CAMPAIGN OF THE INDUS. 

CAMPAIGNOFTHE INDUS:

INA SERIES OF LETTERS FROM AN OFFICER OF THEBOMBAY DIVISION. 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION, BYA. H. HOLDSWORTH, ESQ. 

1840. 

INTRODUCTION. 

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The circumstance of an English army penetrating into Central Asia, through countries which had not been traversed by European troops sinceAlexander the Great led his victorious army from the Hellespont to theJaxartes and Indus, is so strong a feature in our military history, thatI have determined, at the suggestion of my friends, to print thoseletters received from my son which detail any of the events of thecampaign. As he was actively engaged with the Bombay division, hisnarrative may be relied upon so far as he had an opportunity ofwitnessing its operations; and it being my intention to have only a fewcopies printed, to give to those friends who may take an interest in hisletters, I need not apologize for the familiar manner in which they arewritten, as they were intended by him only for his own family, withoutan idea of their being printed. A history, however, may be collectedfrom them most honourable to the British soldiers, both Europeans andnatives of India. They shew the patience with which, for more thantwelve months, the soldiers bore all their deprivations and fatiguingmarches through countries until then unknown to them, whether movingthrough arid sands or rocky passes, under a burning sun; or overdesolate mountains, amidst the most severe frosts, with scarcely aninterval of repose. Neither was their gallantry less conspicuous thantheir patience, when they had the good fortune to find an enemy whoventured to face them. Although the circumstances which his lettersdetail might well deserve a better historian than my son, yet are theyof that high and honourable character, that they cannot lose any part oftheir value by his familiar manner of narrating them. 

When I decided upon printing these letters, it became a matter ofinterest to place before the reader a short account of the countries inwhich the operations of the army were conducted, as well as of thenative rulers who took part in, or were the cause of them; in order thatthe letters might be more clearly understood by those friends who havenot felt sufficiently interested in the history of those countries tomake any inquiries about them. But, before I do so, I shall draw theattention of the reader to the army of Alexander, to which I have beforealluded. 

Without entering into the causes which led to his extraordinaryconquests, predicted by Daniel as the means ordained of God to overthrowthe Persian empire, then under the government of Darius, certain it isthat he conquered the whole of those countries which extend from theHellespont to the Indus, when his career was arrested by his ownsoldiers. Having overrun Syria, Egypt, Media, and Parthia, keeping hiscourse to the north-east, he not only passed the Oxus, and forced hisway to the Jaxartes, but, pressed by the Scythians from its oppositeshore, he crossed that river, and beat them in a decisive battle. Fromthe Jaxartes he returned in a southern direction towards the Indus, andhaving suffered the greatest privations, and struggled with the mostalarming difficulties during the time that he was engaged in theconquest of those mountainous districts, he at length reached Cabool, making himself master of Afghanistan. Here he appears to have halted fora considerable time, to refresh and re-equip his army, which, with theaddition of 30, 000 recruits, amounted to 120, 000 men. 

At this place, Alexander first came upon the scene of the campaignreferred to in the following letters. Here he meditated the invasion ofIndia, intending to march to the mouth of the Ganges; but the conquestof that country was destined for a nation almost unknown in the days ofAlexander, and lying far more remote from it than Greece; and, until thecampaign of 1839 drew our armies to the western side of the Indus, theSutlej was alike the boundary of Alexander's conquests to the east, asof those of England towards the west. 

Alexander having prepared his army for this expedition, moved towardsthe Indus, taking many strong places on his march. Having crossed thatriver, the king of the country offered no resistance, but became theally of Alexander, who expected to have found Porus, whose kingdom wason the other side of the Hydaspes, equally ready to submit. But itrequired the utmost skill of Alexander to cross the river, which heeffected, and conquered Porus, after a most severe struggle, with theloss of his renowned charger, Bucephalus, and he was so pleased at themagnanimity of Porus that he not only gave him back his kingdom, butadded several small states to it, making him a sincere ally. Alexanderthen continued his march towards the east, conquering all who opposedhim, until he reached the banks of the Hyphasis (Sutlej), which he wasabout to cross, when his progress was arrested by murmurs and tumults inhis camp. His soldiers declared their determination not to extend hisconquests, and entreated him to return. He then marched back to theAcesines, gave the whole country as far as the Hyphasis to Porus, andthus made him ruler of the Punjab. Alexander encamped near the Acesinesuntil the month of October, when the fleet which he built, consisting of800 galleys and boats, being ready, he embarked his army and proceededtowards the Indus; but before he reached that river he came to twocountries possessed by warriors who united their armies to oppose hisprogress. After beating them in many engagements, Alexander attacked thecity of the Oxydracæ, into which the greater part of those armies hadretired. Here his rash valour had nearly terminated his career: he wasseverely wounded in the side by an arrow, from the effects of which hewas with difficulty restored to health. He then descended the river, aportion of his army marching on its banks, conquering every nation thatopposed him. About the month of July he reached Patala (Tatta), where hebuilt a citadel and formed a port for his shipping. He then proceeded, with part of his fleet, by the western branch of the river, to discoverthe ocean. This he accomplished at great hazard, when he sacrificed tothe gods (particularly to Neptune), and besought them not to suffer anymortal after him to exceed the bounds of his expedition. He thenreturned to join the rest of his fleet and army at Patala, and to makearrangements for his march to Babylon. He appointed Nearchus admiral ofhis fleet, and having given him orders to ascend the Persian Gulf to theEuphrates, he commenced his march through Beloochistan, leaving Nearchusto follow him as soon as the season would permit. Alexander was morethan sixty days in reaching the frontiers of Persia, during which timehis army sufficed such dreadful privations from want of food, that thesoldiers were obliged to eat their own war-horses, and from the sicknessconsequent upon such a state of distress, his army was reduced to lessthan one-half of the number which left Patala. It is not necessary tofollow him to Babylon, or to describe the voyage of Nearchus, who, having sailed up the Persian Gulf, united his forces to those of hisroyal master in the river Pasi-Tigris, near Susa. Enough, however, maybe learned from this history to convince us that if such an army couldbe conducted 2000 years ago from the Hellespont to the Jaxartes andIndus, the march from the southern shores of the Caspian Sea to Caboolwould require comparatively but very slight exertion, if those who havethe means should have the desire also to accomplish it. 

I can say little of my own knowledge of the political causes which gaverise to the war, as I am unacquainted with the affairs of India and themotives which actuated its governors; but a brief outline may becollected from a book lately published by the Hon. Capt. Osborne, military secretary to the Governor-General, to which I shall refer, after making some observations upon the countries through which theoperations of the army were conducted, and particularly on the situationof Afghanistan, in reference to those persons who had before been, iswell as those who were, its rulers, when Shah Shooja was restored by theBritish Government to its throne. These observations I have chieflycollected from the valuable work of that enterprising officer Lieut. Burnes, which he published after visiting those countries in 1831, 1832, and 1833. 

The chief portion of the Bombay division of the army engaged in theoperations to which these letters refer, landed at the Hujamree mouth ofthe Indus, and marching through Lower Sinde, by Tatta, ascended theIndus by its western bank. On arriving in Upper Sinde, it was found thatShah Shooja with his contingent, as well as the Bengal division of thearmy, had crossed the Indus _en route_ from that Presidency, and hadadvanced towards Afghanistan, and that the Bombay division was to followthem. To effect this, the division marched through Cutch Gundava, andthe Bolan Pass, which is situated in the mountains which divide theprovince of Sarawar, in Beloochistan, as well as Cutch Gundava, fromAfghanistan. Having made their way through the Bolan Pass, the armyentered the Shawl district of Afghanistan, and thence proceeded throughthe Ghwozhe Pass to Candahar, Ghuzni, and Cabool; at whichlast-mentioned place Shah Shooja's eldest son joined his father withsome troops of Runjet Sing's, which had crossed the Indus from thePunjab, marching by Peshawur and the Kyber Pass. The division of theBombay troops under General Willshire having remained at Cabool about amonth, returned to Ghuzni, and thence in a straight direction toQuettah, leaving Candahar some distance on the right; Capt. Outram, whocommanded a body of native horse, preceding the main body of thedivision for the purpose of capturing the forts, or castles, belongingto those chiefs who had not submitted to Shah Shooja. From Quettah, General Willshire moved with a part of his division upon Kelat, andthence through the Gundava Pass and Cutch Gundava to the Indus, wherethese troops were met by the rest of the division, which came fromQuettah by the Bolan Pass. Hence they descended to Curachee to embarkfor their respective quarters in India. The fate of one of the regimentsof the division, the 17th, as it is recorded in a Bombay paper, is mostdistressing. They embarked at Curachee for Bombay, and sailed in themorning with a fair wind and a fine breeze, but before the night closedin upon them the ship was fast aground upon a sandbank, off the Hujamreebranch of the Indus, scarcely within sight of land. Everything wasthrown overboard to lighten the ship, but in vain; she became a totalwreck, and settled down to her main deck in the water. She fortunately, however, held together long enough to allow all the men to be taken onshore, which occupied three days, but with the loss of everything theyhad taken on board with them. The other regiments, we may hope, havebeen more fortunate, as they were not mentioned in the paper which gavethis melancholy account of the 17th regiment. 

Sinde, the country through which the army first passed, is divided intothree districts, each governed by an Ameer, the chief of whom resides atHydrabad, the second at Khyrpoor, and the other at Meerpoor; and whenLieut. Burnes ascended the Indus, in 1831, the reigning Ameers werebranches of the Beloochistan tribe of Talpoor. With these the chief ofKelat and Gundava, Mehrab Khan (who was related by marriage to the Ameerof Hydrabad), was more closely allied than any other prince. Like them, he had been formerly tributary to Cabool, and had shaken off the yoke, and, possessing a very strong country between Afghanistan and Sinde, hebecame as useful as he had at all times proved himself a faithful allyto the Sindeans. Shikarpoor, with the fertile country around it, as wellas Bukker, had formerly belonged to the Barukzye family of Afghanistan, and, although they still possessed Candahar, Cabool, and Peshawar, theyhad in vain endeavoured to withdraw Mehrab Khan from his alliance withthe Sindeans, or to recover those lost possessions. 

To understand the political state of Afghanistan, into which the armymarched for the purpose of restoring Shah Shooja to its throne, it willbe necessary to go back to the early part of the last century, whenNadir Shah had raised himself to the throne of Persia. His name havingbecome formidable as a conqueror, he turned his thoughts to the conquestof India, and, assuming sufficient pretexts for breaking the relationsof amity which he professed for the monarch of that country, hedetermined to invade it, and for that purpose began his march in 1738. Taking with him some of the chiefs of Afghanistan, he crossed the Punjaband entered Delhi. He there raised enormous contributions, and seizedupon everything worth taking away; amongst other things the far-famedPeacock throne, in which was the renowned diamond called "The Mountainof Light. " The spoils with which he returned to Persia were valued atnearly seventy millions of pounds sterling. It is not necessary tofollow the history of Nadir; it will be enough to say that, amidst theconfusion which followed his death, Ahmed Khan obtained possession ofpart of his treasure, amongst which was the great diamond. He escapedwith it into Khorassan, where he made himself master also of a large sumof money which was coming to Nadir from India. Ahmed was a brave andintelligent man, had been an officer of rank under the Shah, and, beingin possession of the treasure necessary for his purpose, he proclaimedhimself king, and was crowned at Candahar "King of the Afghans. " Ahmedwas of the Suddoozye family, which were but a small tribe; but he wasgreatly assisted by the powerful Barukzye family, whose friendship hejustly valued and made use of to his advantage: of this latter familyHajee Jamel was then the chief. Ahmed knew how to conciliate theindependent spirit of his Afghan subjects, and by making frequentincursions on his neighbours, kept alive that spirit of enterprise whichwas congenial to their feelings; but from the time of his death theroyal authority began to decline, as Timour, his son and successor, hadneither the sense nor enterprise necessary to uphold it. Affairs becamestill worse under the sons of Timour. Shah Zumaun was of a crueldisposition, and wanted the education necessary to the situation he wascalled upon to fill; his brothers, Mahmood and Shah Shooja, were notbetter disposed; and towards the Barukzye family, who had been soinstrumental in placing their grandfather, Ahmed, on the throne, theyconducted themselves not only most imprudently, but with dreadfulcruelty. 

Shah Zumaun was succeeded by Shah Shooja, of whom, although the chiefperson in the present drama, little more need be said of this part ofhis history than that, ignorant of the mode of governing suchindependent tribes as the Afghans, his power was never great, and, afterthe fall of his vizier, and the murder of his comrade, Meer Waeez, itgradually declined, until he lost his throne at Neemla, in 1809. He hadtaken the field with a well-appointed army of 15, 000 men; but wasattacked by Futteh Khan, an experienced general, at the head of 2000men, before the royal army was formed for battle; Akram Khan, hisvizier, was slain, and he fled to the Kyber country, leaving the greaterpart of his treasure in the hands of his conquerors. Shah Shooja hadfailed to conciliate the Barukzye family; Futteh Khan, their chief, hadtherefore espoused the cause of the king's brother, Mahmood, and havingdriven Shah Shooja from his throne, he placed Mahmood upon it, andaccepted for himself the situation of vizier. Under his vigorousadministration, the whole of the Afghan country, with the exception ofCashmere, submitted to the dominion of the new sovereign. The Shah ofPersia, anxious to possess himself of Herat, sent an army against it, but was defeated in his object, and Herat was preserved to Mahmood bythe successful exertions of Futteh Khan. No sooner, however, was Mahmoodthus firmly established in his dominions, than his son Kamran becamejealous of the man who had raised him to the situation, and had securedto him the kingdom; he therefore determined to effect the ruin of thevizier. The prince was not long in gaining over his father to his views;and Futteh Khan being at Herat, Kamran seized on his person and put outhis eyes. In this state he kept him prisoner for about six months, during which time the brothers of the vizier, irritated at the conductof Kamran, began to show signs of disaffection. Mahmood ordered FuttehKhan to be brought before him in the court of his palace, and accusingthe brothers of the vizier of rebellion, directed him to bring them backto a state of allegiance. The vizier, in the dreadful condition in whichhe had been reduced, replied to the demand of Mahmood, "What can an oldand blind man do?" when, by the order of the king, the courtiers cut thevizier to pieces, limb after limb: his nose and ears were hacked off;neither did he receive his death blow until not a member of his personwas left upon which they could inflict torture. With the fall of hisvizier the king's power rapidly declined, and he fled to Herat, virtually yielding up the rest of his kingdom. He died in 1829, his son, Kamran, succeeding to the limited government of that portion only of hisformer dominions. Upon the flight of Mahmood to Herat, the horrid murderof their brother threw the whole of the Barukzye family into openrevolt, the eldest of whom, Azeem Khan, recalled Shah Shooja from hisexile. From the time Shah Shooja lost his throne, he had been first acaptive in the hands of the son of his former vizier, and then apensioner on the bounty of the Maharajah, at Lahore, who in returnextorted from him the famous diamond, "The Mountain of Light, " and otherjewels, which he had brought away with him when he fled at Neemla. Hethen made his escape from the Maharajah, and found protection andsupport from the British government of India. Upon the summons fromAzeem Khan, Shah Shooja immediately hastened to Peshawur; where, beforehis benefactor had time to meet him, he practically displayed his ideasof royalty so unwisely, and so insulted some of the friends of theBarukzye family, that the whole party took offence, and they at oncerejected him, and placed his brother Eyoob on the throne. 

Eyoob was but a puppet king, the tool of the family who raised him tothe government; Azeem Khan, who was appointed his vizier, being in truththe ruler. Several of the young princes who aspired to the throne weredelivered over to Eyoob, who put them to death. 

Shooja, driven from Peshawur, retired to Shikarpoor, which the Ameers ofSinde ceded to him; where, in place of conducting himself with prudence, he was so addicted to low intrigue with those about him, that hisenemies availed themselves of this propensity to effect his ruin, anddrove him from Shikarpoor, when, crossing the Indus, he fled through thedesert by Juydalmeer, and returned to Loodiana. "The fitness, " saysLieut. Burnes, "of Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk for the station of a sovereignseems ever to have been doubtful. His manners and address are highlypolished, but his judgment does not rise above mediocrity; had the casebeen otherwise, we should not now see him an exile from his country andhis throne, without a hope of regaining them, after an absence of twentyyears, and before he has attained the fiftieth year of his age. "

The civil wars which had thus so frequently occurred in Afghanistanweakened the resources of the country and its means of defence. RunjetSing availed himself of the advantage which this state of affairspresented to him, and obtained possession of Cashmere; when, continuinghis conquests, he crossed the Indus, and made himself master ofPeshawur, burning its palace, and laying the country under tribute. Azeem Khan made a precipitate retreat before the army of the Sikhstowards Cabool, without attempting to arrest their progress, and was sostung with remorse at the weakness of his conduct that he died onreaching that city. With the death of Azeem the royal authority wasextinguished. The king fled to Lahore, and lived under the protection ofhis conqueror. Herat alone remained in the possession of one of theSuddoozye family. The brothers of the late vizier seized his son, anddeprived him of his treasure and his power. The kingdom was then dividedbetween them. Cabool fell into the hands of Dost Mahomed; Peshawur andCandahar were held by two of his brothers; the Sindeans threw off theiryoke, and refused to pay tribute; Balk was annexed to the dominions ofthe King of Bokhara; the richest portion of the provinces having falleninto the possession of the Sikhs. In seventy-six years from the timethat Ahmed Shah was crowned at Candahar, the Dooranee monarchy againceased to exist. 

As I have given the character of Shah Shooja, it will be interesting toquote that of Dost Mahomed, from the same author. "He is unremitting inhis attention to business, and attends daily at the courthouse, with theCazee and Moollahs, to decide every cause according to law. Trade hasreceived the greatest encouragement from him, and he has derived his ownreward, since the receipts of the customhouse of the city have increasedfifty thousand rupees, and furnished him with a net revenue of two lacsof rupees per annum. The merchant may travel without a guard orprotection from one frontier to another, an unheard-of circumstance inthe time of the kings. The justice of this chief affords a constanttheme of praise to all classes. The peasant rejoices at the absence oftyranny, the citizen at the safety of his home, the merchant at theequity of his decisions and the protection of his property, and thesoldier at the regular manner in which his arrears are discharged. " "Oneis struck with the intelligence, knowledge, and curiosity which hedisplays, as well as at his accomplished manners and address. "

To this short sketch of Afghanistan, and of the persons connected withits political history, I will add some extracts from the work of theHon. Capt. Osborne, because they explain the circumstances which led tothe campaign of the Indus, and to the restoration of Shah Shooja to thethrone of Cabool. He says, "In May, 1838, a complimentary deputation wassent by Runjet Sing to the Governor-General at Simla, consisting of someof the most distinguished Sikh chiefs, who were received with all thehonours prescribed by oriental etiquette. Shortly afterwards, LordAuckland resolved to send a mission to the court of Lahore, not merelyto reciprocate the compliments of the Maharajah, but to treat upon allthe important interests which were involved in the existing state ofpolitical affairs in that quarter of the world. The recent attempts ofthe Persians on Herat, the ambiguous conduct of Dost Mahomed, and thesuspicions which had been excited with respect to the proceedings andulterior designs of Russia, rendered it of the greatest importance tocement the alliance with Runjet Sing, and engage him to a firm andeffective co-operation with us in the establishment of generaltranquillity, the resistance of foreign encroachment, and the extensionof the benefits of commerce and the blessings of civilization. Accordingly, W. H. Macnaghten, Esq. , was deputed on the mission to theMaharajah, accompanied by Dr. Drummond, Capt. Macgregor, and the Hon. W. Osborne, military secretary to the Governor-General. 

"The object of the Governor-General's mission to Lahore having beenaccomplished, and the concurrence, and, if necessary, the co-operationof Runjet Sing, in the restoration of Shah Shooja, secured, Mr. Macnaghten repaired to Loodiana, for the purpose of submitting to theShah the treaties that had been concluded, and announcing to him theapproaching change in his fortunes. The envoys seem to have been muchstruck with the majestic appearance of the old pretender, especiallywith the flowing honours of a black beard descending to his waist, always the most cherished appendage of oriental dignity. He had livedfor twenty years in undisturbed seclusion, if not 'the worldforgetting, ' certainly 'by the world forgot, ' consoling himself for theloss of his kingdom in a domestic circle of six hundred wives, butalways 'sighing his soul' towards the mountains and valleys ofAfghanistan, and patiently awaiting the _kismet_, or fate, which was torestore him to his throne. The preparations thenceforward went rapidlyon. The contingent raised by the Shah was united (more for form thanuse) to the British force, and in three months the expedition began itsoperations. "

But before I conclude this introduction to the letters, which detail theresults of these treaties with the Maharajah, and the march of ShahShooja to Cabool, as I have spoken of the leading characters ofAfghanistan, I may be permitted to say a few words about the personsthrough whose exertions the Shah has been restored to the throne of thatcountry--the officers of the British army; and I do so the moreanxiously, because the naval and military glory of our country, which inmy early days was the theme of every song, is now seldom heard of insociety, and those gallant services appear to be nearly forgotten, whichduring a long protracted state of warfare, within our own recollection, placed England in a position to dictate her own terms of peace to theworld:--a state of society which encourages a certain class of personsthe more effectually to abuse the military profession, and to misleadtheir deluded followers, by clamouring about the expense of the army, and the aristocratic bearing of its members, that they may the morereadily carry out their own schemes of personal vanity and demoralizingpolitical economy. 

It is the peculiar feature of the British army, to which we are indebtedfor its high and honourable bearing, that the sons of the first familiesin the land are ever anxious to bear arms under its standards, lookingnot to pecuniary emolument, but to those honours which military rank andprofessional attainments can procure for them; whilst the first commandsand the highest stations in the service are filled without distinctionfrom every grade in society. It is this happy mixture which induces thathigh sense of honour, so peculiarly characteristic of our service; thatacknowledged distinction between the officers and the privates; thattrue discipline which, tempered with justice and kindly feeling, winsthe respect of the soldier, and induces him to place that reliance uponhis commander everywhere so conspicuous, whether in the camp or field ofbattle. But this high feeling in the army causes no additional expenseto the country; the charge is altogether a deception. Let the followingsketch of a young soldier's life of the present day, as applicable toothers as to himself, answer the charge of these politicians. 

He was educated for the highest walk of the legal profession, and hadnearly prepared himself for the university, when he decided to changehis course and go into the army. The Commander-in-chief placed his nameamongst the candidates for commissions, and he went to Hanover, where, after he had made himself master of the German language, his RoyalHighness the Duke of Cambridge kindly gave him a commission in theYagers of the Guard, better known in England, in the Peninsula, and atWaterloo, as the Rifles of the German Legion. Being only a volunteer inthe regiment, he could not receive pay from the government; he was, therefore, at very considerable personal expense to keep his properstanding with his brother officers; and as soon as he had acquired allthe military knowledge that he was likely to get in the regiment in timeof peace, he obtained leave to return to England; and, as he had not anyimmediate expectation of a commission, he visited France, to makehimself more perfect in the French language. After this, he was allowedto purchase a commission in the 2nd regiment, or Queen's Royals; and heembarked to join that corps in India. His letters will shew what thatregiment, in common with others, have endured during a campaign offifteen months in Central Asia, their privations and expenses; and whenhis second commission was paid for, during that campaign, he foundhimself at its close, at the age of twenty-five, a lieutenant on fullpay, the amount of which, if he was in England, would be far short ofthe interest of the money which has been expended in his commissions andeducation, and with fifteen lieutenants still above him on the roll ofhis regiment. 

It will be seen by his letters, and it is confirmed by the officialdespatches of the Commander-in-chief, that the company to which he wasattached (the light company of the Queen's) led the storming party atGhuzni. He was shot through the arm and through the body, and left fordead at the foot of the citadel at Kelat, whilst endeavouring to savethe lives of some Beloochees who were crying for mercy. And for theseservices he is to be rewarded with a medal, by Shah Shooja; for Ghuzni, and for the capture of both places he has the full enjoyment of thehighest gratification that a soldier can feel--the consciousness that hehas done his duty to his country, and, let me hope, in the act of mercyin which he suffered, his duty to his God as a Christian. But he is nota solitary example of such good fortune. No one who was wounded andsurvived may have been nearer death than himself, yet are there otherswho have done more, and suffered more, as the history of the army ofthe Indus would bear ample testimony. 

Let me then ask, in behalf of the British officer, when he is lightlyspoken of as a man, or when the expenses of the army are cavilled at, onwhich side is the debt--on his, or on that of his country?

A. H. HOLDSWORTH. 

_Brookhill, --May, 1840. _

[Illustration] It may be right to draw the attention of the reader to acircumstance which, at first sight, may appear singular--that the sameletters frequently contain reports quite contradictory to each other. Itshould therefore be borne in mind that such letters were probablywritten at different times, as the writer found opportunity; who, beinganxious that his family should know all that passed as well in the campas in the field, preferred leaving each report in the way in which itwas circulated at the time of his writing it, rather than correct itafterwards, as the truth, might turn out. Such letters shew thesituation in which an army is placed on its landing in a new country, where no account of the movements of the inhabitants can be relied upon, and the heavy responsibility which attaches to the officers who areentrusted with its command. 

CAMPAIGN OF THE INDUS. 

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LETTER I

 On board the ship Syden, Off the mouth of the Indus, Nov. 27th, 1838. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --We left Belgaum on the 22nd of last month, and arrivedat Bombay on the first of this; and we started from Bombay on the 18th, for this place. I had intended to write from Bombay, but everything wasin such a state of confusion and bustle whilst we were there, that Iliterally could find no time or place for doing so. We are now at anchoroff one of the mouths of the Indus, and have had a delightful voyage. Our ship is a very nice one, of 750 tons, belonging to a Swede, who isan excessively good fellow, and has treated us very well. 

Sir John Keane is already arrived in the steamer Semiramis and also oneof the native regiments. Our Bombay force consists of 5500 men, of which2000 are Europeans--viz. , 500 of the Queen's, and 500 of H. M. 17thregiment, one squadron of the 4th Light Dragoons, with foot and horseartillery. The rest of the force is composed of native regiments, horseand foot. We shall not land, I think, until to-morrow evening, as we arealmost the only ship that has yet arrived. The infantry are divided intotwo brigades, and the cavalry form another by themselves. Our brigade(the first) consists of the Queen's, and the 5th and 19th regiments ofNative Infantry, commanded by our worthy Colonel, now General Willshire, C. B. ; the other brigade is commanded by a Company's officer. We have togo in boats about thirty miles, it is said, up the river, before wefinally march. Where it is I am perfectly ignorant; however, some placebetween this and Hydrabad, whence we shall march as far north asShikarpoor, where we are to form a junction with the Bengal troops, 13, 000 in number, under Sir H. Fane. What our destination will be afterthat I know not; whether we shall advance with the Bengalees upon Herat, or form a corps of reserve on the Indus. 

The country between this and Shikarpoor belongs to the Ameers of Sinde. They were very restive at first, when they heard of our intention tomarch through their country, and threatened to oppose our progress; butI believe they have since thought better of it; however, I do not thinkthat they can do anything against us: time will soon shew. We have beenexcessively crowded on board: twenty-six officers. I have been obligedto sleep on the poop every night, which, when the dew was heavy, was byno means pleasant. I hope we shall go further than Shikarpoor, as Ishould like very much to see Cabool, Candahar, and all that part of theworld, which so few Europeans have visited. 

What is the cause of all this bustle and war I hardly know myself, and, at all events, it is too long to make the subject of a letter; I musttherefore refer you to the papers for it; but I have heard from oldofficers that for the last twenty years the Company have been anxious toestablish themselves west and north of the Indus. It is not likely, therefore, now that they have such an opportunity, that they will let itslip, so that perhaps we may be quartered there for the next two orthree years. How it will turn out I know no more than the man in themoon: a soldier is a mere machine, and is moved by his superiors just asa chessman by a chess-player. Should there be any skrimmaging, our menare in high spirits, and will, I think, soon make the Ameers put theirpipes in their pockets. Ours is the first European army that has been onthe Indus since the time of Alexander. 

I was obliged to sell my horses and other things on leaving Belgaum, ata dead loss. I intend buying another horse when we land in Sinde, as Iam told we can get good ones very cheap there. This is a regular case ofhere to-day and there to-morrow: perhaps my next letter may be datedfrom Cashmere--who knows? I felt rather sorry at leaving Belgaum; wewere all of us excessively rejoiced to get out of Bombay. The report atfirst was, that we were to garrison it for the next two or three years, and we were therefore very glad when we found that was not to be thecase. Now, it is said, there is a chance of our going into Persia; but Ido not think that we shall. The man waits to lay the cloth on the cuddytable, where I am writing, so I must conclude for the present. 

_Nov. 28th_. --The regiment is beginning to disembark right in front. TheGrenadiers are now going into the boats of the natives that are to takethem up the river. Since I wrote yesterday, I have heard all the newsrelative to our disembarkation. We are to go fifteen miles up the riverin native boats to a place called Vicur, where we form our first campground. We are to remain there for a week or ten days, in order tocollect camels, bullocks, &c. , for the transportation of our baggage. Wehave to pass a very dangerous bar in getting to this place, whereseveral boats have been wrecked; but we have fine large ones. From allaccounts, the Ameers are now peaceably disposed, except one fellow, who, we hear, is inclined to be rather obstreperous; but I think the sight ofour force will soon bring him to his senses. There are, however, a setof men who live on the mountain borders of Sinde, called Beloochees, theeastern inhabitants of Beloochistan, who are a robber, free-and-easykind of people, who may give us some trouble in endeavouring to walk offwith part of our baggage, &c. 

I intend to keep a journal of what occurs, and will write by everyopportunity. I think I have now mentioned everything that I have heardrelative to this grand expedition; except, by-the-bye, that Sir HenryFane has denominated the force as "The army of the Indus, " and ours, theBombay branch of it, as "The corps d'armée of Sinde. " There is a grandtitle for you! I have nothing more to say; and as I must be lookingafter my traps previous to disembarking, I must conclude with best loveto you, and all at home. 

 Your most affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

P. S. --I must trust this to the captain of the vessel, giving himinstructions to put it into the Bombay post when he returns, so that itis equally doubtful when you may receive it. He is an excessively goodfellow, the captain; and we are going to make him a present of a silvergoblet, worth 35l. , for his attentions to us whilst on board his ship. 

LETTER II. 

 Perminacote, five miles from Vicur, right bank of the Hujamree, one of the branches of the Indus, December 8th, 1838. 

