CAMP-FIRE AND COTTON-FIELD:SOUTHERN ADVENTUREINTIME OF WAR. LIFE WITH THE UNION ARMIES, ANDRESIDENCE ON A LOUISIANA PLANTATION. BYTHOMAS W. KNOX, HERALD CORRESPONDENT. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. 1865. TOTHE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS, WHO FOLLOWED THEFORTUNES OF THE NATIONAL ARMIES, AND RECORDEDTHE DEEDS OF VALOR THAT SECURED THE PERPETUITY OF THE REPUBLIC, THIS VOLUMEIS SYMPATHETICALLY INSCRIBED. [Illustration: THE REBEL RAM ARKANSAS RUNNING THROUGH OUR FLEET. ] TO THE READER. A preface usually takes the form of an apology. The author of thisvolume has none to offer. The book owes its appearance to its discovery of a publisher. It hasbeen prepared from materials gathered during the Campaigns hereinrecorded, and from the writer's personal recollections. Whatever of merit or demerit it possesses remains for the reader toascertain. His judgment will be unprejudiced if he finds no word ofpromise on the prefatory page. NEW YORK, _September 15th, 1865_. ILLUSTRATIONS. THE RAM _Arkansas_ RUNNING THROUGH OUR FLEET ABOVE VICKSBURGHAULING DOWN A REBEL FLAG AT HICKMAN, KENTUCKYTHE OPENING GUN AT BOONEVILLETHE DEATH OF GENERAL LYONGENERAL SIGEL'S TRANSPORTATION IN MISSOURISHELLING THE HILL AT PEA RIDGEGENERAL NELSON'S DIVISION CROSSING THE TENNESSEERUNNING THE BATTERIES AT ISLAND NUMBER TENTHE REBEL CHARGE AT CORINTH, MISSISSIPPIASSAULTING THE HILL AT CHICKASAW BAYOUSTRATEGY AGAINST GUERRILLASTHE STEAMER _Von Phul_ RUNNING THE BATTERIES CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. ANTE BELLUM. At the Rocky Mountains. --Sentiment of the People. --Firing theSouthern Heart. --A Midwinter Journey across the Plains. --An Editor'sOpinion. --Election in Missouri. --The North springing toArms. --An amusing Arrest. --Off for the Field. --FinalInstructions. --Niagara. --Curiosities of Banking. --Arrival at the Seatof War. CHAPTER II. MISSOURI IN THE EARLY DAYS. Apathy of the Border States. --The Missouri State Convention. --SterlingPrice a Union Man. --Plan to take the State out of the Union. --Captureof Camp Jackson. --Energy of General Lyon. --Union Men organized. --AnUnfortunate Collision. --The Price-Harney Truce. --The Panic among theSecessionists. --Their Hegira from St. Louis. --A Visit to theState Capital. --Under the Rebel Flag. --Searching for ContrabandArticles. --An Introduction to Rebel Dignitaries. --GovernorJackson. --Sterling Price. --Jeff. Thompson. --Activity atCairo. --Kentucky Neutrality. --The Rebels occupy Columbus. CHAPTER III. THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. General Harney Relieved. --Price's Proclamation. --End of theTruce. --Conference between the Union and Rebel Leaders. --The First Actof Hostility. --Destruction of Railway Bridges. --Promptness ofGeneral Lyon. --Capture of the State Capital. --Moving on the Enemy'sWorks. --The Night before Battle. --A Correspondent's Sensation. CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST BATTLE IN MISSOURI. Moving up the River. --A Landing Effected. --The Battle. --PrecipitousRetreat of the Rebels. --Spoiling a Captured Camp. --Rebel FlagsEmblazoned with the State Arms. --A Journalist's Outfit. --A Chaplain ofthe Church Militant. --A Mistake that might have been Unfortunate. --ThePeople of Booneville. --Visiting an Official. --Banking-HouseLoyalty. --Preparations for a Campaign. CHAPTER V. TO SPRINGFIELD AND BEYOND. Conduct of the St. Louis Secessionists. --Collisions between Soldiersand Citizens. --Indignation of the Guests of a Hotel. --From St. Louis to Rolla. --Opinions of a "Regular. "--Railway-life inMissouri. --Unprofitable Freight. --A Story of Orthography. --Mountainsand Mountain Streams. --Fastidiousness Checked. --FrontierCourtesy. --Concentration of Troops at Springfield. --A PerplexingSituation. --The March to Dug Spring. --Sufferings from Heat and Thirst. CHAPTER VI. THE BATTLE OF WILSON CREEK. The Return from Dug Spring. --The Rebels follow inPursuit. --Preparations to Attack them. --The Plan of Battle. --Movingto the Attack--A Bivouac--The Opening Shot. --"Is thatOfficial?"--Sensations of a Spectator in Battle. --Extension ofDistance and Time. --Characteristics of Projectiles. --Taking Notesunder Fire. --Strength and Losses of the Opposing Armies. --A NobleRecord. --The Wounded on the Field. --"One More Shot. "--Granger in hisElement. --General Lyon's Death. CHAPTER VII. THE RETREAT FROM SPRINGFIELD. A Council of War. --The Journalists' Council. --Preparations forRetreat. --Preceding the Advance-Guard. --Alarm and Anxiety of thePeople. --Magnificent Distances. --A Novel Odometer. --The UnreliableCountryman. --Neutrality. --A Night at Lebanon. --A DisagreeableLodging-place. --Active Secessionists. --The Man who Sought andFound his Rights. --Approaching Civilization. --Rebel Couriers on theRoute. --Arrival at Rolla. CHAPTER VIII. GENERAL FREMONT'S PURSUIT OF PRICE. Quarrel between Price and McCulloch. --The Rebels Advance uponLexington. --A Novel Defense for Sharp-shooters. --Attempt to Re-enforcethe Garrison. --An Enterprising Journalist. --The Surrender. --Fremont'sAdvance. --Causes of Delay. --How the Journalists Killed Time. --LateNews. --A Contractor "Sold. "--Sigel in Front. --A MotleyCollection. --A Wearied Officer. --The Woman who had never seen a BlackRepublican. --Love and Conversion. CHAPTER IX. THE SECOND CAMPAIGN TO SPRINGFIELD. Detention at Warsaw. --A Bridge over the Osage. --TheBody-Guard. --Manner of its Organization. --The Advanceto Springfield. --Charge of the Body-Guard. --A Corporal'sRuse. --Occupation of Springfield. --The Situation. --Wilson CreekRevisited. --Traces of the Battle. --Rumored Movements of theEnemy. --Removal of General Fremont. --Danger of Attack. --A Night ofExcitement. --The Return to St. Louis. --Curiosities of the ScoutingService. --An Arrest by Mistake. CHAPTER X. TWO MONTHS OF IDLENESS. A Promise Fulfilled. --Capture of a Rebel Camp and Train. --RebelSympathizers in St. Louis. --General Halleck and his Policy. --Refugeesfrom Rebeldom. --Story of the Sufferings of a Union Family. --Chivalryin the Nineteenth Century. --The Army of the Southwest inMotion. --Gun-Boats and Transports. --Capture of Fort Henry. --The Effectin St. Louis. --Our Flag Advancing. CHAPTER XI ANOTHER CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI. From St. Louis to Rolla. --A Limited Outfit. --Missouri Roads inWinter. --"Two Solitary Horsemen. "--Restricted Accommodations in aSlaveholder's House. --An Energetic Quartermaster. --General Sheridanbefore he became Famous. --"Bagging Price. "--A Defect in theBag. --Examining the Correspondence of a Rebel General. --What theRebels left at their Departure. CHAPTER XII. THE FLIGHT AND THE PURSUIT. From Springfield to Pea Ridge. --Mark Tapley in Missouri. --"TheArkansas Traveler. "--Encountering the Rebel Army. --A WonderfulSpring. --The Cantonment at Cross Hollows. --Game Chickens. --Magruder_vs_. Breckinridge. --Rebel Generals in a Controversy. --Its Result. --AnExpedition to Huntsville. --Curiosities of Rebel Currency. --ImportantInformation. --A Long and Weary March. --Disposition of Forces beforethe Battle. --Changing Front. --What the Rebels lost by Ignorance. CHAPTER XIII. THE BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE. The Rebels make their Attack. --Albert Pike and his Indians. --ScalpingWounded Men. --Death of General McCulloch. --The Fighting at ElkhornTavern. --Close of a Gloomy Day. --An Unpleasant Night. --Vocal Soundsfrom a Mule's Throat. --Sleeping under Disadvantages. --A FavorableMorning. --The Opposing Lines of Battle. --A Severe Cannonade. --TheForest on Fire. --Wounded Men in the Flames. --The Rebels inRetreat. --Movements of our Army. --A Journey to St. Louis. CHAPTER XIV. UP THE TENNESSEE AND AT PITTSBURG LANDING. At St. Louis. --Progress of our Arms in the Great Valley. --Cairo. --ItsPeculiarities and Attractions. --Its Commercial, Geographical, andSanitary Advantages. --Up the Tennessee. --Movements Preliminary tothe Great Battle. --The Rebels and their Plans. --Postponement ofthe Attack. --Disadvantages of our Position. --The Beginning of theBattle. --Results of the First Day. --Re-enforcements. --Disputes betweenOfficers of our two Armies. --Beauregard's Watering-place. CHAPTER XV. SHILOH AND THE SIEGE OF CORINTH. The Error of the Rebels. --Story of a Surgeon. --Experience of aRebel Regiment. --Injury to the Rebel Army. --The Effect in our ownLines. --Daring of a Color-Bearer. --A Brave Soldier. --A Drummer-Boy'sExperience. --Gallantry of an Artillery Surgeon. --A Regiment Commandedby a Lieutenant. --Friend Meeting Friend and Brother Meeting Brotherin the Opposing Lines. --The Scene of the Battle. --Fearful Tracesof Musketry-Fire. --The Wounded. --The Labor of the SanitaryCommission. --Humanity a Yankee Trick. --Besieging Corinth. --ACold-Water Battery. --Halleck and the Journalists. --Occupation ofCorinth. CHAPTER XVI. CAPTURE OF FORT PILLOW AND BATTLE OF MEMPHIS. The Siege of Fort Pillow. --General Pope. --His Reputation forVeracity. --Capture of the "Ten Thousand. "--Naval Battle above FortPillow. --The _John H. Dickey_. --Occupation of the Fort. --GeneralForrest. --Strength of the Fortifications. --Their Location. --Randolph, Tennessee. --Memphis and her Last Ditch. --Opening of the NavalCombat. --Gallant Action of Colonel Ellet. --Fate of the RebelFleet. --The People Viewing the Battle. --Their Conduct. CHAPTER XVII. IN MEMPHIS AND UNDER THE FLAG. Jeff. Thompson and his Predictions. --A Cry of Indignation. --MemphisHumiliated. --The Journalists in the Battle. --The Surrender. --A FinePoint of Law and Honor. --Going on Shore. --An Enraged Secessionist. --ADangerous Enterprise. --Memphis and her Antecedents. --Her Loyalty. --AnAmusing Incident. --How the Natives learned of the Capture of FortDonelson. --The Last Ditch. --A Farmer-Abolitionist. --Disloyalty amongthe Women. --"Blessings in Disguise. "--An American Mark Tapley. CHAPTER XVIII. SUPERVISING A REBEL JOURNAL. The Press of Memphis. --Flight of _The Appeal_. --A FalsePrediction. --_The Argus_ becomes Loyal. --Order from GeneralWallace. --Installed in Office. --Lecturing the Rebels. --"Trade followsthe Flag. "--Abuses of Traffic. --Supplying the Rebels. --A PerilousAdventure. --Passing the Rebel Lines. --Eluding Watchful Eyes. CHAPTER XIX. THE FIRST SIEGE OF VICKSBURG. From Memphis to Vicksburg. --Running the Batteries. --Our Inabilityto take Vicksburg by Assault. --Digging a Canal. --A Conversation withResident Secessionists. --Their Arguments _pro_ and _con_, and theAnswers they Received. --A Curiosity of Legislation. --An Expedition upthe Yazoo. --Destruction of the Rebel Fleet. --The _Arkansas_ Runningthe Gauntlet. --A Spirited Encounter. --A Gallant Attempt. --Raising theSiege. --Fate of the _Arkansas_. CHAPTER XX. THE MARCH THROUGH ARKANSAS. --THE SIEGE OF CINCINNATI. General Curtis's Army reaching Helena. --Its Wanderings. --TheArkansas Navy. --Troops and their Supplies "missConnection. "--Rebel Reports. --Memphis in Midsummer. --"A Journey dueNorth. "--Chicago. --Bragg's Advance into Kentucky. --Kirby Smith inFront of Cincinnati. --The City under Martial Law. --The SquirrelHunters. --War Correspondents in Comfortable Quarters. --Improvising anArmy. --Raising the Siege. --Bragg's Retreat. CHAPTER XXI. THE BATTLE OF CORINTH. New Plans of the Rebels. --Their Design to Capture Corinth. --Advancingto the Attack. --Strong Defenses. --A Magnificent Charge. --Valor _vs_. Breast-Works. --The Repulse. --Retreat and Pursuit. --The National ArmsTriumphant. CHAPTER XXII. THE CAMPAIGN FROM CORINTH. Changes of Commanders. --Preparations for the Aggressive. --Marchingfrom Corinth. --Talking with the People. --"You-uns andWe-uns. "--Conservatism of a "Regular. "--Loyalty andDisloyalty. --Condition of the Rebel Army. --Foraging. --German Theologyfor American Soldiers. --A Modest Landlord. --A Boy without a Name. --TheFreedmen's Bureau. --Employing Negroes. --Holly Springs and itsPeople. --An Argument for Secession. CHAPTER XXIII. GRANT'S OCCUPATION OF MISSISSIPPI. The Slavery Question. --A Generous Offer. --A Journalist'sModesty. --Hopes of the Mississippians at the Beginning of theWar. --Visiting an Editress. --Literature under Difficulties. --JacobThompson and his Correspondence. --Plans for the Capture ofVicksburg. --Movements of General Sherman. --The Raid upon HollySprings. --Forewarned, but not Forearmed. --A Gallant Fight. CHAPTER XXIV. THE BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BAYOU. Leaving Memphis. --Down the Great River. --Landing in theYazoo. --Description of the Ground. --A Night in Bivouac. --Planof Attack. --Moving toward the Hills. --Assaulting the Bluff. --OurRepulse. --New Plans. --Withdrawal from the Yazoo. CHAPTER XXV. BEFORE VICKSBURG. Capture of Arkansas Post. --The Army returns to Milliken'sBend. --General Sherman and the Journalists. --Arrest of theAuthor. --His Trial before a Military Court. --Letter from PresidentLincoln. --Capture of Three Journalists. CHAPTER XXVI. KANSAS IN WAR-TIME. A Visit to Kansas. --Recollections of Border Feuds. --Peculiaritiesof Kansas Soldiers. --Foraging as a Fine Art. --Kansas andMissouri. --Settling Old Scores. --Depopulating the BorderCounties. --Two Examples of Grand Strategy. --Capture of the"Little-More-Grape" Battery. --A Woman in Sorrow. --FrontierJustice. --Trial before a "Lynch" Court. --General Blunt'sOrder. --Execution of Horse-Thieves. --Auction Sale of ConfiscatedProperty. --Banished to Dixie. CHAPTER XXVII. GETTYSBURG. A Hasty Departure. --At Harrisburg. --_En route_ for the Army ofthe Potomac. --The Battle-Field at Gettysburg. --Appearance ofthe Cemetery. --Importance of the Position. --The Configurationof Ground. --Traces of Battle. --Round Hill. --General Meade'sHead-Quarters. --Appearance of the Dead. --Through the Forests along theLine. --Retreat and Pursuit of Lee. CHAPTER XXVIII. IN THE NORTHWEST. From Chicago to Minnesota. --Curiosities of Low-Water Navigation. --St. Paul and its Sufferings in Earlier Days. --The Indian War. --A BriefHistory of our Troubles in that Region. --General Pope's Expeditions toChastise the Red Man. --Honesty in the Indian Department. --The End ofthe Warfare. --The Pacific Railway. --A Bold Undertaking. --PenetratingBritish Territory. --The Hudson Bay Company. --Peculiarities of aTrapper's Life. CHAPTER XXIX. INAUGURATION OF A GREAT ENTERPRISE. Plans for Arming the Negroes along the Mississippi. --Opposition to theMovement. --Plantations Deserted by their Owners. --Gathering AbandonedCotton. --Rules and Regulations. --Speculation. --Widows and Orphansin Demand. --Arrival of Adjutant-General Thomas. --Designs of theGovernment. CHAPTER XXX. COTTON-PLANTING IN 1863. Leasing the Plantations. --Interference of theRebels. --Raids. --Treatment of Prisoners. --The Attack upon Milliken'sBend. --A Novel Breast-Work. --Murder of our Officers. --Profits ofCotton-Planting. --Dishonesty of Lessees. --Negroes Planting on theirown Account. CHAPTER XXXI. AMONG THE OFFICIALS. Reasons for Trying an Experiment. --Activity among Lessees. --Opinionsof the Residents. --Rebel Hopes in 1863. --Removal of Negroes to WestLouisiana. --Visiting Natchez. --The City and its Business. --"TheRejected Addresses". CHAPTER XXXII. A JOURNEY OUTSIDE THE LINES. Passing the Pickets. --Cold Weather in the South. --Effect of Climateupon the Constitution. --Surrounded and Captured. --Prevaricationand Explanation. --Among the Natives. --The Game for theConfederacy. --Courtesy of the Planters. --Condition of thePlantations. --The Return. CHAPTER XXXIII. ON THE PLANTATION. Military Protection. --Promises. --Another Widow. --Securinga Plantation. --Its Locality and Appearance. --Gardening inLouisiana. --How Cotton is Picked. --"The Tell-Tale. "--A Southerner'sOpinion of the Negro Character. --Causes and Consequences. CHAPTER XXXIV. RULES AND REGULATIONS UNDER THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS. The Plantation Record. --Its Uses. --Interesting Memoranda. --Dogs, Jail, and Stocks. --Instructions to the Overseer. --His Duties andResponsibilities. --The Order of General Banks. --Management ofPlantations in the Department of the Gulf. --The two Documents. Contrasted. --One of the Effects of "an Abolition War". CHAPTER XXXV. OUR FREE-LABOR ENTERPRISE IN PROGRESS. The Negroes at Work. --Difficulties in the Way. --A Public Meeting. --ASpeech. --A Negro's Idea of Freedom. --A Difficult Question toDetermine. --Influence of Northern and Southern Men Contrasted. --AnIncrease of Numbers. --"Ginning" Cotton. --In the Lint-Room. --Mills andMachinery of a Plantation. --A Profitable Enterprise. CHAPTER XXXVI. WAR AND AGRICULTURE. Official Favors. --Division of Labor. --Moral Suasion. --Corn-gatheringin the South. --An Alarm. --A Frightened Irishman. --The RebelsApproaching. --An Attack on Waterproof. --Falstaff Redivivus. --His Featsof Arms. --Departure for New Orleans. CHAPTER XXXVII. IN THE COTTON MARKET. New Orleans and its Peculiarities. --Its Loss by the Rebellion. --CottonFactors in New Orleans. --Old Things passed away. --The NorthernBarbarians a Race of Shopkeepers. --Pulsations of the Cotton Market. --AQuarrel with a Lady. --Contending for a Principle. --Inharmony of the"Regulations. "--An Account of Sales. CHAPTER XXXVIII. SOME FEATURES OF PLANTATION LIFE. Mysteries of Mule-trading. --"What's in a Name?"--Process of Stockinga Plantation. --An Enterprising White Man. --Stratagem of aYankee. --Distributing Goods to the Negroes. --The Tastes of theAfrican. --Ethiopian Eloquence. --A Colored Overseer. --GuerrillasApproaching. --Whisky _vs_. Guerrillas. --A Hint to Military Men. CHAPTER XXXIX. VISITED BY GUERRILLAS. News of the Raid. --Returning to the Plantation. --Examples of NegroCunning. --A Sudden Departure and a Fortunate Escape. --A SecondVisit. --"Going Through, " in Guerrilla Parlance. --How it isAccomplished. --Courtesy to Guests. --A Holiday Costume. --LesseesAbandoning their Plantations. --Official Promises. CHAPTER XL. PECULIARITIES OF PLANTATION LABOR. Resuming Operation. --Difficulties in the Way. --A New Method of Healingthe Sick. --A Thief Discovered by his Ignorance of Arithmetic. --HowCotton is Planted. --The Uses of Cotton-Seed. --A NovelSleeping-Room. --Constructing a Tunnel. --Vigilance of a Negro Sentinel. CHAPTER XLI. THE NEGROES AT A MILITARY POST. The Soldiers at Waterproof. --The Black Man in Blue. --Mutiny andDesertion. --Their Cause and Cure. --Tendering a Resignation. --No Desirefor a Barber. --Seeking Protection. --Falsehood and Truth. --Proneness toExaggeration. --Amusing Estimates. CHAPTER XLII. THE END OF THE EXPERIMENT. The Nature of our "Protection. "--Trade Following the Flag. --AFortunate Journey. --Our Last Visit. --Inhumanity of theGuerrillas. --Driving Negroes into Captivity. --Killing anOverseer. --Our Final Departure. --Plantations Elsewhere. CHAPTER XLIII. THE MISSISSIPPI AND ITS PECULIARITIES. Length of the Great River, and the Area it Drains. --How Itasca Lakeobtained its Name. --The Bends of the Mississippi. --Curious Effect uponTitles to Real Estate. --A Story of Napoleon. --A Steamboat Thirty-fiveYears under Water. --The Current and its Variations. --Navigating Cottonand Corn Fields. --Reminiscences of the Islands. CHAPTER XLIV. STEAMBOATING ON THE MISSISSIPPI IN PEACE AND WAR. Attempts to Obstruct the Great River. --Chains, Booms, andBatteries. --A Novelty in Piloting. --Travel in the Days Before theRebellion. --Trials of Speed. --The Great Race. --Travel During theWar. --Running a Rebel Battery on the Lower Mississippi. --Incidents ofthe Occasion. --Comments on the Situation. CHAPTER XLV. THE ARMY CORRESPONDENT. The Beginning and the End. --The Lake Erie Piracy. --A RochesterStory. --The First War Correspondent. --Napoleon's Policy. --Waterlooand the Rothschilds. --Journalistic Enterprise in the Mexican War. --TheCrimea and the East Indian Rebellion. --Experiences at the Beginningof Hostilities. --The Tender Mercies of the Insurgents. --In theField. --Adventures in Missouri and Kentucky. --Correspondentsin Captivity. --How Battle-Accounts were Written. --ProfessionalComplaints. CHAPTER XLVI. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE SOUTH. Scarcity of the Population. --Fertility of the Country. --Northern Menalready in the South. --Kansas Emigrants Crossing Missouri. --Change ofthe Situation. --Present Disadvantages of Emigration. --Feeling ofthe People. --Property-Holders in Richmond. --The Sentiment in NorthCarolina. --South Carolina Chivalry. --The Effect of War. --Prospect ofthe Success of Free Labor. --Trade in the South. CHAPTER XLVII. HOW DISADVANTAGES MAY BE OVERCOME. Conciliating the People of the South. --Railway Travel and itsImprovement. --Rebuilding Steamboats. --Replacing WorkingStock. --The Condition of the Plantations. --Suggestions about HastyDepartures. --Obtaining Information. --The Attractions of Missouri. CHAPTER XLVIII. THE RESOURCES OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. How the People have Lived. --An Agricultural Community. --Mineraland other Wealth of Virginia. --Slave-Breeding in FormerTimes. --The Auriferous Region of North Carolina. --AgriculturalAdvantages. --Varieties of Soil in South Carolina. --Sea-IslandCotton. --Georgia and her Railways. --Probable Decline of the RiceCulture. --The Everglade State. --The Lower Mississippi Valley. --The RedRiver. --Arkansas and its Advantages. --A Hint for Tragedians. --Miningin Tennessee. --The Blue-Grass Region of Kentucky. --Texas and itsAttractions. --Difference between Southern and Western Emigration. --TheEnd. CAMP-FIRE AND COTTON-FIELD. CHAPTER I. ANTE BELLUM. At the Rocky Mountains. --Sentiment of the People. --Firing theSouthern Heart. --A Midwinter Journey across the Plains. --An Editor'sOpinion. --Election in Missouri. --The North springing toArms. --An amusing Arrest. --Off for the Field. --FinalInstructions. --Niagara. --Curiosities of Banking. --Arrival at the Seatof War. I passed the summer and autumn of 1860 in the Rocky Mountain GoldRegion. At that time the population of the young Territory wascomposed of emigrants from Northern and Southern States, those fromthe colder regions being in the majority. When the Presidentialelection took place, there was much angry discussion of the greatquestions of the day, and there were threats of violence on the partof the friends of the "institution. " The residents of the Gold Regionwere unable to cast their votes for the men of their choice, but theiranxiety to know the result was very great. When it was announced that the Republican candidate had triumphed, there were speedy signs of discontent. Some of the more impulsiveSoutherners departed at once for their native States, predicting aseparation of Dixie from the North before the end of the year. Somewent to New Mexico, and others to Texas, while many remained to presstheir favorite theories upon their neighbors. The friends of the Unionwere slow to believe that any serious difficulty would take place. Long after the secession of South Carolina they were confident ourdifferences could be healed without an appeal to arms. My visit to the Rocky Mountains was a professional one. During my stayin that region I supplied several Eastern journals with letters fromColorado and New Mexico. One after another, the editors of thesejournals informed me that letters from the Territories had lost theirinterest, owing to the troubles growing out of the election. Wishingto take part in the drama about to be enacted, I essayed a midwinterjourney across the plains, and, early in February, stood in theeditorial room of _The Herald_. I announced my readiness to proceed to any point between the Poles, wherever _The Herald_ desired a correspondent. The editor-in-chief wasbusy over a long letter from some point in the South, but his responsewas promptly given. Half reading, half pausing over the letter, hebriefly said:-- "A long and bloody war is upon us, in which the whole country will beengaged. We shall desire you to take the field; probably in the West. It may be several weeks before we need you, but the war cannot be longdelayed. " At that time few persons in the North looked upon the situation withany fears of trouble. There were some who thought a hostile collisionwas among the possibilities, but these persons were generally in theminority. Many believed the secession movement was only the hasty workof political leaders, that would be soon undone when the people of theSouth came to their senses. That the South would deliberately plunge the country into civil warwas difficult to comprehend, even after the first steps had beentaken. The majority of the Northern people were hoping and believing, day by day, that something might transpire to quell the excitement andadjust the difficulties threatening to disturb the country. Before leaving the Rocky Mountains I did not believe that war wascertain to ensue, though I considered it quite probable. As I passedthrough Missouri, the only slave State that lay in my route, I foundevery thing comparatively quiet. In St. Joseph, on the day of myarrival, the election for delegates to the State Convention was beingheld. There was no disorder, more than is usual on election days insmall cities. Little knots of people were engaged in discussion, butthe discussions partook of no extraordinary bitterness. The vote ofthe city was decidedly in favor of keeping the State in the Union. Between the 7th of December and the 12th of April, the Northern bloodwarmed slowly. The first gun at Sumter quickened its pulsations. Whenthe President issued his call for seventy-five thousand men for threemonths, to put down insurrection, the North woke to action. Everywherethe response was prompt, earnest, patriotic. In the Northerncities the recruiting offices were densely thronged. New York andMassachusetts were first to send their favorite regiments to thefront, but they were not long in the advance. Had the call been forfour times seventy-five thousand, and for a service of three years, there is little doubt the people would have responded withouthesitation. For a short time after my arrival at the East, I remained in a smalltown in Southern New Hampshire. A few days after the first call wasissued, a friend invited me to a seat in his carriage for a ride toPortsmouth, the sea-port of the State. On reaching the city we foundthe war spirit fully aroused. Two companies of infantry were drillingin the public square, and the citizens were in a state of greatexcitement. In the course of the afternoon my friend and myself werearrested, by a committee of respectable citizens, who suspected us ofbeing Southern emissaries. It was with great difficulty we convincedthem they had made a slight mistake. We referred them to the onlyacquaintances we had in the city. They refused to consider the truthestablished in the mouths of two witnesses, and were not induced togive us our liberty until all convenient proof of our identity hadbeen adduced. To be arrested within twenty miles of home, on suspicion of beingdelegated from Charleston or Montgomery, was one of my most amusingexperiences of the war. The gentleman who accompanied me was a veryearnest believer in coercion. His business in Portsmouth on thatoccasion was to offer his services in a regiment then being formed. A few months later he received a commission in the army, but did notobtain it through any of our temporary acquaintances at Portsmouth. Our captors were the solid men of the city, any one of whom couldhave sat for the portrait of Mr. Turveydrop without the slightestalteration. On taking us into custody, they stated the grounds onwhich they arrested us. Our dark complexions and long beards hadaroused suspicions concerning the places of our nativity. Suspicionwas reduced to a certainty when one of them heard me mention mypresence in Missouri on the day of choosing candidates for theConvention. Our purpose was divined when I asked if there was anyactivity at the Navy Yard. We were Rebel emissaries, who designed tolay their Navy Yard in ashes! On our release and departure we were followed to our homes, that thecorrectness of our representations might be ascertained. This littleoccurrence, in the center of New England, where the people claim tobe thoroughly quiet and law-abiding, indicated that the war spirit inthat part of the North was more than momentary. The West was not behind the Eastern States in the determinationto subdue the Rebellion. Volunteers were gathering at Cairo, andthreatening to occupy points further down the Mississippi. AtSt. Louis the struggle was active between the Unionists and theSecessionists. A collision was a mere question of time, and of short time at thebest. As I visited _The Herald_ office for final instructions, I found thatthe managing editor had determined upon a vigorous campaign. Everypoint of interest was to be covered, so that the operations of ourarmies would be fully recorded from day to day. The war correspondentshad gone to their posts, or were just taking their departure. Onecorrespondent was already on the way to Cairo. I was instructed towatch the military movements in Missouri, and hastened to St. Louis asfast as steam could bear me. Detained twelve hours at Niagara, by reason of missing a railwaytrain, I found that the opening war gave promise of affecting thatlocality. The hotel-keepers were gloomy at the prospect of losingtheir Southern patronage, and half feared they would be obliged toclose their establishments. There were but few visitors, and eventhese were not of the class which scatters its money profusely. Thevillage around the Falls displayed positive signs of dullness, andthe inhabitants had personal as well as patriotic interest in wishingthere was no war. The Great Cataract was unchanged in its beautyand grandeur. The flood from the Lakes was not diminished, and theprecipice over which the water plunged was none the less steep. Theopening war had no effect upon this wonder of the New World. In Chicago, business was prostrated on account of the outbreak ofhostilities. Most of the banks in Illinois had been holding Statebonds as securities for the redemption of their circulation. As thesebonds were nearly all of Southern origin, the beginning of the warhad materially affected their value. The banks found their securitiesrapidly becoming insecure, and hence there was a depreciation in thecurrency. This was not uniform, but varied from five to sixty percent. , according to the value of the bonds the respective banks wereholding. Each morning and evening bulletins were issued stating thevalue of the notes of the various banking-houses. Such a currency wasvery inconvenient to handle, as the payment of any considerable sumrequired a calculation to establish the worth of each note. Many rumors were in circulation concerning the insecurity of aNorthern visitor in St. Louis, but none of the stories were veryalarming. Of one thing all were certain--the star of the Union wasin the ascendant. On arriving in St. Louis I found the city far fromquiet, though there was nothing to lead a stranger to consider hispersonal safety in danger. I had ample material for entering atonce upon my professional duties, in chronicling the disordered andthreatening state of affairs. On the day of my arrival, I met a gentleman I had known in the RockyMountains, six months before. I knew his courage was beyond question, having seen him in several disturbances incident to the Gold Regions;but I was not aware which side of the great cause he had espoused. After our first greetings, I ventured to ask how he stood. "I am a Union man, " was his emphatic response. "What kind of a Union man are you?" "I am this kind of a Union man, " and he threw open his coat, andshowed me a huge revolver, strapped to his waist. There were many loyal men in St. Louis, whose sympathies were evincedin a similar manner. Revolvers were at a premium. Some of the Secessionists ordered a quantity of revolvers from NewYork, to be forwarded by express. To prevent interference by the Unionauthorities, they caused the case to be directed to "Colonel FrancisP. Blair, Jr. , care of ----. " They thought Colonel Blair's namewould secure the property from seizure. The person in whose care therevolvers were sent was a noted Secessionist, who dealt extensively infire-arms. Colonel Blair learned of the shipment, and met the box at the station. Fifty revolvers of the finest quality, bought and paid for by theSecessionists, were distributed among the friends of Colonel Blair, and were highly prized by the recipients. CHAPTER II. MISSOURI IN THE EARLY DAYS. Apathy of the Border States. --The Missouri State Convention. --SterlingPrice a Union Man. --Plan to take the State out of the Union. --Captureof Camp Jackson. --Energy of General Lyon. --Union Men organized. --AnUnfortunate Collision. --The Price-Harney Truce. --The Panic among theSecessionists. --Their Hegira from St. Louis. --A Visit to theState Capital. --Under the Rebel Flag. --Searching for ContrabandArticles. --An Introduction to Rebel Dignitaries. --GovernorJackson. --Sterling Price. --Jeff. Thompson. --Activity atCairo. --Kentucky Neutrality. --The Rebels occupy Columbus. The Border States were not prompt to follow the example of the Stateson the Gulf and South Atlantic coast. Missouri and Kentucky wereloyal, if the voice of the majority is to be considered the voice ofthe population. Many of the wealthier inhabitants were, at theoutset, as they have always been, in favor of the establishment ofan independent Southern Government. Few of them desired an appeal toarms, as they well knew the Border States would form the front of theConfederacy, and thus become the battle-field of the Rebellion. Thegreater part of the population of those States was radically opposedto the secession movement, but became powerless under the noisy, political leaders who assumed the control. Many of these men, who wereUnionists in the beginning, were drawn into the Rebel ranks onthe plea that it would be treason to refuse to do what their StateGovernment had decided upon. The delegates to the Missouri State Convention were elected inFebruary, 1861, and assembled at St. Louis in the following April. Sterling Price, afterward a Rebel general, was president of thisConvention, and spoke in favor of keeping the State in the Union. TheConvention thought it injudicious for Missouri to secede, at least atthat time, and therefore she was not taken out. This discomfited theprime movers of the secession schemes, as they had counted upon theConvention doing the desired work. In the language of one of theirown number, "they had called a Convention to take the State out of theUnion, and she must be taken out at all hazards. " Therefore a new lineof policy was adopted. The Governor of Missouri was one of the most active and unscrupulousSecessionists. After the failure of the Convention to unite Missouriwith the Confederacy, Governor Jackson overhauled the militia laws, and, under their sanction, issued a call for a muster of militia nearSt. Louis. This militia assembled at Lindell Grove, in the suburbsof St. Louis, and a military camp was established, under the name of"Camp Jackson. " Though ostensibly an innocent affair, this camp wasintended to be the nucleus of the army to hoist the Rebel flag in theState. The officers in command were known Secessionists, and everything about the place was indicative of its character. The Governor of Louisiana sent, from the arsenal at Baton Rouge, aquantity of guns and munitions of war, to be used by the insurgentforces in Missouri. These reached St. Louis without hinderance, andwere promptly conveyed to the embryonic Rebel camp. Captain Lyon, incommand of the St. Louis Arsenal, was informed that he must confinehis men to the limits of the United States property, under penalty ofthe arrest of all who stepped outside. Governor Jackson several timesvisited the grounds overlooking the arsenal, and selected spotsfor planting his guns. Every thing was in preparation for activehostility. The Union people were by no means idle. Captain Lyon had foreseen thedanger menacing the public property in the arsenal, and besought theGovernment for permission to remove it. Twenty thousand stand of armswere, in a single night, loaded upon a steamer and sent to Alton, Illinois. They were conveyed thence by rail to the Illinois StateArsenal at Springfield. Authority was obtained for the formation ofvolunteer regiments, and they were rapidly mustered into the service. While Camp Jackson was being formed, the Union men of St. Louis werearming and drilling with such secrecy that the Secessionists werenot generally aware of their movements. Before the close of the dayCaptain Lyon received permission for mustering volunteers; he placedmore than six hundred men into the service. Regiments were organizedunder the name of "Home Guards, " and by the 9th of May there were sixthousand armed Union men in St. Louis, who were sworn to uphold thenational honor. Colonel Francis P. Blair, Jr. , commanded the First Regiment ofMissouri Volunteers, and stood faithfully by Captain Lyon in allthose early and dangerous days. The larger portion of the forces thenavailable in St. Louis was made up of the German element, which wasalways thoroughly loyal. This fact caused the Missouri Secessioniststo feel great indignation toward the Germans. They always declaredthey would have seized St. Louis and held possession of the largerportion of the State, had it not been for the earnest loyalty of "theDutch. " In the interior of Missouri the Secessionists were generally in theascendant. It was the misfortune of the time that the Unionists wereusually passive, while their enemies were active. In certain countieswhere the Unionists were four times the number of the Secessionists, it was often the case that the latter were the ruling party. TheUnion people were quiet and law-abiding; the Secessionists activeand unscrupulous. "Peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must, " was themotto of the enemies of the Republic. In some localities the Union men asserted themselves, but they did notgenerally do so until after the first blows were struck at St. Louis. When they did come out in earnest, the loyal element in Missouribecame fully apparent. To assure the friends of the Union, and save Missouri from thedomination of the insurgents, it was necessary for Captain Lyon toassume the offensive. This was done on the 10th of May, resulting inthe famous capture of "Camp Jackson. " On the night of the 9th, loyal parties in St. Louis supplied asufficient number of horses to move the light artillery necessary toaccomplish the desired object. On the morning of the 10th, CaptainLyon's command moved from various points, so as to surround the Rebelcamp at three o'clock in the afternoon. At that hour GeneralFrost, the Rebel commander, was surprised at the appearance of anoverpowering force on the hills surrounding his position. A demand forsurrender gave half an hour for deliberation. At the end of that timeGeneral Frost concluded to capitulate. The prisoners, less than athousand in number, were marched to the arsenal and safely secured. This achievement destroyed Camp Jackson, and established the UnitedStates authority in full force over St. Louis. An unfortunatecollision occurred between the soldiers and the crowd outside. Provoked by insults terminating in an assault with fire-arms, aportion of the German troops fired upon the multitude. Upwardof thirty persons were killed or wounded in the affair. With theexception of this unhappy collision, the capture was bloodless. General Harney arrived at St. Louis soon after this event, and assumedcommand in Missouri. The agreement known as "the Price-Harney truce"was immediately made. Under an assurance from Governor Jackson thatthe State troops should be disbanded, General Harney promised that nohostilities should be undertaken, and attempted to cause the dispersalof the Union volunteers. The status of the latter had been so fixedthat General Harney was not empowered to disarm them, and he soinformed, the State authorities. His message announcing this readnearly as follows:-- "I have ascertained that I have no control over the Home Guards. "W. S. HARNEY, _Brig. -Gen_. " This message was received at the Police Head-Quarters in St. Louis, onthe morning of Sunday, May 15th. It was misunderstood by the partieswho read it. They inferred, from the tenor of the dispatch, thatGeneral Harney was unable to restrain the Union volunteers. The most frightful stories had been circulated concerning theblood-thirsty character of these soldiers, particularly the Germanportion. Visions of murder, pillage, house-burning, and all theaccompanying outrages committed by an unrestrained army, flittedthrough the minds of the Secessionists. The story spread, and gainedintensity with each repetition. "The Dutch are rising; we shall allbe slain in cold blood!" was the cry, echoed from house to house. Notless than five thousand people fled from the city on that day, and asmany more within the succeeding twenty-four hours. Carriages, wagons, drays, every thing that could transport persons or valuables, commanded exorbitant prices. Steamboats were chartered as ferries tothe Illinois shore or to go to points of safety, either up or down theriver. Many persons abandoned their houses, taking with them only afew articles of value or necessity, while others carried away nothing, in their haste to escape. In a few days the excitement subsided and nearly all the refugeesreturned, but there are some who have never been in St. Louis sincetheir remarkable hegira. In their determination to obtain their"rights, " they entered the Rebel army and followed its checkeredfortunes. Less than half of these persons are now alive. For a time after the appearance of General Harney's proclamation, there were no hostile demonstrations on either side. Governor Jacksonhad promised to disband the small force of militia at Jefferson City, but he failed to do so. The Rebel flag was flying in JeffersonCity, from a staff in front of the Governor's mansion, and over thehead-quarters of the Missouri State Guard. Missouri, through her Stateofficers, was in favor of an armed neutrality, which really meantnothing less than armed secession. The Secessionists were quietly but earnestly at work to effect theirobject. They did not heed their promise to remain inactive. The Unionauthorities observed theirs to the letter. The Camp Jackson prisonerswere paroled and restored to liberty. A portion of them observed theparole, but many did not. General Frost remained on his farm andtook no part in the Rebellion until relieved from his parole, severalmonths later. It is proper to add, that he was of very little accountto the Rebels when he finally entered the field. While watching the progress of affairs in St. Louis, I determined upona visit to Jefferson City. Though the Rebel flag was flying over theState Capitol, and the nucleus of the Missouri State Guard (Rebel) hadits camp in the suburbs, the communication by railroad had not beeninterrupted. Taking the morning train from St. Louis, on the 27thof May, I found myself, at three o'clock of the afternoon, under thesecession banner. The searching of the train for articles contrabandof war was then a new feature. In the early days only the outside of a package was examined. If the"marks" indicated nothing suspicious, the goods were allowed to pass. Under this regulation, a large number of boxes marked "soap" wereshipped on a steamboat for Lexington. So much soap going into Missouriwas decidedly suspicious, as the people of the interior do not makeextensive use of the article. An examination disclosed canisters ofpowder instead of bars of soap. The discovery was followed by thepromulgation of an order requiring a rigid examination of allpackages that might be of doubtful character. This order, with variousmodifications, was kept in force for a long time. In starting from St. Louis, I left a company of Union volunteers atthe railway station. At Jefferson City I found the depot filled withthe Rebel soldiers, or "neutrals, " as Governor Jackson persisted incalling them. The particular duty they were performing I was unableto ascertain, but they bore unmistakable signs of being something morethan a "neutral" body of men. Their camp was just in rear of the city. The Rebel flag, which floated above the camp, was recognized as theemblem of their neutrality. The proprietor of the hotel where I stopped held the reputation ofan earnest friend of the Union, ready to Suffer any thing rather thansink his principles. He introduced me to several citizens, mostof them, like himself, thoroughly loyal. We discussed freely thecondition of affairs in Missouri. It was evident the State authorities intended war, as soon as thenecessary preparations could be made. They were not quite ready tostrike their first blow, but when they should be prepared, they wouldnot hesitate a moment. Governor Jackson was exerting himself to theutmost to accumulate arms and military stores at various points inthe State, where they would be of most value. In defiance of thetruce between Generals Price and Harney, companies were being formedthroughout the State, and were drilling for service in the field. Timewas of great importance to the Rebels, and this they had secured bymeans of the truce. During my stay at Jefferson City, I met the three, men most prominentin bringing war upon Missouri. These were Governor Jackson, GeneralSterling Price, and Jeff. Thompson. Governor Jackson was elected inthe previous December, before it was thought any serious trouble wouldgrow out of Mr. Lincoln's election. He was not looked upon as a manof great ability, but no one doubted his desire to promote the bestinterests of the State. Those who knew him said his strength lay morein a public than in a private direction. He had few, if any, personalfriends, and was considered dangerous when his passions were roused. Some said he was cold and treacherous, giving all around him a feelingof aversion. Even among the Secessionists, and those who should havebeen his ardent supporters, he was never mentioned with enthusiasm. Within two weeks from the day I saw him, Governor Jackson, by his ownact, was a fugitive from the State capital. He never returned. Afterwandering in Arkansas and Louisiana, during the early part of the war, he died at Little Rock, in 1863, in a condition of extreme poverty. Of General Price, I heard many praises, even from those who opposedhis course. He was said to be a man of warm friendship, of fairabilities, and quite popular among the masses of the inhabitants. Hepossessed much personal pride, and his ambition for public honor wasvery great. At the outset he deprecated secession, and prophesied adevastating war as the result. He was inclined to be loyal, but hisambition was greater than his patriotism. The offer of a high positionin the Rebel service touched his weakest point, and carried him withthe insurgents. In the Rebel service he never obtained much distinction. His principalsuccesses were in saving his army after defeat. He displayed acapacity for annoying the Union armies without doing great damage. Though his oft-repeated promise of victory was never fulfilled, itserved to keep many Missourians in the Rebel ranks. He was constantlyexpected to capture St. Louis. Some of the Rebel residents fullybelieved he would do so, and kept their wine-cellars ready for theevent. Until the official announcement of the surrender of all forceswest of the Mississippi, they did not abandon hope. General Price hadgiven his promise, and, as they argued, was sure to keep it. Of Jeff. Thompson little can be said. Previous to that time he hadbeen known as the mayor of St. Joseph, and a politician of some littleimportance in Northwest Missouri. He was famous for much gasconading, and a fondness for whisky and other material things. I could neverlearn that he commanded much respect. During the war the Rebelsnever trusted him with any command of importance. He made a very fairguerrilla, and, in 1861, gave our forces at Cairo and Bird's Pointconsiderable annoyance. History is not likely to give him a veryprominent place in the roll of distinguished military heroes. At this time Cairo was the most southerly point on the Mississippi inpossession of the National forces. We could have occupied Columbusor Hickman, Kentucky, had not the sacredness of the soil prevented. Kentucky was neutral, and declared that neither party must set footwithin her limits. Her declaration of neutrality was much like thatissued by the Governor of Missouri. The United States forces wereunder great restrictions, while the Rebels could do pretty muchas they pleased. General Prentiss sent a small expedition down theMississippi, some sixty miles below Cairo. The Kentuckians weregreatly enraged because our forces landed at Hickman and tore down aRebel flag which the citizens had hoisted. It was an invasion of theirsoil, for which they demanded apology. A few weeks later the Rebelsoccupied both Hickman and Columbus, without any objection on the partof the neutrals. Columbus was made very strong by the Rebel engineers, and suppliedwith many heavy guns for its protection. At the same time, GeneralPrentiss pushed forward the defenses of Cairo, in readiness for anyattack by the Rebel gun-boats. For more than half a year Columbuswas the northern limit of the Rebel domination of the Great River. Onassuming command there, General Polk announced that Columbus was thethroat of the Mississippi, and must be held at all hazards. The Rebelsrepeatedly urged the capture of Cairo, but it was never attempted. [Illustration: HAULING DOWN A REBEL FLAG AT HICKMAN, KY] CHAPTER III. THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. General Harney Relieved. --Price's Proclamation. --End of theTruce. --Conference between the Union and Rebel Leaders. --The First Actof Hostility. --Destruction of Railway Bridges. --Promptness ofGeneral Lyon. --Capture of the State Capital. --Moving on the Enemy'sWorks. --The Night before Battle. --A Correspondent's Sensation. On the first of June an order was received from Washington, relievingGeneral Harney from command in Missouri. Captain Lyon had beenpromoted to the rank of a brigadier-general of volunteers, and wasassigned to duty in General Harney's stead. On the 5th of June, General Price issued a proclamation, calling for the State Guard to bein readiness to defend Missouri against all enemies. The appearanceof this proclamation was not altogether unexpected. It was far moresatisfactory to the friends of the Union than to the Secessionists, asit showed the hostile position of Governor Jackson and his abettors, and gave an opportunity for proceeding actively against them. Itdemonstrated very clearly that the Secessionists were determined tomake their actions correspond to their words. It was ascertained that, a few days before the publication of Price'sproclamation, Governor Jackson was in consultation with an agent ofthe Rebel Government, who promised twenty-five thousand men, and armsand ammunition for fifty thousand more, if the State were fairly andunequivocally out of the Union. He had also conferred with an agentfrom the Indian Nation, with a view to putting several thousandIndians into the field on the side of the Rebels. General Lyon wantedan "overt act" on the part of the Rebels, before commencing actualhostilities. Price's proclamation was the thing desired. The troops in and around St. Louis were drilled as thoroughly aspossible. Every day added to their effectiveness. Recruiting waspushed, trade with the interior was suspended, and boats passing downthe river were made subject to stoppage and search at the arsenal. Every thing was assuming a warlike appearance. The Government wasvery tardy in supplying General Lyon's wants. In many cases it did notauthorize him to do what was needed. Much of the money for outfittingthe troops for the field was voluntarily contributed in the Easterncities, or by patriotic men in St. Louis. In several things, General Lyon acted upon his own responsibility, under the advice andco-operation of Colonel Blair. On the 9th of June, Governor Jackson and General Price asked GeneralLyon to give them a safeguard to visit St. Louis. They wished toconfer with General Lyon and Colonel Blair, upon the best means ofbringing peace to the State and making an end of hostilities. Thesafeguard was granted, and, on the 11th of June, Jackson and Pricereached St. Louis, and signified their readiness for the proposedconference. The meeting took place at the Planters' House, GovernorJackson declining to trust himself inside the walls of the arsenal, where General Lyon had invited him to be his guest. The interviewbegan with many professions of goodwill on the part of GovernorJackson, and the assurance of his earnest desire for peace. Hepromised to disband the State troops, if General Lyon would firstremove all United States troops from the limits of Missouri, andagree not to bring them back under any consideration. Of course, thisproposition could not be entertained. A conversation then took placebetween General Lyon and General Price, but all to no purpose. Priceand Jackson would do nothing, unless the United States troops werefirst sent out of Missouri. Lyon and Blair would not consent to anything of the kind, and so the conference ended. Jackson and Price left St. Louis on a special train for JeffersonCity, on the afternoon of the 11th. On the way up the road, they setfire to the bridges over the Gasconade and Osage Rivers, the formerthirty-five miles from Jefferson City, and ninety from St. Louis, and the latter within nine miles of Jefferson City. If the conduct ofthese men had been neutral up to that time, this act made an end oftheir neutrality. General Lyon left the conference fully satisfied there was no longerany reason for hesitation. The course he should pursue was plainbefore him. Early in the forenoon of the 12th, he learned of the destructionof the bridges over the Gasconade and Osage Rivers. He immediatelyordered a force to proceed up the road, and protect as much of it aspossible from further damage. Within four hours of the reception ofthe order to move, the troops were on their way. On the next day, three steamers, with about two thousand men, left St. Louis forJefferson City. General Lyon knew the importance of time, and wasdetermined to give Governor Jackson very little opportunity forpreparation. My first experience of a military campaign was on the expedition upthe Missouri. I had seen something of Indian troubles on the Plains, in which white men were concerned, but I had never witnessed civilizedwarfare where white men fought against white men. A residence ofseveral weeks in St. Louis had somewhat familiarized me with theappearance of troops at the arsenal and at the various camps in thecity, but the preparations to take the field were full of novelty. I was on the boat which carried the First Missouri Infantry, and whichGeneral Lyon had selected for his head-quarters. The young officerswere full of enthusiasm, and eagerly anticipating their firstencounter with the Rebel battalions. Colonel Blair was lessdemonstrative than the officers of his regiment, but was evidentlymuch elated at the prospect of doing something aggressive. GeneralLyon was in the cabin, quiet, reserved, and thoughtful. With ColonelBlair he conversed long and freely. Few others approached him. Outsidethe cabin the soldiers were ardently discussing the coming campaign, and wishing an early opportunity for winning glory in battle. To one who travels for the first time by steamboat from St. Louis in anortherly direction, a curious picture is presented. The water inthe Mississippi above the mouth of the Missouri is quite clear andtransparent. That from the Missouri is of a dirty yellow color, derived from the large quantity of earthy matter which it holds insolution. For several miles below the junction of the streams, thetwo currents remain separated, the line between them being plainlyperceptible. The pilots usually endeavor to keep on the dividing line, so that one can look from the opposite sides of a boat and imaginehimself sailing upon two rivers of different character at the samemoment. Sometimes this distinctive line continues for fifteen or twenty miles, but usually less than ten. A soldier wittily remarked, that the waterfrom the Upper Mississippi derived its transparency from the freeStates, from whence it came, while the Missouri, emerging from a slaveState, was, consequently, of a repulsive hue. As Missouri is now afree State, the soldier's remark is not applicable. Steaming up the Missouri toward the State capital, we found thesentiment along the banks of the river strongly in favor of the Union. Home Guard organizations had been hastily formed, and were doing theirbest for the protection of the railway. Most of the villages alongthe Lower Missouri contained a strong German element, which needs noquestion of its loyalty. The railway bridges were thoroughly guarded, and each town had a small garrison to suppress any rising of theSecessionists. The conduct of the people in these villages was quitedifferent from the course of those residing above Jefferson City. Where the inhabitants possessed no slaves, there was outspokenloyalty. In the most populous slave districts it was the reverse. Slaveholders declared that their interest lay in secession. There werea few exceptions, but they were very far in a minority. Our triumphal entry into Jefferson City was not marked by anynoteworthy event. The Capitol was deserted. The Governor and most ofthe State officials had departed the previous day, in the direction ofBooneville. We marched through the principal streets, and found manyof the people delighted at our coming. We occupied the State House, and, of course, unfurled our flag from its cupola. A steamboat, seizedat the landing, was pressed into our service for use further up thestream. An encounter with the Rebels was eagerly desired. We left a full regiment, a large force in those days, to retainpossession of the place, and then pushed on in pursuit. The Rebelshad disabled the railway, taking off nearly all the rolling stock anddestroying a large bridge four miles west of the city. As the pointwhere they had fled lay upon the river, we pursued them by water. Atnoon, on the 16th, General Lyon left Jefferson City for Booneville. Within twenty-four hours he fought his first battle in Missouri. It is slow work to proceed with a steamboat where one's way must befelt. Though we had only fifty miles to move, we advanced less thanthirty before nightfall. Touching at a landing on the left bank of theriver, fifteen miles below Booneville, a scout from the enemy's campcame easily into our hands. From being a scout of the enemy he becameour scout, as he revealed in his fright all we wished to know. Theenemy, confident of an easy victory, was waiting our approach, andexpressed the most lively intention of destroying us all in thetwinkling of an eye. Experience had not then demonstrated that there is little differencein the bravery of Americans, when well officered. Each side cherishedthe delusion that it had a monopoly of courage and endurance. OneSouthern man was thought equal to five Northern men in a fair contest, and if the former were given the advantage of a defensive position, any odds of numbers would be taken. There was nearly, though notquite, as much boasting on the part of our own press and people. The first severe battles made an end of the greater part of thisgasconading. It is said the most trying moment on shipboard is when the deck, previous to an engagement, is sprinkled with saw-dust to receive theblood yet unshed. No man can know whose blood will be first to moistenthat dust, or whose life will be passed away before the action isover. So on the eve of that first battle in Missouri, as I reclinedin the cabin of our flag-boat, and saw the surgeons busy with theirpreparations for the coming day; as I saw them bring to light all thedreadful implements of their trade, and arrange them in readinessfor sudden use--a coldness crept over me, and I fully realized wehad earnest work before us. Since that time I have witnessed many abattle, many a scene of preparation and of bloody work with knife andsaw and bandage, but I have never experienced a chill like that I felton that early day of the Rebellion. The war has made us familiar with horrors. That which once touched usto the heart is now passed over with scarce a moment's thought. Ournerves have been hardened, our sensibilities blunted, our heartssteeled against suffering, in the terrible school through which wehave passed. [Illustration: THE OPENING GUN AT BOONEVILLE] CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST BATTLE IN MISSOURI Moving up the River. --A Landing Effected. --The Battle. --PrecipitousRetreat of the Rebels. --Spoiling a Captured Camp. --Rebel FlagsEmblazoned with the State Arms. --A Journalist's Outfit. --A Chaplain ofthe Church Militant. --A Mistake that might have been Unfortunate. --ThePeople of Booneville. --Visiting an Official. --Banking-HouseLoyalty. --Preparations for a Campaign. Daybreak on the 17th found us slowly moving up the river towardBooneville. General Lyon sat forward of the steamer's cabin, closelyscanning both banks of the stream. Four miles below the town his glasssought out two pieces of artillery, partially concealed in a clump oftrees, and trained upon the channel by which we were to pass. At onceour engines were reversed, and the boats moved back to a landing abouteight miles below Booneville. A little before seven o'clock we wereon shore, and our column of fifteen hundred men began its advance uponthe Rebel camp. It was the story that has found its repetition in many a battle sincethat time. The enemy's pickets were driven in. The enemy, in line ofbattle, was discovered on a long ridge, and our own line was formedon a ridge parallel to it. Then we opened fire with our artillery (onebattery was all we possessed), and received no response, save by adesultory discharge of small-arms. Next our infantry added its tenornotes to the bass of the field-guns; the Rebel forces melted steadilyaway, and the field was in our possession, twenty minutes after theopening shot had been fired. Once in retreat, the Rebels did not halt until out of harm's reach. Their camp lay in the line of retreat, but they made no stop inpassing it. Following in the rear of our column, I entered the camp, and found many signs of a hasty departure. I found the fires burning, and dozens of coffee-pots and frying-pans filled with the materialsfor breakfast. Here was a pan full of meat fried to a crisp, from theneglect of the cook to remove it before his sudden exodus. A few feetdistant lay a ham, with a knife sticking in a half-severed slice. Arude camp-table was spread with plates and their accessories, and aportion of the articles of food were carefully arranged. The seats forthe breakfast party were in position, two of them being overturned. I could not help fancying the haste with which that table had beenabandoned, only a few moments before. The tents were standing, and insome the blankets were lying on the ground, as if they had beenvery suddenly vacated. In one tent was a side-saddle, a neat pair ofgaiters, and a hoop-skirt. The proper connection of those articleswith the battle-field I was unable to ascertain. In that camp was a fine lot of provisions, arms, equipments, andammunition. Saddles were numerous, but there were no horses. It wasevident that, the hasty evacuation left no time for the simple processof saddling. Early in the day I had come into possession of a horse with a verypoor outfit. Once in camp, I was not slow to avail myself of theprivilege of supply. I went into battle on foot, carrying only aknapsack containing a note-book and two pieces of bread. When thefight was over, I was the possessor of a horse and all the equipmentsfor a campaign. I had an overcoat, a roll of fine blankets, and a pairof saddle-bags. The latter were well filled from the trunk of someone I had not the pleasure of knowing, but who was evidently "justmy size. " Mr. Barnes, of the Missouri _Democrat_, was my companionon that occasion. He was equally careful to provide himself from theenemy's stores, but wasted, time in becoming sentimental over twolove-letters and a photograph of a young woman. The flags captured in this affair were excellent illustrations of thepolicy of the leading Secessionists. There was one Rebel flag withthe arms of the State of Missouri filling the field. There was a Stateflag, with only fifteen stars surrounding the coat of arms. There wasa. Rebel flag, with the State arms in the center, and there was oneRebel flag of the regular pattern. The rallying-cry at that time wasin behalf of the State, and the people were told they must act forMissouri, without regard to any thing else. In no part of the countrywas the "State Rights" theory more freely used. All the changes wererung upon the sovereignty of States, the right of Missouri to excludeUnited States soldiers from her soil, the illegality of the formationof Union regiments, and the tyranny of the General Government. The flags under which Missouri soldiers were gathered clearly blendedthe interests of the State with secession. Our troops entered Booneville amid demonstrations of delight from oneportion of the inhabitants, and the frowns and muttered indignationof the other. The Rebels had fled, a part of them by land, and thebalance on a steamboat, toward Lexington. Quiet possession obtained, there was time to examine into the details of the fight. We had losttwelve men, the enemy probably twice as many. The action, three yearslater, would have been considered only a roadside skirmish, but itwas then an affair of importance. Every man with General Lyon felt farmore elation over the result than has since been felt over battlesof much greater moment. We had won a signal victory; the enemy hadsuffered an equally signal defeat. During the battle, a chaplain, provided with four men to look afterthe wounded, came suddenly upon a group of twenty-four Rebels. Animperative demand for their surrender was promptly complied with, andthe chaplain, with his force of four, brought twenty-four prisonersinto town. He was so delighted at his success that he subsequentlytook a commission in the line. In time he was honored with the starsof a brigadier-general. General Lyon was my personal friend, but he very nearly did me greatinjustice. Seeing myself and a fellow-journalist on a distant partof the field, he mistook us for scouts of the enemy, and orderedhis sharp-shooters to pick us off. His chief-of-staff looked in ourdirection, and fortunately recognized us in time to countermand theorder. I was afterward on the point of being shot at by an infantrycaptain, through a similar mistake. A civilian's dress on thebattle-field (a gray coat formed a part of mine) subjects the wearerto many dangers from his friends, as most war correspondents cantestify. While approaching the town, I stopped to slake my thirst at a well. Agroup of our soldiers joined me while I was drinking. I had drankvery freely from the bucket, and transferred it to a soldier, whenthe resident of a neighboring house appeared, and informed us thatthe well had been poisoned by the Rebels, and the water was certain toproduce death. The soldiers desisted, and looked at me with much pity. For a moment, I confess, the situation did not appear cheerful, butI concluded the injury, if any, was already done, and I must make thebest of it. The soldiers watched me as I mounted my horse, evidentlyexpecting me to fall within a hundred yards. When I met one of themthe following day, he opened his eyes in astonishment at seeing mealive. From that day, I entertained a great contempt for poisonedwells. In Booneville the incidents were not of a startling character. I foundthe strongest secession sympathy was entertained by the wealthierinhabitants, while the poor were generally loyal. Some cases ofdetermined loyalty I found among the wealthy; but they were theexception rather than the rule. Accompanied by a small squad ofsoldiers, myself and companion visited the house of a gentlemanholding office under the United States Government. We obtained fromthat house several Rebel cockades and small flags, which had beenfabricated by the ladies. With the same squad we visited the principal bank of Booneville, andpersuaded the cashier to give us a Rebel flag which had been floatingfor several days from a staff in front of the building. This flag wasten yards in length, and the materials of which it was made were ofthe finest quality. The interview between the cashier and ourselveswas an amusing one. He protested he knew nothing of the flag or itsorigin, and at first declared it was not about the building. Accordingto his own representation, he was too good a Union man to harborany thing of the sort. Just as he was in the midst of a very earnestprofession of loyalty the flag was discovered. "Somebody must have put that there to ruin me, " was his exclamation. "Gentlemen, I hope you won't harm me; and, if you want me to do so, Iwill take the oath of allegiance this minute. " Soon after the occupation of Booneville, General Lyon sent a smallexpedition to Syracuse, twenty-five miles in the interior. This forcereturned in a few days, and then preparations were begun for a marchto Springfield. Colonel Blair left Booneville for St. Louis andWashington, while General Lyon attended to the preliminaries for hiscontemplated movement. The First Iowa Infantry joined him, and formeda part of his expeditionary force. The Rebels gathered at Lexington, and thence moved southward to reach the Arkansas line, to form ajunction with the then famous Ben McCulloch. The prospect was good that Central Missouri would soon be clear ofRebels. Our general success in the State depended upon occupyingand holding the Southwest. General Lyon was to move thither fromBooneville. General Sweeney had already gone there by way of Rolla, while another force, under Major Sturgis, was moving from Leavenworthin a southeasterly direction. All were to unite at Springfield andform an army of occupation. Preparations went on slowly, as the transportation was