clipper, ' were amongstsimilar advertisements:--

"'SLAVES WANTED. --We are at all times purchasing Slaves, paying thehighest _cash_ prices. Persons wishing to sell, will please callat 242, Pratt-street. (Slatter's Old Stand. ) Communications attendedto. '

"'NEGROES WANTED. --I will pay the highest prices, in cash, for anynumber of Negroes with good titles, slaves for life, or for aterm of years, in large or small families, or single Negroes. I willalso purchase Negroes restricted to remain in the State, that sustaingood characters. Families never separated. Persons having Slaves forsale, will please call and see me, as I am always in the market withthe cash. Communications promptly attended to, and liberal commissionspaid, by John D. Denning, No. 18, South Frederick-street, betweenMarket and Second-streets, with trees in front of the house. '

"Maryland has 89, 000 slaves, and the number is decreasing. Virginia, its neighbour State, has 448, 000--the total number in the Union being2, 487, 000. 

"I have found throughout my tour, what all English travellers mustfind--that slavery is a question which it is better not to go out ofone's way to discuss. For, although I have had many friendlyconversations with its most ardent supporters and most violentopponents, I soon discovered, on the one hand, that the question ispractically compromised by the great political parties in the FreeStates, from time to time, in order to conciliate Southern votes; and, on the other, that the slave-owners consider the word 'abolition' assynonymous with confiscation and civil war. The latter meet you at theoutset of the argument by stating that their whole property consists ofland and slaves. That their lands of course derive their value fromcultivation; and that, apart from the mere question of cost, thatcultivation is impossible in the hands of the white man. They tell you, that while the negro endures the labour of the rice field mid-leg deepin water, and with a scorching sun above his head, without danger, andcan withstand the miasma-hanging in the night air on the plantations--the white man is attacked with hopeless fever if he exposes himself tothese influences. They declare that the unconditional abolition ofslavery, in a country abounding in unappropriated lands, where men maysquat without being disturbed, means simply the confiscation of threehundred millions sterling, the value of the slaves, in the first place, and the abandonment and destruction of the entire planting interest, in the second. To urge the morality of the question with these men, would be as successful as a similar appeal to our opium traders; to themaker of fire-arms certain to burst; or, to use an American free Stateillustration--to the successful manufacturer of wooden nutmegs. 

"After hearing these statements, doubtless exaggerated, but which weremade with earnestness, and are at least partially true, I was notsurprised to learn, that since the forcible seizure of a slave atBoston, some months ago, by the abolitionists of that city, many of theSouthern merchants have transferred their purchases of manufacturedgoods to New York, to an extent which, were it not stated on authority, would be beyond belief. Indeed I learn, that so strong is this anti-abolition feeling, that where any option exists, the avowedabolitionists are systematically avoided in business dealings. A first-class firm in New York, having a magnificent shop in the Broadway, seetheir old Southern customers pass by to a rival establishment in thesame street, the only reason being that they are known to be earnestabolitionists, while their rival has never publicly expressed anyopinion on the question. 

"This feeling, showing itself in an endless variety of shapes, is justnow most-fierce, owing to an outrage which has occurred inPennsylvania, in which a Mr. Gorsuch has been shot down, and his sonseriously wounded, in an attempt to seize a fugitive slave (under theprovisions of the 'fugitive slave law'), which was resisted by a risingof the free black population, and of some white abettors. 

"The 'fugitive slave law' is, indeed, simply a declaratory act. For itis unfortunately the fact, that the Southern States gave in theiradhesion to the Federal Republic solely on condition that, while theslave trade should cease, the institution of slavery should berespected, and they should have the right to follow and seize fugitiveslaves in any part of the Union. The 'fugitive slave law' was the workof the 'Union' party--a party composed of men of all shades of opinion, who wished, by conciliation, to prevent the threatened withdrawal ofSouth Carolina and other slave States from the Union. 

"Greatly as all just and dispassionate men must abhor slavery, everyone must admit the difficulties with which its immediate abolition ishere surrounded. The negro does not possess the cordial sympathy of thewhite man. For while a small, and, politically speaking, uninfluential, party are prepared to make every sacrifice and run all risks in orderto blot out slavery on the instant, the influential and acting leadersof the majority, whatever their occasional language of denunciation, and affectation of horror, are not disposed to brave the rebellion ofthe South, and the possible disruption of the Republic, for the sake ofshortening the thraldom of the negro some fifty years. They profess torely upon the natural progress of events, which, by quiet change, hasalready banished slavery from the majority of the States originallyparties to the Union; and has, within the last few years, forbidden thefuture existence of slave States north of latitude 36 degrees 3o'--for thegradual extinction of the system; and in the meantime they are preparedto alleviate the lot of the slave; to refuse any extension of slavery;and, as far as concession can obtain it, to narrow the area which itnow occupies. 

"Perhaps, should these cold political views still hold possession ofthe moving spirits of the country, the next practical step in advancemay be to secure to the slave a personal right to some small portion ofthe day, and to the produce of his labour in that portion;--to say, infact, that after a stipulated number of hours' labour for his master, the remainder of his time shall be his own. The effect of this would beto enable him legally to accumulate property. And if, in addition, aminimum price be fixed at which his master should be bound to allow himto redeem himself, and savings' banks were opened to receive theproduce of his free earnings--some glimmering of daylight would dawnupon his lot, and his condition, as a 'chattel' to be bought and sold, would not be hopeless. "

Referring to what I hereafter relate of the incident at Saratoga, Imay, at this point, remind the reader that, as late as 1862, PresidentLincoln, a sincere abolitionist, could not see his way to declare thefreedom of the slave. He told a deputation from Chicago that "a Popeonce issued a Bull against an eclipse, but the eclipse came alongnevertheless. " The moment I saw black soldiers in Northern uniform, carrying Northern muskets, at the end of 1863, I made up my mind thatthe North had won. In 1865 Dr. Mackay, registrar, showed me theregistry of the passage of John Brown's, corpse through New York. Iquote from memory; but if I recollect rightly, it was this:--

-------------------------------------------------------------------|_ Date. Name. Age. Occupation. Cause ofDeath. _ || ----- ----- ---- ----------- --------------- || Nov. , 1859. John Brown 59 Farmer Hanging || || _Remarks. _ || || Tried and found guilty of treason and of inciting slaves to || rebel against their masters. |-------------------------------------------------------------------

 * * * * *

"CHAMPION STEAMER, UP THE ST. LAWRENCE, "Thursday, September 4, 1851. 

"Owing to the locomotive habits of the people, the hotels of Americaare more extensive and more systematized than ours. One of theirfeatures is the system of charging a fixed sum per day, which coversall the annoying extras of English hotel bills. On entering an hotel, you write your name and address in a book, have the number of yourbedroom placed opposite your name, and receive a key, which, when yougo out you leave in the office. The breakfast, lunch, dinner, and tea, take place at stated hours, and are managed with great precision anddiscipline. 

"At the 'United States Hotel, ' Saratoga, the waiters are blacks, andare commanded by a black maitre d'hotel. On dinner being served, thegong is sounded, and each guest takes his appointed place. All beingseated, the maitre d'hotel claps his hands, and in an instant, at one_coup_, the covers are nipped away, as if with the same hand, bywaiters stationed at regular distances around the tables. Then theserious work of eating commences. If any embarrassment arises, a clapof the hand calls attention to it, and a sign directs its immediateremedy. Then, as each course is finished, another clap stations thewaiters again at their old places, and at a wave of the hand all thedishes skip off the table. Then, the table being cleared of dinnerdishes, the whole posse of waiters march two and two round the tables, and leave the room by a side door. In a few seconds they return againin the same order, each man bearing three dishes, and fall again intotheir places. Then, all eyes being fixed upon the maitre d'hotel, _clap one_, and down goes one dish from the hands of each waiterall along the tables. _Clap two_ brings down dish the second; and_clap three_ drops the third. And at a table of nearly 400 personsall are thus served with dessert, as before they had been with eachcourse, in about half a moment, and each at the same time. Even inchanging knives, forks, and plates, a system is adopted. A portion ofthe waiters, obeying a sign, fall out of line, and divide into threes;one of each three bears the plates, one the knives, and one the forks;and each party goes round its allotted length of table. Black No. 1dots down a plate opposite each person; No. 2 plants a knife on oneside of it; No. 3 puts down a fork on the other side. The men do thiswith an even regularity of movement, and a gravity which is quiteamusing. All this rapid and regular action drives dinner on amazingly;indeed, it almost hurries you. In fifty minutes all is over, and thetable cleared. The Americans, who seem to know the value of time, generally get up and decamp immediately after the last mouthful, whichis perhaps a sensible plan. 

"At Saratoga we found a party of Indians. Eighteen of these children ofthe forest, who had been down to New York to sell toys and ornaments, which they manufacture in the winter, were on their return home, andwere encamped outside the village during Sunday. They showed little ofthe costume of their tribe, or rather, I suppose I should say, want ofcostume; one man wearing a pair of red plush breeches, and some of thewomen having bonnets. Still there were the features, the attitudes, andthe language of the aborigines. We visited their camp at night, acollection of gipsy-like tents, and conversed with one or two of them, which led others to steal out and listen. I say steal out, for it wasonly upon turning round, that I became aware that we were suddenlyalmost surrounded. One man spoke very good English. He said they wereOneidas, or as he pronounced it 'Onidehs, ' and were going back to theircountry, where they would remain with their tribe, about two hundredand eighty of whom were left, till next year, and then come down again. 

"On Sunday evening I witnessed another and a very different spectacle. A Methodist preacher came into the village in a little four-wheeledcar, with a square black hood over it, and preached from his car, onwhat is termed by the common voice 'Nigger abolition. ' He wasaccompanied by a young woman and a very pretty little child, who bothsat behind him. He soon got an audience, amongst whom were several menfrom the Southern States. He denounced slavery in no very measuredterms, and soon provoked the Southern men to interject--'Why don't yougo into the South?' 'Why, Sir, ' was the reply, 'you know, it would beas much as my life is worth. ' 'Nonsense! we will give you five hundreddollars to go, and you shall be safe. ' 'To what State, Sir?' 'Georgia, 'replied one voice; 'Alabama, ' another; 'North Carolina, ' another. 'Why, ' was the rejoinder, 'three of our preachers were expelled fromthose very States not a month ago. ' 'Your niggers here are free, andthey are worse off than ours; why don't you mend their conditionfirst?' And so the attack and reply went on (this was Sunday evening)for half an hour, amidst laughter, jeers, and the occasionalpropulsion, by fellows behind, of some unlucky lad or other against thepoor preacher's horse; a movement which endangered the woman and childespecially, but which appeared to give great satisfaction to many, andwhich no one interfered in any manner to prevent. I left the spot indisgust. I have seen, however, as much petty intolerance at home. Ireturned from my walk in time to hear the preacher pronounce hisbenediction, in the midst of which there arose a hideous yell: three orfour boys were shot against the horse, and the car was nearlyoverthrown; after which a shouting multitude followed the retreatingabolitionist for some distance, to harass and annoy him, as he drovewith difficulty away. 

"On Monday morning, recruited by the previous day's rest, I leftSaratoga, and travelled forty-one miles by railway through a partiallycleared, and, in many parts, very beautiful country, to Whitehall, which is at the southern end of Lake Champlain, where we took asteamer, a nice, orderly, and comfortable boat, and steamed to Rouse'sPoint, 132 miles further. The scenery of the lake is very beautiful. The ruins of the old fortress of Ticonderoga rise upon it, standingupon a steep rocky headland, and commanding the lake, which narrows atthis point; a wide expanse of water swelling out both above and below. Ticonderoga was taken from the French by the English, by the use ofartillery fired down from the mountain above it. In the American war ofindependence it was taken from us by surprise by one Colonel EthenAllen. It is reported that Allen awakened the commandant, who was inbed, and told him to surrender. 'By what authority?' said the half-awakened officer. 'By the authority of the Lord Jehovah and theContinental Congress, ' replied Allen. 

"About the middle of the lake is the thriving town of Burlington, thechief town of Vermont. Here we stopped to take in passengers, and werepleased with the bustle and activity of the place. The wharf wascrowded; and, as the day was hot, straw hats and shirt-sleeves, alsothe mitigated form of comfort--viz. , coat and trousers withoutwaistcoat--were abundant. 

"It was dusk when we arrived at Rouse's Point, and we had not so good aview as I could have wished of the extensive wharves and landings; theboat, 300 feet long, built to carry over whole trains; and theextensive station works of the Northern or Ogdensburgh Railroad, whichis just opened. 'I had been introduced, at Saratoga, to thesuperintendent of this line, Colonel Schlatter, by Mr. Van Ransellaer, of the Saratoga and Washington line. Both these gentlemen were verypolite, and gave me orders to pass over their railways when I pleased. The Ogdensburgh line extends from Rouse's Point to Ogdensburgh, nearthe head of Lake Ontario. It forms, with other lines, a complete systemfrom Boston and New York to Lake Ontario, and has many difficult andextensive works in its course. 

"From Rouse's Point we took the Champlain and St. Lawrence line, openedtwo days ago, and at Isle aux Noix passed into British-Americanterritory, and heard the old French patois of the 'habitans' of thatlocality, from the mouths of a crowd of curious people awaiting thearrival of the train. At La Prairie we joined the ferry boat, animmense vessel as usual, and dropped down the St. Lawrence for ninemiles, to Montreal, where I got to bed at Donnegana's hotel, at oneo'clock on Tuesday morning, desperately tired. 

"Montreal is a flourishing town of 50, 000 inhabitants. It is built uponan island formed by the confluence of the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa. The 'island' belonged to the Catholic priesthood of the place, whostill exercise rights over it similar to those of the 'lords' in casesof English copyholds, and who obtain an annual revenue of some30, 000_l_. Or 40, 000_l_. From it. The city was founded about250 years ago, and has still many of the features of a French town, though the improvements of the last twenty years, by obliteratingsingle story and wooden houses from the best quarters, have altered itscharacter. In old times it was the depot for the great fur trades. Now, however, it receives its furs almost entirely back from England, towhich country the Hudson's Bay Company send their whole supply, to bedressed and prepared for re-exportation. It is the commercial emporiumof this district; and, though it has suffered from the equalization ofduties, it is now recovering. The facilities for communication with theUnited States, by the systems of railroad made and making, which maybring it within twelve hours of Boston and New York, will doubtlessurge forward its prosperity. 

 * * * * *

"Montreal has considerable general commerce, commanding, as it does, the St. Lawrence, now connected by railway directly with the UnitedStates, and being at the outlet of the Ottawa river district. Theisland upon which it stands is some thirty miles long, and containsmuch fine and valuable land, mostly under cultivation, and abounding ingood farms and gardens, and fine orchards. From the 'Mountain' aboveMontreal, a splendid view is obtained of the St. Lawrence and itswooded shores; the dark forests of the Ottawa valley; the fine brightlands of the islands; the city, and its villaed suburbs. In thedistances, north and south, the 'green mountains' of Vermont, and thedistant summits which separate the cultivated parts of Lower Canadafrom those far-off and savage regions, in which the trappers of theHudson's Bay Company and some scattered Indians are the sole monarchsof the woods--are visible. There can be no view more beautiful, fewmore extensive. It gives all the peculiarities of this North Americanscenery in its largest and finest features. And seen again from thehigh towers of the Catholic Cathedral (the cathedral will hold severalthousand people, and is the largest church in Canada), to which Imounted, up 268 steps, it again delights the eye with its extent andbeauty. From this latter point, too, the St. Lawrence is seen justbelow, and you may watch the rushing of the nearest rapids, and thestruggles and windings of the boats and steamers, in passing on theirupward voyages. 

"Montreal and Quebec (more especially) have the distinctive features ofFrench towns with many of the peculiarities of English ones. Here isthe well-known countenance of the northern parts of France. Carts suchas might have been seen, no doubt, hundreds of years ago in France. TheNorman breed of horses: small, round, strong, and enduring. Every othersignboard presents a French name; the blacksmith styling himself'forgeron;' the baker, 'boulanger;' the ladies' attendant, 'sage-femme;'--and so on. The professional man generally has two plates uponhis door:--one telling you that he is 'M. Charles Robert, ' 'avocat;'and the other, that he is 'Mr. C. Robert, ' 'attorney at law. ' In the'Cote des Neiges, ' behind the mountain, at Montreal, and in the suburbor quarter 'St. Henry, ' this French appearance is universal. 'NotreDame des Neiges, ' in the former, with its gaudily painted inside andunpretending outside, its wooden roof and tin-covered steeple, wouldrecall to you the wooded districts of France; and the houses in bothquarters, the people with their 'bonnets rouges' (as distinguished fromthe 'bonnets bleus' and 'bonnets gris' of the Quebec district), andinnocence of English and English ways of living, working, farming, andthinking, are even more French than the French themselves. Indeed, solittle have they changed since the settlement of the country twohundred years ago, that they speak the French of that time without thealloy since introduced into the language. Their old modes of farmingare still in vogue; and they despise all change, satisfied to live inquiet and simple comfort, without the worry of improvements. In theQuebec district the farmers singe their pigs when they have killedthem, and despise the use of hot water. Just as farmers do in Normandy, and in some parts of the south of England. This pig-singeing is a greatevent; and on one occasion during the Rebellion, the singeing of two orthree pigs on a hill-side at night, caused the Quebec garrison and thecountry volunteers to turn out, under the belief that the light seenwas that of a beacon fire, and that the enemy were at hand. 

"Montreal, and Quebec also, abound in fine Catholic churches, and thestreets swarm with comfortable-looking priests, dressed in blackcassocks and bands, and wearing big-buckled shoes and broad-brimmedhats. 

"The difference in language, customs, and religion, divides thepopulation into two distinct sections, and is a bar to united effortand to the improvement of the country; which nevertheless does improvein spite of this difficulty, though not as rapidly as it might andought. I did not fully appreciate this until I visited the Superior LawCourt, then sitting in Montreal. This court is held, during theerection of the new court-house, in the old, low-walled, high-roofed, building in which the French Government conducted their public affairsa hundred and fifty years ago. In this building, in 1839, the PrivyCouncil decided to place the country under martial law, and theproclamation was issued from it. 

"The judges sitting when I visited the court were Smith, Van Feloon, and Mondelet, the latter a French Canadian. The first case argued was along-pending one between Sir John Stewart and an architect, who hadsuperintended the erection of some buildings on one of Sir John'sfarms. The counsel were not over clever, but sufficiently verbose, andfull enough of 'instances, ' both ancient and modern. The counsel forSir John laid great stress upon the erroneous manner in which theaction had been laid, and contended that as the English form of'assumpsit' had been taken, in order to get both debt and damages, instead of a single action of damages being brought, all theconsequences of the form adopted must be taken by the plaintiff, who, not having proved _damages_, or even stated them, must be held bythe court to have made out no case, and be cast accordingly. Thecounsel quoted the old French law, and a French law-writer of 1700, Chardon, and also English and Canadian authorities. The French Canadianjudge having, during the oration, thrown in an observation or two inEnglish, which he did not speak over fluently, at length uttered inFrench a long comment upon the fallacy of the argument--which soundedstrangely. The counsel for the architect went at the argument of hisopponent with great vigour, stimulated by the expressed opinion ofJudge Mondelet, and went back to the days of ancient Rome to show thatforms of action had been difficult even in those days, having oncecaused a revolt. He declared that even in England they were asunsettled as ever; and wound up by propounding as a dogma, that theCanadian law was neither English, French, Roman, nor of any otherprecedent, but was founded upon common sense, which was the only guideand authority in the administration of it. In corroboration of this, the little black eye of Judge Mondelet brightly twinkled, and he noddedhis head in dignified approbation. Judge Van Feloon, who seemed morephlegmatic, quietly settled the matter by saying, that he supposed if aman _did_ work for another, and the other had agreed to pay him, he was entitled to the money, and that therefore the court would haveto see that a bargain had been made, and the work duly performed, andthen decide. The next case argued arose out of a fraudulent assignment;and in this, too, French authorities, in the old language of a hundredand fifty years since, were often appealed to--Chardon being apparentlythe standard book of reference. The mixture of custom evidently causedembarrassment, and it was clear that no fixed decisions could regulatedisputes concerning property, while the precedents relied upon werebased upon the differing laws of two separate countries--laws, perhaps, not now operating in those very countries themselves. 

"The tenure of property in Lower Canada is still in part based upon theold French feudal system. There are still 'seigneurs' who hold lands, and have 'censitaires' or tenants, paying fee-rent in produce, services, and money. It is true that a law has been passed enabling afixed commutation, in money, of these seigneurial rights; but I am toldthat the parties adhere in most cases to the old usage, and despiseinnovation. 

"A singular custom, too, prevails. Parents, when old and tired oflabour, assign their property to their children, or to one of them, inconsideration of a string of conditions for their own maintenance andcomfort, each one of which is recited in the deed with minuteexactness. They stipulate usually for a house, so much meat, bread, sugar, tea, &c. ; a caleche and horse to take them to church on Sundaysand holidays; so much tobacco or snuff; so many gowns and bonnets, orsuits of clothes and hats; and so on. These gifts lead to frequent law-suits; and one can quite understand how, in a country with large tractsof its land held upon tenures of the most complex character, under asystem which has passed away even in the country from whence it came, and where to this mass of difficulty is added the cause of dispute justalluded to, the legal profession should flourish, --which I understandit does. 

"Many of the public buildings of Montreal are excellent. The BonSecours Market is a very fine building, and puts many of ours at hometo shame. The Jesuits' College is large and sombre; and some of theconvents and institutions are well worth a visit, both as buildings andas institutions of the place. 

"In the country little progress appears; but you see no misery, andmuch comfort and joyfulness. Indeed, these French settlers seem happyupon their small properties, surrounded by their old customs, and inthe enjoyment of the fetes and holidays which their religion allows. They look upon the rush of improvement with calmness, though often witha sort of incredulity as to the agency by which it is brought about, and the righteousness of its existence. 'Mais, croyez-vous que le bonDieu permettra tout cela?' said one of them on seeing a train movealong, dragged by no visible horseflesh, and propelled without birds'wings. They are quite a contrast to their American neighbours, who haveoften suggested that Lower Canada might go ahead if the Frenchpopulation were 'improved off the face of the earth. '

"The priests set a good example of taking matters enjoyably andpeacefully: their country farm outside Montreal, at the foot of themountain, for example. The house is situated so as to command abeautiful view of the basin of the St. Lawrence, which, on a fine day, shows its river gliding on with broad tranquil surface, peacefullytowards the sea, and exhibits the gardens, woods, and orchards, whichcover the country with a fertile and smiling landscape. The grounds arelarge and well planted; and the rude gaze of the multitude is shut outby a high wall, which extends half round the farm itself. Here the goodfathers come for a few days at a time, and in turns, to recruitexhausted nature, and spend their hours in exercise and reading. Fineold fellows! we need not envy them; but rather hope that all men maysome day have as many of the means of quiet and simple happiness toresort to. 

"The short summer of Lower Canada causes great activity in businessduring the 'seasons. ' The summer and autumn are therefore the times ofbusiness; the short interval between them the time for visits to theseaside, or to Saratoga, or the Caledonia Springs; while the winter, with its snow and ice and long endurance, brings round a continuouscarnival of pleasant racket, and is really the season of societyamongst all ranks of the people. I heard magnificent accounts of theballs, parties, sleighings, and country frolics, which take place; alsoof the walking expeditions far out into the wilds, with snow shoes, tents to sleep in, and Indian attendants; and of the wild sport inhunting the moose-deer, and other tenants of the wood--during thiswinter season. Some of the English agents spend five business months inCanada, and all the rest of the year in England, going home in Novemberand returning in April. 

"The residences in the suburbs of Montreal are usually well built, large, and beautifully situated. We drove through the suburbs toMonklands, which is on the western side of the mountain, and commands afine view of the country. This house, which is capacious and handsome, is now used as an hotel. It was the seat of the Governor-General, LordElgin; and the landlord showed us a point at the end of the nowdilapidated, but some time beautiful, garden, from whence, he said, hislordship viewed afar off the burning of the Parliament Houses atMontreal a year or two back. Lord Elgin shut himself up in Monklandsfor about three months after this outrage, and the Parliament and courtwere removed to Toronto, which, until the turn comes round to someother place, has the exclusive honour of hearing the rather strongoratory of the Upper Province. The country about Monklands is verybeautiful, and there are still abundant openings on the mountain sidesfor villas, similar to the very handsome and tasteful erections withwhich they are at present pretty thickly studded. 

"Leaving Montreal one evening by steamer, I dropped down to Quebec. TheSt. Lawrence below Montreal is broad, deep, and, in some places, winding. The principal population of Lower Canada is on its immediateshores; and the numerous cottages and houses, with cultivated fieldsaround them, would lead to a belief that the whole population of thecountry, so thickly appearing on the margin of the river, was greaterthan it is. The sail by daylight must be beautiful, and as the hours ofday, which going and returning allowed, enabled me to see a great partof the distance, I only regretted that I could not see more of so noblea river, and of the industry and the people settled on its banks. 

"When within five miles of Quebec, coming down the river, therecommences a succession of wharfs, to which the timber, which forms sogreat a trade here, is floated down stream, and from which it is loadedinto vessels for Europe and other parts of the world. The stock oftimber balks floating in the basins about these wharfs and landings isnow so great, that for three miles the margin of the river looks likeone great raft. We passed two immense rafts of timber, floating downthe stream, to be stowed here, one of which was some 400 yards long, had eighteen sails set, and four wooden houses complete, erected uponit. 

"Quebec is admirably placed as a fortified city, and also as a pointfor commerce. It stands on a high point of land opposite the Isle ofOrleans, which here divides the St. Lawrence into two large streams. The citadel overlooks the Bay of Quebec, the Isle of Orleans, and thehigh banks of the St. Lawrence. The view from it is most extensive, inwhichever direction the eye wanders. Forty miles of the St. Lawrenceare seen from it. The white wooden houses on the hill-sides, and thebroad fields of yellow grain, set off the dark wood; and the river--itsbay, fronting the point of land on which the city is placed, coveredwith sails and glistening in the sun--mellows the landscape mostexquisitely. Quebec, as seen from the river, too, has a fine commandingaspect. The Citadel crowning the height does not give so great anappearance of extent or strength as it possesses. In reality, Gibraltarpreeminent over all, it is one of the most impregnable strongholds inthe world; and its underground works, I am told, are so extensive that5, 000 men may be garrisoned and hidden within the bowels of the earthbeneath it. Visitors are not allowed to walk on the west ramparts; andon complaining of this to a distinguished military officer, I wasassured that the workmen, who are still employed in the excavationsbelow, are taken in blindfold--that the engineer officer alone knowsthe form and shape of the works in progress, and that the plan of theremainder is kept sealed up in the hands of the commandant, to beopened only in case of actual need. This is mystery with a vengeance, and but for the authority from whence I received the statement, Ishould doubt the fact--most decidedly. 

"The lower town of Quebec stands upon the river bank, beneath thealmost perpendicular face of rock, surmounted by the Citadel. It isold, and the houses are principally of wood, and ultra-French inappearance. The streets are narrow and not over clean. To reach theupper town you drive up a very precipitous road, or walk up a longflight of timber steps, which shorten the steepest portion of the way. The upper town is built on the acclivity and on the slopes of the hill-side, which slide down to the river St. Charles, to the north. The fireof 1845 improved the town, by clearing out miserable old woodendwellings; and the buildings erected on the site are of good brick orstone. Since these fires, too, it has been forbidden to build houses ofwood, within the walls; and the use of shingles for roofing has beenprohibited. The roofs are mostly covered with tin, which shines andglares in the sun at mid-day, but reflects the morning light verypleasantly. 