MY DEAR KITTY, --I wrote to my father, about ten days ago, from the shipin which we came here, stating what I then knew about this expedition;but having since received your letter, and my father's, dated Sept. 4th, I cannot think of going on this bloody campaign without first answeringyours. Things look now a little more warlike. The Ameers haveendeavoured to cut off everything like a supply from this part of thecountry, and we have to depend in a great measure, at present, on thesupplies brought by the shipping. We have nothing in the shape ofconveyance for our baggage. We expected two thousand camels and fivehundred horses here for sale; but they are not to be seen at present, and where they are, or when they will arrive, no one knows. News hasbeen received, it is said, from Pottinger, the Company's political agentat Hydrabad, the principal town of the Ameers, that they have called intheir army, consisting of 20, 000 Beloochees, as they tell Pottinger, "for the purpose of paying them off;" but he says it looks verysuspicious, and that they are also fortifying the various towns on theIndus. He has been expected here for the last two or three days, but hasnot yet arrived. Report also says that he has been fired at in his waydown. 

We are kept in the most strict discipline, and have a great deal to do. Out-lying and in-lying pickets every night, the same as if we were inthe presence of an enemy. This is a very pleasant climate at present, though excessively cold at night-time, as we feel to our cost when onpicket, sleeping in the open air, with nothing but our cloaks to coverus; and some nights the dew is excessively heavy, which is veryunhealthy, and has laid me up for the last few days with an attack ofrheumatism. However, I hope to be out of the sick list to-day. There issuch a sharp, cutting, easterly wind, that I can hardly hold my pen. Itaverages from 80 to 84 in the shade during the hottest part of the day, but that is only for about two hours. However, in the hot season it isworse than India; and we have proof here, even at this time, of thepower of the sun occasionally; so I hope that we shall push on forShikarpoor, and join the Bengal army, under Sir H. Fane, as quickly aspossible, as we shall then have some chance of getting to Cabool, whichis said to be a delightful climate. 

We are still totally ignorant of our future proceedings, except what Ihave stated above. We are in great hopes that we have not been broughthere for nothing, and that we may have a chance of seeing a few hardblows given and taken ere long. Hydrabad and _lootè_ is what is mosttalked about at present. It will, however, be a most harassing kind ofwarfare, I expect, as the force of the Ameers consists of Arabs andBeloochees; a regular predatory sort of boys, capital horsemen, but notable, I should think, to engage in a regular stand-up fight. I thinktheir warfare will consist in trying to cut off a picket at night, breaking through the chain of sentries, and endeavouring to put the campin confusion, &c. &c. ; so that the poor subalterns on picket will haveanything but a sinecure there; however, it will be a capital way oflearning one's duty in the field. By-the-bye, I forgot to tell you, amongst other rumours of war, that an Ameer was down here a few days agoto obtain an interview with Sir J. Keane, who refused to see the Ameer, or to have anything to do with him, and told him that he would soon talkto him at Hydrabad. 

Our force is now nearly all arrived, all except the Bombay grenadierregiment, which is to form part of ours, (i. E. , the first brigade, ) andnot the 19th regiment, as I told my father. We have now here twosquadrons of H. M. 4th Light Dragoons, the Queen's, and the 17thregiment. The native regiments are, the Grenadiers, the 5th, the 19th, and the 24th; there is also a due proportion of horse and footartillery, together with some native cavalry, making in all 5500fighting men. We are now about fifteen miles from the sea, and we got upquite safe, although there is a very dangerous bar to cross, and all theboats were not so lucky as ours, as the horse artillery lost fifteenhorses; and a boat belonging to a merchant of Bombay went down, in whichgoods to the amount of one thousand rupees (100l. ) were lost. 

Our camp presents a very gay appearance--so many regiments collectedtogether; and altogether I like this sort of campaigning work very well, although I expect that we shall be very hard put to it when we march, ifwe do not get more means of conveyance. The wind is blowing suchintolerable dust into the tent that I can hardly write. The captain ofthe vessel which brought us from Bombay came up here last night, andreturns to-day about eleven o'clock, and sails this evening for Bombay;I shall give him this letter to take, so that you and my father willreceive my letters at the same time. As long as I keep my health I donot care where we go or what we do. The doctor has just come in and putme off the sick list. It is getting very near eleven o'clock, and thecaptain will be off directly, so that I must conclude my letter, hopingyou will, for this reason, excuse its shortness; and with best love, &c. , to all at home, believe me ever your most affectionate brother, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

P. S. I have not any horse at present, which I find a greatinconvenience. I sold what I had at Belgaum, before I left it, at a deadloss, as I expected to get plenty here on my arrival, but have beenwofully disappointed. There were some splendid creatures for sale atBombay, which was very tempting, but they asked enormous sums for them. I wonder where I shall eat my Christmas dinner! This is the firstEuropean army that has been on the Indus since the time of Alexander theGreat. 

LETTER III. 

 Camp near Tatta, four miles from the Indus, January 1st, 1839. 

My DEAR FATHER, --I write to wish you a happy new year on this the firstday of 1839, which, if it turns out as its opening prognosticates, islikely to be a very eventful one for me, if I do not get knocked on thehead or otherwise disposed of. I wrote to you from the ship Syden, aboutthe 28th of November, and to Kate from our last station at Bominacote, on the right bank of the Hujamree, about the 12th of last month, bothwhich letters will, I expect, leave Bombay to-day by the overland mailfor England; but as another mail will leave on the 19th, and I thoughtyou would be anxious to learn as much of our movements &c. As possible, I dare say the present letter will not be amiss. 

We remained at our old encampment, Bominacote, until the 26th of lastmonth, and I picked up my health very fast there, and was able to enjoymyself shooting a great deal, particularly the black partridge, whichis an uncommonly handsome bird, and much bigger than the English. The2nd brigade of infantry, consisting of H. M. 17th regiment, the 19th and23rd regiments Native Infantry, under the command of General Gordon, aCompany's officer, together with the 4th Light Dragoons, a regiment ofNative Cavalry, and one troop of horse artillery, left the aforesaidplace on the 24th, with Sir John Keane and his escort; and the firstbrigade, consisting of ourselves, the 1st Grenadiers, and 5th regimentNative Infantry, under the command of our chief, General Willshire, lefton the 26th. I was on out-lying picket the night before, (Christmasnight, ) and a very curious way it was of passing it. The first part ofthe night, till twelve o'clock, was exceedingly fine and beautiful, and, as I lay on the cold ground, my thoughts travelled towards poor oldDevonshire, and I could not help fancying in what a much morecomfortable way you must be spending it at home, all snug, &c. AtBrookhill. After twelve, the strong northerly wind, which blows withgreat force at intervals this time of the year in this country, sprungup, and it soon got intensely cold. Towards two I forgot myself forabout half an hour, and nodded on my post, and on awakening I was takenwith what I am sure must have been a slight attack of cholera. I wasstone cold, particularly my arms, hands, legs, and feet, and sufferedexcruciating pains in my stomach, till nature relieved me, which shewas kind enough to do uncommonly frequent. I had luckily some brandywith me, of which I drank, I should think, half a bottle down withouttasting it; but it did me a great deal of good at the time, although Ihave not been well since, and am still very far from being so. Ourcamels, of which I had two, were furnished us by the commissariat, andwe ought to have had them at four o'clock on the day before; but, likeeverything else, we did not get them till four o'clock the morning wemarched, about an hour before we turned out. I had to trust entirely toProvidence with regard to mine, as to whether I should get them or not, as I was on outlying picket, and could not attend to them, and I hadjust two minutes, after coming from picket in the morning, to get amouthful of villanous coffee, when I was obliged to fall in with mycompany, which formed the advanced guard of the brigade, and march offin double quick time, leaving all to chance. My poor stomach wantedsomething most awfully to stop its proceedings, but it was totally outof the question, as General Willshire hurried us off at a slapping pace;luckily, the march was only eight miles, so it did not fatigue me much:I marched on foot the whole of it, as I could not get my pony in thehurry of starting. We got nothing to eat till two o'clock, when part ofour mess things arrived, and we pitched into whatever we could get. Thismarch; though, was by far the most pleasant, as we had a good firm tractof country to pass over, and no sand. The "rouse" sounded at five, andwe marched again at half-past six. This night I was on in-lying picket, and was obliged to pass it in harness, and ready to turn out at amoment's notice, although awfully tired. We had a very unpleasant march, as the north winds got up soon after we started, and blew the dust andsand right into our eyes; we had, however, being on the advance guard, comparatively easy work, as there were only two sections with eachofficer: the poor column suffered severely. This day, however, wasparadise compared to the next, which was eighteen miles, through anuninhabited sandy desert, with a few tamarisk shrubs and no water, except a few stagnant pools, which was the cause of the march being solong, there being no place for encampment. General Willshire, however, made the best of a bad matter, and sent on the night before to a placeabout half way, and the least unchristian-like spot he could find, halfthe men's rations for the next day, together with the bheesties (orwater carriers) and the men's grog, &c. , with orders for the cooks tohave these rations cooked and ready for the men as soon as they marchedin; so that on arriving at the ground we piled arms and formed a curioussort of pic-nic in the middle of the desert. We halted here about anhour, and lucky it was that the men got the means of recruiting theirstrength in this manner, as the latter part of the march was a terribleteaser. We marched off from this place about twelve. Although we hadfound the morning pleasant enough, with a fine bracing breeze, yet inthe afternoon, about half an hour after starting, the wind went down, and the sun shone out terribly; the sand in some parts was half kneedeep, and although there was no breeze to blow it in our faces, yet itrose from the trampling of so many feet in successive dense columns, andcompletely enveloped the whole brigade, almost blinding the men, so thatthey could hardly see the man before them, and getting into their nosesand mouths so as nearly to suffocate them; however, they bore itmanfully, and marched straight through it like Britons. Our encampmentthat night was at a place called Golam Shah, on the Buggaur, one of thebranch streams of the Indus. We found that the second brigade had onlyleft it the same morning, having been obliged to halt there thepreceding day; and General Willshire found a letter from Sir John Keane, advising a halt there for the following day, which we accordingly did, and a precious comfortable day we had. I got off my pony at the close ofthis day's march with a dreadful headache, and had to wait for an hourtill Halket's tent and kit, with whom I am doubling up, arrived. Hisservants brought me the delightful intelligence that my camel man hadbolted with his camels at our last encampment, and that my things wereall left there on the ground, with my servant, and that it was quiteuncertain when they would be up; in fact, it seemed exceedingly doubtfulwhether they would arrive at all. However, they did come in at last, but very late, on three ponies, two bullocks, and one donkey, which werethe only things my boy could get, and for which I had to payconsiderably. I turned in as soon as I could; and the next day, whichwas a most wretched one, I was very unwell. This place, Golam Shah, must, I think, be one of the most wretched places in the whole world, situated as it is in the heart of a desert, with only onerecommendation, --viz. , the river Buggaur, the water of which isexcessively sweet and wholesome. The day we passed at it was the coldestI remember since leaving England. A strong northerly wind blew the wholeday, and the clouds of dust and sand that rose in consequence were sothick as perfectly to obscure the sun, and all we could do we could notkeep ourselves warm. Here we had the misfortune also to lose the onlyman that has as yet fallen on the march, an old soldier. He was takenwith cholera at eight in the morning and died at twelve at night: he wasburied about six hours afterwards, just as the regiment marched. Thehospital men had no time to stretch him, and he was laid in the earth inthe same posture in which he died, with his arms stuck a kimbo, pressingupon his stomach, which shews that he must have suffered intense agony. Poor fellow! they had not time to dig his grave very deep, and I amafraid the jackals will be the only benefiters by his death. We leftthis place the next morning, the 30th, and arrived here (Tatta) abouteleven o'clock, a twelve-mile march. A great number of the 2nd brigaderode out to meet us, and the 4th Light Dragoons very kindly asked us tobreakfast immediately on our arrival. You may be sure they had not toask us twice!

Tatta is a very ancient town, said to have been built by eitherAlexander, on his march down the Indus, or by one of his generals; theancient name was Patala. At that time the country was in possession ofHindoos, or, at least, of the followers of Brahma, who were mostprobably the original possessors of the greater portion of the east. Afterwards, on the rise of Mahomet, it was soon in possession of hisfollowers, who seem to have held it for a long period, as they have leftmagnificent proofs of their grandeur, both in the city and all round theneighbourhood, which is studded with splendid cupolas, domes, temples, and tombs; there is one in particular in the town itself an old tomb, now used as a caravanserai, which is excessively handsome. When I talkof a tomb being turned into a caravanserai, you will of courseunderstand that a tomb in this part of the world is very different fromone in the western part of the globe. This tomb itself would cover asmuch ground as Exeter Cathedral. The inside of the domes are verybeautifully enamelled in the chastest colours, and with most excellenttaste, and would put to shame the most handsome drawing-room in London, I should think. I have never repented not being able to draw so much asI have since I have been in the East, but particularly since I have beenat this place, where there is so much that would look well in a sketch;but I would not give twopence to be able to draw and not draw well, particularly when I see the daubs that some men, who fancy they arehands at it, produce, after fagging at the simplest thing possible, andI believe that if nature does not give you a turn for it, all the tryingpossible would never make a painter, and that what the old Roman proverbsaid of the poet, "Non fit sed nascitur poeta, " is equally applicable tothe painter. I tried it for a short time, at Hanover, but my master toldme I was the most awkward and stupid pupil he ever had, and advised meto cut the concern, and I followed his advice; nor am I sorry that I didso, as I should never have been able to draw well, and should have onlybeen discontented, and given it up in disgust. We have, however, twoofficers in our regiment who both draw and sketch exceedingly well; andI will try to get duplicates from them if possible, so that, if Godspares my life, and I ever return home, I shall be able to shew you somespecimens of the country we have passed through. 

_Jan. 2nd. _--Well, we are to have no fighting, at least at present, itappears. This will be cheering news for Kitty, I expect. We were mostegregiously disappointed in the town or city of Tatta itself. We saw itat a great distance on our march, and on arriving on our encampingground, it looked excessively well, and gave us the idea of a veryhandsome place. We saw what we imagined to be high houses, built ofstone, towers and pillars; but lo! when we rode in to examine it, thesesplendid buildings turned out to be a most miserable collection of whitemud houses, which had the appearance of stone at a distance. Some ofthem were tolerably high, certainly; but the most wretched-lookingthings possible. This is the case with most towns in the east. LikeDartmouth, they all look best à la distance. 

I am sorry to say that we have a great many men in the hospital now, andfour officers on the sick list; two of them very unwell. All the casesare bowel complaints, and most of them dysentery. This is the casegenerally. While on the march, soldiers seldom feel it; but when thehalt afterwards comes, then they get touched up awfully. However, it isnot to be wondered at, when one considers the quantity of duty whichthey have to perform at present. Out-lying and in-lying pickets, andguards, &c. ; add to which, the being suddenly transported from theclimate of India, to which most of them have become inured by aresidence, on the average, of twelve years, to this comparatively coldand changeful climate, is enough of itself to shake them a little. Theyhave also done what no Indian troops have done before: in marching inIndia, almost everything is carried for the soldier; he merely carrieswhat he does on parade--viz. , his firelock and accoutrements. Ourregiment though, by-the-bye, has always carried a blanket, with a cleanshirt and stockings and flannel waistcoat wrapped up in it, that theymay be enabled to change as soon as they have marched in. On this march, each man has carried his knapsack, with his kit in it, twenty rounds ofammunition, a havresack with his day's rations, and a small round kegcontaining water, the weight of all which is no joke. While atBominacote, we fully expected to have a little fighting after passingTatta, and on our arrival here we heard a report which induced us tobelieve that we should have a brush with the Ameers very shortly; but itappears now that the Ameers have seen the folly of such proceedings, andhave determined to receive us amicably, and to assist our passagethrough their country, and that it was only one of the Ameers that wasinclined to be restive. He endeavoured to stop our camels, &c. , andmanaged to do so for some time, and collected as much of what they callan army as he could--about 5000 of these Beloochees, but with no guns, or anything of that sort. However, on collecting them, they representedto him that the British troops were behaving so well, and theinhabitants of the country were getting so much more money for theirarticles of sale than they ever got before, that they considered it wasmore for their profit and advantage that the English should marchthrough their country than that they should oppose them, and get lickedinto the bargain, as they were sure they would be. All eastern nationshave an awful dread of European artillery. It also happened that thepoor Ameer had unfortunately not the wherewithal to carry on the war, and his army made excessively high demands on him, you may be sure. Theconsequence of all which was, that the army dissolved itself as quietlyas possible, and the poor Ameer found himself solus. The result is, thata deputation is now here, with a small force from the head Ameer, atHydrabad, under the command of Nûr Mahomed, another Ameer, and that hehas made most ample apologies for the conduct of his brother Ameer, andoffered not only to let us pass through his country, but to assist us inso doing to the utmost of his power. It was indeed well for the Ameersthat they came to this decision, as had they acted contrary we shouldhave taken possession of their country to a moral certainty. Now theyhave a chance of keeping half the loaf. 

We have here certainly the flower of the Bombay army, and a veryrespectable force in every respect: two of the best European regiments, four of the best native, the 4th dragoons, two regiments of lightcavalry, two troops of horse artillery in prime order, and a battalionof foot artillery, together with a splendid band of auxiliary horse fromCutch, the finest looking fellows I ever saw: they arrived here on thesame day as ourselves. I was standing on one of the hills as they woundtheir way round it; I was never struck with anything so much, nor have Iever seen anything so orientally military before. They are dressed ingreen garments, edged with gold, and red turbans, tied under the chin, like the old Mahratta soldiers; their arms are match-lock, lance, scimitar, and pistols, and they appear to be excellent and practicalriders. They are quite an independent corps, each man finding his ownhorse, arms, accoutrements, &c. , and they take good care to beexcellently mounted. They have a few European officers attached to themfrom the Bombay establishment. Their dress is also uncommonly handsome;a green hussar dress, with gold braiding. In addition to all this force, we have a subsidiary one nearly as large, coming on directly to followour steps, and occupy Sinde, while we march on with the Bengalees forCabool. This force, they say, is to consist of H. M. 40th regiment fromDeesa, the 10th, 16th, 22nd, and 24th regiments, 23rd N. I. , togetherwith H. M. 90th and 61st regiments, and Ceylon Rifle Corps (Malays) fromCeylon, so that I expect the government at home will have to send moreregiments to India as quickly as possible. Sir J. Keane is very likelyto have the command of the whole force, both Bombay and Bengal, as theysay Sir H. Fane is gone back to Bengal with half the Bengal force, inconsequence of the Burmese declaring war; which, as might have beenexpected, they did directly when so many regiments were marched fromtheir neighbourhood. This report is, however, contradicted, and theysay now that Sir H. Fane is going home, and will meet us at Shikarpooror Hydrabad, give up the command to Sir J. Keane, and go down the Indus, and thence to England overland. Which is the true version I know not;but I am afraid that I have little chance of meeting Colonel Fane, andgiving him Arthur's letter, which I expected to do when I wrote last. Iam delighted at the prospect of our going to Cabool: there we may havesome fighting, and have a chance of being permanently quartered till wereturn to Europe, whenever that may be. 

What the original cause of all this was, as I told you before, I hardlyknow; and you are more likely to get at the true version from some ofthe Indian newspapers, or from any friends you may have connected withthis part of the world, than from me. But, as far as I can learn, thisappears to be it: Shah Shooja is the rightful heir to the throne ofCabool, and Dost Mahomed is what Mr. C. Dickens calls the "wrongfulone, " alias the usurper. Dost Mahomed had possession of the country, andthe Indian government, from what motives I know not, determined tounseat him and replace Shah Shooja. In this matter they are assisted byold Runjet Sing, King of Lahore, or, as his oriental title goes, "theblind lion of the Punjab. " The Persians, on the contrary, took part withDost Mahomed, insulted our resident at their court, and besieged ShahShooja's party in Herat; from which, however, after a siege of longduration, they were finally obliged to retire. There was a report atfirst that Russia was concerned in this affair, and that Russian troopswere present with the Persians at the siege, but these turned out to bea regiment or two of Russian renegadoes whom the King of Persia has inhis pay. There was another report of a letter having been discoveredfrom the government of Russia to the King of Persia, which induced thebelief that the Emperor of Russia was playing a deep game, the object ofwhich was to lessen our influence in the East; and many people, Ibelieve, are very much of this opinion. How far all this may be true Iknow not; but I have been told by old Indians that for a long time theIndian government have been anxious to have a strong footing in Sinde, and to command the navigation of the Indus; and that now they have theopportunity they are not likely to let it slip. The Afghans are a veryhardy race of men, and we may have some sharp work with them; but Ithink a gun or two of our horse artillery would have sent the Beloocheesscampering. They are miserably equipped; but being nearly all robbers, they might have annoyed us by a night attack, which would have beenanything but pleasant, particularly for the poor sub. On out-lyingpicket. Some Bombay native merchants are at present at Tatta; they havebeen here for ten years, and have been afraid to stir for fear of beingrobbed. I have no doubt but that the inhabitants of the country wouldprefer our government considerably to that of the Ameers, as they areexceedingly tyrannical, and grind their subjects to the last degree, demanding half of everything that is offered for sale. When Burnestravelled first in this country, some few years ago, and was received bythe Ameer in divan, at Hydrabad, an old priest who was present is saidto have reproved the Ameer for receiving Burnes so civilly, and to havetold him "that since one Englishman had seen the Indus, it would not belong before they would be in possession of it;" and so it seems likelyto turn out. 

Well; as long as I keep my health I care little where we go or what wedo; but marching in ill health is a great damper to the spirits. Thestay-at-home soldiers in England little know what service in thisclimate really is. I should like to see ---- of the ---- on out-lyingpicket here; he would not find it quite so pleasant as Almack's. I havevery little time to add more, as the post goes to Bombay to-day, but towish you all at home a very happy new year, and love to all relationsand friends, as you may not hear from me again for some time. I willendeavour to pick up as many curiosities and things of that descriptionas possible for you, if I do not get knocked on the head. I keep ajournal, and will write by every opportunity. Your next letter to me mayfind me in Cabool. Once more, good bye. 

 Ever your affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER IV. 

 Camp, near Jarruk, on the banks of the Indus, Twenty miles from Hydrabad, January, 31st, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --I had fully intended this letter for Kitty, but such adreadful event happened in our regiment yesterday, that I was afraid, ifshe was at all unwell when she received the letter, connecting it, asshe would, with me, it might throw her into some dreadful fever, orsomething of that sort. I have very little time to write, as the postleaves this, by steamer, at three o'clock to-day; and I have a greatdeal to do during the day. I think it my duty, however, to write, as thereport of the circumstance might get into the papers without mentioningnames, or giving wrong ones, and you might be needlessly alarmed. 

To strike at once _in medias res_, this event is no less than thehorrible death of three of our officers in a burning shikargur, or largethicket, enclosed by the Ameers for the preservation of game. The namesof the poor, unfortunate fellows are Sparky (whom, by-the-bye, youmight have seen at Chatham, ) Nixon, and Hibbert. The two first, Lieut. Sparke, in the Grenadiers, and Nixon, in the Light Company. Hibbert wasassistant-surgeon. They were three of the finest hearted fellows: Nixon, a long time one of my fellow subs in the Light Company. (I can hardlywrite, my hand shakes so. ) Poor Hibbert was an exceedingly cleverfellow, and a great traveller, and one of the most beautiful draughtsmenyou could meet with any where. They are all three a terrible loss to ourcorps. I will tell you the mournful tale as it happened. We arrived hereon the 25th. I breakfasted on Tuesday with them at mess, which was thelast time I ever saw them alive: they were in exceedingly high spirits. The success of an enterprise the day before appears to have determinedthem to go upon another expedition on this day, which at first sight didnot appear half so hazardous as it unfortunately proved to be; this wasno less than going into a shikargur (of which I have explained themeaning above) about four or five miles in the rear of our camp, andwhich was supposed to be well stocked with game. It happened that thisjungle had been set on fire about two days previously, most likely bysome of our camel drivers, or other native followers: some said it wasdone by the Beloochees; but this I think very unlikely, as it is dead toleeward of our camp. Well, they did not appear in the evening, and webegan to be rather alarmed on their account: however, we thought theywould turn up by some chance or other. Next morning (yesterday), whenthe regiment fell in, an hour before daylight, which the whole camp doeshere every morning, as we are supposed to have a hostile force not veryfar from us, they were reported absent. Breakfast came; no tidings ofthem: ten; eleven o'clock; and they began to be the talk of the wholecamp. However, we speculated that the worst that could have happened tothem was being taken prisoners by a party of Beloochees, and kept ashostages, or something of that sort. At twelve, General Willshire becameso alarmed and anxious about them that he sent out a troop of the 1stLight Cavalry to scour the jungles, and discover what they could ofthem; another officer sent out a party of six natives, with the promiseof a reward of two hundred rupees if they could find any tidings ofthem. Well; the day went on; and at mess, at six o'clock, nothing hadbeen heard relative to their fate, except that a little dog belonging topoor Nixon returned to camp about four o'clock. About eight o'clock Iwas in Dickinson's tent, smoking a cheroot, &c. , previous to turning in, when one of our servants rushed in with the dreadful intelligence thatthe bodies had been found in the jungle by the Light Cavalry. It struckus at first so unexpectedly, and as being a thing so dreadful, that wewould hardly believe it; however, all doubt was soon changed intohorrible reality by the arrival of the bodies within our lines. I wasdetermined not to see them; but there was a horrible fascination whichdrew one along with the rest to the hospital tent, where they werelying. 

 * * * * *

Twelve o'clock. --Well; I am just returned from seeing the last honourspaid to their remains; it is a melancholy business a military funeral;every officer in camp attended; and, after all, they have had thesatisfaction of a Christian burial, which may not be our luck in a shorttime. I do not know why, but this sad event has made me an old womanalmost! They lie side by side on a hill just in the rear of our camp;"no useless coffin enclosed their corse;" but there they lie together, wrapped in their cloaks. Peace to their manes! We intend erecting amonument to them, if possible. I learned that some of the staff had beento the jungle to investigate it thoroughly to-day, and from variouscircumstances, have come to the conclusion that they had climbed up somehigh trees, which surrounded the place where they fell, in order toshoot the game as they came out, and that before they had time to maketheir escape, a breeze came, which brought the smoke, and which mostlikely stifled, or at least rendered them senseless. Let us hope thatthis was the case, as I should think that so their death would not havebeen very painful: the position in which their bodies were lying whenfound seems to warrant this supposition. A porcupine was found close totheir trees, burnt to a cinder. It blew very hard last night, and Ipassed an almost sleepless night in thinking of these poor fellows. Itgives a man an awful shake in going through life, seeing the veryfellows you have lived with for the last two years, in whose proceedingsyou have borne a part, brought suddenly before you in such a state: aman in these situations thinks more in two hours than he does in thewhole course of his natural life under ordinary circumstances. It proveswhat helpless beings we are; how little we can control our own actions:truly, "in the midst of life we are in death. "

I wrote to you on the new year's day everything that had happened up tothat time; the letter was to have gone by the overland mail of the 19th. I hope you will receive it safe, as I should be sorry you should loseanything from me now, as it may be the last you may ever have, soprecarious are the chances of a soldier's life on actual service. Shortly after writing to you, I got ill again, and it ended in a slightfever, which cleared me out altogether, since which I have been inperfectly good health, thank God. I came off the sick list on the 22ndJanuary, the day before we marched from Tatta. I will give you myjournal from that time to the sad event which has just happened. 

_Wednesday, Jan. _ 23, 1839. --On this day, at 6 A. M. , the corps d'armé ofSinde marched out of the encampment near Tatta _en route_ for Hydrabad, the Cutch Auxiliary Horse in advance, detaching flankers, &c. , then themain body in the following order:--The 4th Light Dragoons in front;next, one squadron of horse artillery, followed by two squadrons of the1st regiment of Bombay Light Cavalry, one company of foot artillery, then the first brigade of infantry, under General Willshire, consistingof the Queen's Royals, 5th and 1st, or Grenadier regiment, NativeInfantry, a second squadron of horse artillery, a second company of footartillery; the 2nd infantry brigade, consisting of H. M. 17th regiment, the 19th and 23rd regiments Native Infantry; the whole closed by twoother squadrons of 1st Light Cavalry. We (i. E. , the 1st brigade) leftour ground a quarter before six, and halted on a rising ground close tothe walls of Tatta, whence we had a very fair view of the cavalry, artillery, &c. , that were in the advance of us, winding their waythrough a pretty avenue of trees: the whole presented a very animatedand martial appearance, the different corps marching off with coloursuncased, band playing, &c. Cunningham's, or the Poonah Auxiliary Horse, having only arrived the night before, did not join the main body, butcame up somewhat later in the day, I believe. The march of the main bodythis day was not more than ten miles; but our brigade was posted twomiles in advance of the rest of the force, and the Queen's were nearly amile in advance of the other two regiments of the brigade; so that wemarched about thirteen miles. We encamped in a rather pretty valleysurrounded by barren rocks, with our right resting on a shikargur (orhunting thicket); we had a fine pebbly bottom, which was a great reliefto our feet after the hot dust of Tatta. My baggage did not make itsappearance till about five o'clock, my unfortunate young camel havingproved restive, and flung its load two or three times, therebyconsiderably damaging my cot and table: mess at six, --nothingparticular. 

_Thursday, Jan_. 24. --In consequence of our being so much in advance, our "rouse" did not sound till six o'clock this morning, and we did notmarch off our ground till seven. After we had marched about two miles;we halted and piled arms, to enable the cavalry, &c. , in our rear topass on, and thus we had a very good review of them: they marched in thesame order as yesterday, except that in addition, and near to the lightcavalry, came Cunningham's horse from Poonah: this was the first time wehad seen them; they made a very splendid appearance, about 600 strong, and well equipped in every respect; their dress and accoutrements thesame as the Cutch Horse, (of which I gave you a description in my last, )with the difference of wearing yellow and red instead of green and red. We had a very pleasant march this day, except the latter part, which wasexceedingly dusty; some very pretty and romantic scenery, consisting ofruined forts, abrupt hills, large rocks, interspersed with somebeautiful lakes here and there. We reached our encamping ground ratherlate--half-past eleven o'clock--lost my breakfast, owing to my nativegroom, who carried some stock for me, and to whom I had given directionsto wait by the regiment till they had piled arms and were dismissed, having disobeyed my orders, and cut off with my tatter to the river, about three miles off: gave chase directly the parade was dismissed, andwalked through a shikargur to the river, but could not find the rascal. I had, however, a good view of the Indus, which does not here appear tobe very broad: a cruel hot day; and, in addition to my othermisfortunes, was nearly stifled by the clouds of dust raised by cavalryof every description leading their horses to water. On my return to campI luckily found my baggage arrived, and had a good snoose till sixo'clock, mess time; heard at mess that the Ameers had agreed to all ourterms, and would do everything to assist our passage through theircountry; that we were to march straight to Shikarpoor, without haltingat Hydrabad; after remaining at which place for some time, we shouldadvance upon Candahar, --all fudge. Our position this halt was about thecentre of the army, --bad encamping ground, --very dusty. 