to be gatheredfrom the surrounding country. Foreseeing that the expedition wouldbe slow to reach Springfield, I returned to St. Louis. There I madepreparations to join the army, when its march should be completed, bya more expeditious route than the one General Lyon would follow. At Booneville, General Lyon established a temporary blockade of theMissouri River, by stopping all boats moving in either direction. Inmost cases a single shot across the bow of a boat sufficed to bring itto land. One day the _White Cloud_, on her way from Kansas City to St. Louis, refused to halt until three shots had been fired, the last onegrazing the top of the pilot-house. When brought before General Lyon, the captain of the _White Cloud_ apologized for neglecting to obey thefirst signal, and said his neglect was due to his utter ignorance ofmilitary usage. The apology was deemed sufficient. The captain was dismissed, with agentle admonition not to make a similar mistake in future. At that time the public was slow to understand the power and extent ofmilitary law and military rule. When martial law was declared in St. Louis, in August, 1861, a citizen waited upon the provost-marshal, inorder to ascertain the precise state of affairs. After some desultory conversation, he threw out the question:-- "What does martial law do?" "Well, " said Major McKinstry, the provost-marshal, "I can explainthe whole thing in a second. Martial law does pretty much as it d--npleases. " Before the year was ended the inhabitants of St. Louis learned thatthe major's assertion was not far from the truth. CHAPTER V. TO SPRINGFIELD AND BEYOND. Conduct of the St. Louis Secessionists. --Collisions between Soldiersand Citizens. --Indignation of the Guests of a Hotel. --From St. Louis to Rolla. --Opinions of a "Regular. "--Railway-life inMissouri. --Unprofitable Freight. --A Story of Orthography. --Mountainsand Mountain Streams. --Fastidiousness Checked. --FrontierCourtesy. --Concentration of Troops at Springfield. --A PerplexingSituation. --The March to Dug Spring. --Sufferings from Heat and Thirst. The success of the Union arms at Booneville did not silence theSecessionists in St. Louis. They continued to hold meetings, andarrange plans for assisting their friends in the field. At manyplaces, one could hear expressions of indignation at the restrictionswhich the proper authorities sought to put upon the secessionmovement. Union flags were torn from the front of privatebuildings--generally in the night or early morning. Twice, whenUnion troops were marching along the streets, they were fired upon bycitizens. A collision of this kind had occurred at the corner of Fifthand Walnut streets, on the day after the capture of Camp Jackson. Thesoldiers returned the fire, and killed several persons; but this didnot deter the Secessionists from repeating the experiment. In theaffairs that took place after the battle of Booneville, the result wasthe same. Unfortunately, in each collision, a portion of those killedwere innocent on-lookers. After a few occurrences of this kind, soldiers were allowed to march through the streets withoutmolestation. About the first of July, there were rumors that an insurrection wouldbe attempted on the National holiday. Ample provision was made to givethe insurgents a warm reception. Consequently, they made no trouble. The printer of the bills of fare at a prominent hotel noticed theFourth of July by ornamenting his work with a National flag, incolors. This roused the indignation of a half-dozen guests, whosesympathies lay with the Rebellion. They threatened to leave, butwere so far in arrears that they could not settle their accounts. The hotel-keeper endeavored to soothe them by promising to give hisprinting, for the future, to another house. Several loyal guests wereroused at this offer, and threatened to secede at once if it werecarried out. The affair resulted in nothing but words. On the morning of the 11th of July I left St. Louis, to join GeneralLyon in the Southwest. It was a day's ride by rail to Rolla, theterminus of the Southwest Branch of the Pacific road. I well recollectthe strange and motley group that filled the cars on that journey. There were a few officers and soldiers _en route_ to join theircomrades in the field. Nearly all of them were fresh from civil life. They wore their uniforms uneasily, as a farmer's boy wears his Sundaysuit. Those who carried sabers experienced much inconvenience whenwalking, on account of the propensity of those weapons to get betweentheir legs. In citizen's dress, at my side, sat an officer of the oldarmy, who looked upon these newly-made warriors with much contempt, mingled with an admiration of their earnestness. After an outburstof mild invective, he pronounced a well-merited tribute to theirpatriotism. "After all, " said he, "they are as good as the material the Rebelshave for their army. In some respects, they are better. The Northernblood is cold; the Southern is full of life and passion. In the firstonset, our enemies will prove more impetuous than we, and will oftenoverpower us. In the beginning of the struggle, they will prove oursuperiors, and may be able to boast of the first victories. But theirphysical energy will soon be exhausted, while ours will steadilyincrease. Patience, coolness, and determination will be sure to bringus the triumph in the end. These raw recruits, that are at presentworthless before trained soldiers, distrusting themselves as wedistrust them, will yet become veterans, worthy to rank with the bestsoldiers of the Old World. " The civilian passengers on a railway in Missouri are essentiallydifferent from the same class in the East. There are very few women, and the most of these are not as carefully dressed as their Orientalsisters. Their features lack the fineness that one observes in NewYork and New England. The "hog and hominy, " the general diet of theSouthwest, is plainly perceptible in the physique of the women. Themale travelers, who are not indigenous to the soil, are more roughlyclothed and more careless in manner than the same order of passengersbetween New York and Boston. Of those who enter and leave atway-stations, the men are clad in that yellow, homespun material knownas "butternut. " The casual observer inclines to the opinion thatthere are no good bathing-places where these men reside. They areinquisitive, ignorant, unkempt, but generally civil. The women arethe reverse of attractive, and are usually uncivil and ignorant. The majority are addicted to smoking, and generally make use of acob-pipe. Unless objection is made by some passenger, the conductorsordinarily allow the women to indulge in this pastime. The region traversed by the railway is sparsely settled, the groundbeing generally unfavorable to agriculture. For some time afterthis portion of the road was opened, the natives refused to give itpatronage, many of them declaring that the old mode of travel, byhorseback, was the best of all. During the first week after openingthe Southwest Branch, the company ran a daily freight train each way. All the freight offered in that time was a bear and a keg of honey. Both were placed in the same car. The bear ate the honey, and thecompany was compelled to pay for the damage. I have heard a story concerning the origin of the name of Rolla, whichis interesting, though I cannot vouch for its truth. In selecting aname for the county seat of Phelps County, a North Carolinian residingthere, suggested that it should do honor to the capital of his nativeState. The person who reduced the request to writing, used the bestorthography that occurred to him, so that what should have been"Raleigh, " became "Rolla. " The request thus written was sent to theLegislature, and the name of the town became fixed. The inhabitantsgenerally pronounce it as if the intended spelling had been adopted. The journey from Rolla to Springfield was accomplished by stage, and required two days of travel. For fifty miles the road led overmountains, to the banks of the Gasconade, one of the prettiest riversI have ever seen. The mountain streams of Southwest Missouri, havingtheir springs in the limestone rock, possess a peculiarity unknownin the Eastern States. In a depth of two feet or less, the wateris apparently as clear as that of the purest mountain brook in NewEngland. But when the depth reaches, or exceeds, three feet, the waterassumes a deep-blue tinge, like that of the sky in a clear day. Viewed from an elevation, the picture is one that cannot be speedilyforgotten. The blue water makes a marked contrast with surroundingobjects, as the streams wind through the forests and fields on theirbanks. Though meandering through mountains, these rivers have fewsharp falls or roaring rapids. Their current is usually gentle, brokenhere and there into a ripple over a slightly descending shallow, butobserving uniformity in all its windings. My first night from Rolla was passed on the banks of the Gasconade. Another day's ride, extended far into the second night, found me atSpringfield. When I reached my room at the hotel, and examinedthe bed, I found but one sheet where we usually look for two. Expostulations were of no avail. The porter curtly informed me, "People here use only one sheet. Down in St. Louis you folks want twosheets, but in this part of the country we ain't so nice. " I appreciated my fastidiousness when I afterward saw, at a Tennesseehotel, the following notice:-- "Gentlemen who wish towels in their rooms must deposit fifty cents atthe office, as security for their return. " Travel in the Border and Southern States will acquaint a Northernerwith strange customs. To find an entire household occupying a singlelarge room is not an unfrequent occurrence. The rules of politenessrequire that, when bedtime has arrived, the men shall go out of doorsto contemplate the stars, while the ladies disrobe and retire. The menthen return and proceed to bed. Sometimes the ladies amuse themselvesby studying the fire while the men find their way to their couches, where they gallantly turn their faces to the wall, and permit theladies to don their _robes de nuit_. Notwithstanding the scarcity of accommodations, the traveler seekinga meal or resting-place will rarely meet a refusal. In New York or NewEngland, one can journey many a mile and find a cold denial at everydoor. In the West and Southwest "the latch-string hangs out, " andthe stranger is always welcome. Especially is this the case among thepoorer classes. Springfield is the largest town in Southwest Missouri, and has a finesituation. Before the war it was a place of considerable importance, as it controlled the trade of a large region around it. East of it thecountry is quite broken, but on the south and west there are stretchesof rolling prairie, bounded by rough wood-land. Considered in amilitary light, Springfield was the key to that portion of the State. A large number of public roads center at that point. Their directionis such that the possession of the town by either army would controlany near position of an adversary of equal or inferior strength. General Lyon was prompt in seeing its value, and determined to make anearly movement for its occupation. When he started from St. Louisfor Booneville, he ordered General Sweeney to march from Rolla toSpringfield as speedily as possible. General Sweeney moved with three regiments of infantry and a batteryof artillery, and reached Springfield in five days from the timeof starting; the distance being a hundred and twenty miles. He thendivided his forces, sending Colonel Sigel to Carthage, nearly fiftymiles further toward the west, in the hope of cutting off the Rebelretreat in that direction. Major Sturgis was moving from Leavenworthtoward Springfield, and expected to arrive there in advance of GeneralLyon. Major Sturgis was delayed in crossing a river, so that the Rebelsarrived at Carthage before Colonel Sigel had been reinforced. Thelatter, with about eleven hundred men, encountered the Rebel column, twice as large as his own. The battle raged for several hours, neitherside losing very heavily. It resulted in Sigel's retreat to avoidbeing surrounded by the enemy. Wonderful stories were told at thattime of the terrific slaughter in the Rebel ranks, but these storiescould never be traced to a reliable source. It is proper to say thatthe Rebels made equally large estimates of our own loss. On General Lyon's arrival all the troops were concentrated in thevicinity of Springfield. It was known that the Rebels were encampednear the Arkansas border, awaiting the re-enforcements which had beenpromised from the older States of the Confederacy. General Fremont hadbeen assigned to the command of the Western Department, and was dailyexpected at St. Louis to assume the direction of affairs. Our scoutswere kept constantly employed in bringing us news from the Rebel camp, and it is quite probable the Rebels were equally well informed ofour own condition. We were able to learn that their number was on theincrease, and that they would soon be largely re-enforced. After threeweeks of occupation our strength promised to be diminished. Half ofGeneral Lyon's command consisted of "three-months men, " whose periodof enlistment was drawing to a close. A portion of these men wentto St. Louis, some volunteered to remain as long as the emergencyrequired their presence, and others were kept against theirwill. Meantime, General Lyon made the most urgent requests forre-enforcements, and declared he would be compelled to abandon theSouthwest if not speedily strengthened. General Fremont promised tosend troops to his assistance. After he made the promise, Cairo wasthreatened by General Pillow, and the re-enforcing column turned inthat direction. General Lyon was left to take care of himself. By the latter part of July, our situation had become critical. Price'sarmy had been re-enforced by a column of Arkansas and Louisianatroops, under General McCulloch. This gave the Rebels upward of twelvethousand men, while we could muster less than six thousand. GeneralPrice assumed the offensive, moving slowly toward Springfield, as ifsure of his ability to overpower the National forces. General Lyondetermined to fall upon the enemy before he could reach Springfield, and moved on the 1st of August with that object in view. On the second day of our march a strong scouting party of Rebels wasencountered, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which they were repulsed. This encounter is known in the Southwest as "the fight at Dug Spring. "The next day another skirmish occurred, and, on the third morning, twenty-five miles from Springfield, General Lyon called a councilof war. "Councils of war do not fight" has grown into a proverb. Thecouncil on this occasion decided that we should return to Springfieldwithout attacking the enemy. The decision was immediately carried out. The beginning of August, in Southwest Missouri, is in the midst of thewarm season. The day of the march to Dug Spring was one I shall neverforget. In Kansas, before the war, I once had a walk of several milesunder a burning sun, in a region where not a drop of water could befound. When I finally reached it, the only water to be found was ina small, stagnant pool, covered with a green scum nearly an inch inthickness. Warm, brackish, and fever-laden as that water was, I hadnever before tasted any thing half so sweet. Again, while crossing theGreat Plains in 1860, I underwent a severe and prolonged thirst, onlyquenching it with the bitter alkali-water of the desert. On neither ofthese occasions were my sufferings half as great as in the advance toDug Spring. A long ride in that hot atmosphere gave me a thirst of the mostterrible character. Making a detour to the left of the road in a vainsearch for water, I fell behind the column as it marched slowly along. As I moved again to the front, I passed scores of men who had fallenfrom utter exhaustion. Many were delirious, and begged piteously forwater in ever so small a quantity. Several died from excessive heat, and others were for a long time unfit for duty. Reaching the springwhich gave its name to the locality, I was fortunate in finding onlythe advance of the command. With considerable effort I succeededin obtaining a pint cupful of water, and thus allayed my immediatethirst. According to the custom in that region, the spring was covered with aframe building, about eight feet square. There are very few cellarsin that part of the country, and the spring-house, as it is called, is used for preserving milk and other articles that require a lowtemperature. As the main portion of the column came up, the crowdaround the spring-house became so dense that those once inside couldnot get out. The building was lifted and thrown away from the spring, but this only served to increase the confusion. Officers found itimpossible to maintain discipline. When the men caught sight of thecrowd at the spring, the lines were instantly broken. At the spring, officers and men were mingled without regard to rank, all strugglingfor the same object. A few of the former, who had been fortunate incommencing the day with full canteens, attempted to bring order outof chaos, but found the effort useless. No command was heeded. Theofficers of the two regiments of "regulars" had justly boasted of thesuperior discipline of their men. On this occasion the superiority wasnot apparent. Volunteers and regulars were equally subject to thirst, and made equal endeavor to quench it. Twenty yards below the spring was a shallow pool, where cattle andhogs were allowed to run. Directly above it was a trough containinga few gallons of warm water, which had evidently been there severaldays. This was speedily taken by the men. Then the hot, scum-coveredpool was resorted to. In a very few minutes the trampling of thesoldiers' feet had stirred this pool till its substance was more likeearth than water. Even from this the men would fill their cups andcanteens, and drink with the utmost eagerness. I saw a privatesoldier emerge from the crowd with a canteen full of this worse thanditch-water. An officer tendered a five-dollar gold piece for thecontents of the canteen, and found his offer indignantly refused. Tosuch a frenzy were men driven by thirst that they tore up handfulsof moist earth, and swallowed the few drops of water that could bepressed out. In subsequent campaigns I witnessed many scenes of hunger and thirst, but none to equal those of that day at Dug Spring. CHAPTER VI. THE BATTLE OF WILSON CREEK. The Return from Dug Spring. --The Rebels follow inPursuit. --Preparations to Attack them. --The Plan of Battle. --Movingto the Attack--A Bivouac. --The Opening Shot. --"Is thatOfficial?"--Sensations of a Spectator in Battle. --Extension ofDistance and Time. --Characteristics of Projectiles. --Taking Notesunder Fire. --Strength and Losses of the Opposing Armies. --A NobleRecord. --The Wounded on the Field. --"One More Shot. "--Granger in hisElement. --General Lyon's Death. The return of General Lyon from Dug Spring emboldened the enemy tomove nearer to Springfield. On the 7th of August the Rebels reachedWilson Creek, ten miles from Springfield, and formed their campon both sides of that stream. General Ben. McCulloch was theircommander-in-chief. On the night of the 8th, General Lyon proposed tomove from Springfield for the purpose of attacking their position. The design was not carried out, on account of the impossibility ofsecuring proper disposition of our forces in season to reach theenemy's camp at daylight. During the 8th and the forenoon of the 9th, preparations were made forresisting an attack in Springfield, in case the enemy should come uponus. In the afternoon of the 9th, General Lyon decided to assault theRebel camp at daylight of the following morning. A council of warhad determined that a defeat would be less injurious than a retreatwithout a battle, provided the defeat were not too serious. "Toabandon the Southwest without a struggle, " said General Lyon, "wouldbe a sad blow to our cause, and would greatly encourage the Rebels. Wewill fight, and hope for the best. " In arranging a plan of battle, Colonel Sigel suggested that the forcesshould be divided, so that a simultaneous attack would be made uponeither extremity of the enemy's camp. The two columns were to movefrom Springfield at sunset, bivouac within four miles of the proposedbattle-field, and begin their march early enough to fall upon theenemy's camp a little past daylight. We left Springfield about sunseton the 9th, General Lyon taking about three thousand men, whileColonel Sigel took less than two thousand. Exceptions have frequentlybeen made to this mode of attack. Had it been successful, I presume noone would have found it faulty. It is an easy matter to criticise theplans of others, after their result is known. The columns moved by different roads to obtain the desired positions. The march was as silent as possible. The only sounds were the rumblingof wheels and the occasional clank of arms. No one was heavilyencumbered, as we expected to return to Springfield before thefollowing night. Midnight found us in a hay-field, four miles from theRebel camp. There we rested till morning. On the previous night I had been almost without sleep, and thereforetook speedy advantage of the halt. Two journeys over the Plains, a little trip into New Mexico, and some excursions among the RockyMountains, had taught me certain rules of campaign life. I rarelymoved without my blankets and rubber "poncho, " and with a haversackmore or less well filled. On this occasion I was prepared for sleepingin the open air. One bivouac is much like another. When one is weary, a blanket on theground is just as comfortable as a bed of down under a slated roof. Ifaccustomed to lie under lace curtains, a tree or a bush will make anexcellent substitute. "Tired nature's sweet restorer" comes quickly toan exhausted frame. Realities of the past, expectations of the future, hopes, sorrows, wishes, regrets--all are banished as we sink intosweet repose. At dawn we were in motion. At daylight the smoke hanging over theenemy's camp was fully before us. Sunrise was near at hand whenthe hostile position was brought to our view. It lay, as we hadanticipated, stretched along the banks of Wilson Creek. Until our advance drove in the pickets, a thousand yards from theircamp, the Rebels had no intimation of our approach. Many of them werereluctant to believe we were advancing to attack them, and thought thefiring upon the pickets was the work of a scouting party. The openingof our artillery soon undeceived them, a shell being dropped in themiddle of their camp. A Rebel officer afterward told me about our first shell. When thepickets gave the alarm of our approach, the Rebel commander orderedhis forces to "turn out. " An Arkansas colonel was in bed when theorder reached him, and lazily asked, "Is that official?" Before thebearer of the order could answer, our shell tore through the colonel'stent, and exploded a few yards beyond it. The officer waited for noexplanation, but ejaculated, "That's official, anyhow, " as he sprangout of his blankets, and arrayed himself in fighting costume. Before the Rebels could respond to our morning salutation, we heardthe booming of Sigel's cannon on the left. Colonel Sigel reached thespot assigned him some minutes before we were able to open fire fromour position. It had been stipulated that he should wait for the soundof our guns before making his attack. His officers said they waitednearly fifteen minutes for our opening shot. They could look into theRebel camp in the valley of the stream, a few hundred yards distant. The cooks were beginning their preparations for breakfast, and gaveour men a fine opportunity to learn the process of making Confederatecorn-bread and coffee. Some of the Rebels saw our men, and supposedthey were their own forces, who had taken up a new position. Severalwalked into our lines, and found themselves prisoners of war. Previous to that day I had witnessed several skirmishes, but this wasmy first battle of importance. Distances seemed much greater than theyreally were. I stood by the side of Captain Totten's battery as itopened the conflict. "How far are you firing?" I asked. "About eight hundred yards; not over that, " was the captain'sresponse. I should have called it sixteen hundred, had I been called on for anestimate. Down the valley rose the smoke of Sigel's guns, about a mile distant, though, apparently, two or three miles away. Opposite Sigel's position was the camp of the Arkansas Division:though it was fully in my sight, and the tents and wagons were plainlyvisible, I could not get over the impression that they were far off. The explosions of our shells, and the flashes of the enemy's guns, ashort distance up the slope on the opposite side of the creek, seemedto be at a considerable distance. To what I shall ascribe these illusions, I do not know. On subsequentbattle-fields I have never known their recurrence. Greater battles, larger streams, higher hills, broader fields, wider valleys, moreextended camps, have come under my observation, but in none of themhas the romance exceeded the reality. The hours did not crowd into minutes, but the minutes almostextended into hours. I frequently found, on consulting my watch, thatoccurrences, apparently of an hour's duration, were really less than ahalf or a quarter of that time. As the sun rose, it passed into a cloud. When it emerged, I fullyexpected it would be some distance toward the zenith, and wassurprised to find it had advanced only a few degrees. There was a light shower, that lasted less than ten minutes: I judgedit had been twenty. The evolutions of the troops on the field appeared slow and awkward. They were really effected with great promptness. General Lyon was killed before nine o'clock, as I very well knew. It was some days before I could rid myself of an impression that hisdeath occurred not far from noon. The apparent extension of the hours was the experience of severalpersons on that field. I think it has been known by many, on theoccasion of their first battle. At Pea Ridge, an officer told me, there seemed to be about thirty hours between sunrise and sunset. Another thought it was four P. M. When the sun was at the meridian. It was only at Wilson Creek that I experienced this sensation. Onsubsequent battle-fields I had no reason to complain of my estimate oftime. The first shell from the enemy's guns passed high over my head. I wellremember the screech of that missile as it cut through the air andlost itself in the distance. "Too high, Captain Bledsoe, " exclaimedour artillery officer, as he planted a shell among the Rebel gunners. In firing a half-dozen rounds the Rebels obtained our range, and thenused their guns with some effect. The noise of each of those shellsI can distinctly recall, though I have since listened to hundreds ofsimilar sounds, of which I have no vivid recollection. The sound madeby a shell, in its passage through the air, cannot be described, and, when once heard, can never be forgotten. I was very soon familiar with the whistling of musket-balls. Beforethe end of the action, I thought I could distinguish the noise ofa Minié bullet from that of a common rifle-ball, or a ball from asmooth-bored musket. Once, while conversing with the officer in chargeof the skirmish line, I found myself the center of a very hot fire. It seemed, at that instant, as if a swarm of the largest and mostspiteful bees had suddenly appeared around me. The bullets flew toorapidly to be counted, but I fancied I could perceive a variation intheir sound. After I found a position beyond the range of musketry, the artillerywould insist upon searching me out. While I was seated under a smalloak-tree, with my left arm through my horse's bridle, and my pencilbusy on my note-book, the tree above my head was cut by a shell. Moving from that spot, I had just resumed my writing, when a shot toreup the ground under my arm, and covered me with dirt. Even a removeto another quarter did not answer my purpose, and I finished my notesafter reaching the rear. It is not my intention to give the details of the battle--themovements of each regiment, battalion, or battery, as it performedits part in the work. The official record will be sought by those whodesire the purely military history. It is to be regretted that theofficial report of the engagement at Wilson Creek displays thegreat hostility of its author toward a fellow-soldier. In the earlycampaigns in Missouri, many officers of the regular army vied with theRebels in their hatred of "the Dutch. " This feeling was not confinedto Missouri alone, but was apparent in the East as well as in theWest. As the war progressed the hostility diminished, but it was neverentirely laid aside. The duration of the battle was about four and a half hours. Thewhole force under the National flag was five thousand men. The Rebelsacknowledged having twelve thousand, of all arms. It is probable thatthis estimate was a low one. The Rebels were generally armed withshot-guns, common rifles, and muskets of the old pattern. About athousand had no arms whatever. Their artillery ammunition was ofpoorer quality than our own. These circumstances served to make thedisparity less great than the actual strength of the hostile forceswould imply. Even with these considerations, the odds against GeneralLyon were quite large. Our loss was a little less than one-fifth our whole strength. Up tothat time, a battle in which one-tenth of those engaged was placed_hors de combat_, was considered a very sanguinary affair. During thewar there were many engagements where the defeated party suffered aloss of less than one-twentieth. Wilson Creek can take rank as oneof the best-fought battles, when the number engaged is brought intoconsideration. The First Missouri Infantry went into action with seven hundred andtwenty-six men. Its casualty list was as follows:-- Killed. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 77 Dangerously wounded. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 93 Otherwise wounded. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 126 Captured. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 2 Missing. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 15 --- Total. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 313 The First Kansas Infantry, out of seven hundred and eighty-five men, lost two hundred and ninety-six. The loss in other regiments was quitesevere, though not proportionately as heavy as the above. These tworegiments did not break during the battle, and when they left theground they marched off as coolly as from a parade. At the time our retreat was ordered our ammunition was nearlyexhausted and the ranks fearfully thinned. The Rebels had made afurious attack, in which they were repulsed. General Sweeney insistedthat it was their last effort, and if we remained on the ground wewould not be molested again. Major Sturgis, upon whom the commanddevolved after General Lyon's death, reasoned otherwise, andconsidered it best to fall back to Springfield. The Rebels afterwardadmitted that General McCulloch had actually given the order forretreat a few moments before they learned of our withdrawal. Of coursehe countermanded his order at once. There were several battles in thelate Rebellion in which the circumstances were similar. In repeatedinstances the victorious party thought itself defeated, and was muchastonished at finding its antagonist had abandoned the struggle. In our retreat we brought away many of our wounded, but left manyothers on the field. When the Rebels took possession they cared fortheir own men as well as the circumstances would permit, but gave noassistance to ours. There were reports, well authenticated, that somewho lay helpless were shot or bayoneted. Two days after the battle asurgeon who remained at Springfield was allowed to send out wagons forthe wounded. Some were not found until after four days' exposure. Theycrawled about as best they could, and, by searching the haversacks ofdead men, saved themselves from starvation. One party of four built ashelter of branches of trees as a protection against the sun. Anotherparty crawled to the bank of the creek, and lay day and night at thewater's edge. Several men sought shelter in the fence corners, or bythe side of fallen trees. Two days before the battle, ten dollars were paid to each man of theFirst Kansas Infantry. The money was in twenty-dollar pieces, andthe payment was made by drawing up the regiment in the customary tworanks, and giving a twenty-dollar piece to each man in the front rank. Three-fourths of those killed or wounded in that regiment were of thefront rank. The Rebels learned of this payment, and made rigid searchof all whom they found on the field. Nearly a year after the battle avisitor to the ground picked up one of these gold coins. During the battle several soldiers from St. Louis and its vicinityrecognized acquaintances on the opposite side. These recognitions weregenerally the occasion of many derisive and abusive epithets. In theBorder States each party had a feeling of bitter hostility toward theother. Probably the animosity was greater in Missouri than elsewhere. A lieutenant of the First Missouri Infantry reported that he saw oneof the men of his regiment sitting under a tree during the battle, busily engaged in whittling a bullet. "What are you doing there?" said the officer. "My ammunition is gone, and I'm cutting down this bullet to fit mygun. " (The soldier's musket was a "54-caliber, " and the bullet was a"59. ") "Look around among the wounded men, " was the order, "and get some54-cartridges. Don't stop to cut down that bullet. " "I would look around, lieutenant, " the soldier responded, "but I can'tmove. My leg is shot through. I won't be long cutting this down, andthen I want a chance to hit some of them. " Captain Gordon Granger was serving on the staff of General Lyon. Whennot actively engaged in his professional duties, he visited all partsof the field where the fight was hottest. Though himself somewhatexcited, he was constantly urging the raw soldiers to keep cool andnot throw away a shot. Wherever there was a weak place in our line, he was among the first to discover it and devise a plan for makingit good. On one occasion, he found a gap between two regiments, and noticed that the Rebels were preparing to take advantage of it. Without a moment's delay, he transferred three companies of infantryto the spot, managing to keep them concealed behind a small ridge. "Now, lie still; don't raise your heads out of the grass, " saidGranger; "I'll tell you when to fire. " The Rebels advanced toward the supposed gap. Granger stood where hecould see and not be seen. He was a strange compound of coolness andexcitement. While his judgment was of the best, and his resources wereready for all emergencies, a by-stander would have thought him heatedalmost to frenzy. The warmth of his blood gave him a wonderful energyand rendered him ubiquitous; his skill and decision made his servicesof the highest importance. "There they come; steady, now; let them get near enough; fire low;give them h--l. " The Rebels rushed forward, thinking to find an easy passage. Whenwithin less than fifty yards, Granger ordered his men to fire. Thecomplete repulse of the Rebels was the result. "There, boys; you've done well. D--n the scoundrels; they won't comehere again. " With this, the captain hastened to some other quarter. The death of General Lyon occurred near the middle of the battle. Somany accounts of this occurrence have been given, that I am not fullysatisfied which is the correct one. I know at least half a dozenindividuals in whose arms General Lyon expired, and think there areas many more who claim that sad honor. There is a similar mysteryconcerning his last words, a dozen versions having been given bypersons who claim to have heard them. It is my belief that GeneralLyon was killed while reconnoitering the enemy's line and directingthe advance of a regiment of infantry. I believe he was on foot atthe instant, and was caught, as he fell, in the arms of "Lehman, " hisorderly. His last utterance was, doubtless, the order for the infantryto advance, and was given a moment before he received the fatalbullet. From the nature of the wound, his death, if not instantaneous, was very speedy. A large musket-ball entered his left side, in theregion of the heart, passing nearly through to the right. A reportedwound in the breast was made with a bayonet in the hands of a Rebelsoldier, several hours afterward. The body was brought to Springfieldon the night after the battle. It was my fortune to be acquainted with General Lyon. During theprogress of the war I met no one who impressed me more than he, in hisdevotion to the interests of the country. If he possessed ambitionfor personal glory, I was unable to discover it. He declared thatreputation was a bubble, which no good soldier should follow. Wealthwas a shadow, which no man in the country's service should heed. Hispay as an officer was sufficient for all his wants, and he desirednothing more. He gave to the Nation, as the friend he loved thedearest, a fortune which he had inherited. If his death could aid inthe success of the cause for which he was fighting, he stood ready todie. The gloom that spread throughout the North when the news of hisloss was received, showed a just appreciation of his character. "How sleep the brave who sink to rest By all their country's wishes blest!" At that battle there was the usual complement of officers for fivethousand men. Two years later there were seven major-generals andthirteen brigadier-generals who had risen from the Wilson Creek Army. There were colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors, by the score, who fought in the line or in the ranks on that memorable 10th ofAugust. In 1863, thirty-two commissioned officers were in the servicefrom one company of the First Iowa Infantry. Out of one company of theFirst Missouri Infantry, twenty-eight men received commissions. To themajority of the officers from that army promotion was rapid, thougha few cases occurred in which the services they rendered were tardilyacknowledged. [Illustration: DEATH OF GENERAL LYON] CHAPTER VII. THE RETREAT FROM SPRINGFIELD. A Council of War. --The Journalists' Council. --Preparations forRetreat. --Preceding the Advance-Guard. --Alarm and Anxiety of thePeople. --Magnificent Distances. --A Novel Odometer. --The UnreliableCountryman. --Neutrality. --A Night at Lebanon. --A DisagreeableLodging-place. --Active Secessionists. --The Man who Sought andFound his Rights. --Approaching Civilization. --Rebel Couriers on theRoute. --Arrival at Rolla. On the night after the battle, the army was quartered at Springfield. The Rebels had returned to the battle-ground, and were holding it inpossession. The court-house and a large hotel were taken for hospitals, and received such of our wounded as were brought in. At a council ofwar, it was decided to fall back to Rolla, a hundred and twenty milesdistant, and orders were given to move at daylight. The journalists held a council of war, and decided to commence theirretreat at half-past two o'clock in the morning, in order to be inadvance of the army. The probabilities were in favor of the enemy'scavalry being at the junction of certain roads, five miles east ofthe town. We, therefore, divested ourselves of every thing of acompromising character. In my own saddle-bags I took only such toiletarticles as I had long carried, and which were not of a warlikenature. We destroyed papers that might give information to the enemy, and kept only our note-books, from which all reference to the strengthof our army was carefully stricken out. We determined, in caseof capture, to announce ourselves as journalists, and display ourcredentials. One of our party was a telegraph operator as well as a journalist. Hedid not wish to appear in the former character, as the MissouriRebels were then declaring they would show no quarter to telegraphers. Accordingly, he took special care to divest himself of all thatpertained to the transmission of intelligence over the wires. Apocket "instrument, " which he had hitherto carried, he concealed inSpringfield, after carefully disabling the office, and leaving theestablishment unfit for immediate use. We passed the dangerous point five miles from town, just as day wasbreaking. No Rebel cavalry confronted us in the highway, nor shoutedan unwelcome "halt!" from a roadside thicket. All was still, though wefancied we could hear a sound of troops in motion far in the distancetoward Wilson Creek. The Rebels were doubtless astir, though they didnot choose to interfere with the retreat of our army. As day broke and the sun rose, we found the people of bothcomplexions thronging to the road, and seeking, anxiously, the latestintelligence. At first we bore their questions patiently, and brieflytold them what had occurred. Finding that we lost much time, we began, early in the day, to give the shortest answers possible. As fast aswe proceeded the people became more earnest, and would insist upondelaying us. Soon after mid-day we commenced denying we had been at thebattle, or even in Springfield. This was our only course if we wouldavoid detention. Several residents of Springfield, and with them arunaway captain from a Kansas regiment, had preceded us a few hoursand told much more than the truth. Some of them had advised the peopleto abandon their homes and go to Rolla or St. Louis, assuring themthey would all be murdered if they remained at home. In pursuance of this advice many were loading a portion of theirhousehold goods upon wagons and preparing to precede or follow thearmy in its retreat. We quieted their alarm as much as possible, advising them to stay at home and trust to fortune. We could notimagine that the Rebels would deal severely with the inhabitants, except in cases where they had been conspicuous in the Union cause. Some of the people took our advice, unloaded their wagons, and waitedfor further developments. Others persisted in their determination toleave. They knew the Rebels better than we, and hesitated to trusttheir tender mercies. A year later we learned more of "the barbarismof Slavery. " Southwest Missouri is a region of magnificent distances. A mile inthat locality is like two miles in the New England or Middle States. The people have an easy way of computing distance by the survey lines. Thus, if it is the width of a township from one point to another, they call the distance six miles, even though the road may followthe tortuosities of a creek or of the crest of a ridge, and be ten ortwelve miles by actual measurement. From Springfield to Lebanon it is called fifty miles, as indicated bythe survey lines. A large part of the way the route is quite direct, but there are places where it winds considerably among the hills, andadds several miles to the length of the road. No account is taken ofthis, but all is thrown into the general reckoning. There is a popular saying on the frontier, that they measure the roadswith a fox-skin, and make no allowance for the tail. Frequently I havebeen told it was five miles to a certain point, and, after an hour'sriding, on inquiry, found that the place I sought was still five, andsometimes six, miles distant. Once, when I essayed a "short cut" oftwo miles, that was to save me twice that distance, I rode at a goodpace for an hour and a half to accomplish it, and traveled, as Ithought, at least eight miles. On the route from Springfield to Lebanon we were much amused at theestimates of distance. Once I asked a rough-looking farmer, "How faris it to Sand Springs?" "Five miles, stranger, " was the reply. "May be you won't find it somuch. " After riding three miles, and again inquiring, I was informed it was"risin' six miles to Sand Springs. " Who could believe in the existenceof a reliable countryman, after that? Thirty miles from Springfield, we stopped at a farm-house for dinner. While our meal was being prepared, we lay upon the grass in frontof the house, and were at once surrounded by a half-dozen anxiousnatives. We answered their questions to the best of our abilities, but nearly all of us fell asleep five minutes after lying down. Whenaroused for dinner, I was told I had paused in the middle of a wordof two syllables, leaving my hearers to exercise their imaginations onwhat I was about to say. Dinner was the usual "hog and hominy" of the Southwest, varied withthe smallest possible loaf of wheaten bread. Outside the house, beforedinner, the men were inquisitive. Inside the house, when we wereseated for dinner, the women were unceasing in their inquiries. Whocan resist the questions of a woman, even though she be an uneducatedand unkempt Missourian? The dinner and the questions kept us awake, and we attended faithfully to both. The people of this household were not enthusiastic friends of theUnion. Like many other persons, they were anxious to preserve thegood opinion of both sides, by doing nothing in behalf of either. Thusneutral, they feared they would be less kindly treated by the Rebelsthan by the National forces. Though they had no particular love forour army, I think they were sorry to see it departing. A few of theSecessionists were not slow to express the fear that their own armywould not be able to pay in full for all it wanted, as our army haddone. Horses and riders refreshed, our journey was resumed. The scenes ofthe afternoon were like those of the morning: the same alarm amongthe people, the same exaggerated reports, and the same advice fromourselves, when we chose to give it. The road stretched out in thesame way it had hitherto done, and the information derived from theinhabitants was as unreliable as ever. It was late in the evening, inthe midst of a heavy shower, that we reached Lebanon, where we haltedfor the night. I have somewhere read of a Persian king who beheaded his subjects forthe most trivial or imaginary offenses. The officers of his cabinet, when awaking in the morning, were accustomed to place their handsto their necks, to ascertain if their heads still remained. Theindividuals comprising our party had every reason to make a similarexamination on the morning after our stay in this town, and to expressmany thanks at the gratifying result. On reaching the only hotel at Lebanon, long after dark, we found thepublic room occupied by a miscellaneous assemblage. It was easy to seethat they were more happy than otherwise at the defeat which our armshad sustained. While our supper was being prepared we made ready forit, all the time keeping our eyes on the company. We were watchedas we went to supper, and, on reaching the table, found two personssitting so near our allotted places that we could not converse freely. After supper several individuals wished to talk with us concerningthe recent events. We made the battle appear much better than it hadreally been, and assured them that a company of cavalry was followingclose behind us, and would speedily arrive. This information wasunwelcome, as the countenances of the listeners plainly indicated. One of our party was called aside by a Union citizen, and informedof a plan to rob, and probably kill, us before morning. This was notpleasing. It did not add to the comfort of the situation to know thata collision between the Home Guards and a company of Secessionists wasmomentarily expected. At either end of the town the opposing partieswere reported preparing for a fight. As the hotel was about half-waybetween the two points, our position became interesting. Next came a report from an unreliable contraband that our horses hadbeen stolen. We went to the stable, as a man looks in a wallet heknows to be empty, and happily found our animals still there. Wefound, however, that the stable had been invaded and robbed of twohorses in stalls adjacent to those of our own. The old story of thetheft of a saw-mill, followed by that of the dam, was brought to ourminds, with the exception, that the return of the thief was not likelyto secure his capture. The stable-keeper offered to lock the door andresign the key to our care. His offer was probably well intended, butwe could see little advantage in accepting it, as there were severalirregular openings in the side of the building, each of them ample forthe egress of a horse. In assigning us quarters for the night, the landlord suggested thattwo should occupy a room at one end of the house, while the rest werelocated elsewhere. We objected to this, and sustained our objection. With a little delay, a room sufficient for all of us was obtained. Wemade arrangements for the best possible defense in case of attack, andthen lay down to sleep. Our Union friend called upon us before we werefairly settled to rest, bringing us intelligence that the room, wherethe guns of the Home Guard were temporarily stored, had been invadedwhile the sentinels were at supper. The locks had been removedfrom some of the muskets, but there were arms enough to make someresistance if necessary. Telling him we would come out when the firingbegan, and requesting the landlord to send the cavalry commander toour room as soon as he arrived, we fell asleep. No one of our party carried his fears beyond the waking hours. Infive minutes after dismissing our friend, all were enjoying a sleepas refreshing and undisturbed as if we had been in the most secureand luxurious dwelling of New York or Chicago. During several yearsof travel under circumstances of greater or less danger, I have neverfound my sleep disturbed, in the slightest degree, by the nature of mysurroundings. Apprehensions of danger may be felt while one is awake, but they generally vanish when slumber begins. In the morning we found ourselves safe, and were gratified to discoverthat our horses had been let alone. The landlord declared every thingwas perfectly quiet, and had been so through the night, with theexception of a little fight at one end of the town. The Home Guardswere in possession, and the Secessionists had dispersed. The latterdeliberated upon the policy of attacking us, and decided that theirtown might be destroyed by our retreating army in case we weredisturbed. They left us our horses, that we might get away from theplace as speedily as possible. So we bade adieu to Lebanon with muchdelight. That we came unmolested out of that nest of disloyalty, was amatter of much surprise. Subsequent events, there and elsewhere, havegreatly increased that surprise. After a ride of thirteen miles we reached the Gasconade River, whichwe found considerably swollen by recent rains. The proprietor of thehotel where we breakfasted was a country doctor, who passed in thatregion as a man of great wisdom. He was intensely disloyal, and didnot relish the prospect of having, as he called it, "an Abolitionarmy" moving anywhere in his vicinity. He was preparing to leave forthe South, with his entire household, as soon as his affairs couldbe satisfactorily arranged. He had taken the oath of allegiance, to protect himself from harm at the hands of our soldiers, but hisnegroes informed us that he belonged to a company of "IndependentGuards, " which had been organized with the design of joining the Rebelarmy. This gentleman was searching for his rights. I passed his place sixmonths afterward. The doctor's negroes had run away to the North, andthe doctor had vanished with his family in the opposite direction. Hishouse had been burned, his stables stripped of every thing of value, and the whole surroundings formed a picture of desolation. The doctorhad found a reward for his vigilant search. There was no doubt he hadobtained his rights. Having ended our breakfast, we decided to remain at that place untillate in the afternoon, for the purpose of writing up our accounts. With a small table, and other accommodations of the worst character, we busied ourselves for several hours. To the persona of the householdwe were a curiosity. They had never before seen men who could writewith a journalist's ordinary rapidity, and were greatly surprisedat the large number of pages we succeeded in passing over. We wererepeatedly interrupted, until forced to make a request to be letalone. The negroes took every opportunity to look at us, and, whennone but ourselves could see them, they favored us with choice bits oflocal information. When we departed, late in the afternoon, four stoutnegroes ferried us across the river. A hotel known as the California House was our stopping-place, tenmiles from the Gasconade. As an evidence of our approaching return tocivilization, we found each bed at this house supplied with two cleansheets, a luxury that Springfield was unable to furnish. I regrettedto find, several months later, that the California House had beenburned by the Rebels. At the time of our retreat, the landlord wasunable to determine on which side of the question he belonged, andsettled the matter, in conversation with me, by saying he was ahotel-keeper, and could not interfere in the great issue of the day. Iinclined to the belief that he was a Union man, but feared to declarehimself on account of the dubious character of his surroundings. The rapidity with which the Secessionists carried and received newswas a matter of astonishment to our people. While on that ridethrough the Southwest, I had an opportunity of learning their _modusoperandi_. Several times we saw horsemen ride to houses or stables, and, after a few moments' parley, exchange their wearied horses forfresh ones. The parties with whom they effected their exchanges wouldbe found pretty well informed concerning the latest news. By thisirregular system of couriers, the Secessionists maintained a completecommunication with each other. All along the route, I found they knewpretty well what had transpired, though their news was generally mixedup with much falsehood. Even in those early days, there was a magnificence in the Rebelcapacity for lying. Before the war, the Northern States produced byfar the greatest number of inventions, as the records of the PatentOffice will show. During the late Rebellion, the brains of theSouthern States were wonderfully fertile in the manufacture offalsehood. The inhabitants of Dixie invent neither cotton-gins, caloric engines, nor sewing-machines, but when they apply theirfaculties to downright lying, the mudsill head is forced to bow inreverence. In the last day of this ride, we passed over a plateau twelve milesacross, also over a mountain of considerable height. Near the summitof this mountain, we struck a small brook, whose growth was aninteresting study. At first, barely perceptible as it issued from aspring by the roadside, it grew, mile by mile, until, at the footof the mountain, it formed a respectable stream. The road crossed itevery few hundred yards, and at each crossing we watched its increase. At the base of the mountain it united with another and larger stream, which we followed on our way to Rolla. Late in the afternoon we reached the end of our journey. Weary, dusty, hungry, and sore, we alighted from our tired horses, and sought theoffice of the commandant of the post. All were eager to gather thelatest intelligence, and we were called upon to answer a thousandquestions. With our story ended, ourselves refreshed from the fatigue of our longride, a hope for the safety of our gallant but outnumbered army, we bade adieu to Rolla, and were soon whirling over the rail to St. Louis. CHAPTER VIII. GENERAL FREMONT'S PURSUIT OF PRICE. Quarrel between Price and McCulloch. --The Rebels Advance uponLexington. --A Novel Defense for Sharp-shooters. --Attempt to Re-enforcethe Garrison. --An Enterprising Journalist. --The Surrender. --Fremont'sAdvance. --Causes of Delay. --How the Journalists Killed Time. --LateNews. --A Contractor "Sold. "--Sigel in Front. --A MotleyCollection. --A Wearied Officer. --The Woman who had never seen a BlackRepublican. --Love and Conversion. After the battle of Wilson Creek and the occupation of Springfield, a quarrel arose between the Rebel Generals, Price and McCulloch. Itresulted in the latter being ordered to Arkansas, leaving GeneralPrice in command of the army in Missouri. The latter had repeatedlypromised to deliver Missouri from the hands of the United Statesforces, and made his preparations for an advance into the interior. His intention, openly declared, was to take possession of JeffersonCity, and reinstate Governor Jackson in control of the State. TheRebels wisely considered that a perambulating Governor was notentitled to great respect, and were particularly anxious to see theproclamations of His Excellency issued from the established capital. Accordingly, General Price, with an army twenty thousand strong, marched from Springfield in the direction of Lexington. This pointwas garrisoned by Colonel Mulligan with about twenty-five hundred men. After a siege of four days, during the last two of which the garrisonwas without water, the fort was surrendered. Price's army wassufficiently large to make a complete investment of the fortificationsoccupied by Colonel Mulligan, and thus cut off all access to theriver. The hemp warehouses in Lexington were drawn upon to constructmovable breast-works for the besieging force. Rolling the bales ofhemp before them, the Rebel sharp-shooters could get very near the fortwithout placing themselves in great danger. The defense was gallant, but as no garrisons can exist without water, Colonel Mulligan was forced to capitulate. It afterward becameknown that Price's army had almost exhausted its stock ofpercussion-caps--it having less than two thousand when the surrenderwas made. General Fremont was highly censured by the Press and peoplefor not re-enforcing the garrison, when it was known that Price wasmoving upon Lexington. One journal in St. Louis, that took occasion tocomment adversely upon his conduct, was suddenly suppressed. After astoppage of a few days, it was allowed to resume publication. During the siege a small column of infantry approached the north bankof the river, opposite Lexington, with the design of joining ColonelMulligan. The attempt was considered too hazardous, and no junctionwas effected. Mr. Wilkie, of the New York _Times_, accompaniedthis column, and was much disappointed when the project of reachingLexington was given up. Determined to see the battle, he crossed the river and surrenderedhimself to General Price, with a request to be put on parole untilthe battle was ended. The Rebel commander gave him quarters inthe guardhouse till the surrender took place. Mr. Wilkie was thenliberated, and reached St. Louis with an exclusive account of theaffair. While General Price was holding Lexington, General Fremont commencedassembling an army at Jefferson City, with the avowed intention ofcutting off the retreat of the Rebels through Southwest Missouri. FromJefferson City our forces moved to Tipton and Syracuse, and there leftthe line of railway for a march to Springfield. Our movements were notconducted with celerity, and before we left Jefferson City the Rebelshad evacuated Lexington and moved toward Springfield. The delay in our advance was chiefly owing to a lack of transportationand a deficiency of arms for the men. General Fremont's friendscharged that he was not properly sustained by the Administration, inhis efforts to outfit and organize his army. There was, doubtless, some ground for this charge, as the authorities, at that particulartime, were unable to see any danger, except at Washington. They oftendiverted to that point _matériel_ that had been originally designedfor St. Louis. As the army lay at Jefferson City, preparing for the field, sometwelve or fifteen journalists, representing the prominent papersof the country, assembled there to chronicle its achievements. Theywaited nearly two weeks for the movement to begin. Some became sick, others left in disgust, but the most of them remained firm. Thedevices of the journalists to kill time were of an amusing nature. The town had no attractions whatever, and the gentlemen of the pressdevoted themselves to fast riding on the best horses they couldobtain. Their horseback excursions usually terminated in lively races, in which both riders and steeds were sufferers. The representativesof two widely-circulated dailies narrowly escaped being sent home withbroken necks. Evenings at the hotels were passed in reviving the "sky-larking"of school-boy days. These scenes were amusing to participants andspectators. Sober, dignified men, the majority of them heads offamilies, occupied themselves in devising plans for the generalamusement. One mode of enjoyment was to assemble in a certain large room, andthrow at each other every portable article at hand, until exhaustionensued. Every thing that could be thrown or tossed was made use of. Pillows, overcoats, blankets, valises, saddle-bags, bridles, satchels, towels, books, stove-wood, bed-clothing, chairs, window-curtains, and, ultimately, the fragments of the bedsteads, were transformed intomissiles. I doubt if that house ever before, or since, knew so muchnoise in the same time. Everybody enjoyed it except those who occupiedadjoining rooms, and possessed a desire for sleep. Some of thesepersons were inclined to excuse our hilarity, on the ground that theboys ought to enjoy themselves. "The boys!" Most of them were on theshady side of twenty-five, and some had seen forty years. About nine o'clock in the forenoon of the day following Price'sevacuation of Lexington, we obtained news of the movement. The mail atnoon, and the telegraph before that time, carried all we had to say ofthe affair, and in a few hours we ceased to talk of it. On the eveningof that day, a good-natured "contractor" visited our room, and, after indulging in our varied amusements until past eleven, bade usgood-night and departed. Many army contractors had grown fat in the country's service, but thisman had a large accumulation of adipose matter before the war brokeout. A rapid ascent of a long flight of stairs was, therefore, aserious matter with him. Five minutes after leaving us, he dashedrapidly up the stairs and entered our room. As soon as he could speak, he asked, breathing between, the words-- "Have you heard the news?" "No, " we responded; "what is it?" "Why" (with more efforts to recover his breath), "Price has evacuatedLexington!" "Is it possible?" "Yes, " he gasped, and then sank exhausted into a large (very large)arm-chair. We gave him a glass of water and a fan, and urged him to proceed withthe story. He told all he had just heard in the bar-room below, and welistened with the greatest apparent interest. When he had ended, we told him _our_ story. The quality and quantityof the wine which he immediately ordered, was only excelled by hishearty appreciation of the joke he had played upon himself. Every army correspondent has often been furnished with "importantintelligence" already in his possession, and sometimes in print beforehis well-meaning informant obtains it. A portion of General Fremont's army marched from Jefferson Cityto Tipton and Syracuse, while the balance, with most of thetransportation, was sent by rail. General Sigel was the first toreceive orders to march his division from Tipton to Warsaw, and he wasvery prompt to obey. While other division commanders were waitingfor their transportation to arrive from St. Louis, Sigel scoured thecountry and gathered up every thing with wheels. His train was themost motley collection of vehicles it has ever been my lot to witness. There were old wagons that made the journey from Tennessee to Missourithirty years before, farm wagons and carts of every description, family carriages, spring wagons, stage-coaches, drays, and hay-carts. In fact, every thing that could carry a load was taken along. Evenpack-saddles were not neglected. Horses, mules, jacks, oxen, andsometimes cows, formed the motive power. To stand by the roadside andwitness the passage of General Sigel's train, was equal to a visit toBarnum's Museum, and proved an unfailing source of mirth. [Illustration: GENERAL SIGEL'S TRANSPORTATION IN THE MISSOURICAMPAIGN. ] Falstaff's train (if he had one) could not have been more picturesque. Even the Missourians, accustomed as they were to sorry sights, laughedheartily at the spectacle presented by Sigel's transportation. TheSecessionists made several wrong deductions from the sad appearanceof that train. Some of them predicted that the division with _such_ atrain would prove to be of little value in battle. Never were menmore completely deceived. The division marched rapidly, and, on asubsequent campaign, evinced its ability to fight. One after another, the divisions of Fremont's army moved in chase ofthe Rebels; a pursuit in which the pursued had a start of seventy-fivemiles, and a clear road before them. Fremont and his staff leftTipton, when three divisions had gone, and overtook the main column atWarsaw. A few days later, Mr. Richardson, of the _Tribune_, and myselfstarted from Syracuse at one o'clock, one pleasant afternoon, and, with a single halt of an hour's duration, reached Warsaw, forty-sevenmiles distant, at ten o'clock at night. In the morning we found thegeneral's staff comfortably quartered in the village. On the staffthere were several gentlemen from New York and other Eastern cities, who were totally unaccustomed to horseback exercise. One of theserecounted the story of their "dreadful" journey of fifty miles fromTipton. "Only think of it!" said he; "we came through all that distance inless than three days. One day the general made us come _twenty-four_miles. " "That was very severe, indeed. I wonder how you endured it. " "It _was_ severe, and nearly broke some of us down. By-the-way, Mr. K----, how did you come over?" "Oh, " said I, carelessly, "Richardson and I left Syracuse at noonyesterday, and arrived here at ten last night. " Before that campaign was ended, General Fremont's staff acquired someknowledge of horsemanship. At Warsaw the party of journalists passed several waiting days, and domiciled themselves in the house of a widow who had one prettydaughter. Our natural bashfulness was our great hinderance, so that itwas a day or two before we made the acquaintance of the younger of thewomen. One evening she invited a young lady friend to visit her, andobliged us with introductions. The ladies persistently turned theconversation upon the Rebellion, and gave us the benefit of theirviews. Our young hostess, desiring to say something complimentary, declared she did not dislike the Yankees, but despised the Dutch andthe Black Republicans. " "Do you dislike the Black Republicans very much?" said the _Tribune_correspondent. "Oh! yes; I _hate_ them. I wish they were all dead. " "Well, " was the quiet response, "we are Black Republicans. I am theblackest of them all. " The fair Secessionist was much confused, and for fully a minuteremained silent. Then she said-- "I must confess I did not fully understand what Black Republicanswere. I never saw any before. " During the evening she was quite courteous, though persistent indeclaring her sentiments. Her companion launched the most bitterinvective at every thing identified with the Union cause, andmade some horrid wishes about General Fremont and his army. A morevituperative female Rebel I have never seen. She was as pretty as shewas disloyal, and was, evidently, fully aware of it. A few months later, I learned that both these young ladies had becomethe wives of United States officers, and were complimenting, in highterms, the bravery and patriotism of the soldiers they had so recentlydespised. The majority of the inhabitants of Warsaw were disloyal, and hadlittle hesitation in declaring their sentiments. Most of the young menwere in the Rebel army or preparing to go there. A careful search ofseveral warehouses revealed extensive stores of powder, salt, shoes, and other military supplies. Some of these articles were found in acave a few miles from Warsaw, their locality being made known by anegro who was present at their concealment. Warsaw boasted a newspaper establishment, but the proprietor andeditor of the weekly sheet had joined his fortunes to those of GeneralPrice. Two years before the time of our visit, this editor was amember of the State Legislature, and made an earnest effort to securethe expulsion of the reporter of _The Missouri_ _Democrat_, on accountof the radical tone of that paper. He was unsuccessful, but theaggrieved individual did not forgive him. When our army entered Warsaw this reporter held a position on thestaff of the general commanding. Not finding his old adversary, hecontented himself with taking possession of the printing-office, and"confiscating" whatever was needed for the use of head-quarters. About twenty miles from Warsaw, on the road to Booneville, there was aGerman settlement, known as Cole Camp. When the troubles commenced inMissouri, a company of Home Guards was formed at Cole Camp. A fewdays after its formation a company of Secessionists from Warsaw made anight-march and attacked the Home Guards at daylight. Though inflicting severe injury upon the Home Guards, theSecessionists mourned the loss of the most prominent citizens ofWarsaw. They were soon after humiliated by the presence of a Unionarmy. CHAPTER IX. THE SECOND CAMPAIGN TO SPRINGFIELD. Detention at Warsaw. --A Bridge over the Osage. --TheBody-Guard. --Manner of its Organization. --The Advanceto Springfield. --Charge of the Body-Guard. --A Corporal'sRuse. --Occupation of Springfield--The Situation. --Wilson CreekRevisited. --Traces of the Battle. --Rumored Movements of theEnemy. --Removal of General Fremont. --Danger of Attack. --A Night ofExcitement. --The Return to St. Louis. --Curiosities of the ScoutingService. --An Arrest by Mistake. The army was detained at Warsaw, to wait the construction of abridge over the Osage for the passage of the artillery and heavytransportation. Sigel's Division was given the advance, and crossedbefore the bridge was finished. The main column moved as soon as thebridge permitted--the rear being brought up by McKinstry's Division. Adivision from Kansas, under General Lane, was moving at the same time, to form a junction with Fremont near Springfield, and a brigade fromRolla was advancing with the same object in