"The Protestant and Catholic Cathedrals are fine buildings, as are thenew Catholic church outside the suburbs, the Catholic seminary, andmany other edifices. But the narrow streets, steep ascents, and ancientbuildings, take away all beauty from the town itself, delightful as isits situation, and beautiful as are the vistas and views from variousparts of it. 

"A pilgrimage to the Plains of Abraham, about a mile from the Citadel, which consist of the high tableland between the St. Lawrence and theSt. Foix road and St. Charles river, was to me a traveller's duty. 

"It was on the night of the 12th of September, 1759, that Wolfe, checked by the French, at Montmorenci, two months before, dropped downthe St. Lawrence with his army in boats, and succeeded in landing at alittle bend of the river, still half hidden by trees, where the highand precipitous shores are most accessible, though yet most difficultof ascent. The troops scaled the heights, meeting little opposition, formed into line across the plains, and waited the attack of theFrench, who had marched that morning from Beauport, near to which thebattle of Montmorenci had been fought. The French came on gallantly, and the English stood their fire until they approached within fortyyards, and then delivered theirs. The French wavered, and Wolfe chargedat the head of his men, Montcalm heading his. A desperate fight tookplace, and Wolfe fell, struck by the third ball, just as the Frenchline broke in confusion, and the English cheer of victory burst fromhis conquering army. Montcalm was mortally wounded immediatelyafterwards. 

"On the spot where Wolfe fell, on the extreme right of his line, aplain unpretending pillar is placed, bearing the simple inscription, --

"'HERE DIED WOLFE, VICTORIOUS, SEPT. 13, 1759. '

Near the Citadel, and in the town, another monument has been erected, which bears the name of Wolfe on one side and that of Montcalm on theother. 

"To see the country, I had a drive of twenty-five miles along the St. Charles river, through the Indian village of Lorette, and back throughthe fine open district to the westward of the town. Our road was goodfor a few miles, but then became such a collection of deep pits andheaps of mud, that, but for a rude fence and wheel-marks, it wouldhardly have been distinguished from the fields. The course of the St. Charles, however, at this point, is between precipitous and sometimesrocky banks, covered with trees and jungle: and in enjoyment of thescenery, the fresh pure air, cooled by the previous night's rain, andthe sweet scents thrown out by the trees and wild-flowers, the slowprogress of the vehicle and the bumping of one's sides, were forgotten. 

"Lorette was originally a colony of Christianized Huron Indians, towhom lands were granted by the French. The village is now principallyinhabited by whites and half-breeds, though there are some of the purerace left--the men wearing European dresses, the women adhering to theancient costume. Their cottages are generally neat and clean. AndreRomain, the chief, resides in the centre of the village, a high poledenoting his residence and rank. I found him bending over his simpledinner of milk and coarse bread. He was dressed in old, and somewhatragged, garments. He seemed so extremely old, that I did not troublehim with more than a very short conversation, in French. He showed me aportrait of George IV. , given to him, he said, from the hands of thatmonarch, and a coloured engraving of the installation of one of theroyal princes as chief of the Hurons. The poor old man, broken downwith extreme age, had still the remains of a commanding presence, whicheven his miserable dress, unshaven beard, and bleared and misty eye, could not altogether extinguish. 

"This village gives an example of the fate of all the Indian tribes. Here, once brought together to live after the manner of the whites, this tribe has been reduced in number, and finally all but absorbed;and in a few years not one of the unmixed race will remain, and thelanguage of the tribe will be obliterated. 

"At Lorette are the falls of the St. Charles, which are veryinteresting. After seeing them, I had some milk at the 'Billy Button, 'a public-house kept by a Yankee, who deals in the Indian ornaments madein the village, and shows the falls, and then drove round to Quebec, through a fine and richly-tilled district; and, in passing, saw ahotly-contested heat run upon the course on the plains of Abraham--forit was Quebec races. "

 * * * * *

"TORONTO, "Saturday, September 6th, 1851. 

"Returning to Montreal, I spent Thursday in visiting variousinstitutions of that city, and drove out with Mr. ---- to see thecountry residence of a friend of his, which is hidden in a sweet littleglen, from whence, however, glimpses of the St. Lawrence river areobtained. This gentleman lives here in summer, and employs his leisurein the cultivation of the fruits and flowers, which a fine soil and aforcing climate produce in perfection. He complains of the destructionof the large trees in his vicinage, regretting that those who own theneighbouring woods should be impelled to bring down, first, the oldestand finest timber, and should be unable to preserve even so much of itas might illustrate hereafter the magnificent proportions of the nativeforest wood. This is truly one of the sad features of advancingcivilization. The fine old forests, like the native Indians, lose theirnoblest chieftains, and, degenerating to a few dwarfed and scatteredspecimens, at last disappear and are forgotten. 

"Mr. ---- told us much of the happy and comfortable lives of the farmersand settlers hereabouts. All have land; food in abundance, includingsugar from their own maple-bush; cattle; horses; light spring waggons, which serve as family coaches when not required for the week-day'swork; good homely furniture and clothing: in short, an abundance of allthe essentials of existence, and even wealth--but they possess littlemoney. In many cases, and now that agricultural improvement has becomea necessity, this want of money is found to be a great evil. Theordinary sized farms, of 100 acres of good land, all in cultivation, are worth from 500_l_. , to 1, 000_l_. ; and very often anexpenditure of 200_l_. Or 300_l_. In improvements woulddouble their value. The legal rate of interest here is 6 per cent. ; andas high a rate as 7 or 8 per cent could be got for small loans onmortgages for these purposes were the money to be had. The banks, however, do not, as a rule, lend money on mortgage, and the monied menof the country have usually lands of their own requiring the same sortof development. Foreign capital is therefore looked to; and doubtlessit will ultimately be procured in abundance, the security beingundeniable, and the rate of interest so high. 

"Mr. ---- does not consider the long winter any impediment to farming, but rather the contrary, as the sudden burst of spring, and the rapidgrowths of summer, make up for it; while in a country like this, whereroads are so scanty, many of the farmers' operations are performed moreeasily during the snow and hard frosts which prevail. 

"Leaving Montreal, by a short railroad of nine miles in length, constructed to avoid the rapids of a bend of the St. Lawrence, I cameto Lachine. Here are the head-quarters of the Hudson's Bay Company, andthe house of Sir George Simpson, the Governor; and hence, annually, towards the end of April, proceed the 'maitre-canots, ' or large canoes, of the company, manned by its officers and hardy 'voyageurs, ' up thewaters of the Ottawa to Lake Nipissing, and down the Riviere desFrancais into Lake Huron. 

"At Lachine I took the 'Champion, ' a fine new steamer, built andequipped at Montreal, and worked up the St. Lawrence, along LakeOntario, to Toronto, a journey of 450 miles, and occupying about fortyhours in the performance. 

"The navigation of the St. Lawrence is impeded by several large'rapids, ' formed by the action of the suddenly descending current uponsunken rocks deep below the surface of the water. On the upward voyagethese are impassable for merchandize vessels; and, though the largesteamers struggle through many of them, there are others which no forcecan cope with. To remedy these impediments, several fine canals, equalto any similar works in the world, have been constructed. The first ofthese, the Beauharnois Canal, connects, by a cut eleven miles long, thebroad embayment called 'Lake St. Louis, ' above Montreal, with thesimilar reach called 'Lake St. Francis;' and in the narrow passagebetween these unruffled waters are the principal rapids--the 'Coteau duLac, ' the 'Cedars, ' and the 'Cascades. ' The passage through this'sixteen miles' declivity of boiling waters' is exciting. The largesteamers rush down with the rapidity of the wind, through waves lashedinto foam--sweeping close past the rocks and islets in the stream, andonly kept in safety in their course by the united exertions of six orseven 'voyageurs, ' and a pilot, at the wheel. 

"The upper shores of the St. Lawrence are populous and well cultivated. In stopping to take in our supply of wood, which we had to do severaltimes during the day and night, usually at quiet secluded nooks alongshore, or on some little island, I had many opportunities of seeing thecomfort of the people, and the progress of the country. The houses, usually of wood, painted white, or of some showy colour, and havingverandas covered with climbers, looked both commodious and gay. Itmight be mistake, but I fancied that improvement was more perceptiblewhen, passing the point where line 45 degrees 'strikes' the river, we cameinto the American territory. I was particularly struck with one farmnear Warrington, over which I had half-an-hour's walk, upon the bestfields of which were still protruding the heavy stumps of the foresttrees, cut down ten or twenty years ago. The owner told us he had 160acres, which he bought, partly cleared, seventeen years ago, for tendollars an acre. He had, a year ago, refused twenty dollars an acre forit, intending to make it worth fifty; and during his occupation he hadbrought up a large family in comfort and independence upon it, andsaved money. The crop of oats he was now clearing was a poor one, hesaid, --only forty-five bushels per acre. 

"Arrived at Ogdensburgh, on the American side of the river, I spentsome time, while waiting the arrival of the train bearing Boston andother eastern passengers, in going through the extensive and commodiousdepot of the Northern Railway. The works are not quite completed. Theywill cover an area of some forty acres, and comprise warehouses for thestowage of corn and other produce, a fine passenger shed, and largeengine-houses and sheds for cars. The quantity of corn and flour storedhere in the fall is very large. Last year it was 80, 000 barrels. Unfortunately, however, for the railways, the rate for conveyance ofthese staples is brought down by the competition of the steamers to avery low point; the charge from Toronto to Montreal being but oneshilling per barrel of 218 lbs. , or a farthing per ton per mile. 

"Opposite Ogdensburgh is the village of Prescott, remarkable as thescene of a deadly conflict during the rebellion, the traces of which itstill exhibits, in dismantled houses, and a windmill in ruins. 

"On the evening of this day we entered a part of the river, called, from the unceasing abundance of islets which gem its surface, the 'Lakeof the Thousand Isles. ' These islets, above fifteen hundred in number, vary in size from tiny things, little bigger than an upturned boat, toareas of many hundred acres. They are a succession of rockyexcrescences, mostly covered with wood, which grows, or overhangs, downto the water's edge. Some of them are cultivated, but the mass are justas nature left them, when--their broken and jutting strata havingsettled into bearings far down below the stream, on the morrow of somevast convulsion and upheaving of nature--the forest era was at lastestablished. How long a time elapsed before the action of the weatherhad produced, from the hard face of the stone itself, soil enough forthe lichen and the moss, or for these, in their turns, to become thereceptacle of the seeds of forest trees, blown from some distantregion--is a problem. In threading these islands, sometimes our vesselpassed through tortuous passages apparently blocked up at the end, andwithin a few yards of land, but by a sudden turn emerged into finelarge basins, and so wound and twined its way along. As the sundeclined, every island made a full, clear reflection in the glassysurface of the water; and the boughs and branches, the flowers by thewater's edge, the very marks upon the rocks, were repeated upside down, as if in a perfect mirror. The whole scene bore an air of such completeseclusion, that our noisy passage through it appeared like a rudeintrusion into some fairy realm, before time uninvaded by mortalvisits. The birds were disturbed from amongst the trees, and the wildducks and other water-fowl skimmed away, scared at the splashing of ourpaddles and the panting of our engine. 

"At sunset we stopped to take in wood at Gannanoque, a village sweetlyplaced on a swelling hillock above the river. Here I entered some ofthe houses, and found considerable comfort, plenty of dirt, and a goodmany pigs, who seemed on the best possible terms with the children. AnIrishwoman, standing at her door, her eldest son in her arms, a finebright-eyed urchin, told me, in return for my compliments on thehealthy appearance of the child, that she 'had been afther bathing him;for sure he had made himself dirty with playing with the pig. '

"The full moon had risen high when we left the last of the isles behindus; and late at night we emerged from the St. Lawrence, and arrived atKingston, the tin roofs of which shone brightly in the moonlight. 

"Kingston is an important town, and is the port of the Rideau Canal, which connects Bytown and the Ottawa with Lake Ontario. A walk throughthe streets by moonlight enabled us to see the market-house, a stonebuilding, considered to be the finest in Upper Canada. 

"Keeping along the north shore of Lake Ontario, we stopped at severalthriving little ports, and arrived in Toronto early on the afternoon ofSaturday. 

"Toronto is the chief city of Upper Canada, and is evidently a highlyprosperous place. It has a thoroughly Anglo-Saxon cast about it, andlooks new and bright. The streets are long and wide, the housesgenerally of brick, high and regular; and everywhere is the appearanceof vigorous trade and rapid extension. The houses of the richer classesare fully equal to those in the suburbs of Montreal; while no olddilapidated dwellings, like those which appear in that city, are herevisible. There are many fine public buildings--St. Lawrence Hall, theBanks, the Parliament House, and many others. The grounds of King'sCollege are well worth a visit. Toronto is at present the seat ofGovernment, and the Governor-General resides here. 

"This city, and its people, present many points of favourable contrastwith the older cities and population of Lower Canada. The soil andclimate may perhaps be more favourable, and the vicinity of Americanenergy may have some effect; but the secret of the greater growth ofthis province may be traced to its settlement by American Loyalists in1783. These men, driven away from their country by their adherence tothe British Crown, here found a refuge and new home. The whole landalong the St. Lawrence, above the French settlements, was formed intotownships, and farms were allotted to these, the 'United EmpireLoyalists, ' who thus became the fathers of Upper Canada. The populationof Upper Canada was not more than 210, 000 in 1830, now it is nearly1, 000, 000. Much of the land in the Province is equal to any in theworld; and nature seems to have given every aid to the formation of agreat country. All that is wanting would seem to be that independence, which, with all its reputed vices, would appear to be the condition ofAnglo-Saxon progress. Canada has been hitherto the resort of Britishsettlers only, while the United States have become a home for all theworld. "

What precedes was written nearly thirty-six years ago. I need notapologise for its crudeness, for I only represent, in plain words, theimpressions of the time. And I think I have troubled the reader quiteenough about my "first visit to America, and the reason for it. " I maysay, however, that my trip induced many other visits to the growingcountries of North America. I was, to some extent, a pioneer travellerto the other side of the Atlantic. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

_The Reciprocity Treaty with the United States. _

After asking various questions in the House of Commons, to which Ireceived unsatisfactory replies, I brought the subject of theReciprocity Treaty with the United States before the House of Commonslate one night in February, 1865. My observations, as reported in"Hansard, " were:--

"That the hour was too late to permit more than a speech in outline asto the Reciprocity Treaty and the Bonding Acts. Under the latter, articles chargeable with duty could be sent through United Statesterritory and Canada in bond, and as Canada was for the present, andwould be until the completion of railway communication to Halifax onthe Atlantic, cut off from access to the ocean for five winter monthsof the year, the Bonding Acts enabled her commerce with the outsideworld to pass unimpeded. The Northwestern States received in returncorresponding facilities of access through Canada. The ReciprocityTreaty included three essential provisions--the rights of fishery on ashore line of 1, 500 miles, the free navigation of the St. Lawrence, andthe free interchange of productions between the British Provinces andthe United States. (The beneficent theory of the treaty was to make twocountries, politically distinct, commercially one, and to induce thetwo peoples, otherwise opposed, to live in co-operation and in peace. )The provision as to the fisheries had settled for the time difficultquestions leading, in past days, and over and over again, to dispute, collision, and sometimes the imminence of war. The free navigation ofthe St. Lawrence and of Lake Michigan had removed jealousies andfostered the idea of common interests in the great waterways to theocean, while the results of trade had been so happy that a total annualinterchange of commodities of a value of nearly 10, 000, 000_l. A yearin amount between the British Provinces and the United States nowexisted. They were now threatened with the termination of this treatyat the end of twelve months, and no hope appeared to be held out, sofar, of an amicable revision and extension of its benefits. Theconsequences to commerce were evident, and at first would be mostserious. Trade at last, no doubt, would take other channels, and theBritish Provinces, trading between each other and with the MotherCountry, and reducing their duties to a low rate, might at the end belargely benefited at the price of a present loss; but that was merelythe money view, and such a gain would be dearly purchased at the costof humanity and civilization if it broke up the commercial and socialunion heretofore existing. He held that peace and progress and thefuture good relations between Great Britain and the United States, onwhich peace and progress were largely based, would suffer by such anisolation, and he would look with distrust upon a prosperity which wasnot still shared between the people on each side of the border. He hadtravelled much on both sides of the British lines, and it was cheeringto see there how thoroughly one the two peoples had become, sociallyand commercially. They traded together, went into partnership together, visited together. A Canadian or New Brunswicker would often have a farmon each side of the, practically imaginary, boundary line; and acitizen of the United States often lived on his own and traded ormanufactured on the other side of the border. In fact, the borderjealousies which had caused such bitterness and danger even in our owncountry had in this generation all but disappeared in this case, underthe operation of high-minded and far-sighted legislation. Considering, therefore, the magnitude of the commercial interests, the gravequestions of navigation, ocean rights, and free communication, he mustexpress the most anxious, surprise to learn that Her Majesty'sGovernment had allowed the matter to drift into its present position. He was told that no effort whatever had been made to preserve thetreaty as it was, or as it might be amended, by negociations atWashington. His honorable friend, the Under-Secretary for ForeignAffairs, had said, in answer to a question he had put in that Houselast May, that no negociations were pending as to the ReciprocityTreaty, and that Government had no official information upon thesubject of the Bonding Acts. He was bound to take that answer as acorrect statement; and he then asked, Was it possible that herMajesty's Government could remain inactive when a trade of10, 000, 000_l_ a year and the issues of future peace or disturbancewere in the balance? Were the proposed notice to terminate the treatyany matter of suddenness or by way of surprise, he might comprehend it;but for above three years the subject had been agitated and discussedin Congress, in Canada, and in all the Chambers of Commerce in theNorth-west. It had been notorious to everybody that one party desiredisolation from the British Provinces and another desired the operationsof the treaty to be extended. It was, therefore, a question to bediscussed in advance of the present entanglement; and, as Canada had notreaty-making power, the responsibility rested with the Government athome. This was a question so serious from every point of view that theHouse would have to take it up as soon as the noble lord at the head ofthe Government laid upon the table the notice which he had told themwould be given on the 15th March next. Then would be the time todiscuss it fully and in all its bearings. His object now was to preparefor that discussion by obtaining all the facts. The papers laid beforethe House last week did not go back far enough. It appeared that in theautumn of 1861 the New York Chamber of Commerce memorialized Congressfor a revision of the treaty, and a committee reported upon it inFebruary, 1862. That report he had here. It did not advocate notice;no, it advocated adherence to the principles of free exchange, and itproposed that commissioners should negociate an extension of thetreaty. In March, 1864, Mr. Ward reported resolutions appointingcommissioners for that purpose, and ultimately the discussion waspostponed to December, 1864. During all this time surely communicationsof some kind passed to or from this country; and it was self-apparentthat the treaty might have been revised and extended before recentcauses of irritation had appeared. Those causes had led to much bitterfeeling, and it might now be too late to restore the principle of thetreaty and of the Bonding Acts in all their integrity. He now moved forall papers subsequent to December, 1861, with a view to furtherdiscussion hereafter. He would call attention to a very singularletter, given at pages 70 and 77 in the papers printed last week. Thatletter had been intercepted by General Augur, and was stated by Mr. Seward to be undoubtedly genuine. He would ask whether any explanationof that letter had been offered by his Excellency the AmericanMinister, Mr. Adams? And, if so, why that explanation had not beenprinted? The letter was from a Confederate agent residing in Canada, apparently to Mr. Seddon, the Confederate Secretary for War. It musthave been written at the end of October last year. It stated that thewriter had made an arrangement with parties 'powerful and influentialwith the Government of the United States' to deliver supplies of meatin exchange for cotton, 'at any port Mr. Secretary Seddon may designateon the east side of the Mississippi, ' or on 'the west side, ' and afterthis delivery it was said that 'the way was perfectly clear to deliveranywhere within General Butler's department. ' He adds, that he has madeanother contract with another Federal American citizen, 'by whichsupplies of meat will be furnished at Mobile by written permission ofthe President of the United States to the free passage of theblockading fleet at that port. ' His contract, he says, is for 5, 000, 000lbs. Of meat in exchange for 5, 000, 000 lbs. Of cotton. Now, if thiswere true, it opened up a very large question. Merchants in England whohad run the blockade had been most properly censured for the practice. Their having done so was naturally matter of diplomatic complaint; buthere were the seal and the signature of the President of the UnitedStates himself made use of to send supplies to the enemy on the onehand, and to give cotton to the manufacturers of the Northern States onthe other. He thought that letter ought not to have been printedwithout some comment. If explanations had been given by Mr. Adams andwere not printed, the omission was a slight; and he thought a goodunderstanding with the United States, desired so sincerely by, hehoped, the House at large, would not be promoted by its publication. "

The "Observer, " referring to this speech, made the following remarks:--

"There is a great disadvantage in bringing any important questionbefore the House of Commons at a late hour of the night, because insuch a case it is impossible, arising from the exigencies of themorning papers, that full justice can be done by the parliamentaryreporters to the speech of the speaker. An illustration, of thisoccurred on Friday evening. Mr. Watkin, in moving for papers respectingthe Reciprocity Treaty between the United States and the British NorthAmerican Provinces, entered at considerable length and with greatability into that important subject. His speech will be found inanother part of our impression. It would not be easy to overrate theimportance of the interests to this country involved in the questionwhich Mr. Watkin so lucidly brought before the House. He showed thatunder the operation of the existing treaty British trading interests tothe extent of 10, 000, 000_l_. Per annum were involved. This is noinconsiderable sum. Assuredly it is much too large to be heedlesslysacrificed if means can be found consistent with the honour of thecountry to prevent it. And yet, notwithstanding the great and manifestimportance of the subject, and though the United States have givennotice of their intention to terminate the treaty in twelve months fromthe present time, it would appear that no steps have yet been taken onthe part of the Imperial Government to avert the evils of which thetermination of that treaty would be productive to the British NorthAmerican Provinces, and through them to the Mother Country; for, apartfrom the stoppage that would ensue to the international trade nowexisting between the States and Canada and her sister provinces, theold vexed question as to the right of Americans to participate in thefisheries in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence, along a shore upwards of1, 500 miles in length, is again raised. To call attention to thesefacts was the main object of Mr. Watkin's speech. He had no wish toembarass the Government in any way, but was simply desirous ofimpressing on it the importance of early action in the matter, with theview to the preservation or modification of the Reciprocity Treaty. Itis to be hoped, now the matter has been so fully and ably broughtbefore the British Government, that steps will be immediately taken toenter into such negotiations with the United States as will secure thisdesirable result. If this were done, we cannot doubt that theGovernment of the United States will respond in a friendly spirit tothe wishes of our own Government, and that not only the best resultswill follow as regards the treaty in question, but also as regards thegeneral commercial relations between the United States, the BritishNorth American Provinces, and this country. "

I felt so strongly that great opportunities had been lost owing to thenegligence and incapacity of our rulers, that I drew up and widelycirculated, various memoranda, intended to inform public opinion inEngland. I felt convinced that, if once this wise and fraternal treatywere allowed to expire, the future relations of the British Provincesand Canada must gravitate towards antagonism, or towards annexation. Myforebodings are, at this moment, justified by the action of the UnitedStates Congress in the matter of the fisheries. Because Canada hasenforced the provisions of the, still existing, and recognized, Treatyof 1818, the Congress of the United States has, in 1887, by statute, instructed the President to put in operation odious "reprisals"--reprisals which throw the "Milan Decrees" of the first Napoleon intothe shade of barbarism. The President, believed to be an enlightenedman, threatens to put his powers into strict operation. If he goes tothe full length of this unique enactment, he may practically close allindustrial, and even social, intercourse between the British territory--a territory larger in area than that over which he rules--and theUnited States. Such legislation, so eagerly acted on, is simplysickening. Talk of fraternity and liberty for all mankind. Delusion--mockery. 

A concise _resume_ of this question, written by me in 1865, herefollows:--

"A treaty of amity and commerce between Great Britain and the UnitedStates of America, known as the 'Reciprocity Treaty, ' [Endnote 1] hasbeen allowed to expire with the expiry of the twelve months' notice, given on the 17th March, 1865, by the Government at Washington, underthe authority of the Senate. 

"No explanation has been given to Parliament; nor has a single paper ofany kind been laid upon the table of the House by Her Majesty'sGovernment. It is, therefore, thought to be time to ask forexplanations, and thereby, so far as may now be possible, to preventthat gradual 'drifting' into serious complication which disfigured thetransactions of the Whig Government in 1854 (Russian war), in 1861-2(Poland), and in 1863-4 (Denmark). The Reciprocity Treaty provided notmerely for free interchange of commodities between Her Majesty's NorthAmerican Colonies and the United States, but it settled the fisherycomplications, on a coast line of 4, 000 miles, and provided for theinternational navigation of the St. Lawrence (1, 200 miles), and of thecanals and locks of that mighty river, and of Lake Michigan and itstributaries. It thus dealt with questions which, unsettled and indoubt, had led to antagonism and the recurring danger of war; and, inthe twelve years of its existence, its operation has alike enlarged thecommerce and the friendship of the neighbouring subjects of the twopowers parties to the treaty. Perhaps no convention of modern times hasmore tended to produce material prosperity and peace and goodwillamongst those concerned. But it has been, it is repeated, allowed toexpire, and, as will be shown, owing mainly to the culpable negligenceand maladroit management of those who have had charge of Britishinterests. 

"On the 27th June, 1854, Lord Clarendon said in the House of Lords, inanswer to a question put by Lord Fitzwilliam (see 'Hansard's Debates, '27th June, 1854):--

"'It appeared to Her Majesty's Government that the return of Lord Elginto Canada afforded an opportunity which ought not to be neglected, ofendeavouring to settle those numerous questions which for years pasthave been embarrassing the two Governments. One of those questionsespecially, that relating to the fisheries, has given rise to annuallyincreasing causes of contention, and has sometimes threatenedcollisions, which, I believe, have only been averted for the last twoyears by the firmness and moderation of Sir George Seymour and of theBritish and American naval commanders, and by that spirit of friendshipand forbearance which has always characterized the officers of bothnavies. But, my Lords, your Lordships are aware that there are otherquestions which have given rise to embarrassing discussion between theGovernments of the two countries--questions which involve the commercialrelations of our North American possessions with the United States, andthat those questions, which involve very divergent interests, havebecome so complicated as to render their solution a matter of extremedifficulty. ' And he added, 'I trust, therefore, that nothing will occurto mar the completion of this great work, which, I firmly believe, morethan any other event of recent times, will contribute to remove alldifferences between two countries, whose similarity of language andaffinity of race, whose enterprise and industry, ought to unite them inthe bonds of cordial friendship, and to perpetuate feelings of mutualconfidence and goodwill. '

"In the conversation which ensued all parties coincided as to the vastimportance of the treaty, and Lord Derby, while doing so, took theopportunity of insisting that Her Majesty's Government should keep suchtreaty negociations affecting the whole Empire in their own hands, andnot permit them to be dependent upon the will or consent of the localauthorities. He said (see 'Hansard, ' 1854):--

"'He was afraid that if we had to consult the Colonies, with respect toa treaty with a foreign country, the effect would be that in suchquestions the Colonies would be independent. '

"It is well specially here to note, that the Government of that day, speaking by Lord Clarendon, considered it as a condition, that theperson highest in dignity, authority, and ability should be selected asthe fittest negociator; and that Lord Derby gave a caution which allwho regard the British Empire as 'one and indivisible, ' must coincidein. It will be seen hereafter how, in the present case, the actualGovernment has departed from both the condition and the caution. 