_Friday, 25th_. --Left our encampment at six, in the same order asbefore; our out-lying picket, under Stisted, joined us near our firsthalt, about three miles. Warlike news, --the Ameers had rejected ourtreaty, and that a force of 10, 000 Beloochees had crossed the river; andwould probably give us some trouble. Stisted had received orders to keepa very sharp look-out with his picket, as there was a chance of itsbeing attacked: Jephson joined, with news from Sir J. Keane, that therewas every chance of our being attacked on the line of march; however, wewere not, although we passed over some very pretty ground for a battle. Marched into our encamping ground about half-past ten, near ahalf-ruined village called Jarruk, on the banks of the river; the armyhere took up a rather strong position, on a chain of heights; ourbrigade being, however, pushed on again in advance, on some low andjungly ground near the river; the Queen's again on the extreme front. News still warlike; the Beloochees, under Meer Mahomet, one of theAmeers, and the most restive of them, being supposed to be near us ingreat force, though nobody seemed to know where. All the oot-wallas, orcamel-drivers, put under charge of sentries, as there was reason tosuspect they meditated deserting in the night with our camels. Badencamping ground again, --a dusty, half-cultivated field. 

_Saturday, 26th_. --Turned out of bed between two and three, A. M. , withorders to fall in, at a moment's notice, in "light marching order, " asan attack was strongly expected. Spies had reported that 10, 000Beloochees were in a shikargur not seven miles from us, and that theyintended a night attack; everybody in the highest state of excitement, pistols loading, &c. Fell in an hour before daylight; cavalry sent outin all directions; staff and field-officers galloping about like madfellows; remained under arms till day had fully broke, when we weredismissed, but commanded not to stray far from camp: great excitementall day; Cunningham's horse sent out to reconnoitre; returned late atnight, reporting that they had patrolled sixteen miles in advance, hadclosely examined the shikargur in question, and could find no traces ofthe Beloochees, --a strong suspicion, however, remained that there wereBeloochees in our neighbourhood. 

_Sunday, 27th_. --Under arms an hour before daylight; no further news;camp quiet. As I was to be on out-lying picket this evening, rode outafter breakfast to look at my ground, which appeared rather strong, intersected with ravines, brushwood; &c. , and a good place to holdagainst cavalry. Mounted picket at five o'clock, P. M. , fifty-seven rankand file, two serjeants, four corporals, and one bugler, a chain of ninedouble sentries, the right resting on the river and the Hydrabad road, and the chain running along a dry nullah, till it communicated with thesentries of the 5th regiment's picket; a corporal's party of three mendetached in advance to an old ruin on the left front; a picket ofcavalry about two miles in advance, with videttes on some high ground. Abeautiful moonlight night, and not very cold till about one o'clock inthe morning; lay on the ground and thought of what was going on atBrookhill and fancy ball at Torquay; visited my sentries continually;the men in high spirits, and very much on the alert; nothingextraordinary occurred. 

LETTER V. 

 Camp Kotree, four miles from Hydrabad, February 6th, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --I wrote to you a few days ago from Jarruk, informingyou of the melancholy fate of three of my brother officers; but havingreceived your letter since, dated Nov. 20th, containing the bill for 670rupees (or 70l. ), and informing me of the news of Kate's intendedmarriage, I could not let slip an opportunity which has just occurred, by our having got possession of Curachee, of writing to Kitty, and also, at the same time, of informing you of what has occurred since. You willreceive this at the same time as you do the other, since it will arriveat Bombay in time to go by the same overland mail. 

I wrote to you on the 31st; and on Sunday, the 3rd of February, wemarched out of Jarruk for this place; we made a two days' march of it, both very disgusting; horrible, or rather no roads at all; nothing butdust and sand under our feet, which the wind blew into our eyes everyminute; add to which, small halts every five minutes, on account of theartillery in our front, who could not get on through the badness of theway: this perpetual halting is the most wearisome thing possible to asoldier when once fairly under weigh. Well; we arrived here on the daybefore yes-day; our front is now completely changed, being towards theriver, and not turned from it, or with our right resting on it, as ithas been before; our brigade is on the extreme right. Of course, youknow that we are on the western bank, and that Hydrabad is on theeastern, and therefore the opposite one. Since we have been here, wehave a little relaxed in our discipline, being no longer under armsbefore daylight; but reports are still very various as to whether we areto have peace or war with the Ameers, and whether we shall eventuallyhave to sack Hydrabad or not. A deputation from thence came overyesterday to Sir J. Keane. It appears that the Ameers will agree to ourtreaty, but demur about the money which that treaty obliges them to pay. As far as I can learn, though I do not advise you to put much relianceon it, as I may very likely be wrong, this seems to be the case. Itappears that the Ameers have long owed our ally, whom we are going toplace on the throne of Cabool, Shah Shooja, twenty lacs of rupees; thaton our declaring war they agreed to pay this sum, with Shah Shooja'sconsent, to our government to meet the expenses of the war, and to giveus a passage through their country to Shikarpoor. However, from ourfirst landing in their country they have played a most underhand game, and endeavoured to throw every indirect obstacle in our way, behavingfriendly to our faces, but behind our backs giving very differentdirections to their satellites: this was found out by means ofintercepted letters, particularly at our last halt at Jarruk. Theconduct of our party may not be considered of quite the fairest nature, as we are establishing posts in their country by way of communication, and reserves at three or four different places. This was, no doubt, partof the original plan that sent us here, as these posts are to bestrongly fortified, consisting, it is supposed, of Shikarpoor, Schwun, Tatta, and Curachee, and are to be the posts of defence on ournorth-west frontiers against any incursions from our northernneighbours, particularly Russia. The Ameers are particularly indignantat this, as I am told it did not form part of the original treaty, andthey see in it, no doubt with justice, a prelude to our final possessionof their country. Pottinger, the political agent, had collected, beforehe left Hydrabad, grain for the army to the value of three lacs ofrupees; this, it is now found out, has either been taken away ordestroyed, and Sir J. Keane immediately added it to the other twentylacs contained in the treaty. The Ameers say they will pay half thewhole sum demanded here, and the remaining half on our arrival atShikarpoor. This Sir J. Keane has refused, and told them he will notleave this or Hydrabad till he gets every fraction. 

We yesterday received news which must, I should think, have an effect onthe Ameers one way or the other. The admiral on this station, Sir F. Maitland, brought up in his 74 (I think the Wellesley) H. M. 40thregiment, from Mandivie, in Cutch, to Curachee, a fort on thewesternmost branch of the Indus. On approaching the fort, the Beloocheeswho garrisoned it, taking it for a common free-trader, had the foolishpresumption to fire into her; the admiral wore his vessel round, justgave one broadside, down came their fort in one second about theirears, --you may guess how it astonished them: they sent word to say thatthe English fire a lac of shot in one second. They say the Ameers wereone year in taking this place, which cost the English one second. Ithink myself that we shall not have any fighting here, and that Hydrabadwill still remain in the hands of the Ameers. 

The report to-day is, that we cross the river to-morrow; if so, Isuppose with hostile intentions, or at least for intimidation; but thisI hardly believe. Sir J. Keane, they say, refused to receive thedeputation from the Ameers yesterday. Should the thing be settledpeaceably, we shall immediately march for Shikarpoor, and thence mostlikely on Candahar, a new climate. It has been getting gradually hotterhere; and in the hot season Sinde is dreadful. At Shikarpoor we meet apart, if not the whole, of the Bengal force, and Shah Shooja, with hisand Runjet Sing's contingent, is also there. Runjet himself is very ill:part of the agreement between him and us was, that we should preservethe throne to his son on his demise. He was excessively civil to LordAuckland, and all the English who have been at Lahore. Sir H. Fane, theysay, still proceeds with the Bengal army. The drummer is here waitingfor my letter, as it is very late for the post, so, in haste, good bye. Love, &c. , and believe me ever, Your most affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

P. S. Jephson is post-master to the force. 

LETTER VI. 

 Camp, near Larkhanu, Wednesday, 6th March, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --I last wrote to you from Kotree, opposite Hydrabad. Weare now, as you will see by the date, at Larkhanu, a pretty considerabledistance from the former place. I see, by my journal, that it was the6th of February when I last wrote, exactly one month ago. We were then, I believe, rather ignorant of what the Ameers intended; but the fate ofCurachee, of which I gave you an account; brought them to their senses, and the day after I wrote things were settled, and officers hadpermission to visit Hydrabad, merely reporting their names to theirrespective majors of brigade before they did so. In consequence of whichI went over to that place on the 9th, with Dickenson and Piercy; butthere was not much to repay us for our ride, under a cruelly hot sun, asthe fort, the only place worth seeing, was shut up, and no one could geta view of the inside except a few of the staff. It did not appear to bevery strong, although it had a pretty appearance. I think the Ameersacted very wisely, as it could easily be taken by escalade. The rest ofthe town consisted of a great straggling bazaar, just the same as is tobe seen everywhere in India; and it did not appear a bit better thanthat at Belgaum. There were some fine elephants belonging to the Ameers, and some pretty ruins on the outskirts of the town. The Beloochees hadall left, and were nowhere to be seen. 

Sunday, the 10th, we marched off our ground at Kotree, and reachedLukkee on Saturday, the 16th, after a six days' march, most of themfifteen miles. Here we halted four days to allow the pioneers, &c. , tomake a road over the Lukkee Pass for the artillery. We found here someexcellent sulphur springs and baths, about a mile from our encampment, among the Lukkee hills, which, if they could be transported toDartmouth, would make a second Bath of it. The whole of our force werebidetizing here all day long. Being so directly under the hills, wefound it rather warmer than we liked. There were some large lakes here, full of wild duck, and capital partridge-shooting, and we were crackingaway all the time. On the march to this place I had the misfortune tolose a very nice little bull-terrier bitch, about a year old, which Ihad from a pup, at Belgaum, and which had followed my fortunes so far. It was all her own fault, as she broke from my tent one night, andthough I used every endeavour I could hear nothing more of her. 

The 21st we marched over the Pass to Schwun, the largest place in Sindenext to Tatta. The Pass was not half so bad as we expected, so we filedover it very easily. On our arrival at Schwun we heard that Sir H. Fanehad just passed down the river, with his staff, _en route_ for Bombay, and was laying at anchor about five miles down the river, where Sir J. Keane went to meet him; so that here ended my last chance of meetingCol. Fane, and giving him Arthur's letter. Sir H. Fane will remain atBombay, which is to be the head quarters of the Indian army while thisbusiness lasts. We only halted one day at Schwun; I rode in to look atthe town, which was nearly desolate, as the inhabitants of every placeinvariably remove with their families on our arrival. There was, however, a fine old castle in ruins, which was well worth seeing, andmust have been a place of some importance in former days; and a verysuperb mosque in the centre of the town, in which was a tame tiger. Weleft Schwun on Saturday, the 23rd, crossing the Arrul river, which flowsround the town into the Indus, on pontoons, and commenced our firstmarch in Upper Sinde. This day's march was delightful, and the onlytolerable one we have had, all the rest being through a dismal, dustydesert, with sometimes no path at all, and the dust generally so thickin marching that you cannot see an inch before you. This was, however, a grand exception. We marched by the side of a magnificent lake, full ofwild fowl, the banks of which were carpeted with rich wild clover, andover-shadowed with fine trees, the only ones of any size that we haveyet seen in Sinde; so that you might almost fancy you were going througha nobleman's park in England (Kitly, par example. ) In fact, this placeput me more in mind of Old England than, any I have seen in the East. From Schwun we marched direct to this place, which we reached on the4th, the day before yesterday, without halting once: most of the marchesfifteen miles, and all terrible teasers, on account of the badness ofthe roads, and the stupidity or wilful ignorance of our guides. One ofour marches was to have been a short one of ten miles; but for someunaccountable reasons our route and encamping ground were changed threetimes. We lost our way in the jungle, and marched fifteen, instead often, miles before we found ourselves in our proper places; on arrival atwhich we found that half the officers' and men's baggage was gone on toour next encamping ground, fifteen miles further, which, owing to thevariety of places named in orders, our servants supposed to be the rightone. My baggage was one of the unlucky; but my servant came back with mythings about five o'clock in the evening; so that my poor camels musthave gone nearly forty miles that day, with a prospect of anotherfifteen the next morning at five. General Willshire, and, I hear, SirJ. Keane also, were among the sufferers. Our poor sick were all lost inthe jungles for this day, and we saw nothing of half of them till wearrived on our next encamping ground. Some of them were upwards oftwenty-four hours without getting anything to eat, or attendance of anysort. Well, we marched to this place on the day before yesterday, afterten days' regular hard work. A great number in hospital; though they arecoming out again now pretty fast. 

It is believed we shall halt here about a week; but what we shall dothen nobody seems to know. The greater part of the force will, it isbelieved, follow the Bengalees to Candahar, who marched from Shikarpoorfor that purpose, under Sir Willoughby Cotton, on the 22nd, but havesince been detained, owing to the impracticability of the country. Oneregiment of our brigade (the Grenadier regiment, Native Infantry) isunder orders for Bukkur, an island fort on the Indus, about twenty-fivemiles from Shikarpoor, which (i. E. , Bukkur) is to be our depôt forstores, &c. , and where all the present unfits, in the shape of sick men, are to be sent. No doubt some other troops will be left in Upper Sinde, at different places, and I have some fears that the "Queen's" may beamong the number. Heaven defend us from being quartered in any part ofthis wretched country, particularly from Shikarpoor, which is said to beone of the hottest places in existence. In fact, the Persians say, "While there is a Shikarpoor, there ought to be no Johannum, " or hell. What a pity it would be to lose such a capital chance of seeingCandahar, and perhaps Cabool, which is said to be a splendid place and adelightful climate. The Bolan Pass, a most magnificent and difficultone, the key to Afghanistan from Sinde, is said to be now totallyimpassable, from the number of dead cattle, horses, and camels, whichShah Shooja's force lost there. This I believe, however, to be merereport. We heard, the other day, that Dost Mahomed had occupied it, andthat we should have to take it at the point of the bayonet. So much doreports vary, one knows not what to believe. This pass, said to bethirty miles long, and at some places almost impassable, runs throughand over the large chain of mountains that separates the mountainouscountry of Candahar and Cabool, or, as it is generally called, Afghanistan, from the lowland of Sinde; it is not easy to cross it, atleast before April, as till then the snows are not melted. 

I hope and trust my next letter will be dated from Candahar, which is, however, a good six weeks' march from this place. We have found theweather dreadfully hot for the last few days, averaging generally 106 inour tents in the day time, though the nights are cool, and the morningsgenerally very cold. I have not yet been in Larkhanu, though we marchedthrough a part of it on our arrival. Our men have been now for threedays without any dram at all, and their rations are getting worse andworse every day; in fact, things are so bad that they have been obligedto send to Shikarpoor for part of what was left there by the Bengalcommissariat, which is said to be excellent, and which has fed theirarmy very well, although they have come a much greater distance than wehave. 

I spoke to our paymaster about my bill, and he has shewn it to thepaymaster-general, who says he will cash it whenever I like, but that Imust take it in a lump; he will not give it me by instalments. This is agreat nuisance, as it is very hazardous taking so much money about withone; the money, too, takes up a great deal of room and is very heavy; itwas, however, quite a god-send, as I had no idea how very expensive thismarch would turn out; grain for cattle being exceedingly dear, thenatives raising the price to about 500 per cent. Everywhere, thanks tobad management somewhere. At Tatta each officer received a month's payin advance, that he might purchase cattle for his baggage. This is to bededucted by three instalments, one from each of the next three issues ofpay. An ensign's pay for one month will hardly purchase sufficientconveyances. The only mode in this country is by camels, and a camel isof all animals the most treacherous, or rather precarious lived; theyget ill suddenly and go off in three hours: a great number have diedwith us. Now an officer losing his camels loses one month's pay, andmust leave his kit on the ground, as he has nothing wherewith to replacehis loss. You can, therefore, imagine what a great relief your billproved to me, as I shall always have it to fall back upon. I bought avery nice little Cabool horse at Kotree, from one of the Ameers'disbanded Beloochees. He is very hardy, and accustomed to this country, and not particular as to his food, which is a capital thing, as most ofthe Arab horses that have been brought from India have fallen offterribly. He is a very pretty figure, goes well, and leaps capitally, which few of the Arabs can. I gave 170 rupees for him, or 17l. In India, I am confident he would fetch 500 or 600 rupees (50l. Or 60l. )

I am very doubtful as to the time when this letter may reach you; I hopeit may catch the overland mail on the 25th; but Jephson says it is verydoubtful, and will depend entirely on the chance of there being a shipat Curachee, or off the Hujamree. The heat now, while I am writing, isdreadful, and there is a beastly hot wind blowing which I never feltbefore. Heaven send us soon out of Sinde! We are expecting the overlandmail from England every day; it generally manages to come two days afterI write home. You will by this time have received the letter I wrotefrom the Syden, and the one I wrote to Kate about the 13th of Decemberfrom Bominacote. Reports vary much as to whether we shall have anyfighting if we advance into Candahar. I should think Dost Mahomed wouldlike to try a brush with us, at least with Shah Shooja. 

With love to all at home, Believe me your affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER VII. 

 Camp, Candahar, June 8th, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --I begin this letter to you on the 8th of June, 1839, though when it will reach you, or whether it ever will, is verydoubtful. I have not written, I see, since the beginning of March, fromLarkhanu; there was, however, very little use in so doing, as there wasvery little chance of your ever getting it, our friends the Beloochees, Kaukers, &c. , having made free with nearly every mail, and destroyedthem. I am very much afraid that I also have been a sufferer by them, and that you must have written to me long ere this, but that our friendsof the Bolan Pass have made use of the letter to wrap their cabobs in. Ihave not heard from you or from home at all since the 2nd of February, when I got your letter, dated November 20th, enclosing the bill ongovernment, and informing me of Kate's intended marriage. I have, however, long since this heard of my lieutenancy, and seen my name inthe "Gazette, " but have not yet received the confirmation of it from SirH. Fane in this country, so that I have been fighting my way, and amlikely to continue so, on the rank and pay of a full ensign; however, there will be so much the more back pay to receive when it does come; itis a great nuisance, however, not having it, as I require it so much inthis country. You can form no conception of the hopeless expense whichwe have inevitably been obliged to incur. We have had a tolerable shareof hardships, &c. , and the poor marching soldiers have sufferedterribly. What do you think of our having made a forced march of thirtyto forty miles, for six hours of it under the hottest sun I canrecollect, and I have felt a few of them in India? Since we leftLarkhanu we have met with little but a series of robberies, murders, alarms, and skirmishes; in short, everything but an actual stand-upfight, which we were all anxious for, as it would settle matters atonce, and free us from the predatory attacks and cold-blooded murders ofthese barbarous tribes. 

To begin from where I left off: we marched from Larkhanu on the 11thMarch, and reached Dadur, about four miles from the entrance to theBolan Pass, the nest of the robber hordes of Kaukers, Tuckers, andBeloochees, on the 6th of April, having halted several times atintermediate places, and made some terrible marches, fifteen miles beingthe average distance. We often lost our way, and marched thereby agreat deal further than was necessary, through bad guidance. I must tellyou, however, that before leaving Larkhanu, Sir J. Keane assumed thecommand of the whole army, both Bengal and Bombay, by which GeneralWillshire got command of the Bombay division. The two Bombay brigadeswere broken up, the Grenadiers and 5th regiment of Native Infantry weresent to garrison Bukkur, a tolerably strong fort on the Indus, and the23rd Native Infantry was sent to Lukkur, a town on the opposite side. There also the different regiments that were to go on sent their sick, and Bukkur was made a depot for supplies, medical stores, &c. Thegreater part of the foot and some of the horse artillery were sent therealso. Our regiment and the 17th were then made into one brigade, andmarched from Larkhanu, as I said before, on the 11th. The cavalry andhorse artillery, &c. , did not march for two days after, with theCommander-in-chief, who took with him his pet corps; the 19th NativeInfantry. They marched by a different route from ourselves on account ofthe scarcity of supplies in that desert country; we halted for them atKochee, which place we reached on the 15th about 3 P. M. , after thethirty to forty miles' march I before told you of, across the marshydesert which seems to divide Sinde from Cutch Gundava. This march oughtonly to have been twenty-six miles; but owing to the stupidity of ourguide we went a longer and more circuitous route, and also had thepleasure of losing our way during the night; in addition to which, onarriving at the village where it was intended to halt, our staff foundout, all of a sudden, that there was not a sufficiency of water for thewhole force, in consequence of which we were moved to another village(Kichee) five miles further on. 

It was during this march that I first witnessed the effects of extremethirst on men, however well disciplined. It was, as I have said before, the hottest day I ever felt; not a breath of air, and the sun enough toknock you down. The men were suffering dreadfully, and falling out bysections, when about eleven or twelve o'clock they caught sight of somewater carriers with their mussacks full, so that they knew water couldnot be far off. All discipline was pitched to the devil in an instant, and the men rushed from the ranks for the water more like mad devilsthan anything else--nothing could stop them; the mounted officersgalloped in amongst them, and threatened, but to no purpose; nothingshort of cutting them down would have stopped any of them. In the midstof this, General Willshire, at the head of the brigade, hearing a rowand looking round, saw the greater part of the 17th (they being in fronton this day) scampering across the country like a pack of hounds; notknowing what was the matter, he galloped up to the colonel and demandedan explanation, when, seeing what was the cause, he made the best of it, called a halt, and every one immediately rushed to the wells, thescenes at which were most ridiculous, fighting, pushing, knocking down&c. I saw one man actually lie down and wallow in a filthy ditch full ofevery description of dirt imaginable. We halted here about two hours, and then marched to our ground, about six or seven miles further on, themen performing this latter part of the march with great cheerfulness. Wehalted here two days to rest the men, and were joined by the rest of theBombay force, with the Commander-in-chief. 

We marched again on the 18th, another night march about twenty miles. Here we made another halt for three days, while some of the staff wenton to get information of the country a-head, about which they wereignorant. All the villages we had passed through were deserted, and insome places the water was stinking. We looked back upon Sinde as aparadise compared to the country we were now in. All the little grainthat was supplied to the bazaars by the commissariat was sold at themost exorbitant price, yet we were obliged to buy it, and as much as wecould get of it too, and lucky we thought ourselves to get any of it, even at this rate, at times, in order to feed our horses and camels, which were beginning to knock up terribly. We could not now, as we usedto do in Sinde, send the latter into the jungle to feed on the smallbrushwood, of which they were so fond, except at the risk of beingrobbed of them, and having the servants who looked after them murderedby the bands of Beloochees who hovered about us in every direction. Still, notwithstanding these annoyances, the humbugging system ofconciliation was kept up, and although there was not an inhabitant to beseen, we were robbed to our faces very nearly; yet if a poor sub. 'shorse or camel happened to break his ropes and strayed into a field hewas immediately pounced upon by a provost-marshal and put into a sort ofpound, from which he was not released except on the payment of a certainsum to be given to the owners of the field! Where were they to be found?The loss of camels now was irreparable; even if there were any to besold, the prices asked were so exorbitant that few of us youngsters, hampered as we were, could afford to purchase; loss of camels producedloss of kit, loss of kit produced loss of health, &c. Yet during thewhole of this march we were losing camels through robberies and fatigue, and no measures taken that we ever heard of to put a stop to it. Wemarched from this place on the 22nd, and came to a halt again at a placecalled Kotrie, close under the Hala mountains, about five miles from theGundava Pass. Here we (i. E. , our brigade and the 4th Light Dragoons)halted for a week. Sir J. Keane pushed on a-head with two troops ofLight Cavalry and the left wing of the 19th Native Infantry, in order tocatch up Sir Willoughby Cotton, who was marching in command of the mainbody of the Bengal division. General Willshire, with the staff, artillery, and cavalry, was at Gundava, about eight miles from us. Atthis place, Kotrie, which the inhabitants luckily had not deserted, wewere better off in point of supplies than we had been since we leftLarkhanu, and there was plenty of shooting and fishing; but it waswithout exception the hottest place I ever was in. Being close under ahigh range of mountains, we were perfectly screened from any coolbreezes that might take it into their heads to blow from that quarter;add to this, the hills themselves, being composed of granite, or somestone of that description, attracted the sun, and reflected the heatback again on us, so that we were attacked from two sides at once. Bythis time we had no stronger liquor with us than tea, so that we wereperfectly eligible to become members of the Tea-total TemperanceSociety; our supplies in the liquor line, which we had sent on fromHydrabad to Larkhanu by water, not having reached the latter place intime for us to get them. In this respect the men were better off thanourselves, they having their dram or two every day. Here the robbersbegan to be more bold, and we did not lose sight of them until wereached Candahar. Five mails (one of them an "overland, " bringing, perhaps, letters from you or some one at home) out of six were robbedbetween this and Shikarpoor; and news was received from Sir J. Keane inadvance that at the entrance of the Bolan Pass several bodies of sepoysof Shah Shooja's army were lying, there having been a grand skrimmagethere between the sepoys and Beloochees, in which the former, beingcaught napping, were worsted. We stayed at this place, as I said before, a week, and started again on the 31st. 

On the morning of the 2nd of April, during a severe march of twenty-twomiles, one of our men, a straggler, who had fallen to the rear withdysentery, was murdered by these robbers, and another man of the 17thcruelly wounded, but he has since recovered. They were sitting togetherby the side of the road, when of a sudden a party of Beloochees rushedout from some low bushes, and, before either had time to rise, firedinto them. Adams, of the Queen's, received a ball on the outside of hisright thigh, passing down, and coming out at his knee on the other side, and cutting some particular vein or artery, which occasioned his deaththrough loss of blood. The 17th man was hit on the right side, the ballcoasting round his body, and coming out at the other side, withouttouching his tripes or any vital part. Adams had not his firelock withhim, but the 17th man had his, but unloaded, and, in his struggles tokeep possession of it, received some desperate sabre cuts; but he hassince recovered. Of course he was soon overpowered, as Adams could giveno assistance. The Beloochees then stripped them of everything, excepttheir shirt and trowsers, and left them to their fate, till another manof the 17th came up, in charge of some of his company's camels, whobrought in the news to camp; but the apothecary who went out was toolate to save poor Adams. It was gratifying to know that Cunningham, with a party of his horse, having received intelligence that a party ofthese blackguards were encamped in a jungle, beat through it, andfollowed their tracks for fourteen miles, when he came upon them, andkilled six and took four prisoners; Cunningham having outstripped hisparty, killed two men himself and took another prisoner. These rascalswere brought into camp, and strictly guarded, or I believe they wouldhave been torn to pieces by the European soldiers. One of them was swornto by the wounded 17th man as being one of the murderers, and we wereall in great hopes of seeing the blackguards dancing the tight rope;but, instead of that, they were all brought on (except one, who beingbadly wounded, died on the road) to Dadur, where they were given up toone of the political diplomatic gentlemen, who, it is said, actually letthem go with five rupees to carry them home. Fancy a Beloochee's _home!_This was carrying the conciliation principle far with a vengeance!

We started again at half-past twelve, on the night of the 3rd--anothernight-march of nineteen miles. Both the nights we were at this place wewere alarmed by a supposed attack of Beloochees; but they turned out tobe nothing more than a loose horse or two of the dragoons, for which oneof their camp-followers suffered, being taken for a Beloochee, whilerunning after one of the horses, and therefore cut down by a dragoon onsentry. The night we left this place was one of the most fearful I everremember; it had been threatening all the afternoon, and about eight thesimoom came on with dreadful violence, blowing for five minutes at atime, at intervals of twenty minutes or so, until we got under weigh, athalf-past twelve. The wind, hot and scorching, like a blast from afurnace, rushed over the country with the violence of a hurricane, bringing with it perfect clouds of dust and sand, so that it was totallyimpossible to face it, except at the risk of being actually blinded orstifled. The baggage was to have gone on before us at nine o'clock, asthe moon was expected to be up, but the clouds of dust, &c. , completelyhid her from us, and she did not shew her nose the whole night. Duringthe blasts it was the most perfect "darkness visible" that you canimagine, and at the intervals when it ceased, the sensation of theatmosphere was more like standing before a hot fire than anything else. I had read of these things before in novels, travels, &c; I now, for thefirst time, experienced the reality. Add to all these little annoyances, we were every moment expecting a rush of Beloochees; and if they had hadthe pluck of a hare, they might have considerably crippled ourproceedings, by rushing in and ham-stringing our camels. The darkness, the unavoidable confusion, the awkwardness of the camels themselves, allfavoured them, and I expected nothing less; if they had been Cossacksinstead, they would have played the very devil with us altogether. Atlength, at half-past eleven, the baggage got off, and now for the firsttime with a baggage guard, consisting of a troop, or company, from eachof the three regiments, together with all the irregular horse wepossessed, with strict orders that any Beloochees shewing themselves atall near the baggage were instantly to be cut down or bayoneted. Themain body followed in another hour, with a strong rear-guard, to pick upstragglers, &c. These precautions ought to have been taken before, andpoor Adams would have been saved. I know very little of this march, as Iremember I slept through the whole of it, until morning, on horseback, being terribly fatigued and worn out. The morning was delightfully cool, with a fresh bracing breeze from the north. You may well imagine how weenjoyed it, after the terrible relaxation of the night before. Wereached our ground about seven, at a place called Nonsherah. Here weheard some bloody-minded reports of the Beloochees, who had beenplundering the artillery and left wing of the 19th, which were here theday before. They seemed, however, to have made a pretty goodretaliation, and four Beloochees' heads were stuck upon the walls of thetown, in proof of the soldiers' vengeance. In consequence of there beinga good baggage-guard, the Beloochees made themselves tolerably scarceduring this march, although the ground was very favourable for them. However, they now and then took long shots from the nullahs, &c. , thatwere near the road, but without doing any damage. At last, a soldier, from the baggage-guard company of the 17th, having occasion to fall out, and going into a nullah for his purpose, unexpectedly found himselfcheek by jowl with thirty of these rascals. He was knocked down, butbellowing out most lustily, his section came up, and being joined byanother section of the Queen's, they shot about six of them dead, andput the rest to flight, having rescued the 17th man. The robbers at thisplace were _rather_ forward, and actually walked off with some camelsthat were out feeding close to the rear of our encampment, in the middleof the day. They were, however, all recovered very soon by theIrregulars, and those of the robbers who could not manage to escape, managed to get their heads broken by these surwars; and intelligencehaving been received that a whole gang, with their families, wereencamped near us, a party of fourteen, and one jemadar, of the 1st LightCavalry, were sent out, who coming unexpectedly upon them, the robbersadvanced to shew fight, when the jemadar gave the word to fire, and eachtrooper brought down his bird. The rest immediately took to their heels, and owing to the nature of the ground (it was among the hills) effectedtheir escape. The troopers returned to camp with the swords and shields, &c. , of the fallen. From this place we marched again the next morning, and a short and easy march brought us to Dadur. 