view. General Sturgis wasin motion from North Missouri, and there was a prospect that an armynearly forty thousand strong would be assembled at Springfield. While General Fremont was in St. Louis, before setting out on thisexpedition, he organized the "Fremont Body-Guard, " which afterwardbecame famous. This force consisted of four companies of cavalry, and was intended to form a full regiment. It was composed of thebest class of the young men of St. Louis and Cincinnati. From thecompleteness of its outfit, it was often spoken of as the "Kid-GlovedRegiment. " General Fremont designed it as a special body-guard forhimself, to move when he moved, and to form a part of his head-quarterestablishment. The manner of its organization was looked upon by manyas a needless outlay, at a time when the finances of the departmentwere in a disordered condition. The officers and the rank and file ofthe Body-Guard felt their pride touched by the comments upon them, anddetermined to take the first opportunity to vindicate their characteras soldiers. When we were within fifty miles of Springfield, it was ascertainedthat the main force of the Rebels had moved southward, leaving behindthem some two or three thousand men. General Fremont ordered a cavalryforce, including the Body-Guard, to advance upon the town. On reachingSpringfield the cavalry made a gallant charge upon the Rebel camp, which was situated in a large field, bordered by a wood, within sightof the court-house. In this assault the loss of our forces, in proportion to the numberengaged, was quite severe, but the enemy was put to flight, and thetown occupied for a few hours. We gained nothing of a material nature, as the Rebels would have quietly evacuated Springfield at the approachof our main army. The courage of the Body-Guard, which no sensibleman had doubted, was fully evinced by this gallant but useless charge. When the fight was over, the colonel in command ordered a retreat oftwenty miles, to meet the advance of the army. A corporal with a dozen men became separated from the command whilein Springfield, and remained there until the following morning. Hereceived a flag of truce from the Rebels, asking permission to senda party to bury the dead. He told the bearer to wait until he couldconsult his "general, " who was supposed to be lying down in theback office. The "general" replied that his "division" was too muchexasperated to render it prudent for a delegation from the enemy toenter town, and therefore declined to grant the request. At the sametime he promised to send out strong details to attend to the sad duty. At sunrise he thought it best to follow the movements of his superiorofficer, lest the Rebels might discover his ruse and effect hiscapture. Two days after the charge of the Body-Guard, the advance of theinfantry entered Springfield without the slightest opposition. Thearmy gradually came up, and the occupation of the key of SouthwestMissouri was completed. The Rebel army fell back toward the Arkansasline, to meet a force supposed to be marching northward fromFayetteville. There was little expectation that the Rebels wouldseek to engage us. The only possible prospect of their assuming theoffensive was in the event of a junction between Price and McCulloch, rendering them numerically superior to ourselves. During our occupation of Springfield I paid a visit to the WilsonCreek battle-ground. It was eleven weeks from the day I had left it. Approaching the field, I was impressed by its stillness, so differentfrom the tumult on the 10th of the previous August. It was difficultto realize that the spot, now so quiet, had been the scene of asanguinary contest. The rippling of the creek, and the occasionalchirp of a bird, were the only noises that came to our ears. There wasno motion of the air, not enough to disturb the leaves freshly fallenfrom the numerous oak-trees on the battle-field. At each step I couldbut contrast the cool, calm, Indian-summer day, with the hot, Augustmorning, when the battle took place. All sounds of battle were gone, but the traces of the encounter hadnot disappeared. As we followed the route leading to the field, Iturned from the beaten track and rode among the trees. Ascending aslight acclivity, I found my horse half-stumbling over some objectbetween his feet. Looking down, I discovered a human skull, partlycovered by the luxuriant grass. At a little distance lay thedismembered skeleton to which the skull evidently belonged. It wasdoubtless that of some soldier who had crawled there while wounded, and sunk exhausted at the foot of a tree. The bits of clothingcovering the ground showed that either birds or wild animals had beenbusy with the remains. Not far off lay another skeleton, disturbed anddismembered like the other. Other traces of the conflict were visible, as I moved slowly over thefield. Here were scattered graves, each for a single person; there alarge grave, that had received a dozen bodies of the slain. Here werefragments of clothing and equipments, pieces of broken weapons; theshattered wheel of a caisson, and near it the exploded shell thatdestroyed it. Skeletons of horses, graves of men, scarred trees, trampled graves, the ruins of the burned wagons of the Rebels, all formed their portion of the picture. It well illustrated thedesolation of war. The spot where General Lyon fell was marked by a rude inscription uponthe nearest tree. The skeleton of the general's favorite horse laynear this tree, and had been partially broken up by relic-seekers. Thelong, glossy mane was cut off by the Rebel soldiers on the day afterthe battle, and worn by them as a badge of honor. Subsequently theteeth and bones were appropriated by both Rebels and Unionists. Eventhe tree that designated the locality was partially stripped of itslimbs to furnish souvenirs of Wilson Creek. During the first few days of our stay in Springfield, there were vaguerumors that the army was preparing for a long march into the enemy'scountry. The Rebel army was reported at Cassville, fifty-five milesdistant, fortifying in a strong position. General Price and GovernorJackson had convened the remnant of the Missouri Legislature, andcaused the State to be voted out of the Union. It was supposed wewould advance and expel the Rebels from the State. While we were making ready to move, it was reported that the Rebelarmy at Cassville had received large re-enforcements from Arkansas, andwas moving in our direction. Of course, all were anxious for a battle, and hailed this intelligence with delight. At the same time therewere rumors of trouble from another direction--trouble to thecommander-in-chief. The vague reports of his coming decapitation werefollowed by the arrival, on the 2d of November, of the unconditionalorder removing General Fremont from command, and appointing GeneralHunter in his stead. Just before the reception of this order, "positive" news was receivedthat the enemy was advancing from Cassville toward Springfield, andwould either attack us in the town, or meet us on the ground southof it. General Hunter had not arrived, and therefore General Fremontformed his plan of battle, and determined on marching out to meet theenemy. On the morning of the 3d, the scouts brought intelligence that theentire Rebel army was in camp on the old Wilson Creek battle-ground, and would fight us there. A council of war was called, and it wasdecided to attack the enemy on the following morning, if GeneralHunter did not arrive before that time. Some of the officers weresuspicious that the Rebels were not in force at Wilson Creek, but whenFremont announced it officially there could be little room for doubt. Every thing was put in readiness for battle. Generals of division wereordered to be ready to move at a moment's notice. The pickets weredoubled, and the grand guards increased to an unusual extent. Fourpieces of artillery formed a portion of the picket force on theFayetteville road, the direct route to Wilson Creek. If an enemy hadapproached on that night he would have met a warm reception. About seven o'clock in the evening, a staff officer, who kept thejournalists informed of the progress of affairs, visited GeneralFremont's head-quarters. He soon emerged with important intelligence. "It is all settled. The army is ready to move at the instant. Orderswill be issued at two o'clock, and we will be under way beforedaylight. Skirmishing will begin at nine, and the full battle will bedrawn on at twelve. " "Is the plan arranged?" "Yes, it is all arranged; but I did not ask how. " "Battle sure to come off--is it?" "Certainly, unless Hunter comes and countermands the order. " Alas, for human calculations! General Hunter arrived before midnight. Two o'clock came, but no orders to break camp. Daylight, and no ordersto march. Breakfast-time, and not a hostile shot had been heard. Nineo'clock, and no skirmish. Twelve o'clock, and no battle. General Fremont and staff returned to St. Louis. General Hunter madea reconnoissance to Wilson Creek, and ascertained that the only enemythat had been in the vicinity was a scouting party of forty or fiftymen. At the time we were to march out, there was not a Rebel on theground. Their whole army was still at Cassville, fifty-five miles fromSpringfield. On the 9th of November the army evacuated Springfield and returned tothe line of the Pacific Railway. General Fremont's scouts had deceived him. Some of these individualswere exceedingly credulous, while others were liars of the highestgrade known to civilization. The former obtained their informationfrom the frightened inhabitants; the latter manufactured theirs withthe aid of vivid imaginations. I half suspect the fellows were likethe showman in the story, and, at length, religiously believed whatthey first designed as a hoax. Between the two classes of scouts alarge army of Rebels was created. The scouting service often develops characters of a peculiar mould. Nearly every man engaged in it has some particular branch in which heexcels. There was one young man accompanying General Fremont's army, whose equal, as a special forager, I have never seen elsewhere. Whenever we entered camp, this individual, whom I will call thecaptain, would take a half-dozen companions and start on a foragingtour. After an absence of from four to six hours, he would returnwell-laden with the spoils of war. On one occasion he brought to campthree horses, two cows, a yoke of oxen, and a wagon. In the latterhe had a barrel of sorghum molasses, a firkin of butter, two sheep, apair of fox-hounds, a hoop-skirt, a corn-sheller, a baby's cradle, alot of crockery, half a dozen padlocks, two hoes, and a rocking-chair. On the next night he returned with a family carriage drawn by a horseand a mule. In the carriage he had, among other things, a parrot-cagewhich contained a screaming parrot, several pairs of ladies' shoes, a few yards of calico, the stock of an old musket, part of aspinning-wheel, and a box of garden seeds. In what way these thingswould contribute to the support of the army, it was difficult tounderstand. On one occasion the captain found a trunk full of clothing, concealedwith a lot of salt in a Rebel warehouse. He brought the trunk to camp, and, as the quartermaster refused to receive it, took it to St. Louiswhen the expedition returned. At the hotel where he was stopping, somedetectives were watching a suspected thief, and, by mistake, searchedthe captain's room. They found a trunk containing thirteen coatsof all sizes, with no pants or vests. Naturally considering this astrange wardrobe for a gentleman, they took the captain into custody. He protested earnestly that he was not, and had never been, a thief, but it was only on the testimony of the quartermaster that he wasreleased. I believe he subsequently acted as a scout under GeneralHalleck, during the siege of Corinth. After the withdrawal of our army, General Price returned toSpringfield and went into winter-quarters. McCulloch's command formeda cantonment at Cross Hollows, Arkansas, about ninety miles southwestof Springfield. There was no prospect of further activity until theensuing spring. Every thing betokened rest. From Springfield I returned to St. Louis by way of Rolla, designingto follow the example of the army, and seek a good locality forhibernating. On my way to Rolla I found many houses deserted, ortenanted only by women and children. Frequently the crops werestanding, ungathered, in the field. Fences were prostrated, and therewas no effort to restore them. The desolation of that region was justbeginning. CHAPTER X. TWO MONTHS OF IDLENESS. A Promise Fulfilled. --Capture of a Rebel Camp and Train. --RebelSympathizers in St. Louis. --General Halleck and his Policy. --Refugeesfrom Rebeldom. --Story of the Sufferings of a Union Family. --Chivalryin the Nineteenth Century. --The Army of the Southwest inMotion. --Gun-Boats and Transports. --Capture of Fort Henry. --The Effectin St. Louis. --Our Flag Advancing. Early in the December following the events narrated in the lastchapter, General Pope captured a camp in the interior of the State, where recruits were being collected for Price's army. After the returnof Fremont's army from Springfield, the Rebels boasted they would eattheir Christmas dinner in St. Louis. Many Secessionists weremaking preparations to receive Price and his army, and some of themprophesied the time of their arrival. It was known that a goodlynumber of Rebel flags had been made ready to hang out when theconquerors should come. Sympathizers with the Rebellion became bold, and often displayed badges, rosettes, and small flags, indicative oftheir feelings. Recruiting for the Rebel army went on, very quietly, of course, within a hundred yards of the City Hall. At a fair forthe benefit of the Orphan Asylum, the ladies openly displayed Rebelinsignia, but carefully excluded the National emblems. This was the state of affairs when eight hundred Rebels arrived in St. Louis. They redeemed their promise to enjoy a Christmas dinner in St. Louis, though they had counted upon more freedom than they were thenable to obtain. In order that they might carry out, in part, theiroriginal intention, their kind-hearted jailers permitted the friendsof the prisoners to send a dinner to the latter on Christmas Day. Theprisoners partook of the repast with much relish. The capture of those recruits was accompanied by the seizure of asupply train on its way to Springfield. Our success served to diminishthe Rebel threats to capture St. Louis, or perform other great andchivalric deeds. The inhabitants of that city continued to prophesyits fall, but they were less defiant than before. General Fremont commanded the Western Department for just a hundreddays. General Hunter, his successor, was dressed in brief authorityfor fifteen days, and yielded to General Halleck. The latter officerendeavored to make his rule as unlike that of General Fremont as couldwell be done. He quietly made his head-quarters at the GovernmentBuildings, in the center of St. Louis, instead of occupying a"palatial mansion" on Chouteau Avenue. The body-guard, or othercumbersome escort, was abolished, and the new general moved unattendedabout the city. Where General Fremont had scattered the Governmentfunds with a wasteful hand, General Halleck studied economy. WhereFremont had declared freedom to the slaves of traitors, Halleck issuedhis famous "Order No. 3, " forbidding fugitive slaves to enter ourlines, and excluding all that were then in the military camps. WhereGeneral Fremont had surrounded his head-quarters with so great aretinue of guards that access was almost impossible, General Halleckmade it easy for all visitors to see him. He generally gave them sucha reception that few gentlemen felt inclined to make a second call. The policy of scattering the military forces in the department wasabandoned, and a system of concentration adopted. The constructionof the gun-boat fleet, and accompanying mortar-rafts, was vigorouslypushed, and preparations for military work in the ensuing spring wenton in all directions. Our armies were really idle, and we were doingvery little on the Mississippi; but it was easy to see that we weremaking ready for the most vigorous activity in the future. In the latter part of December many refugees from the Southwest beganto arrive in St. Louis. In most cases they were of the poorer class ofthe inhabitants of Missouri and Northern Arkansas, and had been drivenfrom their homes by their wealthier and disloyal neighbors. Theirstories varied little from each other. Known or suspected to be loyal, they were summarily expelled, generally with the loss of every thing, save a few articles of necessity. There were many women and childrenamong them, whose protectors had been driven into the Rebel ranks, ormurdered in cold blood. Many of them died soon after they reached ourlines, and there were large numbers who perished on their way. Among those who arrived early in January, 1862, was a man fromNorthern Arkansas. Born in Pennsylvania, he emigrated to the Southwestin 1830, and, after a few years' wandering, settled near Fayetteville. When the war broke out, he had a small farm and a comfortable house, and his two sons were married and living near him. In the autumn of '61, his elder son was impressed into the Rebelservice, where he soon died. The younger was ordered to report atFayetteville, for duty. Failing to do so on the day specified, he wasshot down in his own house on the following night. His body fell uponone of his children standing near him, and his blood saturated itsgarments. The day following, the widow, with two small children, was notifiedto leave the dwelling, as orders had been issued for its destruction. Giving her no time to remove any thing, the Rebel soldiers, claimingto act under military command, fired the house. In this party were twopersons who had been well acquainted with the murdered man. The widowsought shelter with her husband's parents. The widow of the elder son went to the same place of refuge. Thusthere were living, under one roof, the old man, his wife, a daughterof seventeen, and the two widows, one with two, and the other withthree, children. A week afterward, all were commanded to leave thecountry. No cause was assigned, beyond the fact that the man wasborn in the North, and had been harboring the family of his son, whorefused to serve in the Rebel ranks. They were told they could havetwo days for preparation, but within ten hours of the time the noticewas served, a gang of Rebels appeared at the door, and ordered aninstant departure. They made a rigid search of the persons of the refugees, to be surethey took away nothing of value. Only a single wagon was allowed, andin this were placed a few articles of necessity. As they moved away, the Rebels applied the torch to the house and its out-buildings. Ina few moments all were in flames. The house of the elder son's widowshared the same fete. They were followed to the Missouri line, and ordered to make no haltunder penalty of death. It was more than two hundred miles to ourlines, and winter was just beginning. One after another fell ill anddied, or was left with Union people along the way. Only four of theparty reached our army at Rolla. Two of these died a few days aftertheir arrival, leaving only a young child and its grandfather. At St. Louis the survivors were kindly cared for, but the grief at leavinghome, the hardships of the winter journey, and their destitution amongstrangers, had so worn upon them that they soon followed the othermembers of their family. There have been thousands of cases nearly parallel to the above. TheRebels claimed to be fighting for political freedom, and charged theNational Government with the most unheard-of "tyranny. " We can wellbe excused for not countenancing a political freedom that kills menat their firesides, and drives women and children to seek protectionunder another flag. We have heard much, in the past twenty years, of"Southern chivalry. " If the deeds of which the Rebels were guiltyare characteristic of chivalry, who would wish to be a son of theCavaliers? The insignia worn in the Middle Ages are set aside, tomake room for the torch and the knife. The chivalry that deliberatelystarves its prisoners, to render them unable to return to the field, and sends blood-hounds on the track of those who attempt an escapefrom their hands, is the chivalry of modern days. Winder is theCoeur-de-Leon, and Quantrel the Bayard, of the nineteenth century;knights "without fear and without reproach. " Early in January, the Army of the Southwest, under General Curtis, was put in condition for moving. Orders were issued cutting downthe allowance of transportation, and throwing away every thingsuperfluous. Colonel Carr, with a cavalry division, was sent to theline of the Gasconade, to watch the movements of the enemy. It was thepreliminary to the march into Arkansas, which resulted in thebattle of Pea Ridge and the famous campaign of General Curtis fromSpringfield to Helena. As fast as possible, the gun-boat fleet was pushed to completion. Oneafter another, as the iron-clads were ready to move, they made theirrendezvous at Cairo. Advertisements of the quartermaster's department, calling for a large number of transports, showed that offensivemovements were to take place. In February, Fort Henry fell, after anhour's shelling from Admiral Foote's gun-boats. This opened the way upthe Tennessee River to a position on the flank of Columbus, Kentucky, and was followed by the evacuation of that point. I was in St. Louis on the day the news of the fall of Fort Henry wasreceived. The newspapers issued "extras, " with astonishing head-lines. It was the first gratifying intelligence after a long winter ofinactivity, following a year which, closed with general reverses toour arms. In walking the principal streets of St. Louis on that occasion, Icould easily distinguish the loyal men of my acquaintance from thedisloyal, at half a square's distance. The former were excited withdelight; the latter were downcast with sorrow. The Union men walkedrapidly, with, faces "wreathed in smiles;" the Secessionists movedwith alternate slow and quick steps, while their countenancesexpressed all the sad emotions. The newsboys with the tidings of our success were patronized bythe one and repelled by the other. I saw one of the venders ofintelligence enter the store of a noted Secessionist, where he shoutedthe nature of the news at the highest note of his voice. Amoment later he emerged from the door, bringing the impress of aSecessionist's boot. The day and the night witnessed much hilarity in loyal circles, and acorresponding gloom in quarters where treason ruled. I fear therewere many men in St. Louis whose conduct was no recommendation to themembership of a temperance society. All felt that a new era had dawned upon us. Soon after came thetidings of a general advance of our armies. We moved in Virginia, and made the beginning of the checkered campaign of '62. Along theAtlantic coast we moved, and Newbern fell into our hands. Furtherdown the Atlantic, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, we kept upthe aggression. Grant, at Donelson, "moved immediately upon Buckner'sworks;" and, in Kentucky, the Army of the Ohio occupied Bowling Greenand prepared to move upon Nashville. In Missouri, Curtis hadalready occupied Lebanon, and was making ready to assault Price atSpringfield. Everywhere our flag was going forward. CHAPTER XI. ANOTHER CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI. From St. Louis to Rolla. --A Limited Outfit. --Missouri Roads inWinter. --"Two Solitary Horsemen. "--Restricted Accommodations in aSlaveholder's House. --An Energetic Quartermaster. --General Sheridanbefore he became Famous. --"Bagging Price. "--A Defect in theBag. --Examining the Correspondence of a Rebel General. --What theRebels left at their Departure. On the 9th of February I left St. Louis to join General Curtis's army. Arriving at Rolla, I found the mud very deep, but was told the roadswere in better condition a few miles to the west. With an _attaché_of the Missouri _Democrat_, I started, on the morning of the 10th, toovertake the army, then reported at Lebanon, sixty-five miles distant. All my outfit for a two or three months' campaign, was strapped behindmy saddle, or crowded into my saddle-bags. Traveling with a trunkis one of the delights unknown to army correspondents, especiallyto those in the Southwest. My companion carried an outfit similar tomine, with the exception of the saddle-bags and contents. I returnedto Rolla eight weeks afterward, but he did not reach civilization tillthe following July. From Rolla to Lebanon the roads were bad--muddy in the valleys ofthe streams, and on the higher ground frozen into inequalities like agigantic rasp. Over this route our army of sixteen thousand men had slowly made itsway, accomplishing what was then thought next to impossible. I foundthe country had changed much in appearance since I passed through onmy way to join General Lyon. Many houses had been burned and othersdeserted. The few people that remained confessed themselves almostdestitute of food. Frequently we could not obtain entertainmentfor ourselves and horses, particularly the latter. The nativeswere suspicious of our character, as there was nothing in ourdress indicating to which side we belonged. At such times thecross-questioning we underwent was exceedingly amusing, though coupledwith the knowledge that our lives were not entirely free from danger. From Lebanon we pushed on to Springfield, through a keen, piercingwind, that swept from the northwest with unremitting steadiness. Thenight between those points was passed in a log-house with a singleroom, where ourselves and the family of six persons were lodged. Inthe bitter cold morning that followed, it was necessary to open thedoor to give us sufficient light to take breakfast, as the house couldnot boast of a window. The owner of the establishment said he hadlived there eighteen years, and found it very comfortable. He tilled asmall farm, and had earned sufficient money to purchase three slaves, who dwelt in a similar cabin, close beside his own, but not joiningit. One of these slaves was cook and housemaid, and another found thecare of four children enough for her attention. The third was a manupward of fifty years old, who acted as stable-keeper, and manager ofthe out-door work of the establishment. The situation of this landholder struck me as peculiar, though hiscase was not a solitary one. A house of one room and with no window, asimilar house for his human property, and a stable rudely constructedof small poles, with its sides offering as little protection againstthe wind and storms as an ordinary fence, were the only buildingshe possessed. His furniture was in keeping with the buildings. Bedswithout sheets, a table without a cloth, some of the plates of tin andothers of crockery--the former battered and the latter cracked--a lessnumber of knives and forks than there were persons to be supplied, tincups for drinking coffee, an old fruit-can for a sugar-bowl, and twoteaspoons for the use of a large family, formed the most noticeablefeatures. With such surroundings he had invested three thousanddollars in negro property, and considered himself comfortablysituated. Reaching Springfield, I found the army had passed on in pursuit ofPrice, leaving only one brigade as a garrison. The quartermasterof the Army of the Southwest had his office in one of the principalbuildings, and was busily engaged in superintending the forwardingof supplies to the front. Every thing under his charge received hispersonal attention, and there was no reason to suppose the army wouldlack for subsistence, so long as he should remain to supply its wants. Presenting him a letter of introduction, I received a most cordialwelcome. I found him a modest and agreeable gentleman, whose privateexcellence was only equaled by his energy in the performance of hisofficial duties. This quartermaster was Captain Philip H. Sheridan. The double barsthat marked his rank at that time, have since been exchanged for otherinsignia. The reader is doubtless familiar with the importantpart taken by this gallant officer, in the suppression of the lateRebellion. General Curtis had attempted to surround and capture Price and hisarmy, before they could escape from Springfield. Captain Sheridan toldme that General Curtis surrounded the town on one side, leaving twogood roads at the other, by which the Rebels marched out. Our advancefrom Lebanon was as rapid as the circumstances would permit, but itwas impossible to keep the Rebels in ignorance of it, or detainthem against their will. One of the many efforts to "bag" Price hadresulted like all the others. We closed with the utmost care everypart of the bag except the mouth; out of this he walked by thesimple use of his pedals. Operations like those of Island Number Ten, Vicksburg, and Port Hudson, were not then in vogue. Price was in full retreat toward Arkansas, and our army in hotpursuit. General Sigel, with two full divisions, marched by a roadparallel to the line of Price's retreat, and attempted to get in hisfront at a point forty miles from Springfield. His line of march wasten miles longer than the route followed by the Rebels, and he did notsucceed in striking the main road until Price had passed. I had the pleasure of going through General Price's head-quarters onlytwo days after that officer abandoned them. There was every evidenceof a hasty departure. I found, among other documents, the followingorder for the evacuation of Springfield:-- HEAD-QUARTERS MISSOURI STATE GUARD, SPRINGFIELD, _February_ 13, 1862. The commanders of divisions will instanter, and withoutthe least delay, see that their entire commands areready for movement at a moment's notice. By order of Major-General S. Price. H. H. Brand, A. A. G. There was much of General Price's private correspondence, togetherwith many official documents. Some of these I secured, but destroyedthem three weeks later, at a moment when I expected to fall into thehands of the enemy. One letter, which revealed the treatment Union menwere receiving in Arkansas, I forwarded to _The Herald_. I reproduceits material portions:-- DOVER, POPE CO. , ARKANSAS, _December_ 7, 1861. MAJOR-GENERAL PRICE: I wish to obtain a situation as surgeon in your army. * * * Our menover the Boston Mountains are penning and hanging the mountainboys who oppose Southern men. They have in camp thirty, and in theBurrowville jail seventy-two, and have sent twenty-seven to LittleRock. We will kill all we get, certain: every one is so many less. Ihope you will soon get help enough to clear out the last one in yourState. If you know them, they ought to be killed, as the older theygrow the more stubborn they get. Your most obedient servant, JAMES L. ADAMS. In his departure, General Price had taken most of his personalproperty of any value. He left a very good array of desks and otherappurtenances of his adjutant-general's office, which fell intoGeneral Curtis's hands. These articles were at once put into use byour officers, and remained in Springfield as trophies of our success. There was some war _matériel_ at the founderies and temporary arsenalswhich the Rebels had established. One store full of supplies they leftundisturbed. It was soon appropriated by Captain Sheridan. The winter-quarters for the soldiers were sufficiently commodious tocontain ten thousand men, and the condition in which we found themshowed how hastily they were evacuated. Very little had been removedfrom the buildings, except those articles needed for the march. Wefound cooking utensils containing the remains of the last meal, panswith freshly-mixed dough, on which the impression of the maker's handwas visible, and sheep and hogs newly killed and half dressed. In theofficers' quarters was a beggarly array of empty bottles, and a fewcases that had contained cigars. One of our soldiers was fortunate infinding a gold watch in the straw of a bunk. There were cribs of corn, stacks of forage, and a considerable quantity of army supplies. Everything evinced a hasty departure. CHAPTER XII. THE FLIGHT AND THE PURSUIT. From Springfield to Pea Ridge. --Mark Tapley in Missouri. --"TheArkansas Traveler. "--Encountering the Rebel Army. --A "WonderfulSpring. "--The Cantonment at Cross Hollows. --Game Chickens. --Magruder_vs_. Breckinridge. --Rebel Generals in a Controversy. --Its Result. --AnExpedition to Huntsville. --Curiosities of Rebel Currency. --ImportantInformation. --A Long and Weary March. --Disposition of Forces beforethe Battle. --Changing Front. --What the Rebels lost by Ignorance. When it became certain the army would continue its march intoArkansas, myself and the _Democrat's_ correspondent pushed forwardto overtake it. Along the road we learned of the rapid retreat of theRebels, and the equally rapid pursuit by our own forces. About twentymiles south of Springfield one of the natives came to his door togreet us. Learning to which army we belonged, he was very voluble inhis efforts to explain the consternation of the Rebels. A half-dozenof his neighbors were by his side, and joined in the hilarity of theoccasion. I saw that something more than usual was the cause of theirassembling, and inquired what it could be. "My wife died this morning, and my friends have come here to see me, "was the answer I received from the proprietor of the house. Almost at the instant of completing the sentence, he burst into alaugh, and said, "It would have done you good to see how your folks captured a bigdrove of Price's cattle. The Rebs were driving them along all right, and your cavalry just came up and took them. It was rich, I tell you. Ha! ha!" Not knowing what condolence to offer a man who could be so gay afterthe death of his wife, I bade him good-morning, and pushed on. Hehad not, as far as I could perceive, the single excuse of beingintoxicated, and his display of vivacity appeared entirely genuine. Inall my travels I have never met his equal. Up to the time of this campaign none of our armies had been intoArkansas. When General Curtis approached the line, the head of thecolumn was halted, the regiments closed up, and the men brought theirmuskets to the "right shoulder shift, " instead of the customary "atwill" of the march. Two bands were sent to the front, where a smallpost marked the boundary, and were stationed by the roadside, one ineither State. Close by them the National flag was unfurled. The bandsstruck up "The Arkansas Traveler, " the order to advance was given, and, with many cheers in honor of the event, the column moved onward. For several days "The Arkansas Traveler" was exceedingly popular withthe entire command. On the night after crossing the line the news ofthe fall of Fort Donelson was received. Soon after entering Arkansas on his retreat, General Price met GeneralMcCulloch moving northward to join him. With their forces united, theydetermined on making a stand against General Curtis, and, accordingly, halted near Sugar Creek. A little skirmish ensued, in which the Rebelsgave way, the loss on either side being trifling. They did not stopuntil they reached Fayetteville. Their halt at that point was verybrief. At Cross Hollows, in Benton County, Arkansas, about two miles fromthe main road, there is one of the finest springs in the Southwest. Itissues from the base of a rocky ledge, where the ravine is about threehundred yards wide, and forms the head of a large brook. Two smallflouring mills are run during the entire year by the water from thisspring. The water is at all times clear, cold, and pure, and is saidnever to vary in quantity. Along the stream fed by this spring, the Rebels had established acantonment for the Army of Northern Arkansas, and erected housescapable of containing ten or twelve thousand men. The cantonmentwas laid out with the regularity of a Western city. The houses wereconstructed of sawed lumber, and provided with substantial brickchimneys. Of course, this establishment was abandoned when the Rebel armyretreated. The buildings were set on fire, and all but a half-dozen ofthem consumed. When our cavalry reached the place, the rear-guard ofthe Rebels had been gone less than half an hour. There were abouttwo hundred chickens running loose among the burning buildings. Oursoldiers commenced killing them, and had slaughtered two-thirds ofthe lot when one of the officers discovered that they were game-cocks. This class of chickens not being considered edible, the killing wasstopped and the balance of the flock saved. Afterward, while we lay incamp, they were made a source of much amusement. The cock-fights thattook place in General Curtis's army would have done honor to Havana orVera Cruz. Before we captured them the birds were the property of theofficers of a Louisiana regiment. We gave them the names of the Rebelleaders. It was an every-day affair for Beauregard, Van Dorn, andPrice to be matched against Lee, Johnston, and Polk. I remember losinga small wager on Magruder against Breckinridge. I should have won ifBreck had not torn the feathers from Mac's neck, and injured his rightwing by a foul blow. I never backed Magruder after that. From Cross Hollows, General Curtis sent a division in pursuit ofPrice's army, in its retreat through Fayetteville, twenty-two milesdistant. On reaching the town they found the Rebels had left in thedirection of Fort Smith. The pursuit terminated at this point. It hadbeen continued for a hundred and ten miles--a large portion of thedistance our advance being within a mile or two of the Rebel rear. In retreating from Fayetteville, the Rebels were obliged to abandonmuch of the supplies for their army. A serious quarrel is reportedto have taken place between Price and McCulloch, concerning thedisposition to be made of these supplies. The former was in favorof leaving the large amount of stores, of which, bacon was the chiefarticle, that it might fall into our hands. He argued that we hadoccupied the country, and would stay there until driven out. Our armywould be subsisted at all hazards. If we found this large quantity ofbacon, it would obviate the necessity of our foraging upon the countryand impoverishing the inhabitants. General McCulloch opposed this policy, and accused Price of a desireto play into the enemy's hands. The quarrel became warm, and resultedin the discomfiture of the latter. All the Rebel warehouses were seton fire. When our troops entered Fayetteville the conflagration was atits height. It resulted as Price had predicted. The inhabitants werecompelled, in great measure, to support our army. The Rebels retreated across the Boston Mountains to Fort Smith, andcommenced a reorganization of their army. Our army remained at CrossHollows as its central point, but threw out its wings so as to forma front nearly five miles in extent. Small expeditions were sent invarious directions to break up Rebel camps and recruiting stations. In this way two weeks passed with little activity beyond a carefulobservation of the enemy's movements. There were several flouringmills in the vicinity of our camp, which were kept in constantactivity for the benefit of the army. I accompanied an expedition, commanded by Colonel Vandever, of theNinth Iowa, to the town of Huntsville, thirty-five miles distant. Ourmarch occupied two days, and resulted in the occupation of the townand the dispersal of a small camp of Rebels. We had no fighting, scarcely a shot being fired in anger. The inhabitants did not greet usvery cordially, though some of them professed Union sentiments. In this town of Huntsville, the best friend of the Union was thekeeper of a whisky-shop. This man desired to look at some of ourmoney, but declined to take it. An officer procured a canteen ofwhisky and tendered a Treasury note in payment. The note was refused, with a request for either gold or Rebel paper. The officer then exhibited a large sheet of "promises to pay, " whichhe had procured in Fayetteville a few days before, and asked how theywould answer. "That is just what I want, " said the whisky vender. The officer called his attention to the fact that the notes had nosignatures. "That don't make any difference, " was the reply; "nobody will knowwhether they are signed or not, and they are just as good, anyhow. " I was a listener to the conversation, and at this juncture proffered apair of scissors to assist in dividing the notes. It took but a shorttime to cut off enough "money" to pay for twenty canteens of the worstwhisky I ever saw. At Huntsville we made a few prisoners, who said they were on theirway from Price's army to Forsyth, Missouri. They gave us the importantinformation that the Rebel army, thirty thousand strong, was on theBoston Mountains the day previous; and on the very day of our arrivalat Huntsville, it was to begin its advance toward our front. Thesemen, and some others, had been sent away because they had no weaponswith which to enter the fight. Immediately on learning this, Colonel Vandever dispatched a courierto General Curtis, and prepared to set out on his return to the mainarmy. We marched six miles before nightfall, and at midnight, whilewe were endeavoring to sleep, a courier joined us from thecommander-in-chief. He brought orders for us to make our way back withall possible speed, as the Rebel army was advancing in full force. At two o'clock we broke camp, and, with only one halt of an hour, made a forced march of forty-one miles, joining the main column at teno'clock at night. I doubt if there were many occasions during thewar where better marching was done by infantry than on that day. Of course, the soldiers were much fatigued, but were ready, on thefollowing day, to take active part in the battle. On the 5th of March, as soon as General Curtis learned of the Rebeladvance, he ordered General Sigel, who was in camp at Bentonville, tofall back to Pea Ridge, on the north bank of Sugar Creek. At thesame time he withdrew Colonel Jeff. C. Davis's Division to the samelocality. This placed the army in a strong, defensible position, withthe creek in its front. On the ridge above the stream our artilleryand infantry were posted. The Rebel armies under Price and McCulloch had been united andstrongly re-enforced, the whole being under the command of General VanDorn. Their strength was upward of twenty thousand men, and they wereconfident of their ability to overpower us. Knowing our strong frontline, General Van Dorn decided upon a bold movement, and threw himselfaround our right flank to a position between us and our base atSpringfield. In moving to our right and rear, the Rebels encountered GeneralSigel's Division before it had left Bentonville, and kept up a runningfight during the afternoon of the 6th. Several times the Rebels, insmall force, secured positions in Sigel's front, but that officersucceeded in cutting his way through and reaching the main force, witha loss of less than a hundred men. The position of the enemy at Bentonville showed us his intentions, and we made our best preparations to oppose him. Our first step wasto obstruct the road from Bentonville to our rear, so as to retardthe enemy's movements. Colonel Dodge, of the Fourth Iowa (afterwarda major-general), rose from a sick-bed to perform this work. Theimpediments which he placed in the way of the Rebels prevented theirreaching the road in our rear until nine o'clock on the morning of the7th. Our next movement was to reverse our position. We had been facingsouth--it was now necessary to face to the north. The line that hadbeen our rear became our front. A change of front implied that ourartillery train should take the place of the supply train, and _viceversâ_. "Elkhorn Tavern" had been the quartermaster's depot. We madeall haste to substitute artillery for baggage-wagons, and boxes ofammunition for boxes of hard bread. This transfer was not accomplishedbefore the battle began, and as our troops were pressed steadily backon our new front, Elkhorn Tavern fell into the hands of the Rebels. The sugar, salt, and bread which they captured, happily not of largequantity, were very acceptable, and speedily disappeared. Among thequartermaster's stores was a wagon-load of desiccated vegetables, avery valuable article for an army in the field. All expected it wouldbe made into soup and eaten by the Rebels. What was our astonishmentto find, two days later, that they had opened and examined a singlecase, and, after scattering its contents on the ground, left thebalance undisturbed! Elkhorn Tavern was designated by a pair of elk-horns, which occupied aconspicuous position above the door. After the battle these horns wereremoved by Colonel Carr, and sent to his home in Illinois, as trophiesof the victory. A family occupied the building at the time of the battle, and remainedthere during the whole contest. When the battle raged most fiercelythe cellar proved a place of refuge. Shells tore through the house, sometimes from the National batteries, and sometimes from Rebel guns. One shell exploded in a room where three women were sitting. Thoughtheir clothes were torn by the flying fragments, they escaped withoutpersonal injury. They announced their determination not to leave homeso long as the house remained standing. Among other things captured at Elkhorn Tavern by the Rebels, wasa sutler's wagon, which, had just arrived from St. Louis. In thedivision of the spoils, a large box, filled with wallets, fell to thelot of McDonald's Battery. For several weeks the officers and privatesof this battery could boast of a dozen wallets each, while very fewhad any money to carry. The Rebel soldiers complained that the visitsof the paymaster were like those of angels. CHAPTER XIII. THE BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE. The Rebels make their Attack. --Albert Pike and his Indians. --ScalpingWounded Men. --Death of General McCulloch. --The Fighting at ElkhornTavern. --Close of a Gloomy Day. --An Unpleasant Night. --Vocal Soundsfrom a Mule's Throat. --Sleeping under Disadvantages. --A FavorableMorning. --The Opposing Lines of Battle. --A Severe Cannonade. --TheForest on Fire. --Wounded Men in the Flames. --The Rebels inRetreat. --Movements of our Army. --A Journey to St. Louis. About nine o'clock on the morning of the 7th, the Rebels made asimultaneous attack on our left and front, formerly our right andrear. General Price commanded the force on our front, and GeneralMcCulloch that on our left; the former having the old Army ofMissouri, re-enforced by several Arkansas regiments, and the latterhaving a corps made up of Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana troops. Theybrought into the fight upward of twenty thousand men, while we had notover twelve thousand with which to oppose them. The attack on our left was met by General Sigel and Colonel Davis. That on our front was met by Colonel Carr's Division and the divisionof General Asboth. On our left it was severe, though not longmaintained, the position we held being too strong for the enemy tocarry. It was on this part of the line that the famous Albert Pike, thelawyer-poet of Arkansas, brought his newly-formed brigades ofIndians into use. Pike was unfortunate with his Indians. While hewas arranging them in line, in a locality where the bushes were abouteight feet in height, the Indians made so much noise as to revealtheir exact position. One of our batteries was quietly placed withinpoint-blank range of the Indians, and suddenly opened upon them withgrape and canister. They gave a single yell, and scattered withoutwaiting for orders. The Indians were not, as a body, again brought together during thebattle. In a charge which our cavalry made upon a Rebel brigade wewere repulsed, leaving several killed and wounded upon the ground. Some of Pike's Indians, after their dispersal, came upon these, andscalped the dead and living without distinction. A Rebel officersubsequently informed me that the same Indians scalped several oftheir own slain, and barbarously murdered some who had been onlyslightly injured. On this part of the field we were fortunate, early in the day, inkilling General McCulloch and his best lieutenant, General McIntosh. To this misfortune the Rebels have since ascribed their easy defeat. At the time of this reverse to the enemy, General Van Dorn was with. Price in our front. After their repulse and the death of their leader, the discomfited Rebels joined their comrades in the front, who hadbeen more successful. It was nightfall before the two forces wereunited. In our front, Colonel Carr's Division fought steadily and earnestlyduring the entire day, but was pressed back fully two-thirds of amile. General Curtis gave it what re-enforcements he could, but therewere very few to be spared. When it was fully ascertained that theRebels on our left had gone to our front, we prepared to unite againstthem. Our left was drawn in to re-enforce Colonel Carr, but themovement was not completed until long after dark. Thus night came. The rebels were in full possession of ourcommunications. We had repulsed them on the left, but lost ground, guns, and men on our front. The Rebels were holding Elkhorn Tavern, which we had made great effort to defend. Colonel Carr had repeatedlywished for either night or re-enforcements. He obtained both. The commanding officers visited General Curtis's head-quarters, and received their orders for the morrow. Our whole force was to beconcentrated on our front. If the enemy did not attack us at daylight, we would attack him as soon thereafter as practicable. Viewed in its best light, the situation was somewhat gloomy. Mr. Fayel, of the _Democrat_, and myself were the only journalistswith the army, and the cessation of the day's fighting found usdeliberating on our best course in case of a disastrous result. Wedestroyed all documents that could give information to the enemy, retaining only our note-books, and such papers as pertained to ourprofession. With patience and resignation we awaited the events of themorrow. I do not know that any of our officers expected we should beoverpowered, but there were many who thought such an occurrenceprobable. The enemy was nearly twice as strong as we, and lay directlybetween us and our base. If he could hold out till our ammunition wasexhausted, we should be compelled to lay down our arms. There was noretreat for us. We must be victorious or we must surrender. In camp, on that night, every thing was confusion. The troops that hadbeen on the left during the day were being transferred to the front. The quartermaster was endeavoring to get his train in the leastdangerous place. The opposing lines were so near each other that ourmen could easily hear the conversation of the Rebels. The night wasnot severely cold; but the men, who were on the front, after a day'sfighting, found it quite uncomfortable. Only in the rear was itthought prudent to build fires. The soldiers of German birth were musical. Throughout the night Irepeatedly heard their songs. The soldiers of American parentagewere generally profane, and the few words I heard them utter were thereverse of musical. Those of Irish origin combined the peculiaritiesof both Germans and Americans, with their tendencies in favor of thelatter. I sought a quiet spot within the limits of the camp, but could notfind it. Lying down in the best place available, I had just fallenasleep when a mounted orderly rode his horse directly over me. I madea mild remonstrance, but the man was out of hearing before I spoke. Soon after, some one lighted a pipe and threw a coal upon my hand. This drew from me a gentle request for a discontinuance of thatexperiment. I believe it was not repeated. During the night Mr. Fayel's beard took fire, and I was roused to assist in staying theconflagration. The vocal music around me was not calculated to encourage drowsiness. Close at hand was the quartermaster's train, with the mules readyharnessed for moving in any direction. These mules had not been fedfor two whole days, and it was more than thirty-six hours since theyhad taken water. These facts were made known in the best language thecreatures possessed. The bray of a mule is never melodious, even whenthe animal's throat is well moistened. When it is parched and dustythe sound becomes unusually hoarse. Each hour added to the noise asthe thirst of the musicians increased. Mr. Fayel provoked a discussionconcerning the doctrine of the transmigration of souls; and thought, in the event of its truth, that the wretch was to be pitied who shouldpass into a mule in time of war. With the dawn of day every one was astir. At sunrise I found ourline was not quite ready, though it was nearly so. General Curtiswas confident all would result successfully, and completed the fewarrangements then requiring attention. We had expected the Rebelswould open the attack; but they waited for us to do so. They deservedmany thanks for their courtesy. The smoke of the previous day's fightstill hung over the camp, and the sun rose through it, as through acloud. A gentle wind soon dissipated this smoke, and showed us a clearsky overhead. The direction of the wind was in our favor. The ground selected for deciding the fate of that day was a hugecornfield, somewhat exceeding two miles in length and about half amile in width. The western extremity of this field rested upon theridge which gave name to the battle-ground. The great road fromSpringfield to Fayetteville crossed this field about midway from theeastern to the western end. It was on this road that the two armies took their positions. The lines were in the edge of the woods on opposite sides of thefield--the wings of the armies extending to either end. On thenorthern side were the Rebels, on the southern was the National army. Thus each army, sheltered by the forest, had a cleared space in itsfront, affording a full view of the enemy. [Illustration: SHELLING THE HILL AT PEA RIDGE. ] By half-past seven o'clock our line was formed and ready for action. Alittle before eight o'clock the cannonade was opened. Our forceswere regularly drawn up in order of battle. Our batteries were placedbetween the regiments as they stood in line. In the timber, behindthese regiments and batteries, were the brigades in reserve, readyto be brought forward in case of need. At the ends of the line werebattalions of cavalry, stretching off to cover the wings, and givenotice of any attempt by the Rebels to move on our flanks. Every fiveminutes the bugle of the extreme battalion would sound the signal"All's well. " The signal would be taken by the bugler of the nextbattalion, and in this way carried down the line to the center. Ifthe Rebels had made any attempt to outflank us, we could hardly havefailed to discover it at once. Our batteries opened; the Rebel batteries responded. Our gunnersproved the best, and our shot had the greatest effect. We had betterammunition than that of our enemies, and thus reduced the disparitycaused by their excess of guns. Our cannonade was slow and careful;theirs was rapid, and was made at random. At the end of two hours ofsteady, earnest work, we could see that the Rebel line was growingweaker, while our own was still unshaken. The work of the artillerywas winning us the victory. In the center of the Rebel line was a rocky hill, eighty or a hundredfeet in height. The side which faced us was almost perpendicular, butthe slope to the rear was easy of ascent. On this hill the Rebels hadstationed two regiments of infantry and a battery of artillery. Thebalance of their artillery lay at its base. General Curtis orderedthat the fire of all our batteries should be concentrated on this hillat a given signal, and continued there for ten minutes. This was done. At the same time our infantry went forward in a charge on the Rebelinfantry and batteries that stood in the edge of the forest. Thecleared field afforded fine opportunity for the movement. The charge was successful. The Rebels fell back in disorder, leavingthree guns in our hands, and their dead and wounded scattered on theground. This was the end of the battle. We had won the victory at PeaRidge. I followed our advancing forces, and ascended to the summit of theelevation on which our last fire was concentrated. Wounded men weregathered in little groups, and the dead were lying thick about them. The range of our artillery had been excellent. Rocks, trees, and earthattested the severity of our fire. This cannonade was the decisivework of the day. It was the final effort of our batteries, and wasterrible while it lasted. The shells, bursting among the dry leaves, had set the woods on fire, and the flames were slowly traversing the ground where the battle hadraged. We made every effort to remove the wounded to places of safety, before the fire should reach them. At that time we thought we hadsucceeded. Late in the afternoon I found several wounded men lying insecluded places, where they had been terribly burned, though they werestill alive. Very few of them survived. Our loss in this battle was a tenth of our whole force. The enemy lostmore than we in numbers, though less in proportion to his strength. His position, directly in our rear, would have been fatal to adefeated army in many other localities. There were numerous smallroads, intersecting the great road at right angles. On these roads theRebels made their lines of retreat. Had we sent cavalry in pursuit, the Rebels would have lost heavily in artillery and in their supplytrain. As it was, they escaped without material loss, but theysuffered a defeat which ultimately resulted in our possession of allNorthern Arkansas. The Rebels retreated across the Boston Mountains to Van Buren and FortSmith, and were soon ordered thence to join Beauregard at Corinth. Our army moved to Keytsville, Missouri, several miles north of thebattle-ground, where the country was better adapted to foraging, andmore favorable to recuperating from the effects of the conflict. From Keytsville it moved to Forsyth, a small town in Taney County, Missouri, fifty miles from Springfield. Extending over a considerablearea, the army consumed whatever could be found in the vicinity. Itgave much annoyance to the Rebels by destroying the saltpeter works onthe upper portion of White River. The saltpeter manufactories along the banks of this stream were ofgreat importance to the Rebels in the Southwest, and their destructionseriously reduced the supplies of gunpowder in the armies of Arkansasand Louisiana. Large quantities of the crude material were shippedto Memphis and other points, in the early days of the war. At certainseasons White River is navigable to Forsyth. The Rebels made everypossible use of their opportunities, as long as the stream remained intheir possession. Half sick in consequence of the hardships of the campaign, andsatisfied there would be no more fighting of importance during thesummer, I determined to go back to civilization. I returned toSt. Louis by way of Springfield and Rolla. A wounded officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Herron (who afterward wore the stars of amajor-general), was my traveling companion. Six days of weary toilover rough and muddy roads brought us to the railway, within twelvehours of St. Louis. It was my last campaign in that region. From thatdate the war in the Southwest had its chief interest in the countryeast of the Great River. CHAPTER XIV. UP THE TENNESSEE AND AT PITTSBURG LANDING. At St. Louis. --Progress of our Arms in the Great Valley. --Cairo. --ItsPeculiarities and Attractions. --Its Commercial, Geographical, andSanitary Advantages. --Up the Tennessee. --Movements Preliminary tothe Great Battle. --The Rebels and their Plans. --Postponement ofthe Attack. --Disadvantages of our Position. --The Beginning of theBattle. --Results of the First Day. --Re-enforcements. --Disputes betweenOfficers of our two Armies. --Beauregard's Watering-Place. On reaching St. Louis, three weeks after the battle of Pea Ridge, Ifound that public attention was centered upon the Tennessee River. Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Columbus, and Nashville had fallen, andour armies were pushing forward toward the Gulf, by the line of theTennessee. General Pope was laying siege to Island Number Ten, havingalready occupied New Madrid, and placed his gun-boats in front ofthat point. General Grant's army was at Pittsburg Landing, and GeneralBuell's army was moving from Nashville toward Savannah, Tennessee. The two armies were to be united at Pittsburg Landing, for a furtheradvance into the Southern States. General Beauregard was at Corinth, where he had been joined by Price and Van Dorn from Arkansas, and byAlbert Sidney Johnston from Kentucky. There was a promise of activehostilities in that quarter. I left St. Louis, after a few days' rest, for the new scene of action. Cairo lay in my route. I found it greatly changed from the Cairo ofthe previous autumn. Six months before, it had been the rendezvous ofthe forces watching the Lower Mississippi. The basin in which the townstood, was a vast military encampment. Officers of all rank throngedthe hotels, and made themselves as comfortable as men could be inCairo. All the leading journals of the country were represented, and the dispatches from Cairo were everywhere perused with interest, though they were not always entirety accurate. March and April witnessed a material change. Where there had beentwenty thousand soldiers in December, there were less than onethousand in April. Where a fleet of gun-boats, mortar-rafts, andtransports had been tied to the levees during the winter months, theopening spring showed but a half-dozen steamers of all classes. Thetransports and the soldiers were up the Tennessee, the mortars werebombarding Island Number Ten, and the gun-boats were on duty wheretheir services were most needed. The journalists had become warcorrespondents in earnest, and were scattered to the points ofgreatest interest. Cairo had become a vast depot of supplies for the armies operatingon the Mississippi and its tributaries. The commander of the post wasmore a forwarding agent than a military officer. The only steamers atthe levee were loading for the armies. Cairo was a map of busy, muddylife. The opening year found Cairo exulting in its deep and all-pervadingmud. There was mud everywhere. Levee, sidewalks, floors, windows, tables, bed-clothing, all werecovered with it. On the levee it varied from six to thirty inchesin depth. The luckless individual whose duties obliged him to makefrequent journeys from the steamboat landing to the principal hotel, became intimately acquainted with its character. Sad, unfortunate, derided Cairo! Your visitors depart with unpleasantmemories. Only your inhabitants, who hold titles to corner lots, speakloudly in your praise. When it rains, and sometimes when it does not, your levee is unpleasant to walk upon. Your sidewalks are dangerous, and your streets are unclean. John Phenix declared you destitute ofhonesty. Dickens asserted that your physical and moral foundationswere insecurely laid. Russell did not praise you, and Trollope utteredmuch to your discredit. Your musquitos are large, numerous, andhungry. Your atmosphere does not resemble the spicy breezes that blowsoft o'er Ceylon's isle. Your energy and enterprise are commendable, and your geographical location is excellent, but you can never becomea rival to Saratoga or Newport. Cairo is built in a basin formed by constructing a levee to inclosethe peninsula at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Before the erection of the levee, this peninsula was overflowed by therise of either river. Sometimes, in unusual floods, the waters reachthe top of the embankment, and manage to fill the basin. At thetime of my visit, the Ohio was rising rapidly. The inhabitants werealarmed, as the water was gradually gaining upon them. After a time ittook possession of the basin, enabling people to navigate the streetsand front yards in skiffs, and exchange salutations from house-topsor upper windows. Many were driven from their houses by the flood, andforced to seek shelter elsewhere. In due time the waters receded andthe city remained unharmed. It is not true that a steamer was lost inconsequence of running against a chimney of the St. Charles Hotel. Cairo has prospered during the war, and is now making an effortto fill her streets above the high-water level, and insure a dryfoundation at all seasons of the year. This once accomplished, Cairowill become a city of no little importance. Proceeding up the Tennessee, I reached Pittsburg Landing three daysafter the great battle which has made that locality famous. The history of that battle has been many times written. Officialreports have given the dry details, --the movements of division, brigade, regiment, and battery, all being fully portrayed. A fewjournalists who witnessed it gave the accounts which were circulatedeverywhere by the Press. The earliest of these was published by _TheHerald. _ The most complete and graphic was that of Mr. Reid, of _TheCincinnati Gazette. _ Officers, soldiers, civilians, all with greateror less experience, wrote what they had heard and seen. So diversehave been the statements, that a general officer who was prominent inthe battle, says he sometimes doubts if he was present. In the official accounts there have been inharmonious deductions, andmany statements of a contradictory character. Some of the participantshave criticised unfavorably the conduct of others, and a bitternesscontinuing through and after the war has been the result. In February of 1862, the Rebels commenced assembling an army atCorinth. General Beauregard was placed in command. Early in March, Price and Van Dorn were ordered to take their commands to Corinth, as their defeat at Pea Ridge had placed them on the defensive againstGeneral Curtis. General A. S. Johnston had moved thither, after theevacuation of Bowling Green, Kentucky, and from all quartersthe Rebels were assembling a vast army. General Johnston becamecommander-in-chief on his arrival. General Halleck, who then commanded the Western Department, orderedGeneral Grant, after the capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, to moveto Pittsburg Landing, and seize that point as a base against Corinth. General Buell, with the Army of the Ohio, was ordered to join him fromNashville, and with other re-enforcements we would be ready to takethe offensive. Owing to the condition of the roads, General Buell moved very slowly, so that General Grant was in position at Pittsburg Landing severaldays before the former came up. This was the situation at thebeginning of April; Grant encamped on the bank of the Tennesseenearest the enemy, and Buell slowly approaching the opposite bank. Itwas evidently the enemy's opportunity to strike his blow before ourtwo armies should be united. On the 4th of April, the Rebels prepared to move from Corinth toattack General Grant's camp, but, on account of rain, they delayedtheir advance till the morning of the 6th. At daylight of the 6th ourpickets were driven in, and were followed by the advance of the Rebelarmy. The division whose camp was nearest to Corinth, and therefore thefirst to receive the onset of the enemy, was composed of the newesttroops in the army. Some of the regiments had received their arms lessthan two weeks before. The outposts were not sufficiently far fromcamp to allow much time for getting under arms after the firstencounter. A portion of this division was attacked before it couldform, but its commander, General Prentiss, promptly rallied his men, and made a vigorous fight. He succeeded, for a time, in staying theprogress of the enemy, but the odds against him were too great. Whenhis division was surrounded and fighting was no longer of use, hesurrendered his command. At the time of surrender he had little morethan a thousand men remaining out of a division six thousand strong. Five thousand were killed, wounded, or had fled to the rear. General Grant had taken no precautions against attack. Thevedettes were but a few hundred yards from our front, and we had nobreast-works of any kind behind which to fight. The newest and leastreliable soldiers were at the point where the enemy would make hisfirst appearance. The positions of the various brigades and divisionswere taken, more with reference to securing a good camping-ground, than for purposes of strategy. General Grant showed himself a soldierin the management of the army after the battle began, and he has sinceachieved a reputation as the greatest warrior of the age. Like theoculist who spoiled a hatful of eyes in learning to operate for thecataract, he improved his military knowledge by his experience atShiloh. Never afterward did he place an army in the enemy's countrywithout making careful provision against assault. One division, under General Wallace, was at Crump's Landing, six milesbelow the battle-ground, and did not take part in the action till thefollowing day. The other divisions were in line to meet the enemy soonafter the fighting commenced on General Prentiss's front, and made astubborn resistance to the Rebel advance. The Rebels well knew they would have no child's play in that battle. They came prepared for hot, terrible work, in which thousands of menwere to fall. The field attests our determined resistance; it atteststheir daring advance. A day's fighting pushed us slowly, but steadily, toward the Tennessee. Our last line was formed less than a half milefrom its bank. Sixty pieces of artillery composed a grand battery, against which the enemy rushed. General Grant's officers claim thatthe enemy received a final check when he attacked that line. TheRebels claim that another hour of daylight, had we received nore-enforcements, would have seen our utter defeat. Darkness and afresh division came to our aid. General Buell was to arrive at Savannah, ten miles below Pittsburg, and on the opposite bank of the river, on the morning of the 6th. Onthe evening of the 5th, General Grant proceeded to Savannah to meethim, and was there when the battle began on the following morning. His boat was immediately headed for Pittsburg, and by nine o'clockthe General was on the battle-field. From that time, the engagementreceived his personal attention. When he started from Savannah, someof General Buell's forces were within two miles of the town. They werehurried forward as rapidly as possible, and arrived at Pittsburg, someby land and others by water, in season to take position on our left, just as the day was closing. Others came up in the night, and formed apart of the line on the morning of the 7th. General Nelson's Division was the first to cross the river and formon the left of Grant's shattered army. As he landed, Nelson rode amongthe stragglers by the bank and endeavored to rally them. Hailing acaptain of infantry, he told him to get his men together and fall intoline. The captain's face displayed the utmost terror. "My regimentis cut to pieces, " was the rejoinder; "every man of my company iskilled. " "Then why ain't you killed, too, you d----d coward?" thundered Nelson. "Gather some of these stragglers and go back into the battle. " The man obeyed the order. [Illustration: NELSON CROSSING THE TENNESSEE RIVER. ] General Nelson reported to General Grant with his division, receivedhis orders, and then dashed about the field, wherever his presence wasneeded. The division was only slightly engaged before night came onand suspended the battle. At dawn on the second day the enemy lay in the position it held Whendarkness ended the fight. The gun-boats had shelled the woods duringthe night, and prevented the Rebels from reaching the river on ourleft. A creek and ravine prevented their reaching it on the right. None of the Rebels stood on the bank of the Tennessee River on thatoccasion, except as prisoners of war. As they had commenced the attack on the 6th, it was our turn to beginit on the 7th. A little past daylight we opened fire, and the freshtroops on the left, under General Buell, were put in motion. TheRebels had driven us on the 6th, so we drove them on the 7th. By noonof that day we held the ground lost on the day previous. The camps which the enemy occupied during the night were comparativelyuninjured, so confident were the Rebels that our defeat was assured. It was the arrival of General Buell's army that saved us. The historyof that battle, as the Rebels have given it, shows that they expectedto overpower General Grant before General Buell could come up. Theywould then cross the Tennessee, meet and defeat Buell, and recaptureNashville. The defeat of these two armies would have placed the Valleyof the Ohio at the command of the Rebels. Louisville was to have beenthe next point of attack. The dispute between the officers of the Army of the Tennessee andthose of the Army of the Ohio is not likely to be terminated untilthis generation has passed away. The former contend that the Rebelswere repulsed on the evening of the 6th of April, before the Army ofthe Ohio took part in the battle. The latter are equally earnest indeclaring that the Army of the Tennessee would have been defeated hadnot the other army arrived. Both parties sustain their arguments bystatements in proof, and by positive assertions. I believe it is thegeneral opinion of impartial observers, that the salvation of GeneralGrant's army is due to the arrival of the army of General Buell. Withthe last attack on the evening of the 6th, in which our batteriesrepulsed the Rebels, the enemy did not retreat. Night came as thefighting ceased. Beauregard's army slept where it had fought, andgave all possible indication of a readiness to renew the battle on thefollowing day. So near was it to the river that our gun-boats threwshells during the night to prevent our left wing being flanked. Beauregard is said to have sworn to water his horse in the Tennessee, or in Hell, on that night. It is certain that the animal did notquench his thirst in the terrestrial stream. If he drank from springsbeyond the Styx, I am not informed. CHAPTER XV. SHILOH AND THE SIEGE OF CORINTH. The Error of the Rebels. --Story of a Surgeon. --Experience of aRebel Regiment. --Injury to the Rebel Army. --The Effect in our ownLines. --Daring of a Color-Bearer. --A Brave Soldier. --A Drummer-Boy'sExperience. --Gallantry of an Artillery Surgeon. --A Regiment Commandedby a Lieutenant. --Friend Meeting Friend and Brother Meeting Brotherin the Opposing Lines. --The Scene of the Battle. --Fearful Tracesof Musketry-Fire. --The Wounded. --The Labor of the SanitaryCommission. --Humanity a Yankee Trick. --Besieging Corinth. --ACold-Water Battery. --Halleck and the Journalists. --Occupation ofCorinth. The fatal error of the Rebels, was their neglect to attack on the 4th, as originally intended. They were informed by their scouts that Buellcould not reach Savannah before the 9th or 10th; and therefore a delayof two days would not change the situation. Buell was nearer than theysupposed. The surgeon of the Sixth Iowa Infantry fell into the enemy's handsearly on the morning of the first day of the battle, and established ahospital in our abandoned camp. His position was at a small log-houseclose by the principal road. Soon after he took possession, theenemy's columns began to file past him, as they pressed our army. Thesurgeon says he noticed a Louisiana regiment that moved into battleeight hundred strong, its banners flying and the men elated at theprospect of success. About five o'clock in the afternoon this regimentwas withdrawn, and went into bivouac a short distance from thesurgeon's hospital. It was then less than four hundred strong, but thespirit of the men was still the same. On the morning of the 7th, it once more went into battle. About noon it came out, less than ahundred strong, pressing in retreat toward Corinth. The men stillclung to their flag, and declared their determination to be avenged. The story of this regiment was the story of many others. Shattered anddisorganized, their retreat to Corinth had but little order. Only thesplendid rear-guard, commanded by General Bragg, saved them from utterconfusion. The Rebels admitted that many of their regiments wereunable to produce a fifth of their original numbers, until a weekor more after the battle. The stragglers came in slowly from thesurrounding country, and at length enabled the Rebels to estimatetheir loss. There were many who never returned to answer at roll-call. In our army, the disorder was far from small. Large numbers ofsoldiers wandered for days about the camps, before they couldascertain their proper locations. It was fully a week, before allwere correctly assigned. We refused to allow burying parties from theRebels to come within our lines, preferring that they should notsee the condition of our camp. Time was required to enable us torecuperate. I presume the enemy was as much in need of time asourselves. A volume could be filled with the stories of personal valor duringthat battle. General Lew Wallace says his division was, at a certaintime, forming on one side of a field, while the Rebels were on theopposite side. The color-bearer of a Rebel regiment stepped in frontof his own line, and waved his flag as a challenge to the color-bearerthat faced him. Several of our soldiers wished to meet the challenge, but their officers forbade it. Again the Rebel stepped forward, andplanted his flag-staff in the ground. There was no response, and againand again he advanced, until he had passed more than half the distancebetween the opposing lines. Our fire was reserved in admiration of theman's daring, as he stood full in view, defiantly waving his banner. At last, when the struggle between the divisions commenced, it wasimpossible to save him, and he fell dead by the side of his colors. On the morning of the second day's fighting, the officers of one ofour gun-boats saw a soldier on the river-bank on our extreme left, assisting another soldier who was severely wounded. A yawl was sent tobring away the wounded man and his companion. As it touched the sideof the gun-boat on its return, the uninjured soldier asked to be sentback to land, that he might have further part in the battle. "I have, "said he, "been taking care of this man, who is my neighbor at home. Hewas wounded yesterday morning, and I have been by his side ever since. Neither of us has eaten any thing for thirty hours, but, if you willtake good care of him, I will not stop now for myself. I want to getinto the battle again at once. " The man's request was complied with. Iregret my inability to give his name. A drummer-boy of the Fifteenth Iowa Infantry was wounded five timesduring the first day's battle, but insisted upon going out on thesecond day. He had hardly started before he fainted from loss ofblood, and was left to recover and crawl back to the camp. Colonel Sweeney, of the Fifty-second Illinois Infantry, who lost anarm in Mexico and was wounded in the leg at Wilson Creek, received awound in his arm on the first day of the battle. He kept his saddle, though he was unable to use his arm, and went to the hospital afterthe battle was over. When I saw him he was venting his indignationat the Rebels, because they had not wounded him in the stump ofhis amputated arm, instead of the locality which gave him so muchinconvenience. It was this officer's fortune to be wounded on nearlyevery occasion when he went into battle. During the battle, Dr. Cornyn, surgeon of Major Cavender's battalionof Missouri Artillery, saw a section of a battery whose commander hadbeen killed. The doctor at once removed the surgeon's badge from hishat and the sash from his waist, and took command of the guns. Heplaced them in position, and for several hours managed them with goodeffect. He was twice wounded, though not severely. "I was determinedthey should not kill or capture me as a surgeon when I had chargeof that artillery, " said the doctor afterward, "and so removed everything that marked my rank. " The Rebels made some very desperate charges against our artillery, andlost heavily in each attack. Once they actually laid their hands onthe muzzles of two guns in Captain Stone's battery, but were unable tocapture them. General Hurlbut stated that his division fought all day on Sunday withheavy loss, but only one regiment broke. When he entered the battleon Monday morning, the Third Iowa Infantry was commanded by afirst-lieutenant, all the field officers and captains having beendisabled or captured. Several regiments were commanded by captains. Colonel McHenry, of the Seventeenth Kentucky, said his regiment foughta Kentucky regiment which was raised in the county where his own wasorganized. The fight was very fierce. The men frequently called outfrom one to another, using taunting epithets. Two brothers recognizedeach other at the same moment, and came to a tree midway between thelines, where they conversed for several minutes. The color-bearer of the Fifty-second Illinois was wounded early in thebattle. A man who was under arrest for misdemeanor asked the privilegeof carrying the colors. It was granted, and he behaved so admirablythat he was released from arrest as soon as the battle was ended. General Halleck arrived a week after the battle, and commenced areorganization of the army. He found much confusion consequent uponthe battle. In a short time the army was ready to take the offensive. We then commenced the advance upon Corinth, in which we were sixweeks moving twenty-five miles. When our army first took positionat Pittsburg Landing, and before the Rebels had effected theirconcentration, General Grant asked permission to capture Corinth. He felt confident of success, but was ordered not to bring on anengagement under any circumstances. Had the desired permission beengiven, there is little doubt he would have succeeded, and thus avoidedthe necessity of the battle of Shiloh. The day following my arrival at Pittsburg Landing I rode over thebattle-field. The ground was mostly wooded, the forest being onein which artillery could be well employed, but where cavalry wascomparatively useless. The ascent from the river was up a steep bluffthat led to a broken table-ground, in which there were many ravines, generally at right angles to the river. On this table-ground our campswere located, and it was there the battle took place. Everywhere the trees were scarred and shattered, telling, as plainlyas by words, of the shower of shot, shell, and bullets, that hadfallen upon them. Within rifle range of the river, stood a treemarked by a cannon-shot, showing how much we were pressed back onthe afternoon of the 6th. From the moment the crest of the bluff wasgained, the traces of battle were apparent. In front of the line where General Prentiss's Division fought, therewas a spot of level ground covered with a dense growth of small trees. The tops of these trees were from twelve to fifteen feet high, and hadbeen almost mowed off by the shower of bullets which passed throughthem. I saw no place where there was greater evidence of severe work. There was everywhere full proof that the battle was a determined one. Assailant and defendant had done their best. It was a ride of five miles among scarred trees, over ground cut bythe wheels of guns and caissons, among shattered muskets, disabledcannon, broken wagons, and all the heavier débris of battle. Everywhere could be seen torn garments, haversacks, and other personalequipments of soldiers. There were tents where the wounded had beengathered, and where those who could not easily bear movement to thetransports were still remaining. In every direction I moved, therewere the graves of the slain, the National and the Rebel soldiersbeing buried side by side. Few of the graves were marked, as thehurry of interment had been great. I fear that many of those graves, undesignated and unfenced, have long since been leveled. A singleyear, with its rain and its rank vegetation, would leave but a smalltrace of those mounds. All through that forest the camps of our army were scattered. Duringthe first few days after the battle they showed much irregularity, butgradually took a more systematic shape. When the wounded had beensent to the transports, the regiments compacted, the camps clearedof superfluous baggage and _matériel_, and the weather became morepropitious, the army assumed an attractive appearance. When the news of the battle reached the principal cities of the West, the Sanitary Commission prepared to send relief. Within twenty-fourhours, boats were dispatched from St. Louis and Cincinnati, andhurried to Pittsburg Landing with the utmost rapidity. The battle hadnot been altogether unexpected, but it found us without the properpreparation. Whatever we had was pushed forward without delay, and thesufferings of the wounded were alleviated as much as possible. As fast as the boats arrived they were loaded with wounded, and sentto St. Louis and other points along the Mississippi, or to Cincinnatiand places in its vicinity. Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati werethe principal points represented in this work of humanity. Manyprominent ladies of those cities passed week after week in thehospitals or on the transports, doing every thing in their power, andgiving their attention to friend and foe alike. In all cases the Rebels were treated with the same kindness that ourown men received. Not only on the boats, but in the hospitals wherethe wounded were distributed, and until they were fully recovered, oursuffering prisoners were faithfully nursed. The Rebel papers afterwardadmitted this kind treatment, but declared it was a Yankee trick towin the sympathies of our prisoners, and cause them to abandon theinsurgent cause. The men who systematically starved their prisoners, and deprived them of shelter and clothing, could readily suspect thehumanity of others. They were careful never to attempt to kill bykindness, those who were so unfortunate as to fall into their hands. It was three weeks after the battle before all the wounded were sentaway, and the army was ready for offensive work. When we were oncemore in fighting trim, our lines were slowly pushed forward. GeneralPope had been called from the vicinity of Fort Pillow, after hiscapture of Island Number Ten, and his army was placed in positionon the left of the line already formed. When our advance began, wemustered a hundred and ten thousand men. Exclusive of those who do nottake part in a battle, we could have easily brought eighty thousandmen into action. We began the siege of Corinth with every confidencein our ability to succeed. In this advance, we first learned how an army should intrenchitself. Every time we took a new position, we proceeded to throwup earth-works. Before the siege was ended, our men had perfectedthemselves in the art of intrenching. The defenses we erected willlong remain as monuments of the war in Western Tennessee. SinceGeneral Halleck, no other commander has shown such ability to fortifyin an open field against an enemy that was acting on the defensive. It was generally proclaimed that we were to capture Corinth with allits garrison of sixty or seventy thousand men. The civilian observerscould not understand how this was to be accomplished, as the Rebelshad two lines of railway open for a safe retreat. It was like the oldstory of "bagging Price" in Missouri. Every part of the bag, exceptthe top and one side, was carefully closed and closely watched. Unmilitary men were skeptical, but the military heads assured them itwas a piece of grand strategy, which the public must not be allowed tounderstand. During the siege, there was very little for a journalist to record. One day was much like another. Occasionally there would be a collisionwith the enemy's pickets, or a short struggle for a certain position, usually ending in our possession of the disputed point. The battle ofFarmington, on the left of our line, was the only engagement worthythe name, and this was of comparatively short duration. Twenty-fourhours after it transpired we ceased to talk about it, and made onlyoccasional reference to the event. There were four weeks of monotony. An advance of a half mile daily was not calculated to excite thenerves. The chaplains and the surgeons busied themselves in looking afterthe general health of the army. One day, a chaplain, noted for hisadvocacy of total abstinence, passed the camp of the First MichiganBattery. This company was raised in Coldwater, Michigan, and thecamp-chests, caissons, and other property were marked "Loomis'sColdwater Battery. " The chaplain at once sought Captain Loomis, andpaid a high compliment to his moral courage in taking a firm and noblestand in favor of temperance. After the termination of the interview, the captain and several friends drank to the long life of the chaplainand the success of the "Coldwater Battery. " Toward the end of the siege, General Halleck gave the journalists asensation, by expelling them from his lines. The representatives ofthe Press held a meeting, and waited upon that officer, after theappearance of the order requiring their departure. They offered aprotest, which was insolently rejected. We could not ascertain GeneralHalleck's purpose in excluding us just as the campaign was closing, but concluded he desired we should not witness the end of the siegein which so much had been promised and so little accomplished. A weekafter our departure, General Beauregard evacuated Corinth, and ourarmy took possession. The fruits of the victory were an empty village, a few hundred stragglers, and a small quantity of war _matériel_. From Corinth the Rebels retreated to Tupelo, Mississippi, wherethey threw up defensive works. The Rebel Government censured GeneralBeauregard for abandoning Corinth. The evacuation of that pointuncovered Memphis, and allowed it to fall into our hands. Beauregard was removed from command. General Joseph E. Johnston wasassigned to duty in his stead. This officer proceeded to reorganizehis army, with a view to offensive operations against our lines. He made no demonstrations of importance until the summer months hadpassed away. The capture of Corinth terminated the offensive portion of thecampaign. Our army occupied the line of the Memphis and CharlestonRailway from Corinth to Memphis, and made a visit to Holly Springswithout encountering the enemy. A few cavalry expeditions were madeinto Mississippi, but they accomplished nothing of importance. TheArmy of the Tennessee went into summer-quarters. The Army of the Ohio, under General Buell, returned to its proper department, to confrontthe Rebel armies then assembling in Eastern Tennessee. General Halleckwas summoned to Washington as commander-in-chief of the armies of theUnited States. CHAPTER XVI. CAPTURE OF FORT PILLOW AND BATTLE OF MEMPHIS. The Siege of Fort Pillow. --General Pope. --His Reputation for Veracity. --Capture of the "Ten Thousand. "--Naval Battle above Fort Pillow. --TheJohn II. Dickey. --Occupation of the Fort. --General Forrest. --Strengthof the Fortifications. --Their Location. --Randolph, Tennessee. --Memphisand her Last Ditch. --Opening of the Naval Combat. --Gallant Actionof Colonel Ellet. --Fate of the Rebel Fleet. --The People Viewing theBattle. --Their Conduct. While I was tarrying at Cairo, after the exodus of the journalistsfrom the army before Corinth, the situation on the Mississippi becameinteresting. After the capture of Island Number Ten, General Pope wasordered to Pittsburg Landing with his command. When called away, hewas preparing to lay siege to Fort Pillow, in order to open the riverto Memphis. His success at Island Number Ten had won him much credit, and he was anxious to gain more of the same article. Had he taken FortPillow, he would have held the honor of being the captor of Memphis, as that city must have fallen with the strong fortifications whichserved as its protection. The capture of Island Number Ten was marked by the only instance of asuccessful canal from one bend of the Mississippi to another. As soonas the channel was completed, General Pope took his transports belowthe island, ready for moving his men. Admiral Foote tried the firstexperiment of running his gun-boats past the Rebel batteries, and wascompletely successful. The Rebel transports could not escape, neithercould transports or gun-boats come up from Memphis to remove the Rebelarmy. There was a lake in the rear of the Rebels which prevented theirretreat. The whole force, some twenty-eight hundred, was surrendered, with all its arms and munitions of war. General Pope reported hiscaptures somewhat larger than they really were, and received muchapplause for his success. The reputation of this officer, on the score of veracity, has not beenof the highest character. After he assumed command in Virginia, his"Order Number Five" drew upon him much ridicule. Probably the storyof the capture of ten thousand prisoners, after the occupation ofCorinth, has injured him more than all other exaggerations combined. The paternity of that choice bit of romance belongs to GeneralHalleck, instead of General Pope. Colonel Elliott, who commandedthe cavalry expedition, which General Pope sent out when Corinthwas occupied, forwarded a dispatch to Pope, something like thefollowing:-- "I am still pursuing the enemy. The woods are full of stragglers. Someof my officers estimate their number as high as ten thousand. Manyhave already come into my lines. " [Illustration: THE CARONDELET RUNNING THE BATTERIES AT ISLAND NO. 10] Pope sent this dispatch, without alteration, to General Halleck. Fromthe latter it went to the country that "General Pope reported tenthousand prisoners captured below Corinth. " It served to cover upthe barrenness of the Corinth occupation, and put the public ingood-humor. General Halleck received credit for the success of hisplans. When it came out that no prisoners of consequence had beentaken, the real author of the story escaped unharmed. At the time of his departure to re-enforce the army before Corinth, General Pope left but a single brigade of infantry, to act inconjunction with our naval forces in the siege of Fort Pillow. Thisbrigade was encamped on the Arkansas shore opposite Fort Pillow, anddid some very effective fighting against the musquitos, which thatcountry produces in the greatest profusion. An attack on the fort, with such a small force, was out of the question, and the principalaggressive work was done by the navy at long range. On the 10th of May, the Rebel fleet made an attack upon our navy, in which they sunk two of our gun-boats, the _Mound City_ and the_Cincinnati_, and returned to the protection of Fort Pillow with oneof their own boats disabled, and two others somewhat damaged. Oursunken gun-boats were fortunately in shoal water, where they werespeedily raised and repaired. Neither fleet had much to boast of asthe result of that engagement. The journalists who were watching Fort Pillow, had their head-quarterson board the steamer _John H. Dickey_, which was anchored inmidstream. At the time of the approach of the Rebel gun-boats, the_Dickey_ was lying without sufficient steam to move her wheels, andthe prospect was good that she might be captured or destroyed. Hercommander, Captain Mussleman, declared he was _not_ in that place tostop cannon-shot, and made every exertion to get his boat in conditionto move. His efforts were fully appreciated by the journalists, particularly as they were successful. The _Dickey_, under the samecaptain, afterward ran a battery near Randolph, Tennessee, and thoughpierced in every part by cannon-shot and musket-balls, she escapedwithout any loss of life. As soon as the news of the evacuation of Corinth was received atCairo, we looked for the speedy capture of Fort Pillow. Accordingly, on the 4th of June, I proceeded down the river, arriving off FortPillow on the morning of the 5th. The Rebels had left, as we expected, after spiking their guns and destroying most of their ammunition. Thefirst boat to reach the abandoned fort was the _Hetty Gilmore_, one ofthe smallest transports in the fleet. She landed a little party, whichtook possession, hoisted the flag, and declared the fort, and all itcontained, the property of the United States. The Rebels were, by thistime, several miles distant, in full retreat to a safer location. It was at this same fort, two years later, that the Rebel GeneralForrest ordered the massacre of a garrison that had surrendered aftera prolonged defense. His only plea for this cold-blooded slaughter, was that some of his men had been fired upon after the white flag wasraised. The testimony in proof of this barbarity was fully conclusive, and gave General Forrest and his men a reputation that no honorablesoldier could desire. In walking through the fort after its capture, I was struck by itsstrength and extent. It occupied the base of a bluff near the water'sedge. On the summit of the bluff there were breast-works running in azigzag course for five or six miles, and inclosing a large area. The works along the river were very strong, and could easily hold apowerful fleet at bay. From Fort Pillow to Randolph, ten miles lower down, was less than anhour's steaming. Randolph was a small, worthless village, partly atthe base of a bluff, and partly on its summit. Here the Rebels haderected a powerful fort, which they abandoned when they abandonedFort Pillow. The inhabitants expressed much agreeable astonishmenton finding that we did not verify all the statements of the Rebels, concerning the barbarity of the Yankees wherever they set foot onSouthern soil. The town was most bitterly disloyal. It was afterwardburned, in punishment for decoying a steamboat to the landing, andthen attempting her capture and destruction. A series of blackenedchimneys now marks the site of Randolph. Our capture of these points occurred a short time after the Rebelsissued the famous "cotton-burning order, " commanding all planters toburn their cotton, rather than allow it to fall into our hands. Thepeople showed no particular desire to comply with the order, exceptin a few instances. Detachments of Rebel cavalry were sent to enforceobedience. They enforced it by setting fire to the cotton in presenceof its owners. On both banks of the river, as we moved from Randolphto Memphis, we could see the smoke arising from plantations, or fromsecluded spots in the forest where cotton had been concealed. In manycases the bales were broken open and rolled into the river, dottingthe stream with floating cotton. Had it then possessed the value thatattached to it two years later, I fear there would have been manyattempts to save it for transfer to a Northern market. On the day before the evacuation of Fort Pillow, Memphis determinedshe would never surrender. In conjunction with other cities, shefitted up several gun-boats, that were expected to annihilate theYankee fleet. In the event of the failure of this means of defense, the inhabitants were pledged to do many dreadful things beforesubmitting to the invaders. Had we placed any confidence in theresolutions passed by the Memphians, we should have expected all thedenizens of the Bluff City to commit _hari-kari_, after first settingfire to their dwellings. On the morning of the 6th of June, the Rebel gun-boats, eight innumber, took their position just above Memphis, and prepared for theadvance of our fleet. The Rebel boats were the _Van Dorn_ (flag-ship), _General Price_, _General Bragg_, _General Lovell_, _Little Rebel_, _Jeff. Thompson_, _Sumter_, and _General Beauregard_. The _GeneralBragg_ was the New Orleans and Galveston steamer _Mexico_ in formerdays, and had been strengthened, plated, and, in other ways made aseffective as possible for warlike purposes. The balance of the fleetconsisted of tow-boats from the Lower Mississippi, fitted up as ramsand gun-boats. They were supplied with very powerful engines, andwere able to choose their positions in the battle. The Rebel fleet wascommanded by Commodore Montgomery, who was well known to many personson our own boats. The National boats were the iron-clads _Benton, Carondelet, St. Louis, Louisville_, and _Cairo_. There was also the ram fleet, commanded byColonel Ellet. It comprised the _Monarch, Queen of the West, Lioness, Switzerland, Mingo, Lancaster No. 3, Fulton, Horner_, and _Samson_. The _Monarch_ and _Queen of the West_ were the only boats of theram fleet that took part in the action. Our forces were commanded byFlag-officer Charles H. Davis, who succeeded Admiral Foote at the timeof the illness of the latter. The land forces, acting in conjunction with our fleet, consisted of asingle brigade of infantry, that was still at Fort Pillow. It did notarrive in the vicinity of Memphis until after the battle was over. Early in the morning the battle began. It was opened by the gun-boatson the Rebel side, and for some minutes consisted of a cannonade atlong range, in which very little was effected. Gradually the boatsdrew nearer to each other, and made better use of their guns. Before they arrived at close quarters the rams _Monarch_ and _Queenof the West_ steamed forward and engaged in the fight. Theirparticipation was most effective. The _Queen of the West_ struck anddisabled one of the Rebel gun-boats, and was herself disabled by theforce of the blow. The _Monarch_ steered straight for the _GeneralLovell_, and dealt her a tremendous blow, fairly in the side, just aftthe wheel. The sides of the _Lovell_ were crushed as if they had beenmade of paper, and the boat sank in less than three minutes, in a spotwhere the plummet shows a depth of ninety feet. Grappling with the _Beauregard_, the _Monarch_ opened upon her witha stream of hot water and a shower of rifle-balls, which effectuallyprevented the latter from using a gun. In a few moments she cast offand drifted a short distance down the river. Coming up on the otherside, the _Monarch_ dealt her antagonist a blow that left her in asinking condition. Herself comparatively uninjured, she paused toallow the gun-boats to take a part. Those insignificant and unwieldyrams had placed three of the enemy's gun-boats _hors de combat_ inless than a quarter of an hour's time. Our gun-boats ceased firing as the rams entered the fight; but theynow reopened. With shot and shell the guns were rapidly served. Theeffect was soon apparent. One Rebel boat was disabled and abandoned, after grounding opposite Memphis. A second was grounded and blown up, and two others were disabled, abandoned, and captured. It was a good morning's work. The first gun was fired at forty minutespast five o'clock, and the last at forty-three minutes past six. TheRebels boasted they would whip us before breakfast. We had taken nobreakfast when the fight began. After the battle was over we enjoyedour morning meal with a relish that does not usually accompany defeat. The following shows the condition of the two fleets after thebattle:-- _General Beauregard_, sunk. _General Lovell_, sunk. _General Price_, injured and captured. _Little Rebel_, " " " _Sumter_, " " " _General Bragg_, " " " _Jeff. Thompson_, burned. _General Van Dorn_, escaped. THE NATIONAL FLEET. _Benton_, unhurt. _Carondelet_, " _St. Louis_, " _Louisville_, " _Cairo_, " _Monarch_ (ram), unhurt. _Queen of the West_ (ram), disabled. The captured vessels were refitted, and, without alteration of names, attached to the National fleet. The _Sumter_ was lost a few monthslater, in consequence of running aground near the Rebel batteries inthe vicinity of Bayou Sara. The _Bragg_ was one of the best boatsin the service in point of speed, and proved of much value as adispatch-steamer on the lower portion of the river. The people of Memphis rose at an early hour to witness the navalcombat. It had been generally known during the previous night that thebattle would begin about sunrise. The first gun brought a large crowdto the bluff overlooking the river, whence a full view of the fightwas obtained. Some of the spectators were loyal, and wished success tothe National fleet, but the great majority were animated by a stronghope and expectation of our defeat. A gentleman, who was of the lookers-on, subsequently told me of theconduct of the populace. As a matter of course, the disloyalists hadall the conversation their own way. While they expressed their wishesin the loudest tones, no one uttered a word in opposition. Manyoffered wagers on the success of their fleet, and expressed areadiness to give large odds. No one dared accept these offers, astheir acceptance would have been an evidence of sympathy for theYankees. Americans generally, but particularly in the South, maketheir wagers as they hope or wish. In the present instance no man wasallowed to "copper" on the Rebel flotilla. CHAPTER XVII. IN MEMPHIS AND UNDER THE FLAG Jeff. Thompson and his Predictions. --A Cry of Indignation. --MemphisHumiliated. --The Journalists in the Battle. --The Surrender. --A FinePoint of Law and Honor. --Going on Shore. --An Enraged Secessionist. --ADangerous Enterprise. --Memphis and her Antecedents. --Her Loyalty. --AnAmusing Incident. --How the Natives learned of the Capture of FortDonelson. --The Last Ditch. --A Farmer-Abolitionist. --Disloyalty amongthe Women. --"Blessings in Disguise. "--An American Mark Tapley. The somewhat widely (though not favorably) known Rebel chieftain, Jeff. Thompson, was in Memphis on the day of the battle, and boastedof the easy victory the Rebels would have over the National fleet. "We will chaw them up in just an hour, " said Jeff. , as the battlebegan. "Are you sure of that?" asked a friend. "Certainly I am; there is no doubt of it. " Turning to a servant, hesent for his horse, in order, as he said, to be able to move aboutrapidly to the best points for witnessing the engagement. In an hour and three minutes the battle was over. Jeff, turned in hissaddle, and bade his friend farewell, saying he had a note falling duethat day at Holly Springs, and was going out to pay it. The "chawingup" of our fleet was not referred to again. As the _Monarch_ struck the _Lovell_, sinking the latter in deepwater, the crowd stood breathless. As the crew of the sunken boat werefloating helplessly in the strong current, and our own skiffs wereputting off to aid them, there was hardly a word uttered through allthat multitude. As the Rebel boats, one after another, were sunk orcaptured, the sympathies of the spectators found vent in words. When, at length, the last of the Rebel fleet disappeared, and the Unionflotilla spread its flags in triumph, there went up an almostuniversal yell of indignation from that vast crowd. Women tore theirbonnets from their heads, and trampled them on the ground; men stampedand swore as only infuriated Rebels can, and called for all knownmisfortunes to settle upon the heads of their invaders. The profanitywas not entirely monopolized by the men. This scene of confusion lasted for some time, and ended in anxiety toknow what we would do next. Some of the spectators turned away, andwent, in sullen silence, to their homes. Others remained, out ofcuriosity, to witness the end of the day's work. A few were secretlyrejoicing at the result, but the time had not come when they coulddisplay their sympathies. The crowd eagerly watched our fleet, andnoted every motion of the various boats. The press correspondents occupied various positions during theengagement. Mr. Coffin, of the Boston _Journal_, was on the tugbelonging to the flag-ship, and had a fine view of the whole affair. One of _The Herald_ correspondents was in the pilot-house of thegun-boat _Cairo_, while Mr. Colburn, of _The World_, was on thecaptured steamer _Sovereign_. "Junius, " of _The Tribune_, and Mr. Vizitelly, of the London _Illustrated News_, with several others, wereon the transport _Dickey_, the general rendezvous of the journalists. The representative of the St. Louis _Republican_ and myself wereon the _Platte Valley_, in rear of the line of battle. The _PlatteValley_ was the first private boat that touched the Memphis landingafter the capture of the city. The battle being over, we were anxious to get on shore and look at thepeople and city of Memphis. Shortly after the fighting ceased, ColonelEllet sent the ram _Lioness_, under a flag-of-truce, to demand thesurrender of the city. To this demand no response was given. A littlelater, Flag-Officer Davis sent the following note to the Mayor, at thehands of one of the officers of the gun-boat _Benton_:-- UNITED STATES FLAG-STEAMER BENTON, OFF MEMPHIS, _June_ 6, 1862. SIR:--I have respectfully to request that you will surrender the cityof Memphis to the authority of the United States, which I have thehonor to represent. I am, Mr. Mayor, with high respect, your mostobedient servant, C. H. DAVIS, _Flag-Officer Commanding_. To his Honor, the Mayor of Memphis. To this note the following reply was received:-- MAYOR'S OFFICE, MEMPHIS, _June_ 6, 1862. C. H. Davis, _Flag-Officer Commanding_: SIR:--Your note of this date is received and contents noted. In replyI have only to say that, as the civil authorities have no means ofdefense, by the force of circumstances the city is in your hands. Respectfully, John Park, _Mayor of Memphis_. At the meeting, four days before, the citizens of Memphis had solemnlypledged themselves never to surrender. There was a vague understandingthat somebody was to do a large amount of fighting, whenever Memphiswas attacked. If this fighting proved useless, the city was tobe fired in every house, and only abandoned after its completedestruction. It will be seen that the note of the mayor, in responseto a demand for surrender, vindicates the honor of Memphis. It merelyinforms the United States officer that the city has fallen "by theforce of circumstances. " Since that day I have frequently heard itscitizens boast that the place was not surrendered. "You came in, " saythey, "and took possession, but we did not give up to you. We declaredwe would never surrender, and we kept our word. " About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the transports arrived with ourinfantry, and attempted to make a landing. As their mooring-lines werethrown on shore they were seized by dozens of persons in the crowd, and the crews were saved the trouble of making fast. This was anevidence that the laboring class, the men with blue shirts and shabbyhats, were not disloyal. We had abundant evidence of this when ouroccupation became a fixed fact. It was generally the wealthy whoadhered to the Rebel cause. As a file of soldiers moved into the city, the people stood at arespectful distance, occasionally giving forth wordy expression oftheir anger. When I reached the office of _The Avalanche_, one ofthe leading journals of Memphis, and, of course, strongly disloyal, I found the soldiers removing a Rebel flag from the roof of thebuilding. The owner of the banner made a very vehement objection tothe proceeding. His indignation was so great that his friends wereobliged to hold him, to prevent his throwing himself on the bayonet ofthe nearest soldier. I saw him several days later, when his anger hadsomewhat cooled. He found relief from his troubles, before the end ofJune, by joining the Rebel army at Holly Springs. On the bluff above the levee was a tall flag-staff. The Rebels hadendeavored to make sure of their courage by nailing a flag to thetop of this staff. A sailor from one of the gun-boats volunteered toascend the staff and bring down the banner. When he had ascended abouttwenty feet, he saw two rifles bearing upon him from the window ofa neighboring building. The sailor concluded it was best to gono further, and descended at once. The staff was cut down and theobnoxious flag secured. With the city in our possession, we had leisure to look about us. Memphis had been in the West what Charleston was in the East: anactive worker in the secession cause. Her newspapers had teemed withabuse of every thing which opposed their heresy, and advocated themost summary measures. Lynching had been frequent and never rebuked, impressments were of daily and nightly occurrence, every foundery andmanufactory had been constantly employed by the Rebel authorities, andevery citizen had, in some manner, contributed to the insurrection. Itwas gratifying in the extreme to see the Memphis, of which we atCairo and St. Louis had heard so much, brought under our control. Thepicture of five United States gun-boats lying in line before the city, their ports open and their guns shotted, was pleasing in the eyes ofloyal men. Outside of the poorer classes there were some loyal persons, buttheir number was not large. There were many professing loyalty, who possessed very little of the article, and whose record had beenexceedingly doubtful. Prominent among these were the politicians, thanwhom none had been more self-sacrificing, if their own words could bebelieved. There were many men of this class ready, no doubt, to swear allegianceto the victorious side, who joined our standard because theyconsidered the Rebel cause a losing one. They may have becomeloyal since that time, but it has been only through the force ofcircumstances. In many cases our Government accepted their words asproof of loyalty, and granted these persons many exclusive privileges. It was a matter of comment that a newly converted loyalist couldobtain favors at the hands of Government officials, that would berefused to men from the North. The acceptance of office under theRebels, and the earnest advocacy he had shown for secession, weregenerally alleged to have taken place under compulsion, or in theinterest of the really loyal men. A Memphis gentleman gave me an amusing account of the reception of thenews of the fall of Fort Donelson. Many boasts had been made of theterrible punishment that was in store for our army, if it ventured anattack upon Fort Donelson. No one would be allowed to escape to tellthe tale. All were to be slaughtered, or lodged in Rebel prisons. Memphis was consequently waiting for the best tidings from theCumberland, and did not think it possible a reverse could come to theRebel cause. One Sunday morning, the telegraph, without any previous announcement, flashed the intelligence that Fort Donelson, with twelve thousand men, had surrendered, and a portion of General Grant's army was moving onNashville, with every prospect of capturing that city. Memphis was inconsternation. No one could tell how long the Yankee army would stopat Nashville before moving elsewhere, and it was certain that Memphiswas uncovered by the fall of Fort Donelson. My informant first learned the important tidings in the rotunda of theGayoso House. Seeing a group of his acquaintances with faces depictingthe utmost gloom, he asked what was the matter. "Bad enough, " said one. "Fort Donelson has surrendered with nearly allits garrison. " "That is terrible, " said my friend, assuming a look of agony, thoughhe was inwardly elated. "Yes, and the enemy are moving on Nashville. " "Horrible news, " was the response; "but let us not be too despondent. Our men are good for them, one against three, and they will never getout of Nashville alive, if they should happen to take it. " With another expression of deep sorrow at the misfortune which hadbefallen the Rebel army, this gentleman hastened to convey the gladnews to his friends. "I reached home, " said he, "locked my front door, called my wife and sister into the parlor, and instantly jumped overthe center-table. They both cried for joy when I told them the oldflag floated over Donelson. " The Secessionists in Memphis, like their brethren elsewhere, insistedthat all the points we had captured were given up because they had nofurther use for them. The evacuation of Columbus, Fort Pillow, FortHenry, and Bowling Green, with the surrender of Donelson, were partsof the grand strategy of the Rebel leaders, and served to lure us onto our destruction. They would never admit a defeat, but contended wehad invariably suffered. An uneducated farmer, on the route followed by one of our armies inTennessee, told our officers that a Rebel general and his staff hadtaken dinner with him during the retreat from Nashville. The farmerwas anxious to learn something about the military situation, and askeda Rebel major how the Confederate cause was progressing. "Splendidly, " answered the major. "We have whipped the Yankees inevery battle, and our independence will soon be recognized. " The farmer was thoughtful for a minute or two, and then deliberatelysaid: "I don't know much about war, but if we are always whipping theYankees, how is it they keep coming down into our country after everybattle?" The major grew red in the face, and told the farmer that any manwho asked such an absurd question was an Abolitionist, and deservedhanging to the nearest tree. The farmer was silenced, but notsatisfied. I had a fine illustration of the infatuation of the Rebelsympathizers, a few days after Memphis was captured. One evening, while making a visit at the house of an acquaintance, the hostessintroduced me to a young lady of the strongest secession proclivities. Of course, I endeavored to avoid the topics on which we were certainto differ, but my new acquaintance was determined to provoke adiscussion. With a few preliminaries, she throw out the question: "Now, don't you think the Southern soldiers have shown themselvesthe bravest people that ever lived, while the Yankees have proved thegreatest cowards?" "I can hardly agree with you, " I replied. "Your people have certainlyestablished a reputation on the score of bravery, but we can claimquite as much. " "But we have whipped you in every battle. We whipped you at Manassasand Ball's Bluff, and we whipped General Grant at Belmont. " "That is very true; but how was it at Shiloh?" "At Shiloh we whipped you; we drove you to your gun-boats, which wasall we wanted to do. " "Ah, I beg your pardon; but what is your impression of Fort Donelson?" "Fort Donelson!"--and my lady's cheek flushed with either pride orindignation--"Fort Donelson was an unquestioned victory for the South. We stopped your army--all we wanted to; and then General Forrest, General Floyd, and all the troops we wished to bring off, cameaway. We only left General Buckner and three thousand men for you tocapture. " "It seems, then, we labored under a delusion at the North. We thoughtwe had something to rejoice over when Fort Donelson fell. But, pray, what do you consider the capture of Island Number Ten and the navalbattle here?" "At Island Ten we defeated you" (how this was done she did not say), "and we were victorious here. You wanted to capture all our boats; butyou only got four of them, and those were damaged. " "In your view of the case, " I replied, "I admit the South to have beenalways victorious. Without wishing to be considered disloyal to theNation, I can heartily wish you many similar victories. " In the tour which Dickens records, Mark Tapley did not visit theSouthern country, but the salient points of his character arepossessed by the sons of the cavaliers. "Jolly" under the greatestmisfortunes, and extracting comfort and happiness from all calamities, your true Rebel could never know adversity. The fire which consumeshis dwelling is a personal boon, as he can readily explain. So isa devastating flood, or a widespread pestilence. The events whichnarrow-minded mudsills are apt to look upon as calamitous, are only"blessings in disguise" to every supporter and friend of the late"Confederacy. " CHAPTER XVIII. SUPERVISING A REBEL JOURNAL. The Press of Memphis. --Flight of _The Appeal_. --A FalsePrediction. --_The Argus_ becomes Loyal. --Order from GeneralWallace. --Installed in Office. --Lecturing the Rebels. --"Trade followsthe Flag. "--Abuses of Traffic. --Supplying the Rebels. --A PerilousAdventure. --Passing the Rebel Lines. --Eluding Watchful Eyes. On the morning of the 6th of June, the newspaper publishers, like mostother gentlemen of Memphis, were greatly alarmed. _The Avalanche_ and_The Argus_ announced that it was impossible for the Yankee fleet tocope successfully with the Rebels, and that victory was certain toperch upon the banners of the latter. The sheets were not dry beforethe Rebel fleet was a thing of the past. _The Appeal_ had not beenas hopeful as its contemporaries, and thought it the wisest course toabandon the city. It moved to Grenada, Mississippi, a hundred milesdistant, and resumed publication. It became a migratory sheet, and wasat last captured by General Wilson at Columbus, Georgia. In ability itranked among the best of the Rebel journals. _The Avalanche_ and _The Argus_ continued publication, with a strongleaning to the Rebel side. The former was interfered with by ourauthorities; and, under the name of _The Bulletin_, with new editorialmanagement, was allowed to reappear. _The Argus_ maintained its Rebelground, though with moderation, until the military hand fell upon it. Memphis, in the early days of our occupation, changed its commandernearly every week. One of these changes brought Major-General Wallaceinto the city. This officer thought it proper to issue the followingorder:-- HEAD-QUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, RESERVED CORPS, ARMY OF TENNESSEE, MEMPHIS, _June_ 17, 1862. EDITORS DAILY ARGUS:--As the closing of your office might be injuriousto you pecuniarily, I send two gentlemen--Messrs. A. D. Richardson andThos. W. Knox, both of ample experience--to take charge of theeditorial department of your paper. The business management of youroffice will be left to you. Very respectfully, LEWIS WALLACE, _General Third Division, Reserved Corps. _ The publishers of _The Argus_ printed this order at the head of theircolumns. Below it they announced that they were not responsible forany thing which should appear editorially, as long as the order was inforce. The business management and the general miscellaneous and newsmatter were not interfered with. Mr. Richardson and myself entered upon our new duties immediately. Wehad crossed the Plains together, had published a paper in the RockyMountains, had been through many adventures and perils side by side;but we had never before managed a newspaper in an insurrectionarydistrict. The publishers of _The Argus_ greeted us cordially, and ourwhole intercourse with them was harmonious. They did not relish theintrusion of Northern men into their office, to compel the insertionof Union editorials, but they bore the inconvenience with an excellentgrace. The foreman of the establishment displayed more mortificationat the change, than any other person whom we met. The editorials we published were of a positive character. We plainlyannounced the determination of the Government to assert itself and putdown and punish treason. We told the Memphis people that the schemeof partisan warfare, which was then in its inception, would workmore harm than good to the districts where guerrilla companies wereorganized. We insisted that the Union armies had entered Memphis andother parts of the South, to stay there, and that resistance totheir power was useless. We credited the Rebels with much bravery anddevotion to their cause, but asserted always that we had the right andthe strong arm in our favor. It is possible we did not make many conversions among the disloyalreaders of _The Argus_, but we had the satisfaction of saying whatwe thought it necessary they should hear. The publishers said theirsubscribers were rapidly falling off, on account of the change ofeditorial tone. Like newspaper readers everywhere, they disliked toperuse what their consciences did not approve. We received letters, generally from women, denying our right to control the columns of thepaper for our "base purposes. " Some of these letters were not writtenafter the style of Chesterfield, but the majority of them werecourteous. There were many jests in Memphis, and throughout the countrygenerally, concerning the appointment of representatives of _TheHerald_ and _The Tribune_ to a position where they must work together. _The Herald_ and _The Tribune_ have not been famous, in the pasttwenty years, for an excess of good-nature toward each other. Mr. Bennett and Mr. Greeley are not supposed to partake habitually of thesame dinners and wine, or to join in frequent games of billiardsand poker. The compliments which the two great dailies occasionallyexchange, are not calculated to promote an intimate friendship betweenthe venerable gentlemen whose names are so well known to the public. No one expects these veteran editors to emulate the example of Damonand Pythias. At the time Mr. Richardson and myself took charge of _The Argus, TheTribune_ and _The Herald_ were indulging in one of their well-knowndisputes. It was much like the Hibernian's debate, "with sticks, " andattracted some attention, though it was generally voted a nuisance. Many, who did not know us, imagined that the new editors of _TheArgus_ would follow the tendencies of the offices from which they borecredentials. Several Northern journals came to hand, in which thisbelief was expressed. A Chicago paper published two articles supposedto be in the same issue of _The Argus_, differing totally in everyline of argument or statement of fact. One editor argued that theharmonious occupancy of contiguous desks by the representativesof _The Herald_ and _The Tribune_, betokened the approach of themillennium. When he issued the order placing us in charge of _The Argus_, GeneralWallace assured its proprietors that he should remove the editorialsupervision as soon as a Union paper was established in Memphis. Thisevent occurred in a short time, and _The Argus_ was restored to itsoriginal management, according to promise. As soon as the capture of Memphis was known at the North, there was aneager scramble to secure the trade of the long-blockaded port. Severalboat-loads of goods were shipped from St. Louis and Cincinnati, andMemphis was so rapidly filled that the supply was far greater than thedemand. Army and Treasury regulations were soon established, and manyrestrictions placed upon traffic. The restrictions did not materiallydiminish the quantity of goods, but they served to throw the tradeinto a few hands, and thus open the way for much favoritism. Those whoobtained permits, thought the system an excellent one. Those who werekept "out in the cold, " viewed the matter in a different light. Athousand stories of dishonesty, official and unofficial, were inconstant circulation, and I fear that many of them came very near thetruth. In our occupation of cities along the Mississippi, the Rebels founda ready supply from our markets. This was especially the case atMemphis. Boots and shoes passed through the lines in great numbers, either by stealth or by open permit, and were taken at once to theRebel army. Cloth, clothing, percussion-caps, and similar articleswent in the same direction. General Grant and other prominent officersmade a strong opposition to our policy, and advised the suppression ofthe Rebellion prior to the opening of trade, but their protestationswere of no avail. We chastised the Rebels with one hand, while we fedand clothed them with the other. After the capture of Memphis, Colonel Charles R. Ellet, with two boatsof the ram fleet, proceeded to explore the river between Memphisand Vicksburg. It was not known what defenses the Rebels might haveconstructed along this distance of four hundred miles. Colonel Elletfound no hinderance to his progress, except a small field battery nearNapoleon, Arkansas. When a few miles above Vicksburg, he ascertainedthat a portion of Admiral Farragut's fleet was below that point, preparing to attack the city. He at once determined to opencommunication with the lower fleet. Opposite Vicksburg there is a long and narrow peninsula, around whichthe Mississippi makes a bend. It is a mile and a quarter across theneck of this peninsula, while it is sixteen miles around by the courseof the river. It was impossible to pass around by the Mississippi, on account of the batteries at Vicksburg. The Rebels were holding thepeninsula with a small force of infantry and cavalry, to prevent oureffecting a landing. By careful management it was possible to eludethe sentinels, and cross from one side of the peninsula to the other. Colonel Ellet armed himself to make the attempt. He took only afew documents to prove his identity as soon as he reached AdmiralFarragut. A little before daylight, one morning, he started on hisperilous journey. He waded through swamps, toiled among the thickundergrowth in a portion of the forest, was fired upon by a Rebelpicket, and narrowly escaped drowning in crossing a bayou. He wascompelled to make a wide detour, to avoid capture, and thus extendedhis journey to nearly a half-dozen miles. On reaching the bank opposite one of our gun-boats, he found a yawlnear the shore, by which he was promptly taken on board. The officersof this gun-boat suspected him of being a spy, and placed him underguard. It was not until the arrival of Admiral Farragut that his truecharacter became known. After a long interview with that officer he prepared to return. Heconcealed dispatches for the Navy Department and for Flag-OfficerDavis in the lining of his boots and in the wristbands of his shirt. Afile of marines escorted him as far as they could safely venture, andthen bade him farewell. Near the place where he had left his own boat, Colonel Ellet found a small party of Rebels, carefully watching froma spot where they could not be easily discovered. It was a matter ofsome difficulty to elude these men, but he did it successfully, andreached his boat in safety. He proceeded at once to Memphis with hisdispatches. Flag-Officer Davis immediately decided to co-operate withAdmiral Farragut, in the attempt to capture Vicksburg. Shortly after the capture of New Orleans, Admiral Farragut ascendedthe Mississippi as far as Vicksburg. At that time the defensive forcewas very small, and there were but few batteries erected. The Admiralfelt confident of his ability to silence the Rebel guns, but he wasunaccompanied by a land force to occupy the city after its capture. He was reluctantly compelled to return to New Orleans, and wait untiltroops could be spared from General Butler's command. The Rebelsimproved their opportunities, and concentrated a large force to putVicksburg in condition for defense. Heavy guns were brought fromvarious points, earth-works were thrown up on all sides, and the townbecame a vast fortification. When the fleet returned at the end ofJune, the Rebels were ready to receive it. Their strongest works wereon the banks of the Mississippi. They had no dread of an attack fromthe direction of Jackson, until long afterward. Vicksburg was the key to the possession of the Mississippi. The Rebelauthorities at Richmond ordered it defended as long as defense waspossible. CHAPTER XIX. THE FIRST SIEGE OF VICKSBURG. From Memphis to Vicksburg. --Running the Batteries. --Our Inabilityto take Vicksburg by Assault. --Digging a Canal. --A Conversation withResident Secessionists. --Their Arguments _pro_ and _con_, and theAnswers they Received. --A Curiosity of Legislation. --An Expedition upthe Yazoo. --Destruction of the Rebel Fleet. --The _Arkansas_ Runningthe Gauntlet. --A Spirited Encounter. --A Gallant Attempt. --Raising theSiege. --Fate of the _Arkansas_. On the 1st of July, I left Memphis with the Mississippi flotilla, andarrived above Vicksburg late on the following day. Admiral Farragut'sfleet attempted the passage of the batteries on the 28th of June. Aportion of the fleet succeeded in the attempt, under a heavy fire, and gained a position above the peninsula. Among the first to effecta passage was the flag-ship _Hartford_, with the "gallant oldsalamander" on board. The _Richmond, Iroquois_, and _Oneida_ werethe sloops-of-war that accompanied the _Hartford_. The _Brooklyn_ andother heavy vessels remained below. The history of that first siege of Vicksburg can be briefly told. Twenty-five hundred infantry, under General Williams, accompanied thefleet from New Orleans, with the design of occupying Vicksburg afterthe batteries had been silenced by our artillery. Most of the Rebelguns were located at such a height that it was found impossible toelevate our own guns so as to reach them. Thus the occupation byinfantry was found impracticable. The passage of the batteries wasfollowed by the bombardment, from the mortar-schooners of AdmiralFarragut's fleet and the mortar-rafts which Flag-Officer Davis hadbrought down. This continued steadily for several days, but Vicksburgdid not fall. A canal across the peninsula was proposed and commenced. The waterfell as fast as the digging progressed, and the plan of leavingVicksburg inland was abandoned for that time. Even had there beena flood in the river, the entrance to the canal was so located thatsuccess was impossible. The old steamboat-men laughed at the effortsof the Massachusetts engineer, to create a current in his canal bycommencing it in an eddy. Just as the canal project was agreed upon, I was present at aconversation between General Williams and several residents of thevicinity. The latter, fearing the channel of the river would bechanged, visited the general to protest against the carrying out ofhis plan. The citizens were six in number. They had selected no one to act astheir leader. Each joined in the conversation as he saw fit. After alittle preliminary talk, one of them said: "Are you aware, general, there is no law of the State allowing you tomake a cut-off, here?" "I am sorry to say, " replied General Williams, "I am not familiarwith the laws of Louisiana. Even if I were, I should not heed them. I believe Louisiana passed an act of secession. According to your ownshowing you have no claims on the Government now. " This disposed of that objection. There was some hesitation, evidentlyembarrassing to the delegation, but not to General Williams. Citizennumber one was silenced. Number two advanced an idea. "You may remember, General, that you will subject the parish ofMadison to an expenditure of ninety thousand dollars for new levees. " This argument disturbed General Williams no more than the first one. He promptly replied: "The parish of Madison gave a large majority in favor of secession;did it not?" "I believe it did, " was the faltering response. "Then you can learn that treason costs something. It will cost you farmore before the war is over. " Citizen number two said nothing more. It was the opportunity fornumber three to speak. "If this cut-off is made, it will ruin the trade of Vicksburg. It hasbeen a fine city for business, but this will spoil it. Boats will notbe able to reach the town, but will find all the current through theshort route. " "That is just what we want, " said the General. "We are digging thecanal for the very purpose of navigating the river without passingnear Vicksburg. " Number three went to the rear. Number four came forward. "If you make this cut-off, all these plantations will be carried away. You will ruin the property of many loyal men. " He was answered that loyal men would be paid for all property taken ordestroyed, as soon as their loyalty was proved. The fifth and last point in the protest was next advanced. It camefrom an individual who professed to practice law in De Soto township, and was as follows: "The charter of the Vicksburg and Shreveport Railroad is perpetual, and so declared by act of the Louisiana Legislature. No one has anyright to cut through the embankment. " "That is true, " was the quiet answer. "The Constitution of the UnitedStates is also a perpetual charter, which it was treason to violate. When you and your leaders have no hesitation at breaking nationalfaith, it is absurd to claim rights under the laws of a State whichyou deny to be in the Union. " This was the end of the delegation. Its members retired without havinggained a single point in their case. They were, doubtless, easier inmind when they ascertained, two weeks later, that the canal enterprisewas a failure. The last argument put forth on that occasion, to prevent the carryingout of our plans, is one of the curiosities of legislation. For a longtime there were many parties in Louisiana who wished the channelof the Mississippi turned across the neck of the peninsula oppositeVicksburg, thus shortening the river fifteen miles, at least, andrendering the plantations above, less liable to overflow. As Vicksburglay in another State, her interests were not regarded. She spent muchmoney in the corrupt Legislature of Louisiana to defeat the scheme. As a last resort, it was proposed to build a railway, with a perpetualcharter, from the end of the peninsula opposite Vicksburg, to somepoint in the interior. Much money was required. The capitalists ofVicksburg contributed the funds for lobbying the bill and commencingthe road. Up to the time when the Rebellion began, it was renderedcertain that no hand of man could legally turn the Mississippi acrossthat peninsula. The first siege of Vicksburg lasted but twenty days. Our fleet wasunable to silence the batteries, and our land force was not sufficientfor the work. During the progress of the siege, Colonel Ellet, withhis ram fleet, ascended the Yazoo River, and compelled the Rebels todestroy three of their gun-boats, the _Livingston, Polk_, and _VanDorn_, to prevent their falling into our hands. The _Van Dorn_ wasthe only boat that escaped, out of the fleet of eight Rebel gun-boatswhich met ours at Memphis on the 6th of June. At the time of making this expedition, Colonel Ellet learned thatthe famous ram gun-boat _Arkansas_ was completed, and nearly readyto descend the river. He notified Admiral Farragut and Flag-OfficerDavis, but they paid little attention to his warnings. This Rebel gun-boat, which was expected to do so much toward thedestruction of our naval forces on the Mississippi, was constructedat Memphis, and hurried from there in a partially finished condition, just before the capture of the city. She was towed to Yazoo City andthere completed. The _Arkansas_ was a powerful iron-clad steamer, mounting ten guns, and carrying an iron beak, designed for penetratingthe hulls of our gun-boats. Her engines were powerful, though theycould not be worked with facility at the time of her appearance. Hermodel, construction, armament, and propelling force, made her equal toany boat of our upper flotilla, and her officers claimed to have fullconfidence in her abilities. On the morning of the 15th of July, the _Arkansas_ emerged from theYazoo River, fifteen miles above Vicksburg. A short distance up thatstream she encountered two of our gun-boats, the _Carondelet_ and_Tyler_, and fought them until she reached our fleet at anchor aboveVicksburg. The _Carondelet_ was one of our mail-clad gun-boats, builtat St. Louis in 1861. The _Tyler_ was a wooden gun-boat, altered froman old transport, and was totally unfit for entering into battle. Bothwere perforated by the Rebel shell, the _Tyler_ receiving the largernumber. The gallantry displayed by Captain Gwin, her commander, wasworthy of special praise. Our fleet was at anchor four or five miles above Vicksburg--some ofthe vessels lying in midstream, while others were fastened to thebanks. The _Arkansas_ fired to the right and left as she passedthrough the fleet. Her shot disabled two of our boats, and slightlyinjured two or three others. She did not herself escape withoutdamage. Many of our projectiles struck her sides, but glanced into theriver. Two shells perforated her plating, and another entered aport, exploding over one of the guns. Ten men were killed and as manywounded. The _Arkansas_ was not actually disabled, but her commander declinedto enter into another action until she had undergone repairs. Shereached a safe anchorage under protection of the Vicksburg batteries. A few days later, a plan was arranged for her destruction. ColonelEllet, with the ram _Queen of the West_, was to run down and strikethe _Arkansas_ at her moorings. The gun-boat _Essex_ was to join inthis effort, while the upper flotilla, assisted by the vessels ofAdmiral Farragut's fleet, would shell the Rebel batteries. The _Essex_ started first, but ran directly past the _Arkansas_, instead of stopping to engage her, as was expected. The _Essex_ firedthree guns at the _Arkansas_ while in range, from one of which ashell crashed through the armor of the Rebel boat, disabling an entiregun-crew. The _Queen of the West_ attempted to perform her part of the work, but the current was so strong where the _Arkansas_ lay that it wasimpossible to deal an effective blow. The upper flotilla did not openfire to engage the attention of the enemy, and thus the unfortunate_Queen of the West_ was obliged to receive all the fire from the