"An extract from a letter from Mr. John Bright, M. P. , to Mr. JosephAspinall, of Detroit, Michigan, in response to an invitation to attendthe Reciprocity Convention, held last year, will illustrate thebenevolent idea of the treaty, and exhibit the opinion of adistinguished admirer of the United States upon the renewal of theinstrument. The letter, itself, is dated London, 10th June, 1865. 'Theproject of your convention gives me great pleasure. I hope it will leadto a renewal of commercial intercourse with the British North AmericanProvinces, _for it will be a miserable thing_ if, because they arein connection with the British Crown, and you acknowledge as your ChiefMagistrate your President at Washington, there should not be _acommercial intercourse between them and you, as free as if you were onepeople, living under one Government_. '

"To make 'one people, ' though living under two separate Governments, was the great, and has been the successful, object of Lord Elgin andMr. Marcy. But the 'miserable thing' has happened, and the treaty is atan end. 

"On the 23rd May, 1864, I put a question on the subject of the renewalof this treaty. The question and the answer of the Under-Secretary forForeign Affairs were as follows:--

[_From_ "HANSARD, " _Monday, May 2nd, 1864_. ]

"'Mr. Watkin said he wished to ask the Undersecretary of State forForeign Affairs to state the present position of negociations with theGovernment of the United States in reference to the proposedtermination or repeal by the United States of the "Reciprocity Treaty, "and of the "Bonding Act, " under which instruments facilities for mutualcommercial interchange have been afforded, and a large and increasingtrade has grown up with the colonies of British North America?

"'Mr. Layard, in reply, said there were no negociations pending withregard to the suspension or repeal of the Reciprocity Treaty, and theGovernment had received no official information upon the subject of the"Bonding Acts. "'

"On the 17th February, 1865, I again called attention to the questionbecoming more and more urgent, by moving for 'Copies of all papers inthe possession of Her Majesty's Government respecting the ReciprocityTreaty and the Bonding Acts, of dates subsequent to December, 1861. '

"In reply, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs said (see 'Hansard, '17th Feb. 1865):--

"'He had only to report what was stated by the noble lord the othernight, that there were no papers on the subject of the ReciprocityTreaty; as the hon. Gentleman was aware, no notice with respect to thetreaty had been given to Her Majesty's Government. Resolutions on thesubject had been submitted to Congress, but there had been nointimation given to Her Majesty's Government, consequently, there werereally no papers to lay on the table. '

"Thus we have it on the direct declaration of the organ of theGovernment, that no negociations were undertaken having any referenceto the retention or renewal of the treaty up to the 23rd May, 1864; andthat there were no 'papers' even in the possession of the Government upto the 17th February, 1865, bearing upon so momentous an internationalquestion. 

"The Bonding Act, or Acts, are above alluded to; and it will be wellhere to state, that under these Acts of the Congress of the UnitedStates, goods liable to United States duties may be sent in bondthrough United States territory into and through Canada or NewBrunswick. In fact, but for this privilege, Canada would be, underpresent circumstances, shut out for the five months of her winter fromaccess to Europe. That access could, of course, be given by theconstruction of the remaining links of the 'Inter-colonial' Railway(about 360 miles), connecting Halifax, Nova Scotia, with Quebec and theCanadian railway system; but pending such construction, it is in thepower of the United States thus to isolate Canada. Being in theirpower, we may ask, What is their intention? and we may ask, What havethe Government done to ascertain the one and prevent the other? Havethey ever thought of danger? Certainly, in May, 1864, both Mr. Cardwell, the Colonial Secretary, and Mr. Layard, the Undersecretaryfor Foreign Affairs, were puzzled to know what was meant by the'Bonding Acts. '

"Particulars of these Acts are given in a note below. [Endnote 2]

"We must now briefly sketch the history of the discussions and eventswhich more immediately preceded the notice of the 17th March, 1865, given by the United States Government and Senate, to put an end to thetreaty. Subsequent to the treaty (1854) Great Britain (1859) foundedthe Colonies of British Columbia and Vancouver's Island on the NorthPacific. For this we are indebted to the then colonial minister, Sir E. Bulwer Lytton. The first gave a new gold field; the second contains allthe bituminous coal to be found on the west side of the great NorthAmerican Continent. These new countries were not embraced in theoperation of the treaty; nor does it seem that after Sir E. BulwerLytton left office, any effort was made to enlarge the operations ofthe treaty. But of course American commerce was anxious to extenditself, and Californian and American cruisers in the Pacific wanted thecoal of Vancouver. Hence a party in the States was formed for anextension of the area of the treaty. Then Canada, having establishedher railway system by the aid of British capital, and having expendedlarge sums to promote public works generally, got into debt and had toraise her taxation; and as import duties are, and must always be, mosteasy of collection in a new country, and the most popular, or ratherthe least unpopular, mode of taxation, she raised her import dutiesgenerally to a scale as high on many articles, if not higher, than theimport duties of the United States. This led to complaint; and hence aparty was formed in the United States for an extension of the 'freelist, ' or list of articles to be admitted duty free into Canada. It isbut fair to bear in mind that the Canadian import duties on UnitedStates goods were the same as those on _British_ goods; so thatwhatever ground of complaint might be set up, Great Britain had theright to the largest share of it, because she had the ocean freights toadd to the duty, and _pro tanto_ was at a disadvantage incompeting for Canadian custom with the manufacturers of the States. 

"In 1861 the Chamber of Commerce of New York moved Congress on thewhole subject. Their object was the extension of the area and purposesof the treaty: in no sense its termination. Congress, hereupon, referred the matter to the 'Committee on Commerce, ' Mr. Ward beingchairman. That committee reported in February, 1862, in a most abledocument, usually known as Mr. Ward's report. This report alsorecommended a more extended area, and _more_ extended purposes;but in no sense the abrogation of the treaty. 

In March, 1864, Mr. Ward proposed a resolution in Congress for theappointment of commissioners to negociate an extended and improvedtreaty with Great Britain. That resolution was laid over by Congresstill December, 1864. In the summer and autumn of 1864 a correspondencesprang up between Earl Russell, Mr. Seward, Mr. Adams and others inreference to the dangers of the invasion of the territory of the UnitedStates by Confederate agents asylumed in Canada. Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams strongly urged that preventive measures should be taken by GreatBritain, but Earl Russell could not see it--did nothing, and theburning of United States steamers engaged in peaceful commerce, and therobbery and murders at St. Albans and Vermont followed. Correspondencein reference to the 'St. Albans' raids' was laid before Parliament lastyear. The following is an extract, bearing, too, indirectly upon theReciprocity Treaty, from one of the letters of Mr. Adams, United StatesAmbassador in London, to Earl Russell, echoing a despatch of Mr. Seward's and dated November 23rd, 1864:--

'In the use of the word exigency, the full sense of its effect isperfectly understood. The welfare and prosperity of the neighbouringBritish Provinces are as sincerely desired on our part as they can beby Great Britain. In a practical sense they are sources of wealth andinfluence for the one country only in a less degree than for the other, though the jurisdiction appertain only to the latter. That this is thesincere conviction of my Government has been proved by its consent toenter into relations of reciprocal free commerce with them almost asintimate as those which prevail between the several States of the Unionthemselves. Thus far the disposition has been to remain content withthose relations under any and all circumstances, and that dispositionwill doubtless continue, provided always that the amity bereciprocated, and that the peace and harmony on the border, indispensable to its existence, be firmly secured. The fulfilment ofthat obligation must be, however, as your Lordship cannot fail toperceive at a glance, the essential and paramount condition of thepreservation of the compact. Even were my Government to profess itssatisfaction with less, it must be apparent that by the very force ofcircumstances peace could scarcely be expected to continue long in aregion where no adequate security should be afforded to the inhabitantsagainst mutual aggression and reprisal. 

'Political agitation, terminating at times in civil strife, is shown byexperience to be incident to the lot of mankind, however combined insociety. Neither is an evil confined to any particular region or race. It has happened heretofore in Canada, and what is now a scourgeafflicting the United States may be likely at some time or other to re-visit her. In view of these very obvious possibilities, I am instructedto submit to Her Majesty's Government the question whether it would notbe the part of wisdom to establish such a system of repression now asmight prove a rock of safety for the rapidly multiplying population ofboth countries for all future time. 

 "'I pray, &c. , "'(Signed) CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. '

"But the 'Alabama' correspondence was also going on, and a new Congresshad to sit in 1865. Was it then surprising that on the 17th March, 1865, notice to put an end to the treaty was given?

"But in July, 1865, a convention, already alluded to (see Mr. Bright'sletter), composed of delegates from New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, St. Louis, Boston, Portland, and in fact from almost everyimportant town and district of the States north of Washington, assembled at Detroit to consider the expiry of the treaty and thequestion of its renewal. After long and earnest deliberations theyunanimously approved the notice given, and as unanimously passed thefollowing resolution for transmission to the Government of the UnitedStates:--

"'That the convention do respectfully request the President of theUnited States to enter into negociations with the Government of GreatBritain, having in view the execution of a treaty between the twocountries, for reciprocity and commercial intercourse between theUnited States and the several Provinces of British North America, including British Columbia, the Selkirk Settlement, and Vancouver'sIsland, upon principles which should be just and equitable to allparties, and which also shall include the free navigation of the St. Lawrence and other rivers of British North America, with suchimprovements of the rivers, and enlargement of the canals, as shallrender them adequate for the requirements of the west communicatingwith the ocean. '

"At the time of passing this resolution a 'Revenue Commission' wassitting, and its members recommended the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. McCulloch, to have a special report upon the treaty and its renewal. The task was, thereupon, committed to Mr. E. H. Derby, of Boston. TheCommission also includes this subject in their report. Their report(dated January, 1866, ) says:--

"'In accordance with the resolutions of Congress and the notificationof the Executive, the commercial arrangement known as the "ReciprocityTreaty, " under which the trade and commerce between the United Statesand the British Provinces of North America have been carried on since1854, expires on the 17th day of March, 1866. The consideration of theeffect which the termination of this important commercial arrangementis likely to have upon the revenue, as well as upon the trade andcommerce of the United States, has legitimately formed a part of theduties devolving upon the Commission; and has also been especiallycommended to their attention by the Secretary of the Treasury. TheCommission do not, however, propose to present in this connection anyreview of the history of the treaty, or of the circumstances which, inthe opinion of Congress, have rendered its termination expedient. Thiswork has already been performed, under the auspices of the TreasuryDepartment, by E. H. Derby, Esq. , of Boston, to whose able andexhaustive report the Commission would refer, without, however, endorsing its conclusions. There are, however, certain points connectedwith this subject to which the Commission would ask special attention. 

"'The first of these is, that during the continuance of the ReciprocityTreaty the trade and commerce between the United States and the BritishNorth American Provinces _has increased_ in ten years _more thanthreefold_, or from seventeen millions in 1862 to sixty-eightmillions in 1864: so that at present, with the exception of GreatBritain, the commercial relations between the United States and theBritish North American Provinces outrank in importance and aggregateannual value those existing between this country and any other foreignstate. [Footnote: The value of the import and export trade of theUnited States with the following countries for the year ending June30th, 1864, was, according to the Treasury Report, as follows (in roundnumbers):

Great Britain ...................... $317, 000, 000British North America .............. 68, 000, 000Spanish West Indies ................ 57, 000, 000France ............................. 29, 000, 000Hamburg and Bremen ................. 29, 000, 000Mexico ............................. 20, 000, 000Brazil ............................. 19, 000, 000China .............................. 19, 000, 000British West Indies ................ 12, 000, 000]

"'It may also, they think, be fairly assumed that taking intoconsideration the growth of the two countries in population and wealth, (that of Canada for the last ten years having preserved a nearly equalratio in this respect with that of the United States, ) the trade as atpresent existing is really but in its infancy, and that the future maybe expected to develop an increase equally as great as that of thepast. 

"'A change in the conditions under which a reciprocal commerce of suchmagnitude is carried on, and is now developing, ought not, therefore, to be made without the most serious consideration. 

"'As regards the present treaty, the Commission, as the result of theirinvestigations, have been led to the conclusion that its continuance, under existing circumstances, unless accompanied with certain importantmodifications, is not desirable on the part of the United States. 

"'They, however, are also unanimous in the opinion, that, in view ofthe close geographical connection of the United States with the BritishProvinces--rendering them in many respects but one country--and of themagnitude of the commercial relations existing between them, it wouldbe impolitic and to the detriment of the interests of the United Statesto decline the consideration of all propositions looking to the re-establishment of some future and satisfactory international commercialarrangement. Such a course would be in entire opposition to the spiritof the age, the liberality of our people, and the policy of rapidlydeveloping our resources as a means of diminishing the burden of ourpublic debt. 

"'In view of such an arrangement, the question of whether either of theparties to the treaty has, or has not, conformed to the spirit of itsstipulations, is of little importance. It is the future, not the past, that we are to consider; and if advantageous terms for the future areoffered--terms which are calculated to promote the development of thetrade and commerce of the United States, encourage good feeling andprevent difficulties with our neighbours, and at the same time protectthe revenues of the country from serious and increasing frauds--itwould be, in the opinion of the Commission, most impolitic to disregardthem. 

"'The offer on the part of the provincial authorities to re-negociatein respect to the commercial relations of the two countries, is initself an expression of desire to make an arrangement that must be, inevery respect, reciprocal; inasmuch as it is evident that no treatycan, for any length of time, continue that does not conduce to thebenefit of both parties. 

"'It is evident that the necessities of the United States will for manyyears require the imposition of high rates of taxation on manyarticles, and that with the production of such articles free, orassessed at low rates of duty, in the British Provinces, theenforcement of the excise laws on the borders will be a matter of nolittle difficulty, annoyance and expense; and under all ordinaryconditions a large annual loss of the revenue must inevitably occur. The experience of all the nations of Europe has shown that to attemptto wholly prevent smuggling, under the encouragement of high rates ofduty, is an utter impossibility. If, however, such an arrangement canbe made with the British Provinces as will ensure a nearly or quitecomplete equalization of duties--excise and customs--it must beapparent that all evasions of the revenue laws by smugglers wouldinstantly come to an end; and that the attainment of the above resultwould be of immense advantage to the United States in a revenue pointof view. 

"'Again: it is also urged that under the existing system the productsof American industry subject to high rates of excise, are injuriouslybrought into competition with similar products of provincial industrywhich are subjected to little or no excise, and then admitted into theUnited States free of duty. That such is the fact cannot be denied; andis itself a reason why the abrogation or modification of the presentReciprocity Treaty has become imperative. But if it were possible toeffect such an arrangement with the British Provinces as would allowthe imposition of duties equivalent to the American excise on allarticles of provincial production passing into the United States, itseems clear that the afore-mentioned objection would be entirelyremoved. 

"'As the whole subject, however, is now before Congress forconsideration, the Commission do not consider it as within theirprovince to submit any specific recommendations; but would contentthemselves with merely pointing out that, under certain circumstances, conditions of great advantage to the United States, in a revenue pointof view, might be secured. '

"Mr. Derby's report contains much that is sensational, and many curiousadmissions, but its general tenor is strongly in favour of a newtreaty, regard being had to the revenue necessities of the UnitedStates; _i. E. _, that articles admitted into the United States fromCanada should pay a duty equivalent to the internal revenue tax on thesame articles charged in the States. This is just as if Great Britainsaid that brandy from France coming into England should pay a dutyequivalent to the English excise duty upon spirits, which would bequite fair. 

"The next fact in the history is that delegates from Canada, NewBrunswick, and Nova Scotia, are found at Washington on the 24thJanuary, 1866, and that they remain there till the 24th February, onwhich day they report that after many days' discussion they have failedto do anything, and that the Reciprocity Treaty is finally at an end. 

"Our Government having done nothing, the Provinces, it would appear, had, at the last moment, to send 'delegates' themselves to negociate; amode of procedure altogether very unlike the action of 1854. 

"The following papers give a _resume_ of the discussion :--

 "WASHINGTON, "_February 7th_, 1866. "'SIR, "'We have the honour to inform Your Excellency that our negociationsfor the renewal of Reciprocal Trade with the United States haveterminated unsuccessfully. You have been informed from time to time ofour proceedings, but we propose briefly to recapitulate them. 

"'On our arrival here, after consultation with Your Excellency, weaddressed ourselves with your sanction to the Secretary of theTreasury, and we were by him put in communication with the Committee ofWays and Means of the House of Representatives. After repeatedinterviews with them, and on ascertaining that no renewal or extensionof the existing treaty would be made by the American authorities, butthat whatever was done must be by legislation, we submitted as thebasis upon which we desired arrangements to be made the enclosed paper(marked A). 

"'In reply we received the Memorandum from the Committee, of which acopy is enclosed (B). And finding after discussion that no importantmodifications in their views could be obtained, and that we wererequired to consider their proposition as a whole, we felt ourselvesunder the necessity of declining it, which was done by the Memorandumalso enclosed (C). 

"'It is proper to explain the grounds of our final action. 

"'It will be observed that the most important provisions of theexpiring treaty, relating to the free interchange of the products ofthe two countries, were entirely set aside, and that the dutiesproposed to be levied were almost prohibitory in their character. Theprincipal object for our entering into negociations was thereforeunattainable, and we had only to consider whether the minor points weresuch as to make it desirable for us to enter into specific engagements. 

"'These points are three in number. 

"'With regard to the first--the proposed mutual use of the waters ofLake Michigan and the St. Lawrence--we considered that the presentarrangements were sufficient, and that the common interests of bothcountries would prevent their disturbance. We were not prepared toyield the right of interference in the imposition of tolls upon ourcanals. We believed, moreover, that the privilege allowed the UnitedStates of navigating the waters of the St. Lawrence was very much morethan an equivalent for our use of Lake Michigan. 

"'Upon the second point--providing for the free transit of goods underbond between the two countries--we believed that in this respect, as inthe former case, the interests of both countries would secure themaintenance of existing regulations. Connected with this point was thedemand made for the abolition of the free ports existing in Canada, which we were not disposed to concede, especially in view of theextremely unsatisfactory position in which it was proposed to place thetrade between the two countries. 

"'On both the above points, we do not desire to be understood asstating that the existing arrangements should not be extended andplaced on a more permanent basis, but only that, taken apart from themore important interests involved, it did not appear to us this timenecessary to deal with them exceptionally. 

"'With reference to the third and last point--the concessions of theright of fishing in provincial waters--we considered the equivalentproposed for so very valuable a right to be utterly inadequate. Theadmission of a few unimportant articles free, with the establishment ofa scale of high duties as proposed, would not, in our opinion, havejustified us in yielding this point. 

"'While we regret this unfavourable termination of the negociations, weare not without hope that, at no distant day, they may be resumed witha better prospect of a satisfactory result. 

 "'We have the honour to be, "'Your Excellency's most obedient Servants, "'A. T. GALT, Minister of Finance, Canada. "'W. P. HOWLAND, Postmaster General, Canada. "'W. A. HENRY, Attorney General, Nova Scotia, "'A. J. SMITH, Attorney General, New Brunswick. 

"'To His Excellency, SIR FREDERICK BRUCE, K. C. B. , &c. , &c. , &c. '"

"'MEMORANDUM A. 

"'The trade between the United States and the British Provinces should, it is believed, under ordinary circumstances, be free in reference totheir natural productions; but as internal taxes exceptionally exist inthe United States, it is now proposed that the articles embraced in thefree list of the Reciprocity Treaty should continue to be exchanged, subject only to such duties as may be equivalent to that internaltaxation. It is suggested that both parties may add certain articles tothose now in the said list. With reference to the fisheries and thenavigation of the internal waters of the continent, the BritishProvinces are willing that the existing regulations should continue ineffect; but Canada is ready to enter into engagements with the view ofimproving the means of access to the ocean, provided the assurance begiven that the trade of the Western States will not be diverted fromits natural channel by legislation; and if the United States are notprepared at present to consider the general opening of their coastingtrade, it would appear desirable that, as regards the internal watersof the Continent, no distinction should be made between the vessels ofthe two countries. 

"'If the foregoing points be satisfactorily arranged, Canada is willingto adjust her excise duties upon spirits, beer and tobacco upon thebest revenue standard which may be mutually adopted after fullconsideration of the subject; and if it be desired to treat any otherarticles in the same way the disposition of the Canadian Government isto give every facility in their power to prevent illicit trade. 

"'With regard to the transit trade, it is suggested that the sameregulations should exist on both sides and be defined by law. Canada isalso prepared to make her patent laws similar to those of the UnitedStates. 

"'WASHINGTON, D. C. , "'_Feb. 2_, 1866. '"

"'MEMORANDUM B. 

"'In response to the Memorandum of the Hon. Mr. Galt and hisassociates, Hon. Mr. Smith, Hon. Mr. Henry, and the Hon. Mr. Howland, the Committee of Ways and Means, with the approval of the Secretary ofthe Treasury, are prepared to recommend to the House of Representativesfor their adoption a law providing for the continuance of some of themeasures embraced in the Reciprocity Treaty, soon to expire, viz. --Forthe use and privileges as enjoyed now under said treaty in the watersof Lake Michigan, provided the same rights and privileges are concededto the citizens of the United States by Canada in the waters of the St. Lawrence and its canals as are enjoyed by British subjects, withoutdiscrimination as to tolls and charging rates proportioned to canaldistance; also for the free transit of goods, wares, and merchandize inbond, under proper regulations, by railroad across the territory of theUnited States to and from Portland and the Canada line; provided equalprivileges shall be conceded to the United States from Windsor or PortSarnia, or other western points of departure to Buffalo or Ogdensburg, or any other points eastward, and that the free ports established inthe Provinces shall be abolished; also the bounties now given toAmerican fishermen shall be repealed, and duties not higher imposedupon fish than those mentioned in Schedule A. , provided that all therights of fishing near the shores existing under the treaty heretoforementioned shall be granted and conceded by the United States to theProvinces, and by the Provinces to the United States. 

"'It is also further proposed that the following list of articles shallbe mutually free:--

 Burr Millstones, unwrought. Cotton and Linen Rags. Firewood. Grindstones, rough or unfinished. Gypsum or plaster, unground. 

"'SCHEDULE A. 

FISH--Mackerel $1 50 per bbl" Herrings, pickled or salted 1 00 "" Salmon 2 50 "" Shad 2 00 "" All other, pickled 1 50 "

"'Provided that any fish in packages other than barrels shall pay inproportion to the rates charged upon similar fish in barrels. 

All other Fish 1/3 cent per lb

"'As to the duties which will be proposed upon the other articlesincluded in the treaty, the following are submitted, viz. -

Animals, living, all sorts 20 per cent ad valApples and Garden Fruit and Vegetables 10 " "Barley 15 cts per bushelBeans (except Vanilla or Castor Oil) 30 " "Beef 1 ct per lbBuckwheat 10 cts per bushelButter 4 " lbCheese 4 " "Corn (Indian) and Oats 10 cts per bushelCorn-meal (Indian) and Oatmeal 15 " "Coal, bituminous 50 " ton " all other 25 " "Flour 25 per cent, ad valHams 2 cts per lbHay $1 00 per tonHides 10 per cent ad valLard 3 cts per lbLumber--Pine, round or in the log $1 50 per M" sawed or hewn 2 50 "" planed, tongued and grooved or finish'd 25 per cent ad valSpruce and Hemlock, sawed or hewn $1 00 per MPlaned, finished or partly finished 25 per cent ad valShingle bolts 10 " "Shingles 20 " "All other, of Black Walnut, Chesnut, Bass, White Wood, Ash, Oak, round, hewed or sawed 20 " "Planed, tongued and grooved or finished 25 " "Ores 10 " "Peas 25 cts per bushelPork 1 ct per lbPotatoes 10 cts per bushelSeed, Timothy, and Clover 20 per cent ad valTrees, Plants and Shrubs, Ornamental and Fruit 15 " "Tallow 2 cts per lbWheat 20 cts per bushel

"'MEMORANDUM C. 

"'In reference to the Memorandum received from the Committee of Waysand Means, the Provincial Delegates regret to be obliged to state thatthe proposition therein contained in regard to the commercial relationsbetween the two countries is not such as they can recommend for theadoption of their respective Legislatures. The imposts which it isproposed to lay upon the productions of the British Provinces on theirentry into the markets of the United States are such as in theiropinion will be in some cases prohibitory, and will certainly seriouslyinterfere with the natural course of trade. These imposts are so muchbeyond what the delegates conceive to be an equivalent for the internaltaxation of the United States, that they are reluctantly brought to theconclusion that the Committee no longer desire the trade between thetwo countries to be carried on upon the principle of reciprocity. Withthe concurrence of the British Minister at Washington, they aretherefore obliged respectfully to decline to enter into the engagementsuggested in the memorandum, but they trust that the present views ofthe United States may soon be so far modified as to permit of theinterchange of the productions of the two countries upon a more liberalbasis. 

"'WASHINGTON, "'_February 6th_, 1866. '

"This abortive negociation was followed (March, 1866) by a UnitedStates Bill for enabling a new treaty upon impossible terms; that Billwas at last hung up in Congress, and so the matter ended, so far as theStates were concerned. 

"The operation of the treaty from 1854 to 1866 may now be considered. 

"The Report of the Revenue Commissioners shows that the trade under itincreased from 20, 000, 000 dollars, to 68, 000, 000 dollars in 1864, andthat this trade was larger than the trade of the United States with anycountry in the world except Great Britain. It was 31/2 times more thanwith China; 31/2 times more than with Brazil; above 3 times more thanwith even Mexico; 21/4 times more than with Hamburg and Bremen, notwithstanding the direct line of steamers to and from New York; 21/4times more than with France, with all its wines, silks, and fashions;and one-third more than with Cuba and the Spanish West Indies. 

"Then, on the whole, 'the balance of trade, ' as it is called, was infavour of the States during the whole period of the treaty by a sum of56, 000, 000 dollars. 

"As regards coal, the quantity taken in 1865-6 from Pennsylvania andother States to Upper Canada was about 180, 000 tons; while the quantityof Nova Scotian coal taken to Boston and the Eastern States was about200, 000 tons. Thus the supply of districts 1, 000 miles apart had nearlybalanced itself under the treaty. As regards fishing rights, the UnitedStates appeared largely to have the advantage, for they had, by thetreaty, access to excellent fishing grounds and passage through the Gutof Canso, while the provincial fishermen rarely troubled the coasts ofMaine or Massachusetts--'bare pastures' for fish. As an example, theboats employed by the United States in the mackerel fishery in 1852were 250, the tonnage 18, 150 tons, and the value 750, 000 dollars, whilethe catch of fish was 850, 000 dollars; while in 1864 it showed 600vessels, 54, 000 tons, 9, 000 men, and a catch worth 4, 567, 500 dollars. 

"Upon the general question, Mr. Derby says in his report:--

"'If the Maritime Provinces would join us spontaneously to-day--sterileas they may be in the soil under a sky of steel--still with their hardypopulation, their harbours, fisheries, and seamen, they would greatlystrengthen and improve our position, and aid us in our struggle forequality upon the ocean. If we would succeed upon the deep, we musteither maintain our fisheries, _or absorb the Provinces_. '

"'No negociations' and 'no papers'--say our Government. This may betrue. Or it may be true that the Foreign Office have had papers, andthe Colonial not. Or that the Board of Trade have had papers, and theForeign and Colonial people have not; but, however that may be, Canadahas made, in good time, very serious representations. It is believedthat her Government had long before made personal appeals to both theColonial and the Foreign Offices, but the following document (19thFebruary, 1865), will speak for itself; and the Government at homecannot deny that they had it, but which of the three departments willadmit its receipt is yet to be seen; always let it be remembered thatin _May_, 1865, there were 'no papers:'--

"'_Copy of a Report of a Committee of the Honorable the ExecutiveCouncil_, approved by his Excellency the Governor-General on the19th February, 1865. 

"'The Committee of the Executive Council deem it to be their duty torepresent to Your Excellency that the recent proceedings in theCongress of the United States, respecting the Reciprocity Treaty, haveexcited the deepest concern in the minds of the people of thisProvince. 

"'Those proceedings have had for their avowed object the abrogation ofthe treaty at the earliest moment consistent with the stipulations ofthe instrument itself. 