_June 27th_. --I have not been able to write much lately, as it wasliterally too hot to do so. We have had it from 115 to 120 in our tentsduring the day; for the last week, however, it has been getting cooler, and to-day is pleasant enough. I wished also to keep the letter open aslong as I could; but now, since we march on Sunday next, the 30th, Ihave not much time left, though I have a great deal more to say. Ireceived by the mail the confirmation of my lieutenancy, by Sir H. Fane, from Bombay. An "overland" arrived again here last night, but no lettersor anything for me. I see, by the English papers, that there was areport at home that we had lost 3000 men already--the greatest liepossible. If we had lost that, we should have lost more than half theBombay army. We have not lost more than we generally do in quarters, though the men have been, terribly knocked up, and well they may be, with the horrible marches they have made. I was very much amused by thedebates in Parliament, with regard to our "military promenade, " as someof the papers call it. I wish I could see some of their writers on anout-lying picket, with a prospect of a twenty miles' march, I ratherthink they would not talk so much of "promenading. " The Bengal army, with our cavalry, and most of the artillery, marched this morning forCabool. Shah Shooja goes to-morrow or next day, and we bring up therear, as I said before, on Sunday. However, we will talk of that anon, or I shall forget where I left off. On looking back, I find that I havebrought the force up as far as Dadur. Well; we halted there till the12th. The 17th, artillery and Irregular Horse, however, marched beforeus, on the 9th. While there, the rascally Beloochees and Kaukers kepthovering about us, and walked off with some camels and a horse or two. They generally, however, paid very dearly for them, as the cavalry thatwere sent after them on these occasions made a terrible example of them. 

While here we heard of a shocking murder at Curachee. A Captain Hand, ofthe 1st Bombay Grenadier Regiment, was taking his morning's ride, when, on turning a corner on the top of a hill, he unexpectedly found himselfin the midst of about thirty Beloochees. They talked to him verycivilly, and he allowed them to get round his horse, not suspectinganything, when one rascal behind him gave him a terrible wipe on theback of his head with his sword, which knocked him off his horse, andthe others rushed in, and cut him to pieces. A Lieut. Clarke, of thesame corps, happened to be riding this way, and seeing these Beloochees, asked them if they had seen a Latich pass that way, meaning Hand; towhich they replied by a volley from their matchlocks, a ball from one ofwhich struck Clarke on the leg, and he galloped for camp as fast as hecould, and fell off his horse exhausted before the quarter-guard of H. M. 40th regiment. A party was immediately sent out, and they found thebody of poor Hand horribly mutilated. A good number of these rascalshave been since taken, and, I suppose, hanged; unless the conciliationprinciple lets these rascals off also. They belong to different bands, under different robber-chiefs, among the hills. These robber Khans havestrongholds on the almost inaccessible mountains that run up the wholewest frontier of Sinde, and divide it from Beloochistan. All merchandizeand travellers passing through Sinde to the west of the Indus areobliged to pay a sort of black mail to these Khans to be allowed to passthrough; but so bad is their name for treachery, ferocity, &c. , thatfew, if any, of the traders between India and Central Asia go thisroute. They do not care a farthing for the Ameers, who also secretlyconnive at their proceedings, in order to draw recruits from them on anyemergency. 

Well; we got the steam up again on the 12th, and, together with the 4thLight Dragoons, and about sixty Irregulars, started for the celebratedBolan Pass, with a great quantity of commissariat stores from Bukkur, for the army in advance, under our charge. This celebrated Pass would bethe best line of communication between the countries of Central Asia andSinde; and as far as the Pass is concerned itself, it is quite guiltlessof the bad character it holds. It is merely the bed of a winter torrent, and is an easy ascent the whole way through; and during the greaterpart of the year quite passable for any description, of conveyance; butin consequence of the great number of robbers, from all parts ofBeloochistan and Sinde, who infest it, no one thinks of travelling thisroute, unless with a very strong escort. A great number, therefore, ofnative merchants, &c. , took advantage of the opportunities offered bythe passage of it by the different divisions of our army. We had with usa native horse-dealer, who had travelled the same way down the yearbefore, with horses for the Bombay market, and, as he considered, with asufficient escort; but they were suddenly attacked, his brother killed, and he only saved himself by the swiftness of his horse. These robbersare several degrees more savage than even their brother Beloochees inthe south of Sinde. There are two clans of them. The Kaukers andTuckers; of these, the Kaukers are by far the worst. They arerepresented as being regular barbarians, and are even said to becannibals, though perhaps that is a little too melodramatic. Theypossess few fire-arms, but roll down large pieces of rock in the narrowpasses, and rush out from the small recesses of the rocks, leading Godknows where, which abound in every part. They never spare any one, andcut and hack about the bodies of their victims in the most frightfulmanner. With all this they are the greatest cowards possible; a fewdetermined men would be a match for the greatest odds; but the very nameof Kauker seems to convey terror in it to a traveller. I saw the headof one of these rascals lying about at Dadur, and it was the mostfrightful face I ever beheld, more like a wild beast's than a humanbeing's. On entering the Pass, which we did as if expecting an enemy, with skirmishers, flanking parties, &c. , we were nearly stifled by thehorrible smell arising from the number of dead camels which were lyingon the ground, in every degree of putrefaction. We soon, however, cameto bodies of a different sort; for on the banks of a small rivulet, andin the water, most in the long reeds, some in the middle of the road, were about twenty or thirty dead Sepoys and followers. They were inevery kind of shape and contortion that could indicate a violent death. Some were in a tolerable state of preservation, but others, again, hadbeen sadly mauled; tripes torn out by jackals, and one or two wereperfect skeletons. We kept on coming also upon an arm or a leg, or anugly-looking skull; but the most disgusting sight was an arm and leg, protruding out of the centre of the stream, washed to the consistency ofa washer-woman's hand after a hard day's washing. If you can fancy allthis on a dark, sluggish-looking stream, surrounded by high and barrenrocks, you may, perhaps, guess what feelings of disgust it excited inus. However, before reaching Candahar we were pretty well accustomed tothese sights, and got rather callous on the subject, as there was a fairsprinkling of them to be met with all the way to that town. Well; wemade five marches through this delightful Pass, and debouched on a finewide plain on the 17th. Not a stick, not a particle of forage, exceptsome high rank grass, was to be got in all this time, and we had beenobliged to take on supplies for our camels and horses from Dadur; sothere was a new expense, and new carriage to be provided. The robbersdid not attempt any attack upon us at all (though, if they had had theslightest pluck, they might have crippled us pretty considerably) exceptin the last march, but then we fired on them first. My company was onbaggage-guard this day, which was sent on in advance of the column; andHalket, seeing some of the rascals on the hills, had a crack at themwith his double-barrel, which produced a reply of three shots from them;but a soldier of the company taking a beautiful aim at one of them, at adistance I am afraid to mention, and nearly knocking a fellow's headoff, the rest took to their heels, and we saw no more of them. OurGrenadiers, however, who were bringing up the rear, had a slightskrimmage with them, and killed five or six, without any of their shotstaking effect, although one man's firelock and another man's belt werecut in half by a bullet. They fired on the column which came onafterwards, and wounded one trooper of the Light Dragoons, and a fewnative followers, and killed three horses. Most of us lost a deal of kitin this Pass, owing to the camels' feet knocking up, from the sharpnessof the stones; and the very moment the column was off the ground therascals would be down and fighting for what was left behind. I was onrear-guard the second day's march, and the very moment we cleared theground it was most amusing to see the rascals popping out of the holesin the rocks in every direction. 

On the 18th, we reached Siriab, where we halted for one day. This was arather pretty valley, with some fruit gardens, but the fruit not ripe. Here I was taken unwell, and obliged to go on the sick-list; I had beenailing some time; the doctor, however, put me off the list again on the24th; but owing to the fatigue &c. I underwent on 25th, in going throughthe Ghwozhe Pass, I caught a violent fever, and the next day was laid onmy beam ends, and did not get round again till the middle of last month. In the Ghwozhe Pass our company was on baggage guard. We left our lastencamping ground at 3 A. M. On the 25th; we had only four miles to thePass, and the Pass was five more, when we reached our new ground, so itwas not more than nine miles altogether, yet it was 10 o'clock at nightbefore the rear-guard, bringing up the fag end of the baggage, came in. For nearly the whole of this day I was exposed to an infernally hot sun, and the stench arising from the dead cattle was really frightful. I wasalso literally twenty-six hours without getting a morsel to eat or adrop to drink, and but the day before on the sick-list. No wonder I waslaid up! This Ghwozhe Pass was a great deal worse than any part of theBolan. It was nothing but a succession of the most difficult ascentsand precipitous descents; the most trying kind of ground for the poorcamels, who fell down in great numbers, and in some parts the path laybetween two high rocks, and was only four feet wide; how the artillerygot over it I cannot imagine. A handful of determined men could, Ishould think, defend it against an army. We were on the _qui vive_ thewhole time, expecting an attack on the baggage, but we only lost a fewcamels. Here we caught up the 17th and artillery, which left Dadurbefore us. If our toils had been great, those of the 17th and artillerywere twice as much, as it took them two days and two nights to get theguns through, and they were obliged to bivouack in the Pass, and wereattacked once or twice by the Ghiljees; whom, however, one section or soeasily drove off. I must now tell you that on leaving the Bolan Pass theKaukers &c. Made their bows to us, but handed us at the same time overto the care of their intimate friends the Ghiljees. These are a kind ofhalf-civilized robbers, a large clan, and abound throughout the whole ofAfghanistan. Their chief is a friend of Dost Mahomed. They gave us alittle annoyance on the road, but whenever they did so they managed toget the worst of it. They murdered a few poor camp followers. At oneplace they fired on some grass-cutters belonging to the 4th LightDragoons, after coming among them and talking with them in a friendlymanner, as is their usual custom, in order to ascertain what might bethe chance of an attack. A troop of that corps was immediately sent out, with nearly all the officers. Some villagers who had been bringingthings to our camp joined the robbers, but the 4th played the d--l withthem, killing or wounding about forty, and only one horse belonging tothe 4th was wounded. Major Daly, who commands the corps, killed four menhimself with a simple bamboo hunting spear, used for killing boars. SirJ. Keane had fourteen of them shot that had been caught stealing camelsat Quittah, one march from Siriab, where we left our sick: a brigade ofthe Bengal army is quartered there. 

Well; in spite of Ghiljees, Kaukers, Passes, &c. , we reached Candahar onthe 4th of May, having only halted two days since we left Dadur, --prettygood work! We were very much disappointed in the country, which islittle better than a desert, and the weather cruelly hot. I remembervery little of what occurred after I was on the sick-list, except thaton arriving at our ground at one place, after a march of eighteen miles, we found that the natives had destroyed the well which was to havesupplied us with water, --pleasant news for a man laid up with fever; inconsequence of which they made a good profit by bringing it in for sale. About as much as would fill two moderate-sized pitchers was sold forhalf a rupee, about 14d. My European servant came and begged to beallowed to drink the water in my basin with which I had just washedmyself, and before I could say anything, drank down the whole of it witha zest as if it had been champagne. 

We reached Candahar on the 4th, and on the 8th his Majesty ShahShooja-ool-Moolk was crowned, after which there was a review of all thetroops that were here by his Majesty, a grand "tomasha;" but such, I amtold, was the unpopularity of the Shah that out of the whole populationof Candahar very few persons were looking on, though the Easterns aredevoted sight-hunters. On the -- he held a levee, where every officerhad the honour of making his leg to his Majesty. I was not present ateither of these grand occasions, being at the time still on thesick-list. I, however, had a glimpse of his Majesty the other morning ashe was taking his airing. He is a fine-looking man, with a splendidblack beard. I am told that he is a very accomplished man, but anexceedingly bad ruler. He has written his own life, which is said to bevery interesting: I should think it must be so, as few men haveexperienced so many changes of fortune as he has. You will find a verygood description of him, as well as of Cabool and Sinde, in "Burnes'Travels in Bokhara, " the present Sir Alexander Burnes, who is second incommand to Macnaghten, and a great deal with the Shah. I read also anexcellent article on this country &c. In the last December or Januarynumber of "Blackwood's Magazine. "

Another horrible murder, somewhat similar to that of Capt. Hand, occurred here about the middle of last month. Two officers of the 16thLancers, Inverarity and Wilmer, went one day on a fishing excursion to asmall river about seven miles from this; several parties had been therebefore on pic-nic excursions, as it was much cooler, and there were somebeautiful gardens, with lots of fruit, on the banks of the stream. Thereis a slight hill to be crossed in getting to it, at the top of which isa cut-throat narrow pass, formed out of the rock; you must pass throughit in single file, and the bottom being of rock is so slippery and roughthat it is with difficulty a horse can keep his footing on it. They werereturning home about half-past eight o'clock, when Wilmer, being ratherwrong in his stomach, got off his horse for a short time, and Inveraritysaid he would walk to the top of the hill to look at the view bymoonlight; Wilmer followed in a few minutes on foot, his ghorewallafollowing with his horse. On coming near the top of the hill beforementioned, he was somewhat astonished at a large stone whizzing by hishead, and immediately afterwards about six or seven men jumped on himout of the rocks. He had time to draw back, and received two differentcuts on his walking stick, which cut it through, and slightly woundedhim on the forehead. He managed to draw back from another, which wasmade at him with such strength that the fellow fell with the force ofhis own blow. Wilmer then thought it as time to cut and run, and boltedas fast as he could with these chaps after him. They luckily, however, stopped to rob his and Inverarity's bangies, containing their kit, whichthey met his servant carrying, &c. Wilmer did not stop till he reached adetachment of the Shah's force which is stationed there, he returnedwith a party from them, and on reaching the other side of the hill foundpoor Inverarity lying on the ground dreadfully mutilated; he was notquite dead when they came up, and Wilmer says he can never forget theconvulsive shudder he gave on their arrival, taking them for themurderers returning to finish him. He died, however, almost immediately, merely saying, "For God's sake, look at my hands! I am afraid I am verybadly wounded. " Thus fell another victim, as we all feel, to theconciliation principle! Neither Inverarity's horse nor anything of thenkit has been since seen, though Wilmer has recovered his horse. Thiswill give you a pretty idea of the country we are living in. The nextday there was an order out from Sir J. Keane, in which, after giving anaccount of the murder, he begged all officers never to go out into thecountry on sporting expeditions unless in large parties and well armed. The Shah and Sir John were also on the point of burning down the villagenear which the murder occurred, but the political department would notallow it. Seven or eight men were, however, taken up, though nothingcertain has been proved. They are still in chains in the town; what willbe done with them I don't know. I always have my holster pipes, andpistols loaded, whenever I ride out, as there is nothing like beingprepared. 

I have little to say of Candahar, which appears to me to be just thesame as every other town I have seen in the East, very dirty, &c. Itstands in a tolerably fertile plain, with hills scattered all round it. It is a perfect square, each side of which is nearly a mile in length;two streets, one from north to south, the other from east to west, runthrough it, and bisect each other in the centre: in these are thedifferent bazaars. The rest of the town, as it appeared to me as I roderound the walls the other day, is perfectly deserted. There are doublewalls to the town, entire all the way round, but I should think it couldbe easily taken. A great number of the inhabitants have left it onaccount of the dearness of provisions, occasioned by the hungry mouthsof so large a force as ours, and also because, on his first arrival, theShah wished to play some of his old arbitrary acts over again. 

The Ghiljees have been at their old tricks lately, robbing some suppliesfor the army, which came up by the Bolan Pass about a week ago, andwhich they followed nearly into our camp. The caravan, however, wasunder the charge of a right sort of fellow, the Rajah of Buhawulpoor, who was bringing up a contingent to the Shah's force, and if any of hiscamels were taken away he took two for one from the first village hearrived at. The Ghiljees got more bold afterwards, and actuallyendeavoured to walk off with the camels of the Bengal army, and five orsix were taken prisoners by some Sepoys, and one blown from a gun in thetown. They, however, killed one, and severely wounded two other unarmedsoldiers of H. M. 13th Light Infantry, who were out with the camels oftheir regiment, the guard for the camels having very quietly gone tosleep in a house. The poor fellows made a desperate fight, defendingthemselves with their shoes; and one of them pulled a mounted Ghiljeeoff his horse, but had his arm cut through before he could get thefellow's sword from him: they lost a great many camels. 

_June 29th_. --Well, to-morrow we are off for Cabool; I hope the countrymay improve as we advance. Everybody speaks very highly of Caboolitself--a fine climate, 6000 feet above the sea. It has been very hotthe whole time we have been here. They say there is plenty of grain tobe had on the road; I hope this may be true, and that we shall not havea repetition of what took place before in regard to expense. I wascongratulating myself, a day or two since, on the prospect of getting myback pay, but now I hear that I shall not only be minus that, but thatwe are not to get any more pay for three months, owing to somemismanagement or other; consequently, we shall be obliged to get intodebt, with a nice little interest to pay off. I wish, therefore, thatnext year you would give me credit for another 60l. I do not wish youto send it out to me, but that you would let me draw upon you as far asthat sum, in case I should find it necessary, as this campaign has sadlycrippled me. Your last 60l. Is nearly gone, and yet I have not spent afarthing that I could help: this irregular way of paying troops is verydisgusting to them. 

The report is now that we are not likely to have any regular fighting, as it is pretty generally believed that Dost Mahomed has agreed to ourterms; the "on dit" is, that he is at Peshawur, and awaits our arrivalin Cabool, to give himself up to the British government. Colonel Wade, one of the political diplomatic line, is near Peshawur with a part ofRunjet's army, but Dost Mahomed will not surrender himself to him, norwill Colonel Wade cross the Punjab frontiers, on account of the greatenmity which exists between the Afghans and Sikhs: however, all this isto be proved. I wish we could have one good brush with them, as weshould then have plain sailing; as it is, I suppose we shall be annoyedby these rascally Ghiljees all the way up: out-lying pickets to takecare of camels, &c. With regard to the climate of this country I can saylittle, as we have only been here during the hot weather, and hot wehave found it with a vengeance; but then we have been living in tents. One man of ours has died by a coup de soleil; he was one of the camelguard. I do not consider the climate an unhealthy one. It is a verylucky thing for us that we were not left in Sinde: the troops left therehave suffered terribly. Sinde is one of the hottest places in theworld, and very unhealthy; in fact, I consider it to be about one of themost disgusting countries in the world. The 17th regiment lost anofficer there under very melancholy circumstances. He was coming up tojoin his regiment, having been only lately appointed to it, and lost hisway in that dreadful desert I told you of, where he wandered in awretched state for two days, during which time the simoom came on, andhe died from its effects a short time after reaching his tent; thesimoom was still so violent that his servants were obliged to dig hisgrave inside his tent: his body turned black immediately after death. 

We have had excellent European fruit here, and the gardens about theplace are very large and beautiful--peaches, apricots, cherries, apples, grapes, and mulberries. I never tasted anything more delicious than themelons here. You cannot imagine, in your temperate climate, howrefreshing they are on a hot day; but, then, they are said to be verydangerous. The vegetables, too, are good, particularly to those who hadbeen without them so long as we had. There are peas, beans, salad, cucumber, but, unfortunately, no potatoes; what would we not give for anice mealy murphy! we have not tasted one for four months; however, inall these respects Cabool is much superior. What we shall do when wereach that place I cannot imagine, --one thing, the Hindoo Koosh, prevents our marching further. The report is, that if everything goessmooth we shall go back again this year; but this I do not believe, asI hardly think it probable that the government would be at such expensein marching us such a distance just to keep us at Cabool for a month, and if we overstay that it will be too late, and the snow and severityof the climate will hinder our returning. Moreover, Runjet Sing is veryill, and, they say, is likely to kick, in which case there will, I takeit, be a regular shindy in the Punjab; and John Company, when he hasonce put his foot into a country, does not withdraw it very soon. Besides, there is Herat and Persia to be looked to. For my part, I haveno objection to a winter in Cabool; and if we can only get up oursupplies in the liquor line, we shall, I have no doubt, make ourselvesvery comfortable. The 16th Lancers have an excellent pack of foxhoundswith them, and horses are very cheap. There are to be races &c. On agrand scale also when we get there; and if we can get our supplies up bythat time, we may look forward to spending a merry Christmas even insuch a distant country. How curious all this must sound to you in yourquiet, lovely home of Brookhill. I have often thought of you all duringthis campaign, particularly the other day, when I had the fever; and Ihope and trust my life maybe spared that I may see you all once more, particularly as I have never seen you at Brookhill. 

With regard to myself, my health, with the exception of the fever, hasbeen much better than I could have expected, considering what we havegone through. I have, however, been sadly bothered the whole time Ihave been in the country with rheumatism; at times, during the march, Iwas so bad with it that I could not walk ten minutes at a time. I havealso had terrible pains in the joints of my arms, and have them still, and it is with difficulty I can get a gun to my shoulder. I can walkpretty well now, but running is totally out of the question; so that Iam afraid I should come off poorly in a hand-to-hand encounter withthese rascals. I applied to the doctor for some medicine, but he said"he could give me none;" in fact, they will not give an officer anymedicine now unless he is very seriously ill, as they are very short ofmedical stores. 

I hope you may be able to get through this letter; the blue paper I havebeen writing on is Russian, and bought in Candahar. I do not think Ihave anything more to say. I will write again when I reach Cabool. TellKate I will write to her too: I hope she got my letter which I wrote inJanuary last under cover to you. 

With best love to all at home, Believe me your very affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

P. S. --By-the-bye, there is an officer here in H. M. 13th Light Infantry, with the Bengal force, who knows Arthur very well, in fact, I think agreat deal better than I do myself. His name is Wood; he is aCanterbury man, and seems to know Mr. Baylay and everybody else there. He was in the 48th when Arthur was at Canterbury with the 4th Drag. Guards. He desired to be kindly remembered to Arthur when I wrote. Ihope Eliza's hooping-cough is well. I was very sorry to hear of poorSluman's death: as far back as I can recollect he is always associatedin my mind with home. I hope Ghiljee, Kauker, Beloochee, and Co. , willlet this pass. 

LETTER VIII. 

 Camp, near Ghuzni, July 24th, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --You must put down yesterday, the 23rd of July, in yourmemorandum book as a memorable day for your son Tom, and, I may say, forthe British army. Ghuzni, the strongest fortress in Afghanistan, wastaken by assault in three-quarters of an hour, by the four Europeanregiments of the army--viz. , the Queen's, 13th Light Infantry, 17thregiment, and Bengal European regiment. The storming party, or forlornhope, consisted of the Light Companies of the four regiments. The wholeright in front--ergo, our company (the Light Company of the Queen's) wasthe first in. I may well remember it, as it was the first time I smeltgunpowder and saw blows given in real earnest. It is the most splendidthing for us that could have happened: if we had failed, we should havehad the whole country down upon us in a few days; now, they say, thecountry is ours. 

It is reported that Sir J. Keane was so very anxious about it, that whenhe heard our first cheers, after entering the gate of the town, heactually cried, it was such a relief to his mind; and that he toldBrigadier Sale, lieutenant-colonel of the 13th Light Infantry, whocommanded on the occasion, that it was very likely that the fate ofIndia depended on our taking this place. Ghuzni was considered DostMahomed's principal fortress; his son commanded in it, and it wasgarrisoned by 3000 Afghans. Young Dost expected to hold it out for afortnight; and his father was to have come to his relief in a day ortwo, when we should have had a difficult part to perform, as we shouldhave been surrounded in this valley by armed parties on all sides; sothat it would have been really a ticklish job. They had collectedprovisions in the town for three months, and arms and ammunition; infact, it was the regular depôt for their army. They had also about fouror five lacs of rupees; but that will not give us much prize money. Ourloss was very trifling, owing to the daring and sudden nature of theattack, as they were taken totally by surprise. Our regiment sufferedthe most, and we have thirty-seven killed and wounded, includingofficers, of whom six out of eighteen were wounded--one-third of thewhole, --however, none of the latter dangerously, thank God, though twoof them are returned severely wounded. Five men of our regiment werekilled outright on the spot, and I am afraid we shall lose some more ina few days from the effects of their wounds. Of the enemy, about 500were killed, and more than 1500 made prisoners; and of the remainder, who made their escape over the walls, the greater part were cut down bythe Dragoons, or spifflicated by the Lancers. Among the prisoners isyoung Dost himself, the greatest prize of all. More than a thousandmagnificent horses have also been taken, besides pack-horses, camels, and grain in abundance. However, I never can tell a story without goingback to the very commencement. 

I finished my last letter to you the day before we left Candahar. Well;we started on Sunday, the 30th of June, and made seven marches toBelanti Ghiljee, where we caught up the Shah's army, with a Bengaldivision. Here Sir John Keane had first come in sight of young Dost'sarmy, who, however, retired very quickly, though there was some talk oftheir holding out at this place, and we were pushed on rapidly inconsequence. They shewed their sense in not holding out there, as itwould not have taken us long to dislodge them. We halted here a day, andthen marched on by very short and easy marches, halting every third orfourth day, and taking things very easy, although we were constantlyannoyed by the Ghiljees, who murdered several of our camp followers, andtried to rob us whenever they could find an opportunity, until we werewithin five good marches of Ghuzni, when General Willshire received anorder to push on by forced marches, and to make these five into three. After making two out of these three, (and precious long ones they were, )we found out that we were still upwards of twenty miles from Ghuzni, with the men so fatigued that it was nearly impossible for them to doit, and that we should therefore be obliged to make two of it. Theevent, however, proved the contrary; for, about seven o'clock in theevening, a dispatch came from General Willshire, and about eight, justas we were preparing to turn in, the orders were out to strike ourtents, and march in an hour's time, and catch up Sir John Keane and theShah, who were halted about nine miles in advance of us. Sir John wasanxious to have the whole force concentrated before marching on Ghuzni. Nothing, however, was certain; and we were all in a high state ofexcitement, not knowing what to expect: this was the evening of the20th. We made quick work of this march, and reached Sir John Keane abouthalf-past twelve. Here we heard that Sir John Keane was in expectationof a night attack. He had fallen in that morning with the advance of theenemy, who had, however, upon the appearance of the British force, retired upon Ghuzni. We bivouacked on our ground, after throwing outstrong pickets, and marched again at 5 A. M. , Sir John Keane, theBengalees, and cavalry in advance, then the Shah, and then our smallparty. We, however, sent our artillery to join Sir John. About eighto'clock, when within about three miles of Ghuzni, we heard the firstsymptoms that the game of war was beginning: our batteries were firingon the place, and the garrison were returning it with good effect; itserved as a sort of overture to the opera in which we knew we must soonbe actors. 

In consequence of the great quantity of baggage, now the whole army wasjoined, we were halted for a couple of hours to protect it, and thewhole of the cavalry was sent back for that purpose; and well it wasthat they were, as a part of the enemy's cavalry made a demonstrationfor attacking it, but withdrew on seeing ours. We were at length marchedon, and took up our ground a little to the S. W. Of the fort, but out ofharm's way, when we heard a more definite account of what had been done. The advance of the Bengal column, H. M. 13th Light Infantry and the 16thNative Infantry, had some little work in driving the enemy out of thegardens and old buildings that surround the town. This, however, theyaccomplished with a trifling loss; our guns then opened on the place, but as they were light ones (the heaviest being still in the rear), withlittle effect. This desultory fire on both sides was, however, kept upfor about three hours: little execution being done, and a few casualtieshaving occurred among the artillery, Sir John Keane ordered the guns tobe withdrawn. We had not been on our ground more than three hours whenwe were ordered once more on the march, and to march by a circuitousroute across the mountains, in order to avoid the fire of the town, andtake up our ground on the other side of it. We reached our new groundabout nine, after a fatiguing march of seven miles, crossing the river, and, by an infernal path, through the hills. Here we bivouacked againfor the night, as little of our baggage had arrived. 

The enemy took this move of ours as a defeat, and concluded that we hadmarched on to Cabool, despairing of taking their fort: the event provedhow wofully they were mistaken! They wasted a good deal of powder infiring for joy, and young Dost sent a dispatch from the place to hisfather, apprizing him of the fact, and begging him to come down upon usimmediately, while he would follow upon our rear. He also sent to aGhiljee chieftain near us, telling him to collect as many followers andcountry people as he could to make an attack upon our baggage, as he hadonly to come down and take it. We sold this fellow a bargain, however, the next day. Well; the first thing we heard the next morning was fromyoung Keane, and to this effect, that we were to rest for that day, andthat the four European corps were to storm the place the next morningbefore daylight, as the state of the country was such that Sir Johncould not waste time in breaching it; and, moreover, it was doubtfulwhether, from the nature of the walls, it could be breached at all. Wedid not, however, learn the final dispositions till the evening. 