Rebelbatteries. She was repeatedly perforated, but fortunately escapedwithout damage to her machinery. The _Arkansas_ was not seriouslyinjured in the encounter, though the completion of her repairs wassomewhat delayed. On the 25th of July the first siege of Vicksburg was raised. Theupper flotilla of gun-boats, mortar-rafts, and transports, returnedto Memphis and Helena. Admiral Farragut took his fleet to New Orleans. General Williams went, with his land forces, to Baton Rouge. That citywas soon after attacked by General Breckinridge, with six thousandmen. The Rebels were repulsed with heavy loss. In our own ranks thekilled and wounded were not less than those of the enemy. GeneralWilliams was among the slain, and at one period our chances, of makinga successful defense were very doubtful. The _Arkansas_ had been ordered to proceed from Vicksburg to take partin this attack, the Rebels being confident she could overpowerour three gun-boats at Baton Rouge. On the way down the river hermachinery became deranged, and she was tied up to the bank forrepairs. Seeing our gun-boats approaching, and knowing he was helplessagainst them; her commander ordered the _Arkansas_ to be abandonedand blown up. The order was obeyed, and this much-praised and reallyformidable gun-boat closed her brief but brilliant career. The Rebels were greatly chagrined at her loss, as they had expectedshe would accomplish much toward driving the National fleet from theMississippi. The joy with which they hailed her appearance was farless than the sorrow her destruction evoked. CHAPTER XX. THE MARCH THROUGH ARKANSAS. --THE SIEGE OF CINCINNATI. General Curtis's Army reaching Helena. --Its Wanderings. --TheArkansas Navy. --Troops and their Supplies "missConnection. "--Rebel Reports. --Memphis in Midsummer. --"A Journey dueNorth. "--Chicago. --Bragg's Advance into Kentucky. --Kirby Smith inFront of Cincinnati. --The City under Martial Law. --The SquirrelHunters. --War Correspondents in Comfortable Quarters. --Improvising anArmy. --Raising the Siege. --Bragg's Retreat. About the middle of July, General Curtis's army arrived at Helena, Arkansas, ninety miles below Memphis. After the battle of Pea Ridge, this army commenced its wanderings, moving first to Batesville, onthe White River, where it lay for several weeks. Then it went toJacksonport, further down that stream, and remained a short time. The guerrillas were in such strong force on General Curtis's line ofcommunications that they greatly restricted the receipt of supplies, and placed the army on very short rations. For nearly a month thepublic had no positive information concerning Curtis's whereabouts. The Rebels were continually circulating stories that he hadsurrendered, or was terribly defeated. The only reasons for doubting the truth of these stories were, first, that the Rebels had no force of any importance in Arkansas; andsecond, that our army, to use the expression of one of its officers, "wasn't going round surrendering. " We expected it would turn up insome locality where the Rebels did not desire it, and had no fears ofits surrender. General Curtis constructed several boats at Batesville, which wereusually spoken of as "the Arkansas navy. " These boats carried some sixor eight hundred men, and were used to patrol the White River, asthe army moved down its banks. In this way the column advanced fromBatesville to Jacksonport, and afterward to St. Charles. Supplies had been sent up the White River to meet the army. Thetransports and their convoy remained several days at St. Charles, butcould get no tidings of General Curtis. The river was falling, andthey finally returned. Twelve hours after their departure, the advanceof the lost army arrived at St. Charles. From St. Charles to Helena was a march of sixty miles, across acountry destitute of every thing but water, and not even possessinga good supply of that article. The army reached Helena, weary andhungry, but it was speedily supplied with every thing needed, andput in condition to take the offensive. It was soon named in generalorders "the Army of Arkansas, " and ultimately accomplished theoccupation of the entire State. During July and August there was little activity around Memphis. Inthe latter month, I found the climate exceedingly uncomfortable. Dayafter day the atmosphere was hot, still, stifling, and impregnatedwith the dust that rose in clouds from the parched earth. Theinhabitants endured it easily, and made continual prophesy thatthe _hot_ weather "would come in September. " Those of us who werestrangers wondered what the temperature must be, to constitute "hot"weather in the estimation of a native. The thermometer then stood ateighty-five degrees at midnight, and ninety-eight or one hundred atnoon. Few people walked the streets in the day, and those whowere obliged to do so generally moved at a snail's pace. Casesof _coup-de-soleil_ were frequent. The temperature affected mepersonally, by changing my complexion to a deep yellow, and reducingmy strength about sixty per cent. I decided upon "A Journey due North. " Forty-eight hours aftersweltering in Memphis, I was shivering on the shores of Lake Michigan. I exchanged the hot, fever-laden atmosphere of that city, for the cooland healthful air of Chicago. The activity, energy, and enterpriseof Chicago, made a pleasing contrast to the idleness and gloom thatpervaded Memphis. This was no place for me to exist in as an invalid. I found the saffron tint of my complexion rapidly disappearing, and mystrength restored, under the influence of pure breezes and busy life. Ten days in that city prepared me for new scenes of war. At that time the Rebel army, under General Bragg, was making itsadvance into Kentucky. General Buell was moving at the same timetoward the Ohio River. The two armies were marching in nearly parallellines, so that it became a race between them for Nashville andLouisville. Bragg divided his forces, threatening Louisville andCincinnati at the same time. Defenses were thrown up around the formercity, to assist in holding it in case of attack, but they were neverbrought into use. By rapid marching, General Buell reached Louisvillein advance of Bragg, and rendered it useless for the latter to flinghis army against the city. Meantime, General Kirby Smith moved, under Bragg's orders, to thesiege of Cincinnati. His advance was slow, and gave some opportunityfor preparation. The chief reliance for defense was upon the rawmilitia and such irregular forces as could be gathered for theoccasion. The hills of Covington and Newport, opposite Cincinnati, were crowned with fortifications and seamed with rifle-pits, whichwere filled with these raw soldiers. The valor of these men was beyondquestion, but they were almost entirely without discipline. In frontof the veteran regiments of the Rebel army our forces would have beenat great disadvantage. When I reached Cincinnati the Rebel army was within a few miles of thedefenses. On the train which took me to the city, there were many ofthe country people going to offer their services to aid in repellingthe enemy. They entered the cars at the various stations, bringingtheir rifles, which they well knew how to use. They were the famous"squirrel-hunters" of Ohio, who were afterward the subject of somederision on the part of the Rebels. Nearly twenty thousand of themvolunteered for the occasion, and would have handled their rifles toadvantage had the Rebels given them the opportunity. At the time of my arrival at Cincinnati, Major-General Wallace was incommand. The Queen City of the West was obliged to undergo some ofthe inconveniences of martial law. Business of nearly every kind wassuspended. A provost-marshal's pass was necessary to enable one towalk the streets in security. The same document was required of anyperson who wished to hire a carriage, or take a pleasant drive tothe Kentucky side of the Ohio. Most of the able-bodied citizensvoluntarily offered their services, and took their places in therifle-pits, but there were some who refused to go. These were huntedout and taken to the front, much against their will. Some were foundin or under beds; others were clad in women's garments, and working atwash-tubs. Some tied up their hands as if disabled, and others pleadbaldness or indigestion to excuse a lack of patriotism. All was of noavail. The provost-marshal had no charity for human weakness. This severity was not pleasant to the citizens, but it served anadmirable purpose. When Kirby Smith arrived in front of the defenses, he found forty thousand men confronting him. Of these, not over sixor eight thousand had borne arms more than a week or ten days. Thevolunteer militia of Cincinnati, and the squirrel-hunters from theinterior of Ohio and Indiana, formed the balance of our forces. Our line of defenses encircled the cities of Covington and Newport, touching the Ohio above and below their extreme limits. Nearly everyhill was crowned with a fortification. These fortifications wereconnected by rifle-pits, which were kept constantly filled with men. On the river we had a fleet of gun-boats, improvised from ordinarysteamers by surrounding their vulnerable parts with bales of hay. Theriver was low, so that it was necessary to watch several places wherefording was possible. A pontoon bridge was thrown across the Ohio, andcontinued there until the siege was ended. It had been a matter of jest among the journalists at Memphis andother points in the Southwest, that the vicissitudes of war might someday enable us to witness military operations from the principal hotelsin the Northern cities. "When we can write war letters from the Burnetor the Sherman House, " was the occasional remark, "there will be somepersonal comfort in being an army correspondent. " What we had saidin jest was now proving true. We could take a carriage at the BurnetHouse, and in half an hour stand on our front lines and witness theoperations of the skirmishers. Later in the war I was enabled to writeletters upon interesting topics from Detroit and St. Paul. The way in which our large defensive force was fed, was nearly asgreat a novelty as the celerity of its organization. It was verydifficult to sever the red tape of the army regulations, and enablethe commissary department to issue rations to men that belonged to noregiments or companies. The people of Cincinnati were very prompt tosend contributions of cooked food to the Fifth Street Market-House, which was made a temporary restaurant for the defenders of the city. Wagons were sent daily through nearly all the streets to gather thesecontributed supplies, and the street-cars were free to all women andchildren going to or from the Market-House. Hundreds walked to thefront, to carry the provisions they had prepared with their own hands. All the ordinary edibles of civilized life were brought forward inabundance. Had our men fought at all, they would have fought on fullstomachs. The arrival of General Buell's army at Louisville rendered itimpossible for Bragg to take that city. The defenders of Cincinnatiwere re-enforced by a division from General Grant's army, which wasthen in West Tennessee. This arrival was followed by that of othertrained regiments and brigades from various localities, so that webegan to contemplate taking the offensive. The Rebels disappeared fromour front, and a reconnoissance showed that they were falling backtoward Lexington. They burned the turnpike and railway bridges as theyretreated, showing conclusively that they had abandoned the siege. As soon as the retirement of the Rebels was positively ascertained, a portion of our forces was ordered from Cincinnati to Louisville. General Buell's army took the offensive, and pursued Bragg as heretreated toward the Tennessee River. General Wallace was relieved, and his command transferred to General Wright. A change in the whole military situation soon transpired. From holdingthe defensive, our armies became the pursuers of the Rebels, thelatter showing little inclination to risk an encounter. The battle ofPerryville was the great battle of this Kentucky campaign. Its resultgave neither army much opportunity for exultation. In their retreat through Kentucky and Tennessee, the Rebels gatheredall the supplies they could find, and carried them to their commissarydepot at Knoxville. It was said that their trains included more thanthirty thousand wagons, all of them heavily laden. Large droves ofcattle and horses became the property of the Confederacy. CHAPTER XXI. THE BATTLE OF CORINTH. New Plans of the Rebels. --Their Design to Capture Corinth, --Advancingto the Attack. --Strong Defenses. --A Magnificent Charge. --Valor _vs. _Breast-Works. --The Repulse. --Retreat and Pursuit. --The National ArmsTriumphant. The Bragg campaign into Kentucky being barren of important results, the Rebel authorities ordered that an attempt should be made todrive us from West Tennessee. The Rebel army in Northern Mississippicommenced the aggressive late in September, while the retreat of Braggwas still in progress. The battle of Iuka resulted favorably to theRebels, giving them possession of that point, and allowing a largequantity of supplies to fall into their hands. On the 4th of Octoberwas the famous battle of Corinth, the Rebels under General Van Dornattacking General Rosecrans, who was commanding at Corinth. The Rebels advanced from Holly Springs, striking Corinth on thewestern side of our lines. The movement was well executed, andchallenged our admiration for its audacity and the valor the Rebelsoldiery displayed. It was highly important for the success of theRebel plans in the Southwest that we should be expelled from Corinth. Accordingly, they made a most determined effort, but met a signaldefeat. Some of the best fighting of the war occurred at this battle ofCorinth. The Rebel line of battle was on the western and northernside of the town, cutting off our communications with General Grantat Jackson. The Rebels penetrated our line, and actually obtainedpossession of a portion of Corinth, but were driven out by hard, earnest work. It was a struggle for a great prize, in which neitherparty was inclined to yield as long as it had any strength remainingto strike a blow. The key to our position was on the western side, where two earth-workshad been thrown up to command the approaches in that direction. Theseworks were known as "Battery Williams" and "Battery Robbinette, " sonamed in honor of the officers who superintended their erection andcommanded their garrisons at the time of the assault. These works wereon the summits of two small hills, where the ascent from the main roadthat skirted their base was very gentle. The timber on these slopeshad been cut away to afford full sweep to our guns. An advancingforce would be completely under our fire during the whole time of itsascent. Whether succeeding or failing, it must lose heavily. [Illustration: THE REBEL CHARGE AT CORINTH. ] General Van Dorn gave Price's Division the honor of assaulting theseworks. The division was composed of Missouri, Arkansas, and Texasregiments, and estimated at eight thousand strong. Price directed themovement in person, and briefly told his men that the position must betaken at all hazards. The line was formed on the wooded ground atthe base of the hills on which our batteries stood. The advance wascommenced simultaneously along the line. As the Rebels emerged from the forest, our guns were opened. Officerswho were in Battery Williams at the time of the assault, say theRebels moved in splendid order. Grape and shell made frequent and widegaps through their ranks, but the line did not break nor waver. Themen moved directly forward, over the fallen timber that covered theground, and at length came within range of our infantry, which hadbeen placed in the forts to support the gunners. Our artillery hadmade fearful havoc among the Rebels from the moment they left theprotection of the forest. Our infantry was waiting with impatience toplay its part. When the Rebels were fairly within range of our small-arms, the orderwas given for a simultaneous volley along our whole line. As theshower of bullets struck the Rebel front, hundreds of men went down. Many flags fell as the color-bearers were killed, but they wereinstantly seized and defiantly waved. With a wild cheer the Rebelsdashed forward up to the very front of the forts, receiving withoutrecoil a most deadly fire. They leaped the ditch and gained theparapet. They entered a bastion of Battery Williams, and for a minuteheld possession of one of our guns. Of the dozen or more that gained the interior of the bastion, very fewescaped. Nearly all were shot down while fighting for possessionof the gun, or surrendered when the parapet was cleared of thoseascending it. The retreat of the Rebels was hasty, but it was orderly. Even in a repulse their coolness did not forsake them. They left theirdead scattered thickly in our front. In one group of seventeen, theylay so closely together that their bodies touched each other. Anofficer told me he could have walked along the entire front of BatteryWilliams, touching a dead or wounded Rebel at nearly every step. TwoRebel colonels were killed side by side, one of them falling with hishand over the edge of the ditch. They were buried where they died. In the attack in which the Rebels entered the edge of the town, thestruggle was nearly as great. It required desperate fighting for themto gain possession of the spot, and equally desperate fighting on ourpart to retake it. All our officers who participated in this battlespoke in admiration of the courage displayed by the Rebels. Praisefrom an enemy is the greatest praise. The Rebels were not defeatedon account of any lack of bravery or of recklessness. They were fullyjustified in retreating after the efforts they made. Our army wasjust as determined to hold Corinth as the Rebels were to capture it. Advantages of position turned the scale in our favor, and enabled usto repulse a force superior to our own. Just before the battle, General Grant sent a division under GeneralMcPherson to re-enforce Corinth. The Rebels had cut the railwaybetween the two points, so that the re-enforcement did not reachCorinth until the battle was over. On the morning following the battle, our forces moved out in pursuitof the retreating Rebels. At the same time a column marched fromBolivar, so as to fall in their front. The Rebels were taken betweenthe two columns, and brought to an engagement with each of them;but, by finding roads to the south, managed to escape withoutdisorganization. Our forces returned to Corinth and Bolivar, thinkingit useless to make further pursuit. Thus terminated the campaign of the enemy against Corinth. Therewas no expectation that the Rebels would trouble us any more in thatquarter for the present, unless we sought them out. Their defeatwas sufficiently serious to compel them to relinquish all hope ofexpelling us from Corinth. During the time of his occupation of West Tennessee, General Grant wasmuch annoyed by the wandering sons of Israel, who thronged his linesin great numbers. They were engaged in all kinds of speculation inwhich money could be made. Many of them passed the lines into theenemy's country, and purchased cotton, which they managed to bring toMemphis and other points on the river. Many were engaged in smugglingsupplies to the Rebel armies, and several were caught while acting asspies. On our side of the lines the Jews were Union men, and generallyannounced their desire for a prompt suppression of the Rebellion. When under the folds of the Rebel flag they were the most ardentSecessionists, and breathed undying hostility to the Yankees. Very fewof them had any real sympathy with either side, and were ready, likeMr. Pickwick, to shout with the largest mob on all occasions, providedthere was money to be made by the operation. Their number was verygreat. In the latter half of '62, a traveler would have thought thelost tribes of Israel were holding a reunion at Memphis. General Grant became indignant, and issued an order banishing the Jewsfrom his lines. The order created much excitement among the Americansof Hebraic descent. The matter was placed before the President, andthe obnoxious restriction promptly revoked. During the time it was inforce a large number of the proscribed individuals were obliged to goNorth. Sometimes the Rebels did not treat the Jews with the utmost courtesy. On one occasion a scouting party captured two Jews who were buyingcotton. The Israelites were robbed of ten thousand dollars in goldand United States currency, and then forced to enter the ranks of theRebel army. They did not escape until six months later. In Chicago, in the first year of the war, a company of Jews was armedand equipped at the expense of their wealthier brethren. The mencomposing the company served their full time, and were highly praisedfor their gallantry. The above case deserves mention, as it is an exception to the generalconduct of the Jews. CHAPTER XXII. THE CAMPAIGN FROM CORINTH. Changes of Commanders. --Preparations for the Aggressive. --Marchingfrom Corinth. --Talking with the People. --"You-uns andWe-uns. "--Conservatism of a "Regular. "--Loyalty andDisloyalty. --Condition of the Rebel Army. --Foraging. --German Theologyfor American Soldiers. --A Modest Landlord. --A Boy without a Name. --TheFreedmen's Bureau. --Employing Negroes. --Holly Springs and itsPeople. --An Argument for Secession. Two weeks after the battle of Corinth, General Rosecrans was summonedto the Army of the Cumberland, to assume command in place of GeneralBuell. General Grant was placed at the head of the Thirteenth ArmyCorps, including all the forces in West Tennessee. Preparations for anaggressive movement into the enemy's country had been in progress forsome time. Corinth, Bolivar, and Jackson were strongly fortified, so that a small force could defend them. The base of supply was atColumbus, Kentucky, eighty-five miles due north of Jackson, thusgiving us a long line of railway to protect. On the first of November the movement began, by the advance of acolumn from Corinth and another from Bolivar. These columns met atGrand Junction, twenty-five miles north of Holly Springs, and, afterlying there for two weeks, advanced to the occupation of the latterpoint. The Rebels evacuated the place on our approach, and after a dayor two at Holly Springs we went forward toward the south. Abbevilleand Oxford were taken, and the Rebels established themselves atGrenada, a hundred miles south of Memphis. From Corinth I accompanied the division commanded by General Stanley. I had known this officer in Missouri, in the first year of the war, when he claimed to be very "conservative" in his views. During thecampaign with General Lyon he expressed himself opposed to a warfarethat should produce a change in the social status at the South. When Imet him at Corinth he was very "radical" in sentiment, and in favor ofa thorough destruction of the "peculiar institution. " He declared thathe had liberated his own slaves, and was determined to set free allthe slaves of any other person that might come in his way. He rejoicedthat the war had not ended during the six months following the fallof Fort Sumter, as we should then have allowed slavery to exist, which would have rendered us liable to another rebellion wheneverthe Southern leaders chose to make it. We could only be taught bythe logic of events, and it would take two or three years of war toeducate the country to a proper understanding of our position. It required a war of greater magnitude than was generally expected atthe outset. In 1861 there were few people who would have consented tointerfere with "slavery in the States. " The number of these personswas greater in 1862, but it was not until 1864 that the anti-slaverysentiment took firm hold of the public mind. In 1861 the voice ofMissouri would have favored the retention of the old system. In 1864that State became almost as radical as Massachusetts. The change inpublic sentiment elsewhere was nearly as great. During the march from Corinth to Grand Junction, I had frequentopportunity for conversing with the people along the route. There werefew able-bodied men at home. It was the invariable answer, when weasked the whereabouts of any citizen, "He's away. " Inquiry wouldbring a reluctant confession that he had gone to the Rebel army. Occasionally a woman would boast that she had sent her husband tofight for his rights and the rights of his State. The violation ofState rights and the infringement upon personal prerogative werecharged upon the National Government as the causes of the war. Someof the women displayed considerable skill in arguing the question ofsecession, but their arguments were generally mingled with invective. The majority were unable to make any discussion whatever. "What's you-uns come down here to fight we-uns for?" said one of thewomen whose husband was in the Rebel army. "We-uns never did you-unsno hurt. " (This addition of a syllable to the personal pronouns of thesecond and third persons is common in some parts of the South, whilein others it will not be heard. ) "Well, " said General Stanley, "we came down here because we wereobliged to come. Your people commenced a war, and we are trying tohelp you end it. " "We-uns didn't want to fight, no-how. You-uns went and made the war soas to steal our niggers. " The woman acknowledged that neither her husband nor herself everowned negroes, or ever expected to do so. She knew nothing about FortSumter, and only knew that the North elected one President andthe South another, on the same occasion. The South only wanted itspresident to rule its own region, but the North wanted to extend itscontrol over the whole country, so as to steal the negroes. Hencearose the war. Some of the poorer whites manifested a loyal feeling, which sprangfrom a belief that the establishment of the Confederacy wouldnot better their condition. This number was not large, but it hasdoubtless increased with the termination of the war. The wealthierportion of the people were invariably in sympathy with the Rebelcause. After we reached Grand Junction, and made our camp a short distancesouth of that point, we were joined by the column from Bolivar. In thetwo columns General Grant had more than forty thousand men, exclusiveof a force under General Sherman, about to move from Memphis. TheRebel army was at Holly Springs and Abbeville, and was estimated atfifty thousand strong. Every day found a few deserters coming infrom the Rebels, but their number was not large. The few that camerepresented their army to be well supplied with shoes, clothing, andammunition, and also well fed. They were nearly recovered from theeffects of their repulse at Corinth, a month before. Our soldiers foraged at will on the plantations near our camp. Thequantities of supplies that were brought in did not argue that thecountry had been previously visited by an army. Mules, horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, chickens, and other things used by an army, were found inabundance. The soldiers did not always confine their foraging to articles ofnecessity. A clergyman's library was invaded and plundered. I saw onesoldier bending under the (avoirdupois) weight of three heavy volumeson theology, printed in the German language. Another soldier, a mereboy, was carrying away in triumph a copy of Scott's Greek Lexicon. Inevery instance when it came to their knowledge, the officers compelledthe soldiers to return the books they had stolen. German theology andGreek Lexicons were not thought advantageous to an army in the field. One wing of our army was encamped at Lagrange, Tennessee, and honoredwith the presence of General Grant. Lagrange presented a fair exampleof the effects of secession upon the interior villages of the South. Before the war it was the center of a flourishing business. Itsprivate residences were constructed with considerable magnificence, and evinced the wealth of their owners. There was a male and afemale college; there was a bank, and there were several stores andcommission houses. When the war broke out, the young men at the male college enlisted inthe Rebel army. The young women in the female college went to theirhomes. The bank was closed for want of funds, the hotels had noguests, the stores had few customers, and these had no money, thecommission houses could find no cotton to sell and no goods to buy. Every thing was completely stagnated. All the men who could carrymuskets went to the field. When we occupied the town, there were notthree men remaining who were of the arms-bearing age. I found in Lagrange a man who _could_ keep a hotel. He was ignorant, lazy, and his establishment only resembled the Fifth Avenue or theContinental in the prices charged to the guests. I staid several dayswith this Boniface, and enjoyed the usual fare of the interior South. Calling for my bill at my departure, I found the charges were onlythree dollars and fifty cents per day. My horse had been kept in a vacant and dilapidated stable belonging tothe hotel, but the landlord refused to take any responsibility forthe animal. He had no corn or hay, and his hostler had "gone to theYankees!" During my stay I employed a man to purchase corn and givethe desired attention to the horse. The landlord made a charge of onedollar per day for "hoss-keeping, " and was indignant when I entered aprotest. Outside of Newport and Saratoga, I think there are very fewhotel-keepers in the North who would make out and present a bill on sosmall a basis as this. This taverner's wife and daughter professed an utter contempt for allwhite persons who degraded themselves to any kind of toil. Ofcourse, their hostility to the North was very great. Beyond a slightsupervision, they left every thing to the care of the negroes. Agentleman who was with me sought to make himself acquainted with thefamily, and succeeded admirably until, on one evening, he constructeda small toy to amuse the children. This was too much. He was skillfulwith his hands, and must therefore be a "mudsill. " His acquaintancewith the ladies of that household came to an end. His manual dexteritywas his ruin. There was another hotel in Lagrange, a rival establishment, that borethe reputation of being much the worse in point of comfort. It wasowned by a widow, and this widow had a son--a lank, overgrown youth ofeighteen. His poverty, on one point, was the greatest I ever knew. He could have been appropriately selected as the hero of a certainpopular novel by Wilkie Collins. No name had ever been given him byhis parents. In his infancy they spoke of him as "the boy. " When hegrew large enough to appear on the street with other boys, some onegave him the _sobriquet_ of "Rough and Ready. " From that time forward, his only praenomen was "Rough. " I made several inquiries among hisneighbors, but could not ascertain that he bore any other Christianappellative. The first comprehensive order providing for the care of the negroesin the Southwest, was issued by General Grant while his army lay atLagrange and Grand Junction. Previous to that time, the negroes hadbeen disposed of as each division and post commander thought best, under his general instructions not to treat them unkindly. Four monthsearlier, our authorities at Memphis had enrolled several hundredable-bodied negroes into an organization for service in theQuartermaster's Department, in accordance with the provisions ofan order from District Head-Quarters. They threw up fortifications, loaded and unloaded steamboats, and performed such other labor as wasrequired. In General Grant's army there was a pioneer corps of threehundred negroes, under the immediate charge of an overseer, controlledby an officer of engineers. No steps were then taken to use them assoldiers. The number of negroes at our posts and in our camps was rapidlyincreasing. Under the previous orders, they were registered andemployed only on Government work. None but the able-bodied males werethus available. The new arrangements contemplated the employment ofall who were capable of performing any kind of field labor. It wasexpected to bring some revenue to the Government, that would partiallycover the expense of providing for the negroes. The following is the order which General Grant issued:-- HEAD-QUARTERS THIRTEENTH ARMY CORPS, DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEE, LAGRANGE, TENNESSEE, _November_ 14, 1862. SPECIAL FIELD ORDER, NO. 4. I. Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr. , of the Twenty-seventh Ohio Volunteers, ishereby appointed to take charge of all fugitive slaves that arenow, or may from time to time come, within the military lines ofthe advancing army in this vicinity, not employed and registered inaccordance with General Orders, No. 72, from head-quarters District ofWest Tennessee, and will open a camp for them at Grand Junction, wherethey will be suitably cared for, and organized into companies, and setto work, picking, ginning, and baling all cotton now outstanding infields. II. Commanding officers of all troops will send all fugitives thatcome within the lines, together with such teams, cooking utensils, andother baggage as they may bring with them, to Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr. , at Grand Junction. III. One regiment of infantry from Brigadier-General McArthur'sDivision will be temporarily detailed as guard in charge of suchcontrabands, and the surgeon of said regiment will be charged with thecare of the sick. IV. Commissaries of subsistence will issue, on the requisitions ofChaplain Eaton, omitting the coffee ration, and substituting rye. Byorder of Major-General U. S. Grant. JNO. A. RAWLINS, A. A. G. Chaplain Eaton entered immediately upon the discharge of his duties. Many division and brigade commanders threw obstacles in his way, and were very slow to comply with General Grant's order. Some of theofficers of the Commissary Department made every possible delay infilling Chaplain Eaton's requisitions. The people of the vicinitylaughed at the experiment, and prophesied speedy and complete failure. They endeavored to insure a failure by stealing the horses and mules, and disabling the machinery which Chaplain Eaton was using. Failing inthis, they organized guerrilla parties, and attempted to frightenthe negroes from working in the field. They only desisted from thisenterprise when some of their number were killed. All the negroes that came into the army lines were gathered at GrandJunction and organized, in compliance with the order. There were manyfields of cotton fully ripened, that required immediate attention. Cotton-picking commenced, and was extensively prosecuted. The experiment proved a success. The cotton, in the immediate vicinityof Grand Junction and Lagrange was gathered, baled, and made readyfor market. For once, the labors of the negro in the Southwest werebringing an actual return to the Government. The following year saw the system enlarged, as our armies tookpossession of new districts. In 1863, large quantities of cotton weregathered from fields in the vicinity of Lake Providence and Milliken'sBend, and the cultivation of plantations was commenced. In 1864, thislast enterprise was still further prosecuted. Chaplain Eaton becameColonel Eaton, and the humble beginning at Grand Junction grew into agreat scheme for demonstrating the practicability of free labor, andbenefiting the negroes who-had been left without support by reason ofthe flight of their owners. As the army lay in camp near Lagrange for nearly four weeks, andthe enemy was twenty-five miles distant, there was very little warcorrespondence to be written. There was an occasional skirmish nearthe front, but no important movement whatever. The monotony ofthis kind of life, and the tables of the Lagrange hotels, were notcalculated to awaken much enthusiasm. Learning from a staff officerthe probable date when the army would advance, I essayed a visit toSt. Louis, and returned in season to take part in the movement intoMississippi. At the time General Grant advanced from Lagrange, he ordered GeneralSherman to move from Memphis, so that the two columns would unite inthe vicinity of Oxford, Mississippi. General Sherman pushed his columnas rapidly as possible, and, by the combined movement, the Rebels wereforced out of their defenses beyond Oxford, and compelled to select anew line in the direction of Grenada. Our flag was steadily advancingtoward the Gulf. Satisfied there would be no battle until our army had passed Oxford, I tarried several days at Holly Springs, waiting for the railway tobe opened. I found the town a very pleasant one, finely situated, andbearing evidence of the wealth and taste of its inhabitants. Whenthe war broke out, there were only two places in the State that couldboast a larger population than Holly Springs. At the time of my arrival, the hotels of Holly Springs were not open, and I was obliged to take a room at a private house with one of theinhabitants. My host was an earnest advocate of the Rebel cause, andhad the fullest confidence in the ultimate independence of the South. "We intend, " said he, "to establish a strong Government, in whichthere will be no danger of interference by any abolitionists. If youhad allowed us to have our own way, there would never have been anytrouble. We didn't want you to have slavery in the North, but wewanted to go into the Territories, where we had a perfect right, anddo as we pleased about taking our slaves there. The control of theGovernment belongs to us. The most of the Presidents have beenfrom the South, as they ought to be. It was only when you electeda sectional President, who was sworn to break up slavery, that weobjected. You began the war when you refused us the privilege ofhaving a national President. " This gentleman argued, further, that the half of all public propertybelonged to the South, and it was only just that the State authoritiesshould take possession of forts and arsenals, as they did at theinception of the war. It was the especial right of the South tocontrol the nation. Slavery was instituted from Heaven, for theespecial good of both white and black. Whoever displayed any sympathyfor the negro, and wished to make him free, was doing a greatinjustice to the slave and his master, particularly to the latter. Once he said the destruction of slavery would be unworthy a people whopossessed any gallantry. "You will, " he declared, "do a cruel wrongto many fine ladies. They know nothing about working with their hands, and consider such knowledge disgraceful. If their slaves are takenfrom them, these ladies will be helpless. " This gentleman was the possessor of several negroes, though he livedin a house that he did not own. Of course, it was a great injustice todeprive him of his only property, especially as the laws of his Statesanctioned such ownership. He declared he would not submit to anytheft of that character. I do not think I ever saw a person manifestmore passion than was exhibited by this individual on hearings oneafternoon, that one of his slaves had taken refuge in our camp, withthe avowed intention of going North. "I don't care for the loss, " said he, "but what I do care for is, tobe robbed by a nigger. I can endure an injury from a white man; tohave a nigger defy me is too much. " Unfortunate and unhappy man! I presume he is not entirely satisfiedwith the present status of the "Peculiar Institution. " The cotton speculators at Holly Springs were guilty of some sharptransactions. One day a gentleman residing in the vicinity came totown in order to effect a sale of fifty bales. The cotton was in awarehouse a half-dozen miles away. Remaining over night in Holly Springs, and walking to the railwaystation in the morning, he found his cotton piled by the track andready for shipment. Two men were engaged effacing the marks uponthe bales. By some means they had obtained a sufficient number ofGovernment wagons to remove the entire lot during the night. It was acase of downright theft. The offenders were banished beyond the linesof the army. In a public office at Holly Springs our soldiers found a great numberof bills on the Northern Bank of Mississippi. They were in sheets, just as they had come from the press. None of them bore dates orsignatures. The soldiers supplied all needed chirography, and the bills obtaineda wide circulation. Chickens, pigs, and other small articles werepurchased of the whites and negroes, and paid for with the mostastonishing liberality. Counterfeits of the Rebel currency were freely distributed, and couldonly be distinguished from the genuine by their superior execution. Among the women in Holly Springs and its vicinity snuff was in greatdemand. The article is used by them in much the same way that men chewtobacco. The practice is known as "dipping, " and is disgusting in theextreme. A stick the size of a common pencil is chewed or beaten atone end until the fibers are separated. In this condition it forms abrush. This brush is moistened with saliva, and plunged into the snuff. Thefine powder which adheres is then rubbed on the gums and among theteeth. A species of partial intoxication is the result. The effect of continued "dipping" becomes apparent. The gums areinflamed, the teeth are discolored, the lips are shriveled, and thecomplexion is sallow. The throat is dry and irritated, and there is aconstant desire to expectorate. I trust the habit will never become a Northern one. CHAPTER XXIII. GRANT'S OCCUPATION OF MISSISSIPPI. The Slavery Question. --A Generous Offer. --A Journalist'sModesty. --Hopes of the Mississippians at the Beginning of theWar. --Visiting an Editress. --Literature under Difficulties. --JacobThompson and his Correspondence. --Plans for the Capture ofVicksburg. --Movements of General Sherman. --The Raid upon HollySprings. --Forewarned, but not Forearmed. --A Gallant Fight. The people of Holly Springs were much excited over the slaveryquestion. It was then early in December. The President's proclamationwas to have its effect on all States, or portions of States, notrepresented in Congress on the first of January following. Theslaveholders desired to have the northern district of Mississippirepresented in Congress before the first of January. Three or four days after my arrival at Holly Springs I was with asmall party of citizens to whom I had received introduction. Thegreat question was being discussed. All were agreed that NorthernMississippi should be represented in Congress at whatever cost. "Grant has now been in Mississippi nearly two weeks, " said theprincipal speaker; "we are clearly entitled to representation. " "Certainly we are, " responded another; "but who will represent us?" "Hold an election to-morrow, and choose our man. " "Who will we send? None of us would be received. There isn't a man inthe district who could swear he has taken no part in the Rebellion. " "I have it, " said the individual who first proposed an election. Turning to me, he made a somewhat novel proposition: "You can represent us in Congress. We've all been so d----d disloyalthat we can't go; but that is no reason why we should not send a loyalmen. Say yes, and we'll meet to-morrow, a dozen of us, and elect you. " Here was an opportunity for glory. Only four days in a State fromwhich I could go to Congress! I was offered all necessary credentialsto insure my reception. My loyalty could be clearly and easilyproved. My only duties would be to assist in fastening slavery uponmy congressional district. Much as I felt honored at the offer ofdistinction, I was obliged to decline it. A similar proposition wasmade to another journalist. He, like myself, was governed by modesty, and begged to be excused from serving. The desire of this people to be represented in Congress, was a partialproof that they expected the national authority restored throughoutthe country. They professed to believe that our occupation would betemporary, but their actions did not agree with their words. They were greatly mortified at the inability of their army to opposeour advance, and frequently abused the Rebel Government without stint. They had anticipated an easy victory from the outset, and were greatlydisappointed at the result, up to that time. "Just see how it is, " said a Mississippian one day; "we expected towhip you without the slightest trouble. We threw the war into theBorder States to keep it off our soil. Mississippi was very earnestfor the Rebellion when Kentucky was the battle-ground. We no moreexpected you would come here, than that we should get to the moon. It is the fortune of war that you have driven us back, but it is verysevere upon the cotton States. " I ventured to ask about the possibilities of repudiation of the Rebeldebt, in case the Confederacy was fairly established. "Of course we shall repudiate, " was the response. "It would be farbetter for the Confederacy to do so than to attempt to pay the debt, or even its interest. Suppose we have a debt of a thousand millions, at eight per cent. This debt is due to our own people, and they haveto pay the interest upon it. In twelve years and a half they wouldhave paid another thousand millions, and still be as deeply in debt asever. Now, if they repudiate the whole, the country will be a thousandmillions richer at the end of twelve years and a half, than itotherwise would. " In Mississippi, as well as in other Southern States, I frequentlyheard this argument. It is not surprising that the confidence of thepeople in their currency was shaken at a very early period. In its days of prosperity, Holly Springs boasted of two rival papers, each of them published weekly. One of these died just as the war brokeout. The proprietor of the other, who was at the same time its editor, went, with his two sons, into the Rebel army, leaving the paper incharge of his wife. The lady wielded the pen for nearly a year, butthe scarcity of printing-paper compelled her to close her office, afew months before our arrival. One afternoon, I accompanied Mr. Colburn, of _The World_, on a visitto the ex-editress. The lady received our cards and greeted us verycordially. She spoke, with evident pride, of her struggles to sustainher paper in war-time and under war prices, and hoped she could soonresume its publication. She referred to the absence of her husbandand sons in the Rebel service, and was gratified that they had alwaysborne a good record. She believed in the South and in the justness ofits cause, but was prompt to declare that all the wrong was not on oneside. She neither gave the South extravagant praise, nor visited theNorth with denunciation. She regretted the existence of the war, and charged its beginning uponthe extremists of both sides. Slavery was clearly its cause, andshe should look for its complete destruction in the event of therestoration of national authority. Through justice to itself, theNorth could demand nothing less, and the South must be willing toabide by the fortune of war. This woman respected and admired the North, because it was a regionwhere labor was not degrading. She had always opposed the Southern sentiment concerning labor, andeducated her children after her own belief. While other boys wereidling in the streets, she had taught her sons all the mysteries ofthe printing-office, and made them able to care for themselves. Shewas confident they would vindicate the correctness of her theory, bywinning good positions in life. She believed slavery had assisted thedevelopment of the South, but was equally positive that its effectupon the white race was ruinous in the extreme. She had no word of abuse for the Union, but spoke of it in terms ofpraise. At the same time she expressed an earnest hope for thesuccess of the Rebellion. She saw the evil of slavery, but wished theConfederacy established. How she could reconcile all her views I wasunable to ascertain. I do not believe she will take seriously to heartthe defeat of the scheme to found a slaveholders' government. In thesuppression of the Rebellion she will doubtless discover a brilliantfuture for "the land of the cypress and myrtle, " and bless the daythat witnessed the destruction of slavery. At Oxford, our forces found the residence of the ex-Hon. JacobThompson, who has since figured prominently as the Rebel agent inCanada. In his office a letter-book and much correspondence weresecured--the letters showing that the design of a rebellion datedmuch further back than the first election of Mr. Lincoln. Some of thiscorrespondence was given to the public at the time, and proved quiteinteresting. The balance was sent to the War Department, where it wasexpected to be of service. The books in Mr. Thompson's library foundtheir way to various parts of the Union, and became scattered where itwill be difficult for their owner to gather them, should he desire torestore his collection. If "misery loves company, " it was doubtlessgratifying to Mr. Thompson to know of the capture of the library andcorrespondence of Jefferson Davis, several months later. Our advance into Mississippi was being successfully pushed, early inDecember, 1862. There was a prospect that it would not accomplishthe desired object, the capture of Vicksburg, without somecounter-movement. A force was sent from Helena, Arkansas, to cut therailway in rear of the Rebel army. Though accomplishing its immediateobject, it did not make a material change in the military situation. The Rebels continued to hold Grenada, which they had stronglyfortified. They could only be forced from this position by a movementthat should render Grenada of no practical value. General Grant detached the right wing of his army, with orders to makea rapid march to Memphis, and thence to descend the Mississippi bysteamboats to Vicksburg. This expedition was commanded by GeneralSherman. While the movement was in progress, General Grant was topush forward, on the line he had been following, and attempt to joinGeneral Sherman at the nearest practicable point on the Yazoo Riverabove Vicksburg. The fall of Vicksburg was thus thought to be assured, especially as General Sherman's attack was to be made upon thedefenses in its rear. General Sherman moved, to Memphis with due celerity. The garrison ofthat city was reduced as much as possible to re-enforce his column. The Army of Arkansas, then at Helena, was temporarily added to hiscommand. This gave a force exceeding twenty-eight thousand strongto move upon Vicksburg. It was considered sufficiently large toaccomplish the desired object--the garrison of Vicksburg having beenweakened to strengthen the army in General Grant's front. I was in Holly Springs when General Sherman began to move towardMemphis. Thinking there would be active work at Vicksburg, I preparedto go to Columbus by rail, and take a steamboat thence to Memphis. Bythis route it was nearly four hundred miles; but it was safer andmore expeditious to travel in that way than to attempt the "overland"journey of fifty miles in a direct line. There were rumors that the Rebels contemplated a raid upon HollySprings, for the purpose of cutting General Grant's communications anddestroying the supplies known to be accumulated there. From the mostvague and obscurely-worded hints, given by a Secessionist, I inferredthat such a movement was expected. The Rebels were arranging a cavalryforce to strike a blow somewhere upon our line of railway, andthere was no point more attractive than Holly Springs. I attached noimportance to the story, as I had invariably known the friends of theRebels to predict wonderful movements that never occurred. Meeting the post-commandant shortly afterward, I told him what I hadheard. He assured me there was nothing to fear, and that every thingwas arranged to insure a successful defense. On this point I did notagree with him. I knew very well that the garrison was not properlydistributed to oppose a dash of the enemy. There were but few menon picket, and no precautions had been taken against surprise. Ouraccumulation of stores was sufficiently large to be worth a strongeffort to destroy them. As I was about ready to leave, I concluded totake the first train to Columbus. Less than forty-eight hours after my departure, General Van Dorn, atthe head of five thousand men, entered Holly Springs with very slightopposition. He found every thing nearly as he could have arranged ithad he planned the defense himself. The commandant, Colonel Murphy, was afterward dismissed the service for his negligence in preparing todefend the place after being notified by General Grant that the enemywas moving to attack him. The accumulation of supplies at the railway depot, and all the railwaybuildings, with their surroundings, were burned. Two trains of carswere standing ready to move, and these shared a similar fate. In thecenter of the town, a building we were using as a magazine was blownup. The most of the business portion of Holly Springs was destroyed byfire, communicated from this magazine. During the first year of the war, Holly Springs was selected as thesite of a "Confederate States Arsenal, " and a series of extensivebuildings erected at great expense. We had converted these buildings into hospitals, and were fittingthem up with suitable accommodations for a large number of sick andwounded. After ordering our surgeons to remove their patients, the Rebels setfire to the hospitals while the yellow flag was floating over them. General Grant subsequently denounced this act as contrary to theusages of war. The Rebels remained in Holly Springs until five o'clock in theafternoon of the day of their arrival. At their departure they movedin a northerly direction, evidently designing to visit Grand Junction. At Davis's Mill, about half-way between Holly Springs and GrandJunction, they found a small stockade, garrisoned by two companiesof infantry, protecting the railway bridge. They sent forward aflag-of-truce, and demanded the instant surrender of the stockade. Their demand was not complied with. That garrison, of less than twohundred men, fought Van Dorn's entire command four hours, repulsedthree successive charges, and finally compelled the Rebels to retreat. Van Dorn's northward movement was checked, and our stores at GrandJunction and Lagrange were saved, by the gallantry of this littleforce. General Grant subsequently gave special compliment to thebravery of these soldiers and their officers, in an order which wasread to every regiment in the Army of the Tennessee. Our plans were completely deranged by this movement of the enemy. Thesupplies and ammunition we had relied upon were destroyed, andour communications severed. It was impossible to push further intoMississippi, and preparations were made for immediate retreat. The railway was repaired and the heavy baggage sent to the rear asspeedily as possible. When this was accomplished the army began tofall back. Oxford, Abbeville, and Holly Springs were abandoned, andreturned to the protection of the Rebel flag. Northern Mississippiagain became the field for guerrilla warfare, and a source of supplyto the Rebels in the field. The campaign for the capture of Vicksburgtook a new shape from the day our lines were severed. A few days before the surrender of Vicksburg, General Grant, in conversation with some friends, referred to his position inMississippi, six months before. Had he pressed forward beyond Grenada, he would have been caught in midwinter in a sea of mud, where thesafety of his army might have been endangered. Van Dorn's raidcompelled him to retreat, saved him from a possible heavier reverse, and prepared the way for the campaign in which Vicksburg finallycapitulated. A present disaster, it proved the beginning of ultimatesuccess. CHAPTER XXIV. THE BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BAYOU. Leaving Memphis. --Down the Great River. --Landing in the Yazoo. --Description of the Ground. . --A Night in Bivouac. --Plan of Attack. --Moving toward the Hills. --Assaulting the Bluff. --Our Repulse. --NewPlans. --Withdrawal from the Yazoo. On arriving at Memphis, I found General Sherman's expedition was readyto move toward Vicksburg. A few of the soldiers who escaped from theraid on Holly Springs had reached Memphis with intelligence of thatdisaster. The news caused much excitement, as the strength of theRebels was greatly exaggerated. A few of these soldiers thought VanDorn's entire division of fifteen or twenty thousand men hadbeen mounted and was present at the raid. There were rumors of acontemplated attack upon Memphis, after General Sherman's departure. Unmilitary men thought the event might delay the movement uponVicksburg, but it did not have that effect. General Sherman said hehad no official knowledge that Holly Springs had been captured, andcould do no less than carry out his orders. The expedition sailed, itsvarious divisions making a rendezvous at Friar's Point, twelve milesbelow Helena, on the night of the 22d of December. From this placeto the mouth of the Yazoo, we moved leisurely down the Mississippi, halting a day near Milliken's Bend, almost in sight of Vicksburg. Wepassed a portion of Christmas-Day near the mouth of the Yazoo. On the morning of the 26th of December, the fleet of sixty transports, convoyed by several gun-boats, commenced the ascent of the Yazoo. Thisstream debouches into the Mississippi, fifteen miles above Vicksburg, by the course of the current, though the distance in an airline is notmore than six miles. Ten or twelve miles above its mouth, the Yazoosweeps the base of the range of hills on which Vicksburg stands, at apoint nearly behind the city. It was therefore considered a feasibleroute to the rear of Vicksburg. In a letter which I wrote on that occasion, I gave the followingdescription of the country adjoining the river, and the incidents ofa night bivouac before the battle:--"The bottom-land of the Yazoois covered with a heavy growth of tall cypress-trees, whose limbsare everywhere interlaced. In many places the forest has a denseundergrowth, and in others it is quite clear, and affords easy passageto mounted men. These huge trees are heavily draped in the 'hangingmoss, ' so common in the Southern States, which gives them a mostgloomy appearance. The moss, everywhere pendent from the limbs of thetrees, covers them like a shroud, and in some localities shuts outthe sunlight. In these forests there are numerous bayous that form anet-work converting the land into a series of islands. When separatedfrom your companions, you can easily imagine yourself in a wilderness. In the wild woods of the Oregon there is no greater solitude. " * * * * * "On the afternoon of the 27th, I started from the transports, andaccompanied our left wing, which was advancing on the east side ofChickasaw Bayou. The road lay along the crest of the levee which hadbeen thrown up on the bank of the bayou, to protect the fields onthat side against inundation. This road was only wide enough for thepassage of a single wagon. Our progress was very slow, on account ofthe necessity for removing heavy logs across the levee. When nightovertook us, we made our bivouac in the forest, about three miles fromthe river. "I had taken with me but a single blanket, and a haversack containingmy note-book and a few crackers. That night in bivouac acquainted mewith some of the discomforts of war-making on the Yazoo. The groundwas moist from recent rains, so that dry places were difficult tofind. A fellow-journalist proposed that we unite our blankets, andform a double bed for mutual advantage. To this I assented. Whenmy friend came forward, to rest in our combined couch, I found his'blanket' was purely imaginary, having been left on the steamer athis departure. For a while we 'doubled, ' but I was soon deserted, onaccount of the barrenness of my accommodations. "No fires were allowed, as they might reveal our position to thewatchful enemy. The night was cold. Ice formed at the edge of thebayou, and there was a thick frost on the little patches of openground. A negro who had lived in that region said the swamp usuallyabounded in moccasins, copperheads, and cane-snakes, in large numbers. An occasional rustling of the leaves at my side led me to imaginethese snakes were endeavoring to make my acquaintance. "Laying aside my snake fancies, it was too cold to sleep. As fast asI would fall into a doze, the chill of the atmosphere would stealthrough my blanket, and remind me of my location. Half-sleeping andhalf-waking, I dreamed of every thing disagreeable. I had visionsof Greenland's icy mountains, of rambles in Siberia, of my long-pastmidwinter nights in the snow-drifted gorges of Colorado, of shipwreck, and of burning dwellings, and of all moving accidents by flood andfield! These dreams followed each other with a rapidity that faroutstripped the workings of the electric telegraph. "Cold and dampness and snakes and fitful dreams were not the onlybodily discomforts. A dozen horses were loose in camp, and trottinggayly about. Several times they passed at a careless pace within ayard of my head. Once the foremost of the _caballada_ jumpeddirectly over me, and was followed by the rest. My comments on theseeccentricities of that noble animal, the horse, provoked the derisionrather than the sympathy of those who heard them. "A teamster, who mistook me for a log, led his mules over me. A negro, under the same delusion, attempted to convert me into a chair, andanother wanted to break me up for fuel, to be used in making afire after daylight. Each of these little blunders evoked a gentleremonstrance, that effectually prevented a repetition by the sameindividual. "A little past daylight a shell from the Rebel batteries explodedwithin twenty yards of my position, and warned me that it was time torise. To make my toilet, I pulled the sticks and leaves from myhair and beard, and brushed my overcoat with a handful of moss. Ibreakfasted on a cracker and a spoonful of whisky. I gave my horse ahandful of corn and a large quantity of leaves. The former he ate, butthe latter he refused to touch. The column began to move, and I wasready to attend upon its fortunes. " General Sherman's plan was to effect a landing on the Yazoo, and, by taking possession of the bluffs, sever the communication betweenVicksburg and the interior. It was thought the garrison of Vicksburghad been greatly weakened to re-enforce the army in General Grant'sfront, so that our success would be certain when we once gained thebluffs. A portion of our forces effected a landing on the 26th, but the wholecommand was not on shore till the 27th. Fighting commenced on the27th, and became more earnest on the 28th, as we crowded toward thebluffs. In moving from the steamboat landing to the base of the bluffs on the28th, our army encountered the enemy at several points, but forced himback without serious loss on either side. It appeared to be the Rebeldesign not to make any resistance of magnitude until we had crossedthe lower ground and were near the base of the line of hillsprotecting Vicksburg. Not far from the foot of the bluffs there was a bayou, which formed anexcellent front for the first line of the Rebel defenses. On our rightwe attempted to cross this bayou with a portion of Morgan L. Smith'sDivision, but the Rebel fire was so severe that we were repulsed. Onour extreme right a similar attempt obtained the same result. On our left the bayou was crossed by General Morgan's and GeneralSteele's Divisions at two or three points, and our forces gained aposition close up to the edge of the bluff. At eleven A. M. On the 29th, an assault was made by three brigadesof infantry upon the works of the enemy on this portion of the line. General Blair and General Thayer from Steele's Division, pushedforward through an abatis which skirted the edge of the bayou, andcaptured the first line of Rebel rifle-pits. From this line thebrigades pressed two hundred yards farther up the hillside, andtemporarily occupied a portion of the second line. Fifty yards beyondwas a small clump of trees, which was gained by one regiment, theThirteenth Illinois, of General Blair's Brigade. [Illustration: GENERAL BLAIR'S BRIGADE ASSAULTING THE HILL ATCHICKASAW, BAYOU. ] The Rebels massed heavily against these two brigades. Our assaultingforce had not been followed by a supporting column, and was unable tohold the works it captured. It fell back to the bayou and re-formedits line. One of General Morgan's brigades occupied a portion of therifle-pits at the time the hill was assaulted by the brigades fromGeneral Steele's Division. During the afternoon of the 29th, preparations were made for anotherassault, but the plan was not carried out. It was found the Rebels hadbeen re-enforced at that point, so that we had great odds against us. The two contending armies rested within view of each other, throwing afew shells each hour, to give notice of their presence. After the assault, the ground between the contending lines was coveredwith dead and wounded men of our army. A flag-of-truce was sent outon the afternoon of the 29th, to arrange for burying the dead andbringing away the wounded, but the Rebels would not receive it. Sunrise on the 30th, noon, sunset, and sunrise again, and they laythere still. On the 31st, a truce of five hours was arranged, and thework of humanity accomplished. A heavy rain had fallen, rendering theground unfit for the rapid moving of infantry and artillery, in frontof the Rebel position. On the evening of the 31st, orders were issued for a new plan ofattack at another part of the enemy's lines. A division was to beembarked on the transports, and landed as near as possible to theRebel fortifications on Haines's Bluff, several miles up the Yazoo. The gun-boats were to take the advance, engage the attention of theforts, and cover the landing. Admiral Porter ordered Colonel Elletto go in advance, with a boat of his ram fleet, to remove theobstructions the Rebels had placed in the river, under the guns of thefort. A raft was attached to the bow of the ram, and on the end of theraft was a torpedo containing a half ton of powder. Admiral Porter contended that the explosion of the torpedo wouldremove the obstructions, so that the fleet could proceed. ColonelEllet expressed his readiness to obey orders, but gave his opinionthat the explosion, while effecting its object, would destroy his boatand all on board. Some officers and civilians, who knew the admiral'santipathy to Colonel Ellet, suggested that the former was of the sameopinion, and therefore desirous that the experiment should be made. Every thing was in readiness on the morning of the 1st of January, buta dense fog prevented the execution of our new plan. On the followingday we withdrew from the Yazoo, and ended the second attack uponVicksburg. Our loss was not far from two thousand men, in allcasualties. General Sherman claimed to have carried out with exactness, theinstructions from his superior officers respecting the time and mannerof the attack. Van Dorn's raid upon General Grant's lines, previous toSherman's departure from Memphis, had radically changed the militarysituation. Grant's advance being stopped, his co-operation by wayof Yazoo City could not be given. At the same time, the Rebels wereenabled to strengthen their forces at Vicksburg. The assault was apart of the great plan for the conquest of the Mississippi, and wasmade in obedience to positive orders. Before the orders were carriedout, a single circumstance had deranged the whole plan. After thefighting was ended and the army had re-embarked, preparatory toleaving the Yazoo, General Sherman was relieved from command byGeneral McClernand. The latter officer carried out the order forwithdrawal. The fleet steamed up the Mississippi to Milliken's Bend, where it remained for a day or two. General McClernand directed thatan expedition be made against Arkansas Post, a Rebel fortification onthe Arkansas River, fifty miles above its mouth. After the first attack upon Vicksburg, in June, 1862, the Rebelsstrengthened the approaches in the rear of the city. They threw updefensive works on the line of bluffs facing the Yazoo, and erected astrong fortification to prevent our boats ascending that stream. Justbefore General Sherman commenced his assault, the gun-boat _Benton_, aided by another iron-clad, attempted to silence the batteries atHaines's Bluff, but was unsuccessful. Her sides were perforated bythe Rebel projectiles, and she withdrew from the attack in a disabledcondition. Captain Gwin, her commander, was mortally wounded early inthe fight. Captain Gwin was married but a few weeks before this occurrence. Hisyoung wife was on her way from the East to visit him, and was met atCairo with the news of his death. About two months before the time of our attack, an expeditiondescended the Mississippi from Helena, and suddenly appeared near themouth of the Yazoo. It reached Milliken's Bend at night, surprisingand capturing the steamer _Fairplay_, which was loaded with arms andammunition for the Rebels in Arkansas. So quietly was the capturemade, that the officers of the _Fairplay_ were not aware of the changein their situation until awakened by their captors. CHAPTER XXV. BEFORE VICKSBURG. Capture of Arkansas Post. --The Army returns to Milliken'sBend. --General Sherman and the Journalists. --Arrest of theAuthor. --His Trial before a Military Court. --Letter from PresidentLincoln. --Capture of Three Journalists. The army moved against Arkansas Post, which was captured, with itsentire garrison of five thousand men. The fort was dismantled and theearth-works leveled to the ground. After this was accomplished, thearmy returned to Milliken's Bend. General Grant arrived a few dayslater, and commenced the operations which culminated in the fall ofVicksburg. Before leaving Memphis on the Yazoo expedition, General Sherman issuedan order excluding all civilians, except such as were connected withthe transports, and threatening to treat as a spy any person whoshould write accounts for publication which might give informationto the enemy. No journalists were to be allowed to take part in theaffair. One who applied for permission to go in his professionalcapacity received a very positive refusal. General Sherman had astrong antipathy to journalists, amounting almost to a mania, and hewas determined to discourage their presence in his movements againstVicksburg. Five