"'Although no formal action indicative of the strength of the partyhostile to the continuance of the treaty has yet taken place, information, of an authentic character, as to the opinions and purposesof influential public men in the United States has forced upon theCommittee the conviction that there is imminent danger of itsabrogation, unless prompt and vigorous steps be taken by Her Majesty'sImperial advisers to avert what would be generally regarded by thepeople of Canada as a great calamity. 

"'The Committee would specially bring under Your Excellency's noticethe importance of instituting negociations for the renewal of thetreaty, with such modifications as may be mutually assented to, beforethe year's notice required to terminate it shall be given by theAmerican Government; for they fear that the notice, if once given, would not be revoked; and they clearly foresee that, owing to thevariety and possibly the conflicting nature of the interests involvedon our own side, a new treaty could not be concluded, and the requisitelegislation to give effect to it obtained before the year would haveexpired, and with it the treaty. Under such circumstances--even withthe certain prospect of an early renewal of the treaty--considerableloss and much inconvenience would inevitably ensue. 

"'It would be impossible to express in figures, with any approach toaccuracy, the extent to which the facilities of commercial intercoursecreated by the Reciprocity Treaty have contributed to the wealth andprosperity of this Province; and it would be difficult to exaggeratethe importance which the people of Canada attach to the continuedenjoyment of these facilities. 

"'Nor is the subject entirely devoid of political significance. 

"'Under the beneficent operation of the system of self-government, which the later policy of the Mother Country has accorded to Canada, incommon with the other Colonies possessing representative institutions, combined with the advantages secured by the Reciprocity Treaty of anunrestricted commerce with our nearest neighbours in the naturalproductions of the two countries, all agitation for organic changes hasceased--all dissatisfaction with the existing political relations ofthe Province has wholly disappeared. 

"'Although the Committee would grossly misrepresent their countrymen ifthey were to affirm that their loyalty to their Sovereign would bediminished in the slightest degree by the withdrawal, through theunfriendly action of a foreign Government, of mere commercialprivileges, however valuable these might be deemed, they think theycannot err in directing the attention of the enlightened statesmen whowield the destinies of the great Empire, of which it is the proudestboast of Canadians that their country forms a part, to the connectionwhich is usually found to exist between the material prosperity and thepolitical contentment of a people, for in doing so they feel that theyare appealing to the highest motives that can actuate patrioticstatesmen--the desire to perpetuate a dominion founded on theaffectionate allegiance of a prosperous and contented people. 

"'The Committee venture to express the hope that Your Excellency willbe pleased to bring this subject and the considerations now submittedunder the notice of Her Majesty's Imperial advisers. 

"'W. H. LEE, C. E. C. '

"Does it not seem as if the whole business was let alone, neglected, despised?

"What were our Government doing from 1861 to 1865?

"POLAND exercised the minds of the Foreign Office from an early date, and they have given us papers from July 31st, 1862, December 31st ofthat year, and on to April 23rd, 1863, when that affair ended. 

"DENMARK revived their old discussions in 1863, and they began to writedespatches about them. They have given Parliament papers about the'Conference, ' which only began January 23rd, 1864, and ended March26th, 1864. 

"The whole number of papers printed for Parliament, and laid on thetable in 1864, was 369. Yet there was not, out of these, one singlepaper about the Reciprocity Treaty. 

"The whole number of papers printed for Parliament, and laid likewiseupon the table in 1865, was 170, but not a line appears about theReciprocity Treaty. So much for the attention of the people we pay towatch over our affairs. 

"The question, as regards our relations with the States, Was a greatopportunity lost? arises. Let us see. 1st, the Chamber of Commerce ofNew York, and its 1, 300, 000 people, ask for a treaty in 1861; 2nd, Congress asks for it by appointing a committee in 1861; 3rd, thecommittee ask for it by their report of 1862 and by their resolutionsof 1864; 4th, Mr. Seward endorses it even so late as November, 1864;and 5th, the Convention at Detroit ask for it so late as the 14th July, 1865. In further testimony, a member of Congress said, on the 14thMarch, 1866, on the debate on the _abortive Bill_ for regulatingtrade with British North American Provinces:--

"Mr. Brooks, 'Dem. N. Y. , ' said, 'that he would not have risen toobtrude any remarks on the committee on a subject that had beendiscussed with an ability and ingenuity reminding him, of ancient timesin the House, and demonstrating that upon subjects which interest ourown race there is as much ability here as of old, if he had not votedlast year, with others, for an abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty, and if he did not see now, from the tendencies and sympathies of theHouse, that the moment the Bill passed from the hands of the committeeof the whole it would receive its final death blow. He did not believethere would have been thirty votes obtained in this House last year forthe abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty with Canada, but for theexplicit understanding that some sort of reciprocity in trade would beforthwith re-established, either through the treaty-making power, orthrough the legislative power of the Government. The people of theUnited States were ground down by the internal revenue taxation, and hehad not felt at liberty to let the Reciprocity Treaty stand, withoutbeing at liberty to make some sort of bargain with the people ofCanada, that whatever our internal revenues might be, the same would belevied, either by them or by us, on our imports from them. It wasexclusively on that understanding that he had voted for the abrogationof the treaty. And he now saw in the additional claims of those whorepresented the lumber interests, and the coal and other interests ofthe country, that advantage was to be taken of the present opportunity, and that never again were we to have reciprocity with the neighbouringProvinces. On the contrary, we were to impose as high duties as couldbe imposed upon their products, higher if possible than those nowlevied under the general tariff bill. If that were to be so, he nevershould regret any vote that he gave in his life as he would regret hisvote of last winter to abrogate the treaty. He had given it with theunderstanding that it should be substantially renewed. He spoke of thepeople of the Provinces as being connected with us by kindred and byblood, and as rightfully belonging to us; and he hoped to live to seethe day when the seats on this floor and in the Senate would beoccupied by representatives and senators from Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and all the other Americandependencies of Great Britain. '

"Then it will not be forgotten that the Government and Congress of theStates ratified a treaty with Great Britain, which never could beforebe acted on, viz. , that affecting the African slave trade, on the 7thApril, 1862, and they agreed to the important additional article on the17th February, 1863. At these dates the Government and people of theUnited States were most anxious, therefore, for friendly relations withus. But Earl Russell lost the golden opportunity. British interestswere entirely neglected. 

"We must now look at the new features of difficulty which have sprungup; and first, there is now a Congress with a Republican majority, andthe majority of that majority are Protectionists: while a considerablenumber are Annexationists. 

"The Convention at Detroit was appealed to by the latter. Mr. ConsulPotter, United States Consul at Montreal, Canada, and Mr. O. S. Wood, Manager of the Montreal Telegraph Company, appear in the followingreport of a speech of the Consul at a meeting specially convened by himat Detroit:--

"Mr. Consul Potter, at Detroit, July 12th, 1865, said, "'I would meetthe people of Canada on the most friendly footing, but I would say tothem, in making an arrangement, we must look to our own interest aswell as yours, and in looking to our interest we cannot forget that thepolicy we may adopt in relation to reciprocity will have a very greatinfluence on the future relations of the two countries. Now, we areready to give you in Canada the most perfect reciprocity. We will giveyou complete free trade, but we ask you to come and share with us theresponsibilities of our own government. We make this proposition, butnot in a spirit of conquest, for, as I remarked before, if it werepositively certain that by one day of war we could obtain possession ofthe whole Provinces for ever I would say--No!--for this reason, thatafter the conquest you would find a feeling of opposition to the UnitedStates and our government on the part of the people of Canada whichwould prevent any harmonious working. When they come, let them come bytheir own consent, let them come as brothers, and let us be allbrothers with one flag, under one destiny. The question then is, Shallwe simply be content to give the Canadians all the privileges of ourmarkets? For the true policy is, that in getting those privileges theyshould be placed on equal footing with our own citizens in relation toour responsibilities and in relation to taxation. I believe I expressthe general feeling of those who are the most friendly to the UnitedStates in Canada when I say it is not the policy of our Government, orour policy, to continue this treaty, and I believe that in two yearsfrom the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty, the people of Canadathemselves will apply for admission to the United States. I repeat thatI believe in two years they would ask for admission. I have a letterwhich I received on the evening of my departure for Detroit, and I maysay I came here, with the consent of my own Government, to express myviews on reciprocity. This letter is from a gentleman in Montreal, thanwhom none stands higher--a gentleman of intelligence and wealth, andwhose judgment is as good as that of any person in Canada on thesematters:--

 "'MONTREAL, "'_July 10th. _

'"MY DEAR. MR. POTTER, "'I am much delighted to hear that you have decided to attend theDetroit Convention, as it is in my opinion of the greatest importancethat the real friends of the United States who reside here shall berepresented at Detroit, or that our friends, before committingthemselves to a renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, may know our viewson the subject; and I can assure you, from the knowledge I have of thesentiments of those who have been and still are the friends of theUnited States in this country, that not one in fifty of them wants arenewal or extension of the treaty. On the other hand, every man whohas been openly hostile to us is for the renewal. The reasons areobvious, as it is clear to all intelligent men that a failure to renewthe treaty will result in thorough reciprocity. All the friends of theWestern States here, and they are rapidly increasing in numbers andinfluence, would rejoice to submit to temporary inconvenience and loss, for the purpose of accomplishing this result, while those who areagainst us wish for a renewal of the treaty which, during the last fouryears, has given so much trouble to both sides. They know that arenewal of the treaty would be the only effectual check on theannexation movement. I believe the renewal of it would be one of thegreatest political blunders on the part of the United States. This isthe feeling of our friends on this side, and I am sure our friends onthe other side of the frontier who have already suffered so much, willjoin us heartily in this additional sacrifice, if such it shouldprove. '

"As Mr. Potter closed reading the letter there were loud cries from theCanadian delegates of 'Name, name. '

"Mr. Potter gave the name, 'O. S. Wood, Superintendent of the MontrealTelegraph Company'--a gentleman, he said, of wealth and the highestrespectability in Montreal. 

"Some one asked whether Wood was a born Canadian. 

"Mr. Potter replied he was not, but came originally from New York. 

"The Republican journals in the West have since taken up this tone, andMr. Morrill, the Protectionist chairman of the 'Committee of Ways andMeans, ' echoed it even in conference with the provincial delegates atWashington last February:--Witness the following:--

"'Chicago Tribune' (Republican), Jan. 6th, 1866. 

"The 'Tribune' concludes:--'The Canadians will soon discover that freetrade and smuggling will not compensate them for the loss of theReciprocity Treaty. They will stay out in the cold for a few years andtry all sorts of expedients, but in the end will be constrained toknock for admission into the Great Republic. Potter was right when hepredicted that the abrogation of the treaty would cause annexation. '

"(Mr. MORRILL, Chairman of Ways and Means, "Washington, Feb. 6th, 1866. )

"'Mr. GALT: We would not build those canals for our own trade alone. Ithink, indeed, it might well be considered whether it would not suitboth parties to put this trade on a better footing. I am not authorizedto make any proposition looking to this end, but my idea is that thesewaters might be neutralized with advantage to both. 

"'Mr. MORRILL: That will have to be postponed until _you, gentlemen, assume your seats here_. '

"Mr. Derby coolly discusses the question as to whether concession orcoercion will best succeed in inducing the British Provinces to 'comeover, ' and his recipe for all outstanding grievances is the following. He says, in his report of January 1st, 1866:--

"'And if as an inducement for this treaty and in settlement of Alabamaclaims we can obtain a cession of Vancouver's Island, or otherterritory, it will be a consummation most devoutly to be wished for. '

"Would our Government 'devoutly wish' such a consummation?

"Mr. O. S. Wood had to resign his position as manager of the MontrealTelegraph Company: that was done by public opinion in Canada. But Mr. Potter, who attends a meeting to enforce the annexation of a part ofthe Queen's dominions, by the consent of the Washington Government, isstill Consul at Montreal. 

"But what are these dominions which Mr. Potter would annex? Read whatMr. Ward's Report of 1862 says:--

"'The great and practical value of the British North American Provincesand possessions is seldom appreciated. Stretching from the Atlantic tothe Pacific Oceans, they contain an area of at least 3, 478, 380 squaremiles--more than is owned by the United States, and not much less thanthe whole of Europe, with its family of nations!

 * * * * *

"'The climate and soil of these Provinces and possessions, seeminglyless indulgent than those of tropical regions, are precisely those bywhich the skill, energy, and virtues of the human race are bestdeveloped. Nature there demands thought and labour from man asconditions of his existence, and yields abundant rewards to a wiseindustry. '

"Specially, as regards Canada; let us recapitulate her progress, ascompared with that of her giant neighbour, the United States. 

"During the interval between the last census and the preceding one(1850-1860), the decennial rate of increase of population in Canadaexceeded that in the United States by nearly 51/2 per cent. --Canadaadding 40. 87 per cent. To her population in ten years, while the UnitedStates added only 35. 58 per cent. To theirs. She brought her wild landinto cultivation at a rate, in nine years, exceeding the rate ofincrease of cultivated lands in the United States in ten years bynearly 6 per cent. , --Canada in 1860 having added 50 acres of cultivatedland to every 100 acres under cultivation in 1851, while the UnitedStates in 1860 had only added 14 acres to every 100 acres undercultivation in 1850. The value per cultivated acre of the farming landsin Canada in 1860 exceeded the value per cultivated acre of the farminglands of the United States--the average value per cultivated acre inCanada being $20. 87 and in the United States $16. 32. In Canada a largercapital was invested in agricultural implements, in proportion to theamount of land cultivated, than in the United States--the average valueof agricultural implements used on a farm having 100 cultivated acresbeing in Canada $182 and in the United States $150. In proportion topopulation, Canada in 1860 raised twice as much wheat as the UnitedStates--Canada in that year raising 11. 2 bushels for each inhabitant, while the United States raised only 5. 50 bushels for each inhabitant. Bulking together eight leading staples of agriculture--wheat, corn, rye, barley, oats, buckwheat, peas and bean, and potatoes, --Canada, between 1851 and 1860, increased her production of these articles from57 millions to 123 millions of bushels--an increase; of 113 per cent. ;while the United States in ten years, from 1850 to 1860, increasedtheir productions of the same articles only 45 per cent. In 1860 Canadaraised, of those articles, 49. 12 bushels for each inhabitant, against aproduction in the United States of 43. 42 bushels for each inhabitant. Excluding Indian corn from the list--Canada raised of the remainingarticles 48. 07 bushels for each inhabitant, almost three times the rateof production in the United States, which was 16. 74 bushels for eachinhabitant. And as regards live stock and their products, Canada in1850, in proportion to her population, owned more horses and more cows, made more butter, kept more sheep, and had a greater yield of wool, than the United States. 

"Our British Government having thus allowed the treaty to expire, andhaving thereby damped the energies of the colonies, and excited thehopes of the Protectionist and Annexationist parties in the States, what are we to do?

"In the first place, Parliament should express its condemnation of thefailure of the executive; in the second, its desire for peace andfraternity with the United States; and in the third, its determinationto stand by the Queen's dominions on the other side of the Atlantic. Language so just and so clear would lead to the inevitable result ofrenewed negociation. But who should negociate? The incapable, nonchalant people who have so signally perilled the interests of GreatBritain, --or new and capable men? Or should the whole state of ourrelations with the United States be remitted to a plenipotentiary?

"What ought we to seek now to secure, in the interests of peace andcivilization?

"1. A neutralization of the 3, 000 miles of frontier, renderingfortifications needless. 

"2. A continuance of the neutrality of the lakes and rivers borderingupon the two territories. 

"3. Common navigation of the lakes and the outlets of the sea. 

"4. An enlargement of canals and locks, to enable the food of the westto flow unimpeded and at the smallest cost direct in the same bottom toEurope, or any other part of the world. 

"5. Neutrality of telegraphs and post routes between the Atlantic andPacific, no matter on which territory they may traverse. 

"6. A free interchange of untaxed, and an exchange, at internal revenueduty rate only, of taxed, commodities. 

"7. The passage of goods in bond through the respective territories asheretofore. 

"8. A common use of ports on both sides of the Continent. "

It seems to me, now, in 1887, that this paper sums up a question of thepast, now re-appearing in full prominence. It also sums up what oughtto be done if civilization and friendship between English-speakingnations still exist. 

[Endnote 1]

The Government of the United States being equally desirous with HerMajesty the Queen of Great Britain to avoid further misunderstandingbetween their respective citizens and subjects in regard to the extentof the right of fishing on the coasts of British North America securedto each by Article I of a Convention between the United States andGreat Britain, signed at London on the 20th day of October, 1818; andbeing also desirous to regulate the commerce and navigation betweentheir respective territories and people, and more especially betweenHer Majesty's possessions in North America and the United States, insuch manner as to render the same reciprocally beneficial andsatisfactory, have respectively named Plenipotentiaries to confer andagree thereupon--that is to say, the President of the United States ofAmerica, William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States; andHer Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain andIreland, James, Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, Lord Bruce and Elgin, apeer of the United Kingdom, knight of the most ancient and most nobleOrder of the Thistle, and Governor General in and over all HerBritannic Majesty's provinces on the continent of North America and inand over the island of Prince Edward--who, after having communicated toeach other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:--

ART. I. It is agreed by the high contracting parties that, in additionto the liberty secured to the United States fishermen by the above-mentioned convention of October 20, 1818, of taking, curing, and dryingfish on certain coasts of the British North American Colonies thereindefined, the inhabitants of the United States shall have, in commonwith the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty, the liberty to take fish ofevery kind, except shell-fish, on the sea-coasts and shores, and in thebays, harbours, and creeks of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and of the several islands thereunto adjacent, without being restricted to any distance from the shore; withpermission to land upon the coasts and shores of those colonies and theislands thereof, and also upon the Magdalen Islands, for the purpose ofdrying their nets and curing their fish: provided that, in so doing, they do not interfere with the rights of private property or withBritish fishermen in the peaceable use of any part of the said coast intheir occupancy for the same purpose. 

It is understood that the above-mentioned liberty applies solely to thesea fishery, and that the salmon and shad fisheries, and all fisheriesin rivers and the mouths of rivers, are hereby reserved exclusively forBritish fishermen. 

And it is further agreed that, in order to prevent or settle anydisputes as to the places to which the reservation of exclusive rightto British fishermen contained in this article, and that of fishermenof the United States contained in the next succeeding article, apply, each of the high contracting parties, on the application of either tothe other, shall, within six months thereafter, appoint a commissioner. The said commissioners, before proceeding to any business, shall makeand subscribe a solemn declaration that they will impartially andcarefully examine and decide, to the best of their judgment andaccording to justice and equity, without fear, favour, or affection totheir own country, upon all such places as are intended to be reservedand excluded from the common liberty of fishing under this and the nextsucceeding article, and such declaration shall be entered on the recordof their proceedings. 

The commissioners shall name some third person to act as an arbitratoror umpire in any case or cases on which they may themselves differ inopinion. If they should not be able to agree upon the name of suchthird person, they shall each name a person, and it shall be determinedby lot which of the two persons so named shall be the arbitrator orumpire in cases of difference or disagreement between thecommissioners. The person so to be chosen to be arbitrator or umpireshall, before proceeding to act as such in any case, make and subscribeto a solemn declaration in a form similar to that which shall alreadyhave been made and subscribed by the commissioners, which shall beentered on the record of their proceedings. In the event of the death, absence, or incapacity of either of the commissioners, or of thearbitrator or umpire, or of their or his omitting, declining, orceasing to act as such commissioner, arbitrator, or umpire, another anddifferent person shall be appointed or named as aforesaid to act assuch commissioner, arbitrator, or umpire in the place and stead of theperson so originally appointed or named as aforesaid, and shall makeand subscribe such declaration as aforesaid. 

Such commissioners shall proceed to examine the coasts of the NorthAmerican Provinces and of the United States embraced within theprovisions of the first and second articles of this treaty, and shalldesignate the places reserved by the said articles from the commonright of fishing therein. 

The decision of the commissioners and of the arbitrator or umpire shallbe given in writing in each case, and shall be signed by themrespectively. 

The high contracting parties hereby solemnly engage to consider thedecision of the commissioners conjointly, or of the arbitrator orumpire, as the case may be, as absolutely final and conclusive in eachcase decided upon by them or him respectively. 

ART. 2. It is agreed by the high contracting parties that Britishsubjects shall have, in common with the citizens of the United States, the liberty to take fish of every kind, except shell-fish, on theeastern sea-coasts and shores of the United States north of the 36thparallel of north latitude, and on the shores of the several islandsthereunto adjacent, and in the bays, harbours, and creeks, of the saidsea-coasts and shores of the United States and of the said islands, without being restricted to any distance from the shore, withpermission to land upon the said coasts of the United States and of theislands aforesaid for the purpose of drying their nets and curing theirfish; provided that, in so doing, they do not interfere with the rightsof private property, or with the fishermen of the United States in thepeaceable use of any part of the said coasts in their occupancy for thesame purpose. 

It is understood that the above-mentioned liberty applies solely to thesea fishery, and that salmon and shad fisheries, and all fisheries inrivers and months of rivers, are hereby reserved exclusively forfishermen of the United States. 

ART. 3. It is agreed that the articles enumerated in the schedulehereunto annexed, being the growth and produce of the aforesaid BritishColonies or of the United States, shall be admitted into each, countryrespectively free of duty:--

SCHEDULE. 

Grain, flour and breadstuffs of all kinds. Animals of all kinds. Fresh, smoked, and salted meats. Cotton-wool, seeds, and vegetables. Undried fruits, dried fruits. Fish of all kinds. Products of fish, and all other creatures living in the water. Poultry, eggs. Hides, furs, skins, or tails, undressed. Stone or marble, in its crude or unwrought state. Slate. Butter, cheese, tallow. Lard, horns, manures. Ores of metals of all kinds. Coal. Pitch, tar, turpentine, ashes. Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed and sawed, unmanufactured, in whole or in part. Firewood. Plants, shrubs, and trees. Pelts, wool. Fish oil. Rice, broom-corn, and bark. Gypsum, ground or unground. Hewn or wrought or unwrought burr or grindstones. Dye-stuffs. Flax, hemp, and tow, unmanufactured. Unmanufactured tobacco. Rags. 

ART. 4. It is agreed that the citizens and inhabitants of the UnitedStates shall have the right to navigate the river St. Lawrence, and thecanals in Canada, used as the means of communicating between the greatlakes and the Atlantic Ocean, with their vessels, boats, and crafts, asfully and freely as the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty, subject onlyto the same tolls and other assessments as now are or may hereafter beexacted of Her Majesty's said subjects; it being understood, however, that the British Government retains the right of suspending thisprivilege on giving due notice thereof to the Government of the UnitedStates. 

It is further agreed that, if at any time the British Government shouldexercise the said reserved right, the Government of the United Statesshall have the right of suspending, if it think fit, the operation ofarticle three of the present treaty, in so far as the Province ofCanada is affected thereby, for so long as the suspension of the freenavigation of the river St. Lawrence or the canals may continue. 

It is further agreed that British subjects shall have the right freelyto navigate Lake Michigan with their vessels, boats, and crafts, solong as the privilege of navigating the river St. Lawrence, secured toAmerican citizens by the above clause of the present article, shallcontinue; and the Government of the United States further engages tourge upon the State Governments to secure to the subjects of HerBritannic Majesty the use of the several State canals on terms ofequality with the inhabitants of the United States. 

And it is further agreed that no export duty or other duty shall belevied on lumber or timber of any kind cut on that portion of theAmerican territory in the State of Maine watered by the river St. Johnand its tributaries, and floated down that river to the sea, when thesame is shipped to the United States from the Province of NewBrunswick. 

ART. 5. The present treaty shall take effect as soon as the lawsrequired to carry it into operation shall have been passed by theImperial Parliament of Great Britain and by the Provincial Parliamentsof those of the British North American Colonies which are affected bythis treaty on the one hand, and by the Congress of the United Stateson the other. Such assent having been given, the treaty shall remain inforce for ten years from the date at which it may come into operation, and further, until the expiration of twelve months after either of thehigh contracting parties shall give notice to the other of its wish toterminate the same; each of the high contracting parties being atliberty to give such notice to the other at the end of the said term often years, or at any time afterwards:

It is clearly understood, however, that this stipulation is notintended to affect the reservation made by article four of the presenttreaty, with regard to the right of temporarily suspending theoperation of articles three and four thereof. 

ART. 6. And it is further hereby agreed that the provisions andstipulations of the foregoing articles shall extend to the Island ofNewfoundland, so far as they are applicable to that colony. But if theImperial Parliament, the Provincial Parliament of Newfoundland, or theCongress of the United States shall not embrace in their laws, enactedfor carrying this treaty into effect, the Colony of Newfoundland, thenthis article shall be of no effect; but the omission to make provisionby law to give it effect, by either of the legislative bodiesaforesaid, shall not in any way impair the remaining articles of thistreaty. 

ART. 7. The present treaty shall be duly ratified and the mutualexchange of ratifications shall take place in Washington within sixmonths from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. 

In faith whereof we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed thistreaty, and have hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done in triplicate at Washington, the fifth day of June, anno Dominione thousand eight hundred and fifty-four. 

 W. L. MARCY. [L. S. ] ELGIN AND KINCARDINE. [L. S. ]]

[Endnote 2:]

Act cap. 71 [Dunlop's Laws of the United States, Federal], passed March3rd, 1845, page 1075. 

"SEC. 7. That any imported merchandize which has been entered, and theduties paid or secured according to law, for drawback, may be exportedto the British North American Provinces, adjoining the United States;and the ports of Plattsburg, in the District of Champlain; Burlington, in the District of Vermont; Sackett's Harbour, Oswego, and Ogdensburg, in the District of Oswegatchie; Rochester, in the District of Genesee;Buffalo and Erie, in the District of Prequ'isle; Cleveland, in theDistrict of Cuyahoga; Sandusky and Detroit, together with such ports onthe seaboard from which merchandize may now be exported for the benefitof drawback, are hereby declared ports from whence foreign goods, waresand merchandize on which the import has been paid or secured to bepaid, may be exported to ports in the adjoining British Provinces, andto which ports foreign goods, wares, and merchandize may be transportedinland, or by water from the port of original importation, underexisting provisions of law, to be thence exported for benefit ofdrawback. Provided, that such other ports situated on the frontiers ofthe United Sates, adjoining the British North American Provinces, asmay hereafter be found expedient, may have extended to them the likeprivileges on the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, andproclamation duly made by the President of the United States, speciallydesignating the ports to which the aforesaid privileges are to beextended. "

NOTE--Several other ports have since been proclaimed, viz. , Whitehall, Lewiston, and others. 

"SEC. 11. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby furtherauthorized to prescribe such rules and regulations, not inconsistentwith the laws of the United States, as he may deem necessary to carryinto effect the provisions of this Act, and to prevent the illegal re-importation of any goods, wares, or merchandize which shall have beenexported as herein provided; and that all Acts or parts of Actsinconsistent with the provisions of this Act, be, and the same arehereby repealed. "

See, also, Warehousing Act of United States Congress, chapter 48, Dunlop's United States Statutes, page 1106, passed 6th August, 1846, inwhich it is enacted as follows:--

"And in case the owner, importer, consignee or agent of any goods onwhich the duties have not been paid shall give to the collectorsatisfactory security that the said goods shall be landed out of thejurisdiction of the United States in the manner now required byexisting laws relating to exportations, for the benefit of drawback, the collector, &c. , on an entry to re-export the same shall, uponpayment of the appropriate expenses, permit the said goods, under theinspection of the proper officers, to be shipped without the payment ofany duties thereon, " &c. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

_The Defences of Canada. _

In February and March, 1865, I spoke in the House of Commons on thegeneral question of the defences of Canada; and, also, on the specialvote (carried by a majority of 235) of 50, 000_l_. For thefortifications of Quebec. The first of these speeches was delivered onthe 13th March, 1865; the second on the 23rd March. On the secondoccasion I was followed by Lord Palmerston; and I commend his speech, pithy and decisive as it was, to the statesmen who have to deal withour Imperial relations with Canada, and with her Canadian PacificRailway. 