That day, the 22nd, I shall never forget; it was a very dismal one; muchmore so than the next. There was a nervous irritability and excitementabout us the whole day; constantly looking at the place throughspy-glasses, &c. ; and then fellows began to make their wills, and telleach other what they wished to have done in case they fell; altogetherit was not at all pleasant, and every one longed most heartily for themorrow, and to have it over. I felt as I used to do when I was a child, and knew I must take a black dose or have a tooth drawn the nextmorning. About twelve o'clock a great deal of firing took place on ourleft; this we soon ascertained to be the Ghiljee chief I have beforementioned, coming down with the amiable purpose of lootzing our camp. Apart of the Shah's Afghan cavalry, a few guns of the Horse Artillery, and a squadron of Lancers, were ordered out, who soon sent them to theright-about. The chief, when he saw that it was not such an easy job ashe expected, cut his stick the first, with his horsemen, about 2000, leaving the poor footpads, about 1000, to shift for themselves. Theywere terribly mauled, and a great number of prisoners taken, whose headsthe Shah struck off immediately. Well; evening came at last! and then weheard the morning's news confirmed; that the Light Companies of thefour corps were to form the storming party, that an Engineer officer, with some Sappers, each carrying a bag of gunpowder (in all 300lbs. ), was to advance to the Cabool gate, and place it there, in order to blowit down; that immediately upon the gates falling we were to rush in andtake possession of the town, &c. At the same time a false attack was tobe made by the 16th Bengal Native Infantry on the Candahar gate, inorder to divert the enemy's attention. Brigadier Sale, lieut. -colonel ofthe 13th, was to command the whole, and Col. Dennie, of the same corps, the storming party. Three regiments of Native Infantry were to be inreserve, under Sir Willoughby Cotton; and the cavalry were to bestationed so as best to intercept the flight of those who might manageto make their escape from the place. We were to be formed ready for theattack at two o'clock in the morning, close to a high pillar, about halfa mile from the fort; we were to advance under cover of the Artillery, who were to fire over and clear the walls for us. I laid down in mycloak directly after mess, and, being dreadfully tired, never slept moresoundly than I did the night before the storming of Ghuzni. 

At one o'clock we turned out; I took a cup of tea and a couple of gingerbiscuits, and joined my company: in a quarter of an hour we were on ourmarch to the pillar, where we were to be formed. Here we found Col. Saleand the Engineer officers, &c. Col. Sale called out the officers, andtold them the plan of the attack, which was to be the same as mentionedbefore, except that the 13th Light Infantry were to line the ditchoutside the town, and fire on the ramparts, while we advanced. Thestorming party, Queen's and Bengal European regiments, were, afterentering the gate, to move along a street to the left, clearing thehouses, &c. , and on arriving at the end to mount the ramparts, and toreturn by them. Our object in doing this was to drive as many men aspossible into the citadel, and having obtained this object, a signal wasto be given, and the artillery were to fire shells into the citadel, which, particularly as their powder magazine was there, it was expectedwould soon make them cut and run. The 17th and 13th regiments beingnearest, were then to rush up and take possession of the citadel, andthe Native regiments, being in reserve, were to assist them. Col. Salethen said a few words of encouragement, and concluded by hoping "weshould all have luck"--on the whole a very neat and appropriate speech. We then piled arms, and officers fell out. I never saw fellows moremerry than most of us were while we were waiting there; in fact, if wehad been going to the most delightful place in the world, we could nothave appeared in better spirits; and this put me strongly in mind of ascene I had read in a book called "The Subaltern, " where the feelings ofthe officers, waiting for an attack, are described as being just thesame. At length, "bang" went a gun from our batteries. Col. Sale said, "Ah, there goes the signal; we had better be starting:" just as if onewas to get ready to take a ride to Brixham or elsewhere. Well; we fellin, and in about a quarter of an hour off we went. The enemy returnedthe fire from our batteries in good style, and there was a regular row. They pointed their "Long Tom, " a fifty-two pounder, towards us, and sentthe shot over our heads and a little to our left. The ball made aterrific row rushing over us. Whilst we were marching down to the attackthe fire on both sides was at its height. The noise was fearful, and thewhole scene the grandest and, at the same time, the most awful I everwitnessed. I caught myself, once or twice, trying to make myself assmall as I could. As we got nearer the gate it grew worse, and theenemy, from their loop-holes, began to pepper us with matchlocks andarrows. The scene now was splendid. The enemy, at the commencement ofthe firing, threw out blue lights in several places, which lookedbeautiful, and the flames of their and our artillery, together with thesmaller flashes from the matchlock men, added to the roar of their bigguns, the sharp cracking of the matchlocks, the whizzing of their cannonballs and ours, (the latter of which, by-the-bye, went much nearer ourheads than the enemy's, as our artillery fired beautifully, and senttheir shot close over our heads, on the ramparts, ) the singing of thebullets, and the whizzing of their arrows, all combined, made up aspretty a little row as one would wish to hear. Add to this, that it wasas dark as pitch, and you may judge of the effect. We made a rush overthe bridge, which the enemy had not destroyed, and continuing it up aslight ascent, we found ourselves of a sudden close to the gate. Herethere was a check. Although the gate was blown down, still the remainsof it, and the barricade on the inside, rendered it a difficult place toget over, particularly as it wanted at least half an hour of daylight, and was perfectly dark. The two first sections were therefore a longtime getting through, during which the two last, to which I belonged, were standing still outside, exposed to a cross fire from two roundtowers, which flanked the entrance. Our men, however, kept up such asmart fire upon every hole and opening that no man dared shew his nose, and their fire was therefore rendered harmless. At length we moved in, and found that, besides what I have mentioned above, there was a largehole in the roof of the portico over the gate, through which the enemywere pitching earth, beams of wood, stones, &c. ; one of these beamsknocked over my European servant, who was next to me, and dislocated hisarm, and, taking me in the flank, made me bite the dust also; however, Ihad no further hurt than a slight bruise, and was up again immediately, as I heard one of the soldiers say, "Oh! there is poor Mr. Holdsworth:he's down!"

On getting within the gate a few volleys cleared the opening of thestreet. Robinson, (our captain, ) Col. Sale, with Kershaw and Wood ofthe 13th, Sale's staff, (the latter the man who knew Arthur atCanterbury, ) were the first in. Poor Col. Sale got a cut in the mouth, and fell upon Kershaw, who went down with him; on rising, an Afghan waslifting his sword to cut down Sale when Kershaw seized the hilt of hissword, and ran his own into him. Robinson also got a terrible cut on theside of his head, which would have done his business for him if he hadnot had on a cap padded with cotton, which deadened the weight of theblow. All the companies of the storming party, however, got in well, except the last, the light company of the Bengal European regiment, andthey had a desperate fight, the enemy having returned to the gate ingreat numbers, and twenty-seven men of the company were laid low in notime. After this every company that came in had a shindy at the gate;the fact was, that the enemy took every company for the last, andtherefore made a desperate attempt to escape through it. Our company, with the advance, pushed through the town, clearing the tops of thehouses. We only lost one man of our company; we thought he was done forat first, but he is still alive, and, I am glad to say, likely lo dowell; he was shot right through the breastplate, and the ball went roundhis body and was taken out of his back; he is to wear the samebreastplate in future. On coming to the end of the town we halted, andwere agreeably surprised, shortly after, to see the British flag wavingon the top of the citadel: the fact of the matter was, that the enemynever thought of retiring to the citadel at all, but endeavoured to maketheir escape directly they found we were inside the gates; the 17th and13th, therefore, quietly marched up and took possession of it. 

We now returned by the ramparts, taking a great number of prisoners, andon reaching the large street where the horses were, the scene wasperfectly ridiculous; the horses were loose, and running and chargingabout in all directions, kicking, fighting, &c. On getting near the gatewe entered by, the effects of our fight became more apparent, as dyingand dead Afghans testified. There were eight lying at one particularspot, where a tumbril had blown up, and their bodies were still burningfrom the effects. I never saw finer men than some of these Afghans--theywere perfect models. The plunder now began, though to little purpose, asprize agents were at the gates and made most of us refund. I managed, however, to get through a rather handsome spear, which I took frombefore the tent of one of the chiefs. If the carelessness of my servantswill allow it I mean to keep it till we get back whenever that may be, and send it home by some trusty person, when perhaps you may think itworthy of a place among your curiosities at Brookhill. The 13th and17th, however, had the best of it in the citadel, which was also thepalace, and where all young Dost's women were. I hear that the soldiershave possession of some very handsome articles which they boned there Ibelieve. After this, young Dost, or, to give him his right name, HyderKhan, was found in a large hole near the citadel, with about twentyfollowers; they had some work, however, in securing him. About this timeI saw the Shah, with the diplomatic people, Sir J. Keane, and Sir W. Cotton, enter the fort and proceed to the citadel. The old Shah wasmightily delighted, as well he might be, and expressed himself inraptures with the European soldiery. I was back again to breakfast atmess by eight o'clock. Several of our men were wounded by arrows. Onesoldier swore "that a fellow had shot his ramrod into him. " Stisted hadan arrow through the calf of his leg, but his wound is not considered ofany importance. 

_July 30th_. --Sir J. Keane, with the greater part of the army, marchedthis morning for Cabool; ours (the Bombay division) march to-morrow. Although the greater part of the town was taken in the way I havedescribed, still a party of about 100 men, under Dost Mahomed'sstandard-bearer, (a great man, of course, ) held out till the next day, when they were all taken, and soon afterwards shot. They certainly musthave been assisted by some Europeans, as their powder was made up in avery scientific manner, and their grape was exceedingly well puttogether. Young Dost cannot imagine how the gate was blown down; hethinks, I hear, that we shot two men inside the fort from a big gun, whoopened the door for us. He was sleeping over it at the time; theexplosion must have "astonished him a few, I guess. " He says some of hisfather's best soldiers have fallen there; and one man in particular, agreat chief, said to be the best swordsman between Cabool and Candahar. I have been in the fort since, and I am glad we took it in the dark, asit is not at all a nice looking place by daylight. The rooms in thecitadel are very fine, particularly where the women were, the ceilingsof which are inlaid with gold work. All our sick and wounded are to beleft here: we only leave one officer behind, poor Young, who was shotthrough the thigh very near the groin. 

Reports have been very various since the fall of Ghuzni whether Dosthimself will fight or not. It seems to be generally expected that weshall have another shindy before we get to Cabool, though a great numberof chiefs have lately come in to the Shah, among the principal of whomis Hadjee Khan Kauker, the governor of Bamian, a man of great influencein the country, and a great intriguer, formerly a great friend of DostMahomed's. He came in to us about three hours after the place hadfallen: he had been waiting on the top of a hill to see the result, andwas prepared to join whichever side was victorious. I must tell you, also, that on the 21st, the day we marched upon Ghuzni, another son ofDost was waiting outside the town to attack us with about three thousandmen; but on seeing the size of our army he thought better of it, and cutfor Cabool as fast as he could; he was deserted on the way by most ofhis army, and reached Cabool with scarcely a follower: his father wasexceedingly enraged, and is said to have put him in prison. 

_Sunday, 28th_. --The day before yesterday, Dost Mahomed's brother, a manwho has always favoured the English, and advised Dost to have nothing todo with the Persians, &c. , but who lives quite retired, and has verylittle to do with politics, came into our camp to endeavour to maketerms for his brother; but, it is said, neither party was satisfied:they say that he was disgusted at our proposals, and replied, "that Dostwould rather lose his life than accept them. " Dost wants to be made theShah's vizier; but that, of course, could not be allowed. How it willend no one knows: however, a few days will shew. We have had severaldeserters from Dost's army; they say he is encamped, and has thrown upstrong entrenchments about three miles in front of Cabool. I shouldhardly, however, think that the people of Cabool will allow his doingso, as there are several rich people in it who would not like to seeGhuzni reacted at their own door. There would be lots of prize money forus. Talking of prize money, I am afraid there will not be very much, though the things that were taken sold remarkably well, as did also thehorses, &c. I managed to buy, though for much beyond its value, a ratherpretty coverlet for a bed, which was taken in the fort, which perhapsbelonged to some of the young ladies of the harem; it is of shawlvelvet, and said to be made in Cashmere. I intend to send it home withthe spear, and give it to Kate; though what use she can put it to Ihardly know, as I am sure it will not be large enough for her bed;still, when one considers whence it was taken, it may possess somelittle interest. Young Dost is left behind in the fort, which is to bestrongly garrisoned, and where we leave all our sick and wounded. 

The climate of this place is delightful; it is about 6000 feet above thelevel of the sea; and although this is the hottest month in the year, still we do not find it at all unpleasant, living in tents: a delightfulchange from Candahar. There is the most beautiful clover here I eversaw, and lots of fruit. 

We have just received intelligence of Runjet Sing's death; he has beenreported dead several times before; but they say this time it is reallythe case; if so, we are still only at the beginning of our work, as weshall most likely have something to do in the Punjab. The government, itis said, have guaranteed the succession of Runjet's son, who is littlebetter than a natural idiot. The chiefs of the Sikhs, who are verywarlike people, and have often licked the Afghans, say they will notconsent to be ruled by such a person, --thereon hangs the matter. A largeforce has been gradually concentrating at Delhi, Meerut, Loodiana, andall the north-west stations in Bengal, ready to march into the Punjab incase of Runjet's death, which has been long expected; and we very likelyshall make an advance by the line of the Cabool river to Peshawur, andAttock, on the Indus. It is rather late to begin a campaign aftermarching more than a thousand miles, and not meeting an enemy exceptrobbers. If I ever do get home safe and sound after all this work, Ishall consider myself very lucky. 

_July 31st_. --Here we are, our first day's march to Cabool. Reportsstill flying about as to whether Dost means to fight. I wore the pistolsyou gave me in London at the storming, --they are a capital pair! Thepost goes directly, so I must conclude, with best love to all, your veryaffectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

P. S. --They say Shah Shooja will give us all medals when everything issettled; those for the officers to be a small gold one, with animpression of the Fort of Ghuzni; those for the soldiers to be silver, and the same pattern. If you look into the military papers when thisreaches you, I dare say you will find further accounts of the business. 

 NOTE. --"It was arranged that an explosion party, consisting of three officers of engineers (Capt. Peat, Lieuts. Durand and M'Leod), three Serjeants and eighteen men of the sappers in working dresses, carrying three hundred pounds of powder in twelve sand bags, with a hose seventy-two feet long, should be ready to move down to the gateway at break of day. 

 "So quickly was the operation performed, and so little was the enemy aware of the nature of it, that not a man of the party was hurt. "--_From Memoranda of Capt. Thompson, R. E. , Chief Engineer, Army of Indus_. 

LETTER IX. 

MEMORANDUM. --I have lost this letter, which I regret the more, becauseit gave a very full account both, of Cabool and its environs, as well asof many interesting circumstances which took place during the time theBombay division of the army remained there. 

As far as I remember its contents, it began with the march of the armyfrom Ghuzni to Cabool, the desertion of the troops of Dost Mahomed, andhis flight from the capital. It described his pursuit by a party ofofficers and cavalry, volunteers from the British army, commanded byCaptain Outram, who accompanied Hadjee Khan Kauker, the principal chiefof the country, with a body of 2000 Afghans, who had joined Shah Shoojaat Ghuzni. 

It stated, that after a few days had expired, the party had nearlyreached the fugitive, when Hadjee Khan refused to proceed, stating, amongst other excuses, that his men had dispersed to plunder, and thathe had not any means of preventing it; and Captain Outram was obliged toproceed without him. It had been supposed by Shah Shooja, that HadjeeKhan had been so committed with Dost Mahomed that he might be safelytrusted upon this occasion; but there is not the least doubt but that hewas engaged in correspondence with him during the whole time, and thatDost Mahomed was thus enabled to effect his escape with his family, although Captain Outram with his party pursued him as far as Bamian. IfHadjee Khan had not acted in this most treacherous way, there could notbe a doubt but that Dost Mahomed must have fallen into the hands ofCaptain Outram. Thus Hadjee Khan proved his double treachery; for which, on his return to Cabool, it was understood the Shah would have put himto death, but for the presence of the English, upon whose interferencehis sentence was changed to perpetual confinement in one of the stateprisons. 

It described, also, the arrival of the eldest son of Shah Shooja, withthe contingent from Runjet Sing; his meeting with his youngest brotheron the road, near the city, who went out for that purpose upon anelephant, richly caparisoned, attended by a suitable cortège; hisreception by the British army, and afterwards by his father, at the BalaHissar, where my son mixed with the troops of the Shah, who filled thepalace yard, and was thus enabled to witness the first interview, whichwas anything but that which might have been expected when the eldest sonarrived at the palace to congratulate his father on his restoration tohis throne. The King was seated alone in an open balcony, slightlyraised above the court, where his officers of state were ranged oneither side, on the ground. The Prince advanced through a line of troopsand public officers, but did not raise his eyes from the ground. When hecame near his father, he prostrated himself in submission to the King, who called to him "that he was welcome;" after which the son ascended tothe balcony, where he again made a prostration, when his father raisedhim up, and seated him near him. The peculiarly careful conduct of theson on his approach appears to have arisen from a consciousness of hisfather's jealous and suspicious temper, and a fear lest even a smileinterchanged with a friend at the court might be construed into hiddentreachery. Soon after this, the chief persons of the court made theirsalutations to the King, to each of whom he said a few words, and theceremony was ended. 

My son added, that he little expected when he was at the levee of hislate Majesty King William, before he left England, that the nextceremony of the sort at which he should be present would be that of theKing of Afghanistan, in Central Asia, a person with whose name andcountry he had not then the slightest acquaintance. 

The youngest son of Shah Shooja, whom I have mentioned, is described asa beautiful boy, under twelve years of age, ruddy and fair as an Englishchild. He is a great favourite with his father at present, and usuallyaccompanies the Shah wherever he goes. His childhood probably protectshim from suspicion of treachery or intrigue. 

My son appeared to have mixed occasionally with the inhabitants ofCabool, and, through the introduction of the Persian interpreter, tohave become personally acquainted with some of the leading persons ofthe city. They are described by him as being particularly affable andcivil to the officers of our army, with, some of whom he paid a visit toa man of rank, at his country-house, and with whom they dined. Nothingcould exceed the attention of their host. He shewed them his studconsisting of more than fifty horses, and every other thing that hepossessed, (except his women, ) and the hospitality and good fare wasunbounded. Neither was the curiosity of these persons less in inquiringminutely into everything they saw when they visited the officers in thecamp, than their desire to please in their own houses; and he appearedto have left the place with a most favourable impression of the upperranks of the city. 

Of the city itself, its magnificent bazaar, filled with the richestmanufactures of the East, its gardens abounding with the finest fruitsin the world, and the fertile country that surrounds it, hisdescription is the same as that which will be found much more at lengthin the Travels of Lieut. Burnes, in 1832. 

Cricket and horse-racing appeared to be the chief recreation of the armyduring the time it remained inactive; and the two divisions havingfortunately come from different Presidencies, the same spirit of rivalryamongst the officers, in the sports of the camp, was as naturallyexcited at Cabool as in any of the counties or garrisons of their nativeland. 

The evening before they left their ground, two miles from Cabool, he wassent with a subaltern's party to search through all the worst parts ofthe city for men who were missing from the camp, but after spending manyhours, he returned without finding any. They had been paid the daybefore, and had got away to the liquor-shops; but all turned up in themorning except one, whose body was found murdered, near the camp. 

 A. H. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER X. 

 Camp at Kotree, in Cutch Gundava, December 8th, 1839. 

MY DEAR FATHER--As I am now tolerably recovered and my wounds nearlyhealed, I take the first opportunity (as my arm is losing its stiffness)of writing to you, as I have no doubt you will be very anxious to hearhow I am going on. I desired Stisted, the day after the taking of Kelat, to write, as I was myself then unable. I have no doubt but that he didso; yet I know you must have been anxious before you heard the finalresult; and I am now happy to inform you that I am getting rapidly well, and expect in a short time to be out of the "sick list. " My wound wasesteemed a rather ugly one at first; and I must consider it one of themost fortunate cases of Providence that the bullet took the direction itdid, as had it swerved in the least degree it must have gone through mylungs, or downward through my liver; and in either case would mostlikely have done my business completely. As the man who fired at me wasso very close, the ball went clear through, and so saved me from theunpleasant process of having it extracted by the doctor, &c. I had myright flank exposed to the man who pinked me, and so the ball passedthrough my right arm into my right side, and passing downwards to therear, came out at my back, about an inch from the back-bone. Had itpassed to the front instead of to the rear, I should have most assuredlyleft my bones at Kelat: as it was, from my coughing up a tolerablequantity of blood when I was first hit, the doctor imagined that mylungs had been affected, and for a couple of days, as I have sinceheard, was very doubtful as to my eventual recovery. However I may now, I believe, consider myself completely out of the wood. 

I find I have not written since the last day I was at Cabool; and I havehad few opportunities of doing so, as we have been on the move eversince, and until we reached Kelat there was very little to write about. We broke ground and marched to the other side of Cabool on Monday, the16th of September, and halted on the 17th for a grand tomasha at theBala Hissar, or Shah's Palace, being no less than the investiture of theorder of the Doorannee Pearl, which was conferred by Shah Shooja on thebig-wigs of the army. Sir John Keane, Sir Willoughby Cotton, and Mr. Macnaghten get the first order; generals of divisions and brigadiers, the second; and all field officers engaged at Ghuzni and heads ofdepartments, the third; for the rest, all officers engaged at Ghuzni geta gold medal, and the soldiers a silver one: however, all this dependson the will and sanction of Queen Victoria. 

On Wednesday, the 18th, we took our final leave of Cabool and itsbeautiful environs, and reached Ghuzni on the 26th, where we halted twodays, and then struck off in a new direction, straight across country toQuettah, by a new road, and very little known, leaving Candahar to ourright, and thereby cutting off a considerable angle. Our object in doingthis was, besides saving distance, to afford assistance, if required, toCaptain Outram, who had preceded us by about a week, and was gone withsome of the Shah's force into the Ghiljee country, and was employed indestroying the forts, &c. , of some of the refractory Ghiljee chiefs. Hecaptured one fort in which were found forty or fifty fellows who wereidentified as being the same men who had murdered so many camp followersand some of our officers during our march through the country. I sawthem at Ghuzni, where they were under confinement, and about to beexecuted in a few days, as I was told. About eight marches from Ghuzni, Outram sent to General Willshire for assistance, as his force was notsufficient; he was then before the largest of these hill forts, belonging to one of the most influential and refractory of the chiefs, and who had given us a great deal of annoyance in our way up. A wing ofthe 19th Native Infantry, some Artillery, and the Light Companies weretherefore sent to his assistance; but they made a miserable failure asthe chief, putting himself at the head of about a hundred faithfulfollowers, dashed through their pickets at night, and made his escapewith all his valuables, and without losing a man. We marched at an easypace, detaching a force now and then to take a fort, which wasinvariably found, deserted on our approach. Nevertheless, we had hardwork of it, as our route lay through and over high and barren mountainswith scarcely an inhabitant or village to be seen, and nothing to be gotfor our cattle. For three days my horse, and those of most of us, livedon bushes and rank grass that we found occasionally. We had to depend onour commissariat for everything; and they found it difficult to supplygrain for the staff and field officers' horses, so, of course, ours werequite left out of the question. Guns, powder, and shot were in greatrequisition; and, luckily, hares and Khorassan partridges were tolerablyabundant. At times, even our guides confessed themselves at fault, sodifficult was it to make our way through such a country. However, onething was greatly in our favour--we had a splendid, bracing climate thewhole way, the nights and mornings being "_rayther_" too cold, thethermometer ranging at that time between 20 and 30 degrees. The poorSepoys and camp-followers, however, suffered severely. We experiencedscarcely the slightest annoyance from the inhabitants although we passedthrough the most disaffected part of the country--viz. , the Ghiljeecountry, and latterly through the heart of the Kauker country, whosechief, Hadjee Khan Kauker, is a prisoner at Cabool, as I told you in myformer letter. 

At length, on the 31st of October, we reached Quettah, where we weredelighted to find a few Parsee merchants, who had come up from Bombay, and from whom we were enabled to get a few European comforts, in theshape of brandy, gin, wine, tea, pickles, &c. , which we had long beenwithout; even milk and butter were luxuries to us. 

General Willshire now ordered the 31st Bengal Native Infantry, which hadbeen left here in our march up, together with H. M. 17th, and a smalldetail of Artillery, to proceed to Kelat, under Colonel Baumgardt, ourBrigadier. The 31st were to garrison it; and the 17th were sent becauseMehrab Khan, the Kelat chief, had declared that "he would not surrenderto any but European troops, and see the Sepoys d--d first, if they camealone. " However, no resistance was expected, as Mehrab had been offeredvery liberal terms, which he had apparently accepted. The rest of theforce was to go down by the Bolan Pass, and wait at Bukkur, or somewherein Upper Sinde, till joined by the 17th. However, the next day a neworder came out, and the Queen's, together with a stronger detail ofArtillery, were ordered to reinforce the detachment to Kelat. 

Well; we marched on the 5th of November; and the next day, after we hadreadied our ground, when we had just sat down to breakfast, great wasour surprise to see General Willshire himself ride into camp with a fewof his staff. All we could learn on the subject was, that on thatmorning, which was the day fixed for the rest of the division to begintheir march down the Bolan Pass, and just as they were about to start, the General sent for his Adjutant and Quarter-master-general, and, taking them and his Aides with him, started for our camp. Things nowlooked a little more warlike; still we experienced no annoyance duringthe whole march; few of us but thought that on our approach Mehrab Khanwould give in. 

We halted a day at Mostrong, which was about half way, and here GeneralWillshire and the political agent communicated with the Khan, whoreplied, that "as to the terms, he was willing to meet General Willshirehalf way, with a small escort, and there talk them over; but that if weadvanced against him with an army, he should shut his gates, and weshould find him at the door of his citadel with his drawn sword. " Therewas "no mistake about that 'ere, " as Sam Weller would say. However, mostof us thought it was merely bravado, as our progress was not molestedat all; this, however, was afterwards accounted for by the Khan's havingcalled in all his fighting-men to his standard. 

The last three days before arriving at Kelat we marched in order ofbattle, and had strong pickets at night, the whole force sleeping ontheir arms, and ready to fall in at a moment's notice. 

On the 12th we were within eight miles of the fort; and on our arrivingon our ground a few horsemen were observed reconnoitring us, who firedon our advance, but retired leisurely on the approach of the column. Bythat hour the next day "Kelat was prize money. " We strongly expected tobe attacked that night, and were all ready for a shindy; the artilleryloaded with grape, and port-fires lighted, &c. However, it passed oververy quietly; but we had hardly marched a mile from our encampment thenext morning, when, in an opening through the hill to our right, weobserved a large cloud of dust, which we soon discovered to be raised bya strong body of horsemen. They were about a mile and a half from ourflank, and kept moving on in a parallel line with our column. However, at a point where the road took a turn towards the hills they halted, atabout 150 yards from the advance guard, and deliberately fired into themwith their matchlocks, but at too great a distance to do much harm. Onecompany from the advance was sent to dislodge them; upon which theymoved quickly down towards the main body, and taking up a position atabout the same distance from us as before from the advance, gave us thesame salute as they had before treated those in front to. Their ballscame whistling in upon us on all sides, and knocked up the dust likedrops of rain, but no damage was done; they then galloped off. It was agreat pity we had no more cavalry with us; only fifty Bengal, orIrregular Horse, and their cattle were so done up that they wereperfectly useless. The enemy laughed at the advance companies that werenow sent out to skirmish with them. The ground consisted of undulatinghills, and rather rough, over which our skirmishers, encumbered as theywere with knapsacks and other absurdities, "selon les regles, " found itvery difficult to move quickly, and the enemy, riding their sure-footedhorses to the top of one of those hills, would fire down, and wheelround, and be under cover of the other side of the hill before our mencould return the compliment effectually. If we had had a squadron ofDragoons with us, lightly equipped, the result would have been verydifferent. But, unfortunately, the only time during nearly the wholecampaign when cavalry would have been of important service to us we werewithout them. However, very little blood is ever shed in desultoryaffairs of this sort, and they only wounded about three or four of ourmen; and at one place, a party of them coming unexpectedly upon thereserve of the skirmishers, two sections opened a fire upon them, emptied a few saddles, and sent the rest flying. We with the main bodyhad a very good view of the whole affair, and a very animating scene itwas. Our road had hitherto lain through a valley, about four milesbroad; but when within about three miles and a half from Kelat, it takesa sudden turn to the right, and leads, for the next mile and a half, through a narrow and straight pass, after penetrating which, andarriving at the debouche, the fortress of Kelat appeared before us, frowning defiance. The first sight of it had certainly a very prettyeffect: the sun had just burst out, and was lighting the half-cultivatedvalley beneath us, interspersed with fields, gardens, ruinous mosques, houses, &c. ; while Kelat, being under the lee of some high hills, wasstill in the shade; so that, while all around presented a smiling andinviting appearance, as if hailing our approach with gladness, thefortress above seemed to maintain a dark and gloomy reserve, in highcontrast with the rest of the picture; nor was the effect diminishedwhen a thin cloud of smoke was seen spouting forth and curling over itsbattlements, followed, in a short interval, by the report of a largegun, which came booming over the hills towards us. "Hurrah! they havefired the first shot, " was the exclamation of some of us, "and Kelat isprize-money!" On looking more minutely at it, however, it had rather anugly appearance, and seemed, at that distance, much more formidable thanGhuzni did at the first view. We could only see the citadel, which wasmuch more commanding and difficult of access than that of Ghuzni. Theoutworks, however, as we afterwards found, were not half so strong;these were, however, hidden from our view by two hills, ratherformidable in appearance, covering the approach to the fortress, on eachof which a redoubt was erected, and which we could perceive covered withmen. Beneath us in the valley the advance companies were seen pushing onto occupy the gardens and other inclosures, while nearer the fort wecould observe the body of cavalry we had been before engaged with drawnup, as if waiting our approach, under cover of the redoubts on thehills. Half way down the road leading into the valley was our Artillery, consisting of four six-pounders, field-pieces belonging to the Shah, andtwo nine-inch howitzers, with our Horse Artillery. Here, also, wasGeneral Willshire and staff, who now ordered one of the guns to open onthe horsemen, in order to cover the movements of the advance companies, who were driving the enemy's matchlock men before them out of theinclosures in good style. The first shot struck wide of them, the secondkicked up a dust rather too close to be pleasant, and the third wentslap in among them, knocking over a horse or two, when these gallantcavaliers cut their sticks, and we saw no more of them. We soon movedinto the valley, and halted for a considerable time at the foot of thehill. We were here within three-quarters of a mile of the nearestredoubt, and about a mile and half from Kelat itself. General Willshirenow made a reconnaissance, and the men from the different baggage guardscame in and joined their respective regiments. After halting here aboutan hour, (the guns from the nearest redoubt every now and then pitchinga shot rather close to us, ) the brigade-major made his appearance withorders for the three regiments to form in quarter distance column ofcompanies, to attack the two redoubts, each leaving one company with thecolours to form the reserve. The 17th were to attack the nearestredoubt, and the 31st Bengal Native Infantry to turn its right, while wewere to push on and carry the other, which was the nearest to the fort. At the same time, our artillery were brought into position, and coveredour advance. 