or six correspondents accompanied the expedition, some of themon passes from General Grant, which were believed superior to GeneralSherman's order, and others with passes or invitations from officersin the expedition. I carried a pass from General Grant, and had apersonal invitation from an officer who held a prominent command inthe Army of Arkansas. I had passed Memphis, almost without stopping, and was not aware of the existence of the prohibitory order until Ireached the Yazoo. I wrote for _The Herald_ an account of the battle, which I directed toa friend at Cairo, and placed in the mail on board the head-quarters'boat. The day after mailing my letter, I learned it was being read atGeneral Sherman's head-quarters. The General afterward told me thathis mail-agent, Colonel Markland, took my letter, among others, fromthe mail, with his full assent, though without his order. I proceeded to rewrite my account, determined not to trust again tothe head-quarters' mail. When I was about ready to depart, I receivedthe letter which had been stolen, bearing evident marks of repeatedperusal. Two maps which it originally contained were not returned. Iproceeded to Cairo as the bearer of my own dispatches. On my return to Milliken's Bend, two weeks later, I experienced a newsensation. After two interviews with the indignant general, I receiveda tender of hospitalities from the provost-marshal of the Army of theTennessee. The tender was made in such form as left no opportunityfor declining it. A few days after my arrest, I was honored by atrial before a military court, consisting of a brigadier-general, four colonels, and two majors. General Sherman had made the followingcharges against me:-- First. --"_Giving information to the enemy. _" Second. --"_Being a spy. _" Third. --"_Disobedience of orders. _" The first and second charges were based on my published letter. The third declared that I accompanied the expedition without properauthority, and published a letter without official sanction. Thesewere my alleged offenses. My court had a protracted session. It decided there was nothing inmy letter which violated the provisions of the order regulating warcorrespondence for the Press. It declared me innocent of the firstand second charges. It could see nothing criminal in the manner of myaccompanying the expedition. But I was guilty of something. There was a "General Order, Number 67, "issued in 1861, of whose existence neither myself nor, as far as Icould ascertain, any other journalist, was aware. It provided that noperson should write, print, or cause to be printed "any informationrespecting military movements, without the authority and sanction ofthe general in command. " Here was the rock on which I split. I had written a letter respectingmilitary movements, and caused it to be printed, "without the sanctionof the general in command. " Correspondents everywhere had done thesame thing, and continued to do it till the end of the war. "OrderNumber 67" was as obsolete as the laws of the Medes and Persians, saveon that single occasion. Dispatches by telegraph passed under the eyeof a Government censor, but I never heard of an instance wherein aletter transmitted by mail received any official sanction. My court was composed of officers from General Sherman's command, and was carefully watched by that distinguished military chieftain, throughout its whole sitting. It wavered in deciding upon the proper"punishment" for my offense. Should it banish me from that spot, orshould I receive an official censure? It concluded to send me outsidethe limits of the Army of the Tennessee. During the days I passed in the care of the provost-marshal, I perusedall the novels that the region afforded. When these were ended, Istudied a copy of a well-known work on theology, and turned, for lightreading, to the "Pirate's Own Book. " A sympathizing friend sent me abundle of tracts and a copy of the "Adventures of John A. Murrell. "A volume of lectures upon temperance and a dozen bottles of Allsop'spale ale, were among the most welcome contributions that I received. The ale disappeared before the lectures had been thoroughly digested. The chambermaid of the steamboat displayed the greatest sympathy in mybehalf. She declined to receive payment of a washing-bill, and burstinto tears when I assured her the money was of no use to me. Her fears for my welfare were caused by a frightful story that hadbeen told her by a cabin-boy. He maliciously represented that I wasto be executed for attempting to purchase cotton from a Rebelquartermaster. The verdant woman believed the story for several days. It may interest some readers to know that the proceedings of acourt-martial are made in writing. The judge-advocate (who holds thesame position as the prosecuting attorney in a civil case) writes hisquestions, and then reads them aloud. The answers, as they are given, are reduced to writing. The questions or objections of the prisoner'scounsel must be made in writing and given to the judge-advocate, to beread to the court. In trials where a large number of witnesses must beexamined, it is now the custom to make use of "short-hand" writers. Inthis way the length of a trial is greatly reduced. The members of a court-martial sit in full uniform, including sash andsword, and preserve a most severe and becoming dignity. Whenever thecourt wishes to deliberate upon any point of law or evidence, theroom is cleared, neither the prisoner nor his counsel being allowed toremain. It frequently occurs that the court is thus closed during thegreater part of its sessions. With the necessity for recording allits proceedings, and frequent stoppages for deliberation, a trial by amilitary court is ordinarily very slow. In obedience to the order of the court, I left the vicinity of theArmy of the Tennessee, and proceeded North. In departing from Young's Point, I could not obey a certain Scripturalinjunction, as the mud of Louisiana adheres like glue, and defies allefforts to shake it off. Mr. Albert D. Richardson, of The Tribune, on behalf of many of my professional friends, called the attentionof President Lincoln to the little affair between General Sherman andmyself. In his recently published book of experiences during the war, Mr. Richardson has given a full and graphic account of his interview withthe President. Mr. Lincoln unbent himself from his official cares, told two of his best stories, conversed for an hour or more uponthe military situation, gave his reasons for the removal of GeneralMcClellan, and expressed his hope in our ultimate success. Declaringit his inflexible determination not to interfere with the conduct ofany military department, he wrote the following document:-- EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, _March_ 20, 1863. WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: Whereas it appears to my satisfaction that Thomas W. Knox, acorrespondent of _The New York Herald_, has been, by the sentence of acourt-martial, excluded from the Military Department under command ofMajor-General Grant, and also that General Thayer, president ofthe court-martial, which rendered the sentence, and Major-GeneralMcClernand, in command of a corps of that department, and many otherrespectable persons, are of opinion that Mr. Knox's offense wastechnical, rather than willfully wrong, and that the sentence shouldbe revoked: Now, therefore, said sentence is hereby so far revokedas to allow Mr. Knox to return to General Grant's head-quarters, toremain if General Grant shall give his express assent; and to againleave the department, if General Grant shall refuse such assent. A. LINCOLN With this letter I returned to the army. General Grant referred thequestion to General Sherman. In consideration of our quarrel, andknowing the unamiable character of the latter officer, I should havebeen greatly surprised had he given any thing else than a refusal. Ihad fully expected to return immediately when I left St. Louis, but, like most persons in a controversy, wished to carry my point. General Sherman long since retrieved his failure at Chickasaw Bayou. Throughout the war he was honored with the confidence and friendshipof General Grant. The career of these officers was not marked by thejealousies that are too frequent in military life. The hero of thecampaign from Chattanooga to Raleigh is destined to be known inhistory. In those successful marches, and in the victories won by histireless and never vanquished army, he has gained a reputation thatmay well be enduring. Soon after my return from Young's Point, General Grant crossed theMississippi at Grand Gulf, and made his daring and successful movementto attain the rear of Vicksburg. Starting with a force less thanthe one his opponent could bring against him, he cut loose from hiscommunications and succeeded in severing the enemy's line of supplies. From Grand Gulf to Jackson, and from Jackson to the rear of Vicksburg, was a series of brilliant marches and brilliant victories. Once seatedwhere he had his antagonist's army inclosed, General Grant opened hislines to the Yazoo, supplied himself with every thing desired, andpressed the siege at his leisure. With the fall of Vicksburg, and thefall, a few days later, of Port Hudson, "the Father of Waters wentunvexed to the Sea. " While the army was crossing the Mississippi at Grand Gulf, threewell-known journalists, Albert D. Richardson and Junius H. Browne, of_The Tribune_, and Richard T. Colburn, of _The World_, attempted torun past the Rebel batteries at Vicksburg, on board a tug at midnight. The tug was blown up and destroyed; the journalists were captured andtaken to the Rebel prison at Vicksburg. Thence they were removed toRichmond, occupying, while _en route_, the prisons of a half-dozenRebel cities. Mr. Colburn was soon released, but the companions of hisadventure were destined to pass nearly two years in the prisons ofthe Confederacy. By a fortunate escape and a midwinter march of nearlyfour hundred miles, they reached our lines in safety. In books and inlecture-rooms, they have since told the story of their captivity andflight. I have sometimes thought my little quarrel with General Sherman proved"a blessing in disguise, " in saving me from a similar experience oftwenty months in Rebel prisons. CHAPTER XXVI. KANSAS IN WAR-TIME. A Visit to Kansas. --Recollections of Border Feuds. --Peculiaritiesof Kansas Soldiers. --Foraging as a Fine Art. --Kansas andMissouri. --Settling Old Scores. --Depopulating the BorderCounties. --Two Examples of Grand Strategy. --Capture of the"Little-More-Grape" Battery. --A Woman in Sorrow. --FrontierJustice. --Trial before a "Lynch" Court. --General Blunt'sOrder. --Execution of Horse-Thieves. --Auction Sale of ConfiscatedProperty. --Banished to Dixie. In May, 1863, I made a hasty visit to Western Missouri and Kansas, toobserve the effect of the war in that quarter. Seven years earlier theborder warfare attracted much attention. The great Rebellion causedKansas and its troubles to sink into insignificance. Since the firstelection of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, Kansas has been rarelymentioned. I passed through this young State in the summer of 1860. I wasrepeatedly told: "We have old grudges that we wish to settle; if thetroubles ever break out again in any part of the United States, wehope to cross out our account. " When the war opened, the peopleof Kansas saw their opportunity for "making square work, " as theyexpressed it, with Missouri and the other slave States. They placedtwo regiments of volunteers in the field with as much celerity aswas displayed in many of the older and more populous States. Theseregiments were followed by others until fully half the able-bodiedpopulation of Kansas was in the service. In some localities theproportion was even greater than this. The dash and daring of these Kansas soldiers became proverbial. AtWilson Creek, two regiments from Kansas had their first experience ofbattle, and bore themselves most nobly. The conduct of other Kansassoldiers, on other battle-fields, was equally commendable. Theirbravery and endurance was only equaled by their ability in foraging. Horses, mules, cattle, and provisions have, in all times, beenconsidered the legitimate spoils of war. The Kansas soldiers did notconfine themselves to the above, but appropriated every thing portableand valuable, whether useful or useless. Their example was contagious, and the entire army soon learned to follow it. During General Grant's campaign in Mississippi in '62, the SeventhKansas Cavalry obtained a reputation for ubiquity and lawlessness. Every man who engaged in plundering on his own account, no matter towhat regiment he belonged, invariably announced himself a memberof the Seventh Kansas. Every countryman who was robbed declared therobbery was committed by the Seventh Kansas "Jayhawkers. " Uniting allthe stories of robbery, one would conclude that the Seventh Kansaswas about twenty thousand strong, and constantly in motion by fiftydifferent roads, leading to all points of the compass. One day a soldier of the Second Illinois Cavalry gave me an account ofhis experience in horse-stealing. "Jim and I went to an old farmer's house, and told him we wanted hishorses. He said he wanted to use them himself, and couldn't sparethem. "'That don't make no sort of difference, ' said I; 'we want your horsesmore than you do. ' "'What regiment do you belong to?' "'Seventh Kansas Jayhawkers. The whole regiment talks of coming roundhere. I reckon I'll bring them. ' "When I told him that, " said the soldier, "he said I might take thehorses, if I would only go away. He offered me a pint of whisky if Iwould promise not to bring the regiment there. Jim and me drank thewhisky, and told him we would use our influence for him. " Before the war was ended, the entire armies of the Southwest were ableto equal the "Jayhawkers" in foraging. The march of Sherman's columnthrough Mississippi, and afterward through Georgia and South Carolina, fully proved this. Particularly in the latter State, which originatedthe Rebellion, were the accomplishments of the foragers mostconspicuously displayed. Our army left very little for another army touse. The desolation which was spread through the Southern States was amongthe most effective blows at the Rebellion. The Rebels were taught inthe most practical manner, that insurrection was not to be indulgedin with impunity. Those who suffered most were generally among theearliest to sue for peace. Sherman's terse answer to the mayor ofAtlanta, when the latter protested against the banishment of theinhabitants, was appreciated by the Rebels after our final campaigns. "War is cruelty--you cannot refine it, " speaks a volume in a fewwords. When hostilities commenced, the Kansas regiments were clamorous to beled into Missouri. During the border war of '55 and '56, Missouriansinvaded Kansas to control the elections by force of arms, and killed, often in cold blood, many of the quiet citizens of the Territory. Thetier of counties in Missouri adjoining Kansas were most anxiousto make the latter a slave State, and used every possible means toaccomplish their object. The Kansas soldiers had their wish. They marched through Missouri. Those who had taken part in the outrages upon Kansas, five yearsearlier, were made to feel the hand of retribution. If they had burnedthe buildings of free-State settlers in '56, they found their ownhouses destroyed in '62. In the old troubles they contended for theirright to make whatever warfare they chose, but were astounded andhorrified in the latter days, when the tables were turned against themby those they had wronged. Along the frontier of Missouri the old system of warfare was revived. Guerrilla bands were formed, of which Quantrel and similar menwere the leaders. Various incursions were made into Kansas by thesemarauders, and the depredations were worse than ever. They culminated in the burning of Lawrence and the massacre of itsinhabitants. To break up these guerrilla bands, it became necessary to depopulatethe western tier of counties in Missouri, from the Missouri River downto the thirty-eighth parallel of latitude. The most wealthy of thesewas Jackson County. Before the war it had a slave population of notfar from four thousand, and its fields were highly productive. Twoyears after the war broke out it contained less than three hundredslaves, and its wealth had diminished in almost as great proportion. This was before any freedom had been officially declared to theslaves in the Border States. The order of depopulation had the desiredeffect. It brought peace to the border, though at a terrible cost. Missouri suffered greatly, and so did Kansas. The most prominent officer that Kansas furnished during the Rebellion, was Brigadier-General Blunt. At the beginning of the war he enlistedas a private soldier, but did not remain long in the ranks. Hisreputation in the field was that of a brave and reckless officer, who had little regard to military forms. His successes were due toaudacity and daring, rather than to skill in handling troops, or aknowledge of scientific warfare. The battle of Cane Hill is said to have commenced by General Blunt andhis orderlies attacking a Rebel picket. The general was surveying thecountry with his orderlies and a company of cavalry, not suspectingthe enemy was as near as he proved to be. At the moment Blunt came upon the picket, the cavalry was looking inanother direction. Firing began, and the picket was driven in and fellback to a piece of artillery, which had an infantry support. Blunt wasjoined by his cavalry, and the gun was taken by a vigorous charge andturned upon the Rebels. The latter were kept at bay until the mainforce was brought up and joined in the conflict. The Rebels believedwe had a much larger number than we really possessed, else our firstassault might have proved a sudden repulse. The same daring was keptup throughout the battle, and gave us the victory. At this battle we captured four guns, two of which bore a history ofmore than ordinary interest. They were of the old "Bragg's Battery"that turned the scale at Buena Vista, in obedience to General Taylor'smandate, "Give them a little more grape, captain. " After the Mexicanwar they were sent to the United States Arsenal at Baton Rouge, whencethey were stolen when the insurrection commenced. They were usedagainst us at Wilson Creek and Pea Ridge. At another battle, whose name I have forgotten, our entire force ofabout two thousand men was deployed into a skirmish line that extendedfar beyond the enemy's flanks. The Rebels were nearly six thousandstrong, and at first manifested a disposition to stand their ground. By the audacity of our stratagem they were completely deceived. Solarge a skirmish line was an indication of a proportionately strongforce to support it. When they found us closing in upon their flanks, they concluded we were far superior in numbers, and certain tooverwhelm them. With but slight resistance they fled the field, leaving much of their transportation and equipments to fall intoour hands. We called in our skirmishers and pressed them in vigorouspursuit, capturing wagons and stragglers as we moved. A year after this occurrence the Rebels played the same trick upon ourown forces near Fort Smith, Arkansas, and were successful in drivingus before them. With about five hundred cavalry they formed a skirmishline that outflanked our force of two thousand. We fell back severalmiles to the protection of the fort, where we awaited attack. It isneedless to say that no assault was made. Van Buren, Arkansas, was captured by eighteen men ten miles in advanceof any support. This little force moved upon the town in a deployedline and entered at one side, while a Rebel regiment moved out at theother. Our men thought it judicious not to pursue, but establishedhead-quarters, and sent a messenger to hurry up the column beforethe Rebels should discover the true state of affairs. The head of thecolumn was five hours in making its appearance. When the circumstance became known the next day, one of our officersfound a lady crying very bitterly, and asked what calamity hadbefallen her. As soon as she could speak she said, through her sobs: "I am not crying because you have captured the place. We expectedthat. " Then came a fresh outburst of grief. "What _are_ you crying for, then?" asked the officer. "I am crying because you took it with only eighteen men, when we had athousand that ran away from you!" The officer thought the reason for her sorrow was amply sufficient, and allowed her to proceed with her weeping. On the day of my arrival at Atchison there was more than ordinaryexcitement. For several months there had been much disregard oflaw outside of the most densely populated portions of the State. Robberies, and murders for the sake of robbery, were of frequentoccurrence. In one week a dozen persons met violent deaths. A citizenremarked to me that he did not consider the times a great improvementover '55 and '56. Ten days before my arrival, a party of ruffians visited the house of acitizen about twelve miles from Atchison, for the purpose ofrobbery. The man was supposed to have several hundred dollars in hispossession--the proceeds of a sale of stock. He had placed his fundsin a bank at Leavenworth; but his visitors refused to believe hisstatement to that effect. They maltreated the farmer and his wife, and ended by hanging the farmer's son to a rafter and leaving him fordead. In departing, they took away all the horses and mules they couldfind. Five of these men were arrested on the following day, and takento Atchison. The judge before whom they were brought ordered themcommitted for trial. On the way from the court-house to the jail themen were taken from the sheriff by a crowd of citizens. Instead ofgoing to jail, they were carried to a grove near the town and placedon trial before a "Lynch" court. The trial was conducted with allsolemnity, and with every display of impartiality to the accused. Thejury decided that two of the prisoners, who had been most prominentin the outrage, should be hanged on that day, while the otherswere remanded to jail for a regular trial. One of the condemned wasexecuted. The other, after having a rope around his neck, was respitedand taken to jail. On the same day two additional arrests were made, of parties concernedin the outrage. These men were tried by a "Lynch" court, as theircompanions had been tried on the previous day. One of them was hanged, and the other sent to jail. For some time the civil power had been inadequate to the punishment ofcrime. The laws of the State were so loosely framed that offenders hadexcellent opportunities to escape their deserts by taking advantage oftechnicalities. The people determined to take the law into their ownhands, and give it a thorough execution. For the good of society, it was necessary to put a stop to the outrages that had beenso frequently committed. Their only course in such cases was toadminister justice without regard to the ordinary forms. A delegation of the citizens of Atchison visited Leavenworth after thearrests had been made, to confer with General Blunt, the commander ofthe District, on the best means of securing order. They made a fullrepresentation of the state of affairs, and requested that two ofthe prisoners, then in jail, should be delivered to the citizensfor trial. They obtained an order to that effect, addressed to thesheriff, who was holding the prisoners in charge. On the morning of the day following the reception of the order, peoplebegan to assemble in Atchison from all parts of the county to witnessthe trial. As nearly all the outrages had been committed uponthe farmers who lived at distances from each other, the trial wasconducted by the men from the rural districts. The residents of thecity took little part in the affair. About ten o'clock in the forenoona meeting was called to order in front of the court-house, where thefollowing document was read:-- HEAD-QUARTERS DISTRICT OF KANSAS, FORT LEAVENWORTH, _May_ 22, 1863. TO THE SHERIFF OF ATCHISON COUNTY: SIR:--In view of the alarming increase of crime, the insecurity oflife and property within this military district, the inefficiency ofthe civil law to punish offenders, and the small number of troopsunder my command making it impossible to give such protection toloyal and law-abiding citizens as I would otherwise desire; you willtherefore deliver the prisoners, Daniel Mooney and Alexander Brewer, now in your possession, to the citizens of Atchison County, for trialand punishment by a citizens' court. This course, which in ordinarytimes and under different circumstances could not be tolerated, isrendered necessary for the protection of the property and lives ofhonest citizens against the lawless acts of thieves and assassins, who, of late, have been perpetrating their crimes with fearfulimpunity, and to prevent which nothing but the most severe andsummary punishment will suffice. In conducting these irregularproceedings, it is to be hoped they will be controlled by men ofrespectability, and that cool judgment and discretion willcharacterize their actions, to the end that the innocent may beprotected and the guilty punished. Respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES G. BLUNT, _Major-General. _ After the reading of the above order, resolutions indorsing andsustaining the action of General Blunt were passed unanimously. Thefollowing resolutions were passed separately, their reading beinggreeted with loud cheers. They are examples of strength rather than ofelegance. "_Resolved_, That we pledge ourselves not to stop hanging until thethieves stop thieving. "_Resolved_, That as this is a citizens' court, we have no use forlawyers, either for the accused or for the people. " A judge and jury were selected from the assemblage, and embraced someof the best known and most respected citizens of the county. Theirselection was voted upon, just as if they had been the officers of apolitical gathering. As soon as elected, they proceeded to the trialof the prisoners. The evidence was direct and conclusive, and the prisoners weresentenced to death by hanging. The verdict was read to the multitude, and a vote taken upon its acceptance or rejection. Nineteen-twentiethsof those present voted that the sentence should be carried intoexecution. The prisoners were taken from the court-house to the grove where thepreceding executions had taken place. They were made to stand upon ahigh wagon while ropes were placed about their necks and attached tothe limb of a large, spreading elm. When all was ready, the wagon wassuddenly drawn from beneath the prisoners, and their earthly careerwas ended. A half-hour later the crowd had dispersed. The following morningshowed few traces of the excitement of the previous day. Theexecutions were effectual in restoring quiet to the region which hadbeen so much disturbed. The Rebel sympathizers in St. Louis took many occasions to complainof the tyranny of the National Government. At the outset there was adelusion that the Government had no rights that should be respected, while every possible right belonged to the Rebels. General Lyonremoved the arms from the St. Louis arsenal to a place of safety atSpringfield, Illinois. "He had no constitutional right to do that, "was the outcry of the Secessionists. He commenced the organization ofUnion volunteers for the defense of the city. The Constitution made noprovision for this. He captured Camp Jackson, and took his prisonersto the arsenal. This, they declared, was a most flagrant violation ofconstitutional privileges. He moved upon the Rebels in the interior, and the same defiance of law was alleged. He suppressed the secessionorgan in St. Louis, thus trampling upon the liberties of the RebelPress. General Fremont declared the slaves of Rebels were free, and thusinfringed upon the rights of property. Numbers of active, persistenttraitors were arrested and sent to military prisons: a manifesttyranny on the part of the Government. In one way and another theunfortunate and long-suffering Rebels were most sadly abused, if theirown stories are to be regarded. It was forbidden to display Rebel emblems in public: a cruelrestriction of personal right. The wealthy Secessionists of St. Louiswere assessed the sum of ten thousand dollars, for the benefit of theUnion refugees from Arkansas and other points in the Southwest. Thiswas another outrage. These persons could not understand why theyshould be called upon to contribute to the support of Union people whohad been rendered houseless and penniless by Rebels elsewhere. Theymade a most earnest protest, but their remonstrances were of noavail. In default of payment of the sums assessed, their superfluousfurniture was seized and sold at auction. This was a violation of thelaws that exempt household property from seizure. The auction sale of these goods was largely attended. The bidding wasvery spirited. Pianos, ottomans, mirrors, sofas, chairs, and all theadornments of the homes of affluence, were sold for "cash in UnitedStates Treasury notes. " Some of the parties assessed declared theywould pay nothing on the assessment, but they reconsidered theirdecisions, and bought their own property at the auction-rooms, withoutregard to the prices they paid. In subsequent assessments they foundit better to pay without hesitation whatever sums were demanded ofthem. They spoke and labored against the Union until they found suchefforts were of no use. They could never understand why they shouldnot enjoy the protection of the flag without being called upon to giveit material aid. In May, 1863, another grievance was added to the list. It becamenecessary, for the good of the city, to banish some of the moreprominent Rebel sympathizers. It was a measure which the Rebels and their friends opposed in thestrongest terms. These persons were anxious to see the Confederacyestablished, but could not consent to live in its limits. Theyresorted to every device to evade the order, but were not allowed toremain. Representations of personal and financial inconvenience wereof no avail; go they must. The first exodus took place on the 13th of May. An immense crowdthronged the levee as the boat which was to remove the exiles tookits departure. In all there were about thirty persons, half of themladies. The men were escorted to the boat on foot, but the ladies werebrought to the landing in carriages, and treated with every possiblecourtesy. A strong guard was posted at the landing to preserve orderand allow no insult of any kind to the prisoners. One of the young women ascended to the hurricane roof of the steamerand cheered for the "Confederacy. " As the boat swung into the stream, this lady was joined by two others, and the trio united their sweetvoices in singing "Dixie" and the "Bonnie Blue Flag. " There was nocheering or other noisy demonstration at their departure, though therewas a little waving of handkerchiefs, and a few tokens of farewellwere given. This departure was soon followed by others, until St. Louis was cleared of its most turbulent spirits. CHAPTER XXVII. GETTYSBURG. A Hasty Departure. --At Harrisburg. --_En route_ for the Army ofthe Potomac. --The Battle-Field at Gettysburg. --Appearance ofthe Cemetery. --Importance of the Position. --The Configurationof Ground. --Traces of Battle. --Round Hill. --General Meade'sHead-Quarters. --Appearance of the Dead. --Through the Forests along theLine. --Retreat and Pursuit of Lee. While in St. Louis, late in June, 1863, I received the followingtelegram:-- "HERALD OFFICE, "NEW YORK, _June_ 28. "Report at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, at the earliest possible moment. " Two hours later, I was traveling eastward as fast as an express traincould carry me. The Rebel army, under General Lee, had crossed the Potomac, andwas moving toward Harrisburg. The Army of the Potomac was in rapidpursuit. A battle was imminent between Harrisburg and Baltimore. Waiting a day at Harrisburg, I found the capital of the Keystone Stategreatly excited. The people were slow to move in their own behalf. Earth-works were being thrown up on the south bank of the Susquehanna, principally by the soldiers from other parts of Pennsylvania and fromNew York. When it was first announced that the enemy was approaching, onlyseventeen men volunteered to form a local defense. I saw no suchenthusiasm on the part of the inhabitants as I had witnessed atCincinnati during the previous autumn. Pennsylvania sent manyregiments to the field during the war, and her soldiers gained afine reputation; but the best friends of the State will doubtlessacknowledge that Harrisburg was slow to act when the Rebels made theirlast great invasion. I was ordered to join the Army of the Potomac wherever I could findit. As I left Harrisburg, I learned that a battle was in progress. Before I could reach the field the great combat had taken place. Thetwo contending armies had made Gettysburg historic. I joined our army on the day after the battle. I could find no personof my acquaintance, amid the confusion that followed the terminationof three days' fighting. The army moved in pursuit of Lee, whoseretreat was just commencing. As our long lines stretched away towardthe Potomac, I walked over the ground where the battle had raged, and studied the picture that was presented. I reproduce, in part, myletter of that occasion:-- "Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, _July_ 6, 1863. "To-day I have passed along the whole ground where the lines of battlewere drawn. The place bears evidence of a fierce struggle. The shocksof those two great armies surging and resurging, the one againstthe other, could hardly pass without leaving their traces in fearfulcharacters. At Waterloo, at Wagram, and at Jena the wheat grows moreluxuriantly, and the corn shoots its stalks further toward the skythan before the great conflicts that rendered those fields famous. Thebroad acres of Gettysburg and Antietam will in future years yield thefarmer a richer return than he has hithto received. "Passing out of Gettysburg by the Baltimore turnpike, we come in afew steps to the entrance of the cemetery. Little of the inclosureremains, save the gateway, from which the gates have been torn. Theneat wooden fence, first thrown down to facilitate the movement of ourartillery, was used for fuel, as the soldiers made their camp on thespot. A few scattered palings are all that remain. The cemetery wassuch as we usually find near thrifty towns like Gettysburg. None ofthe monuments and adornings were highly expensive, though all wereneat, and a few were elaborate. There was considerable taste displayedin the care of the grounds, as we can see from the few tracesthat remain. The eye is arrested by a notice, prominently posted, forbidding the destruction or mutilation of any shrub, tree, or stoneabout the place, under severe penalties. The defiance that war givesto the civil law is forcibly apparent as one peruses those warninglines. "Monuments and head-stones lie everywhere overturned. Graves, whichloving hands once carefully adorned, have been trampled by horses'feet until the vestiges of verdure have disappeared. The neat andwell-trained shrubbery has vanished, or is but a broken and witheredmass of tangled brushwood. On one grave lies the body of a horse, fastdecomposing under the July sun. On another lie the torn garments ofsome wounded soldier, stained and saturated with blood. Across a smallhead-stone, bearing the words, 'To the memory of our beloved child, Mary, ' lie the fragments of a musket shattered by a cannon-shot. "In the center of a space inclosed by an iron fence, and containing ahalf-dozen graves, a few rails are standing where they were erected byour soldiers to form their shelter in bivouac. A family shaft has beenbroken in fragments by a shell. Stone after stone felt the effects ofthe _feu d'enfer_ that was poured upon the crest of the hill. Cannonthundered, and foot and horse soldiers tramped over the resting-placeof the dead. Other dead were added to those who are resting here. Manya wounded soldier lives to remember the contest above those silentgraves. "The hill on which this cemetery is located was the center of our lineof battle and the key to our position. Had the Rebels been able tocarry this point, they would have forced us into retreat, and thebattle would have been lost. To pierce our line in this locality wasLee's great endeavor, and he threw his best brigades against it. Waveafter wave of living valor rolled up that slope, only to roll backagain under the deadly fire of our artillery and infantry. It was onthis hill, a little to the right of the cemetery, where the 'LouisianaTigers' made their famous charge. It was their boast that they werenever yet foiled in an attempt to take a battery; but on thisoccasion they suffered a defeat, and were nearly annihilated. Sad anddispirited, they mourn their repulse and their terrible losses in theassault. "From the summit of this hill a large portion of the battle-groundis spread out before the spectator. In front and at his feet lies thetown of Gettysburg, containing, in quiet times, a population of fouror five thousand souls. It is not more than a hundred yards to thehouses in the edge of the village, where the contest with the Rebelsharp-shooters took place. To the left of the town stretches a longvalley, bounded on each side by a gently-sloping ridge. The crest ofeach ridge is distant nearly a mile from the other. It was on theseridges that the lines of battle on the second and third days wereformed, the Rebel line being on the ridge to the westward. The onestretching directly from our left hand, and occupied by our own men, has but little timber upon it, while that held by the rebels canboast of several groves of greater or less extent. In one of thesethe Pennsylvania College is embowered, while in another is seen theTheological Seminary. Half-way between the ridges are the ruins of alarge brick building burned during the engagement. Dotted about, hereand there, are various brick and frame structures. Two miles at ourleft rises a sharp-pointed elevation, known to the inhabitants of theregion as Round Hill. Its sides are wooded, and the forest stretchesfrom its base across the valley to the crest of the western ridge. "It must not be supposed that the space between the ridges is an evenplain, shaven with, the scythe and leveled with the roller. It risesand falls gently, and with little regularity, but in no place isit steep of ascent. Were it not for its ununiformity and for theoccasional sprinkling of trees over its surface, it could be comparedto a patch of rolling prairie in miniature. To the southwest of thefurther ridge is seen the mountain region of Western Maryland, behindwhich the Rebels had their line of retreat. It is not a wild, roughmass of mountains, but a region of hills of the larger and moreinaccessible sort. They are traversed by roads only in a fewlocalities, and their passage, except through, the gaps, is difficultfor a single team, and impossible for an army. "The Theological Seminary was the scene of a fierce struggle. It wasbeyond it where the First and Eleventh Corps contended with Ewell andLongstreet on the first day of the engagement. Afterward, finding theRebels were too strong for them, they fell back to a new position, this building being included in the line. The walls of the Seminarywere perforated by shot and shell, and the bricks are indented withnumerous bullet-marks. Its windows show the effects of the musketry, and but little glass remains to shut out the cold and rain. Thebuilding is now occupied as a hospital by the Rebels. The PennsylvaniaCollege is similarly occupied, and the instruction of its students isneglected for the present. "In passing from the cemetery along the crest of the ridge where ourline of battle stood, I first came upon the position occupied bysome of our batteries. This is shown by the many dead horses lyingunburied, and by the mounds which mark where others have been slightlycovered up. There are additional traces of an artillery fight. Hereis a broken wheel of a gun-carriage, an exploded caisson, a handspike, and some of the accoutrements of the men. In the fork of a tree Ifound a Testament, with the words, 'Charles Durrale, Corporal ofCompany G, ' written on the fly-leaf. The guns and the gunners, havedisappeared. Some of the latter are now with the column moving inpursuit of the enemy, others are suffering in the hospitals, and stillothers are resting where the bugle's reveille shall never wake them. "Between the cemetery and the town and at the foot of the ridge whereI stand, runs the road leading to Emmetsburg. It is not a turnpike, but a common dirt-road, and, as it leaves the main street leading intotown, it makes a diagonal ascent of the hill. On the eastern side, this road is bordered by a stone wall for a short distance. Elsewhere on both sides there is only a rail fence. A portion of oursharp-shooters took position behind this wall, and erected traversesto protect them from a flanking fire, should the enemy attempt to moveup the road from Gettysburg. These traverses are constructed at rightangles to the wall, by making a 'crib' of fence-rails, two feet highand the same distance apart, and then filling the crib with dirt. Further along I find the rails from the western side of the road, piled against the fence on the east, so as to form a breast-work twoor three feet in height--a few spadesful of dirt serve to fill theinterstices. This defense was thrown up by the Rebels at the time theywere holding the line of the roads. "Moving to the left, I find still more severe traces of artilleryfighting. Twenty-seven dead horses on a space of little more than oneacre is evidence of heavy work. Here are a few scattered trees, whichwere evidently used as a screen for our batteries. These trees did notescape the storm of shot and shell that was rained in that direction. Some of them were perforated by cannon-shot, or have been completelycut off in that peculiar splintering that marks the course of aprojectile through green wood. Near the scene of this fighting is alarge pile of muskets and cartridge-boxes collected from the field. Considerable work has been done in thus gathering the débris of thebattle, but it is by no means complete. Muskets, bayonets, and sabersare scattered everywhere. "My next advance to the left carries me where the ground is thicklystudded with graves. In one group I count a dozen graves of soldiersbelonging to the Twentieth Massachusetts; near them are buried thedead of the One Hundred and Thirty-seventh New York, and close at handan equal number from the Twelfth New Jersey. Care has been taken toplace a head-board at each grave, with a legible inscription thereon, showing whose remains are resting beneath. On one board the comradesof the dead soldier had nailed the back of his knapsack, which borehis name. On another was a brass plate, bearing the soldier's name inheavily stamped letters. "Moving still to the left, I found an orchard in which the fightingappears to have been desperate in the extreme. Artillery shot hadplowed the ground in every direction, and the trees did not escape thefury of the storm. The long bolts of iron, said by our officers to bea modification of the Whitworth projectile, were quite numerous. TheRebels must have been well supplied with this species of ammunition, and they evidently used it with no sparing hand. At one time I countedtwelve of these bolts lying on a space not fifty feet square. I amtold that many shot and shell passed over the heads of our soldiersduring the action. "A mile from our central position at the cemetery, was a field ofwheat, and near it a large tract, on which corn had been growing. The wheat was trampled by the hurrying feet of the dense masses ofinfantry, as they changed their positions during the battle. In thecornfield artillery had been stationed, and moved about as often asthe enemy obtained its range. Hardly a hill of corn is left in itspristine luxuriance. The little that escaped the hoof or the wheel, as the guns moved from place to place, was nibbled by hungry horsesduring the bivouac subsequent to the battle. Not a stalk of wheat isupright; not a blade of corn remains uninjured; all has fallen longbefore the time of harvest. Another harvest, in which Death was thereaper, has been gathered above it. "On our extreme left the pointed summit of a hill, a thousand feet inelevation, rises toward the sky. Beyond it, the country falls off intothe mountain region that extends to the Potomac and across it intoVirginia. This hill is quite difficult of ascent, and formed a strongposition, on which the left of our line rested. The enemy assaultedthis point with great fury, throwing his divisions, one after theother, against it. Their efforts were of no avail. Our men defendedtheir ground against every attack. It was like the dash of the Frenchat Waterloo against the immovable columns of the English. Stubbornresistance overcame the valor of the assailants. Again and again theycame to the assault, only to fall back as they had advanced. Our leftheld its ground, though it lost heavily. "On this portion of the line, about midway between the crests of theridges, is a neat farm-house. Around this dwelling the battle raged, as around Hougoumont at Waterloo. At one time it was in the possessionof the Rebels, and was fiercely attacked by our men. The walls werepierced by shot and shell, many of the latter exploding within, and making a scene of devastation. The glass was shattered by riflebullets on every side, and the wood-work bears testimony to thestruggle. The sharp-shooters were in every room, and added to thedisorder caused by the explosion of shells. The soldiers destroyedwhat the missiles spared. The Rebels were driven from the house, andthe position was taken by our own men. They, in turn, were dislodged, but finally secured a permanent footing in the place. "Retracing my steps from the extreme left, I return to the center ofour position on Cemetery Hill. I do not follow the path by which Icame, but take a route along the hollow, between the two ridges. Itwas across this hollow that the Rebels made their assaults upon ourposition. Much blood was poured out between these two swells of land. Most of the dead were buried where they fell, or gathered in littleclusters beneath some spreading tree or beside clumps of bushes. Someof the Rebel dead are still unburied. I find one of these as I descenda low bank to the side of a small spring. The body is lying near thespring, as if the man had crawled there to obtain a draught of water. Its hands are outspread upon the earth, and clutching at the littletufts of grass beneath them. The soldier's haversack and canteen arestill remaining, and his hat is lying not far away. "A few paces distant is another corpse, with its hands thrown upwardin the position the soldier occupied when he received his fatal wound. The clothing is not torn, no blood appears upon the garments, and theface, though swollen, bears no expression of anguish. Twenty yardsaway are the remains of a body cut in two by a shell. The grass isdrenched in blood, that the rain of yesterday has not washed away. As I move forward I find the body of a Rebel soldier, evidentlyslain while taking aim over a musket. The hands are raised, the leftextended beyond the right, and the fingers of the former partly bent, as if they had just been grasping the stock of a gun. One foot isadvanced, and the body is lying on its right side. To appearances itdid not move a muscle after receiving its death-wound. Another bodyattracts my attention by its delicate white hands, and its face blackas that of a negro. "The farm-house on the Emmetsburg road, where General Meade held hishead-quarters during the cannonade, is most fearfully cut up. GeneralLee masked his artillery, and opened with one hundred and thirtypieces at the same moment. Two shells in every second of time fellaround those head-quarters. They tore through the little whitebuilding, exploding and scattering their fragments in every direction. Not a spot in its vicinity was safe. One shell through the door-step, another in the chimney, a third shattering a rafter, a fourth carryingaway the legs of a chair in which an officer was seated; otherssevering and splintering the posts in front of the house, howlingthrough the trees by which the dwelling was surrounded, and raisingdeep furrows in the soft earth. One officer, and another, and anotherwere wounded. Strange to say, amid all this iron hail, no one of thestaff was killed. "Once more at the cemetery, I crossed the Baltimore turnpike to thehill that forms the extremity of the ridge, on which the main portionof our line of battle was located. I followed this ridge to the pointheld by our extreme right. About midway along the ridge was the sceneof the fiercest attack upon that portion of the field. Tree aftertree was scarred from base to limbs so thickly that it would have beenimpossible to place one's hand upon the trunk without covering themarks of a bullet. One tree was stripped of more than half its leaves;many of its twigs were partially severed, and hanging wilted andnearly ready to drop to the ground. The trunk of the tree, about teninches in diameter, was cut and scarred in every part. The firewhich struck these trees was that from our muskets upon the advancingRebels. Every tree and bush for the distance of half a mile alongthese works was nearly as badly marked. The rocks, wherever they facedour breast-works, were thickly stippled with dots like snow-flakes. The missiles, flattened by contact with the rock, were lying among theleaves, giving little indication of their former character. "Our sharp-shooters occupied novel positions. One of them found halfa hollow log, standing upright, with a hole left by the removal of aknot, which gave him an excellent embrasure. Some were in tree-tops, others in nooks among the rocks, and others behind temporarybarricades of their own construction. Owing to the excellence of ourdefenses, the Rebels lost heavily. " A few days after visiting this field, I joined the army in WesternMaryland. The Rebels were between us and the Potomac. We were steadilypressing them, rather with a design of driving them across the Potomacwithout further fighting, than of bringing on an engagement. Leeeffected his crossing in safety, only a few hundred men of hisrear-guard being captured on the left bank of the Potomac. The Maryland campaign was ended when Lee was driven out. Our armycrossed the Potomac further down that stream, but made no vigorouspursuit. I returned to New York, and once more proceeded to the West. Our victory in Pennsylvania was accompanied by the fall of Vicksburgand the surrender of Pemberton's army. A few days later, the captureof Port Hudson was announced. The struggle for the possession of theMississippi was substantially ended when the Rebel fortificationsalong its banks fell into our hands. CHAPTER XXVIII. IN THE NORTHWEST. From Chicago to Minnesota. --Curiosities of Low-Water Navigation. --St. Paul and its Sufferings in Earlier Days. --The Indian War. --A BriefHistory of our Troubles in that Region. --General Pope's Expeditions toChastise the Red Man. --Honesty in the Indian Department. --The End ofthe Warfare. --The Pacific Railway. --A Bold Undertaking. --PenetratingBritish Territory. --The Hudson Bay Company. --Peculiarities of aTrapper's Life. Early in September, 1863, I found myself in Chicago, breathing thecool, fresh air from Lake Michigan. From Chicago to Milwaukee Iskirted the shores of the lake, and from the latter city pushedacross Wisconsin to the Mississippi River. Here it was really the blueMississippi: its appearance was a pleasing contrast to the generalfeatures of the river a thousand miles below. The banks, rough andpicturesque, rose abruptly from the water's edge, forming cliffs thatovertopped the table-land beyond. These cliffs appeared in endlesssuccession, as the boat on which I traveled steamed up the rivertoward St. Paul. Where the stream widened into Lake Pepin, they seemedmore prominent and more precipitous than elsewhere, as the largerexpanse of water was spread at their base. The promontory known as"Maiden's Rock" is the most conspicuous of all. The Indians relatethat some daughter of the forest, disappointed in love, once leapedfrom its summit to the rough rocks, two hundred feet below. Her lover, learning her fate, visited the spot, gazed from the fearful height, and, after a prayer to the Great Spirit who watches over the RedMan--returned to his friends and broke the heart of another Indianmaid. Passing Lake Pepin and approaching St. Paul, the river became veryshallow. There had been little rain during the summer, and theprevious spring witnessed no freshet in that region. The effect wasapparent in the condition of the Mississippi. In the upper watersboats moved with difficulty. The class that is said to steam whereverthere is a heavy dew, was brought into active use. From St. Paul to apoint forty miles below, only the lightest of the "stern-wheel" boatscould make any headway. The inhabitants declared they had never beforeknown such a low stage of water, and earnestly hoped it would notoccur again. It was paralyzing much of the business of the State. Many flouring and lumber mills were lying idle. Transportation wasdifficult, and the rates very high. A railway was being constructedto connect with the roads from Chicago, but it was not sufficientlyadvanced to be of any service. Various stories were in circulation concerning the difficulties ofnavigation on the Upper Mississippi in a low stage of water. One pilotdeclared the wheels of his boat actually raised a cloud of dust inmany places. Another said his boat could run easily in the moisture onthe outside of a pitcher of ice-water, but could not move to advantagein the river between Lake Pepin and St. Paul. A person interested inthe railway proposed to secure a charter for laying the track in thebed of the Mississippi, but feared the company would be unable tosupply the locomotives with water on many portions of the route. Manyother jests were indulged in, all of which were heartily appreciatedby the people of St. Paul. The day after my arrival at St. Paul, I visited the famous Falls ofthe Minnehaha. I am unable to give them a minute description, my visitbeing very brief. Its brevity arose from the entire absence of waterin the stream which supplies the fall. That fluid is everywhereadmitted to be useful for purposes of navigation, and I think itequally desirable in the formation of a cascade. The inhabitants of St. Paul have reason to bless the founders of theircity for the excellent site of the future metropolis of the Northwest. Overlooking and almost overhanging the river in one part, in anotherit slopes gently down to the water's edge, to the levee where thesteamers congregate. Back from the river the limits of the city extendfor several miles, and admit of great expansion. With a hundred yearsof prosperity there would still be ample room for growth. Before the financial crash in '57, this levee was crowded withmerchandise from St. Louis and Chicago. Storage was not always to behad, though the construction of buildings was rapidly pushed. Businesswas active, speculation was carried to the furthest limit, everybodyhad money in abundance, and scattered it with no niggard hand. Inmany of the brokers' windows, placards were posted offeringalluring inducements to capitalists. "Fifty per cent. Guaranteed oninvestments, " was set forth on these placards, the offers coming fromparties considered perfectly sound. Fabulous sums were paid forwild land and for lots in apocryphal towns. All was prosperity andactivity. By-and-by came the crash, and this well-founded town passed througha period of mourning and fasting. St. Paul saw many of its bestand heaviest houses vanish into thin air; merchants, bankers, land-speculators, lumbermen, all suffered alike. Some disappearedforever; others survived the shock, but never recovered their formerfooting. Large amounts of property went under the auctioneer's hammer, "to be sold without limit. " Lots of land which cost two or threehundred dollars in '56, were sold at auction in '58 for five or sixdollars each. Thousands of people lost their all in these unfortunateland-speculations. Others who survived the crash have clung to theiracres, hoping that prosperity may return to the Northwest. At presenttheir wealth consists mainly of Great Expectations. Though suffering greatly, the capital and business center of Minnesotawas by no means ruined. The speculators departed, but the farmers andother working classes remained. Business "touched bottom" and thenslowly revived. St. Paul existed through all the calamity, and itspeople soon learned the actual necessities of Minnesota. While theymourn the departure of the "good times, " many of them express a beliefthat those happy days were injurious to the permanent prosperity ofthe State. St. Paul is one of the few cities of the world whose foundationfurnishes the material for their construction. The limestone rock onwhich it is built is in layers of about a foot in thickness, and veryeasy to quarry. The blocks require little dressing to fit them foruse. Though very soft at first, the stone soon hardens by exposure tothe air, and forms a neat and durable wall. In digging a cellar onewill obtain more than sufficient stone for the walls of his house. At the time of my visit the Indian expedition of 1863 had justreturned, and was camped near Fort Snelling. This expedition was sentout by General Pope, for the purpose of chastising the Sioux Indians. It was under command of General Sibley, and accomplished a march ofnearly six hundred miles. As it lay in camp at Fort Snelling, the menand animals presented the finest appearance I had ever observed in anarmy just returned from a long campaign. The Sioux massacres of 1862, and the campaign of General Pope in theautumn of that year, attracted much attention. Nearly all the settlersin the valley of the Minnesota above Fort Snelling were killed ordriven off. Other localities suffered to a considerable extent. Themurders--like nearly all murders of whites by the Indians--were ofthe most atrocious character. The history of those massacres is achronicle of horrors rarely equaled during the present century. Wholecounties were made desolate, and the young State, just recovering fromits financial misfortunes, received a severe blow to its prosperity. Various causes were assigned for the outbreak of hostilities on thepart of the Sioux Indians. Very few residents of Minnesota, in viewof the atrocities committed by the Indians, could speak calmly of thetroubles. All were agreed that there could be no peace and securityuntil the white men were the undisputed possessors of the land. Before the difficulties began, there was for some time a growingdiscontent on the part of the Indians, on account of repeatedgrievances. Just previous to the outbreak, these Indians were summonedto one of the Government Agencies to receive their annuities. Theseannuities had been promised them at a certain time, but were notforthcoming. The agents, as I was informed, had the money (in coin) asit was sent from Washington, but were arranging to pay the Indians inTreasury notes and pocket the premium on the gold. The Indians werekept waiting while the gold was being exchanged for greenbacks. Therewas a delay in making this exchange, and the Indians were put off fromday to day with promises instead of money. An Indian knows nothing about days of grace, protests, insolvency, expansions, and the other technical terms with which Wall Street isfamiliar. He can take no explanation of broken promises, especiallywhen those promises are made by individuals who claim to represent theGreat Father at Washington. In this case the Sioux lost all confidencein the agents, who had broken their word from day to day. Added to themental annoyance, there was great physical suffering. The traders atthe post would sell nothing without cash payment, and, without money, the Indians were unable to procure what the stores contained inabundance. The annuities were not paid, and the traders refused to sell oncredit. Some of the Indians were actually starving, and one day theyforced their way into a store to obtain food. Taking possession, theysupplied themselves with what they desired. Among other things, theyfound whisky, of the worst and most fiery quality. Once intoxicated, all the bad passions of the savages were let loose. In their drunkenfrenzy, the Indians killed one of the traders. The sight of blood madethem furious. Other white men at the Agency were killed, and thus thecontagion spread. From the Agency the murderers spread through the valley of the St. Peter's, proclaiming war against the whites. They made no distinctionof age or sex. The atrocities they committed are among the mostfiendish ever recorded. The outbreak of these troubles was due to the conduct of the agentswho were dealing with the Indians. Knowing, as they should have known, the character of the red man everywhere, and aware that the Sioux wereat that time discontented, it was the duty of those agents to treatthem with the utmost kindness and generosity. I do not believe theIndians, when they plundered the store at the Agency, had any designbeyond satisfying their hunger. But with one murder committed, therewas no restraint upon their passions. Many of our transactions with the Indians, in the past twenty years, have not been characterized by the most scrupulous honesty. TheDepartment of the Interior has an interior history that would not bearinvestigation. It is well known that the furnishing of supplies to theIndians often enriches the agents and their political friends. There is hardly a tribe along our whole frontier that has not beendefrauded. Dishonesty in our Indian Department was notorious duringBuchanan's Administration. The retirement of Buchanan and his cabinetdid not entirely bring this dishonesty to an end. An officer of the Hudson Bay Company told me, in St. Paul, that itwas the strict order of the British Government, enforced in letterand spirit by the Company, to keep full faith with the Indians. Every stipulation is most scrupulously carried out. The slightestinfringement by a white man upon the rights of the Indians is punishedwith great severity. They are furnished with the best qualitiesof goods, and the quantity never falls below the stipulations. Consequently the Indian has no cause of complaint, and is kept on themost friendly terms. This officer said, "A white man can travel fromone end to the other of our territory, with no fear of molestation. Itis forty years since any trouble occurred between us and the Indians, while on your side of the line you have frequent difficulties. " The autumn of '62 witnessed the campaign for the chastisement ofthese Indians. Twenty-five thousand men were sent to Minnesota, underGeneral Pope, and employed against the Sioux. In a wild country, likethe interior of Minnesota, infantry cannot be used to advantage. Onthis account, the punishment of the Indians was not as complete as ourauthorities desired. Some of the Indians were captured, some killed, and otherssurrendered. Thirty-nine of the captives were hanged. A hundred otherswere sent to prison at Davenport, Iowa, for confinement during life. The coming of Winter caused a suspension of hostilities. The spring of 1863 opened with the outfitting of two expeditions--oneto proceed through Minnesota, under General Sibley, and the otherup the Missouri River, under General Sully. These expeditions weredesigned to unite somewhere on the Missouri River, and, by inclosingthe Indians between them, to bring them to battle. If the plan wassuccessful, the Indians would be severely chastised. General Sibley moved across Minnesota, according to agreement, andGeneral Sully advanced up the Missouri. The march of the latter wasdelayed on account of the unprecedented low water in the Missouri, which retarded the boats laden with supplies. Although the two columnsfailed to unite, they were partially successful in their primaryobject. Each column engaged the Indians and routed them withconsiderable loss. After the return of General Sibley's expedition, a portion of thetroops composing it were sent to the Southwest, and attached to thearmies operating in Louisiana. The Indian war in Minnesota dwindled to a fight on the part ofpoliticians respecting its merits in the past, and the best mode ofconducting it in the future. General Pope, General Sibley, and GeneralSully were praised and abused to the satisfaction of every residentof the State. Laudation and denunciation were poured out with equalliberality. The contest was nearly as fierce as the struggle betweenthe whites and Indians. If epithets had been as fatal as bullets, theloss of life would have been terrible. Happily, the wordy battle wasdevoid of danger, and the State of Minnesota, her politicians, hergenerals, and her men emerged from it without harm. Various schemes have been devised for placing the Sioux Indians wherethey will not be in our way. No spot of land can be found betweenthe Mississippi and the Pacific where their presence would not be anannoyance to somebody. General Pope proposed to disarm these Indians, allot no more reservations to them, and allow no traders among them. He recommended that they be placed on Isle Royale, in Lake Superior, and there furnished with barracks, rations, and clothing, just as thesame number of soldiers would be furnished. They should have no arms, and no means of escaping to the main-land. They would thus be secludedfrom all evil influence, and comfortably housed and cared for atGovernment expense. If this plan should be adopted, it would be agreat relief to the people of our Northwestern frontier. Minnesota has fixed its desires upon a railway to the Pacific. The"St. Paul and Pacific Railway" is already in operation about fortymiles west of St. Paul, and its projectors hope, in time, to extend itto the shores of the "peaceful sea. " It has called British capital toits aid, and is slowly but steadily progressing. In the latter part of 1858 several enterprising citizens of St. Paul took a small steamer in midwinter from the upper waters of theMississippi to the head of navigation, on the Red River of the North. The distance was two hundred and fifty miles, and the route laythrough a wilderness. Forty yoke of oxen were required for moving theboat. When navigation was open in the spring of 1859, the boat (the_Anson Northrup_) steamed down to Fort Garry, the principal post ofthe Hudson Bay Company, taking all the inhabitants by surprise. Noneof them had any intimation of its coming, and were, consequently, asmuch astonished as if the steamer had dropped from the clouds. The agents of the Hudson Bay Company purchased the steamer, a fewhours after its arrival, for about four times its value. They hopedto continue their seclusion by so doing; but were doomed todisappointment. Another and larger boat was built in the followingyear at Georgetown, Minnesota, the spot where the _Northrup_ waslaunched. The isolation of the fur-traders was ended. The owners ofthe second steamer (the _International_) were the proprietors of astage and express line to all parts of Minnesota. They extended theirline to Fort Garry, and soon established a profitable business. From its organization in 1670, down to 1860, the Hudson Bay Companysent its supplies, and received its furs in return, by way of theArctic Ocean and Hudson's Bay. There are only two months in the yearin which a ship can enter or leave Hudson's Bay. A ship sailingfrom London in January, enters the Bay in August. When the cargo isdelivered at York Factory, at the mouth of Nelson's River, it istoo late in the season to send the goods to the great lakes ofNorthwestern America, where the trading posts are located. In thefollowing May the goods are forwarded. They go by canoes where theriver is navigable, and are carried on the backs of men around thefrequent and sometimes long rapids. The journey requires three months. The furs purchased with these goods cannot be sent to York Factoryuntil a year later, and another year passes away before they leaveHudson's Bay. Thus, returns for a cargo were not received in Londonuntil four years after its shipment from that port. Since American enterprise took control of the carrying trade, goodsare sent from London to Fort Garry by way of New York and St. Paul, and are only four months in transit. Four or five months will berequired to return a cargo of furs to London, making a saving of threeyears over the old route. Stupid as our English cousin sometimes showshimself, he cannot fail to perceive the advantages of the new route, and has promptly embraced them. The people of Minnesota are becomingwell acquainted with the residents of the country on their northernboundary. Many of the Northwestern politicians are studying the policyof "annexation. " The settlement at Pembina, near Pembina Mountain, lies in Minnesota, afew miles only from the international line. The settlers supposed theywere on British soil until the establishment of the boundary showedthem their mistake. Every year the settlement sends a train toSt. Paul, nearly seven hundred miles distant, to exchange itsbuffalo-robes, furs, etc. , for various articles of necessity that thePembina region does not produce. This annual train is made up of "RedRiver carts"--vehicles that would be regarded with curiosity in NewYork or Washington. A Red River cart is about the size of a two-wheeled dray, and isbuilt entirely of wood--not a particle of iron entering into itscomposition. It is propelled by a single ox or horse, generally theformer, driven by a half-breed native. Sometimes, though not usually, the wheels are furnished with tires of rawhide, placed upon them whengreen and shrunk closely in drying. Each cart carries about a thousandpounds of freight, and the train will ordinarily make from fifteen totwenty miles a day. It was estimated that five hundred of these cartswould visit St. Paul and St. Cloud in the autumn of 1863. The settlements of which Fort Garry is the center are scattered forseveral miles