"Hansard" reports that, --

"Mr. WATKIN said that having, like the right hon. Gentleman the memberfor Calne, visited Canada not once but frequently, he felt unable tocorroborate the description given of Quebec; nor could he agree as towhat had been said of other places. The fortifications of Quebec werenot those of the days of Wolfe; they had been systematically enlargedand strengthened. Quebec, naturally a position of enormous strength, was now most efficiently fortified, and so far from the nature of thesurrounding country exposing it to attack, that country presentedfeatures enabling the speedy and easy construction of additional worksrendering the fortress impregnable. In fact, it might easily be madethe strongest work upon the continent. Nor was it fair to say, as thegallant member opposite had declared, that the guns were all antiquatedand the gun-carriages rotten. It was true that many of the guns wereold, but newer ordnance had been supplied; there were abundant storesof shot, shell, and rockets, and a considerable number of Armstrongguns had been received at the citadel very recently. Canada could bemade capable of defence, without difficulty, though, of course, notwithout cost. No one would contend that the defence of Canada, if anImperial duty, was simply an Imperial liability. Every one would admitthat the colony should contribute, both in times of peace and of war, its fair share of the burden. Independence and defence were co-existentideas, and Canada, desiring to be free of foreign control, should, andhe hoped would, be ready to defray her just and honest share of theburden. He took this as admitted on all hands and on both sides of theAtlantic. His objection, then, to the proposal of the Government wasthat it was not worthy of that emergency which alone could justify thepolicy of the fortification of a frontier. But the question reallybefore the House was not one of the extent of territory to defend, butplainly this--Was this House, was the country, ready to abandon--toalienate for ever from the British Crown--the vast expanse of territorylying between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans? There was no half-wayhouse between 'cutting the painter, ' as one or two hon. Gentlemen nearhim now and then suggested, in conversation only, as regarded Canada, and severing all connection, now and for ever, with Prince Edward'sIsland, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada, on theeast; British Columbia, one of the most thriving and hopeful of theBritish possessions, on the west; and that vast intermediate countryknown as the 'Hudson's Bay Territory, ' which they were told containedwithin itself fertile land enough to sustain 50, 000, 000 of people--andholding on to the Queen's possessions. Hon. Gentlemen near him shouldremember their geography a little, and they would cease to speak ofCanada as more than a section of that northern continent over which theQueen of Great Britain ruled, and which comprised an area larger thanthat of the Federal and Confederate States put together. Now what wasthat great property? He could not describe it better than in thelanguage of the United States. If the House would refer to the reporton the Reciprocity Treaty laid before the House of Representatives atWashington in 1862 by Mr. Ward, they would find a glowing descriptionof the vast extent, the wonderful means of internal navigation, therichness of mineral resources, the bracing healthiness of climate, andthe immense extent of fertile soil which British North Americacontained. The report said:--'The great and practical value of theBritish North American Provinces and possessions is seldom appreciated. Stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans, they contain anarea of at least 3, 478, 380 square miles--more than is owned by theUnited States, and not much less than the whole of Europe, with itsfamily of nations. ' And, again, it said--'The climate and soil of theseProvinces and possessions, seemingly less indulgent than those oftropical regions, are precisely those by which the skill, energy, andvirtues of the human race are best developed. Nature there demandsthought and labour from man as conditions of his existence, and yieldsabundant rewards to a wise industry. ' Indeed, the warmth of languageused irresistibly suggested the idea that the people of the UnitedStates, with whom the love of territory was a passion, were disposed tocast a covetous eye upon these possessions of old England. Now, knowingsomething of America, he must express his belief that there was no veryimminent danger of war with the United States. The issues of peace andwar, however, depended upon the attitude of that House and of thecountry. Weakness never promoted peace, and an uncertain and half-hearted attitude was provocative of war. This country had, he believed, the desire to preserve its power and influence on the Americancontinent. It was for the good of mankind that the rule of the BritishCrown and the influence of the wisely-regulated liberty of Britain andof the British Constitution should continue. The way to prevent war wasnot to talk of severing the connection with Canada or of withdrawingour troops from Canada for fear they should be caught in a net, but toannounce boldly but calmly, in language worthy of the traditions ofthat House, that these vast American possessions are integral parts ofthe great British Empire, and come weal, come woe, would be defended tothe last. If that language were held there would be no war in America. The only danger arose from impressions produced by speeches in thatHouse and elsewhere, leading to the belief that we were indifferent toour duties or our interests on the American Continent; for we hadduties as well as interests. Those who thus spoke--humanitarians byprofession--could support the continuance of a war which, in his humbleopinion, disgraced the civilization of our time; and, while professingto be Liberals, they were ready to thrust out from our Imperial home ofliberty the populations of some of our most important possessions tosatisfy some imaginary economical theory of saving. They spoke of theEmpire as if it were this mere island, and they seemed enchanted withthe idea of narrowing our boundaries everywhere. That was not aquestion of simple arithmetic, it was a question of empire; not aquestion of a single budget, but a question of the future destiny ofour race. These gentlemen seemed to prefer to live in a small country. For his part, he hoped he should all his life live in a great one. Nocountry could be stationary without becoming stagnant, or restrict itsnatural progress without inviting its decay. It was so in all humanaffairs; it was so even in ordinary business. Every man of businessknew that if his enterprise ceased to grow bigger, it soon began todwindle down; and so a country must grow greater or else must slideaway to weakness, until at last it would be despised. Now theGovernment proposed to spend 50, 000_l_. At Quebec;50, 000_l_. , he repeated, was really nothing if it were necessaryto carry out the fortification policy at all. He had two objections tomake. One was, that Quebec was not the vulnerable point; that point wasMontreal. Montreal was the key to Canada. Once holding that key, theenemy would cut Canada in two--would separate Upper and Lower Canadafrom each other. Yet the Government proposed to leave all that to theunaided resources of Canada--to do nothing, in fact, where, if actionwere necessary at all, that action was pressing and imperative. Heshould deplore to see this country commencing and carrying on acompetition of expenditure on fortifications with the United States. The results must be, as he warned the House, excessive votes of money, of which this one was only the small beginning, and an entire change inthe nature of those relations which had so happily subsisted betweenthe United States and the British North American possessions. Let theHouse remember the case of France. England and France had for yearsbeen running a race of competition of this kind. If France raised a newregiment, or added a new ship of war, or built an ironclad, or erecteda fortress, we must do the same. And thus it had been that the forcesstill remained on a measure of some sort of equality, notwithstanding avast outlay, which had crippled the resources of both countries, andhere at home had delayed fiscal reform and retarded, nay evenprevented, the most obvious measures for the elevation and education ofour people. Were we to play the same game over again with the States?Now, as regards the great lakes and water ways of America, possessing acoast line of above 3, 000 miles, we had since 1817 neutralized thesewaters as regards armaments. Under that truly blessed arrangement, thesound of a hostile shot, or even of a shot fired for practice, hadnever been heard now for nearly half a century. Here was a precedent ofhappy history and worthy of all gratitude and of all imitation. Now, ifthey were to fortify, let it be done adequately, whatever the cost. That cost would, he repeated, be great and also uncertain. Now he wouldventure to make a suggestion to the Government. It was to trynegociation. Place before the minds of American statesmen theneutralization of the lakes and ask if the frontiers could not beneutralized also. Was it not possible that if Her Majesty's Governmenttook Brother Jonathan in a quiet mood, he might be disposed to save hisown pocket and thereby to save ours, and unite with us to set a brightexample to surrounding nations? The people of the United States hadtheir faults and we had ours; but they were distinguished by theircommon sense. No people had more of it. This suggestion would, hethought, come home to it; for they would argue, if we lay out millionsso will the British, and, after all, it is merely adding burdens toboth and not really strength or dignity to either. Let the Governmenttry. If they failed the trial would have shown them to be just and inthe right. If they succeeded how happy would it be for us. Referencehad been made by the right hon. Gentleman to the fortifications at NewYork, Boston, and Portland; but no one had mentioned a very strong workwithin forty miles of Montreal itself. He had seen that work. It wascalled 'Fort Montgomery, ' and there was a railway all the way from itto Montreal. It was now very strong. He believed it had embrasures forsome 200 guns. All the time this war had been going on, this work hadbeen going on also. Now this looked like menace. Our Government hadbeen informed about it, but he failed to find that they had made anyrepresentation to Washington. Surely they might have said, and wouldhave been justified in saying to a friendly nation--'If you must have200 guns 40 miles from Montreal, we must have 250 at Montreal; andwhatever you do, we must imitate--therefore, why should either of uslay out our money?' But Government had done nothing; and now, beforeattempting any negociation, they asked the House to agree to makefortifications. He had humbly offered a suggestion to the Government. Let them take one of two decided courses. Let them deal firmly andwisely with the question. Let them state, in no spirit of offence, tothe United States that, as Canada was part of the British Empire, wewould defend it at all cost; or let them endeavour to induce theGovernment of Washington to distinguish itself for ever by adopting thealternative--the neutralization of the lakes and the avoidance ofhostile fortifications on both sides of the frontier. "

The second speech is reported as follows:

"Mr. WATKIN, member for Stockport, said, that he felt concerned to hearthe United States so often spoken of in the debate as 'the enemy;' andif he thought that the vote before the committee would in any mannerincrease international irritation, he should regret his vote in favourof the proposition of the Government. As it was, he felt that he couldnot quite agree with the policy the vote indicated. That policy was oneof armament against an enemy. The proposition, in his opinion, wenteither too far or not far enough. It did not go far enough to inspireundoubted confidence and to deter attack by providing for absolutedefence; and still it went far enough to raise suspicion and to exciteor to aggravate a frontier feeling. But he thought that our actualrelations with the United States were guiding considerations inreference to the policy of this vote. Government ought, therefore, totell the House how far they could repeat the peaceful assurances of aformer debate. Did the despatches by the mail just arrived tend towardspeace or misunderstanding? Was it true, on one side, that formal noticehad a few days ago been given to our Government by the United States toterminate the Reciprocity Treaty? and was it true that that notice hadbeen entirely unaccompanied by any overture or suggestion for a re-discussion of the question? On the other and more friendly side, was ittrue that the vexatious passport system had been abrogated? and, aboveall, was it also true that the Government of Washington had expressedto Her Majesty's Government their intention to revoke the notice toterminate the arrangement of 1817, and to place gunboats on the greatAmerican lakes? If this was true, and if it should also appear that thenotice to put an end to the Reciprocity Treaty had either not yet beengiven or had been accompanied by some friendly declaration of a desireto negociate anew, the House must receive the intelligence withsatisfaction; but should it, unfortunately, be the fact that non-intercourse regulations were maintained, that the lakes were to becovered by armaments, and that international trade was to be interferedwith, then he thought the House would consider the question as oneaffecting a hostile neighbour, whose unfriendly designs had to be metby preparation. He hoped, therefore, that the right hon. Gentlemanwould give the House all the information at his command. Had he been inpossession of all the facts, he should have been disposed to move as anamendment that it was inexpedient to consider a vote of money for theconstruction of fortifications adjoining the United States frontieruntil negociations had been undertaken and had failed, with a view tothe suspension of such works under treaty obligation. He was stronglyin favour of negociation. There was an example and precedent in thearrangement of 1817 for the neutralization of the lakes. That peacefulcompact had endured for fifty years, and had alike saved the expenseand obviated the dangers attending rival navies on the great internalwaters of America. It was self-evident that we must either fortifyefficiently or let it alone. The United States could not fail to seethat if they laid out large sums on permanent works of defence, we mustdo the same; while if we voted money, they must follow us. And thuswhile both countries made themselves poorer in the process, neitherbecame much stronger, because a sort of equilibrium of forces wouldafter all be maintained. The Government at Washington surely had nopresent desire to enter upon a race of expenditure for military workson both sides of the frontier. If they had, the sooner we knew it thebetter, for then the House would only have one course, however theymight deplore it, to pursue. But here was a case where the common senseof the American people could, he thought, be appealed to not in vain. Instead of fortifying, let us neutralize the frontier--let us agree todo away with the expenditure. [Mr. BRIGHT: On both sides the frontier?]Yes, on both sides. If the American people were appealed to as the hon. Member for Rochdale appealed to the Emperor of the French in favour ofthe French treaty, he believed that similar earnestness and tact couldbring about an arrangement. The Government at Washington would therebyset an example to all countries having long frontier lines, and aprecedent would be established of inestimable value to the world. Whatcould be more deplorable than to substitute for neutrality and theoperation of the Reciprocity Treaty an armed frontier and practicalnon-intercourse? He had before stated, from much personal observationon the spot, that border feeling and jealousy had hardly an existenceas between the people of our possessions, and of the United States; butso soon as rival fortresses, frowned at each other on both sides of theline, and an armed truce were, so to speak, established, all thefeelings and prejudices of separate nationality would grow up inabundance. The free exchanges of industry would, perhaps, be at thesame time arrested, and war itself might not be impossible. TheReciprocity Treaty practically made the people of the United States andof the British North American possessions, each living under a totallydifferent form of government, one for all purposes of trade andintercourse. Why should they be separated? But unfortunately ourGovernment did not appreciate the value of, or they did not appeardisposed to undertake, negociations. Instead of endeavouring to come tosome friendly understanding first, they came down to the House andasked for a vote of money, enough to change the aspect of discussionwith the United States, but not enough to effectually protect fromdanger. They would spend money first, he supposed, and then negotiate;they would allow some great evil to happen, and remonstrate afterwards. The difficulties in Canada might have been avoided by previousprecaution. The threatened notice to put an end to the treaty, whichgrew out of those difficulties, might have been avoided by a renewal ofthe engagement two years ago. But the Government had done nothing. Theyhad been--how many months?--without a Minister at Washington at themost critical period of our relations with the United States. Now itwas proposed to send out a gentleman of many attainments, but whocertainly was not of the first order of diplomatists. Was he gone? [Mr. BRIGHT: They say he goes to-morrow. ] His hon. Friend the member forBirmingham said he was to leave to-morrow. Hitherto all the interestsof this country had been left in the hands of Mr. Burnley, who, if onlyfrom his position, was not able to meet on equal terms the able men ofwhom Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet was composed. Ever since the 17th December avexatious system of passports and consular regulations as tomerchandize had been in force. These regulations were probably in forcenow. They had seriously impeded trade, produced uncertainty and alarm, and great losses to individuals. They had also created greatexasperation; yet during all this time we had no ambassador atWashington. Since he entered the House, a letter, by the mail just in, had been placed in his hands, and he would, with the permission of theHouse, read an extract from it. The writer, under date Portland, March11th, says:--'Some eighteen passengers, per "Belgian, " arrived herewithout passports for Canada. The United States Government, by order ofGeneral Dix, has detained them, and sent a squad of soldiers to guardthem on board the "Belgian. " At this time of writing they are still incustody, one of them being a clergyman. Only fancy, United Statessoldiers taking charge of an English ship and English subjects! This iscarrying the matter with a high hand. ' Now, he did not believe that theGovernment of the United States had purposely and of maliceaforethought committed this outrage, nor did he speak of it to increaseirritation; but did it not show how wrong the Government had been inleaving the interests of this country so long without representation?What, in fact, was the use of an embassy at all if our ambassador wasnot at his post? The Embassy at Washington was now the most importantof our diplomatic establishments abroad. We ought to place there theablest man we could find, regardless of all party or personalconsiderations. The people of the United States knew our own estimateof our own officials well, and they took it as a slight if we did notsend to Washington a man of the first rank as a diplomatist. He wouldappeal to the noble lord at the head of the Government to consider thesuggestion he had ventured to make, and not to allow the country toembark, without any attempt at negociation, in an expenditure of whichthis was but the first beginning if the policy of it should be forcedupon the House. Our fellow-subjects in Canada ought to be assured that, if an unjust war broke out, this country would stand by them at allhazards; but that assurance was quite consistent with the attemptwhich, he hoped, would be made after all, to neutralize the frontierand the lakes and to re-establish the Reciprocity Treaty. The Housewould, he felt assured, do nothing to raise up bitter feelings betweenthe British Provinces and the United States, nor to alienate stillfurther two peoples of common origin, who, for the sake of civilizationitself, ought, as far as possible, to be one and united in theinterests of commerce and of peace. "

"Lord PALMERSTON: Sir, this is not a Canadian question, it is not alocal question, it is an Imperial question. It is a question whichaffects the position and character, the honour, the interests, and theduties of this great country; and I hold it to be of the utmostimportance to the character of the nation in a case like this, and whenthe great majority of the House seem to be of the same opinion, that itshould not go forth to the world that there has been a difference ofopinion on this motion; but that it should be seen to have beenaccepted by a unanimous House of Commons. Sir, there are one or twopoints with regard to which I think it right to express my dissent fromsome doctrines which have been laid down. Many gentlemen have arguedthis question as if there was a general impression and belief that warwith the United States was imminent, and that this proposal of ours wasfor the purpose of meeting a sudden danger which we apprehended to behanging over us. Now, I think there is no danger of war with America. Nothing that has recently passed indicates any hostile disposition onthe part of the United States towards us; and, therefore, I do not basethis motion on the ground that we expect war to take place between thiscountry and America. But is it necessary that when you propose to put acountry in a state of defence you should show that war with somepowerful neighbour is imminent and likely soon to take place? Why, thewhole practice of mankind is founded on an entirely differentassumption. Every country which is able to do so fortifies its frontierif its neighbour is a powerful state, which might, if it thought fit, attack it. But it is said that you cannot defend Canada. Now, I utterlydeny that proposition. I think that is assuming a conclusion which noman is entitled to assume. Does the example even of the war now goingon tend to justify that conclusion? The territory of the Confederatesis vast and extensive; have they attempted to defend every portion ofthat territory? They have fortified certain important points, and thoseimportant points, although the rest of the country may have beenoverrun, have resisted attack--some of them even to this day and othersfor three or four years of the contest. Look at Richmond; is Richmondtaken? Has not Richmond been attacked for a great length of time? Andwhat are its defences? Why, chiefly earthworks, with a force behindthem; and, though that force is inferior in numbers to the force whichthreatens it, it has hitherto remained in Confederate hands. The mereoccupation of territory by an army that traverses through it withoutreducing its fortresses is no conquest. The conquest is limited to theground that the invading army occupies, and when that army passes toanother part of the country its conquest passes away with it. But allcountries fortify particular points, and when those points are securethey trust that the general bulk of the territory is safe from anypermanent occupation or conquest by any enemy who may attack it. It isurged that Canada has an extended frontier; but are no other Statessimilarly placed in that respect? What country has the largestfrontier? What is the extent of our own frontier? Why, the whole coastof the United Kingdom; and we might as well say that it would benecessary for the security of this country that we should line ourwhole coast with defensive works because we may be attacked at anypoint of that great and extensive frontier. I maintain, therefore, thatthere is nothing that has passed--nothing that is now passing--betweenthe Government of the United States and our Government which justifiesany man in saying that the relations between the two countries arelikely, as far as present circumstances go, to assume a character ofhostility leading to war. But, then, the hon. Member for Birminghamsays that any danger which might threaten Canada and our North AmericanProvinces must arise from political disputes between England and theUnited States. And, therefore, the hon. Gentleman says the Canadianswill find that their best security is, not in fortifications or inBritish support, but in separating themselves from Great Britain. Now, in the first place, that happens not to be the wish or inclination ofthe Canadians. The Canadians are most anxious to maintain theconnection with this country. They are proud of that connection; theythink it for their interest; they are willing to make every exertionthat their population and resources enable them to achieve, and, inconjunction with the efforts of this country, to preserve thatconnection, and prevent themselves from being absorbed by aneighbouring power. Is it not, therefore, alike the duty and interestof this country, for the sake of that reputation which is the power andstrength of a nation, when we find the Canadas and our other Provincesdesirous of maintaining the connection, to do that which we may havethe means of doing in assisting them to maintain that connection andremain united with Great Britain? But, sir, is it true that the onlydanger which a smaller colonial state runs from a more powerful andlarger neighbour arises from quarrels that may exist between the MotherCountry and the foreign state? I say that is a total fallacy. Supposethese provinces separated from this country--suppose them erected intoa monarchy, a republic, or any other form, of Government, are there notmotives that might lead a stronger neighbour to pick a quarrel withthat smaller state with a view to its annexation? Is there nothing liketerritorial ambition pervading the policy of great military states? Theexample of the world should teach us that as far as the danger ofinvasion and annexation is concerned, that danger would be increased toCanada by a separation from Great Britain, and when she is deprived ofthe protection that the military power and resources of this countrymay afford. If these American Provinces should desire to separate, weshould not adopt the maxim that fell unconsciously from the hon. Memberfor Birmingham, who maintained that the North was right in suppressingthe rebellion of the South; we will not adopt his maxim, and think thatwe have a right to suppress the rebellion of the North AmericanProvinces. We should take a different line, no doubt, and if theseProvinces felt themselves strong enough to stand upon their own ground, and if they should desire no longer to maintain their connection withus, we should say, 'God speed you and give you the means to maintainyourselves as a nation!' That has not happened; but, on the contrary, they much dislike the notion of annexation to their neighbours andcling to their connection with this country. And I say that it will bedisgraceful to this country--it would lower us in the eyes of theworld--it would weaken our power and leave consequences injurious toour position in the world if, while they desire to maintain theirconnection with us, we did not do what we could to assist them inmaintaining their position. I think that the Government are perfectlyright in proposing this vote to the House. We are of opinion that allthose examples which my right hon. Friend behind me (Mr. Lowe) hasadduced are not applicable. We all know that in winter the snow is sodeep in Canada that if an army should march it could only be in onebeaten track, and that it would be impossible to carry on siegeoperations in winter. We know that warlike operations must be limitedto the summer months, and we think that we can, by the fortificationsnow proposed--some to be made by the Canadians and some by thiscountry--put Canada into such a state of defence that, with theexertions of her own population, and assisted by the military force ofthis country, she will be able to defend herself from attack. My righthon. Friend the member for Calne argued in a manner somewhatinconsistent with himself, for what did he say? He says that you cannotdefend Canada because the United States can bring a military force intothe field much superior to that which you can oppose to them. Yet theright hon. Gentleman says we ought to defend Canada. You ought not torelinquish the connection, he says, but you should defend Canadaelsewhere. Where? Why, as you are not able to cope with the UnitedStates in Canada, where you have a large army, and where you can joinyour forces to those of the Canadians, you should send an expeditionand attack the people of the United States in their own homes and inthe centre of their own resources, where they can bring a larger forceto repel our invasion. If we are unable to defend Canada, we shall nothave much better prospects of success if we land an army to attack NewYork or any other important city. "

CHAPTER XX. 

_Intended Route for a Pacific Railway in 1863_. 

The result of mature consideration, reasoning carefully upon all thefacts I had collected, was, that, at that time, 1863, the best routefor a Railway to the Pacific was, to commence at Halifax, to strikeacross to the Grand Trunk Railway at Riviere du Loup, 106 miles east ofQuebec, then to follow the Grand Trunk system to Sarnia; to extend thatsystem to Chicago; to use, under a treaty of neutralization, the UnitedStates lines from Chicago to St. Paul; to build a line from St. Paul toFort Garry (Winnipeg) by English and American capital, and then toextend the line to the Tete Jaune Pass, there to meet a Railway throughBritish Columbia starting from the Pacific. A large part of this routehas been completed. For instance, an "Intercolonial" Railway--constructed so as to serve many local, but no grand through, purposes;constructed to satisfy local interests, or, probably, local politicalneeds--has been built. The Grand Trunk extension from Detroit toChicago, an excellent Railway, has been completed, thanks to theindomitable efforts of Mr. Hickson, the Managing Director of the GrandTrunk. A line from St. Paul to Winnipeg has also been opened; but theroute of the line from Winnipeg to the Pacific has been deviated from, and, to save distance, the Kicking Horse and Beaver River Passes havebeen chosen. I think needless cost has been incurred, and that futuremaintenance will be greater than it need have been. 

The British Columbian Railway has been constructed from Fort Moody toKamloops, and is now part of the Canadian Pacific. 

It seemed to me, at that time, that the route of the Ottawa Valley, Lake Nipissing, and round by the head of Lake Superior, was a greatproject of the future; and that to accomplish so great a work, in sucha country, the policy was to utilize existing outlays of capital, filling in vacant spaces rather than duplicating what we had got. 

It seemed to me, also, that the use of existing railways in the UnitedStates was not only economical, but politic: and I knew that, at thattime, the Government of the North would have made every reasonableadvance to meet England in affairs of mutual interest. There was everydesire, at that juncture, to work cordially with our Queen and herpeople. For example, the passing of the Slave Trade Bill, modelled onEnglish legislation, in, I think, 1863, through both Houses of Congressat Washington, with hardly a hostile expression. _Apropos_ of thisBill, Mr. Charles Sumner told me, in 1865, at his house at Boston, thefollowing story. "The Bill for putting down the slave trade inassociation with England and the other anti-slave trade countriespassed so quickly as to astonish its friends. Charles Sumner, on thefinal question being put, 'that the Bill do pass'--as we should put itat home--immediately ran across to Mr. Seward, opened the door of Mr. Seward's private office, without knocking, and found Mr. Seward asleep. He awoke him by calling out, 'Seward, Seward, the Bill is passed: theBill is passed. ' Seward gradually opened his eyes, stared under hisbushy eyebrows, and said, 'Then what in ---- has become of the "greatdemocratic party?"'"

Again, it was the fault of our own Government at home that theReciprocity Treaty, nearly expiring, was not renewed. Our Governmentdid nothing. It was the "masterly inactivity" of Lord Granville, andother Whigs, which has done so much harm to the prestige and power ofour Empire. Opportunities are everything--they are the statesman'schances. In this case the chance was lost. However, I had every reasonto believe that Mr. Seward would have been willing to agree to the useof United States lines up to St. Paul (which he once predicted wouldbecome the centre, or "hub, " of the United States) and throughMinnesota to the boundary of the Hudson's Bay territory, --under atreaty of international neutralization. There were, it is true, difficulties at home. The authorities, at home, did not know what wasto be the end of the Civil War. They did not know the country to bepassed through. They doubted if there was any precedent. I quoted thetreaty, of years before, between England, the United States, and othercountries, for the neutralization of a railway, if made, acrossHonduras, and other analogous cases. But I failed to bring about anyofficial action at that time. I think, in looking back for twenty-threeyears, I have nothing to modify as respects this. Had my proposals beencarried out millions sterling would have been saved; throughout railwaycommunication to the Pacific might have been secured fifteen yearssooner; and a friendly agreement with the United States for a greatcommon object would, no doubt, have led to many more equally friendlyagreements. 

As respects neutralization, I, unconsciously, put a spoke into my ownwheel, and I was not aware of it until I had a conversation with Mr. Bright a good while afterwards. Had I known of the grievance at thetime I would have gone right off to Washington and explained all aboutit. The facts were these:--

I was at Quebec in July, 1863. At that time, and previously, and after, there was a tall, long-legged, short-bodied, sallow-faced, sunken-eyedman, whose name, if he had reported it correctly, was Ogden. He wascalled "consul" for the United States at Quebec. He reported, I wastold, direct to Mr. Seward at Washington. He was, in fact, the sort ofdiplomatist whose duties, as he apprehended them, were those of a spy. He was a person disagreeable to look at, as in his odd-colouredtrousers, short waistcoat, and dark green dress-coat, with brassbuttons, he went elbowing about amongst the ladies and gentlemenpromenading the public walk, which commands so beautiful a view overthe St. Lawrence, called the "Platform. " Phrenology would havecondemned him. Phrenology and Physiognomy combined, would have hunghim, on the certain verdict of any intelligent jury. 