The plot now began to thicken, and altogether the whole affair was themost exciting thing I ever experienced, and beat Ghuzni out of the pit. We moved steadily on, the guns from the redoubts blazing at us as fastas they could load them; but they were very inferior workmen, and onlytwo shots struck near us, one knocking up the dust close to us, andbounding over our heads, and the other whizzing close over our leadingcompany; however, they kept their ground till we arrived at the foot ofthe hills, when our artillery having unshipped one of their guns, andotherwise deranged their redoubts, they exploded their powder, andretired, some leisurely, but most in the greatest disorder. Here, again, we had occasion to regret having no cavalry, as a troop or two wouldhave effectually cut off or dispersed them. On reaching the top of thehill which they had abandoned, we found ourselves within a quarter of amile of the lower end of the town, with the Beloochees making the bestof their way towards the gate, which was open to admit them. CaptainOutram here rode up to us, and cried out, "On men, and take the gatebefore they can all get in. " This acted like magic on the men. All orderwas lost, and we rushed madly down the hill on the flying enemy, morelike hounds with the chase in view than disciplined soldiers. Theconsequence was, we were exposed to a most galling fire from theramparts, by which several of our best men were put _hors de combat_;the fugitives were too quick for us, and suddenly the cry was raised byour leading men, "The gate is shut. " All was now the greatest confusion, and shelter was sought for wherever it could be found. Unluckily a rushwas made by the greatest part of the regiment to an old shell of ahouse, which could scarcely afford cover to twenty men, much less to thenumbers who thronged into it, and who were so closely jammed that theycould not move; and so the outside portion were exposed to the fire fromthe left bastion of the town, which completely out-flanked them, andfrom which the matchlock-men kept pouring in a cool and most destructivefire upon this dense mass with the utmost impunity; while a wide, broken-down doorway in the centre exposed them to a fire from anotherbastion in their front, if ever they shewed their nose for an instant tosee how matters were going on, or to return their fire. Poor fellows!you may guess their situation was anything but pleasant. Theconsequences soon began to shew themselves--eight men and one officer(poor Gravatt) were shot dead, and several more were severely wounded, and had the artillery been less expeditious in knocking down the gate, the greatest part of them would have been annihilated. The other part ofthe regiment (myself among the rest) were more fortunate. Seeing so manyrushing to one place, I made for another shelter, about twenty paces tothe rear, which consisted of a long wall, about five feet high, andwhich afforded ample cover to us all. It was within seventy yards of thebastion that proved so fatal to the other party, and from which theykept up a pretty good fire upon us whenever we exposed ourselves. However, I was so excited that nothing would do but I must see the wholeaffair; this, however, was rather foolish, as every now and then theywould direct their attention to us, and send in a volley, which wouldsing over us and knock up the dust and the old wall about us in goodstyle. Simmons's horse (the Adjutant's) was foolishly brought down, andhad not been a second there when it was shot slap through the hind-leg. The ground behind us was raised a little, so that the horse's leg was ina line with and nearly touching my head as I stood looking over thewall; on reaching the cover we found four or five poor fellows who hadbeen wounded in the rush down the hill, and who had crawled in here aswell as they could. 

I had an excellent view of the further proceedings from this place. Right above us on the redoubt, from which we had driven the enemy, ourartillery had now established themselves, and were slapping away as hardas they could at the gate. I could see every shot as it struck: theymade some very clever shots, sending the balls all about the gate, andsometimes knocking down a portion of the bastion over it, considerablyderanging the operations of the matchlock-men who were in it; but stillthe old gate would not fall. In the mean time, the advance companies, which had been in quiet possession of the gardens, inclosures, &c. , since the beginning of the affair, were now ordered up to a wall aboutthirty yards in front of the doorway. They had to run over about threehundred yards of open country before they could get to it, exposed to afire from the bastion over the door. I saw them make a splendid rush, but three poor fellows and a native water-bearer fell, whom I saw crawlunder cover afterwards. All this time the artillery were banging away, but as they made so slight an impression on the gate, two guns of theShah's were moved down the hill a little to our left, and within aboutone hundred and fifty yards of the gate. They fired two shots; the firstmade the old gate shake; the second was more fortunate, and took itabout the middle, and brought it completely down. Our men gave a generalhurrah; and Outram galloping down the hill at full speed, gave the word, "Forward;" and General Willshire came up to us at his best pace, wavinghis hat, "Forward, Queen's, " he sung out, "or the 17th will be in beforeyou. " On we rushed again for the gate as hard as we could; the enemytreated us to one more volley, by which they did some execution, andDickenson was wounded in his leg, and then abandoning the lower defencesof the town, retreated to the citadel. 

However, on entering the gate, we found matters not so easy as weexpected. The streets were very narrow and so intricate that they formeda perfect labyrinth, and it was very difficult to make any progressthrough them. The men, therefore, soon got scattered about and brokeninto small parties; and some, I am afraid, thought of loot, or plunder, more than of endeavouring to find their way to the citadel. I forgot tomention that during the time we were under cover, the 17th and 31stNative Infantry had moved round the hill and taken up a position on ourright. These two regiments were ordered forward and into the town and atthe same time and the same gate as we were. The whole force, therefore, entered the town nearly together. I followed with a party of our men, and we pushed along as well as we could through streets, by-ways, &c. This was rather nervous work, as we never could tell what we had toexpect before us; there was no open enemy to be seen, but whenever wecame to an opening exposed to the citadel, a few bullets invariably camewhizzing in about us, and knocked over a man or two; moreover, havingthe recollection of Ghuzni fresh in our minds, we expected every momenta rush of some desperate fellows from the narrow holes we passedthrough. After groping my way through narrow passages and all sorts ofagreeable places, I found myself in the exact spot I had startedfrom--viz. , the gate by which we had entered. Here a man of our LightCompany came and told me that he had discovered a way to the citadel, and begged me to put myself at the head of a few men there collected. Ofcourse I did so, and in a short time we found ourselves in a largecourtyard, with stables, &c. , full of horses and Beloochees; right underthe windows of the citadel. These men cried out for "aman, " or "mercy;"but the soldiers recollecting the treachery that had been practised atGhuzni in a similar case were going to shoot the whole kit of them. Notliking to see this done, I stopped their fire, and endeavoured to makethe Beloochees come out of their holes and give themselves up. I wasstanding at this time in the centre of the court, and had heard a fewshots whizzing rather close over my head, when I suddenly received ashock, which made me think at the moment I was smashed to bits, by aball from a ginjall, or native wall piece. I was knocked senseless tothe ground, in which state I suppose I lay for a few minutes, and when Icame to myself I found myself kicking away, and coughing up globules ofclotted blood at a great pace. I thought at first I was as good as donefor; however, on regaining a little strength, I looked around, andseeing none of our men in the place, and thinking it more than probable, from what I knew of their character, that the very men whom I had beenendeavouring to save might take it into their heads to give me the"_coup de grace_" now I was left alone, I made a desperate effort, goton my legs, and managed to hobble out, when I soon found some of ourmen, who supported me until a dooly could be brought, into which I wasplaced, and was soon on my way to the doctor. 

You may imagine my feelings all this time to be anything but pleasant. Istill continued coughing up blood, which was flowing also pretty freelyfrom my side. The idea that you may probably have only a few hourslonger to exist, with the many recollections that crowd into your mindat such a time, is anything but a delightful one; and the being sosuddenly reduced from a state of vigorous activity to the sick, faintishfeeling that came over me, by no means added to the _agremens_ of mysituation. 

I well recollect being carried through the gate, where General Willshirewith his staff and the officers who had been left with the reservecompanies were, and who all pressed forward to see who the unfortunatefellow in the dooly was, when the low exclamation of "Poor Holdsworth!"and the mysterious and mournful shaking of heads which passed amongthem, by no means tended to enliven my spirits. I soon reached the placewhere the doctors, with their understrappers, were busily employed amongthe wounded, dying, and dead. I was immediately stripped and examined, and then, for the first time, heard that the ball had passed through andout of my body. I also now discovered that it had struck and gonethrough my arm as well. Being very anxious, I begged Hunter, the doctor, to let me know the worst. He shook his head, and told me "he thought ita rather dangerous case, principally from my having spit so much blood. "He had not time, however, to waste many words with me, as he had plentyof others to attend. Dickenson, also, I found here; having been wounded, as I before told you. He did all he could to keep my spirits up, but, asyou may suppose, I felt still very far from being comfortable. Nor werethe various objects that met my eye of a consolatory nature: men lying, some dead, others at their last gasp, while the agonizing groans ofthose who were undergoing operations at the hands of the hospitalassistants, added to the horror of the scene. I may now say that I haveseen, on a small scale, every different feature of a fight. 

In the meantime, there had been sharp fighting in the citadel. Our men, after forcing their way through numerous dark passages, in sonic placesso narrow and low that they were forced to crawl singly on their handsand knees, at length arrived there; but as there were a great number ofapproaches to this their last place of refuge, our men got broken upinto small detached parties, and entered it at different places. Oneparty reached the place where Mehrab Khan, at the head of the chiefs whohad joined his standard, was sitting with his sword drawn, &c. Theothers seemed inclined to surrender themselves, and raised the cry of"Aman!" but the Khan, springing on his feel, cried, "Aman, nag!"equivalent to "Mercy be d--d, " and blew his match; but all in vain, ashe immediately received about three shots, which completely did hisbusiness; the one that gave him the "_coup de grace_, " and which wentthrough his breast, being fired by a man of our regiment, named Maxwell. So fell Mehrab Khan, having fulfilled his promise to General Willshire, and died game, with his sword in his hand, in his own citadel. 

Other parties, however, were not so fortunate, as each being too weak, the enemy generally offered a determined resistance, and several, aftergiving themselves up, finding the numbers to whom they had surrenderedsmaller than they had at first appeared, turned upon them suddenly; forwhich, however, they suffered in the long-run, as the soldiers, atlast, maddened by this conduct, refused quarter, and fired at once intowhatever party they met, without asking any questions. 

At length the few survivors, being driven to their last stronghold atthe very top of the citadel, surrendered on condition of their livesbeing granted to them; when one loud and general "hurrah!" proclaimedaround that Kelat was ours. The greatest part of the garrison had, however, before this managed to make their escape over the hills. Dickenson, while he was lying wounded by my side, saw quantities of themletting themselves down the walls of the citadel by means of ropes, shawls, &c. 

Dooly, the most faithful of his chiefs and followers, remained by MehrabKhan to the last. These were all either taken prisoners or killed. Besides the Khan himself, the Dadur chief, who had been the cause ofgreat annoyance to us in our way up, and the Governor of the Shawldistrict, were among the slain. The only two men of his council of anynote among the survivors are at present prisoners in our camp, on theirway to Bengal. 

Thus ended this short, but decisive affair, which I consider to be amuch more gallant one than that of Ghuzni, both in regard to the numbersengaged on each side and the manner in which it was taken. We merelyhalted for an hour, and then went slap at it, as if it was merely acontinuation of our morning's march. General Willshire was exceedinglypleased with the result, as well he might be, and issued a verycomplimentary address to the force engaged, the next day. I hope andconclude his fortune will be made by it. 

The loss on our side at Kelat was, in proportion, a great deal greaterthan at Ghuzni. We had altogether about 1100 bayonets engaged, and theloss was 140, being about one in seven; of this loss, the Queen's bear aproportion equal to that of the other two regiments together, havingreturned about seventy in the butcher's bill out of 280, which was thenumber we brought into the field, being about one in four. Out ofthirteen officers, we had one killed, four severely, and one slightly, wounded; twenty-three men were killed, and forty-one wounded, of whomsome have died since, and most will feel the effect of their wounds tilltheir dying day, as the greatest portion are body wounds. 

With regard to prize-money, I have no doubt that had things been eventolerably well managed, there would have been plenty of it, but we didnot stay there long enough to search the place thoroughly. I hear alsothat the other part of the force that went down by the Bolan Pass claimto share with us, which we do not allow; so that, perhaps, it may getinto the lawyers' hands, and then good-bye to it altogether, I do notexpect, under any circumstances, more than 100l. Some of the rooms ofthe citadel were very handsomely fitted up, particularly one in the oldfellow's harem, which was one entire mirror, both sides and ceiling. 

We remained at Kelat till the 21st of November, and then marched by theGundava Pass on this place. During the week that we remained there, mywounds continued doing very well, and I had very little fever; and onthe third and fourth days after I was hit, the doctor considered me "allright. " On the two first days of our march, however, I caught a lowfever, which left me on the third, and I have continued to growgradually better ever since. We found the Gundava a much longer and moredifficult pass than that of the Bolan, and could get very little grainor supplies either for ourselves or our cattle. Our march was perfectlyunmolested, as by that time the new Khan had arrived at Kelat, and mostof the principal chiefs had acknowledged him. I do not know, however, what has become of Mehrab Khan's eldest son, a lad of fifteen years old, who was bringing up a reinforcement to his father in our rear, while wewere marching on Kelat, but did not arrive in the neighbourhood untilafter the place was taken. He, however, threatened us with a nightattack while we were lying in front of it, so that we were on the alert, every one sleeping on his arms during the whole time we were there. 

 "We laid not by our harness bright, Neither by day nor yet by night. "

During the whole of this time the weather set in dreadfully cold, colderthan I ever experienced it anywhere in my life; sharp frosts, &c. 

Well; to cut the matter short, yesterday, the 7th of December, wearrived at this place, which is the same that we halted at for a week inour march up. Here, at length, we are in the land of plenty, and enjoysuch luxuries as fresh eggs, butter, milk, vegetables, &c. , with a goûtthat those only can feel who have been so long without them as we have. We find the climate, however, very hot, and I am sorry to say that weare losing many fine fellows from the effect of the change. It is verypainful to witness these poor fellows going off in this miserablemanner, after surviving the chances of fire and steel, and all theharassing duties they have had to perform during the campaign, now whenthey have arrived at nearly the very end of it. 

_Larkhanu, Dec. 24th_. --I have delayed sending this till our arrivalhere, as the communication between this and Bombay is perfectly open, which might not have been the case at Kotra. We have been here about aweek, and report says that we are to finish our marching here, and dropdown the river to Curachee in boats. I hope this may prove the case, asI am sure we have had marching enough for one campaign. Another report, however, says, that there is a kick-up in the Punjab, and that we shallbe detained in this country in consequence; but I do not think itlikely. 

That part of our force which was not employed at Kelat went down by theBolan Pass, and have suffered considerably from cholera, which luckilywe have as yet escaped. The men that we have lost since our arrival inthis low country have all died from complaints of the lungs, from whichthey were perfectly free in the cold country above the hills. Sincewriting the former part of this letter, I have received a letter fromKate, dated September 10th, which I will answer as soon I have finishedthis letter to you. 

_December 25th, Christmas day_. --I hope to spend this evening morecomfortably than I did last year, when I was on out-lying picket, thenight before we commenced our first march. Now, I trust, we havefinished our last. We have luckily met all our mess supplies here, whichhave been waiting for us about six months, having never managed to getfurther than Bukkur. So now it is a regular case of--

 "Who so merry as we in camp? Danger over, Live in clover, " &c. 

I have just heard that the order is out for our marching the day afterto-morrow to the banks of the river, there to remain till the boats areready. Now the campaign is so near its close, I feel very glad that Ihave been on it, as it is a thing that a man does not see every day ofhis life in these times; and I consider it to be more lucky thanotherwise that I have four holes in my body as a remembrance of it; butI cannot say that I relish a longer sojourn in India, unless we have theluck to be sent to China, which I should like very much, (fancy sackingPekin, and kicking the Celestial Emperor from his throne, ) as I do notthink the climate has done me any good, but on the contrary. 

I do not know whether these wounds of mine will give me any claim;--and, talking about that, I would wish you to inquire whether or not I amentitled to any gratuity for them. I hear that officers returned"wounded" on the list in the Peninsular Campaign, no matter how slightthe wound might have been, received a gratuity of one year's pay as acompensation; and this, I think, was called "blood-money. " I do not knowhow far this may be the case at present, but I do not think that 120l. Ought to be lost sight of for want of a little inquiry. 

By-the-bye, I had nearly forgotten to say that I have received twoletters from Eliza, which I will answer as soon as possible; but I donot think it safe to keep this open any longer, as I may lose the mailto Bombay; so must conclude, with best love to all at home, Your very affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER XI. 

 Camp Larkanu, Dec. 26th, 1839. 

MY DEAR ELIZA, --I finished and sent off a letter to my father yesterday, giving an account of the storming of Kelat, and the wounds I received inthe skrimmage, and telling him of everything that had happened since Iwrote before, which was the day we left Cabool. You can see his letter, which gives a pretty full account of all our proceedings up to thepresent time. 

I have now to make many apologies for not having answered your twoletters, one dated May 29th, giving an account of Kate's wedding, andthe other, dated the 29th of July, from Bristol, and likewise for havingforgotten to thank you for the money you were kind enough to send outwith my father's, last year. I can assure you never came money moreacceptable, as no one can imagine what expenses we have unavoidably beenobliged to incur in this campaign, which I suppose has cost officersmore than any other campaign that ever was undertaken. I think there arefew of us who have come off under 100l. Besides our pay; and yet thiswas merely for the common necessaries of life, --just sufficient to keepbody and soul together. I can assure you I feel very much obliged foryour present, as also for the two letters which I received while on themarch. I have often thought of Brookhill during the many dreary marchesthat we have made, and on the solitary out-lying pickets, with no one tospeak to, and deplored my unlucky fate, in being obliged to leave homejust as you seem to be comfortably settled there. Still I have hope thatI may yet return, some day or other. 

I can now give you more definite intelligence with regard to ourmovements than I did in my father's letter; since sending off whichorders have come out, and the campaign, as far as our regiment isconcerned, is decidedly brought to a close. H. M. 17th, with Gen. Willshire, Baumgardt, and Head-quarter Staff, marched this morning forBukkur, where they are to remain for four or five months, so reportsays, and longer than that I suppose, if their services are required. The Queen's, and the 4th Light Dragoons, are to return to Bombay as soonas the necessary arrangements for their transportation thither &c. Arecompleted. We march from this to-morrow for the banks of the river, about twelve miles, and shall probably remain there for three weeks orso, until the shipping is got ready in Bombay, when we shall drop downthe Indus in boats, and embark from Curachee for the Presidencies: wouldit were for England. Most of our married officers have obtained leave toprecede the regiment, and are off in a day or two. 

I hope to see Lieutenant-Colonel Fane when we arrive at Bombay. Hisfather, Sir H. Fane, has publicly and officially resigned thecommander-in-chief-ship in favour of Sir Jasper Nicolls. Sir Henry hasbeen dangerously unwell at Bombay; but report says he is now gettingbetter. He intends sailing as soon as possible, I believe, and so willmost likely be gone before we arrive there. Sir J. Keane has alsoresigned, and is to be succeded by Sir Thomas M'Mahon. It is not quitecertain that we shall go to Bombay, as some say that we shall land atCambay, and go up to Deesa, and others that we shall return to Belgaum. Last night we received Bombay papers, giving an account of the taking ofKelat. They have buttered us up pretty well, and seem to think it a muchmore gallant affair than that of Ghuzni--in this last particular theyare only doing us justice. 

_Dec. 30th, Camp, Taggur Bundur; Banks of the Indus_. --We arrived herethe day before yesterday, and are likely to remain, I believe, afortnight or so. We muster rather small, as most of the married officersare off to-day and yesterday. As to my wounds, I have only one holestill open--namely, the one through which the bullet took its finaldeparture, and that, I think, will be closed in a day or two. I amsorry to say that since arriving here I have caught a "cruel cold, " fromwhich I am suffering severely at present. 

By-the-bye, there are a few incidents connected with the taking of Kelatwhich I forgot to mention in my letter to my father. Mehrab Khan, thechief of Kelat, managed to send away all his harem and family on themorning of the fight, directly we were seen approaching, but his otherchiefs were not so fortunate, and the greater part of them deliberatelycut the throats of all the females belonging to their establishments, including wives, mothers, and daughters, as soon as we establishedourselves within the town, rather than suffer them to fall into thehands of us infidels. I forgot, I think, also, to mention that I managedto procure rather a handsome Koran, which was found in the citadel, andalso an excellent Damascus blade, both of which I intend giving to myfather, and a few articles of native costume, which would go far to makeup a neat fancy dress, but it is not quite complete. A great number ofhandsome articles were stolen by the camp followers and other rascals, worse luck for us poor wounded officers, who could not help ourselves. We were rather surprised at finding some excellent European articles inthe shape of double-barrelled guns, pistols, beautiful French musicalboxes, prints, looking-glasses, and pier-glasses, &c. , in the rooms ofthe citadel. Where Mehrab Khan could have picked them up I cannotthink, unless they were the result of some successful foray on someunfortunate caravan. 

The day after the fight, Captain Outram, of whom I have so often spokenin my letters to my father, volunteered to take the dispatches toBombay, and started for that purpose straight across country to SomeaneeBay, on the sea-coast, a distance of 350 miles, and across the barrenmountains that compose the greatest part of Beloochistan. This route hadup to that time never been traversed by any European, except Pottinger, who passed through all these countries twenty years ago, disguised as anative. It was attempted last year by Captain Harris, of the BombayEngineers, author of the "African Excursions, " a very enterprisingofficer, and who landed at Someanee Bay for that purpose; but aftergetting about twenty miles into the interior, reported the route asimpracticable. When this is taken into consideration, with the greatchance there was of Captain Outram's falling into the hands of the manystraggling fugitives from Kelat, and the well-known character of these_gentlemen_, now smarting under the painful feeling of being driven fromtheir homes, &c. , it must be confessed that it required no little pluckto undertake it. The plan proved, however, perfectly successful. Hetravelled in the disguise of an Afghan Peer or holy man, under theguidance of two Afghan Seyds, a race of men much looked up to andrespected in all Mahomedan countries, on account of their obtaining, [whether true or not, I know not] a pure descent from the Prophet. Outram and his party fell in with several bands of fugitives, andactually came up and were obliged to travel a day or two with the haremand escort of Mehrab Khan's brother. As there was a chance of Outram'sbeing discovered by this party, the Seyd introduced him in the characterof a Peer, which holy disguise he had to support during the wholejourney; and after some extraordinary escapes he arrived at Someanee Bayin seven or eight days. 

Our sick and wounded have been left behind at Kelat, under the charge ofan officer of the 17th, since which things have gone on very smoothlythere. The new Khan has been very accommodating, and has given fêtes, &c. , to the officers left behind, in honour of our gallantry. He hasalso written to General Willshire to say that he intends giving us all amedal each, whether we are allowed to wear it or not, as he does not seewhy, if the Shah did it for Ghuzni, he might not do it also for Kelat. Lord Auckland has published an order that all regiments belonging to theCompany that went beyond the Bolan Pass shall wear Afghanistan on theircolours and appointments, and all engaged at Ghuzni that name also; andhas written to the Queen for permission for Queen's regiments employedin like manner to bear the same. I suppose we shall get Kelat inaddition. 

There is one other point which, in my hurry to get my letter off intime for the January mail, I totally forgot to mention--viz. , aboutdrawing some money on my father. I have before mentioned the greatexpense we have been put to in this campaign; in addition to this, whenwe were ordered from Quettah to take Kelat, we were also under orders toreturn to Quettah after having taken the place. A sergeant was thereforeleft behind at Quettah to take charge of whatever effects any personmight leave, and officers were strongly advised to leave the greaterpart of their kit at this place. I, as well as most of my brotherofficers, was foolish enough to follow this advice, and brought only abundle of linen; consequently now I am almost minus everything;dress-coat, appointments, are all left behind, as General Willshire, after the taking of Kelat, instead of returning to Quettah, proceededinto Cutch Gundava by the Gundava Pass. Nothing has been since heard ofwhat we have left behind, except that the sergeant could not get camelsor carriage sufficient to bring them down. Moreover, it is unsafe to gothrough the Bolan Pass without a tolerably strong escort; so, taking allthings into consideration, I do not think there is much chance of ourever seeing anything of them again. The consequences will be, that, onour arrival at Bombay, I shall be obliged to get an entire new fit out, and as the campaign has drained me dry, I shall be obliged to draw uponmy father for it; however, I will repay him by the end of the year, asby that time the Company will have given us half a year's full batta, which they intend doing as a sort of indemnification for the losses wehave sustained on the campaign; my batta will be about 72l. 

I do not think I have any more to say, and as the January overland sailson the 25th, I hope this letter will reach Bombay in time to go by it, as well as my father's. By-the-bye, how is old Nelly? If she has anygood pups, I wish you would manage to keep one for me, as I expect theold girl will be either dead or very old by the time I return. I amlonging to get out of the "Sick-list, " as the thickets here near theriver are full of partridges and hares, and the climate, at this time ofthe year, is very cool and pleasant. My rheumatism is much better sinceI was wounded; but I still have it in my left arm. Well, no more; butwishing you, and all, a happy new year. 

 Believe me ever your very affectionate brother, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER XII. 

 Camp, Curachee, Feb. 14th, 1840. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --You will see, by my date, that our share of thecampaign is ended; in fact, we are only waiting here for shipping, whichis on its way from Bombay, to take us from this place to Mandavie, inCutch, where we land, and then march immediately to Deesa, in Guzerat;so that, after all our toilsome marches, &c. , we have yet another, stillmore toilsome, before us of 240 miles. The climate of Cutch and Guzeratduring the period of year that we shall be occupied in marching is sohot that no changes of station are ever made even by native corps, andEuropeans are never allowed to march in Guzerat except during the coldmonths. It is sharp work on our poor men; many of whom appear very unfitfor it; but they are now so accustomed to hard work, that they will getwell through it I have little doubt. 

We left Tuggur Bandur, from which place I wrote to Eliza and Kate, onthe 13th of January, and drifted quietly down the river in boats, pulling up and coming to an anchor every evening at sunset. We reachedTatta Bundur, about five miles from the town, on the 21st, and afterstaying there a few days, started again for this place, which we reachedin five marches, on the 31st. We were immediately most hospitablyentertained by the officers of H. M. 40th, which is an excellentregiment. Here we have been ever since, living on the fat of the land, and enjoying ourselves very much, after all our toils. This is now arather considerable station: one Queen's and one Company's regiment, anddetail of foot artillery, and plenty of European supplies brought by theBombay merchants. It is a very decent climate; and would make a verygood station. I wish they would leave us here in place of sending us toDeesa, at this time of the year. Sir John Keane, General Willshire, andthe Bombay staff are expected here in a day or two. Sir John is bringingdown with him Hyder Khan, Dost Mahomed's son, who commanded at Ghuzniwhen it was taken. He is to be brought to Bombay, and as he is of a veryquiet, amiable disposition, will, so report says, be eventually allowedto join his father. Poor Dost, they say, is in a very bad way, desertedby nearly all his followers; but there still seems to be mischiefbrewing in the north-west. All accounts say that Bokhara is very muchinclined to the Russian interest, and Shah Kamran's vizier at Herat hasbeen carrying on a correspondence with the Persians, the object of whichis said to be the delivery of Herat into their hands. The Punjab is alsoin a very unsettled state; so there are plenty of materials for gettingup another row in these countries before long. War is most positivelysaid to be decided on with China, and seven regiments, to be followed bya reserve of equal number, together with a considerable naval force, areto be sent there as soon as possible. Lord Auckland, we are told, hashad _carte blanche_ from the Home government to act as he thinks fitwith regard to China, and that he has determined upon a hostile movementas soon as this campaign is regularly finished, which it may be said tobe; so there will be glorious fun there. It is not yet known here whatregiments will go. I am afraid there is little chance for the Queen's. 

The 4th Light Dragoons have arrived here, having come down by land; theyare to return to their old quarters at Kickee, near Poonah. The 17th mayalso be expected in a few days; they are to occupy our old quarters atBelgaum. The 18th (Royal Irish) have come on from Ceylon, and are to goto Poonah; and the 6th go home (to England) as soon as possible. This isunderstood to be the destination of each regiment, but this affair withChina may cause an alteration. 

I am very sorry to mention the unfortunate death of poor little Halkett, one of my best friends, and the son of General Halkett, of Hanover, whowas so very civil to me while I was there, and nephew of Sir ColinHalkett. 

Since we have been here, I have received your letter, dated November2nd, by which it appears that you had just then heard of the taking ofGhuzni. You mentioned, also, in it that you had received my letter fromCandahar, which I am very glad to hear, as I was very much afraid, fromthe state of the country, that it would never reach its destination. Asyou mention nothing about it, I suppose you had not received the letterI wrote from Ghuzni almost immediately after the capture. I know manyletters were lost about that time, and mine, I am afraid, among thenumber. There is a report here (but I think, too good to be true) thatall officers with the advance, or storming, party at Ghuzni, consistingof the light companies of the European regiments, were to get brevetrank. In that case, as the company to which I belong--viz, theLight--was one of the number, and, in fact, headed the assault, CaptHoldsworth would be my future rank. Tell Eliza that I got her letterwhich was enclosed in yours, and was very much surprised at itscontents. 

I do not know what to say about Deesa as station, reports are so variouson the subject. The heat, I believe is awful in the hot weather thethermometer rising to 120 in the houses; and the worst part of thebusiness is, that this heat, which is occasioned by the hot winds, lastsall night through; so that the night is nearly as hot as the day. Atother times of the year, I believe, the climate is very pleasant. The40th give a very good account of it. There is a great quantity of gamethere, and some of the best hog-hunting in India. Mount Aboo, called theParnassus of India, is within fifty miles of it, and is a great place ofresort during the hot weather. 

Should this expedition to China take place, which seems decided upon atpresent, what an immense power the English will eventually have in theEast. In a few years, I have no doubt it may extend from Herat to themost eastern parts of China, including all the islands in the adjacentseas. Like the Romans, England seems to be extending her dominioneverywhere--"super et Garamantes et Indos, proferet imperium, " and yetwhat a row she kicks up about Russia. The French papers seem to berather jealous about Ghuzni. How the English papers butter it up! andyet it was not half so brilliant an affair as Kelat, nor so hardlycontested; but very little is said about the latter. 

Enclosed, I send you a view of the north front of Kelat, shewing thegate by which we entered. It gives you a pretty good idea of the place, and was drawn by Lieutenant Creed, of the Engineers. 