along the Red River of the North. They have schools, churches, flouring and saw mills, and their houses are comfortably andoften luxuriously furnished. They have pianos imported from St. Paul, and their principal church, has an organ. At St. Cloud I saw evidencesof extreme civilization on their way to Fort Garry. These were awhisky-still, two sewing-machines, and a grain-reaper. No people canremain in darkness after adopting these modern inventions. The monopoly which the Hudson Bay Company formerly held, has ceasedto exist. Under its charter, granted by Charles II. In 1670, it hadexclusive control of all the country drained by Hudson's Bay. Inaddition to its privilege of trade, it possessed the "right of eminentdomain" and the full political management of the country. Crimein this territory was not punished by the officers of the BritishGovernment, but by the courts and officers of the Company. Allsettlements of farmers and artisans were discouraged, as it wasthe desire of the Company to maintain the territory solely as a furpreserve, from the Arctic Ocean to the United States boundary. The profits of this fur-trade were enormous, as the Company hadit under full control. The furs were purchased of the Indians andtrappers at very low rates, and paid for in goods at enormous prices. An industrious trapper could earn a comfortable support, and nothingmore. Having full control of the fur market in Europe, the directors couldregulate the selling prices as they chose. Frequently they issuedorders forbidding the killing of a certain class of animals forseveral years. The fur from these animals would become scarce andvery high, and at the same time the animals would increase in numbers. Suddenly, when the market was at its uppermost point, the order wouldbe countermanded and a large supply brought forward for sale. Thiscourse was followed with all classes of fur in succession. TheCompany's dividends in the prosperous days would shame the best oilwells or Nevada silver mines of our time. Though its charter was perpetual, the Hudson Bay Company was obligedto obtain once in twenty-one years a renewal of its license forexclusive trade. From 1670 to 1838 it had no difficulty in obtainingthe desired renewal. The last license expired in 1859. Though arenewal was earnestly sought, it was not attained. The territoryis now open to all traders, and the power of the old Company ispractically extinguished. The first explorations in Minnesota were made shortly after thediscovery of the Mississippi River by Marquette and Hennepin. St. Paulwas originally a French trading post, and the resort of the Indiansthroughout the Northwest. Fort Snelling was established by the UnitedSuites Government in 1819, but no settlements were made until 1844. After the current of emigration began, the territory was rapidlyfilled. While Minnesota was a wilderness, the American Fur Company establishedposts on the upper waters of the Mississippi. The old trading-housebelow the Falls of St. Anthony, the first frame building erected inthe territory, is yet standing, though it exhibits many symptoms ofdecay. At one time the emigration to Minnesota was very great, but it hasconsiderably fallen off during the last eight years. The State is toofar north to hold out great inducements to settlers. The wintersare long and severe, and the productions of the soil are limited incharacter and quantity. In summer the climate is excellent, attractinglarge numbers of pleasure-seekers. The Falls of St. Anthony and theMinnehaha have a world-wide reputation. CHAPTER XXIX. INAUGURATION OF A GREAT ENTERPRISE. Plans for Arming the Negroes along the Mississippi. --Opposition to theMovement. --Plantations Deserted by their Owners. --Gathering AbandonedCotton. --Rules and Regulations. --Speculation. --Widows and Orphansin Demand. --Arrival of Adjutant-General Thomas. --Designs of theGovernment. I have elsewhere alluded to the orders of General Grant at Lagrange, Tennessee, in the autumn of 1862, relative to the care of the negroeswhere his army was then operating. The plan was successful in providing for the negroes in Tennesseeand Northern Mississippi, where the number, though large, was notexcessive. At that time, the policy of arming the blacks was beingdiscussed in various quarters. It found much opposition. Many personsthought it would be an infringement upon the "rights" of the South, both unconstitutional and unjust. Others cared nothing for the South, or its likes and dislikes, but opposed the measure on the ground ofpolicy. They feared its adoption would breed discontent among thewhite soldiers of the army, and cause so many desertions and so muchuneasiness that the importance of the new element would be more thanneutralized. Others, again, doubted the courage of the negroes, and thought their first use under fire would result in disgrace anddisaster to our arms. They opposed the experiment on account of thisfear. In South Carolina and in Kansas the negroes had been put under armsand mustered into service as Union soldiers. In engagements of a minorcharacter they had shown coolness and courage worthy of veterans. There was no valid reason why the negroes along the Mississippi wouldnot be just as valuable in the army, as the men of the same racein other parts of the country. Our Government determined to try theexperiment, and make the _Corps d'Afrique_ a recognized and importantadjunct of our forces in the field. When General Grant encamped his army at Milliken's Bend and Young'sPoint, preparatory to commencing the siege of Vicksburg, many of thecotton plantations were abandoned by their owners. Before our adventnearly all the white males able to bear arms had, willingly orunwillingly, gone to aid in filling the ranks of the insurgents. Onnearly every plantation there was a white man not liable to militaryservice, who remained to look after the interests of the property. When our army appeared, the majority of these white men fled to theinterior of Louisiana, leaving the plantations and the negroes to thetender mercy of the invaders. In some cases the fugitives took thenegroes with them, thus leaving the plantations entirely deserted. When the negroes remained, and the plantations were not supplied withprovisions, it became necessary for the Commissary Department to issuerations for the subsistence of the blacks. As nearly all the planterscared nothing for the negroes they had abandoned, there was a verylarge number that required the attention of the Government. On many plantations the cotton crop of 1862 was still in the field, somewhat damaged by the winter rains; but well worth gathering at theprices which then ruled the market. General Grant gave authority forthe gathering of this cotton by any parties who were willing to takethe contract. The contractors were required to feed the negroes andpay them for their labor. One-half the cotton went to the Government, the balance to the contractor. There was no lack of men to undertakethe collection of abandoned cotton on these terms, as the enterprisecould not fail to be exceedingly remunerative. This cotton, gathered by Government authority, was, with a fewexceptions, the only cotton which could be shipped to market. Therewere large quantities of "old" cotton--gathered and baled in previousyears--which the owners were anxious to sell, and speculators ready tobuy. Numerous applications were made for shipping-permits, but nearlyall were rejected. A few cases were pressed upon General Grant'sattention, as deserving exception from the ordinary rule. There was one case of two young girls, whose parents had recentlydied, and who were destitute of all comforts on the plantation wherethey lived. They had a quantity of cotton which they wished to take toMemphis, for sale in that market. Thus provided with money, they wouldproceed North, and remain there till the end of the war. A speculator became interested in these girls, and plead with all hiseloquence for official favor in their behalf. General Grant softenedhis heart and gave this man a written permit to ship whatever cottonbelonged to the orphans. It was understood, and so stated in theapplication, that the amount was between two hundred and threehundred bales. The exact number not being known, there was no quantityspecified in the permit. The speculator soon discovered that the penniless orphans could claimtwo thousand instead of two hundred bales, and thought it possiblethey would find three thousand bales and upward. On the strengthof his permit without special limit, he had purchased, or otherwiseprocured, all the cotton he could find in the immediate vicinity. Hewas allowed to make shipment of a few hundred bales; the balance wasdetained. Immediately, as this transaction became known, every speculator was onthe _qui vive_ to discover a widow or an orphan. Each plantationwas visited, and the status of the owners, if any remained, becamespeedily known. Orphans and widows, the former in particular, were ata high premium. Never in the history of Louisiana did the childrenof tender years, bereft of parents, receive such attention fromstrangers. A spectator might have imagined the Millennium close athand, and the dealers in cotton about to be humbled at the feet ofbabes and sucklings. Widows, neither young nor comely, received thewarmest attention from men of Northern birth. The family of JohnRodgers, had it then lived at Milliken's Bend, would have been hailedas a "big thing. " Everywhere in that region there were men seeking"healthy orphans for adoption. " The majority of the speculators found the widows and orphans of whomthey were in search. Some were able to obtain permits, while otherswere not. Several officers of the army became interested in thesespeculations, and gave their aid to obtain shipping privileges. Somewho were innocent were accused of dealing in the forbidden fiber, while others, guilty of the transaction, escaped without suspicion. The temptation was great. Many refused to be concerned in the traffic;but there were some who yielded. The contractors who gathered the abandoned cotton were enabled toaccumulate small fortunes. Some of them acted honestly, but othersmade use of their contracts to cover large shipments of purchased orstolen cotton, baled two or three years before. The ordinary yield ofan acre of ground is from a bale to a bale and a half. The contractorswere sometimes able to show a yield of ten or twenty bales to theacre. About the first of April, Adjutant-General Thomas arrived atMilliken's Bend, bringing, as he declared, authority to regulate everything as he saw fit. Under his auspices, arrangements were madefor putting the able-bodied male negroes into the army. In a speechdelivered at a review of the troops at Lake Providence, he announcedthe determination of the Government to use every just measure tosuppress the Rebellion. The Rebels indirectly made use of the negroes against the Government, by employing them in the production of supplies for their armies inthe field. "In this way, " he said, "they can bring to bear against usall the power of their so-called Confederacy. At the same time we arecompelled to retain at home a portion of our fighting force to furnishsupplies for the men at the front. The Administration has determinedto take the negroes belonging to disloyal men, and make them a partof the army. This is the policy that has been fixed and will be fullycarried out. " General Thomas announced that he brought authority to raise as manyregiments as possible, and to give commissions to all proper personswho desired them. The speech was listened to with attention, andloudly cheered at its close. The general officers declared themselvesfavorable to the new movement, and gave it their co-operation. In afew days a half-dozen regiments were in process of organization. Thiswas the beginning of the scheme for raising a large force of coloredsoldiers along the Mississippi. The disposition to be made of the negro women and children in ourlines, was a subject of great importance. Their numbers were verylarge, and constantly increasing. Not a tenth of these persons couldfind employment in gathering abandoned cotton. Those that found suchemployment were only temporarily provided for. It would be a heavyburden upon the Government to support them in idleness during theentire summer. It would be manifestly wrong to send them to thealready overcrowded camps at Memphis and Helena. They were upon ourhands by the fortune of war, and must be cared for in some way. The plantations which their owners had abandoned were supposed toafford the means of providing homes for the negroes, where they couldbe sheltered, fed, and clothed without expense to the Government. Itwas proposed to lease these plantations for the term of one year, topersons who would undertake the production of a crop of cotton. Thosenegroes who were unfit for military service were to be distributedon these plantations, where the lessees would furnish them all neededsupplies, and pay them for their labor at certain stipulated rates. The farming tools and other necessary property on the plantations wereto be appraised at a fair valuation, and turned over to the lessees. Where the plantations were destitute of the requisite number ofmules for working them, condemned horses and mules were loaned tothe lessees, who should return them whenever called for. There werepromises of protection against Rebel raids, and of all assistance thatthe Government could consistently give. General Thomas announced thatthe measure was fully decided upon at Washington, and should receiveevery support. The plantations were readily taken, the prospects being excellentfor enormous profits if the scheme proved successful. The cost ofproducing cotton varies from three to eight cents a pound. The staplewould find ready sale at fifty cents, and might possibly command ahigher figure. The prospects of a large percentage on the investmentwere alluring in the extreme. The plantations, the negroes, thefarming utensils, and the working stock were to require no outlay. Allthat was demanded before returns would be received, were the necessaryexpenditures for feeding and clothing the negroes until the cropwas made and gathered. From five to thirty thousand dollars was theestimated yearly expense of a plantation of a thousand acres. Ifsuccessful, the products for a year might be set down at two hundredthousand dollars; and should cotton appreciate, the return would bestill greater. CHAPTER XXX. COTTON-PLANTING IN 1863. Leasing the Plantations. --Interference of theRebels. --Raids. --Treatment of Prisoners. --The Attack upon Milliken'sBend. --A Novel Breast-Work. --Murder o four Officers. --Profits ofCotton-Planting. --Dishonesty of Lessees. --Negroes Planting on theirown Account. It was late in the season before the plantations were leased and thework of planting commenced. The ground was hastily plowed and the seedas hastily sown. The work was prosecuted with the design of obtainingas much as possible in a single season. In their eagerness toaccumulate fortunes, the lessees frequently planted more ground thanthey could care for, and allowed much of it to run to waste. Of course, it could not be expected the Rebels would favor theenterprise. They had prophesied the negro would not work when free, and were determined to break up any effort to induce him to labor. They were not even willing to give him a fair trial. Late in June theyvisited the plantations at Milliken's Bend and vicinity. They stripped many of the plantations of all the mules and horses thatcould be found, frightened some of the negroes into seeking safetyat the nearest military posts, and carried away others. Some of thelessees were captured; others, having timely warning, made good theirescape. Of those captured, some were released on a regular parole notto take up arms against the "Confederacy. " Others were liberated on apromise to go North and remain there, after being allowed a reasonabletime for settling their business. Others were carried into captivityand retained as prisoners of war until late in the summer. A Mr. Walker was taken to Brownsville, Texas, and there released, with theprivilege of crossing to Matamoras, and sailing thence to New Orleans. It was six months from the time of his capture before he reached NewOrleans on his return home. The Rebels made a fierce attack upon the garrison at Milliken's Bend. For a few moments during the fight the prospects of their success werevery good. The negroes composing the garrison had not been long underarms, and their discipline was far from perfect. The Rebels obtainedpossession of a part of our works, but were held at bay by thegarrison, until the arrival of a gun-boat turned the scale in ourfavor. The odds were against us at the outset, but we succeeded inputting the enemy to flight. In this attack the Rebels made use of a movable breast-work, consisting of a large drove of mules, which they kept in their frontas they advanced upon the fort. This breast-work served very well atfirst, but grew unmanageable as our fire became severe. It finallybroke and fled to the rear, throwing the Rebel lines into confusion. I believe it was the first instance on record where the defensesran away, leaving the defenders uncovered. It marked a new, butunsuccessful, phase of war. An officer who was present at the defenseof Milliken's Bend vouches for the truth of the story. The Rebels captured a portion of the garrison, including some ofthe white officers holding commissions in negro regiments. The negroprisoners were variously disposed of. Some were butchered on thespot while pleading for quarter; others were taken a few miles on theretreat, and then shot by the wayside. A few were driven away by theirmasters, who formed a part of the raiding force, but they soonescaped and returned to our lines. Of the officers who surrendered asprisoners of war, some were shot or hanged within a short distanceof their place of capture. Two were taken to Shreveport and lodged injail with one of the captured lessees. One night these officers weretaken from the jail by order of General Kirby Smith, and deliveredinto the hands of the provost-marshal, to be shot for the crime ofaccepting commissions in negro regiments. Before morning they weredead. Similar raids were made at other points along the river, whereplantations were being cultivated under the new system. At all theseplaces the mules were stolen and the negroes either frightened ordriven away. Work was suspended until the plantations could be newlystocked and equipped. This suspension occurred at the busiest time inthe season. The production of the cotton was, consequently, greatlyretarded. On some plantations the weeds grew faster than the cotton, and refused to be put down. On others, the excellent progress theweeds had made, during the period of idleness, rendered the yieldof the cotton-plant very small. Some of the plantations were notrestocked after the raid, and speedily ran to waste. In 1863, no lessee made more than half an ordinary crop of _cotton_, and very few secured even this return. Some obtained a quarter or aneighth of a bale to the acre, and some gathered only one bale wherethey should have gathered twelve or twenty. A few lost money in thespeculation. Some made a fair profit on their investment, and othersrealized their expectations of an enormous reward. Several partiesunited their interest on three or four plantations in differentlocalities, so that a failure in one quarter was offset by success inanother. The majority of the lessees were unprincipled men, who undertook theenterprise solely as a speculation. They had as little regard for therights of the negro as the most brutal slaveholder had ever shown. Very few of them paid the negroes for their labor, except infurnishing them small quantities of goods, for which they charged fivetimes the value. One man, who realized a profit of eighty thousanddollars, never paid his negroes a penny. Some of the lessees made openboast of having swindled their negroes out of their summer's wages, bytaking advantage of their ignorance. The experiment did not materially improve the condition of the negro, save in the matter of physical treatment. As a slave the black manreceived no compensation for his labor. As a free man, he receivednone. He was well fed, and, generally, well clothed. He received no severepunishment for non-performance of duty, as had been the case beforethe war. The difference between working for nothing as a slave, and working for the same wages under the Yankees, was not alwaysperceptible to the unsophisticated negro. Several persons leased plantations that they might use them as pointsfor shipping purchased or stolen cotton. Some were quite successfulin this, while others were unable to find any cotton to bring out. Various parties united with the plantation-owners, and agreedto obtain all facilities from the Government officials, if theirassociates would secure protection against Rebel raids. In some casesthis experiment was successful, and the plantations prospered, whilethose around them were repeatedly plundered. In others, the Rebelswere enraged at the plantation-owners for making any arrangements with"the Yankees, " and treated them with merciless severity. There was nocourse that promised absolute safety, and there was no man who coulddevise a plan of operations that would cover all contingencies. Every thing considered, the result of the free-labor enterprise wasfavorable to the pockets of the avaricious lessees, though it was notencouraging to the negro and to the friends of justice and humanity. All who had been successful desired to renew their leases for anotherseason. Some who were losers were willing to try again and hope forbetter fortune. All the available plantations in the vicinity of Vicksburg, Milliken'sBend, and other points along that portion of the Mississippi wereapplied for before the beginning of the New Year. Application forthese places were generally made by the former lessees or theirfriends. The prospects were good for a vigorous prosecution of thefree-labor enterprise during 1864. In the latter part of 1863, I passed down the Mississippi, _enroute_ to New Orleans. At Vicksburg I met a gentleman who had beeninvestigating the treatment of the negroes under the new system, andwas about making a report to the proper authorities. He claimed tohave proof that the agents appointed by General Thomas had not beenhonest in their administration of affairs. One of these agents had taken five plantations under his control, andwas proposing to retain them for another year. It was charged that hehad not paid his negroes for their labor, except in scanty suppliesof clothing, for which exorbitant prices were charged. He had beensuccessful with his plantations, but delivered very little cotton tothe Government agents. The investigations into the conduct of agents and lessees wereexpected to make a change in the situation. Up to that time the WarDepartment had controlled the whole system of plantation management. The Treasury Department was seeking the control, on the ground thatthe plantations were a source of revenue to the Government, and shouldbe under its financial and commercial policy. If it could be provedthat the system pursued was an unfair and dishonest one, there wasprobability of a change. I pressed forward on my visit to New Orleans. On my return, two weekslater, the agents of General Thomas were pushing their plans for thecoming year. There was no indication of an immediate change in themanagement. The duties of these agents had been enlarged, and theregion which they controlled extended from Lake Providence, sixtymiles above Vicksburg, to the mouth of Red River, nearly two hundredmiles below. One of the agents had his office at Lake Providence, asecond was located at Vicksburg, while the third was at Natchez. Nearly all the plantations near Lake Providence had been leased orapplied for. The same was the case with most of those near Vicksburg. In some instances, there were several applicants for the sameplantation. The agents announced their determination to sell thechoice of plantations to the highest bidder. The competition for thebest places was expected to be very active. There was one pleasing feature. Some of the applicants for plantationswere not like the sharp-eyed speculators who had hitherto controlledthe business. They seemed to be men of character, desirous ofexperimenting with free labor for the sake of demonstrating itsfeasibility when skillfully and honestly managed. They hoped andbelieved it would be profitable, but they were not undertaking theenterprise solely with a view to money-making. The number of thesemen was not large, but their presence, although in small force, wasexceedingly encouraging. I regret to say that these men were outstripped in the struggle forgood locations by their more unscrupulous competitors. Before theseason was ended, the majority of the honest men abandoned the field. During 1863, many negroes cultivated small lots of ground on their ownaccount. Sometimes a whole family engaged in the enterprise, a singleindividual having control of the matter. In other cases, two, three, or a half-dozen negroes would unite their labor, and divide thereturns. One family of four persons sold twelve bales of cotton, attwo hundred dollars per bale, as the result of eight months' labor. Six negroes who united their labor were able to sell twenty bales. Theaverage was about one and a half or two bales to each of those personswho attempted the planting enterprise on their own account. A fewmade as high as four bales each, while others did not make more thana single bale. One negro, who was quite successful in planting on hisown account, proposed to take a small plantation in 1864, and employtwenty or more colored laborers. How he succeeded I was not able toascertain. The commissioners in charge of the freedmen gave the negroes everyencouragement to plant on their own account. In 1864 there were thirtycolored lessees near Milliken's Bend, and about the same number atHelena. Ten of these persons at Helena realized $31, 000 for theiryear's labor. Two of them planted forty acres in cotton; theirexpenses were about $1, 200; they sold their crop for $8, 000. Anotherleased twenty-four acres. His expenses were less than $2, 000, and hesold his crop for $6, 000. Another leased seventeen acres. He earnedby the season's work enough to purchase a good house, and leave hima cash balance of $300. Another leased thirteen and a half acres, expended about $600 in its cultivation, and sold his crop for $4, 000. At Milliken's Bend the negroes were not as successful as atHelena--much of the cotton crop being destroyed by the "army worm. " Itis possible that the return of peace may cause a discontinuance of thepolicy of leasing land to negroes. The planters are bitterly opposed to the policy of dividingplantations into small parcels, and allowing them to be cultivatedby freedmen. They believe in extensive tracts of land under a singlemanagement, and endeavor to make the production of cotton a businessfor the few rather than the many. It has always been the rule todiscourage small planters. No aristocratic proprietor, if he couldavoid it, would sell any portion of his estate to a man of limitedmeans. In the hilly portions of the South, the rich men were unable tocarry out their policy. Consequently, there were many who cultivatedcotton on a small scale. On the lower Mississippi this was not thecase. When the Southern States are fairly "reconstructed, " and the politicalcontrol is placed in the hands of the ruling race, every effort willbe made to maintain the old policy. Plantations of a thousand or ofthree thousand acres will be kept intact, unless the hardest necessitycompels their division. If possible, the negroes will not be permittedto possess or cultivate land on their own account. To allow them tohold real estate will be partially admitting their claim to humanity. No true scion of chivalry can permit such an innovation, so long as heis able to make successful opposition. I have heard Southern men declare that a statute law should, andwould, be made to prevent the negroes holding real estate. I haveno doubt of the disposition of the late Rebels in favor of suchenactment, and believe they would display the greatest energy in itsenforcement. It would be a labor of love on their part, as well as ofduty. Its success would be an obstacle in the way of the much-dreaded"negro equality. " CHAPTER XXXI. AMONG THE OFFICIALS. Reasons for Trying an Experiment. --Activity among Lessees. --Opinionsof the Residents. --Rebel Hopes in 1863. --Removal of Negroes to WestLouisiana. --Visiting Natchez. --The City and its Business. --"TheRejected Addresses. " In my visit to Vicksburg I was accompanied by my fellow-journalist, Mr. Colburn, of _The World_. Mr. Colburn and myself had taken morethan an ordinary interest in the free-labor enterprise. We had watchedits inception eight months before, with many hopes for its success, and with as many fears for the result. The experiment of 1863, underall its disadvantages, gave us convincing proof that the production ofcotton and sugar by free labor was both possible and profitable. Thenegro had proved the incorrectness of the slaveholders' assertion thatno black man would labor on a plantation except as a slave. So much wehad seen accomplished. It was the result of a single year's trial. Wedesired to see a further and more extensive test. While studying the new system in the hands of others, we were urged tobring it under our personal observation. Various inducements were heldout. We were convinced of the general feasibility of the enterprise, wherever it received proper attention. As a philanthropic undertaking, it was commendable. As a financial experiment, it promised success. Welooked at the matter in all its aspects, and finally decided to gainan intimate knowledge of plantation life in war-time. Whether wesucceeded or failed, we would learn more about the freedmen than wehad hitherto known, and would assist, in some degree, to solvethe great problem before the country. Success would be personallyprofitable, while failure could not be disastrous. We determined to lease a plantation, but had selected none. In herdirections for cooking a hare, Mrs. Glass says: "First, catch yourhare. " Our animal was to be caught, and the labor of securing itproved greater than we anticipated. All the eligible locations around Vicksburg had been taken by thelessees of the previous season, or by newly-arrived persons whopreceded us. There were several residents of the neighboring regionwho desired persons from the North to join them in tilling theirplantations. They were confident of obtaining Rebel protection, thoughby no means certain of securing perfect immunity. In each case theydemanded a cash advance of a few thousands, for the purpose of hiringthe guerrillas to keep the peace. As it was evident that the purchaseof one marauding band would require the purchase of others, untilthe entire "Confederacy" had been bought up, we declined all theseproposals. Some of these residents, who wished Northern men to join them, claimedto have excellent plantations along the Yazoo, or near some of itstributary bayous. These men were confident a fine cotton crop could bemade, "if there were some Northern man to manage the niggers. " It wasthe general complaint with the people who lived in that region that, with few exceptions, no Southern man could induce the negroes tocontinue at work. One of these plantation proprietors said hislocation was such that no guerrilla could get near it withoutendangering his life. An investigation showed that no other personcould reach the plantation without incurring a risk nearly as great. Very few of these owners of remote plantations were able to inducestrangers to join them. We procured a map of the Mississippi and the country bordering itsbanks. Whenever we found a good location and made inquiry about it atthe office of the leasing agents, we were sure to ascertain that someone had already filed an application. It was plain that Vicksburg wasnot the proper field for our researches. We shook its dust from ourfeet and went to Natchez, a hundred and twenty-five miles below, wherea better prospect was afforded. In the spring of 1863, the Rebels felt confident of retainingpermanent possession of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, two hundred andfifty miles apart. Whatever might be the result elsewhere, thisportion of the Mississippi should not be abandoned. In the belief thatthe progress of the Yankees had been permanently stopped, the plantersin the locality mentioned endeavored to make as full crops as possibleof the great staple of the South. Accordingly, they plowed andplanted, and tended the growing cotton until midsummer came. On thefourth of July, Vicksburg surrendered, and opened the river to PortHudson. General Herron's Division was sent to re-enforce GeneralBanks, who was besieging the latter place. In a few days, GeneralGardner hauled down his flag and gave Port Hudson to the nation. "TheFather of Waters went unvexed to the Sea. " The rich region that the Rebels had thought to hold was, by thefortune of war, in the possession of the National army. The planterssuspended their operations, through fear that the Yankees wouldpossess the land. Some of them sent their negroes to the interior of Louisiana forsafety. Others removed to Texas, carrying all their human propertywith them. On some plantations the cotton had been so well cared forthat it came to maturity in fine condition. On others it had been veryslightly cultivated, and was almost choked out of existence by weedsand grass. Nearly every plantation could boast of more or less cottonin the field--the quantity varying from twenty bales to five hundred. On some plantations cotton had been neglected, and a large crop ofcorn grown in its place. Everywhere the Rebel law had been obeyedby the production of more corn than usual. There was enough for thesustenance of our armies for many months. Natchez was the center of this newly-opened region. Before the war itwas the home of wealthy slave-owners, who believed the formation of aSouthern Confederacy would be the formation of a terrestrial paradise. On both banks of the Mississippi, above and below Natchez, were thefinest cotton plantations of the great valley. One family owned nineplantations, from which eight thousand bales of cotton were annuallysent to market. Another family owned seven plantations, and otherswere the owners of from three to six, respectively. The plantations were in the care of overseers and agents, and rarelyvisited by their owners. The profits were large, and money was pouredout in profusion. The books of one of the Natchez banks showed a dailybusiness, in the picking season, of two or three million dollars, generally on the accounts of planters and their factors. Prior to the Rebellion, cotton was usually shipped to New Orleans, andsold in that market. There were some of the planters who sent theircotton to Liverpool or Havre, without passing it through the hands ofNew Orleans factors. A large balance of the proceeds of such shipmentsremained to the credit of the shippers when the war broke out, andsaved them from financial ruin. The business of Natchez amounted, according to the season, from a hundred thousand to three hundredthousand bales. This included a great quantity that was sent to NewOrleans from plantations above and below the city, without touching atall upon the levee at Natchez. Natchez consists of Natchez-on-the-Hill and Natchez-under-the-Hill. A bluff, nearly two hundred feet high, faces the Mississippi, wherethere is an eastward bend of the stream. Toward the river this bluffis almost perpendicular, and is climbed by three roads cut into itsface like inclined shelves. The French established a settlement atthis point a hundred and fifty years ago, and erected a fortificationfor its defense. This work, known as Fort Rosalie, can still be tracedwith distinctness, though it has fallen into extreme decay. It wasevidently a rectangular, bastioned work, and the location of thebastions and magazine can be readily made out. Natchez-under-the-Hill is a small, straggling village, having a fewcommission houses and stores, and dwellings of a suspicious character. It was once a resort of gamblers and other _chevaliers d'industrie_, whose livelihood was derived from the travelers along the Mississippi. At present it is somewhat shorn of its glory. Natchez-on-the-Hill is a pleasant and well-built city, of about tenthousand inhabitants. The buildings display wealth and good taste, the streets are wide and finely shaded, and the abundance of churchesspeaks in praise of the religious sentiment of the people. Near theedge of the bluff there was formerly a fine park, commanding a view ofthe river for several miles in either direction, and overlookingthe plantations and cypress forests on the opposite shore. Thispleasure-ground was reserved for the white people alone, no negrobeing allowed to enter the inclosure under severe penalties. Aregiment of our soldiers encamped near this park, and used its fencefor fuel. The park is now free to persons of whatever color. Natchez suffered less from the war than most other places of its sizealong the Mississippi. The Rebels never erected fortifications in oraround Natchez, having relied upon Vicksburg and Port Hudson for theirprotection. When Admiral Farragut ascended the river, in 1862, afterthe fall of New Orleans, he promised that Natchez should not bedisturbed, so long as the people offered no molestation to ourgun-boats or army transports. This neutrality was carefully observed, except on one occasion. A party which landed from the gun-boat _Essex_was fired upon by a militia company that desired to distinguishitself. Natchez was shelled for two hours, in retaliation for thisoutrage. From that time until our troops occupied the city there wasno disturbance. When we arrived at Natchez, we found several Northern men alreadythere, whose business was similar to our own. Some had securedplantations, and were preparing to take possession. Others werewatching the situation and surveying the ground before making theirselections. We found that the best plantations in the vicinity hadbeen taken by the friends of Adjutant-General Thomas, and were gonepast our securing. At Vidalia, Louisiana, directly opposite Natchez, were two fine plantations, "Arnuldia" and "Whitehall, " which had beenthus appropriated. Others in their vicinity had been taken in one wayor another, and were out of our reach. Some of the lessees declaredthey had been forced to promise a division with certain parties inauthority before obtaining possession, while others maintained adiscreet silence on the subject. Many plantations owned by widows andsemi-loyal persons, would not be placed in the market as "abandonedproperty. " There were many whose status had not been decided, sothat they were practically out of the market. In consequence of thesevarious drawbacks, the number of desirable locations that were openfor selection was not large. One of the leasing agents gave us a letter to a young widow whoresided in the city, and owned a large plantation in Louisiana, fifteen miles from Natchez. We lost no time in calling upon the lady. Other parties had already seen her with a view to leasing herplantation. Though she had promised the lease to one of thesevisitors, she had no objections to treating with ourselves, providedshe could make a more advantageous contract. In a few days we repeated our visit. Our rival had urged his reasonsfor consideration, and was evidently in favor. He had claimed to bea Secessionist, and assured her he could obtain a safeguard from theRebel authorities. The lady finally consented to close a contract withhim, and placed us in the position of discarded suitors. We thought ofissuing a new edition of "The Rejected Addresses. " CHAPTER XXXII. A JOURNEY OUTSIDE THE LINES. Passing the Pickets. --Cold Weather in the South. --Effect of Climateupon the Constitution. --Surrounded and Captured. --Prevaricationand Explanation. --Among the Natives. --The Game for theConfederacy. --Courtesy of the Planters. --Condition of thePlantations. --The Return. Mr. Colburn went to St. Louis, on business in which both wereinterested, and left me to look out a plantation. I determined to makea tour of exploration in Louisiana, in the region above Vidalia. Withtwo or three gentlemen, who were bound on similar business, I passedour pickets one morning, and struck out into the region which wasdominated by neither army. The weather was intensely cold, the groundfrozen solid, and a light snow falling. Cold weather in the South has one peculiarity: it can seem moreintense than the same temperature at the North. It is the effect ofthe Southern climate to unfit the system for any thing but a warmatmosphere. The chill penetrates the whole body with a severity I havenever known north of the Ohio River. In a cold day, the "Sunny South"possesses very few attractions in the eyes of a stranger. In that day's ride, and in the night which followed, I suffered morethan ever before from cold. I once passed a night in the open air inthe Rocky Mountains, with the thermometer ten degrees below zero. I think it was more endurable than Louisiana, with the mercury tendegrees above zero. On my plantation hunt I was thickly clad, but thecold _would_ penetrate, in spite of every thing. An hour by a firemight bring some warmth, but the first step into the open air woulddrive it away. Fluid extract of corn failed to have its ordinaryeffect. The people of the vicinity said the weather was unusuallysevere on that occasion. For the sake of those who reside therehereafter, I hope their statement was true. Our party stopped for the night at a plantation near Waterproof, asmall village on the bank of the river, twenty-two miles from Natchez. Just as we were comfortably seated by the fire in the overseer'shouse, one of the negroes announced that a person at the door wishedto see us. I stepped to the door, and found a half-dozen mounted men in blueuniforms. Each man had a carbine or revolver drawn on me. One of mycompanions followed me outside, and found that the strange party hadweapons enough to cover both of us. It had been rumored that severalguerrillas, wearing United States uniforms, were lurking in thevicinity. Our conclusions concerning the character of our captors werespeedily made. Resistance was useless, but there were considerations that led us toparley as long as possible. Three officers, and as many soldiers, from Natchez, had overtaken us in the afternoon, and borne us companyduring the latter part of our ride. When we stopped for the night, they concluded to go forward two or three miles, and return in themorning. Supposing ourselves fairly taken, we wished to giveour friends opportunity to escape. With this object in view, weendeavored, by much talking, to consume time. I believe it does not make a man eloquent to compel him to peer intothe muzzles of a half-dozen cocked revolvers, that may be dischargedat any instant on the will of the holders. Prevarication is adifficult task, when time, place, and circumstances are favorable. Itis no easy matter to convince your hearers of the truth of a storyyou know to be false, even when those hearers are inclined to becredulous. Surrounded by strangers, and with your life in peril, thedifficulties are greatly increased. I am satisfied that I made a sadfailure on that particular occasion. My friend and myself answered, indiscriminately, the questions thatwere propounded. Our responses did not always agree. Possibly we mighthave done better if only one of us had spoken. "Come out of that house, " was the first request that was made. We came out. "Tell those soldiers to come out. " "There are no soldiers here, " I responded. "That's a d--d lie. " "There are none here. " "Yes, there are, " said the spokesman of the party. "Some Yankeesoldiers came here a little while ago. " "We have been here only a few minutes. " "Where did you come from?" This was what the lawyers call a leading question. We did not desireto acknowledge we were from Natchez, as that would reveal us at once. We did not wish to say we were from Shreveport, as it would soon beproved we were not telling the truth. I replied that we had come froma plantation a few miles below. Simultaneously my companion said wehad just crossed the river. Here was a lack of corroborative testimony which our captors commentedupon, somewhat to our discredit. So the conversation went on, ouranswers becoming more confused each time we spoke. At last the leaderof the group dismounted, and prepared to search the house. He turnedus over to the care of his companions, saying, as he did so: "If I find any soldiers here, you may shoot these d--d fellows forlying. " During all the colloquy we had been carefully covered by the weaponsof the group. We knew no soldiers could be found about the premises, and felt no fear concerning the result of the search. Just as the leader finished his search, a lieutenant and twenty menrode up. "Well, " said our captor, "you are saved from shooting. I will turn youover to the lieutenant. " I recognized in that individual an officer to whom I had receivedintroduction a day or two before. The recognition was mutual. We had fallen into the hands of a scouting party of our own forces. Each mistook the other for Rebels. The contemplated shooting wasindefinitely postponed. The lieutenant in command concluded to encampnear us, and we passed the evening in becoming acquainted with eachother. On the following day the scouting party returned to Natchez. Withmy two companions I proceeded ten miles further up the river-bank, calling, on the way, at several plantations. All the inhabitantssupposed we were Rebel officers, going to or from Kirby Smith'sdepartment. At one house we found two old gentlemen indulging in agame of chess. In response to a comment upon their mode of amusement, one of them said: "We play a very slow and cautious game, sir. Such a game as theConfederacy ought to play at this time. " To this I assented. "How did you cross the river, gentlemen?" was the first interrogatory. "We crossed it at Natchez. " "At Natchez! We do not often see Confederates from Natchez. You musthave been very fortunate to get through. " Then we explained who and what we were. The explanation was followedby a little period of silence on the part of our new acquaintances. Very soon, however, the ice was broken, and our conversation becamefree. We were assured that we might travel anywhere in that regionas officers of the Rebel army, without the slightest suspicion of ourreal character. They treated us courteously, and prevailed upon us tojoin them at dinner. Many apologies were given for the scantiness ofthe repast. Corn-bread, bacon, and potatoes were the only articlesset before us. Our host said he was utterly unable to procure flour, sugar, coffee, or any thing else not produced upon his plantation. He thought the good times would return when the war ended, and wasparticularly anxious for that moment to arrive. He pressed us to passthe night at his house, but we were unable to do so. On the followingday we returned to Natchez. Everywhere on the road from Vidalia to the farthest point of ourjourney, we found the plantations running to waste. The negroes hadbeen sent to Texas or West Louisiana for safety, or were remainingquietly in their quarters. Some had left their masters, and weregone to the camps of the National army at Vicksburg and Natchez. Theplanters had suspended work, partly because they deemed it uselessto do any thing in the prevailing uncertainty, and partly because thenegroes were unwilling to perform any labor. Squads of Rebel cavalryhad visited some of the plantations, and threatened punishment tothe negroes if they did any thing whatever toward the production ofcotton. Of course, the negroes would heed such advice if they heededno other. On all the plantations we found cotton and corn, principally thelatter, standing in the field. Sometimes there were single inclosuresof several hundred acres. The owners were desirous of making anyarrangement that would secure the tilling of their soil, while itdid not involve them in any trouble with their neighbors or the Rebelauthorities. They deplored the reverses which the Rebel cause had suffered, andconfessed that the times were out of joint. One of the men we visitedwas a judge in the courts of Louisiana, and looked at the questionin a legal light. After lamenting the severity of the storm which waspassing over the South, and expressing his fear that the Rebellionwould be a failure, he referred to his own situation. "I own a plantation, " said he, "and have combined my planting interestwith the practice of law. The fortune of war has materially changed mycircumstances. My niggers used to do as I told them, but that time ispassed. Your Northern people have made soldiers of our servants, andwill, I presume, make voters of them. In five years, if I continue thepractice of law, I suppose I shall be addressing a dozen negroes asgentlemen of the jury. " "If you had a negro on trial, " said one of our party, "that would becorrect enough. Is it not acknowledged everywhere that a man shall betried by his peers?" The lawyer admitted that he never thought of that point before. He said he would insist upon having negroes admitted into court ascounsel for negroes that were to be tried by a jury of their race. Hedid not believe they would ever be available as laborers in the fieldif they were set free, and thought so many of them would engage intheft that negro courts would be constantly busy. Generally speaking, the planters that I saw were not violentSecessionists, though none of them were unconditional Union men. Allsaid they had favored secession at the beginning of the movement, because they thought it would strengthen and perpetuate slavery. Mostof them had lost faith in its ultimate success, but clung to it astheir only hope. The few Union men among them, or those who claimedto be loyal, were friends of the nation with many conditions. Theydesired slavery to be restored to its former status, the rights of theStates left intact, and a full pardon extended to all who had takenpart in the Rebellion. Under these conditions they would be willing tosee the Union restored. Otherwise, the war must go on. We visited several plantations on our tour of observation, andcompared their respective merits. One plantation contained threethousand acres of land, but was said to be very old and worn out. Nearit was one of twelve hundred acres, three-fourths covered with corn, but with no standing cotton. One had six hundred acres of cottonin the field. This place belonged to a Spaniard, who would not bedisturbed by Government, and who refused to allow any work done untilafter the end of the war. Another had four hundred acres of standingcotton, but the plantation had been secured by a lessee, who was aboutcommencing work. All had merits, and all had demerits. On some there was a sufficientforce for the season's work, while on others there was scarcely anable field-hand. On some the gin-houses had been burned, and on othersthey were standing, but disabled. A few plantations were in goodorder, but there was always some drawback against our securingthem. Some were liable to overflow during the expected flood of theMississippi; others were in the hands of their owners, and would notbe leased by the Government. Some that had been abandoned wereso thoroughly abandoned that we would hesitate to attempt theircultivation. There were several plantations more desirable thanothers, and I busied myself to ascertain the status of their owners, and the probabilities concerning their disposal. Some of the semi-loyal owners of plantations were able to make verygood speculations in leasing their property. There was an earnestcompetition among the lessees to secure promising plantations. Oneowner made a contract, by which he received five thousand dollars incash and half the product of the year's labor. A week after the lessee took possession, he was frightened by thenear approach of a company of Rebel cavalry. He broke his contract anddeparted for the North, forfeiting the five thousand dollars he hadadvanced. Another lessee was ready to make a new contract with theowner, paying five thousand dollars as his predecessor had done. Fourweeks later, this lessee abandoned the field, and the owner was atliberty to begin anew. To widows and orphans the agents of the Government displayed acommendable liberality. Nearly all of these persons were allowed toretain control of their plantations, leasing them as they saw fit, andenjoying the income. Some were required to subscribe to the oath ofallegiance, and promise to show no more sympathy for the crumblingConfederacy. In many cases no pledge of any kind was exacted. I knew one widow whose disloyalty was of the most violent character. On a visit to New Orleans she was required to take the oath ofallegiance before she could leave the steamboat at the levee. Shesigned the printed oath under protest. A month later, she brought thisdocument forward to prove her loyalty and secure the control of herplantation. CHAPTER XXXIII. OH THE PLANTATION. Military Protection. --Promises. --Another Widow. --Securinga Plantation. --Its Locality and Appearance. --Gardening inLouisiana. --How Cotton is Picked. --"The Tell-Tale. "--A Southerner'sOpinion of the Negro Character. --Causes and Consequences. Parties who proposed to lease and cultivate abandoned plantations wereanxious to know what protection would be afforded them. General Thomasand his agents assured them that proper military posts would soon beestablished at points within easy distance of each other along theriver, so that all plantations in certain limits would be amplyprotected. This would be done, not as a courtesy to the lessees, butas a part of the policy of providing for the care of the negroes. If the lessees would undertake to feed and clothe several thousandnegroes, besides paying them for their labor, they would relievethe Government authorities of a great responsibility. They woulddemonstrate the feasibility of employing the negroes as free laborers. The cotton which they would throw into market would serve to reducethe prices of that staple, and be a partial supply to the Northernfactories. All these things considered, the Government was anxious tofoster the enterprise, and would give it every proper assistance. Theagents were profuse in their promises of protection, and assured us itwould be speedily forthcoming. There was a military post at Vidalia, opposite Natchez, which affordedprotection to the plantations in which General Thomas's family andfriends were interested. Another was promised at Waterproof, twentymiles above, with a stockade midway between the two places. There wasto be a force of cavalry to make a daily journey over the road betweenVidalia and Waterproof. I selected two plantations about two milesbelow Waterproof, and on the bank of the Mississippi. They wereseparated by a strip of wood-land half a mile in width, and by asmall bayou reaching from the river to the head of Lake St. John. Bothplantations belonged to the same person, a widow, living near Natchez. The authorities had not decided what they would do with theseplantations--whether they would hold them as Government property, orallow the owner to control them. In consideration of her being a widowof fifteen years' standing, they at length determined upon the lattercourse. It would be necessary to take out a lease from the authoritiesafter obtaining one from the owner. I proceeded at once to make theproper negotiations. Another widow! My first experience in seeking to obtain a widow'splantation was not encouraging. The first widow was young, the secondwas old. Both were anxious to make a good bargain. In the firstinstance I had a rival, who proved victorious. In the second affair Ihad no rival at the outset, but was confronted with one when my suitwas fairly under way. Before he came I obtained a promise of thewidow's plantations. My rival made her a better offer than I had done. At this she proposed to desert me. I caused the elder Weller's adviceto be whispered to him, hoping it might induce his withdrawal. He didnot retire, and we, therefore, continued our struggle. _He_ was makingproposals on his own behalf; I was proposing for myself and for Mr. Colburn, who was then a thousand miles away. My widow (I call her mine, for I won at last) desired us to give herall the corn and cotton then on the plantations, and half of whatshould be produced under our management. I offered her half the formerand one-fourth the latter. These were the terms on which nearlyall private plantations were being leased. She agreed to the offerrespecting the corn and cotton then standing in the field, anddemanded a third of the coming year's products. After some hesitation, we decided upon "splitting the difference. " Upon many minor points, such as the sale of wood, stock, wool, etc. , she had her own way. A contract was drawn up, which gave Colburn and myself the lease ofthe two plantations, "Aquasco" and "Monono, " for the period of oneyear. We were to gather the crops then standing in the field, bothcotton and corn, selling all the former and such portion of the latteras was not needed for the use of the plantations. We were to cultivatethe plantations to the best of our abilities, subject to the fortunesof flood, fire, and pestilence, and the operations of military andmarauding forces. We agreed to give up the plantations at the end ofthe year in as good condition as we found them in respect to stock, tools, etc. , unless prevented by circumstances beyond our control. Wewere to have full supervision of the plantations, and manage themas we saw fit. We were to furnish such stock and tools as might beneeded, with the privilege of removing the same at the time of ourdeparture. Our widow (whom I shall call Mrs. B. ) was to have one-half theproceeds of the corn and cotton then on the plantations, and seventwenty-fourths of such as might be produced during the year. Shewas to have the privilege of obtaining, once a week, the supplies ofbutter, chickens, meal, vegetables, and similar articles she mightneed for her family use. There were other provisions in the contract, but the essential points were those I have mentioned. The twoplantations were to be under a single management. I shall haveoccasion to speak of them jointly, as "the plantation. " With this contract duly signed, sealed, and stamped, I went to the"Agent for Abandoned Plantations. " After some delay, and a paymentof liberal fees, I obtained the Government lease. These preliminariesconcluded, I proceeded to the locality of our temporary home. Colburnhad not returned from the North, but was expected daily. The bayou which I have mentioned, running through the strip of woodswhich separated the plantations, formed the dividing line between theparishes "Concordia" and "Tensas, " in the State of Louisiana. Lake St. John lay directly in rear of "Monono, " our lower plantation. This lakewas five or six miles long by one in width, and was, doubtless, thebed of the Mississippi many years ago. On each plantation there were ten dwelling-houses for the negroes. Onone they were arranged in a double row, and on the other in a singlerow. There was a larger house for the overseer, and there wereblacksmith shops, carpenter shops, stables, corn-cribs, meat-houses, cattle-yards, and gin-houses. On Aquasco there was a dwelling-house containing five large rooms, andhaving a wide veranda along its entire front. This dwelling-house wasin a spacious inclosure, by the side of a fine garden. Inside thisinclosure, and not far from the dwelling, were the quarters for thehouse-servants, the carriage-house and private stable, the smoke-houseand the kitchen, which lay detached from the main building, accordingto the custom prevailing in the South. Our garden could boast of fig and orange trees, and other tropicalproductions. Pinks and roses we possessed in abundance. Of the latterwe had enough in their season to furnish all the flower-girls onBroadway with a stock in trade. Our gardener "made his garden" inFebruary. By the middle of March, his potatoes, cabbages, beets, andother vegetables under his care were making fine progress. Beforethe jingle of sleigh-bells had ceased in the Eastern States, we werefeasting upon delicious strawberries from our own garden, ripened inthe open air. The region where plowing begins in January, and corn isplanted in February or early March, impresses a New Englander with itscontrast to his boyhood home. When I took possession of our new property, the state of affairs wasnot the most pleasing. Mrs. B. Had sent the best of her negroes toTexas shortly after the fall of Vicksburg. Those remaining on theplantations were not sufficient for our work. There were four muleswhere we needed fifty, and there was not a sufficient supply ofoxen and wagons. Farming tools, plows, etc. , were abundant, but manyrepairs must be made. There was enough of nearly every thing for acommencement. The rest would be secured in due season. Cotton and corn were in the field. The former was to receive immediateattention. On the day after my arrival I mustered thirty-four laborersof all ages and both sexes, and placed them at work, under thesuperintendence of a foreman. During the afternoon I visited them inthe field, to observe the progress they were making. It was the firsttime I had ever witnessed the operation, but I am confident I did notbetray my inexperience in the presence of my colored laborers. Theforeman asked my opinion upon various points of plantation management, but I deferred making answer until a subsequent occasion. In everycase I told him to do for the present as they had been accustomed, andI would make such changes as I saw fit from time to time. Cotton-picking requires skill rather than strength. The young womenare usually the best pickers, on account of their superior dexterity. The cotton-stalk, or bush, is from two to five or six feet high. It isunlike any plant with which we are familiar in the North. It resemblesa large currant-bush more nearly than any thing else I can think of. Where the branches are widest the plant is three or four feet fromside to side. The lowest branches are the longest, and the plant, standing by itself, has a shape similar to that of the Northernspruce. The stalk is sometimes an inch and a half in diameter whereit leaves the ground. Before the leaves have fallen, the rows ina cotton-field bear a strong resemblance to a series of untrimmedhedges. When fully opened, the cotton-bolls almost envelop the plant in theirsnow-white fiber. At a distance a cotton-field ready for the pickersforcibly reminds a Northerner of an expanse covered with snow. OurNorthern expression, "white as snow, " is not in use in the GulfStates. "White as cotton" is the form of comparison which takes itsplace. The pickers walk between the rows, and gather the cotton from thestalks on either side. Each one gathers half the cotton from the rowon his right, and half of that on his left. Sometimes, when the stalksare low, one person takes an entire row to himself, and gathers fromboth sides of it. A bag is suspended by a strap over the shoulder, theend of the bag reaching the ground, so that its weight may not bean inconvenience. The open boll is somewhat like a fully bloomedwater-lily. The skill in picking lies in thrusting the fingersinto the boll so as to remove all the cotton with a single motion. Ordinary-pickers grasp the boll with one hand and pluck out the cottonwith the other. Skillful pickers work with both hands, never touchingthe bolls, but removing the cotton by a single dextrous twist of thefingers. They can thus operate with great rapidity. As fast as the bags are filled, they are emptied into large baskets, which are placed at a corner of the field or at the ends of the rows. When the day's work is ended the cotton is weighed. The amountbrought forward by each person is noted on a slate, from which it issubsequently recorded on the account-book of the plantation. From one to four hundred pounds, according to the state of the plants, is the proper allowance for each hand per day. In the days of slavery the "stint" was fixed by the overseer, and wasrequired to be picked under severe penalties. It is needless to saythat this stint was sufficiently large to allow of no loitering duringthe entire day. If the slave exceeded the quantity required of him, the excess was sometimes placed to his credit and deducted from asubsequent day. This was by no means the universal custom. Sometimeshe received a small present or was granted some especial favor. Bysome masters the stint was increased by the addition of the excess. The task was always regulated by the condition of the cotton in thefield. Where it would sometimes be three hundred pounds, at others itwould not exceed one hundred. At the time I commenced my cotton-picking, the circumstances were notfavorable to a large return. The picking season begins in August orSeptember, and is supposed to end before Christmas. In my case it waslate in January, and the winter rain had washed much of the cottonfrom the stalks. Under the circumstances I could not expect more thanfifty or seventy-five pounds per day for each person engaged. During the first few days I did not weigh the cotton. I knew theaverage was not more than fifty pounds to each person, but theestimates which the negroes made fixed it at two hundred pounds. Onenight I astonished them by taking the weighing apparatus to the fieldand carefully weighing each basket. There was much disappointmentamong all parties at the result. The next day's picking showed asurprising improvement. After that time, each day's work was testedand the result announced. The "tell-tale, " as the scales weresometimes called, was an overseer from whom there was no escape. Ithink the negroes worked faithfully as soon as they found there was noopportunity for deception. I was visited by Mrs. B. 