One day, as I was preparing to go West, a deputation from the"Stadacona" Club of Quebec, of which I was a member, asked me to takethe chair at a private dinner proposed to be given at the club to Mr. Vallandigham, the democratic leader of Ohio, who had come acrosscountry from Halifax, on his way homeward--through, free, Canada--afterhis seizure in bed, in Ohio, and deportation across the Northernfrontier into the land of secession. It appeared that Mr. Vallandigham, not being a secessionist, merely desiring an honourable peace betweenNorth and South, which he had ably advocated, had gone on to Nassau, thence to Halifax, thence to Quebec: where he was. 

I at first declined the honour. But I was much pressed. I was told thatleading citizens of Quebec and members of the late Canadian Governmentwould attend. That the dinner was merely hospitality to a refugeelanded upon our shores in distress; and that my presidency would takeaway any suspicion that there was the slightest _arriere-pensee_in the matter. I concurred. The dinner took place. Not a word was saidof the great pending contest, unless some words of Mr. Vallandigham, apologizing for the poverty of his dress, might be so construed. Hesaid: "Mr. Chairman, I must apologize for my costume. I can onlyexplain that I am standing in the clothes I was allowed to put on, after being taken out of my own bed, in my own house, without warningand without warrant, and I have not had the means to re-clothe myself. "

The dinner was certainly about as non-political and as innocent as anysuch assembly could be. Mr. Vallandigham left for Niagara the samenight. I saw him into the train. He declined a friendly loan; but heaccepted a free passage to Niagara, where, later on, I spent two orthree pleasant and interesting days in his society; our little partybeing Governor Dallas, of the Hudson's Bay Company, D'Arcy McGee, Dr. Mackay, who had acted as correspondent of the "Times, " Professor Hind, my son, Mr. Watkin, and myself. The "consul" had, no doubt, misrepresented our proceedings. 

Now this is the whole story. I never after this got any answers toletters to Mr. Seward; and, as stated above, I never knew of thegrievance till spoken to by Mr. Bright, who had received a letter ofcomplaint of me from somebody at Washington. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

_Letters from Sir George E. Cartier--Question ofHonors_. 

The "Act for the Union of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, andthe government thereof, and for purposes connected therewith, " receivedthe Royal Assent on the 29th of March, 1867. 

The following letters may be of some interest to the friends of thelate Sir George Etienne Cartier, and to mine:

 "W. P. HOTEL, LONDON, "30 April, 1867. 

"My DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I leave to-morrow for _Liverpool_ on my way to _Canada_. Allow me, before my departure, to convey to you personally and for'Canada' the most sincere and grateful thanks for all the kindnessesyou have bestowed, on me since my _sojourn in_ London, and for allthe political services you have rendered to 'Canada' in having so_efficiently helped_ the carrying of the _great confederationmeasure_. I hope that before long we will see you again in Canada, and rest assured that we will be delighted to demonstrate to you _ourgratefulness_. 

"Be kind enough to present my best respects to Mrs. Watkin, and to askher to accept from me the within-enclosed photograph taken at 'Naples, 'which I think is very good. 

 "Good bye, my dear Mr. Watkin, and believe me, "Yours very truly, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. "E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. "

MISTAKE ABOUT HONORS. 

When the Act for Confederation had been passed, and while some of thedelegates were still in England, a notification was made of honorsintended to be conferred by Her Majesty on some of those who haddevoted anxious hours of labour to the great cause of Union. In mycase, my name was mentioned for knighthood, while the names of Mr. Cartier and Mr. Galt were named for the honor of "C. B. , " and Mr. Langevin's name appeared to be entirely omitted. When, how, or by whom, the leader of the great French-speaking section of the Canadian peoplewas placed, thus, in a position inferior to that of the leader of UpperCanada, who was made "K. C. B. , " I do not care, now, to inquire. But Ifelt at the time, and I feel now, that it would have been unjust--unselfish and earnest as my services had been--to give to a man likeMr. Cartier, an honor inferior to that which common report hadattributed to me. I felt, also, that the proposal would be treated as aslight to the Catholic and French-speaking people. I did all in my, limited, power to represent the mistake and the danger to the leadersof the Government, at home; and, as will be shown in the next Chapter, I wrote to Mr. Disraeli on this serious question on the 3rd August, 1867. 

 "MONTREAL, "23rd August, 1867. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I thank you very much for your kind letters. Really you are too goodto _espouse, as it were_, my cause respecting the _honorsconferred_ in Canada. There is no doubt that----is the cause of allthe _evil_ in the matter of the _honors conferred_. Some_other parties_ are also not exempt from blame. I have not as yetreceived a reply to my letter declining the _C. B. Ship_. Ipresume I shall have it very soon. I have to tell you that I will makethroughout _all_ Lower Canada the _best electoral campaign_ Ihave ever made. The _Rouges_ will not elect 10 members out of the65 _allotted_ to _Lower_ Canada. _Holton_ and_Dorion_, the _leaders_ of the Rouge Party, will very likelybe defeated. I went to Chateaugay on Monday last to attend a meetingagainst Holton. I gave it to him as he deserved. I will tell you in_confidence_ that _Gait and myself_ through the largemajority I will have in Lower Canada, will be stronger than ever. Mrs. Cartier and my girls are at Rimouska. I will deliver them your kindmessages as soon as I see them. My kindest regards to Mrs. Watkin, andbelieve me, "My dear Mr. Watkin, "Yours very truly, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq, M. P. , "London. "

 "MONTREAL, "22_nd September_, 1867. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "Accept my most sincere thanks for your such unappreciable kindness inhaving made common cause with me in reference to the late distributionof honors in Canada. I do really think, and I am convinced, that youhave allowed your good heart to go too far in having declined the honorand distinction offered to you, and which you so well deserved in everyrespect. I hope that _my matter_ will not stand in the way of youhaving your public and political services in England, as well as inCanada, sooner or later fully recognized, and well rewarded by a properand suitable distinction. I hope so, for your own sake as well as forthat of Mrs. Watkin and your son and amiable daughter. The Chancellorof the Exchequer has written you a very nice letter, indeed. Withregard to my _matter_, would you imagine that the Duke ofBuckingham has written a _confidential note_ to Lord Monck, telling to this latter that there _being no precedent_ for aresignation of the C. B. , the only way to have my wishes carried outwould be by the _Queen_ directing by _order_ in the Gazettemy name to be struck out from the Order, which proceeding, the Dukeadds, would be _construed_ by _outsiders_ and_uninitiated_ that it was for _misconduct_. Lord Monck havingcommunicated to me the substance of the Duke's communication, I haveasked Lord Monck to obtain from the Duke leave to communicate to me thesubstance of his note in _no confidential_ manner, in order that Imay reply to it. I do really think that the intention is to_frighten_ me, in order to induce me to withdraw my letter askingleave to resign the C. B. That I _will not do_, and when theDuke's communication is under my _eyes_ in _no confidentialmanner_, I will send such a reply that will make people understandthe _injury done_ to me, and the _slight_ so absurdly_offered_ to a _million_ of _good and loyal_ FrenchCanadians. As a matter of course, all that I say to you in this letteris _strictly_ in confidence to you. 

"Mrs. Cartier and myself have had the pleasure, yesterday, to have thecompany at _dinner_ of your friends Mr. And Mrs. Sidebottom. Theyare really a very nice couple, and we thank you for having given us theopportunity of making their acquaintance. Be kind enough to present onmy behalf, and on that of Mrs. Cartier and my daughters, our bestrespects and regards to Mrs. Watkin, and to believe me, my dear Mr. Watkin, "Your devoted friend, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. , London. "

 "OTTAWA, "24_th November_, 1867. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I am so much thankful to you for your kind wish of the 10th of Octoberlast. I do appreciate with gratefulness your so kind expression offeelings towards me. I enclose you an extract of the 'MontrealGazette, ' giving the report of a debate which took place in our Housesome few days ago respecting the 'C. B. ' matter, and also an 'extract'of the same paper, containing some editorial remarks on the samesubject. I like to keep you _au courant_ of that matter, since youare so good as to take interest in it. I took great care not to takeany part in the debate. I have not as yet got a copy of the Duke ofBuckingham's letter. I will follow your advice with regard to anyanswer to it on my part. I will never forget your disinterestedness inthis question of '_honor_' and nothing will be more agreeable tome than to act in such a way, whenever the opportunity will offeritself, as to show by reciprocal action my thanks and my feelings. 

"'The Grand Trunk Act' will be read a second time to-morrow (Monday). Mrs. Cartier and my girls are here for a few days. We were all sorry tohear that your son had an attack of fever. We all hope that he got overit, and that he is well again. Be kind enough to present to Mrs. Watkinand your dear son our best regards and kindest remembrance. I regretvery much the retirement of 'Galt' from our government. You will haveheard that I have replaced him by _Rose_. I could not do betterunder any circumstances. 

 "Believe me, my dear Mr. Watkin, "Yours very truly, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. , "London, England. "

 "QUEBEC, "15_th February_, 1868. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "I am very grateful to you for your three kind letters of the 2nd, 13th, and 15th January last. Be good enough to excuse me if I have notsooner acknowledged their receipt. 

"I am in Quebec since a couple of weeks, attending the 'LocalParliament, ' of which I am a member. Things are going on very well. Igot elected to the 'Local Parliament' in order to help my_friends_, the '_Local Ministers_' to carry on the 'LocalGovernment' and I must say they are doing it very well. The 'QuebecLegislature' carries this 'business' better than does the 'OntarioLegislature. ' I will leave for Ottawa on the 17th instant, to be thereon the 20th to attend the _Council Meeting_ for deciding on the_route_ of the _Intercolonial Railway_. 

"I felt so sorry to hear that your dear son was so long unwell. I hopethat by this time he is himself again. 

"I gave to Mrs. Cartier and my daughters your kind message of goodwishes for them and myself during this present year. We are allthankful to you. Have the goodness to accept in return from them andmyself for you, Mrs. Watkin, and your dear son and daughter, our bestwishes for the prosperity and happiness of you all. 

"I must say, my dear Mr. Watkin, that with regard to the C. B. Matter, you do really take too much trouble and interest for me. I am verythankful to you for it, and also to Mr. Baring and Lord Wharncliffe. Ifyou have occasion to _intimate_ to them my thankfulness, if anyopportunity for so doing should offer itself to you, you would obligeme very much. 

"Really it was too kind of Lord Wharncliffe to have brought thatdelicate matter before Lord Derby, and to have written you about it. Ithank you for the enclosures you have made to me of what LordWharncliffe had written to you about the C. B. 

"I have now to tell you something which happened about that subjectsince my last to you. 

"You very likely must have seen or heard of the 'notification, 'published in the 'London Gazette' at the end of the month of_December last_, about the _honors distributed_ in Canada inconnection with the 'Confederation. ' In that 'notification' you musthave seen that the names of 'myself and Galt' are omitted, and it wasstated in that _notification_ that it must be 'substituted' forthe 'one' published on the 9th of July last, in which Galt's name andmine _were inserted_ as C. B. Now, you must recollect that somemonths ago I wrote you about a 'confidential communication' of the Dukeof Buckingham to Lord Monck, in order that it should be intimated to meand Gait, that there was no precedent of a resignation of the Order ofthe Bath, and that the only way left for the _carrying out_ ofGalt's wishes and mine would be by '_an order of Her Majesty orderingour names to be struck off the roll_. ' The communication of the Dukehaving been made to me in a _confidential manner_, I had noopportunity to answer it. I had written to Lord Monck to ask the Duke'sleave for communicating to me in no confidential manner the despatch ofthe Duke, in order to give me an opportunity to answer it. I never hadany _answer_ from Lord _Monck_ to that request. To my greatsurprise, at the end of December last, I received from Lord Monck anote, accompanied by the copy of a despatch from the Duke, informing methat a _mode had been found_ to meet my wishes and those of Galt, which consisted in the publication in the 'London Gazette' of a'notification' omitting our names, and such notification to besubstituted for the former one of July last. 

"The reading of this last despatch more than astonished me, and myastonishment was greater when I saw by the 'London Gazette' that it was_carried into effect_ by the _notification_ above _alludedto_. I have had no more opportunity to answer the second despatch ofthe Duke than the _first one_, which was marked 'confidential. 'Allow me to add, that the 'Duke' expressed in his 'first communication'that he did not like to suggest that my name should be struck off theroll, because an ungenerous construction now and hereafter might bemade against me by those not acquainted _with the facts_. Now, bythe course followed, as explained in his second despatch, I feel asbadly treated as if the first course had been adopted. In one case myname would have been ordered to be struck off the roll, and by thesecond course followed up, my name was ordered to be omitted in thesecond notification. There is not much difference between these twocourses. I have written a letter to Lord Monck to complain of thesecond course followed up, inasmuch as there being no reason assignedfor the omission of my name in the second notification, a constructionungenerous to myself and my children after me could now and hereafterbe made. Excuse me for troubling you so long about that C. B. Matter. Now, with regard to the _Hudson Bay matter_, not the least doubtthat the speech of 'John A. ' was very uncalled for and injudicious. Hehad no business to make such a speech, and I told him so at the time--that he ought not to have made it. However, you must not attach toomuch importance to that speech. I myself and several of my colleagues, and John A. Himself, have no intention to commit any spoliation; and, for myself in particular, I can say to you that I will never consent tobe a party to a measure or anything intended to be an act of spoliationof the Hudson Bay's rights and privileges. I must bring this longepistle to a close. 

"My kindest regards and respects to Mrs. Watkin. 

"Remember me to your dear son, and believe me, my dear Mr. Watkin, "Yours very truly, "GEO. E. CARTIER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq. "

UNFORTUNATE DISCUSSIONS. 

These discussions were both unfortunate and embarrassing; in the courseof them, I had suggested that the way out of the difficulty wasgenerously to offer a baronetcy to Mr. Cartier. During the discussionDr. Tupper arrived in England. He cordially agreed with me. He deploredthe mistake made, and, acting from his official position, and with thegreat judgment which he has always shown, he was able to assist in thedesired happy solution. 

On the 22nd of April I received the following letter:--

 "WESTMINSTER PALACE HOTEL, "_April 22nd_, 1868. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "The Duke (of Buckingham) showed me (in _strict confidence_ untilafter the official announcement here) the copy of his telegram to LordMonck, announcing the fact that the Queen had conferred a baronetcyupon Mr. Cartier, and a C. B. Upon Langevin, and was pleased to say thathe was very much indebted to me for having suggested it. I told himthat I was satisfied that his Grace had conferred a signal service toour country, which would be productive of much good. Knowing how muchpleasure this will give you I cannot forbear mentioning it, of coursein confidence. 

"I enclose a letter received to-day from our late lamented friend. Begood enough to return it to me. Ought I to communicate his wishes toMessrs. Hurst &

Blackwell? I had a long interview with Mr. Cardwell to-day. He will doanything in his power to aid in putting matters right in Nova Scotia, and is anxious that I should see Mr. Bright. Mr. C. Takes your view asto the Union question having been an issue before the people in 1863, in the strongest manner. 

 "Yours faithfully, "C. TUPPER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. "

I feel assured that Mr. Cartier was moved, solely, by a regard for thehonor of his compatriots. 

 "OTTAWA, "_28th May_, 1868. 

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN, "On Friday last, the 21st instant, our Parliament was prorogued. Wehave had a very hard and laborious session. For my part, I had chargeof the two most difficult measures, the Militia and the Fortificationsmeasures, which I carried through successfully, and which weresanctioned on the 21st instant. Without being considered guilty of_boasting_, I can say, and every man in Parliament will say, thatI was the only one who could carry through these measures. My LowerCanada Parliamentary strength supported me nobly. I consider that incarrying these two measures to successful issue, I have rendered a goodservice to Canada, to England, and to British transactions. I wanted towrite you last week, before the closing of our session, but really Icould not find a moment for so doing. During ten days we sat threetimes a day, and we had to attend our executive sittings during thevery short intervals allowed us. I have not as yet answered your sokind letter of the 24th April last, nor your also kind former one ofMarch last, and I hope you will have the goodness to excuse my delay. My dear Mr. Watkin, I do really not know how to thank you for all thatyou have done for me with regard to the injustice done me in the matterof the distribution of honors to the Confederation delegates, and withregard to the baronetcy which the Queen intends to confer on me. As youremark in your last note, I became aware of Her Majesty's intentions bya _cable_ telegram to Lord Monck, and the last _mail_ hasbrought a despatch to Lord Monck from the Duke of Buckingham to appriseme _officially_ of Her Majesty's intentions, and to request me tosend to the Colonial Office my pedigree and my coat of arms, for thepreparation of the letters patent to be issued. I am now procuring allthe information and things required by the Heralds' College. The firsttelegram to Lord Monck was to offer me the baronetcy, and to ascertainif I would accept of it. I took a few days to consider the matter, as Iwould not do anything which might not have been approved by Galt andLangevin. Both of them urged me to accept; and consequently I made LordMonck aware of my acceptance. A few days afterwards came another_cable telegram_, informing Lord Monck that the Queen hadconferred on me the baronetcy dignity, and the C. B. On Langevin. Whenthe Queen's pleasure was announced in the House, there were cheers andapprobation from both sides of the House. I have not the _least_doubt that I am under obligation to Lord Derby and to Lord Wharncliffefor their interference in my favour; and I must add, that I feel understronger obligation to you for the honor conferred on me, first, foryour having _moved_ so kindly and so urgently Lord Wharncliffe, and, secondly, for your so chivalrous disinterestedness in havingyourself declined the royal mark of favour offered to you by Mr. Disraeli, on the ground of the injustice at first done to me. My dearMr. Watkin, I cannot forget such friendly and disinterested conduct onyour part. I hope it will be in my power, in return, to be useful toyou. Very likely I will have to go to England on the question of_defence_ before the next Session of our Parliament, and I willnot fail to say the _proper words_ to the proper quarters; and ifit were possible for me to do something by correspondence, I wouldgladly do it; but I don't know how to proceed, and _whom_ to move. Besides, I would not like to do or write anything which might not meetyour wishes. I would like very much to know your views on that delicatequestion. I thank you for your suggestion to write a few lines to LordWharncliffe. I enclose you a letter for him, which I leave open, inorder that you should see it. If the letter meets your views, be kindenough to seal it and to mail it to Lord Wharncliffe. I was so pleasedthe other day to hear from our friend Brydges, that your dear son hadarrived in Montreal, and that his health is improving. I have notfailed to let Langevin know your kind congratulations to him. He feelsvery thankful for the interest you take in him. I showed him your lastnote to me. I have duly transmitted to Mrs. Cartier and my daughtersyour kind message, --and they all feel grateful to you. I enclose youthe Militia and Fortification measures as they finally passed. Ienclose you also the return to an _address_ for the correspondenceand despatches on the defence-fortification question. You may, perhaps, like to have all these papers. I enclose you also the _return_ toan address for the correspondence on the C. B. Matter, and the report ofthe _Select Committee_ upon it; you will find the report of the_Committee_ in the _Notes and Proceedings_ of the 15th ofMay. It seemed to me, that you might like to have these documents, asyou took such a degree of interest in Galt and myself. Do me thekindness to present my best regards to Mrs. Watkin, and to remember mekindly to your daughter when you write her. 

"We are threatened with a _Fenian_ invasion in the course of_June next_. We are preparing to meet it. It is too bad that the_Imperial Government_ should allow such an hostile organization tobe formed in the United States without a _word of remonstrance_. In the hope of hearing from you at your earliest convenience, "Believe me, my dear Mr. Watkin, "Your sincere and grateful friend, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. London. "

PERMITTED INVASION. 

Sir George Cartier's allusion to the neglect by our Government inpermitting, without remonstrance, the repeated invasion of Canada, makes one shiver with shame. As President Johnson said to me in 1865, "Why don't your people remonstrate?"

My countrymen may feel assured that if remonstrances, firm anddignified, had anticipated each known intended outrage--English andIrish-American conspiracies would have not been as now. 

 "ROSE HILL, NORTHENDEN, near MANCHESTER, "12th August, 1868. 

"MY DEAR SIR, "I, gladly, enclose a copy of the Gazette notice of your Baronetcy. 

"I have had the fees at the Heralds' College, and also the stamps andexpenses, through the Home Office, duly paid, and I will send you thepapers and receipts as soon as I receive them. 

"The completion of this matter will close the somewhat intimateconnection which now for some years has given me, if trouble andanxiety, still deep pleasure and satisfaction, --in reference to yournow united Provinces. 

 "With best wishes allow me to remain, "Yours very faithfully, "EDW. W. WATKIN. 

"To the Hon. Sir G. E. CARTIER, Bart. , "Montreal, Canada. "

 "OTTAWA, "_18th September, 1868. _

"MY DEAR SIR EDWARD, "The last English mail has brought us the happy news that the honor ofknighthood has been conferred on you by the Queen. 

"Allow me to offer you, Lady Watkin, and your dear son and daughter, mysincere and heartfelt congratulations on the bestowal on you of so welldeserved a distinction. You must bear in mind that I do not forget thatthe honor so recently bestowed on you would have been conferred on youa long time ago, had not your generous feelings towards me prompted youat one time to decline the same distinction. Lady Cartier and mydaughters gladly unite with me in this expression of congratulation, which I now offer you, Lady Watkin, and your son and daughter. I hopethat your future election will not give you much trouble, and thatCanada and the British people will have again the benefit of yourpresence in Parliament. 

"I may see you before long in England. Be kind enough to accept for youand Lady Watkin the assurance of the kindest regards of myself, LadyCartier, and my daughters, "And, believe me, my dear Sir Edward, "Yoursvery truly, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"Sir EDWARD W. WATKIN, M. P. , Kt. , London. "

 "London, "Westminster Palace Hotel, "_20th November_, 1868. 

"My dear Sir Edward, "You cannot conceive how sorrowful I feel that the result of theelection in Stockport was adverse to you. I was watching the incidentsand proceedings connected with that election with such an interest andwith such sure hope that you would be successful. You have no idea ofmy grief and disappointment when I became aware of your defeat. Ourfriend Brydges has mentioned to me some of the _causes_ which havemilitated against you amongst your constituents, viz. Your havingattended at the laying of the corner stone of a Roman Catholic School, and your drinking the health of the 'Pope' at the _lunch_ which_ensued_, and also the _displeasure_ which you have_incurred from Mr. Bright_ and some of his friends for not havingsupported _him_ in _his motion_ for Nova Scotia against theConfederation. I have already written to some of my colleagues inCanada to let them know there the _'liberality'_ of thesepretended 'Liberals' here. I hope you will not remain a long time_out_ of _Parliament_, and that very soon some vacancy willoccur which will give you an opportunity to be re-elected, and to serveand _advocate_ again in the Imperial Parliament, not only theinterests of the _three British Isles_, but also the Colonialinterests, and particularly those of the Dominion of Canada, to whichyou have always attended with such ability, zeal, and ardour, that youhave now the everlasting gratitude of every Canadian. I hope yourelectoral _contretems_ will not deter you from your politicalpursuits. I would have had such a pleasure in congratulating LadyWatkin on your electoral success. 

"I hope Lady Watkin, Miss Watkin, and your son are enjoying goodhealth. Have the goodness to present my best regards to Lady Watkin, and to remember me kindly to your dear daughter and son; and, my dearSir Edward, reiterating to you my sincere thanks for all you have donefor me, and expecting the pleasure of seeing you very soon in London, believe me, as always, "Your very sincere, "And devoted friend, "GEO. ET. CARTIER. 

"Sir EDWARD W. WATKIN, 21, Old Broad Street, London. 

"On my leaving Canada Lady Cartier and my daughters have asked me notto forget to present to you and Lady Watkin their best wishes andkindest regards, to remember them kindly to your son, and to offertheir compliments to Miss Watkin, in the hope of making heracquaintance hereafter. "

CHAPTER XXII. 

Disraeli--Beaconsfield. 

No one aided the cause of Canada more readily than Mr. Disraeli, and Iought to explain how I first gained his confidence and kindness. ButMr. Philip Rose, who was his solicitor, his friend, his executor; whohad stuck by him "per angusta ad augusta, " was of priceless service inplacing before him, from time to time, the facts, affectingConfederation, as I collected them. 

My first acquaintance with Mr. Disraeli was the consequence of myconnection, as an honorary secretary, with the "Manchester Athenaeum, " aliterary institute, originated in 1835 by Richard Cobden, on his returnfrom a visit to his brother in the United States, a country at thattime on the rage for social clubs with classic names. The "ManchesterAthenaeum, " owing partly to defective management and architecturalcostliness, partly to some years of bad trade and deficient employment, and partly to an unfortunate sectarian conflict, had fallen into debtand difficulty; and a few of the younger members, who had profited bythe existence of the institution, came to the rescue, and by variousmethods got rid of its debts, and set it fairly on the way again. Onemethod was, the holding of a great literary soiree in the ManchesterFree Trade Hall. The audience was more than 4, 000. The President wasCharles Dickens. 

On the morning of the day before the soiree, which took place onThursday, the 5th of October, 1843, I received a note, in these terms, from Mr. Cobden:--

 "MOSLEY St, "_Wednesday_. 

"Dear Sir, "Mr. Benj'n Disraeli, the author of 'Vivian Grey, ' is at the MoselyArms Hotel, with Mrs. Disraeli. 

"I wish you would call and invite them to the soiree. 

 "Yours truly, "R. COBDEN. 

"Mr. E. Watkin, "High St. "

I print the note exactly as it was written. 

It has appeared to me, since, that Mr. Cobden at that time consideredit necessary to identify Mr. Disraeli as Mr. "Benj'n" Disraeli, "theauthor of Vivian Grey. "

I called accordingly, without delay. Mr. Disraeli was out, but I foundMrs. Disraeli at home. She was a little, plain, vivacious woman; onewho, like an india-rubber toy, you have only to touch, and it issuessound. But she was obviously no common-place woman. Her comments uponwhat she had seen already in Manchester were acute, and, at times, decidedly humorous. They were those of a shrewd observer. We becamegood friends. She promised, both for herself and her husband, to attendthe soiree; and, in answer to my further request that Mr. Disraeliwould speak, she said, she "could almost promise that he would. " Thesoiree of the next evening was brilliant. Dickens was at his very best;and it must have been difficult indeed to follow so admirable aspeaker. But Mr. Disraeli certainly shared the honours and the applauseof this great meeting. His speech, in fact, created so decided asensation that I was asked to invite him to preside at the soiree ofthe coming year of 1844, --which he did. Few, who heard it, will forgetthe eloquent oration he delivered. I cannot forbear, out of place as itmay seem to some, here to quote the concluding portions of thisremarkable address; an address which I have never yet seen amongst thepublished speeches of Lord Beaconsfield:--

"If my description of what this institution offers to us, if my view ofwhat it in some degree supplies, be just, what, I must inquire, is thereason that an institution, the prosperity of which now cannot bedoubted, but so brief a time ago could have been apparently in the laststage of its fortunes? It is not an agreeable task--I fear it may beconsidered by some an invidious one--if I, who am a stranger among you, shall attempt to play the critic upon your conduct; but I feelconfidence in your indulgence. I remember the kindness which has placedme in this honourable position, and therefore I shall venture toexpress to you the two reasons to which I think the dangerous state ofour position must fairly be ascribed. I would say, in the first place, without imputing the slightest fault to the originators of thisinstitution, wishing to be most distinctly understood as not only notimputing any fault to them, but most decidedly being of opinion thatthe fault does not lie at their door; still I cannot shut my eyes tothe fact that, in the origin of this institution, by circumstances notforeseen, and which, certainly, were not intended, a party, a limited, and a sectarian feeling, in some degree pervaded its management. Iconfess, myself, that it appears to me that it would have been a marvelhad it been otherwise. When we remember the great changes that had thenbut very recently occurred in this country--when we recall to our mindnot only the great changes that had occurred, but the still greaterthat were menaced and discussed--when we remember what an influence iscreated when local jealousy blends with political passion--it is notdifficult to imagine, because there are none of us present but in theirsphere must have felt its influence--it is not wonderful that men ofdifferent political opinions should look with extreme jealousy uponeach other. A combination of peculiar circumstances that created abalanced state of parties in those places where the struggle fordominion and power takes place, very much assisted this feeling; andthat such a feeling existed throughout all England in a degree moreintense and more virulent than has ever been equalled in the history ofthis country, I think no man will deny, and all must deplore. For myown part, I really believe that, had that party and sectarian feelingproceeded in the same ratio of virulence it has done for the lasttwelve or fourteen years, it must have exercised a barbarisinginfluence upon public sentiments and public manners. There are someamongst us now, I know, who believe that the period has arrived when agreat effort must be made to emancipate this country from the degradingthraldom of faction--to terminate, if possible, that extreme, thatsectarian, and limited view, in which all human conduct is examined, observed, and criticized--to put an end to that exclusiveness, which, in its peculiar sphere, is equally deleterious as that aristocraticalexclusiveness of manners which has produced so much evil; and, as faras I can form an opinion, these views have met with sympathy from everypart of the country. I look upon it that to-night--I hope I am notmistaken--we are met to consummate and to celebrate the emancipation ofthis city, at least so far as the Athenaeum extends, from the influenceof these feelings. I hope that our minds and our hearts are alike opento the true character of this institution, to the necessities whichhave created it, to the benefits to which it leads; and happy I shallbe, and all, I am sure, who are assisting me this evening, if it provethat our efforts, however humble, may have assisted in so delightfuland so desirable a consummation. 