I went yesterday to see a tank, about seven miles from this place, inwhich are a great quantity of alligators, half tame. The tank in whichthey are belongs to a Mahomedan temple, which is considered a very holyone, and much resorted to, and these animals are kept there by thepriests of the establishment, in order to induce a greater number ofvisitors. A calf was killed and thrown in among the scaly gentlemen, whovery soon demolished it. I never saw anything so loathesome andrepulsive as these monsters. 

This letter goes by the "Hannah" packet, which sails this evening forBombay, and will, I hope, reach that place in time to go by the"overland packet. " I suppose you know that this is classic ground, andthe place from which Nearchus, Alexander's admiral, started on hisreturn to the Euphrates. I have no time for more. So, with love to allat home, Believe me your affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

LETTER XIII. 

 Deesa, April 21st, 1840. 

MY DEAR FATHER, --I received your letter, dated January 18th, about thebeginning of this month, while on our march from Mandavie to this place. I see by the papers that the news of the taking of Kelat had readiedEngland, as I find my name mentioned in the "Western Luminary, " whichcame out in this overland. I wrote you last from Curachee, about thebeginning or middle of February. We stayed there till the 20th. A fewdays before we left, Lord Keane and suite arrived, bringing with himHyder Khan, the captured chief of Ghuzni. While there, Lord Keanepresented new colours to the 40th regiment, which we had an opportunityof witnessing. He and all his party have since gone home. 

On the 20th, I, with my company under my command, embarked for Mandavie, in Cutch, where we arrived in two days, in Patamars, and waited till thewhole regiment came down, which they did by companies, so that it wasthe 10th of March before we were able to start for this place. 

We arrived here on the 4th of this month, pushing on as fast as wecould, as the commanding officer was anxious to get the men under cover, on account of the great heat. There was excellent shooting the whole wayup; and if it had been the cold season, I should have enjoyed the marchamazingly; but it was too hot to venture out. On arrival here we foundabout three hundred recruits, who had arrived since we went on service, and about fifty of the men we left behind us; also seven new officers. As I have a company under my command I have scarcely had a moment tomyself since I have been here; what with fitting and getting therecruits in order, and new clothing the old hands, you have noconception what tedious work it is getting into quarters. 

I have bought a very comfortable little bungalo for four hundred rupees. We were promised our full batta on our arrival here; but, although theBengalees, it is said, received theirs some time ago, yet there is ascrew loose, I fear, somewhere in the Bombay, and that it may be sometime before we get ours, and that it will not be as much as theBengalees: so much for being in an inferior Presidency. This is a greatdisappointment, after our losses on the campaign. 

With regard to this place, I have not been long enough in it to form anopinion. Its appearance is decidedly against it, the soil being nothingbut a barren sandy desert, with the low hills of the Aravulles to theeastward, running north to the mountain Aboo, the Parnassus ofHindostan. The last week has been oppressive, and hot in the extreme;and this is but the commencement of the hot weather, which I am toldwill last about six weeks longer, when a very slight monsoon comes on, and lasts at intervals till the end of October, when the cold seasoncommences, which is said to be very pleasant. There is a lot of gamehere of every description, including lions; and it is one of the besthog-hunting stations in India. 

Our men, to the surprise of everybody, were very healthy in the marchup; and since they have been here, and not having their knapsacks tocarry, knocked off their work in grand style. The men we have broughtback with us are well-seasoned, hardy fellows, and I would back them tomarch against any soldiers in the world. 

I suppose you have long ere this received Stisted's letter and mineabout Kelat. Colonel Arnold[A] died at Cabool whilst we were there, andwas buried with a magnificent military funeral in the Armenianburial-ground. 

[Footnote A: Colonel Arnold was in the 10th Hussars at Waterloo, andshot through the body in the charge in which Major Howard, of thatregiment, was killed. ]

I am sorry to say that, as I predicted, the spear which I took at thestorming of Ghuzni has been broken to pieces through the carelessness ofmy servants. I have, however, the Koran and sword from Kelat; and Ithink I shall be able to get a matchlock taken at that place, --a verygood specimen of the sort of thing I was wounded by; perhaps it may bethe identical one. The sword I left in Cutch, in my way up fromMandavie, to be put to rights, as the workmen of that country are thebest in India, I will try if I can get another weapon, as a remembranceof Ghuzni. I brought down from Cabool as far as Quettah a very goodspecimen of the Kyber knife, a very cut-throat sort of instrument, withwhich every Afghan is armed. I sent it down with my other things throughthe Bolan Pass, when we turned off to Kelat, and I am sorry to say itwas stolen. 

You write about old ----: did I never mention him to you? He is here;but was not with us on the campaign, being too unwell when we started. Though not an old man, he is a very old soldier for an Indian, and isnearly worn out: he is anxious to get his discharge at the end of theyear, when he will have served his twenty-one years, and be entitled toa decent pension. He is a very straight-forward, blunt, honest oldfellow, and when he first joined was a very powerful man, and the bestwrestler in the regiment, thereby proving his South Devon blood. He was----'s servant when I joined, and I was delighted at hearing the SouthDevon dialect again, which he speaks with so much truth and nativeelegance that you would imagine he had but just left his native village. There were a great many Devonshire men in the regiment; we lost one, avery fine young man in the Grenadiers, in coming down from Kelat toCutch Gundava, by the same chest complaint that carried off so many: hewas a native of Tiverton. 

Well; it is twelve o'clock, and I am afraid I shall be too late for thepost; so good bye. 

 Your affectionate son, T. W. E. HOLDSWORTH. 

 * * * * *

APPENDIX. 

FALL OF GHUZNI, & ENTRANCE OF THE BRITISH ARMY INTO CABOOL. 

_(From the Bombay Government Gazette Extraordinary of August 29th, 1839. )_

SECRET DEPARTMENT. 

Bombay Castle, Aug 29th, 1839. 

The Honourable the Governor in Council has the highest satisfaction inrepublishing the following notification issued by the Right Honourablethe Governor-General, announcing the capture by storm of the town andfortress of Ghuzni, as also the general order issued on the occasion byhis Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, K. C. B. And G. C. H. , Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Indus. By order of the Honourablethe Governor in Council, L. R. REID, Acting Chief Secretary. 

 * * * * *

NOTIFICATION. --SECRET DEPARTMENT. 

Simla, August 18th, 1839. 

The Right Hon. The Governor-General of India has great gratification inpublishing, for general information, a copy of a report this dayreceived from his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, K. C. B, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Indus, announcing the capture, bystorm, on the 23d ult. , of the important fortress of Ghuzni. 

A salute of twenty-one guns will be fired on the receipt of thisintelligence at all the principal stations of the army in the threePresidencies. By order of the Right Hon. The Governor-General of India, (Signed) T. H. MADDOCK, Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, with the Governor-General. 

 * * * * *

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD AUCKLAND, G. C. B. , ETC. 

MY LORD, --I have the satisfaction to acquaint your Lordship that thearmy under my command have succeeded in performing one of the mostbrilliant acts it has ever been my lot to witness during my service offorty-five years in the four quarters of the globe, in the capture, bystorm, of the strong and important fortress and citadel of Ghuzniyesterday. 

It is not only that the Afghan nation, and, I understand, Asia generallyhave looked upon it as impregnable; but it is in reality a place ofgreat strength, both by nature and art, far more so than I had reason tosuppose from any description that I had received of it, although someare from others in our own service who had seen it in their travels. 

I was surprised to find a high rampart in good repair, built on ascarped mound about thirty-five feet high, flanked by numerous towers, and surrounded by a fausse brayze and a wet ditch, whilst the height ofthe citadel covered the interior from the commanding fire of the hillsfrom the north, rendering it nugatory. In addition to this, screen wallshad been built before the gates, the ditch was filled with water, andunfordable, and an outwork built on the right bank of the river so as tocommand the bed of it. 

It is therefore the more honourable to the troops, and must appear tothe enemy out of all calculation extraordinary, that a fortress andcitadel to the strength of which, for the last thirty years, they hadbeen adding something each year, and which had a garrison of 3500 Afghansoldiers, commanded by Prince Mahomed Hyder, the son of Dost MahomedKhan, the ruler of the country, with a commanding number of guns, andabundance of ammunition, and other stores, provisions, &c. , for regularsiege, should have been taken by British science and British valour inless than two hours from the time the attack was made, and the whole, including the governor and garrison, should fall into our hands. 

My dispatch of the 20th instant, from Nanee, will have made known toyour Lordship that the camps of his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, andof Major-General Willshire, with the Bombay troops, had there joined mein accordance with my desire, and the following morning we made ourmarch of twelve miles to Ghuzni, the line of march being over a fineplain. The troops were disposed in a manner that would have enabled meat any moment, had we been attacked, as was probable, from the largebodies of troops moving on each side of us, to have placed them inposition to receive the enemy. They did not, however, appear; but on ourcoming within range of the guns of the citadel and fortress of Ghuzni, asharp cannonade was opened on our leading column, together with a heavyfire of musketry from behind garden walls, and temporary field-worksthrown up, as well as the strong outwork I have already alluded to, which commanded the bed of the river from all but the outwork. The enemywere driven in under the walls of the fort in a spirited manner byparties thrown forward by Major-General Sir Willoughby Cotton, of the16th and 48th Bengal Native Infantry, and her Majesty's 13th LightInfantry, under Brigadier Sale. I ordered forward three troops of horseartillery, the camel battery, and one foot battery, to open upon thecitadel and fortress, by throwing shrapnel shells, which was done in amasterly style under the direction of Brigadier Stephenson. My object inthis was to make the enemy shew their strength in guns, and in otherrespects, which completely succeeded, and our shells must have donegreat execution, and occasioned great consternation. Being perfectlysatisfied on the point of their strength in the course of half an hour, I ordered the fire to cease, and placed the troops in bivouac. A closereconnoissance of the place all around was then undertaken by CaptainThomson, the chief engineer, and Captain Peat, of the Bombay Engineers, accompanied by Major Garden, the Deputy Quartermaster-General of theBombay army, supported by a strong party of her Majesty's 16th Lancers, and one from her Majesty's 18th Light Infantry. On this party a steadyfire was kept up, and some casualties occurred. Captain Thomson's reportwas very clear, he found the fortifications equally strong all round;and, as my own opinion coincided with him, I did not hesitate a momentas to the manner in which our approach and attack upon the place shouldbe made. Notwithstanding the march the troops had performed in themorning, and then having been a considerable time engaged with theenemy, I ordered the whole to move across the river (which runs closeunder the fort wall) in columns, to the right and left of the town, andthey were placed in opposition on the north side on more commandingground, and securing the Cabool road. I had information that a nightattack upon the camp was intended from without. Mahomed Ubzul Khan, theeldest son of Dost Mahomed Khan, had been sent by his father with astrong body of troops from Cabool to the brother's assistance at Ghuzni, and was encamped outside the walls, but abandoned his position on ourapproach, keeping, however, at the distance of a few miles from us. Thetwo rebel chiefs of the Ghiljee tribe, men of great influence--viz. , Abdool Rhuman and Gool Mahomed Khan, had joined him with 1500 horse, andalso a body of about 3000 Ghazees from Zeimat, under a mixture of chiefsand mollahs, carrying banners, and who had been assembled on the cry ofa religious war. In short, we were in all directions surrounded byenemies. These last actually came down the hills on the 22nd, andattacked the part of the camp occupied by his Majesty Shah Shooja andhis own troops, but were driven back with considerable loss, and bannerstaken. 

At daylight on the 22nd I reconnoitered Ghuzni, in company with thechief engineer and the brigadier commanding the artillery, with theadjutant and quartermaster-general of the Bengal army, for the purposeof making all arrangements for carrying the place by storm, and thesewere completed in the course of the day. Instead of the tedious processof breaching, (for which we were ill prepared, ) Captain Thomsonundertook, with the assistance of Captain Peat, of the Bombay Engineers, Lieutenants Durand and Macleod, of the Bengal Engineers, and otherofficers under him, (Captain Thomson, ) to blow in the Cabool gate, theweakest point, with gunpowder; and so much faith did I place on thesuccess of this operation that my plans for the assault were immediatelylaid down and the orders given. 

The different troops of horse artillery, the camel and foot batteries, moved off their ground at twelve o'clock that night, without theslightest noise, as had been directed, and in the most correct mannertook up the position assigned them, about 250 yards from the walls. Inlike manner, and with the same silence, the infantry soon after movedfrom their ground, and all were at their post at the proper time. A fewminutes before three o'clock in the morning the explosion took place, and proved completely successful. Captain Peat, of the Bombay Engineers, was thrown down and stunned by it, but shortly after recovered hissenses and feeling. On hearing the advance sounded by the bugle, (beingthe signal for the gate having been blown in, ) the artillery, under theable directions of Brigadier Stevenson, consisting of Captain Grant'stroop of Bengal Horse Artillery, the camel battery, under CaptainAbbott, both superintended by Major Pew, Captains Martin and Cotgrave'stroops of Bombay Horse Artillery, and Captain Lloyd's battery of BombayFoot Artillery, all opened a terrific fire upon the citadel and rampartsof the fort, and, in a certain degree, paralysed the enemy. 

Under the guidance of Captain Thomson, of The Bengal Engineers, thechief of the department, Colonel Dennie of her Majesty's 13th LightInfantry, commanding the advance, consisting of the light companies ofher Majesty's 2nd and 17th regiments of Foot, and of the Bengal Europeanregiment, with one company, of her Majesty's 13th Light Infantry, proceeded to the gate, and with great difficulty, from the rubbishthrown down, and determined opposition offered by the enemy, effected anentrance, and established themselves within the gateway closely followedby the main column, led in a spirit of great gallantry by BrigadierSale, to whom I had entrusted the important post of commanding thestorming party, consisting (with the advance above-mentioned) of herMajesty's 2nd Foot, under Major Carruthers; the Bengal Europeanregiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Orchard, followed by her Majesty's13th Light Infantry, under Major Thomson; and her Majesty's 17thregiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Croker. The struggle within the fortwas desperate for a considerable time. In addition to the heavy filekept up, our troops were assailed by the enemy sword in hand, and withdaggers, pistols, &c. ; but British courage, perseverance, and fortitude, overcame all opposition, and the fire of the enemy in the lower area ofthe fort being nearly silenced, Brigadier Sale turned towards thecitadel, from which could now be seen men abandoning the guns, runningin all directions, throwing themselves down from immense heights, endeavouring to make their escape; and on reaching the gate with herMajesty's 17th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Croker, followed by the 13th, forced it open at five o'clock in the morning. The colours of herMajesty's 13th and 17th were planted on the citadel of Ghuzni amidst thecheers of all ranks. Instant protection was granted to the women foundin the citadel, (among whom were those of Mahomed Hyder, the governor)and sentries placed over the magazine for its security. Brigadier Salereports having received much assistance from Captain Kershaw, of herMajesty's 13th Light Infantry, throughout the whole of the service ofthe storming. 

Major General Sir Willoughby Cotton executed in a manner much to mysatisfaction the orders he had received. The Major General followedclosely the assaulting party into the fort with the reserve--namely, Brigadier Roberts, with the only available regiment of his brigade; the35th Native Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Monteath; part ofBrigadier Sale's brigade, the 16th Native Infantry, under MajorMaclaren; and 48th Native Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Wheeler;and they immediately occupied the ramparts, putting down oppositionwhenever they met any, and making prisoners, until the place wascompletely in our possession A desultory fire was kept up in the townlong after the citadel was in our hands, from those who had takenshelter in houses, and in desperation kept firing on all that approachedthem. In this way several of our men were wounded, and some killed, butthe aggressors paid dearly for their bad conduct in not surrenderingwhen the place was completely ours. I must not omit to mention thatthree companies of the 35th Native Infantry, under Captain Hay, orderedto the south side of the fort to begin with a false attack, to attractattention on that side, performed that service at the proper time, andgreatly to my satisfaction. 

As we were threatened with an attack for the relief of the garrison, Iordered the 19th Bombay Native Infantry, under the command of LieutenantColonel Stalker, to guard the Cabool road, and to be in support of thecavalry division. This might have proved an important position tooccupy, but as it was, no enemy appeared. 

The cavalry division, under Major-General Thackwell, in addition towatching the approach of an enemy, had directions to surround Ghuzni, and to sweep the plain, preventing the escape of runaways from thegarrison. Brigadier Arnold's brigade--the Brigadier himself, I deeplyregret to say, was labouring under very severe illness, having shortlybefore burst a blood-vessel internally, which rendered it whollyimpossible for him to mount a horse that day--consisting of herMajesty's 16th Lancers, under Lieutenant-Colonel Persse, temporarilycommanding the brigade, and Major Mac Dowell, the junior major of theregiment, (the senior major of the 16th Lancers Major Cureton, anofficer of great merit, being actively engaged in the execution of hisduties as Assistant Adjutant-General to the cavalry division, ) the 2ndCavalry, under Major Salter, and the 3rd, under Lieutenant-ColonelSmith, were ordered to watch the south and west sides. Brigadier Scott'sbrigade were placed on the Cabool road, consisting of her Majesty's 4thLight Dragoons, under Major Daly, and of the 1st Bombay Cavalry underLieutenant-Colonel Sandwith, to watch the north and east sides: thisduty was performed in a manner greatly to my satisfaction. 

After the storming, and that quiet was in some degree restored within, Iconducted his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, and the British Envoy andMinister, Mr. Macnaghten, round the citadel and a great part of thefortress. The king was perfectly astonished at our having made ourselvesmasters of a place conceited to be impregnable, when defended, in theshort space of two hours, and in less than forty-eight hours after wecame before it. His Majesty was, of course, greatly delighted at theresult. When I afterwards, in the course of the day, took Mahomed HyderKhan, the governor, first to the British Minister, and then to the King, to make his submission, I informed his Majesty that I had made a promisethat his life should not be touched, and the King, in very handsometerms, assented, and informed Mahomed Hyder, in my presence, thatalthough he and his family had been rebels, yet he was willing to forgetand forgive all. 

Prince Mahomed Hyder, the Governor of Ghuzni, is a prisoner of war in mycamp, and under the surveillance of Sir Alexander Burnes, an arrangementvery agreeable to the former. 

From Major General Sir W. Cotton, commanding the 1st infantry division, (of the Bengal army, ) I have invariably received the strongest support;and on this occasion his exertions were manifest in support of thehonour of the profession and of our country. 

I have likewise, at all times, received able assistance fromMajor-General Willshire, commanding the 2nd infantry division, (of theBombay army, ) which it was found expedient on that day to break up, somefor the storming party, and some for other duties. The Major-General, asdirected, was in attendance upon myself. 

To Brigadier Sale I feel deeply indebted for the gallant and soldierlikemanner in which he conducted the responsible and arduous duty entrustedto him in command of the storming party, and for the arrangements hemade in the citadel immediately after taking possession of it. The sabrewound which he received in the face did not prevent his continuing todirect his column until everything was secure; and I am happy in theopportunity of bringing to your Lordship's notice the excellent conductof Brigadier Sale on this occasion. 

Brigadier Stevenson, in command of the Artillery, was all I could wish;and he reports that Brigade-Majors Backhouse and Coghlan ably assistedhim. His arrangements were good; and the execution done by the arm hecommands, was such as cannot be forgotten by those of the enemy who havewitnessed and survived it. 

To Brigadier Roberts, to Colonel Dennie, who commanded the advance, andto the different officers commanding regiments already mentioned, aswell is to the other officers, and gallant soldiers under them, who sonobly maintained the honour and reputation of our country, my bestacknowledgments are due. 

To Captain Thomson, of the Bengal Engineers, the chief of the departmentwith me, much of the credit of the success of this brilliant_coup-de-main_ is due. A place of the same strength, and by such simplemeans as this highly-talented and scientific officer recommended to betried, has, perhaps, never before been taken; and I feel I cannot dosufficient justice to Captain Thomson's merits for his conductthroughout. In the execution he was ably supported by the officersalready mentioned; and so eager were the other officers of the Engineersof both Presidencies for the honour of carrying the powder bags, thatthe point could only be decided by seniority, which shews the finefeeling by which they were animated. 

I must now inform your Lordship, that since I joined the Bengal columnin the Valley of Shawl, I have continued my march with it in theadvance; and it has been my good fortune to have had the assistance oftwo most efficient staff-officers in Major Craigie, DeputyAdjutant-General, and Major Garden, Deputy Quartermaster-General. It isbut justice to those officers that I should state to your Lordship thehigh satisfaction I have derived from the manner in which all thenduties have been performed up to this day, and that I look upon them aspromising officers to fill the higher ranks. To the other officers ofboth departments I am also much indebted for the correct performance ofall duties appertaining to their situations. 

To Major Keith, the Deputy Adjutant-General, and Major Campbell, theDeputy Quartermaster-General of the Bombay army, and to all the otherofficers of both departments under them, my acknowledgments are alsodue, for the manner in which their duties have been performed duringthis campaign. 

Captain Alexander, commanding the 4th Bengal Local Horse, and MajorCunningham, commanding the Poona Auxiliary Horse, with the men undertheir orders, have been of essential service to the army in thiscampaign. 

The arrangements made by Superintending-Surgeons Kennedy and Atkinsonprevious to the storming, for affording assistance and comfort to thewounded, met with my approval. 

Major Parsons, the Deputy Commissary-General, in charge of thedepartment in the field, has been unremitting in his attention to keepthe troops supplied, although much difficulty is experienced, and he isoccasionally thwarted by the nature of the country and its inhabitants. 

I have throughout this service received the utmost assistance I couldderive from Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald, my officiating militarysecretary, and Deputy Adjutant-General of her Majesty's Forces, Bombay;from Captain Powell, my Persian interpreter, and the other officers ofmy personal staff. The nature of the country in which we are serving, prevents the possibility of my sending a single staff-officer todeliver this to your Lordship, otherwise I should have asked myaide-de-camp, Lieutenant Keane, to proceed to Simla, to deliver thisdespatch into your hands, and to have afforded any further informationthat your Lordship could have desired. 

The brilliant triumph we have obtained, the cool courage displayed, andthe gallant bearing of the troops I have the honour to command, willhave taught such a lesson to our enemies in the Afghan nation as willmake them hereafter respect the name of a British soldier. 

Our loss is wonderfully small considering the occasion, the casualtiesin killed and wounded amount to about 200. 

The loss of the enemy is immense; we have already buried of their deadnearly 500, together with an immense number of horses. 

I enclose a list of the killed, wounded, and missing. I am happy to saythat, although the wounds of some of the officers are severe, they areall doing well. 

It is my intention, after selecting a garrison for this place, andestablishing a general hospital, to continue my march to Caboolforthwith--I have, &c. , (Signed) JOHN KEANE, Lieut. -General. 

No. 1. 

_List of killed, wounded, and missing, in the army under the command ofLieutenant-General Sir John Keane, before Ghuzni, on the 21st of July_, 1839:--

2nd Troop Bengal Horse Artillery--3 horses wounded. 

3rd Troop Bombay--2 rank and file, 2 horses, wounded. 

4th Troop Bombay--1 horse killed. 

2nd Regiment Bengal Cavalry--1 horse killed, 1 rank and file wounded. 

4th Bengal Local Horse--1 rank and file and 1 horse missing. 

Her Majesty's 13th Light Infantry--1 rank and file killed. 

16th Bengal Native Infantry--1 captain wounded. 

48th Bengal Native Infantry--1 lieutenant, and 2 rank and file wounded. 

Total killed--1 rank and file, and two horses. 

Total wounded--1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 5 rank and file, and 6 horses. 

Total missing--1 rank and file, and 1 horse. 

_Names of Officers wounded. _

Captain Graves, 16th Bengal Native Infantry, severely. 

Lieutenant Vanhomrigh, 48th Bengal Native Infantry, slightly. 

 (Signed) R. MACDONALD, Lieut. -Colonel, Military Secretary, and Deputy Adjutant-Gen. To her Majesty's Forces, Bombay. 

No. 2. 

_List of killed, wounded, and missing, in the army under the command ofLieutenant-General Sir John Keane, K. C. B. And G. C. H. , in the assault andcapture of the fortress and citadel of Ghuzni, on the 23rd of July, 1839_:--

General Staff--1 colonel, 1 major, wounded. 

3rd Troop Bombay Horse Artillery--1 rank and file wounded. 

4th Troop Bombay Horse Artillery--1 rank and file and 1 horse wounded. 

Bengal Engineers--3 rank and file killed, 2 rank and file wounded, 1rank and file missing. 

Bombay Engineers--1 lieutenant, 1 rank and file, wounded. 

2nd Bengal Light Cavalry--1 rank and file wounded. 

1st Bombay Light Cavalry--1 havildar killed, 5 rank and file and 7horses wounded. 

Her Majesty's 2nd Foot (or Queen's Royals)--4 rank and file killed; 2captains, 4 lieutenants, 1 sergeant, and 26 rank and file wounded. 

Her Majesty's 13th Light Infantry--1 rank and file killed; 3 sergeantsand 27 rank and file wounded. 

Her Majesty's 17th Foot--6 rank and file wounded. 

Bengal European Regiment--1 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant-colonel, 1 major, 2 captains, 4 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 1 sergeant, 51 rank andfile wounded. 

16th Bengal N. I. --1 havildar, 6 rank and file, wounded. 

35th Bengal N. I. --5 rank and file killed; I havildar and 8 rank and filewounded. 

48th Bengal N. I. --2 havildars killed, 5 rank and file wounded. 

Total killed--3 sergeants or havildars, 14 rank and file. 

Total wounded--1 colonel, 1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 4 captains, 8lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 7 sergeants or havildars, 140 rank and file, 8horses. 

Total missing--1 rank and file. 

Grand total on the 21st and 23rd of July, killed, wounded, andmissing--191 officers and men, and 16 horses. 

_Names of Officers killed wounded, and missing. _

General Staff--Brigadier Sale, her Majesty's 13th Light Infantry, slightly; Major Parsons, Deputy Commissary-General, slightly. 

Bombay Engineers--Second Lieutenant Marriott, slightly. 

Her Majesty's 2nd (or Queen's Royals)--Captain Raitt, slightly; CaptainRobinson, severely; Lieutenant Yonge, severely; Lieut. Stisted, slightly; Adjutant Simmons, slightly; Quartermaster Hadley, slightly. 

Bengal European Regiment--Lieutenant-Colonel Orchard, slightly; MajorWarren, severely; Captains Hay and Taylor, slightly; LieutenantBroadfoot, slightly; Lieutenant Haslewood, severely; Lieutenants Faganand Magnay, slightly; Ensign Jacob, slightly. 

 (Signed) R. MACDONALD, Lieut. -Colonel, Military Secretary, and Deputy Adjutant-Gen. To her Majesty's Forces, Bombay. 

GENERAL ORDER, _By his Excellency Lieutenant-Gen. Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief ofthe Army of the Indus. _

Head-Quarters, Camp, Ghuzni, July 23rd, 1839

Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane most heartily congratulates the armyhe has the honour to command, on the signal triumph they have this dayobtained in the capture by storm of the strong and important fortress ofGhuzni. His Excellency feels that he can hardly do justice to thegallantry of the troops. 

The scientific and successful manner in which the Cabool gate (of greatstrength) was blown up by Captain Thomson, of the Bengal Engineers, thechief of that department with this army, in which he reports having beenmost ably assisted by Captain Peat, of the Bombay Engineers, andLieutenants Durand and MacLeod, of the Bengal Engineers, in the daringand dangerous enterprise of laying down powder in the face of the enemy, and the strong fire kept up on them, reflects the highest credit ontheir skill and cool courage, and his Excellency begs Captain Thomsonand officers named will accept his cordial thanks. His acknowledgmentsare also due to the other officers of the Engineers of bothPresidencies, and to the valuable corps of Sappers and Miners underthem. This opening having been made, although it was a difficult one toenter by, from the rubbish in the way, the leading column, in a spiritof true gallantry, directed and led by Brigadier Sale, gained a footinginside the fortress, although opposed by the Afghan soldiers in verygreat strength, and in the most desperate manner, with every kind ofweapon. 

The advance, under Lieutenant-Colonel Dennie, of her Majesty's 13th, consisting of the light companies of her Majesty's 2nd and 17th, and ofthe Bengal European Regiment, with one company of her Majesty's 13th;and the leading column, consisting of her Majesty's 2nd Queen's, underMajor Carruthers, and the Bengal European Regiment, underLieutenant-Colonel Orchard, followed by her Majesty's 13th LightInfantry, as they collected from the duty of skirmishing, which theywere directed to begin with, and by her Majesty's 17th, underLieutenant-Colonel Croker. To all these officers, and to the otherofficers and gallant soldiers under their orders, his Excellency's bestthanks are tendered; but, in particular, he feels deeptly indebted toBrigadier Sale, for the manner in which he conducted the arduous dutyentrusted to him in the command of the storming party. His Excellencywill not fail to bring it to the notice of his Lordship theGovernor-General, and he trusts the wound which Brigadier Sale hasreceived is not of that severe nature long to deprive this army of hisservices. Brigadier Sale reports that Captain Kershaw, of her Majesty's13th Light Infantry, rendered important assistance to him and to theservice in the storming. 

Sir John Keane was happy, on this proud occasion, to have the assistanceof his old comrade, Major-General Sir Willoughby Cotton, who, in commandof the reserve, ably executed the instructions he had received, and wasat the gate ready to enter after the storming party had establishedthemselves inside, when he moved through it to sweep the ramparts, andto complete the subjugation of the place with the 16th Bengal NativeInfantry, under Major M'Laren; Brigadier Roberts, with the 35th NativeInfantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Monteath; and the 48th NativeInfantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Wheeler. His arrangements afterwards, in continuation of those Brigadier Sale had made for the security of themagazine and other public stores, were such as meet his Excellency'shigh approval. 

The Commander-in-Chief acknowledges the services rendered by CaptainHay, of the 35th Native Infantry, in command of three companies of thatregiment sent to the south side of the fortress to begin with a falseattack, and which was executed at the proper time, and in a mannerhighly satisfactory to his Excellency. 

Nothing could be more judicious than the manner in which BrigadierStevenson placed the artillery in position. Captain Grant's troop ofBengal Artillery, and the camel battery, under Captain Abbott, bothsuperintended by Major Pew; the two troops of Bombay Horse Artillery, commanded by Captains Martin and Cotgrave; and Captain Lloyd's batteryof Bombay Foot Artillery, all opened upon the citadel and fortress in amanner which shook the enemy, and did such execution as completely toparalyse and to strike terror into them; and his Excellency begsBrigadier Stevenson, the officers, and men of that arm, will accept histhanks for their good service. 