"Now that is one of the reasons, and one of the principal reasons, whyI believe a blight seemed to have fallen over our fortunes. I think atthe same time that there is another cause that has exercised aninjurious effect upon the position, until recently, of thisinstitution. I think that a limited view of its real character has beentaken even by those who were inclined to view it in a spirit of extremefriendliness. It has been looked upon in the light of a luxury, and notof a necessity--as a means of enjoyment in the hour of prosperity, fromwhich we ought to be debarred when the adverse moment has arrived; sothat, when trade was prospering, when all was sunshiny, a man mightcondescend to occupy his spare hours in something else than in amelancholy brooding over the state of the country--that, when returnswere rapid, and profits ready, one might deign to cultivate one'sfaculties, and become acquainted with what the mind of Europe wasconceiving or executing; but these were delights to be reserved onlyfor those chosen hours. Now that, I am bound frankly to say, is not theview which I take of this question--not the idea which I have formed ofthe real character of the Manchester Athenaeum. I look upon it as partof that great educational movement which is the noble and ennoblingcharacteristic of the age in which we live. Viewing it in that light, Icannot consent myself that it should be supported by fits and starts. The impulse which has given us that movement in modern times, is onethat may be traced to an age that may now be considered comparativelyremote, though the swell of the waters has but recently approached ourown shore. Heretofore society was established necessarily on a verydifferent principle to that which is now its basis. As civilization hasgradually progressed, it has equalized the physical qualities of man. Instead of the strong arm, it is the strong head that is now the movingprinciple of society. You have disenthroned Force, and placed on herhigh seat Intelligence; and the necessary consequence of this greatrevolution is, that it has become the duty and the delight equally ofevery citizen to cultivate his faculties. The prince of all philosophyhas told you in an immortal apophthegm, so familiar to you all, that itis now written in your halls and chambers, --'Knowledge is power. ' Ifthat memorable passage had been pursued by the student who firstannounced this discovery of that great man to society, he would havefound an oracle not less striking, and, in my mind, certainly not lesstrue; for Lord Bacon has not only said that 'Knowledge is power, ' butliving one century after the discovery of the printing press, he hasalso announced to the world that 'Knowledge is pleasure. ' Why, when thegreat body of mankind had become familiar with this great discovery--when they learned that a new source was opened to them of influence andenjoyment--is it wonderful that from that hour the heart of nations haspalpitated with the desire of becoming acquainted with all that hashappened, and with speculating on what may occur? It has indeedproduced upon the popular intellect an influence almost as great as--Imight say analogous to--the great change which was produced upon theold commercial world by the discovery of the Americas. A new standardof value was introduced, and, after this, to be distinguished--man mustbe intellectual. Nor, indeed, am I surprised that this feeling has sopowerfully influenced our race; for the idea that human happiness isdependent on the cultivation of the mind, and on the discovery oftruth, is, next to the conviction of our immortality, the idea the mostfull of consolation to man; for the cultivation of the mind has nolimits, and truth is the only thing that is eternal. Indeed, when youconsider what a man is who knows only what is passing under his owneyes, and what the condition of the same man must be who belongs to aninstitution like the one which has assembled us together to-night, isit--ought it to be--a matter of surprise that, from that moment to thepresent, you have had a general feeling throughout the civilized worldin favour of the diffusion of knowledge? A man who knows nothing butthe history of the passing hour--who knows nothing of the history ofthe past but that a certain person, whose brain was as vacant as hisown, occupied the same house as himself, who in a moment of despondencyor of gloom has no hope in the morrow because he has read nothing thathas taught him that to-morrow has any changes--that man, compared withhim who has read the most ordinary abridgment of history, or the mostcommon philosophical speculation, is as distinct and different ananimal as if he had fallen from some other planet, was influenced by adifferent organization, working for a different end, and hoping for adifferent result. It is knowledge that equalizes the social conditionof man--that gives to all, however different their political position, passions which are in common and enjoyments which are universal. Knowledge is like the mystic ladder in the patriarch's dream. Its baserests on the primaeval earth--its crest is lost in the shadowy splendourof the empyrean; while the great authors, who for traditionary ageshave held the chain of science and philosophy, of poesy and erudition, are the angels ascending and descending the sacred scale, andmaintaining, as it were, the communication between man and heaven. Thisfeeling is so universal that there is no combination of society in anyage in which it has not developed itself. It may, indeed, be partlyrestrained under despotic governments, under peculiar systems ofretarded civilization; but it is a consequence as incidental to thespirit and the genius of the Christian civilization of Europe as thatthe day should follow night, and the stars should shine according totheir laws and order. Why, the very name of the institution that bringsus together illustrates the fact--I can recall, and I think I see morethan one gentleman around me who equally can recall, the hours in whichwe wandered amid

"Fields that cool Ilyssus laves. 

At least, there is my honorable friend the member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden), who has a lively recollection of that classic stream, for Iremember one of the most effective allusions he made to it in one ofthe most admirable speeches I ever listened to. But, notwithstandingthat allusion, I would still appeal to the poetry of his constitution, and I know it abounds in that quality. I am sure that he could not havelooked without emotion on that immortal scene. I still can rememberthat olive-covered plain, that sunset crag, that citadel fane ofineffable beauty! That was a brilliant civilization, developed by agifted race more than two thousand years ago, at a time when theancestors of the manufacturers of Manchester, who now clothe the world, were themselves covered with skins, and tattooed like the red men ofthe wilderness. But influences more powerful even than the awful lapseof time separate and distinguish you from that race. They were thechildren of the sun; you live in a distant, a rugged, and northernclime. They bowed before different altars; they followed differentcustoms; they were modified by different manners. Votaries of theBeautiful, they sought in Art the means of embodying their passionateconceptions: you have devoted your energies to Utility; and by themeans of a power almost unknown to antiquity, by its miraculousagencies, you have applied its creative force to every combination ofhuman circumstances that could produce your objects. Yet, amid the toiland triumphs of your scientific industry, upon you there comes theundefinable, the irresistible yearning for intellectual refinement--youbuild an edifice consecrated to those beautiful emotions and to thosecivilizing studies in which they excelled, and you impress upon itsfront a name taken from--

"Where on AEgean shores a city rose, Built nobly, dear the air, and light the soil, Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts And eloquence. "

Beautiful triumph of immortal genius! Sublime incentive to eternalfame! Then, when the feeling is so universal, when it is one whichmodern civilization is nurturing and developing, who does not feel thatit is not only the most benevolent, but the most politic thing you cando to avail yourselves of its influence, and to direct in every way theformation of that character upon which intellect must necessarily nowexercise an irresistible influence? We cannot shut our eyes any longerto the immense revolution. Knowledge is no longer a lonely eremite, affording a chance and captivating hospitality to some wanderingpilgrim; knowledge is now found in the market-place, a citizen, and aleader of citizens. The spirit has touched the multitude; it hasimpregnated the mass--

 "----Totamque infusa per artus, Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. 

"I would yet say one word to those for whom this institution is notentirely but principally formed. I would address myself to that youthon whom the hopes of all societies repose and depend. I doubt not thatthey feel conscious of the position which they occupy--a positionwhich, under all circumstances, at all periods, in every clime andcountry, is one replete with duty. The youth of a nation are thetrustees of posterity; but the youth I address have duties peculiar tothe position which they occupy. They are the rising generation of asociety unprecedented in the history of the world; that is at oncepowerful and new. In other parts of the kingdom the remains of anancient civilization are prepared ever to guide, to cultivate, toinfluence, the rising mind; but they are born in a miraculous creationof novel powers, and it is rather a providential instinct that hasdeveloped the necessary means of maintaining the order of your newcivilization than the matured foresight of man. This is theirinheritance. They will be called on to perform duties--great duties. I, for one, wish, for their sakes and for the sake of my country, thatthey may be performed greatly. I give to them that counsel which I haveever given to youth, and which I believe to be the wisest and the best--I tell them to aspire. I believe that the man who does not look upwill look down; and that the spirit that does not dare to soar isdestined perhaps to grovel. Every individual is entitled to aspire tothat position which he believes his faculties qualify him to occupy. Iknow there are some who look with what I believe is short-sightedtimidity and false prudence upon such views. They are apt to tell us--'Beware of filling the youthful mind with an impetuous tumult ofturbulent fancies; teach youth, rather, to be content with hisposition--do not induce him to fancy that he is that which he is not, or to aspire to that which he cannot achieve. ' In my mind these aresuperficial delusions. He who enters the world finds his level. It isthe solitary being, the isolated individual, alone in his solitude, whomay be apt to miscalculate his powers, and misunderstand his character. But action teaches him the truth, even if it be a stern one. Association affords him the best criticism in the world, and I willventure to say, that if he belong to the Athenaeum, though when heenters it he may think himself a genius, if nature has not given him apassionate and creative soul, before a week has elapsed he will becomea very sober-minded individual. I wish to damp no youthful ardour. Ican conceive what such an institution would have afforded to thesuggestive mind of a youthful Arkwright. I can conceive what a nursing-mother such an institution must have been to the brooding genius ofyour illustrious and venerated Dalton. It is the asylum of the self-formed; it is the counsellor of those who want counsel; but it is not aguide that will mislead, and it is the last place that will fill themind of man with false ideas and false conceptions. He reads anewspaper, and his conceit oozes out after reading a leading article. He refers to the library, and the calm wisdom of centuries and sagesmoderates the rash impulse of juvenescence. He finds new truths in thelecture-room, and he goes home with a conviction that he is not solearned as he imagined. In the discussion of a great question with hisequals in station, perhaps he finds he has his superiors in intellect. These are the means by which the mind of man is brought to a healthystate, by which that self-knowledge that always has been lauded bysages may be most securely attained. It is a rule of universal virtue, and from the senate to the counting-house will be found of universalapplication. Then, to the youth of Manchester, representing now thecivic youth of this great county and this great district, I now appeal. Let it never be said again that the fortunes of this institution werein danger. Let them take advantage of this hour of prosperity calmly toexamine and deeply to comprehend the character of that institution inwhich their best interests are involved, and which for them may afforda relaxation which brings no pang, and yields information which maybear them to fortune. It is to them I appeal with confidence, because Ifeel I am pleading their cause--with confidence, because in them Irepose my hopes. When nations fall, it is because a degenerate raceintervenes between the class that created and the class that is doomed. Let them then remember what has been done for them. The leaders oftheir community have not been remiss in regard to their interests. Letthem remember, that when the inheritance devolves upon them, they arenot only to enjoy but to improve. They will one day succeed to the highplaces of this great community; let them recollect those who lightedthe way for them; and when they have wealth, when they have authority, when they have power, let it not be said that they were deficient inpublic virtue and public spirit. When the torch is delivered to them, let them also light the path of human progress to educated man. "

As time went on, I had many interviews and conversations with Mr. AndMrs. Disraeli. I learned to appreciate, more and more, that theoddities attributed to the latter were mainly of society manufacture;while her fine qualities had been kept in the background by the over-shadowing ability, and prominence, of her husband. She was a devotedwife, and the soul of kindness to every one she liked or respected. Peace and honor to her memory. 

In the sad years which followed my misfortune of 1846, previouslyalluded to, it was enough for me, wearily, to get through the work ofthe day, and then to return to a home where there has always beensympathy, kindness, and cheerfulness in the darkest and most anxioushours of laborious and self-denying lives. In those years I rarely sawany of my old friends of prominence and station. My wife and I livedthe lives of recluses until clouds ceased to lower. Health becamerestored, a moderate and augmenting fortune, laid in the foundations ofcarefulness, came to us; and we at last emerged into daylight, again. 

When in Parliament, in 1857, I made a speech in the House of Commons, which some thought timely, upon the then pressing question of Indianrailways. Mr. Disraeli did me the honor to listen to what I had to say. After his lamented death, one of his executors handed back to me, in anenvelope, endorsed in his own hand, the letters which I had written tohim in the years of the Manchester Athenaeum. 

I may add, that Mr. Disraeli's ear was always open to me during thestruggles for the Intercolonial Railway as a means, and theConfederation of the British Provinces in America as the great end, ofour efforts. He was strongly in favour of Confederation; and, just aswe owe the establishment of a Crown Colony in British Columbia to thesagacity of Bulwer Lytton, so we owe the final realization ofConfederation, through the passing of an Act by the Queen, Lords, andCommons of Great Britain and Ireland, to the Government, no lesssagacious on this question, of Lord Beaconsfield. 

I think the following letters reflect no discredit upon my motives, --neither self-seeking nor selfish. At the same time they are furtherevidence of Mr. Disraeli's thorough kindness and feeling of justicetowards all who had, in his judgment, "deserved well of their country. "

 "LONDON, "_3rd August, 1867_. 

"DEAR SIR, "On my return from Scotland yesterday I learnt, confidentially, thatyou had been good enough to propose to present my name to the Queen forthe honour of knighthood, in consideration of my services in connectionwith the union of the British North American Provinces under the Crown, and with their Intercolonial Railway. And I see that a semi-officialstatement to that effect is in some of the papers. Will you permit meto thank you very sincerely for such a recognition of the services of apolitical opponent whose known opinions will protect him from thesuspicion of receiving, and you from that of giving, an unworthyreward. 

"But the mail brings me tidings from Canada which convince me that theFrench Canadian population at large look upon the course pursuedtowards Messrs. Cartier and Langevin in the recent distribution ofhonors as an act of indifference towards themselves. It might bepossible, therefore--but you will be the best judge--that the honor nowproposed for me might lead to an aggravation of this feeling ofdissatisfaction, which arises at the very inopportune moment of thebirth of the 'new Dominion. '

"I think, therefore, that I should be as deficient in public duty as ingenerosity, if I did not evince my gratitude for your unsolicitedremembrance by saying that, should the difficulty I allude to be foundreally to exist, I shall not feel myself slighted or aggrieved shouldyour kindness proceed no further, pending such an unfortunate state offeeling. 

"I ought to add, that my late most kind and indulgent friend, the Dukeof Newcastle, suggested some little time before his death an evenhigher reward for the services, which he alone knew the real extent of;but at my request it was postponed until--all the manifold difficultiesbeing one by one cleared away--the great question of policy which hehad so much at heart should be finally realized in legislation. 

"Having thus been led almost, to rely upon some adequate recognition ofseveral years' gratuitous and arduous exertion on both sides of theAtlantic, I feel the sacrifice I propose to make. But a desire to avoidaggravating this unfortunate misunderstanding induces me to trouble younow. 

 "I have the honour to be, dear Sir, "Yours very faithfully and obliged, "E. W. WATKIN. 

"THE RT. HON. THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. "

 "DOWNING STREET, S. W. "_August 8, 1867_. 

"DEAR SIR, "I have had the honor of receiving your letter of the 3rd instant, inwhich you refer to the rumoured intention of Her Majesty's Governmentto recommend your name to the Queen for the honor of knighthood, inconsideration of services connected with the International ColonialRailway, and the influence of that undertaking on the union of theBritish North American Provinces; and in which you state yourapprehension, that such an intention, in consequence of the recentintelligence from Canada with respect to the distribution of honors, might prove embarrassing to the Government. 

"Under that impression you have, in a manner highly creditable toyourself, and most considerate to the Government, stated that youshould not feel yourself slighted or aggrieved, if the views of HerMajesty's Government towards yourself were not proceeded with pendingsuch an unfortunate feeling in Canada. 

"It is quite true that it was the intention of Her Majesty's Governmentto recommend to Her Majesty to confer the honor of knighthood on you, in consideration of your services in question, thereby, as theybelieve, fulfilling the purpose of the late Duke of Newcastle, when hisGrace was Secretary of State for the Colonies; but Her Majesty'sGovernment, appreciating your motives in the suggestion which you havemade, are of opinion that it may be expedient to suspend, for a time, conferring a distinction on you which, under the peculiar circumstancesof the case, might occasion a painful, though an unfounded, feeling ofjealousy. 

 "I have the honor to remain, "Dear Sir, yours faithfully, "B. DISRAELI. "E. W. WATKIN, Esq. , M. P. "

Time went on, and, one morning in the summer of 1868, I received thisletter:--

 "10, DOWNING STREET, WHITEHALL, "_August 11, 1868_. 

"MY DEAR MR. ROSE, "The Queen has been graciously pleased to order, that letters patentshould be prepared, to confer the honor of knighthood on Mr. Watkin, the Member for Stockport. 

"As I know you take a great interest in the welfare of that gentleman, I have sent you this line, that you may be the first to know thedistinction that awaits him. 

 "Sincerely yours, "B. DISRAELI. "PHILIP ROSE, Esqre. "

I may also add a curious bit of history of a personal character. 

Mr. Disraeli was returned to Parliament, in 1837, for Maidstone, mainly, by the exertions and influence of his agent, Mr. Richard Hart, the eminent solicitor. Mr. Hart was my friend and agent on my returnfor the borough of Hythe, in 1874, and in 1880. 

Mr. Hart had many interesting reminiscences of Mr. Disraeli to recount, and some day, in a more appropriate place, I hope to be able to recountthem. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

_Visits to Quebec and Portland, and Letters Home_, 1861. 

Leaving Montreal by the night boat, I arrived at the wharf at Quebec;and, after a visit to the hotel and a walk round the city, called onMr. Cartier, the Chief Minister of Canada, at the small house he theninhabited. 

My first relation with Quebec was in acting as Honorary Secretary to aCommittee in Manchester, which raised 7, 500_l_. By subscription, and sent it out in money and goods to relieve the people, houseless andruined by the great Quebec fires of May and July, 1845, when 3, 015houses were burnt down, and thousands of people were made homeless, andwere starving. I also visited the city in 1851. Later on, in the year1866, I was Chairman of the City of London Committee, which raised23, 800_l_. To alleviate the suffering caused by the great Quebecfire of that year. 

In my walk round the city (in 1861) I was struck with the absence ofprecautions against fire, and the persistence in building woodenhouses, when the cost of brick or stone could not be greatly more thanof wood. 

I may say, however, in my right as an old helper in these firedisasters, that on inspecting the city last September (1886), I wasmuch impressed by the new building regulations in rigid force, andespecially by the admirable system adopted for the effective repressionof fires. There are central and subordinary fire stations, allconnected together by telegraph and telephone. A constant watch iskept, engines are always ready to start off, and a sufficient number ofmen available for duty night and day. 

But to come back to Mr. Cartier. After I had waited in his salon for afew minutes, he entered: A man under middle height, hair turning alittle grey, eyes grey blue, sparkling and kindly; face almost Grecian;figure spare but muscular; well proportioned; manner full of almostsouthern fire, and restlessness. We discussed our Grand Trunk affairs. I explained the objects of our draft Bill, which were few and simple--(A) To raise 500, 000_l_. As an "equipment" mortgage, to providethe railway with, much needed, plant and material; (B) to set aside allrevenue derived from postal and military services; and upon thesecurity of this revenue to issue "Postal and Military" Bonds, wherewith to pay the debts due by the Company in Canada and England. These debts were pressing, and were large. (C) To alter theadministration of the Company in such wise that while the executivework would be done in Canada, with Montreal as headquarters, the seatof government would be in London, the stock and bonds being mainly heldin England. I think, at that time, there were not more than20, 000_l_. Of the original issue of Ordinary Stock of the GrandTrunk held in Canada. 

Mr. Cartier knew, of course, all the ins and outs of the Grand Trunk. His Government had in previous years placed the loan of3, 100, 000_l_. From Canada, expended in construction, behind othersecurities, to enable an issue of second bonds with which to completethe Trunk lines. But, unfortunately, as a condition of this concession, profitless branches were undertaken, branches, no doubt, locallyuseful, perhaps politically needful, but profitless nevertheless. 

Mr. Cartier's sole query was, "Have you arranged with the Government athome as to the Military Revenue?"--to which I replied, that there wasno occasion: the Government made no objection, and regularly paid themoderate charges made for the conveyance of men and material over theRailway: and we could, of course, if the Canadian Parliament passed ourdraft Bill into an Act, appropriate these receipts in any way the Actdirected. With the Canadian Government it was different. The CanadianGovernment had, so far, delayed any settlement of our accounts for thecostly conveyance of mail matter, by special trains, over longdistances, so timed as to suit the Province but not to suit the GrandTrunk passengers; and one of my objects in coming out was to endeavourto induce Mr. Cartier and his colleagues to close up this pendingmatter for the past and to accord a just and adequate amount for theservice of the future, such amount to be effective over a period ofyears. We then went into general conversation. I told Mr. Cartier I hadbeen in Canada in 1851: and had at that time seen Papinean, Mackenzie, and others, whose resistance had led to peace and union, and greaterliberty for all. This remark fired his eye; and he said, "Ah! it iseight years that I am Prime Minister of Canada; when I was a rebel thecountry was different, very different. "

Mr. Cartier often preceded his observations, I believe, by the words"When I was a rebel;" and old George Crawford, of the Upper Province, amagnificent specimen of a Scotch Upper Canadian, once said, "Cartier, my frind, ye'll be awa to England and see the Queen, and when ye comebock aw that aboot ye're being a robbell, as no doobt ye were, willnever be hard again. Ye'll begin, mon, 'When I was at Windsor Castletalking to the Queen. '" Years before, on Cartier being presented to theQueen by Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, he told Her Majesty that a LowerCanadian was "an Englishman who speaks French. "

But Mr. Cartier had been a rebel; and a gallant and brave one. One ofthe incidents was, that when Sir John Colborne's troops invested theChateau of St. Eustache, Cartier, a young man of nineteen, was loweredfrom a window at night, crawled along to the Cache, then under range offire, and brought back a bag of cartridges strapped round his waist, toreplenish the exhausted ammunition of the defenders of the Chateau. AndI believe that he was hauled up again amidst a rain of bullets, havingbeen discovered, --which bullets, fortunately for Canada, missed the"rebel. "

I may here mention that in the autumn of 1865 I had a long interviewwith President Andrew Johnson, at the White House at Washington, havingbeen introduced by Mr. Rice, of St. Paul's, Minnesota, a man to whomthe United States and Canada are each deeply indebted, for thecompletion of railways from St. Paul's to the Hudson's Bay post of FortGarry, now the thriving town of Winnipeg. The President told me he hadthat morning received a letter from the wife of the ex-President of thejust defeated Southern Confederacy, which he said was "the reverse ofcomplimentary. " He read a sentence or two; and smiled quietly at areference to his, as assumed by the lady, early occupation ofjourneyman tailor. President Davis was at the moment in prison in thecase-mates of Fort Hatteras. "It is, of course, difficult to know whatto do with him. " Well, I said, "Mr. President, I remember when you werea Senator you said to those who talked secession, that if they carriedout their threats, and you had your way, you would 'hang them as highas Haman. '"

The President paused, and then lifted his head and replied, "So I did, Sir. But we must look at things all round; consider faults on bothsides, and that we have to be fellow-citizens in future. " I added, "Mr. President, I have just left Canada, and taken leave of Mr. Cartier, thePrime Minister of that country. The Queen has not a more loyal subject. Yet, in 1839, he was a rebel in arms against the Crown. _He_ was asecessionist. For a while he was a refugee in the woods at Rouse'sPoint, on Lake Champlain. A reward of 500_l_. Was offered for hisapprehension. But our country removed grievances, recognized theequality of French and English Canadians, united the Provinces, andforgave the rebels. All that sad contest is now forgotten. "

The President seemed much struck, and, after a pause, he said, "Sir, will you say that again?" I repeated the words, and he scribbled, as Ispoke, some notes on the blotter of the portfolio before him. He thensaid, "A countryman of mine has been over to your side of the Atlanticto teach you to tame horses. This gentleman, Mr. Rarey, uses what hecalls 'mild force. ' Mild force will probably be useful with us. " TheFenian demonstrations in the United States against England were namedas a breach of comity. The President said, sharply, "Why don't yourpeople remonstrate? We hear no complaint. "

To return to my narrative, Mr. Cartier arranged an interview for mewith the Governor-General, Sir Edmund Head, and I presented my lettersfrom Mr. Baring, and was assured of all the help he could give me. "Your demands are very clear, and appear to me equally just. First youask the Government of Canada to aid you in passing a Bill throughParliament, which clearly is for the benefit of Canada, because itproposes to increase the efficiency of the railway service by a furtheroutlay of capital, and also to pay off debt, a considerable part ofwhich is incurred in Canada; and secondly, you ask for an immediate andjust settlement of the charge for the conveyance by you of the mails. "

The Governor-General then sent for Mr. John A. 

Macdonald, who came immediately, and the conversation which had takenplace was repeated. 

This was the first time I had seen either Cartier, Sir Edmund Head, orMacdonald. 

Sir Edmund Head was a tall stately man, with thoughtful brow, andcomplexion a little purpled by cardiac derangement. As the don of acollege he would have been great, and in his sphere: as the Governor ofa Province with a self-asserting people, I doubt if he had found thetrue groove. 

His despatches were scholastic essays. His simplest replies were graveand learned, sometimes too complex for ordinary comprehension. When he, subsequently, became Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, he tried tomanage a profit-and-loss undertaking as if he were governing aprovince: just as when he governed a province he administered allthings as if he were dealing with Russia in Europe. He was, however, aman of the kindest heart, and the strictest honor. But, after all, hewas one of the round men put into the square holes of ProvincialGovernment by the "authorities" at home. Still, on the whole, a noblecharacter, and in very truth a gentleman. His chronic ailment led tosome irritability of temper; and when, during the visit of the Princeof Wales, one of the Governor's aides-de-camp was pushed over from thesteamer at Detroit by the press of the crowd, and fell into the water, Colonel Irving said:--"Ah! there was no danger whatever to ----'s life. The Governor-General has blown him up so much that he could neversink. " I was present at a farewell dinner to Sir Edmund Head at Mr. Cartier's, at Quebec, in the winter of 1861-2. In response to the toastof his health, he alluded to his infirmity of temper, admitted hissuffering--before concealed from outside people--and expressed hisapologies in a manner so feeling and so gentle that the tears came intoeverybody's eyes. I heard more than one sob from men whose roughexterior disguised the real tenderness of their hearts. 

Mr. John A. Macdonald entered the Governor-General's presence with amanly deference. I was at once struck by an odd resemblance in some ofhis features and expressions to Disraeli--dark curly hair, piercingeyes, aquiline nose, mouth sometimes firm, almost stern in expression, sometimes so mild that he seemed especially fitted to play with littlechildren. I soon learned that, in tact, fixed purpose, and resources, he was ahead of them all. And, after watching his career for a quarterof a century, I have seen no reason to alter that opinion. He is thestatesman of Canada--one of the ablest men on the Continent. I wish headministered the Colonial relations of the whole Empire. Had he done sofor the last ten years we should have escaped our mistakes in SouthAfrica, and the everlasting disgrace of Majuba Hill. Why is it thatsuch men are excluded from office at home? Sir John A. Macdonald (thenMr. Macdonald) was once taken by me under the gallery, by special orderof Mr. Speaker, to hear a "great" speech of Mr. Gladstone, whom he hadnot before heard. When we went away, I said: "Well, what do you thinkof him?" He replied: "He is a great rhetorician, but--he is not anorator. " Would that men would not be carried away in a torrent of happywords. One hour of the late Patrick Smyth was, to my mind, worth a weekof all the great rhetoricians. 

A day or two after these interviews, the Hon. John Ross took me down toPortland, to have an interview with the Hon. A. T. Galt, the FinanceMinister of Canada. I at once recognized in Mr. Galt a reduced likenessof his father. Mr. Galt was about five feet eleven: his father, who Ihad seen when a boy, about six feet four, and "buirdly" and stout inproportion. The father wore spectacles--the son did not. The father wasthe author of the "Annals of the Parish, " "Laurie Todd, " and many worksgreatly read when I was young. He was, also, the founder of the town of"Guelph, " and of other towns in Upper Canada. If anyone wants to see anadmirable likeness of him, he had better consult "Fraser's Magazine, "of one of the issues of 1830 to 1833, and he will there find a roughengraving of the hoisting of the Union Jack at Guelph. Mr. Galt, _pere_, was so very large a man that Mr. Archibald Prentice, ofthe "Manchester Times, " used to tell a story about his pointing Mr. Galt out to a little humpbacked Scotchman in the High Street ofEdinburgh: "Eh! Jamie, mon, there's the great Galt, author of the'Annals of the Parish. '" "'Annals o' the Payrish, ' Archie, hech, sirs, he's big eneuch to be the Payrish itself--let alone the annals o' it. "

Mr. Galt, the Finance Minister, has done great services to Canada, andis doing them still, in developing the mineral resources of the West, and in other ways. Our conversation on Grand Trunk affairs was long andanxious. I could see that Mr. Galt would do everything in his power;but the public prejudice was strongly against the Grand Trunk. TheGrand Trunk Arrangements Bill was passed, as herein stated, in May, 1862; but, alas, the question of postal payments by Canada stood overtill the end of 1864. 

In reference to my visit, of 1861, so far as my personal journeyingswere concerned, I will merely transcribe a few letters sent home. 

 "STEAMSHIP 'PERSIA' "(in the Gulf of St. Lawrence), "_Sunday noon. _

"I have not had a pen in hand for a week--not since I wrote just as wewere coming to Cork. 

"Just now the weather is as like that of last Sunday as one pea is toanother--rain and mist--mist and rain! Yet we have, on the whole, hadwonderful weather--little sea--little wind--little of anything veryunpleasant--nothing unbearable. 

"Our church-service is just over: the Captain reads prayers and asermon, and does it very well: the sailors are dressed in their best, and behave with great decorum, but show some sleepiness: the day iswet, and that, and the general devoutness, draws a large congregation, --indeed, the cabin is full. 

"And now for a long letter:--

"When I left off, before, we were coming to Cork. It was blowing andraining, and the atmosphere was thick with mist. We went on till six. Captain looked anxious--the Cork pilot bothered, the passengers ill-tempered, and everything had a dismal dampness about it. At last westopped, and the big boilers sent out their steam through the wastepipe with a loud roar. Around us was nothing but _mist_--the, tome, nastiest form of fog. We could not see more than three times thelength of the ship. We tried the lead twice, and the second time gotsoundings. We then fired a gun--then another--then a third. Then wemoved on--then stopped--then moved on. The Captain sent for his chart, and put on his eye-glasses. The pilot stared out into the fog, andpointed first in one direction, then in another. All no use. We knew we_ought_ to be outside the Queenstown harbour--but we could seenothing. At last we heard a gun, and then in quick succession appeareda row boat and a steam tug with the passengers and mails; and, the mistbreaking a little, we saw the land right a-head of us, about half-a-mile off. It was disagreeable, but it got over; and now came thetransfer of bags, luggage, and passengers--only two or three of thelatter. The tug came alongside and made fast, but there was a good dealof swell, and as she bobbed up and down it became highly amusing to seethe crew and passengers scramble up the ladder, which sometimes wasperpendicular, and at other times almost flat, as it followed thealtering level of the tug. The ladder got broken--two or three ropessnapped--a deal of profane swearing took place--but it got over, too. 

"The tug brought the news--the Confederates had defeated the Federalforces at Manasses Junction--three thousand killed and wounded--prisoners taken--artillery captured, &c. , &c. I went up to one of theMisses Preston and hoped the news was happy--for she seemed delightedat what she had heard, and which then I had not. She said she 'did notquite know--it was for the South. ' I replied that such news hardlycould be happy for both sides, and, unless the news were _peace_, was unhappy for all the world. She did not quite agree--and then toldme the tidings. But what a strange effect in such a little ship-confined community!

"The Southern people collected together in delight--the Northern inanger and disgust. The former predicted an early possession ofWashington for the Palmetto flag; the latter talked of raising half-a-million of men, and 'crushing out' the South, right amain; while, as inany disaster, there is always someone to be blamed, many of theNorthern men laid all the responsibility upon the 'lawyer-generals' and'store-keeping-colonels, ' who had assumed commands for which they werenever fit. It is a sad, unhappy quarrel!

"But I must describe our circle to you. First, I should tell you that Ihave the honor to sit at the Captain's table, and on his left hand--aMiss Ewart sitting on his right. Our set consists of the Captain, Judkins--the right and left-hand passengers as aforesaid--Col. Preston, Mrs. Preston and the three Misses Preston. 

Mr. Stone, Col. Stewart, Miss Warde, Mr. Still, and Mr. Hutton, ofSheffield, and his daughter. We have 134 passengers, _only_, onboard--a slack muster, caused by the evil times in America--and allwere at dinner on Saturday, the day we sailed, but the wind, rain, mist, and misery of the next three days sent many of them below, andfor those days we had plenty of elbow-room. The weather, however, improved, the sun got now and then out, though it has, so far, beenanything but warm, and out came the sick people again in renovatedappetite--some epicurean and dainty, many others with a ravenous, all-devouring maw, reminding one of the 'worm that never dieth. '

"Now, Col. Preston is the late U. S. Ambassador to Madrid, where he hasresided officially, and with his family, for the four years of theBuchanan Presidency. He is now replaced, I think, by a Mr. Falkner. Heis a tall, stout, gentlemanly man, but, while a perfect gentleman inhis conversation, and having less of the American accent than mostAmericans, his manner is somewhat ungainly--perhaps owing to his make, which is large and a little inclining to the unwieldy. 

"Mrs. Preston has an Americo-Grecian face, and is a 'grand-dame. ' Shetalks of the blessings of slavery, and of the vain and self-recoilingefforts of her mother, who liberated many slaves and educated more, toreduce the evil; and is full of the troubles and robberies of foreignhouse-keeping and of the gossip of the diplomatic circle. 

"Her daughters are high-spirited, good-humoured, large-sized girls--fresh, natural and charming. One of them has a fine face with eyes ofblue, just like those Bradley liked to paint--and the other two aregood looking enough. They have, however, no conversation--lots of talkand gossip; much of it, too, amusing and quick witted, but it wantsthought. They all come from Kentucky, where they are now going. ColonelStewart is, I think, from Louisiana. He talks little, and does notinterest me. Mr. Stone is a voluble high-spirited Northern man, withSouthern tendencies. He says that the men who started this secession, and have made it what it is, ought (on both sides) to be hung, and he'would go home on purpose. ' It seems that a house in which he had alarge sum has failed, and, to use a phrase I have heard both Mr. Preston and himself make use of, the civil war has 'shocked' hisproperty above one half, _i. E. _ has reduced its value above onehalf. They all agree, in fact, that the value of all property has gonedown at least half, a loss, if the nation had to sell up--which it hasnot, but has only to 'liquidate'--of a sum greater than required to buyup all the slaves and set them free. Credit is gone--the faith of thepeople in their Government is weakened, and thousands are ruined inevery city in the land. Sad civil war! Our passengers comprise allsorts of people--from all sorts of places, clothed in all sorts ofdresses: anything will do at sea. We have, too, a good many old stagersof the Atlantic, who think nothing of 'going across. ' This will consoleyou--as you have to go 'across' next spring--to know that one man hasbeen across 57 times, another 31, another 18, and another 13; and onelady has been 6--while the fat buxom stewardess has done a hundred, andis alive and well, and quite as ready to receive a half crown from apassenger, of any country, as ever!

"But I must give over writing for a little, till this breeze of wind isover. 

"We have now only 1, 000 miles to go, and shall be in New York onWednesday. 

 "_Monday. _

"We had a bad night, and I could not sleep for the row and the motion. We have now got it over, and are going merrily along with a smartbreeze, bright sun, and sparkling sea. It will be late on Wednesday, however, when we get in. 

"A rough night at sea has its features. On board these ships there arestrict rules and strict discipline. We breakfast, lunch, dine, and teaat hours which are kept to a moment. The bell rings, and down we sit. Then the bar closes at 11, and all lights are put out at 12. The lightsin the cabins are placed inside a partition, glazed with ground glass, so that there is no glare, and you cannot get at them. No loose lightsare allowed, and a passenger who struck a light would be severelyhandled. These are proper precautions against fire, and should beobeyed. But at 12 we are in total darkness--the ship rolls and pitches--every now and then a sea strikes her, and burr--hush--swish--goes thewater over her sides or bows, and along her decks. 

Then the men above run about, ropes are pulled, sails set or taken in, and a general hullabaloo goes on--no doubt in the interest of thepassengers--but very disagreeable. Then the boatswain's whistle--Pee-ee-ee ah! Pee-ee-ee ah-h-h!--every now and then wakes you up. Light isa comfort, and darkness at sea seems to aggravate the strange feelingwhich now and then affects you, as you think you are following a greatroad without track or guide--save that which the stars, if visible, andthe previous day's observations afford. 

"On Saturday morning (10 August) I was called up to see the GreatEastern: and certainly an immense steamer was making its way eastward, about 15 miles due north of us. You will see by the date of her arrivalif she was the object we saw or not. Saturday was very cold. We hadheard at Queenstown, from a note from Capt. Stone to Judkins, thaticebergs had been seen on the homeward passage, and at 3 o'clock we sawahead of us something which looked like the wreck of a steamer--butwhich was pronounced to be ice. It was about 10 miles off. As weapproached it we found it was a little mountain of ice, coveringperhaps a couple of acres in area, and about 50 or 60 feet high. Itassumed all sorts of shapes as we caught sight of it at differentpoints--it looked, once, like a great lion crouching on the water--thenit took an appearance like part of the causeway at Staffa. As soon aswe got abreast of it we saw pack ice around it, and the light, thenshining upon the whole mass, gave a fairy-like whiteness--transparent, snowy whiteness--which was very beautiful to see. While we wereobserving it, a great mass broke away, toppled over into the sea, sending up an immense snowy spray, and disappeared. The remainderstayed in sight, with the evening sun-light upon it, for a couple ofhours. 

"Yesterday, Sunday, morning, we sighted Cape Race, the easternextremity of Newfoundland, and ran close in shore along a mostdesolate, dismal, coast, for a couple of hours. Abreast of thelighthouse and telegraph station a boat came off, and we pitched over apacket, with a little red flag attached, containing the latest news, tobe telegraphed from thence to New York and other places, so that ourpassing would be known that afternoon everywhere--and if the steamerhad not left Halifax it might bring the news thence to England; thusyou may know of our safe arrival, so far, by about the 18th or 19th. Ihope you may, as it will relieve your mind from various fears about me. It is very seldom indeed that the steamers actually sight Cape Race, aswe did. However, we saw that desolate coast and the poor hermits of theplace. Rounding the Cape, we enter the Gulf of St. Lawrence, whichbroke in rain and storm upon us. We saw several fishing sloops 'lyingto, ' to wait for better weather. These little craft are often run overby larger vessels, as they swarm in what is the great east and westtrack for steamers and other large ships; and when the wind is south, or south west, there is always fog and mist in the Gulf, and on thebanks of Newfoundland outside. 

"I find it a great comfort having a cabin to myself. I am now writingin my 'drawing-room'--_i. E. , _ my upper berth, with my legs hangingdown over my bed-room, or lower berth. All my property is stowed awayand hung up, and the steward keeps all nice and clean--calls me in themorning, and at half-past seven brings me a foot-pan of fresh sea-waterto bathe in. The _rum_ is not very much diminished, as I have beenvery self-denying, being desirous of coming home in full vigour andhard health, if possible. It is very good, however, and when I finishthis letter I shall reward good resolution by taking a little drop todrink your health--and God bless you!

"Taylor was excessively sick and ill, but is now all alive, and says he'feels so light' he could run a race. 

"I am pretty well. I have not been sick at all: I wish I had--but Iought to be thankful for a great deal of comfort in this long journey. 

"I shall open this if anything worth recording takes place before wereach New York. If not, the receipt of this will tell you that we are'safely landed. ' I shall, however, write again from New York before Ileave it for Boston--but I shall only remain a portion of a day and anight at New York. "

 "ST. LAWRENCE HALL, MONTREAL. "_Sunday, August 18. _

"From New York I went on, _via_ Long Island Sound, to Boston, where I arrived at 7 a. M. On Friday. I stayed there all day, inconference with Mr. Baring's agent, Mr. Ward, and went on to Montreal, in the evening, _via_ Lowel, Concord, and Rouse's Point. I engageda double berth in a sleeping car, and slept pretty well and prettycomfortably from about 10 till 5--with sundry breaks, caused ashereafter stated. I got to Montreal at 10--washed, breakfasted, andthen did a hard day's work, and dined at 7, with the internalsatisfaction that I had done a good day's duty, and had a good appetitefor both food and drink--the latter, however, moderate--only one pintand one cup of coffee and one cigar after--the first cigar which I havesmoked since leaving England. The rum, thanks to similar moderation, holds out, and will last some time yet. 

"New York is be-flagged and be-bannered to a wonderful extent. Everystreet is disfigured by huge streamers, some right across the street, others out of windows and from the tops of houses--while each occupanttries to vie with his neighbour in this sort of loyalty, till thereseems almost to be hypocrisy in it. 'Stars and Stripes' everywhere, andon all occasions, opportune and inopportune. The main public place inNew York is half filled by ugly wooden sheds, used as military storerooms and barracks, and, every now and then, with a frequency which isstartling, are the head-quarters of all sorts of Volunteer regiments--American, Irish, German, Dutch, French, and Scotch. These rooms areadorned with flags, and transparencies showing the costume of thecorps, or the portrait of the colonel, or general, shown generally on abig prancing horse, and sporting a savage-looking beard. All along theroads and routes--everywhere almost--are tents and wooden sheds, theencampments of companies and regiments; and every now and then bandsand recruiting parties parade the street, and draw crowds of peopleafter them. The mothers of America have taken up the question, too, andthere are societies to make lint and bandages for the wounded, and tostitch together clothing for the new companies. Little Zouaves areplentiful--red vest, blue sash, and red fez and breeches. 

"The day we arrived, the New York Firemen Zouaves (7th New York)returned from the defeat at Bull's Run--380 out of 1, 000, who left twomonths ago under a young fellow named Ellsworth, as colonel. Ellsworthwas shot by a public-house keeper, whose secession flag he hauled down--and the regiment was much cut up at Bull's Run. It has been veryuproarious, and some of its men 'retreated' on the way from Bull's Runto New York, on the principle that, once ordered to retreat, they hadbetter 'retreat right away home. ' There can be no doubt, however, thatthe bulk of these men fought well--but were, like most of theregiments, badly officered--zealous men, but lawyers, store-keepers, and political partisans, who could do nothing in handling _bodies_of men. 

"But to go back: about 60 miles from Boston, and just as I got into thebed-berth in the car, several companies of one of the Vermont regimentsjoined the train, having been discharged, on the expiration of theirthree months' term, the day before. These men had to be dropped incompanies at various stations all along the road; and every hour or soI was wakened up by bell ringing, gun firing, and cheering, as eachsection got back home to their friends. In the morning I got amongstthose who were left, and heard their adventures. They had been innothing but skirmishing, however, and only had had three men wounded. They seemed a nice body of young fellows, many very young. All werevoluble and in high spirits (_coming home_), and were very largeabout the hard biscuits they had eaten--some, as one 'boy' said--forthey are all 'boys, ' not 'men, ' as with us--with the stamp of 1810 uponthem, --of camping out--keeping sentry at night, &c. , &c. , &c. They hadthree young fellows, girlish-looking lads, with them, '_sick;_'two--one certainly--sick under death; just get home to die! I went intothe baggage car and saw them lying on the floor, covered up intarpaulins and blankets, poor fellows!

"I have been to the Catholic Cathedral at Montreal to-day, and heardhigh mass. I visited it in 1851. Fine church, fine music, and a goodsermon, in French; but I thought I should have preferred Mr. Woolnoughand the little church at home. 

"The matter of business I have in hand is surrounded with difficulty, and there are here, I fear, two classes in connection with the concern. Mr. Baring and Mr. Glyn have been, I can see already, deceived by oversanguine estimates--and they do not know all yet, but they shall, if Ican find it out. 

"Letters leave here to-morrow, and I shall open this before I post itshould there be any new feature. As at present advised, I shall go toQuebec on Wednesday night, and spend four or five days in thatdistrict. Then I shall come back here, and then go to Toronto and thewestern portion of the line. After that, all will depend upon whetherthe Government will call a special session, or not. We shall see. Ishall know, perhaps, in time for the following post. "

 "HAMILTON, _ "Sunday, I Septr. 1861. _

"I left Toronto on Tuesday and went to Samia, stayed till Wednesdaymorning, and then went on to Detroit. Spent the day in Detroit, andthen went on to Chicago; stayed Thursday in Chicago, and went on Fridayinto Illinois, over the Prairies as far as Urbano. Came back toCalumet--near to Chicago. Near Chicago I visited poor dear Ingram'sdrowning place. Alas! More about it hereafter--and came on thence toDetroit and this place, which I reached yesterday at 2-tired andirritated with tooth-ache, which has never left me for some days andsticks by me yet. I have travelled 1, 300 miles since last Tuesday, and3, 070 in all since I landed at New York. This has necessitatedtravelling during eight nights out of the eighteen I have spent in thiscountry. However, I have thereby cleared off some subsidiary work andhave seen the extremes of the territory over which I have to work andplan, and by to-morrow I shall have looked at, and taken account of, most of the people I shall have to deal with. This will enable me nowto go to work, and will, I hope, so much shorten my stay on 'thisContinent, ' as they call it. I have a hard and difficult job before me, but hope to scrape through it with credit, if not with much success. Itis a very different country: and they are not only very different, butvery difficult, people to manage. Socially, every one has been verycivil and kind, and I have had no lack of company or advisers--thelatter sometimes giving rather odd suggestions. Everyone is expectingto hear daily of a great battle near Washington, and it may be that thefate of one or other of the contending parties will be decided, for thetime, at least, before I leave. At present there is great hatred andanimosity, and every possible evil passion abroad. If it were not forthe actual loss of _dollars_ I believe they would cut each other'sthroats to all eternity: but the hope is that their rapacity may checktheir ferocity. As to any high purpose about the war--it is moonshine. It is a war for supremacy and to find out which brother shall rule thehouse and run away with the dying old man's goods. [Footnote: Thefollowing Resolution passed the United States House of Representatives, February 11, 1861, by a nearly unanimous vote:--

"_Resolved_--That neither the Federal Government, nor the peopleor Government of the non-slaveholding States, have a purpose or aconstitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in anyof the States of the Union. 

"_Resolved_--That those persons in the North who do not subscribeto the foregoing proposition, are too insignificant in numbers andinfluence to excite the serious attention and alarm of any portion ofthe people of the Republic; and that the increase of their numbers andinfluence does not keep pace with the increase of the aggregatepopulation of the Union. " ] I am spending to-day with Reynolds, anddine to-night with Brydges. Reynolds has a good house, but he complainsof his high rent, as his house was taken in the piping times of 1858. Now rents are down one-half, and he could get as good a house for100_l_ a year, whereas he pays 200_l_ In 1857 it was--to usea vile Yankee phrase, the literal meaning of which no one can explain, but the illustrative meaning of which is inflation--"High Felluting"--or, as the Yankees write it, "Hi Falutin"--now everything is sobered, and in many places depressed: only one house now being built in allthis town of 40, 000 inhabitants. "

 "MONTREAL, "6 _Sep_. 1861. 

"I spent Monday in Toronto and came on here on Monday night, reachinghere on Tuesday afternoon. Since then I have been busy here. I have hada more satisfactory interview with the Finance Minister, and we go toQuebec together on Tuesday, after which I meet the Government, officially, and shall know before the end of next week whether theywill help us, or not. I think they will do something. The management ofthis railway is an organized mess--I will not say, a sink of iniquity. I shall, however, know all about it before I have done with it. 

"I feel tired, somehow--perhaps with travelling too hard--perhaps withtoo much anxiety to get on quickly with this Grand Trunk business; but, on the whole, I am very well, and have kept my spirits and nerve up tothe mark, generally. I have a great task in hand, and I should like tocome out of it creditably. 

"There is a belief here that Jeff. Davis is dead, and, if so, it mayalter the complexion of affairs in the United States. The U. S. Government have introduced passports--so one cannot leave theiragitated soil without that badge of tyranny. It will not affect me, asI shall not stop long in their land--but get out of it as soon as Ican. 

"There is a doctor and another man to be hanged here to-morrow, forprocuring abortion--the woman having died. The doctor is a Yankee, andthe Finance Minister tells me that this is a common practice in theStates, and carried on to an alarming extent, even amongst respectablepeople, and, that this, and similar, frightful practices are the causeof the degeneracy of much of the American race. He says the CanadianGovernment have determined to stop it in Canada, in the outset, byhanging this doctor and his employer, and so deterring the rest--and itseemed to me to be _right_. I thought once of going to see the tworuffians, expiate their crime--but I thought afterwards I would not. What a wicked world a mere money-making world becomes! true, we allrequire chastening by pain and misfortune and difficulty. The Americanshave been spoiled by too great and sudden prosperity and too muchlicense--not 'real liberty. ' The very children, scorn obedience--infact, there is none of the general fine 'honor of parents' we, still, find at home. As Mrs. Preston said, 'the Kentucky boys are finegenerous fellows; but as to obeying _anyone_--even father ormother, after 15--_that_ is out of the question. '"

 "HALIFAX, NOVA SCOTIA, _ "Sep. 18, 1861. _

"I left Quebec last Thursday, and went by railway to Riviere de Loup. There I had a fall, and hurt my ribs. Next day I drove over the, new, Temiscouata road to the Lake, and thence took a birch bark canoe andtwo men and paddled down the Lake, and down the river Madawasca toLittle Falls, where I arrived in a drenching storm of rain at oneo'clock in the morning--having had 'perils by water. ' Our canoe leaked, and we damaged its bottom in going through a rapid, and had to haul upfor repairs and to bale out, for fear of sinking. 

"Next day I drove to Grand Falls in a spring waggon, and then byTobique to Woodstock, where I arrived on Sunday morning--having driventhrough the night. 

"On Sunday drove to Canterbury, and then railed to St. Andrews, where Istayed with the able manager of the Railway. 

"Monday railed and drove to Frederickton, where I had an interview withthe Government of New Brunswick--then steamed down the St. John river toSt. John; yesterday went by railway, St. John to Shediac, and thencompleted my journey, by hard travelling, driving through the nightfrom Shediac (over the Cobequid Mountains) to Truro, where I joined therailway at 5 a. M. , and came on to this place, reaching it at 12--threehours late--owing to our engine getting off the track. Here I have seenthe Government, and also the Governor-General, and to-morrow I go bySt. John's and Portland to Montreal, where I shall arrive on Saturdayat 8 p. M. , and go on to Toronto on Monday. 

"I have only time to write a bare list of my doings, but will writefully by next mail. I hope to find heaps of letters at Montreal, andgood news of your health and comfort. "

 "MONTREAL, "_Sunday, Sept. 22, 1861. _

"I have made the tour described in my note from Halifax, and I got backhere yesterday at 2 p. M. , having travelled about 1, 780 miles sinceleaving Quebec, and nearly 2, 000 since I left here last Thursday week. I have spent the best part of one day and night in a canoe--two latenights on the road in the spring waggon and stage--one night, and partof another, in steamers--and the remaining five nights in bed. I am allright to-day--except my ribs--having had a good sleep. I could notconsult any one with any good while travelling, but as soon as I gothere I sent for Dr. Campbell, and he prescribed for me, and I am nowwearing, a belladonna and irritant plaster, and a flannel bandage. Hesays the pleura is badly bruised, and that there is some inflammation, but that if I keep quiet, and do not catch cold, I shall soon be right. I assure you it does not affect my appetite, which is a good one--verydifferent from home--needing substantial carrion, and no put off ofslop or shadows. I am, too, as hard as a horn, and believe I couldtravel for a week without any great personal grief. I went to NewBrunswick and Nova Scotia to see the Governments of the two Provinces, and I had favourable interviews at Frederickton and Halifax, at thelatter place seeing Lord Mulgrave, who was very polite, and invited meto stay, and, if possible, also to come again. I go to Quebec onspecial summons, to see the Government on Tuesday. 

"I am growing anxious to know what Government will do: and I do hope Ishall be able to get them to propose something before I leave. Untilthey declare themselves, I cannot arrange to leave for home; cannotcomplete my plans, or do anything, in fact. It is annoying--but thenegociation is serious, and I must have patience. I know, from painfulexperience, how, when the nerves and brain are excitable from overtension and exertion, and anxiety and constant worry and wear, littlematters are magnified. But already I feel myself so much stronger innerve and courage that I look now complacently upon much which in thelast two years would have cut me to the quick. 

"I have worked very hard here, and done much in a little time. "

 "QUEBEC, _ "Septr. 26, 1861. _

"I am glad to tell, and you will be glad to learn, that I have to-daygot my business with the Government into a good shape, and I shall havean official and, to a fair extent, favourable, answer to myapplication, on Saturday next. This will enable me, I hope, to comehome sooner than otherwise--and I shall, at all events, be in theposition of having, to a fair extent, succeeded. The Government agreeto leave the amount they have to pay for postal service to arbitration, and to consider the question of capitalizing the amount as soon asParliament meets, and on certain conditions, which I shall have to takehome and consult my principals about. This will necessitate coming outnext year. My side is better, but the plaster Dr. Campbell gave me hasblistered me, with little hard pustules, over a piece of my side as bigas a pancake; and I have suffered three days and nights of downrightmisery. To-day, however, I am almost all right, and go to dine with theGovernor-General and Lady Head on Saturday. On that day thedeputations, got together owing to my visit to Nova Scotia and NewBrunswick, come here to meet the Canadian Government about the Halifaxand Quebec Railway. If this succeeds I shall have not been idle. 

"I send some trees which I got on the Madawasca river, and which pleaseplant at once. Also a box containing samples of Canadian woods, whichkeep till I come. They are very beautiful. I think we must give them toMr. Glyn. "

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