The 19th Regiment Bombay Native Infantry, under the command ofLieutenant-Colonel Stalker, having been placed in position to watch anyenemy that might appear on the Cabool road, or approach to attack thecamp, had an important post assigned to them, although, as it happened, no enemy made an attack upon them. 

In sieges and stormings it does not fall to the lot of cavalry to bearthe same conspicuous part as to the other two arms of the profession. Onthis occasion, Sir John Keane is happy to have an opportunity ofthanking Major-General Thackwell, and the officers and men of thecavalry divisions under his orders, for having successfully executed thedirections given, to sweep the plain, and to intercept fugitives of theenemy attempting to escape from the fort in any direction around it; andhad an enemy appeared for the relief of the place during the storming, his Excellency is fully satisfied that the different regiments of thisfine arm would have distinguished themselves, and that the opportunityalone was wanting. 

Major-General Willshire's division having been broken up for the day, tobe distributed as it was, the Major-General was desired to be inattendance upon the Commander-in-Chief. To him and to the officers ofthe Assistant Quartermaster-General's department of the Bengal andBombay army, his Excellency returns his warmest thanks for theassistance they have afforded him. 

The Commander-in-Chief feels--and in which feeling he is sure he will bejoined by the troops composing the Army of the Indus--that, after thelong and harassing marches they have had, and the privations they haveendured, this glorious achievement, and the brilliant manner in whichthe troops have met and conquered the enemy, reward them for it all. HisExcellency will only add, that no army that has ever been engaged in acampaign deserves more credit than this which he has the honour tocommand, for patient, orderly, and correct conduct, under allcircumstances, and Sir John Keane is proud to have the opportunity ofthus publicly acknowledging it. 

By order of his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Indus. 

 (Signed) R. MACDONALD, Lieut. -Colonel, Military Secretary, and Deputy Adjutant-Gen. Of her Majesty's Forces, Bombay. 

 * * * * *

ENTRANCE INTO CABOOL. 

(_From the Delhi Gazette Extraordinary, of Thursday, Aug. 29_. )

NOTIFICATION. --SECRET DEPARTMENT. 

Simla, August 26th, 1839. 

The Governor-General of India publishes for general information, thesubjoined copy and extracts of despatches from his Excellency theCommander-in-Chief of the Army of the Indus, and from the Envoy andMinister at the Court of his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, announcingthe triumphant entry of the Shah into Cabool, on the 7th instant. 

In issuing this notification, the Governor-General cannot omit theopportunity of offering to the officers and men composing the army ofthe Indus, and to the distinguished leader by whom they have beencommanded, the cordial congratulations of the government upon the happyresult of a campaign, which, on the sole occasion when resistance wasopposed to them, has been gloriously marked by victory, and in all themany difficulties of which the character of a British army forgallantry, good conduct, and discipline has been nobly maintained. 

A salute of twenty-one guns will be fired on the receipt of thisintelligence at all the principal stations of the army in the threePresidencies. 

By order of the Right Hon. The Governor-General of India, T. H. MADDOCK, Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, with the Governor-General. 

 * * * * *

(Copy. )

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD AUCKLAND, G. C. B. , ETC. 

MY LORD, --We have the honour to acquaint your Lordship that the armymarched from Ghuzni, _en route_ to Cabool, in two columns, on the 30thand 31st ult. , his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, with his own troops, forming part of the second column. 

On the arrival of the Commander-in-Chief with the first column, at HydeKhail, on the 1st inst. , information reached him, and the same reachedthe Envoy and Minister at Huft Assaya, that Dost Mahomed, with his armyand artillery, were advancing from Cabool, and would probably take up aposition at Urghundee or Midan, (the former twenty-four, the latterthirty-six miles from Cabool. ) Upon this it was arranged that hisMajesty, with the second column, under Major General Willshire, shouldjoin the first column here, and advance together to attack Dost Mahomed, whose son, Mahomed Akhbar, had been recalled from Jellahabad, with thetroops guarding the Khyber Pass, and had formed a junction with hisfather; their joint forces, according to our information, amounting toabout 13, 000 men. 

Every arrangement was made for the King and the army marching in a bodyfrom here to-morrow; but in the course of the night, messengers arrived, and since (this morning) a great many chiefs and their followers, announcing the dissolution of Dost Mahomed's army, by the refusal of agreat part to advance against us with him, and that he had inconsequence fled, with a party of 300 horsemen, in the direction ofBamian, leaving his guns behind him, in position, as they were placed atUrghundee. 

His Majesty Shah Shooja has sent forward a confidential officer, withwhom has been associated Major Cureton, of her Majesty's 16th Lancers, taking with him a party of 200 men and an officer of artillery, toproceed direct to take possession of those guns, and afterwards suchother guns and public stores as may be found in Cabool and the BallaHissar, in the name of, and for his Majesty Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, andthe King's order will be carried by his own officer with this party, forpreserving the tranquillity of the city of Cabool. 

A strong party has been detached in pursuit of Dost Mahomed, under someof our most active officers. We continue our march upon Caboolto-morrow, and will reach it on the third day. 

We have, &c. , (Signed) JOHN KEANE, Lieut. -General, Commander-in-Chief. 

 (Signed) W. H. MACNAGHTEN, Envoy and Minister. 

 * * * * *

_Extract from a Letter from his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir JohnKeane, K. C. B. And G. C. H. , dated Head-Quarters, Camp, Cabool, August 8th, 1839_:--

"It gives me infinite pleasure to be able to address my despatch to yourLordship from this capital, the vicinity of which his Majesty ShahShooja-ool-Moolk and the army under my command reached the day beforeyesterday. The King entered his capital yesterday afternoon, accompaniedby the British Envoy and Minister and the gentlemen of the mission, andby myself, the general and staff officers of this army, and escorted bya squadron of her Majesty's 4th Light Dragoons, and one of her Majesty's16th Lancers, with Captain Martin's troop of Horse Artillery. HisMajesty had expressed a wish that British troops should be present onthe occasion, and a very small party only of his own Hindostanee andAfghan troops. After the animating scene of traversing the streets, andreaching the palace in the Bala Hissar, a royal salute was fired, and anadditional salvo in the Afghan style, from small guns, resemblingwall-pieces, named gingalls, and carried on camels. We heartilycongratulated his Majesty on being in possession of the throne andkingdom of his ancestors, and upon the overthrow of his enemies; andafter taking leave of his Majesty, we returned to our camp. 

"I trust we have thus accomplished all the objects which your Lordshiphad in contemplation when you planned and formed the army of the Indus, and the expedition into Afghanistan. 

"The conduct of the army both European and native, which your Lordshipdid me the honour to place under my orders, has been admirablethroughout, and, notwithstanding the severe marching and privations theyhave gone through, their appearance and discipline have sufferednothing, and the opportunity afforded them at Ghuzni of meeting andconquering their enemy has added greatly to their good spirits. 

"The joint despatch addressed by Mr Macnaghten and myself to yourLordship, on the 3rd instant, from Shikarbad, will have informed youthat at the moment we had made every preparation to attack (on thefollowing day) Dost Mahomed Khan, in his position at Urghundee, where, after his son, Mahomed Akhbar, had joined him from Jellahabad, he had anarmy amounting to 13, 000 men, well armed and appointed, and thirtypieces of artillery, we suddenly learned that he abandoned them all, andfled, with a party of horsemen, on the road to Bamian, leaving his gunsin position, as he had placed them to receive our attack. 

"It appears that a great part of his army, which was hourly becomingdisorganized, refused to stand by him in the position to receive ourattack, and that it soon became in a state of dissolution. The greatbulk immediately came over to Shah Shooja, tendering their allegiance, and I believe his Majesty will take most of them into his pay. 

"It seems that the news of the quick and determined manner in which wetook their stronghold, Ghuzni, had such an effect upon the population ofCabool, and perhaps also upon the enemy's army, that Dost Mahomed fromthat moment began to lose hope of retaining his rule, for even a shorttime longer, and sent off his family and valuable property towardsBamian; but marched out of Cabool, with his army and artillery, keepinga bold front towards us until the evening of the 2nd, when all his hopeswere at an end by a division in his own camp, and one part of his armyabandoning him. So precipitate was his flight, that be left in positionhis guns, with their ammunition and wagons, and the greater part of thecattle by which they were drawn. Major Cureton, of her Majesty's 16thLancers, with his party of 200 men, pushed forward, of the 3rd, and tookpossession of those guns, &c. There were twenty-three brass guns inposition, and loaded; two more at a little distance, which theyattempted to take away; and since then, three more abandoned, stillfurther off on the Bamian road; thus leaving in our possessiontwenty-eight pieces of cannon, with all the materiel belonging to them, which are now handed over to Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk. "

 * * * * *

_Extract from a Letter from W. H. Macnaghten, Esq. , Envoy and Minister tothe Court of Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, dated Cabool, 9th of August, 1839_:--

"By a letter signed jointly by his Excellency Lieutenant-General SirJohn Keane and myself, dated the 3rd inst. , the Right Hon. TheGovernor-General was apprised of the flight of Dost Mahomed Khan. 

"The ex-chief was not accompanied by any person of consequence, and hisfollowers are said to have been reduced to below the number of 100 onthe day of his departure. In the progress of Shah Shooja-ool-Moolktowards Cabool, his Majesty was joined by every person of rank andinfluence in the country, and he made his triumphal entry into the cityon the evening of the 7th instant. His Majesty has taken up hisresidence in the Bala Hissar, where he has required the British missionto remain for the present. "

 * * * * *

(_From the Bombay Government Gazette Extraordinary of August 29th. _)

Simla, August 26th, 1839. 

A letter from Shikarbad, of August 3rd, states--

"The chiefs with their military followers are flocking in by thousands. No better commentary on the feeling regarding Dost Mahomed Khan could begiven than the fact of his having been able to induce only 300 out of12, 000 men to accompany him; Capt. Outram and seven other officersaccompany the pursuing party. "

The dates from the army at Cabool are to August the 9th. The lettersfrom thence give the following intelligence:--

"The Shah's reception at this place was equally gratifying as atCandahar, though the enthusiasm was not so boisterous. 

"We arrived here yesterday, and, I am happy to say, with a sufficientstock of supplies in our Godown to render us quite independent of anyforeign purchases for the next ten days, which will keep down prices, and save us from the extravagant rates which we were obliged to purchaseat when we reached Candahar. I have not been to the city yet, but amtold it is far superior to Candahar. Our people are now very well off;for the increased rations, and abundance and cheapness of grain as wecame along, have left them nothing to want or wish for. "

Extract of a further letter from Shikarbad, August 3rd:--

"The Afghans have not yet recovered from their astonishment at therapidity with which Ghuzni fell into our hands, nor up to this momentwill they believe how it was effected. 

"This morning we received intelligence of Dost Mahomed's flight towardsBamian; for several days past many of his former adherents had beenjoining the King. Since this morning, thousands of Afghans have beencoming in to tender their allegiance to his Majesty, who is in thegreatest spirits at this pacific termination to the campaign, and saysthat God has now granted all his wishes, --Cabool is at hand!

"We are all delighted at it. Few armies have made so long a march in thesame time that the army of the Indus has done. The country is every dayimproving. The road to Candahar from where we are now encamped lies in acontinued valley seldom stretching in width above two miles; cultivationon each side of the road, and numberless villages nestling under thehills. Since we left Ghuzni, the fruits have assumed a very fineappearance; the grapes, plums, and apples have become very large, liketheir brethren of Europe. The climate now is very fine. The rapidLoghurd river is flowing close to our encampments, and the Europeansoldiers and officers are amusing themselves with fishing in it. We arebeginning to get vegetables again. I passed this morning through fieldsof beans, but only in flower. Our attention must be turned to thecultivation of potatoes; they grow in quantities in Persia, and thisseems to be just the country for them. To revert from small things togreat: a party has just been detached towards Bamian with a view ofcutting off Dost Mahomed. It would be a great thing to catch him. Theparty consists chiefly of Afghans, headed by Hajee Khan Kaukur, andabout eight or ten British officers have been sent with it, to preventthe Afghans from committing excesses. "

FROM THE

LONDON GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY, _Thursday, Feb. 13th. _

INDIA BOARD, FEB. 13TH. 

A despatch has been this day received at the East India House, addressedby the Governor-General of India to the Select Committee of the EastIndia Company, of which the following is a copy:--

"Camp at Bhurtpore, Dec. 12th, 1839. 

"I do myself the honour to forward copies of the despatches noted in themargin, relative to the assault and capture of the fort of Kelat. 

"2. The decision, the great military skill, and excellent dispositions, of Major-General Willshire, in conducting the operations against Kelat, appear to me deserving the highest commendation. The gallantry, steadiness, and soldier-like bearing of the troops under his commandrendered his plans of action completely successful, thereby againcrowning our arms across the Indus with signal victory. 

"3. I need not expatiate on the importance of this achievement, fromwhich the best effects must be derived, not only in the vindication ofour national honour, but also in confirming the security of intercoursebetween Sinde and Afghanistan, and in promoting the safety andtranquillity of the restored monarchy; but I would not omit to point outthat the conduct on this occasion of Major-General Willshire, and of theofficers and men under his command, (including the 31st regiment ofBengal Native Infantry, which had not been employed in the previousactive operations of the campaign, ) have entitled them to more prominentnotice that I was able to give them in my general order of November18th; and in recommending these valuable services to the applause ofthe committee, I trust that I shall not be considered as going beyond myproper province in stating an earnest hope that the conduct ofMajor-General Willshire in the direction of the operations will not failto elicit the approbation of her Majesty's Government. --I have, &c. 

 "AUCKLAND. "

 * * * * *

GENERAL ORDERS, _By the Governor-General of India. _

Camp Doothanee, December 4th, 1839. 

The many outrages and murders committed, in attacks on the followers ofthe army of the Indus, by the plundering tribes in the neighbourhood ofthe Bolan Pass, at the instigation of their chief, Meer Mehrab Khan, ofKelat, at a time when he was professing friendship for the BritishGovernment, and negotiating a treaty with its representatives, havingcompelled the government to direct a detachment of the army to proceedto Kelat for the exaction of retribution from that chieftain, and forthe execution of such arrangements as would establish future security inthat quarter, a force, under the orders of Major-General Willshire, C. B. , was employed on this service; and the Right Hon. TheGovernor-General of India having this day received that officer's reportof the successful accomplishment of the objects entrusted to him, hasbeen pleased to direct that the following copy of his despatch, datedthe 14th ultimo, be published for general information. 

The Governor-General is happy to avail himself of this opportunity torecord his high admiration of the signal gallantry and spirit of thetroops engaged on this occasion, and offers, on the part of thegovernment, his best thanks to Major-General Willshire, and to theofficers and men who served under him. 

 By command of the Governor-General, T. H. MADDOCK, Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, with the Governor-General. 

FROM MAJOR-GENERAL SIR THOMAS WILLSHIRE, K. C. B. , TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERALOF INDIA. 

Camp, near Kelat, Nov. 14th. 1839. 

MY LORD, --In obedience to the joint instructions furnished to me by hisExcellency the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Indus, and theEnvoy and Minister to his Majesty Shah Shooja, under date Cabool, the17th of September, 1839, deputing to me the duty of deposing Mehrab Khanof Kelat, in consequence of the avowed hostility of that chief to theBritish nation during the present campaign, I have the honour to report, that on my arrival at Quettah, on the 31st ultimo, I communicated withCaptain Bean, the political agent in Shawl, and arranged with him thebest means of giving effect to the orders I had received. 

In consequence of the want of public carriage, and the limited quantityof commissariat supplies at Quettah, as well as the reported want offorage on the route to Kelat, I was obliged to despatch to Cutch Gundavathe whole of the cavalry and the greater portion of the artillery, taking with me only the troops noted in the margin, [B] and leavingQuettah on the 3rd instant. 

[Footnote B: Two guns Bombay Horse Artillery; four guns Shah's ditto;two Ressalaghs Local Horse; Queen's Royals; Her Majesty's 17th regiment;31st regiment Bengal Native Infantry; Bombay Engineers. ]

During the march, the communications received from Mehrab Khan were, sofar from acceding to the terms offered, that he threatened resistance ifthe troops approached his capital. I therefore proceeded, and arrived atthe village of Giranee, within eight miles of Kelat, on the 12thinstant. 

Marching thence the following morning, a body of horse were perceived onthe right of the road, which commenced firing on the advanced guard, commanded by Major Pennycuick, her Majesty's 17th regiment, as thecolumn advanced, and the skirmishing between them continued until wecame in sight of Kelat, rather less than a mile distant. 

I now discovered that three heights on the north-west face of the fort, and parallel to the north, were covered with infantry, with five guns inposition, protected by small parapet walls. 

Captain Peat, chief engineer, immediately reconnoitered; and havingreported that nothing could be done until those heights were in ourpossession, I decided upon at once storming them simultaneously, and, ifpracticable, entering the fort with the fugitives, as the gate in thenorthern face was occasionally opened to keep up the communicationbetween the fort and the heights. 

To effect this object I detached a company from each of the Europeanregiments from the advanced guard with Major Pennycuick, her Majesty's17th regiment, for the purpose of occupying the gardens and enclosuresto the north-east of the town, and two more companies in the plain, midway between them and the column; at the same time I ordered threecolumns of attack to be formed, composed of four companies from eachcorps, under their respective commanding officers, Major Carruthers, ofthe Queen's, Lieutenant-Colonel Croker, her Majesty's 17th regiment, andMajor Western, 31st Bengal Native Infantry, the whole under the commandof Brigadier Baumgardt, the remainder of the regiments forming threecolumns of reserve, under my own direction, to move in support. 

A hill being allotted to each column, Brigadier Stevenson, commandingthe artillery, moved quickly forward in front towards the base of theheights, and when within the required range opened fire upon theinfantry and guns, under cover of which the columns moved steadily on, and commenced the ascent for the purpose of carrying the heights, exposed to the fire of the enemy's guns, which had commenced while thecolumns of attack were forming. 

Before the columns reached their respective summits of the hills, theenemy, overpowered by the superior and well-directed fire of ourartillery, had abandoned them, attempting to carry off their guns, butwhich they were unable to do. At this moment, it appearing to me theopportunity offered for the troops to get in with the fugitives, and ifpossible gain possession of the gate of the fortress, I despatchedorders to the Queen's Royal and 17th Regiments to make a rush from theheights for that purpose, following myself to the summit of the nearest, to observe the result. At this moment, the four companies on my left, which had been detached to the gardens and plain, seeing the chance thatoffered of entering the fort, moved rapidly forward from theirrespective points towards the gateway, under a heavy and well-directedfire from the walls of the fort and citadel, which were thronged by theenemy. 

The gate having been closed before the troops moving towards it couldeffect the desired object, and the garrison strengthened by the enemydriven from the heights, they were compelled to cover themselves, as faras practicable, behind some walls and ruined buildings to the right andleft of it, while Brigadier Stevenson, having ascended the heights withthe artillery, opened two guns, under the command of Lieutenant Foster, Bombay Horse Artillery, upon the defences above the gate and itsvicinity, while the fire of two others, commanded by, Lieutenant Cowper, Shah's Artillery, was directed against the gate itself; the remainingtwo, with Lieutenant Creed, being sent round to the road on the lefthand, leading directly up to the gate, and when within two hundredyards, commenced fire, for the purpose of completing in blowing it open, and after a few rounds, they succeeded in knocking in one half of it. Onobserving this, I rode down the hill towards the gate, pointing to it, thereby announcing to the troops it was open. They instantly rose fromtheir cover and rushed in. Those under the command of Major Pennycuick, being the nearest, were the first to gain the gate, headed by thatofficer, the whole of the storming columns from the three regimentsrapidly following and gaining an entrance, as quick as it was possibleto do so, under a heavy fire from the works and from the interior, theenemy making a most gallant and determined resistance, disputing everyinch of ground up to the walls of the inner citadel. 

At this time I directed the reserve column to be brought near the gate, and detached one company of the 17th Regiment, under Captain Darley, tothe western side of the fort, followed by a portion of the 31st BengalNative Infantry, commanded by Major Western, conducted by CaptainOutram, acting as my extra Aide-de-Camp, for the purpose of securing theheights, under which the southern angle is situated, and interceptingany of the garrison escaping from that side; having driven off the enemyfrom the heights above, the united detachments then descended to thegate of the fort below, and forced it open before the garrison (whoclosed it as they saw the troops approach) had time to secure it. 

When the party was detached by the western face, I also sent twocompanies from the reserve of the 17th, under Major Deshon, and two gunsof the Shah's artillery, under the command of Lieutenant Creed, BombayArtillery, by the eastern to the southern face, for the purpose ofblowing open the gate above alluded to, had it been necessary, as wellas the gate of the inner citadel; the infantry joining the otherdetachments, making their way through the town in the direction of thecitadel. 

After some delay, the troops that held possession of the town at lengthsucceeded in forcing an entrance into the citadel, where a desperateresistance was made by Mehrab Khan, at the head of his people; hehimself, with many of his principal chiefs, being killed sword in hand. Several others, however, kept up a fire upon our troops from detachedbuildings difficult of access, and it was not until late in theafternoon, that those that survived were induced to give themselves upon a promise of their lives being spared. 

From every account, I have reason to believe the garrison consisted ofupwards of 2000 fighting men, and that the son of Mehrab Khan had beenexpected to join him from Nerosky, with a further reinforcement; theenclosed return will shew the strength of the force under my commandpresent at the capture. 

The defences of the fort, as in the case of Ghuzni, far exceeded instrength what I had been led to suppose from previous report, and thetowering height of the inner citadel was most formidable, both inappearance and reality. 

I lament to say that the loss of killed and wounded on our side has beensevere, as will be seen by the accompanying return; that on the part ofthe enemy must have been great, but the exact number I have not beenable to ascertain. Several hundreds of prisoners were taken, from whomthe political agent has selected those he considers it necessary for thepresent to retain in confinement; the remainder have been liberated. 

It is quite impossible for me sufficiently to express my admiration ofthe gallant and steady conduct of the officers and men upon thisoccasion; but the fact of less than an hour having elapsed from theformation of the columns for the attack to the period of the troopsbeing within the fort, and this performed in the open day, and in theface of an enemy so very superior in numbers, and so perfectly preparedfor resistance, will, I trust, convince your Lordship how deserving theofficers and troops are of my warmest thanks, and of the highest praisethat can be bestowed. 

To Brigadier Baumgardt, commanding the storming column, my best thanksare due, and he reports that Captain Willie, acting AssistantAdjutant-General, and Captain Gilland, his aide-de-camp, ably assistedhim, and zealously performed their duties; also to Brigadier Stevenson, commanding the artillery, and Lieutenants Forster and Cowper, respectively in charge of the Bombay and Shah's, artillery. I feelgreatly indebted for the steady and scientific manner in which theservice of dislodging the enemy from the heights, and afterwardseffecting an entrance into the fort, was performed. The Brigadier hasbrought to my notice the assistance he received from Captain Coghlan, his brigade major, Lieutenant Woosnam, his aide-de-camp, and LieutenantCreed, when in battery yesterday. 

To Lieutenant-Colonel Croker, commanding her Majesty's 17th Regiment;Major Carruthers, commanding the Queen's Royals; Major Western, commanding the Bengal 31st Native Infantry, I feel highly indebted forthe manner in which they conducted their respective columns to theattack of the heights, and afterwards to the assault of the town, aswell as to Major Pennycuick, of the 17th, who led the advance-guardcompanies to the same point. 

To Captain Peat, chief engineer, and to the officers and men of theEngineer Corps, my acknowledgments are due; to Major Neil Campbell, Acting Quartermaster-General of the Bombay army; to Captain Hagart, Acting Deputy Adjutant-General; and to Lieutenant Ramsay, actingAssistant Quartermaster-General, my best thanks are due for the ableassistance afforded me by their services. 

From my Aides-de-camp, Captain Robinson and Lieutenant Halket, as wellas from Captain Outram, who volunteered his services on my personalstaff, I received the utmost assistance; and to the latter officer Ifell greatly indebted for the zeal and ability with which he hasperformed various duties that I have required of him, upon otheroccasions, as well as the present. 

It is with much pleasure that I state the great assistance I havereceived from Captain Bean in obtaining supplies. 

 T. WILLSHIRE, Major-Gen. , Commanding Bombay Column, Army of the Indus. 

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_Return of Casualties in the army under the command of Major-GeneralWillshire, C. B. , employed at the storming of Kelat, on the 13th ofNovember, 1839_:--

1st Troop of Cabool Artillery--2 rank and file, 6 horses, wounded. 

Gun Lancers attached to ditto--1 rank and file, 1 horse, wounded; 1corporal, since dead. 

Her Majesty's 2nd, or Queen's Royal Regiment--1 lieutenant, 21 rank andfile, killed; 2 captains, 2 lieutenants, 1 adjutant, 2 sergeants, 40rank and file, 1 horse, wounded. 

Her Majesty's 17th Regiment--6 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 3sergeants, 29 rank and file, wounded. 

31st Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry--1 subadar, 2 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 1 ensign, 2 jemadars, 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, 14 rankand file, 1 bheestie, wounded. 

Sappers and Miners and Pioneers--1 sergeant wounded. 

4th Bengal Local Horse--1 rank and file wounded. 

Total--1 lieutenant, 1 subadar, 29 rank and file, killed; 4 captains, 2lieutenants, 1 ensign, 1 adjutant, 2 jemadars, 8 sergeants, 1 drummer, 87 rank and file, 1 bheestie, 7 horses, wounded. 

Total killed and wounded--138. 

_Names of Officers killed and wounded. _

Killed--Her Majesty's 2nd or Queen's Royal Regiment--Lieutenant T. Gravatt. 

Wounded--Her Majesty's 2nd, or Queen's Royal Regiment--Captain W. M. Lyster, Captain T. Sealy, Lieutenant T. W. E. Holdsworth, severely;Lieutenant D. J. Dickenson, slightly; Adjutant J. E. Simmons, severely. 

Her Majesty's 17th Regiment--Captain L. C. Bourchier, severely. 

31st Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry--Captain Saurin, slightly;Ensign Hopper, severely. 

 C. HAGART, Captain, Acting Deputy Adjutant-Gen Bombay Column, Army of the Indus. 

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_State of the Corps engaged at the storming of Kelat, on the 13th ofNovember, 1839, under the command of Major-General Willshire, C. B. _

Camp at Kelat, November 13th, 1839. 

Staff--1 major-general, 2 brigadiers, 5 aides-de-camp, 1 actingdeputy-adjutant general, 1 acting quartermaster-general, 1 deputyassistant-quartermaster-general, 2 brigade-majors, 1 sub-assistantcommissary general. 

Detachment 3rd Troop Horse Artillery--2 lieutenants, 2 sergeants, 36rank and file. 

1st Troop Cabool Artillery--1 lieutenant, 8 sergeants, 1 drummer, 1farier, 58 rank and file. 

Her Majesty's 2nd, or Queen's Royal Regiment--1 major, 3 captains, 7lieutenants, 1 ensign, 1 adjutant, 31 sergeants, 10 drummers, 290 rankand file. 

Her Majesty's 17th Regiment--1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 4captains, 13 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 1 quartermaster, 1 surgeon, 29sergeants, 9 drummers, 338 rank and file. 

31st Regiment Bengal Native Infantry--1 major, 2 captains, 3lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 1 adjutant, 1 quartermaster, 1 surgeon, 12native officers, 30 sergeants, 14 drummers, 329 rank and file. 

Sappers and Miners and Pioneers--1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 assistantsurgeon, 3 native officers, 1 sub-conductor, 7 sergeants, 3 drummers, 117 rank and file. 

Total--1 major-general, 2 brigadiers, 5 aides-de-camp, 1 acting deputyadjutant-general, 1 acting quartermaster-general, 1 deputyassistant-quartermaster-general, 2 brigade-majors, 1sub-assistant-commissary-general, 1 lieutenant-colonel, 4 majors, 10captains, 27 lieutenants, 5 ensigns, 2 adjutants, 2 quartermasters, 2surgeons, 1 assistant-surgeon, 15 native officers, 1 sub-conductor, 107 sergeants, 37 drummers, 1 farrier, 1, 166 rank and file. 

The Sappers and Miners and Pioneers were not engaged until the gate wastaken. 

 C. HAGART, Captain, Acting Deputy Adjutant-Gen. , Bombay Column, Army of the Indus. 

Note--Two russalas of the Bengal Local Horse remained in charge of thebaggage during the attack. 

 * * * * *

_List of Beloochee Sirdars killed in the assault of Kelat, on the 13thof November, 1839_:--

Meer Mehrab Khan, Chief of Kelat. Meer Wullee Mahomed, the MuengulSirdar of Wudd. Abdool Kurreem, Ruhsanee Sirdar. Dad Kurreen, ShahwaneeSirdar. Mahomed Ruzza, nephew of the Vizier Mahomed Hoosein. KhysurKhan, Ahsehrie Sirdar. Dewan Bucha Mull, Financial Minister. NoorMahomed and Taj Mahomed, Shagassa Sirdars. 

_Prisoners. _

Mahomed Hoossein, Vizier. Moola Ruheem Dad, ex-Naib of Shawl; withseveral others of inferior rank. 

 J. D. D. DEAN, Political Agent. 

 * * * * *

CAPTURE OF THE FORT AND CITADEL OF KELAT. 

Political Department Fort William, Dec. 14, 1839. 

The Hon. The President in Council has much satisfaction in publishingthe following despatch from Major-General Willshire, C. B. , with thereturns annexed to it, reporting the capture of the fort and citadel ofKelat, by storm, on the 13th of November, which brilliant achievementwas effected by a force consisting of only 1200 men, with the loss, hisHonour in Council grieves to say, of 138 killed and wounded, includingamongst the former one officer, Lieutenant Gravatt, of her Majesty's2nd, or Queen's Regiment, and amongst the latter, eight officers. 

Meer Mehrab Khan himself, and eight other sirdars, were amongst theslain of the enemy. 

The general order issued by the Right Hon. The Governor-General, on thereceipt of this intelligence, is republished, and his Honour in Councilunites with his Lordship in recording his high admiration of the signalgallantry and spirit of the troops engaged, and in offering his thanksto Major-General Willshire, and to the officers and men who served underhim on this occasion. 

A royal salute will be fired from the ramparts of Fort William, at noonthis day, in honour of the event. 

 By order of the Hon. The President in Council, H. T. PRINSEP, Secretary to the Government of India.