's agent a few days after I became acotton-planter. We took an inventory of the portable property thatbelonged to the establishment, and arranged some plans for our mutualadvantage. This agent was a resident of Natchez. He was born in theNorth, but had lived so long in the slave States that his sympathieswere wholly Southern. He assured me the negroes were the greatestliars in the world, and required continual watching. They would takeevery opportunity to neglect their work, and were always planning newmodes of deception. They would steal every thing of which they couldmake any use, and many articles that they could not possibly disposeof. Pretending illness was among the most frequent devices foravoiding labor, and the overseer was constantly obliged to contendagainst such deception. In short, as far as I could ascertainfrom this gentleman, the negro was the embodiment of all earthlywickedness. Theft, falsehood, idleness, deceit, and many other sinswhich afflict mortals, were the especial heritance of the negro. In looking about me, I found that many of these charges againstthe negro were true. The black man was deceptive, and he was oftendishonest. There can be no effect without a cause, and the reasonsfor this deception and dishonesty were apparent, without difficultresearch. The system of slavery necessitated a constant strugglebetween the slave and his overseer. It was the duty of the latter toobtain the greatest amount of labor from the sinews of the slave. Itwas the business of the slave to perform as little labor as possible. It made no difference to him whether the plantation produced a hundredor a thousand bales. He received nothing beyond his subsistence andclothing. His labor had no compensation, and his balance-sheet at theend of the month or year was the same, whether he had been idle orindustrious. It was plainly to his personal interest to do nothing hecould in any way avoid. The negro displayed his sagacity by deceivingthe overseer whenever he could do so. The best white man in the worldwould have shunned all labor under such circumstances. The negroevinced a pardonable weakness in pretending to be ill whenever hecould hope to make the pretense successful. Receiving no compensation for his services, beyond his necessarysupport, the negro occasionally sought to compensate himself. He wasfond of roasted pork, but that article did not appear on the listof plantation rations. Consequently some of the negroes would makeclandestine seizure of the fattest pigs when the chance of detectionwas not too great. It was hard to convince them that the use of onepiece of property for the benefit of another piece, belonging to thesame person, was a serious offense. "You see, Mr. K----, " said a negro to me, admitting that he hadsometimes stolen his master's hogs, "you see, master owns hissaddle-horse, and he owns lots of corn. Master would be very mad if Ididn't give the horse all the corn he wanted. Now, he owns me, and heowns a great many hogs. I like hog, just as much as the horse likescorn, but when master catches me killing the hogs he is very mad, andhe makes the overseer whip me. " Corn, chickens, flour, meal, in fact, every thing edible, becamelegitimate plunder for the negroes when the rations furnished themwere scanty. I believe that in nine cases out of ten the petty theftswhich the negroes committed were designed to supply personal wants, rather than for any other purpose. What the negro stole was usually anarticle of food, and it was nearly always stolen from the plantationwhere he belonged. Sometimes there was a specially bad negro--one who had been caught insome extraordinary dishonesty. One in my employ was reported tohave been shot at while stealing from a dwelling-house several yearsbefore. Among two hundred negroes, he was the only noted rascal. Idid not attribute his dishonesty to his complexion alone. I have knownworse men than he, in whose veins there was not a drop of Africanblood. The police records everywhere show that wickedness of heart"dwells in white and black the same. " With his disadvantages of position, the absence of all moral training, and the dishonesty which was the natural result of the old systemof labor, the negro could not be expected to observe all the rulesprescribed for his guidance, but which were never explained. Likeignorant and degraded people everywhere, many of the negroes believedthat guilt lay mainly in detection. There was little wickedness instealing a pig or a chicken, if the theft were never discovered, andthere was no occasion for allowing twinges of conscience to disturbthe digestion. I do not intend to intimate, by the above, that all were dishonest, even in these small peculations. There were many whose sense of rightand wrong was very clear, and whose knowledge of their duties had beenderived from the instructions of the white preachers. These negroes"obeyed their masters" in every thing, and considered it a religiousobligation to be always faithful. They never avoided their tasks, inthe field or elsewhere, and were never discovered doing any wrong. Under the new system of labor at the South, this portion of the negropopulation will prove of great advantage in teaching their kindred theduties they owe to each other. When all are trained to think andact for themselves, the negroes will, doubtless, prove as correct inmorals as the white people around them. Early in the present year, the authorities at Davies' Bend, belowVicksburg, established a negro court, in which all petty cases weretried. The judge, jury, counsel, and officers were negroes, and nowhite man was allowed to interfere during the progress of a trial. After the decisions were made, the statement of the case and theaction thereon were referred to the superintendent of the Governmentplantations at that point. It was a noticeable feature that the punishments which the negroesdecreed for each other were of a severe character. Very frequently itwas necessary for the authorities to modify the sentences after thecolored judge had rendered them. The cases tried by the court relatedto offenses of a minor character, such as theft, fraud, and variousdelinquencies of the freed negroes. The experiment of a negro court is said to have been very successful, though it required careful watching. It was made in consequence ofa desire of the authorities to teach the freedmen how to governthemselves. The planters in the vicinity were as bitterly opposed tothe movement as to any other effort that lifts the negro above his oldposition. At the present time, several parties in Vicksburg have leased threeplantations, in as many localities, and are managing them on differentplans. On the first they furnish the negroes with food and clothing, and divide the year's income with them. On the second they pay wagesat the rate of ten dollars per month, furnishing rations free, andretaining half the money until the end of the year. On the third theypay daily wages of one dollar, having the money ready at nightfall, the negro buying his own rations at a neighboring store. On the first plantation, the negroes are wasteful of their supplies, as they are not liable for any part of their cost. They are inclinedto be idle, as their share in the division will not be materiallyaffected by the loss of a few days' labor. On the second they are lesswasteful and more industrious, but the distance of the day of paymentis not calculated to develop notions of strict economy. On the thirdthey generally display great frugality, and are far more inclined tolabor than on the other plantations. The reason is apparent. On the first plantation their condition isnot greatly changed from that of slavery, except in the promise ofcompensation and the absence of compulsory control. In the last casethey are made responsible both for their labor and expenses, and arelearning how to care for themselves as freemen. CHAPTER XXXIV. RULES AND REGULATIONS UNDER THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS. The Plantation Record. --Its Uses. --Interesting Memoranda. --Dogs, Jail, and Stocks. --Instructions to the Overseer. --His Duties andResponsibilities. --The Order of General Banks. --Management ofPlantations in the Department of the Gulf. --The two DocumentsContrasted. --One of the Effects of "an Abolition War. " Nearly every planter in the South required the manager of hisplantation to keep a record of all events of importance. Books wereprepared by a publishing house in New Orleans, with special referenceto their use by overseers. These books had a blank for every day inthe year, in which the amount and kind of work performed were to berecorded by the overseer. There were blanks for noting the progressduring the picking season, and the amount picked by each person daily. There were blanks for monthly and yearly inventories of stock, tools, etc. , statements of supplies received and distributed, lists of birthsand deaths (there were no blanks for marriages), time and amountof shipments of cotton, and for all the ordinary business of aplantation. In the directions for the use of this book, I found thefollowing:-- "On the pages marked I, the planter himself will make a careful recordof all the negroes upon the plantation, stating their ages as nearlyas possible, and their cash value, at the commencement of the year. At the close, he will again enter their individual value at that time, adding the year's increase, and omitting those that may have died. Thedifference can then be transferred to the balance-sheet. The year'scrop is chargeable with any depreciation in the value of the negroes, occasioned by overwork and improper management, in the effort, perhaps, to make an extra crop independent of every otherconsideration. On the other hand, should the number of children havegreatly increased during the year; the strength and usefulness of theold been sustained by kind treatment and care; the youngsters taughtto be useful, and, perhaps, some of the men instructed in trades andthe women in home manufactures, the increased value of the entireforce will form a handsome addition to the side of _profits_. " On the pages where the daily incidents of the plantation wererecorded, I frequently discovered entries that illustrated the"peculiar institution. " Some of them read thus:-- _June 5th_. Whipped Harry and Sarah to-day, because they didn't keep up theirrows. _July 7th_. Aleck ran away to the woods, because I threatenedto whip him. _July 9th_. Got Mr. Hall's dogs and hunted Aleck. Didn't find him. Think he is inthe swamp back of Brandon's. _July 12th_. Took Aleck out of Vidalia jail. Paid $4. 50 for jail fees. Put him inthe stocks when we got home. _July 30th_. Moses died this morning. Charles and Henry buried him. His wife wasallowed to keep out of the field until noon. _August 10th_. Sent six mules and four negroes down to the lower plantation. Theywill come back to-morrow. _September 9th_. John said he was sick this morning, but I made him go to the field. They brought him in before noon. He has a bad fever. Am afraid hewon't be able to go out again soon. _September 20th_. Whipped Susan, because she didn't pick as much cotton as she didyesterday. _September 29th_. Put William in the stocks and kept him till sunset, for tellingCharles he wanted to run away. _October 8th_. William and Susan want to be married. Told them Ishould not allow it, but they might live together if they wanted to. (The above memorandum was explained to me by one of the negroes. Theowner of the plantation did not approve of marriages, because theywere inconvenient in case it was desired to sell a portion of theworking force. ) _October 1st_. Took an inventory of the negroes and stock. Their valueis about the same as when the last inventory was taken. _December 3d_. Finished picking. Gave the negroes half a holiday. Nearly every day's entry shows the character and amount of workperformed. Thus we have:-- _February 10th_. Fifteen plows running, five hands piling logs, fourhands ditching, six hands in trash-gang. In the planting, hoeing, and picking seasons, the result of the laborwas recorded in the same manner. Whippings were more or less frequent, according to the character of the overseer. Under one overseer I foundthat whippings were rare. Under other overseers they were of commonoccurrence. The individual who prepared the "_Plantation Record_" for thepublishers, gave, in addition to directions for its use, instructionsfor the overseer's general conduct. I copy them below, preserving the author's language throughout. THE DUTIES OF AN OVERSEER. It is here supposed that the overseer is not immediately under hisemployer's eye, but is left for days or weeks, perhaps months, to theexercise of his own judgment in the management of the plantation. Tohim we would say-- Bear in mind, that you have engaged for a stated sum of money, todevote your time and energies, for an entire year, _to one object_--tocarry out the orders of your employer, strictly, cheerfully, andto the best of your ability; and, in all things, to study hisinterests--requiring something more than your mere presence on theplantation, and that at such times as suits your own pleasure andconvenience. On entering upon your duties, inform yourself thoroughly of thecondition of the plantation, negroes, stock, implements, etc. Learnthe views of your employer as to the general course of management hewishes pursued, and make up your mind to carry out these views fully, as far as in your power. If any objections occur to you, state themdistinctly, that they may either be yielded to or overcome. Where full and particular directions are not given to you, but you areleft, in a great measure, to the exercise of your own judgment, youwill find the following hints of service. They are compiled fromexcellent sources--from able articles in the agricultural journalsof the day, from Washington's Directions to his Overseers, and frompersonal experience. "I do, in explicit terms, enjoin it upon you to remain constantly athome (unless called off by unavoidable business, or to attend Divineworship), and to be constantly with your people when there. There isno other sure way of getting work well done, and quietly, by negroes;for when an overlooker's back is turned the most of them will slighttheir work, or be idle altogether. In which case correction cannotretrieve either, but often produces evils which are worse than thedisease. Nor is there any other mode than this to prevent thieving andother disorders, the consequences of opportunities. You will recollectthat your time is paid for by me, and if I am deprived of it, itis worse even than robbing my purse, because it is also a breach oftrust, which every honest man ought to hold most sacred. You havefound me, and you will continue to find me, faithful to my part of theagreement which was made with you, whilst you are attentive to yourpart; but it is to be remembered that a breach on one side releasesthe obligation on the other. " Neither is it right that you should entertain a constant run ofcompany at your house, incurring unnecessary expense, taking up yourown time and that of the servants beyond what is needful for your owncomfort--a woman to cook and wash for you, milk, make butter, and soon. More than this you have no claim to. Endeavor to take the same interest in every thing upon the place, as if it were your own; indeed, the responsibility in this case isgreater than if it were all your own--having been intrusted to you byanother. Unless you feel thus, it is impossible that you can do youremployer justice. The health of the negroes under your charge is an important matter. Much of the usual sickness among them is the result of carelessnessand mismanagement. Overwork or unnecessary exposure to rain, insufficient clothing, improper or badly-cooked food, and nightrambles, are all fruitful causes of disease. A great majority of thecases you should be yourself competent to manage, or you are unfit forthe place you hold; but whenever you find that the case is one you donot understand, send for a physician, if such is the general order ofthe owner. By exerting yourself to have their clothing ready in goodseason; to arrange profitable in-door employment in wet weather;to see that an abundant supply of wholesome, _well-cooked food_, including plenty of vegetables, be supplied to them _at regularhours_; that the sick be cheered and encouraged, and some extracomforts allowed them, and the convalescent not exposed to the chancesof a relapse; that women, whilst nursing, be kept as near to thenursery as possible, but at no time allowed to suckle their childrenwhen overheated; that the infant be nursed three times during the day, in addition to the morning and evening; that no whisky be allowed uponthe place at any time or under any circumstances; but that they have, whilst heated and at work, plenty of pure, _cool_ water; that care betaken to prevent the hands from carrying their baskets full of cottonon their head--a most injurious practice; and, in short, that suchmeans be used for their comfort as every judicious, humane man willreadily think of, you will find the amount of sickness graduallylessened. Next to the negroes, the stock on the place will require your constantattention. You can, however, spare yourself much trouble by yourchoice of a stock-minder, and by adopting and enforcing a strictsystem in the care of the stock. It is a part of their duty in whichoverseers are generally most careless. The horse and mule stock are first in importance. Unless these arekept in good condition, it is impossible that the work can go onsmoothly, or your crop be properly tended. Put your stable in goodorder; and, if possible, inclose it so that it can be kept underlock. Place a steady, careful old man there as hostler, making himresponsible for every thing, and that directly to yourself. Theforeman of the plow-gang, and the hands under his care, should be madeanswerable to the hostler--whose business it is to have the feed cutup, ground, and ready; the stalls well littered and cleaned out atproper intervals; to attend to sick or maimed animals; to see that thegears are always hung in their proper place, kept in good order, andso on. It is an easy matter to keep horses or mules fat, with a full and opencorn-crib and abundance of fodder. But that overseer shows his goodmanagement who can keep his teams fat at the least expense of cornand fodder. The waste of those articles in the South, through shamefulcarelessness and neglect, is immense; as food for stock, they are mostexpensive articles. Oats, millet, peas (vine and all), broadcast corn, Bermuda and crab-grass hay, are all much cheaper and equally good. Any one of these crops, fed whilst green--the oats and millet as theybegin to shoot, the peas to blossom, and the corn when tasseling--witha feed of dry oats, corn, or corn-chop at noon, will keep a plow-teamin fine order all the season. In England, where they have the finestteams in the world, this course _is invariably pursued_, for itseconomy. From eight to nine hours per day is as long as the teamshould be at actual work. They will perform more upon less feed, andkeep in better order for a _push_ when needful, worked briskly in thatway, than when kept dragging a plow all day long at a slow pace. And the hands have leisure to rest, to cut up feed, clean and repairgears, and so on. Oxen. No more work oxen should be retained than can be kept at alltimes in good order. An abundant supply of green feed duringspring and summer, cut and fed as recommended above, and in winterwell-boiled cotton-seed, with a couple of quarts of meal in it perhead; turnips, raw or cooked; corn-cobs soaked twenty-four hoursin salt and water; shucks, pea-vines, etc. , passed through acutting-box--any thing of the kind, in short, is cheaper food for themin winter, and will keep them in better order than dry corn and shucksor fodder. Indeed, the fewer cattle are kept on any place the better, unless therange is remarkably good. When young stock of any kind are stinted oftheir proper food, and their growth receives a check, they never canwholly recover it. Let the calves have a fair share of milk, and alsoas much of the cooked food prepared for the cows and oxen as they willeat; with at times a little dry meal to lick. When cows or oxen showsymptoms of failing, from age or otherwise, fatten them off atonce; and if killed for the use of the place, _save the hidecarefully_--rubbing at least two quarts of salt upon it; then roll upfor a day or two, when it may be stretched and dried. Hogs are generally sadly mismanaged. Too many are kept, and keptbadly. One good brood sow for every five hands on a place, is amplysufficient--indeed, more pork will be cured from these than from agreater number. Provide at least two good grazing lots for them, withBermuda, crab-grass, or clover, which does as well at Washington, Miss. , as anywhere in the world, with two bushels of ground plaster tothe acre, sowed over it. Give a steady, trusty hand no other work todo but to feed and care for them. With a large set kettle or two, anold mule and cart to haul his wood for fuel, cotton-seed, turnips, etc. , for feed, and leaves for bedding, he can do full justice to onehundred head, old and young. They will increase and thrive finely, with good grazing, and a full mess, twice a day, of swill prepared asfollows: Sound cotton-seed, with a gallon of corn-meal to the bushel, a quart of oak or hickory ashes, a handful of salt, and a goodproportion of turnips or green food of any kind, even clover or peas;the whole thoroughly--mind you, _thoroughly_ cooked--then thrown intoa large trough, and there allowed _to become sour before being fed_. Sheep may be under the charge of the stock-minder; from ten to twentyto the hand may be generally kept with advantage. Sick animals require close and judicious attention. Too frequentlythey are either left to get well or to die of themselves, or are bledand dosed with nauseous mixtures indiscriminately. Study the subjectof the diseases of animals during your leisure evenings, which youcan do from some of the many excellent works on the subject. _Think_before you _act_. When your animal has fever, nature would dictatethat all stimulating articles of diet or medicine should be avoided. Bleeding may be necessary to reduce the force of the circulation;purging, to remove irritating substances from the bowels; moist, light, and easily-digested food, that his weakened digestion may notbe oppressed; cool drinks, to allay his thirst, and, to some extent, compensate for diminished secretions; rest and quiet, to prevent undueexcitement in his system, and so on through the whole catalogue ofdiseases--but do nothing without a reason. Carry out this principle, and you will probably do much good--hardly great harm; go upon anyother, and your measures are more likely to be productive of injurythan benefit. The implements and tools require a good deal of looking after. Bykeeping a memorandum of the distribution of any set of tools, theywill be much more likely to be forthcoming at the end of the month. Axes, hoes, and other small tools, of which every hand has his own, should have his number marked upon it with a steel punch. The strictenforcement of one single rule will keep every thing straight: "Have aplace for every thing, and see that every thing is in its place. " Few instances of good management will better please an employer thanthat of having all of the winter clothing spun and woven on the place. By having a room devoted to that purpose, under charge of some oneof the old women, where those who may be complaining a little, orconvalescent after sickness, may be employed in some light work, andwhere all of the women may be sent in wet weather, more than enough ofboth cotton and woolen yarn can be spun for the supply of the place. Of the principal staple crop of the plantation, whether cotton, sugar, or rice, we shall not here speak. Of the others--the provision crops--there is most commonly enough madeupon most plantations for their own supply. Rarely, however, is itsaved without great and inexcusable waste, and fed out without stillgreater. And this, to their lasting shame be it said, is too often thecase to a disgraceful extent, when an overseer feels satisfied that hewill not remain another year upon the place. His conduct should be thevery opposite of this--an honorable, right-thinking man will feel aparticular degree of pride in leaving every thing in thorough order, and especially an abundant supply of all kinds of feed. He thusestablishes a character for himself which _must_ have its effect. Few plantations are so rich in soil as not to be improved by manure. Inform yourself of the best means, suited to the location and soilof the place under, your charge, of improving it in this and in everyother way. When an opportunity offers, carry out these improvements. Rely upon it there are few employers who will not see and reward suchefforts. Draining, ditching, circling, hedging, road-making, building, etc. , may all be effected to a greater or less extent every season. During the long evenings of winter improve your own mind and theknowledge of your profession by reading and study. The many excellentagricultural periodicals and books now published afford good and cheapopportunities for this. It is indispensable that you exercise judgment and consideration inthe management of the negroes under your charge. Be _firm_, and, atthe same time, _gentle_ in your control. Never display yourself beforethem in a passion; and even if inflicting the severest punishment, doso in a mild, cool manner, and it will produce a tenfold effect. Whenyou find it necessary to use the whip--and desirable as it would be todispense with it entirely, it _is_ necessary at times--apply it slowlyand deliberately, and to the extent you had determined, in your ownmind, to be needful before you began. The indiscriminate, constant, and excessive use of the whip is altogether unnecessary andinexcusable. When it can be done without a too great loss of time, the stocks offer a means of punishment greatly to be preferred. Sosecured, in a lonely, quiet place, where no communication can be heldwith any one, nothing but bread and water allowed, and the confinementextending from Saturday, when they drop work, until Sabbath evening, will prove much more effectual in preventing a repetition of theoffense, than any amount of whipping. Never threaten a negro, but ifyou have occasion to punish, do it at once, or say nothing untilready to do so. A violent and passionate threat will often scare thebest-disposed negro to the woods. Always keep your word with them, inpunishments as well as in rewards. If you have named the penalty forany certain offense, inflict it without listening to a word of excuse. Never forgive that in one that you would punish in another, but treatall alike, showing no favoritism. By pursuing such a course, youconvince them that you act from principle and not from impulse, andwill certainly enforce your rules. Whenever an opportunity isafforded you for rewarding continued good behavior, do not let itpass--occasional rewards have a much better effect than frequentpunishments. Never be induced by a course of good behavior on the part of thenegroes to relax the strictness of your discipline; but, when you haveby judicious management brought them to that state, keep them soby the same means. By taking frequent strolls about the premises, including of course the quarter and stock yards, during the evening, and at least twice a week during the night, you will put a moreeffectual stop to any irregularities than by the most severepunishments. The only way to keep a negro honest, is not to trust him. This seems a harsh assertion; but it is, unfortunately, too true. You will find that an hour devoted, every Sabbath morning, to theirmoral and religious instruction, would prove a great aid to you inbringing about a better state of things among the negroes. It hasbeen thoroughly tried, and with the most satisfactory results, in manyparts of the South. As a mere matter of interest it has proved to beadvisable--to say nothing of it as a point of duty. The effect upontheir general good behavior, their cleanliness, and good conduct onthe Sabbath, is such as alone to recommend it to both planter andoverseer. In conclusion:--Bear in mind that _a fine crop_ consists, first, in anincrease in the number, and a marked improvement in the condition andvalue, of the negroes; second, an abundance of provision of all sortsfor man and beast, carefully saved and properly housed; third, bothsummer and winter clothing made at home; also leather tanned, andshoes and harness made, when practicable; fourth, an improvement inthe productive qualities of the land, and in the general condition ofthe plantation; fifth, the team and stock generally, with the farmingimplements and the buildings, in fine order at the close of the year;and young hogs more than enough for next year's killing; _then_, asheavy a crop of cotton, sugar, or rice as could possibly be madeunder these circumstances, sent to market in good season, and of primequality. The time has passed when the overseer is valued solely uponthe number of bales of cotton, hogsheads of sugar, or tierces of ricehe has made, without reference to other qualifications. In contrast with the instructions to overseers under the oldmanagement, I present the proclamation of General Banks, regulatingthe system of free labor in the Department of the Gulf. Theseregulations were in force, in 1864, along the Mississippi, from Helenato New Orleans. They were found admirably adapted to the necessitiesof the case. With a few changes, they have been continued in operationduring the present year:-- HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, NEW ORLEANS, _February_ 3, 1864. GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 23. The following general regulations are published for the informationand government of all interested in the subject of compensatedplantation labor, public or private, during the present year, and incontinuation of the system established January 30, 1863:-- I. The enlistment of soldiers from plantations under cultivation inthis department having been suspended by order of the Government, willnot be resumed except upon direction of the same high authority. II. The Provost-Marshal-General is instructed to provide for thedivision of parishes into police and school districts, and to organizefrom invalid soldiers a competent police for the preservation oforder. III. Provision will be made for the establishment of a sufficientnumber of schools, one at least for each of the police and schooldistricts, for the instruction of colored children under twelve yearsof age, which, when established, will be placed under the direction ofthe Superintendent of Public Education. IV. Soldiers will not be allowed to visit plantations without thewritten consent of the commanding officer of the regiment or post towhich they are attached, and never with arms, except when on duty, accompanied by an officer. V. Plantation hands will not be allowed to pass from one place toanother, except under such regulations as may be established by theprovost-marshal of the parish. VI. Flogging and other cruel or unusual punishments are interdicted. VII. Planters will be required, as early as practicable after thepublication of these regulations, to make a roll of persons employedupon their estates, and to transmit the same to the provost marshal ofthe parish. In the employment of hands, the unity of families will besecured as far as possible. VIII. All questions between the employer and the employed, until othertribunals are established, will be decided by the provost-marshal ofthe parish. IX. Sick and disabled persons will be provided for upon theplantations to which they belong, except such as may be received inestablishments provided for them by the Government, of which one willbe established at Algiers and one at Baton Rouge. X. The unauthorized purchase of clothing, or other property, fromlaborers, will be punished by fine and imprisonment. The sale ofwhisky or other intoxicating drinks to them, or to other persons, except under regulations established by the Provost-Marshal-General, will be followed by the severest punishment. XL The possession of arms, or concealed or dangerous weapons, withoutauthority, will be punished by fine and imprisonment. XII. Laborers shall render to their employer, between daylightand dark, _ten_ hours in summer, and _nine_ hours in winter, ofrespectful, honest, faithful labor, and receive therefor, in additionto just treatment, healthy rations, comfortable clothing, quarters, fuel, medical attendance, and instruction for children, wages permonth as follows, payment of one-half of which, at least, shall bereserved until the end of the year:-- For first-class hands. .. .. $8. 00 per month. For second-class hands. .. . 6. 00 " "For third-class hands. .. .. 5. 00 " "For fourth-class hands. .. . 3. 00 " " Engineers and foremen, when faithful in the discharge of theirduties, will be paid $2 per month extra. This schedule of wages maybe commuted, by consent of both parties, at the rate of one-fourteenthpart of the net proceeds of the crop, to be determined and paid atthe end of the year. Wages will be deducted in case of sickness, and rations, also, when sickness is feigned. Indolence, insolence, disobedience of orders, and crime will be suppressed by forfeiture ofpay, and such punishments as are provided for similar offenses by ArmyRegulations. Sunday work will be avoided when practicable, but whennecessary will be considered as extra labor, and paid at the ratesspecified herein. XIII. Laborers will be permitted to choose their employers, but whenthe agreement is made they will be held to their engagement for oneyear, under the protection of the Government. In cases of attemptedimposition, by feigning sickness, or stubborn refusal of duty, theywill be turned over to the provost-marshal of the parish, for laborupon the public works, without pay. XIV. Laborers will be permitted to cultivate land on private account, as herein specified, as follows: First and second class hands, with families. .. .. 1 acre each. First and second class hands, without families. . 1/2 " "Second and third class hands, with families. .. .. 1/2 " "Second and third class hands, without families. . 1/4 " " To be increased for good conduct at the discretion of the employer. The encouragement of independent industry will strengthen all theadvantages which capital derives from labor, and enable the laborerto take care of himself and prepare for the time when he can render somuch labor for so much money, which is the great end to be attained. No exemption will be made in this apportionment, except uponimperative reasons; and it is desirable that for good conduct thequantity be increased until faithful hands can be allowed to cultivateextensive tracts, returning to the owner an equivalent of product forrent of soil. XV. To protect the laborer from possible imposition, no commutationof his supplies will be allowed, except in clothing, which may becommuted at the rate of $3 per month for first-class hands, and insimilar proportion for other classes. The crops will stand pledged, wherever found, for the wages of labor. XVI. It is advised, as far as practicable, that employers provide forthe current wants of their hands, by perquisites for extra labor, or by appropriation of land for share cultivation; to discouragemonthly-payments so far as it can be done without discontent, and toreserve till the full harvest the yearly wages. XVII. A FREE-LABOR BANK will be established for the safe deposit ofall accumulations of wages and other savings; and in order to avoid apossible wrong to depositors, by official defalcation, authority willbe asked to connect the bank with the Treasury of the United States inthis department. XVIII. The transportation of negro families to other countrieswill not be approved. All propositions for this privilege have beendeclined, and application has been made to other departments forsurplus negro families for service in this department. XIX. The last year's experience shows that the planter and the negrocomprehend the revolution. The overseer, having little interestin capital, and less sympathy with labor, dislikes the trouble ofthinking, and discredits the notion that any thing new has occurred. He is a relic of the past, and adheres to its customs. His stubbornrefusal to comprehend the condition of things, occasioned most ofthe embarrassments of the past year. Where such incomprehension ischronic, reduced wages, diminished rations, and the mild punishmentsimposed by the army and navy, will do good. XX. These regulations are based upon the assumption that labor is apublic duty, and idleness and vagrancy a crime. No civil or militaryofficer of the Government is exempt from the operation of thisuniversal rule. Every enlightened community has enforced it uponall classes of people by the severest penalties. It is especiallynecessary in agricultural pursuits. That portion of the peopleidentified with the cultivation of the soil, however changed incondition by the revolution through which we are passing, is notrelieved from the necessity of toil, which is the condition ofexistence with all the children of God. The revolution has altered itstenure, but not its law. This universal law of labor will be enforced, upon just terms, by the Government under whose protection the laborerrests secure in his rights. Indolence, disorder, and crime will besuppressed. Having exercised the highest right in the choice and placeof employment, he must be held to the fulfillment of hisengagements, until released therefrom by the Government. The severalprovost-marshals are hereby invested with plenary powers uponall matters connected with labor, subject to the approval of theProvost-Marshal-General and the commanding officer of the department. The most faithful and discreet officers will be selected for thisduty, and the largest force consistent with the public servicedetailed for their assistance. XXI. Employers, and especially overseers, are notified, that undueinfluence used to move the marshal from his just balance betweenthe parties representing labor and capital, will result in immediatechange of officers, and thus defeat that regular and stable systemupon which the interests of all parties depend. XXII. Successful industry is especially necessary at the present time, when large public debts and onerous taxes are imposed to maintain andprotect the liberties of the people and the integrity of the Union. All officers, civil or military, and all classes of citizens whoassist in extending the profits of labor, and increasing the productof the soil upon which, in the end, all national prosperity and powerdepends, will render to the Government a service as great as thatderived from the terrible sacrifices of battle. It is upon suchconsideration only that the planter is entitled to favor. TheGovernment has accorded to him, in a period of anarchy, a release fromthe disorders resulting mainly from insensate and mad resistance tosensible reforms, which can never be rejected without revolution, and the criminal surrender of his interests and power to crazypoliticians, who thought by metaphysical abstractions to circumventthe laws of God. It has restored to him in improved, rather thanimpaired condition, his due privileges, at a moment when, by his ownacts, the very soil was washed from beneath his feet. XXIII. A more majestic and wise clemency human history does notexhibit. The liberal and just conditions that attend it cannot bedisregarded. It protects labor by enforcing the performance of itsduty, and it will assist capital by compelling just contributions tothe demands of the Government. Those who profess allegiance to otherGovernments will be required, as the condition of residence in thisState, to acquiesce, without reservation, in the demands presented byGovernment as a basis of permanent peace. The non-cultivation of thesoil, without just reason, will be followed by temporary forfeiture tothose who will secure its improvement. Those who have exercised orare entitled to the rights of citizens of the United States, willbe required to participate in the measures necessary for there-establishment of civil government. War can never cease except ascivil governments crush out contest, and secure the supremacy of moralover physical power. The yellow harvest must wave over the crimsonfield of blood, and the representatives of the people displace theagents of purely military power. XXIV. The amnesty offered for the past is conditioned upon anunreserved loyalty for the future, and this condition will be enforcedwith an iron hand. Whoever is indifferent or hostile, must choosebetween the liberty which foreign lands afford, the poverty of theRebel States, and the innumerable and inappreciable blessings whichour Government confers upon its people. May God preserve the Union of the States! By order of Major-General Banks. Official:GEORGE B. DRAKE, _Assistant Adjutant-General_. The two documents have little similarity. Both are appropriate to thesystems they are intended to regulate. It is interesting to comparetheir merits at the present time. It will be doubly interesting tomake a similar comparison twenty years hence. While I was in Natchez, a resident of that city called my attention toone of the "sad results of this horrid, Yankee war. " "Do you see that young man crossing the street toward ----'s store?" I looked in the direction indicated, and observed a person whom Isupposed to be twenty-five years of age, and whose face bore themarks of dissipation. I signified, by a single word, that I saw theindividual in question. "His is a sad case, " my Southern friend remarked. "Whisky, isn't it?" "Oh, no, I don't mean that. He does drink some, I know, but what Imean is this: His father died about five years ago. He left his sonnothing but fourteen or fifteen niggers. They were all smart, younghands, and he has been able to hire them out, so as to bring ayearly income of two thousand dollars. This has supported him verycomfortably. This income stopped a year ago. The niggers have all runaway, and that young man is now penniless, and without any means ofsupport. It is one of the results of your infernal Abolition war. " I assented that it was a very hard case, and ought to be broughtbefore Congress at the earliest moment. That a promising young manshould be deprived of the means of support in consequence of thisAbolition war, is unfortunate--for the man. CHAPTER XXXV. OUR FREE-LABOR ENTERPRISE IN PROGRESS. The Negroes at Work. --Difficulties in the Way. --A Public Meeting. --ASpeech. --A Negro's Idea of Freedom. --A Difficult Question toDetermine. --Influence of Northern and Southern Men Contrasted. --AnIncrease of Numbers. --"Ginning" Cotton. --In the Lint-Room. --Mills andMachinery of a Plantation. --A Profitable Enterprise. On each of the plantations the negroes were at work in thecotton-field. I rode from one to the other, as circumstances made itnecessary, and observed the progress that was made. I could easilyperceive they had been accustomed to performing their labor underfear of the lash. Some of them took advantage of the opportunity forcarelessness and loitering under the new arrangement. I could not bein the field at all times, to give them my personal supervision. Evenif I were constantly present, there was now no lash to be feared. I saw that an explanation of the new state of affairs would be anadvantage to all concerned. On the first Sunday of my stay on theplantation, I called all the negroes together, in order to give theman understanding of their position. I made a speech that I adapted as nearly as possible to thecomprehension of my hearers. My audience was attentive throughout. I made no allusions to Homer, Dante, or Milton; I did not quote fromGibbon or Macaulay, and I neglected to call their attention to thespectacle they were presenting to the crowned heads of Europe. Iexplained to them the change the war had made in their condition, and the way in which it had been effected. I told them that all cruelmodes of punishment had been abolished. The negroes were free, butthey must understand that freedom did not imply idleness. I read tothem the regulations established by the commissioners, and explainedeach point as clearly as I was able. After I had concluded, I offeredto answer any questions they might ask. There were many who could not understand why, if they were free, theyshould be restricted from going where they pleased at all times. Iexplained that it was necessary, for the successful management of theplantation, that I should always be able to rely upon them. I askedthem to imagine my predicament if they should lose half their time, orgo away altogether, in the busiest part of the season. They "sawthe point" at once, and readily acknowledged the necessity ofsubordination. I found no one who imagined that his freedom conferred the right ofidleness and vagrancy. All expected to labor in their new condition, but they expected compensation for their labor, and did not look forpunishment. They expected, further, that their families would notbe separated, and that they could be allowed to acquire property forthemselves. I know there were many negroes in the South who expectedthey would neither toil nor spin after being set free, but the beliefwas by no means universal. The story of the negro at Vicksburg, whoexpected his race to assemble in New York after the war, "and havewhite men for niggers, " is doubtless true, but it would find littlecredence with the great majority of the freedmen of the South. The schedule of wages, as established by the commissioners, was readand explained. The negroes were to be furnished with house-rent, rations, fuel, and medical attendance, free of charge. Able-bodiedmales were to receive eight dollars a month. Other classes of laborerswould be paid according to the proportionate value of their services. We were required to keep on hand a supply of clothing, shoes, andother needed articles, which would be issued as required andcharged on account. All balances would be paid as soon as the firstinstallment of the cotton crop was sent to market. This was generally satisfactory, though some of the negroes desiredweekly or monthly payments. One of them thought it would be better ifthey could be paid at the end of each day, and suggested that silverwould be preferable to greenbacks or Confederate money. Most of themthought the wages good enough, but this belief was not universal. Oneman, seventy years old, who acted as assistant to the "hog-minder, "thought he deserved twenty-five dollars per month, in addition tohis clothing and rations. Another, of the same age, who carried thebreakfast and dinner to the field, was of similar opinion. These werealmost the only exceptions. Those whose services were really valuableacquiesced in the arrangement. On our plantation there was an old negress named "Rose, " who attendedthe women during confinement. She was somewhat celebrated in herprofession, and received occasional calls to visit white ladies in theneighborhood. After I had dismissed the negroes and sent them to theirquarters, I was called upon by Rose, to ascertain the rate at whichshe would be paid. As she was regularly employed as one of thehouse-servants, I allowed her the same wages that the other womenreceived. This was satisfactory, so far, but it was not entirely so. She wished to understand the matter of perquisites. "When I used to go out to 'tend upon white ladies, " said Rose, "theygave me ten dollars. Mistress always took half and let me keep theother half. " "Well, hereafter, you may keep the ten dollars yourself. " "Thank you. " After a pause, she spoke again: "Didn't you say the black people are free?" "Yes. " "White people are free, too, ain't they?" "Yes. " "Then why shouldn't you pay me ten dollars every time I 'tend upon theblack folks on the plantation?" The question was evidently designed as a "corner. " I evaded it byassuring Rose that though free, the negroes had not attained all theprivileges that pertained to the whites, and I should insist on herprofessional services being free to all on the plantation. The negroes were frequently desirous of imitating the customs of whitepeople in a manner that should evince their freedom. Especially didthey desire to have no distinction in the payment of money, on accountof the color of the recipient. After this Sunday talk with the negroes, I found a materialimprovement. Occasionally I overheard some of them explaining toothers their views upon various points. There were several whomanifested a natural indolence, and found it difficult to get overtheir old habits. These received admonitions from their comrades, butcould not wholly forget the laziness which was their inheritance. Withthese exceptions, there was no immediate cause for complaint. During the earlier part of my stay in that region, I was surprised atthe readiness with which the negroes obeyed men from the North, andbelieved they would fulfill their promises, while they looked withdistrust on all Southern white men. Many owners endeavored in vain toinduce their negroes to perform certain labor. The first request madeby a Northern man to the same effect would be instantly complied with. The negroes explained that their masters had been in the habit ofmaking promises which they never kept, and cited numerous instances toprove the truth of their assertion. It seemed to have been a custom inthat region to deceive the negroes in any practicable manner. To makea promise to a negro, and fail to keep it, was no worse than to lure ahorse into a stable-yard, by offering him a choice feed of corn, whichwould prove but a single mouthful. That the negroes had any humanrights was apparently rarely suspected by their owners and overseers. The distrust which many of the negroes entertained for their formermasters enabled the lessees to gain, at once, the confidence oftheir laborers. I regret to say that this confidence was abused in amajority of cases. I gave the negroes a larger ration of meat, meal, and potatoes thanhad been previously issued. As soon as possible, I procured a quantityof molasses, coffee, and tobacco. These articles had not been seenon the plantation for many months, and were most gladly received. Asthere was no market in that vicinity where surplus provisions couldbe sold, I had no fear that the negroes would resort to stealing, especially as their daily supply was amply sufficient for theirsupport. It was the complaint of many overseers and owners thatthe negroes would steal provisions on frequent occasions. If theycommitted any thefts during my time of management, they were madeso carefully that I never detected them. It is proper to say that Ifollowed the old custom of locking the store-houses at all times. Very soon after commencing labor I found that our working force mustbe increased. Accordingly, I employed some of the negroes who wereescaping from the interior of the State and making their way toNatchez. As there were but few mules on the plantation, I wasparticularly careful to employ those negroes who were riding, ratherthan walking, from slavery. If I could not induce these mountedtravelers to stop with us, I generally persuaded them to sell theirsaddle animals. Thus, hiring negroes and buying mules, I gradually putthe plantation in a presentable condition. While the cotton was beingpicked the blacksmith was repairing the plows, the harness-makerwas fitting up the harnesses for the mules, and every thing wasprogressing satisfactorily. The gin-house was cleaned and made readyfor the last work of preparing cotton for the market. Mr. Colburnarrived from the North after I had been a planter of only ten days'standing. He was enthusiastic at the prospect, and manifested anenergy that was the envy of his neighbors. It required about three weeks to pick our cotton. Before it was allgathered we commenced "ginning" the quantity on hand, in order to makeas little delay as possible in shipping our "crop" to market. The process of ginning cotton is pretty to look upon, though notagreeable to engage in. The seed-cotton (as the article is calledwhen it comes from the field) is fed in a sort of hopper, where it isbrought in contact with a series of small and very sharp saws. Fromsixty to a hundred of these saws are set on a shaft, about half aninch apart. The teeth of these saws tear the fiber from the seed, butdo not catch the seed itself. A brush which revolves against the sawsremoves the fiber from them at every revolution. The position of thegin is generally at the end of a large room, and into this room thedetached fiber is thrown from the revolving brush. This apartment is technically known as the "lint-room, " and presentsan interesting scene while the process of ginning is going on. The airis full of the flying lint, and forcibly reminds a Northerner of a NewEngland snow-storm. The lint falls, like the snow-flakes, with mostwonderful lightness, but, unlike the snow-flakes, it does not melt. When the cotton is picked late in the season, there is usually a densecloud of dust in the lint-room, which settles in and among the fiber. The person who watches the lint-room has a position far from enviable. His lungs become filled with dust, and, very often, the fine, floatingfiber is drawn into his nostrils. Two persons are generally permittedto divide this labor. There were none of the men on our plantation whocraved it. Some of the mischievous boys would watch their opportunityto steal into the lint-room, where they greatly enjoyed rolling uponthe soft cotton. Their amusement was only stopped by the use of asmall whip. The machinery of a cotton-gin is driven by steam or horse power;generally the former. There is no water-power in the State ofLouisiana, but I believe some of the lakes and bayous might be turnedto advantage in the same way that the tide is used on the sea-coast. All the larger plantations are provided with steam-engines, thechimneys of which are usually carried to a height sufficient to removeall danger from sparks. There is always a corn-mill, and frequently asaw-mill attached to the gin, and driven by the same power. Onevery plantation, one day in the week is set apart for grinding aseven-days' supply of corn. This regulation is never varied, exceptunder the most extraordinary circumstances. There is a universal rulein Louisiana, forbidding any person, white or black, smoking in theinclosure where the gin-house stands. I was told there was a legalenactment to this effect, that affixed heavy penalties to itsinfringement. For the truth of this latter statement I cannot vouch. With its own corn-mill, saw-mill, and smithery, each plantation isalmost independent of the neighborhood around it. The chief dependenceupon the outside world is for farming tools and the necessaryparaphernalia for the various branches of field-work. I knew oneplantation, a short distance from ours, whose owner had strivenhard to make it self-sustaining. He raised all the corn and all thevegetables needed. He kept an immense drove of hogs, and cured hisown pork. Of cattle he had a goodly quantity, and his sheep numberednearly three hundred. Wool and cotton supplied the raw material forclothing. Spinning-wheels and looms produced cloth in excess of whatwas needed. Even the thread for making the clothing for the negroeswas spun on the plantation. Hats were made of the palmetto, which grewthere in abundance. Shoes were the only articles of personal wear notof home production. Plows, hoes, and similar implements were purchasedin the market, but the plantation was provided with a very completerepair-shop, and the workmen were famous for their skill. The plantation, thus managed, yielded a handsome profit to its owner. The value of each year's cotton crop, when delivered on the bank ofthe river, was not less than forty thousand dollars. Including wagesof the overseer, and all outlays for repairs and purchase of sucharticles as were not produced at home, the expenses would not exceedfive or six thousand dollars. Cotton-planting was very profitableunder almost any management, and especially so under a prudent andeconomical owner. Being thus profitable with slave labor, it wasnatural for the planters to think it could prosper under no othersystem. "You can't raise cotton without niggers, and you must own theniggers to raise it, " was the declaration in all parts of the South. CHAPTER XXXVI. WAR AND AGRICULTURE. Official Favors. --Division of Labor. --Moral Suasion. --Corn-gatheringin the South. --An Alarm. --A Frightened Irishman. --The RebelsApproaching. --An Attack on Waterproof. --Falstaff Redivivus. --His Featsof Arms. --Departure for New Orleans. Our cotton having been ginned and baled, we made preparations forshipping it to market. These preparations included the procurementof a permit from the Treasury agent at Natchez, a task of no smallmagnitude. An application for the permit required, in addition to myown signature, the names of two property-owning citizens, as securityfor payment of the duties on the cotton. This application being placedin the hands of the Treasury agent, I was requested to call in twohours. I did so, and was then put off two hours longer. Thus I spenttwo whole days in frequent visits to that official. His memory wasmost defective, as I was obliged to introduce myself on each occasion, and tell him the object of my call. A gentleman who had free access to the agent at all times hinted thathe could secure early attention to my business on payment forhis trouble. Many persons asserted that they were obliged to payhandsomely for official favors. I do not _know_ this to be true. Inever paid any thing to the Treasury agent at Natchez or elsewhere, beyond the legitimate fees, and I never found any man who would giveme a written statement that he had done so. Nevertheless, I had muchcircumstantial evidence to convince me that the Treasury officialswere guilty of dishonorable actions. The temptation was great, and, with proper care, the chances of detection were small. Armed with my permit, I returned to the plantation. Mr. Colburn, inmy absence, had organized our force, lately engaged in cotton-picking, into suitable parties for gathering corn, of which we had some threehundred acres standing in the field. In New England I fear that cornwhich had remained ungathered until the middle of February, would beof comparatively little value. In our case it was apparently as soundas when first ripened. Corn-gathering in the South differs materially from corn-gathering inthe North. The negroes go through the field breaking the ears from thestalks without removing the husk. The ears are thrown into heaps atconvenient distances from each other, and in regular rows. A wagon isdriven between these rows, and the corn gathered for the crib. Stillunhusked, it is placed in the crib, to be removed when needed. It isclaimed that the husk thus remaining on the corn, protects it fromvarious insects, and from the effect of the weather. Every body of laborers on a plantation is called a "gang. " Thus we had"the picking-gang, " "the corn-gang, " "the trash-gang, " "the hoe-gang, ""the planting-gang, " "the plow-gang, " and so on through the list. Eachgang goes to the field in charge of a head negro, known as the driver. This driver is responsible for the work of his gang, and, under theold _régime_, was empowered to enforce his orders with the whip, ifnecessary. Under our new dispensation the whip was laid aside, and amilder policy took its place. It was satisfactory with the adults; butthere were occasions when the smaller boys were materially benefitedby applications of hickory shrubs. Solomon's words about sparing therod are applicable to children of one race as well as to those ofanother. We did not allow our drivers to make any bodily punishment inthe field, and I am happy to say they showed no desire to do so. As I have before stated, our first organization was the picking-gang. Then followed the gin-gang and the press-gang. Our gin-gang wasorganized on principles of total abstinence, and, therefore, differedmaterially from the gin-gangs of Northern cities. Our press-gang, unlike the press-gangs of New York or Chicago, had nothing to do withmorning publications, and would have failed to comprehend us had weordered the preparation of a sensation leader, or a report of the lastgreat meeting at Union Square. Our press-gang devoted its time andenergies to putting our cotton into bales of the proper size andneatness. The corn-gang, the trash-gang, and the plow-gang were successivelyorganized by Mr. Colburn. Of the first I have spoken. The duties ofthe second were to gather the corn-stalks or cotton-stalks, as thecase might be, into proper heaps for burning. As all this débris cameunder the generic name of "trash, " the appellation of the gang isreadily understood. Our trash-gang did very well, except in a certaininstance, when it allowed the fire from the trash to run across afield of dead grass, and destroy several hundred feet of fence. Injustice to the negroes, I should admit that the firing of the grasswas in obedience to our orders, and the destruction of the fencepartly due to a strong wind which suddenly sprang up. The trash-gangis usually composed of the younger children and the older women. The former gather and pile the stalks which the latter cut up. Theyparticularly enjoy firing the heaps of dry trash. It was on Saturday, the 13th of February, that our press-gangcompleted its labors. On the afternoon of that day, as we were haulingour cotton to the landing, the garrison at Waterproof, two milesdistant, suddenly opened with its artillery upon a real or supposedenemy. A gun-boat joined in the affair, and for half an hour thecannonade was vigorous. We could see the flashes of the guns and thedense smoke rising through the trees, but could discover nothing more. When the firing ceased we were somewhat anxious to know the result. Very soon a white man, an Irishman, who had been a short time inthe vicinity to purchase cotton, reached our place in a state ofexhaustion. He told a frightful story of the surprise and massacreof the whole garrison, and was very certain no one but himself hadescaped. He had fortunately concealed himself under a very smallbridge while the fight was going on. He called attention to hisclothes, which were covered with mud, to prove the truth of hisstatement. For a short time the situation had an unpleasant appearance. Whilewe were deliberating upon the proper measures for safety, one of ournegroes, who was in Waterproof during the firing, came to us with_his_ story. The fight had been on our side, some guerrillas havingchased one of our scouting parties to a point within range of ourguns. Our men shelled them with artillery, and this was the extentof the battle. The story of the Irishman, in connection with the trueaccount of the affair, forcibly reminded me of the famous battle ofPiketon, Kentucky, in the first year of the war. On the next day (Sunday) I rode to Waterproof, leaving Colburn on theplantation. Just as I arrived within the lines, I ascertained that anattack was expected. The most stringent orders had been issued againstallowing any person to pass out. Ten minutes later a scout arrived, saying that a force of Rebels was advancing to attack the post. Thegun-boat commenced shelling the woods in the rear of Waterproof, andthe artillery on land joined in the work. The Rebels did not get nearenough to make any serious demonstration upon the town. The day passedwith a steady firing from the gun-boat, relieved by an occasionalinterval of silence. Toward night the small garrison was re-enforcedby the arrival of a regiment from Natchez. On the following day aportion of General Ellet's Marine Brigade reached Waterproof, andremoved all possibility of further attack. In the garrison of Waterproof, at the commencement of this fight, there was a certain officer who could have sat for the portraitof Falstaff with very little stuffing, and without great change ofcharacter. Early in the war he belonged to an Eastern regiment, but onthat occasion he had no commission, though this fact was not generallyknown. Nearly as large as Hackett's Falstaff, he was as much a gasconas the hero of the Merry Wives of Windsor. He differed from Falstaffin possessing a goodly amount of bravery, but this bravery wasaccompanied with an entire absence of judgment. In the early part of the fight, and until he was too drunk to move, this _preux chevalier_ dashed about Waterproof, mounted on a smallhorse, which he urged to the top of his speed. In one hand heflourished a cane, and in the other a revolver. He usually allowed thereins to lie on his horse's neck, except when he wished to change hisdirection. With his abdomen protruding over the pommel of the saddle, his stirrups several inches too short, one boot-leg outside hispantaloons and the other inside, a very large hat pressed nearly tohis eyes, and a face flushed with excitement and whisky, he was astudy John Leech would have prized. Frequent and copious draughts ofthe cup which cheers and inebriates placed him _hors de combat_ beforethe close of the day. From the crest of the levee, he could at any time discover severallines of battle approaching the town. Frequently he informed thecommandant that the Rebels were about to open upon us with a dozenheavy batteries, which they were planting in position for a longsiege. If the enemy had been in the force that this man claimed, theycould not have numbered less than fifty thousand. When unhorsed forthe last time during the day, he insisted that I should listen to thestory of his exploits. "I went, " said he, "to the colonel, this morning, and told him, sir, to give me ten men, and I would go out and feel the enemy's position. He gave me the men, and I went. We found the enemy not less than athousand strong, sir, behind Mrs. Miller's gin-house. They were theadvance of the whole Rebel army, sir, and I saw they must be drivenback. We charged, and, after a desperate fight, drove them. Theyopposed us, sir, every inch of the way for two miles; but we routedthem. We must have killed at least a hundred of them, sir, and woundedas many more. They didn't hurt a man of us; but the bullets flew verythick, sir--very. I myself killed twelve of them with my own hand, sir. This is the way it was, sir. This revolver, you see, sir, has sixbarrels. I emptied it once, sir; I reloaded; I emptied it again, sir. Two times six are twelve, sir. I killed twelve of them with my ownhand. Let it be recorded. "On my way back, sir, I set fire to the gin-house, so that it shouldno more be a shelter for those infernal Rebels. You yourself, sir, sawthat building in flames, and can testify to the truth of my story. " In this strain the warrior gave the history of his moments of glory. The portion I have written was true in some points. He found threemen (instead of a thousand), and pursued them a few hundred yards. Hedischarged his revolver at very long range, but I could not learnthat his shots were returned. He fired the gin-house "to cover hisretreat, " and gained the fortifications without loss. I do not knowhis locality at the present time, but presume he remained, up to theclose of the war, where storms of shot and shell continually darkenedthe air, and where lines of battle were seen on every side. The siege being raised, I returned to the plantation. From Waterproof, during the fight, I could see our buildings with perfect distinctness. I had much fear that some Rebel scouting party might pay theplantation a visit while the attack was going on. I found, on myreturn, that Colburn had taken the matter very coolly, and preventedthe negroes becoming alarmed. He declared that he considered theplantation as safe as Waterproof, and would not have exchanged placeswith me during the fight. The negroes were perfectly quiet, andmaking preparations for plowing. While the fight was in progress, myassociate was consulting with the drivers about the details of workfor the ensuing week, and giving his orders with the utmost _sangfroid_. In consideration of the uncertainty of battles in general, andthe possibility of a visit at any moment from a party of Rebel scouts, my partner's conduct was worthy of the highest commendation. Before leaving Waterproof I had arranged for a steamer to call for ourcotton, which was lying on the river bank. Waterproof lay at one sideof the neck of a peninsula, and our plantation was at the other side. It was two miles across this peninsula, and sixteen miles around it, so that I could start on horseback, and, by riding very leisurely, reach the other side, long in advance of a steamboat. The steamer camein due time. After putting our cotton on board, I bade Mr. Colburnfarewell, and left him to the cares and perplexities of a planter'slife. I was destined for New Orleans, to sell our cotton, and topurchase many things needed for the prosecution of our enterprise. On my way down the river, I found that steamboat traveling was not anentirely safe amusement. The boat that preceded me was fired uponnear Morganzia, and narrowly escaped destruction. A shell indented hersteam-pipe, and passed among the machinery, without doing any damage. Had the pipe been cut, the steam would have filled every part of theboat. I was not disturbed by artillery on the occasion of my journey, butreceived a compliment from small-arms. On the morning after leavingNatchez, I was awakened by a volley of musketry from the river-bank. One of the bullets penetrated the thin walls of the cabin and enteredmy state-room, within two inches of my head. I preserved the missileas a souvenir of travel. On the next day the Rebels brought a battery of artillery to the spot. A steamer received its greeting, but escaped with a single passengerwounded. A gentleman who was on this boat had a very narrow escape. He told methat he was awakened by the first shot, which passed through the upperworks of the steamer. He was occupying the upper berth in a state-roomon the side next the locality of the Rebels. His first impulse was tospring from his resting-place, and throw himself at full length uponthe floor. He had hardly done so, when a shell entered the state-room, and traversed the berth in the exact position where my friend had beenlying. Having narrowly escaped death, he concluded not to run a second risk. He returned to St. Louis by way of New York. Wishing to visit NewOrleans some time later, he sailed from New York on the _ElectricSpark_, and enjoyed the luxury of a capture by the pirates of the"Confederate" steamer _Florida_. After that occurrence, he concludedthere was little choice between the ocean and river routes. CHAPTER XXXVII. IN THE COTTON MARKET. New Orleans and its Peculiarities. --Its Loss by the Rebellion. --CottonFactors in New Orleans. --Old Things passed away. --The NorthernBarbarians a Race of Shopkeepers. --Pulsations of the Cotton Market. --AQuarrel with a Lady. --Contending for a Principle. --Inharmony of the"Regulations. "--An Account of Sales. The first impression that New Orleans gives a stranger is itsunlikeness to Northern cities. It is built on ground that slopesdownward from the Mississippi. As one leaves the river and walkstoward the center of the city, he finds himself descending. NewOrleans is a hundred miles from the mouth of the Mississippi and onlysix miles from Lake Pontchartrain, which is an arm of the sea. Theriver at the city is ten feet above Lake Pontchartrain, so that NewOrleans is washed by water from the Mississippi and drained into thelake. The water in the gutters always runs from the river, no matterwhat may be its height. The steamers at the foot of Canal Streetappear above the spectator, when he stands a mile or two from thelanding. There is no earthy elevation of any kind, except of artificialconstruction, in the vicinity of New Orleans. The level surface ofthe streets renders the transportation of heavy bodies a work of theutmost ease. The greatest amount of merchandise that can be loadedupon four wheels rarely requires the efforts of more than two animals. The street-cars, unlike those of Northern cities, are drawn by asingle mule to each car, and have no conductors. The cemeteriesare above ground, and resemble the pigeon-holes of a post-office, magnified to a sufficient size for the reception of coffins. There isnot a cellar in the entire city of New Orleans. Musquitos flourish during the entire winter. In the summer there aretwo varieties of these insects. The night-musquito is similar tothe insect which disturbs our slumbers in Northern latitudes. Theday-musquito relieves his comrade at sunrise and remains on dutytill sunset. He has no song, but his bite is none the less severe. Hedisappears at the approach of winter, but his tuneful brother remains. Musquito nettings are a necessity all the year round. The public walks of New Orleans are justly the pride of theinhabitants. Canal Street is probably the prettiest street in America. Along its center is a double row of shade-trees, a promenade, and thetracks of the street railway. These shade-trees are inclosed so as toform a series of small parks for the entire length of the street. On each side of these parks is a carriage-way, as wide as the greatthoroughfare of New York. Canal Street is the fashionable promenade ofNew Orleans. In the days of glory, before the Rebellion, it presenteda magnificent appearance. Among the prettiest of the parks of New Orleans is Jackson Square, containing a fine equestrian statue of General Jackson. The pedestalof the statue is emblazoned with the words: "THE UNION--IT MUST AND SHALL BE PRESERVED. " The French element in New Orleans is apparent on every side. Theauctioneers cry their wares in mingled French and English, and thenegroes and white laborers on the levee converse in a hybrid language. In the French quarter, every thing is French. The signs on the shopsand the street corners, the conversation of the inhabitants and theshouts of the boys who play on the sidewalks, are in the vernacular of_La Belle France_. In Jackson Square, notices to warn visitors not todisturb the shrubbery, are posted in two languages, the Frenchbeing first. On one poster I saw the sentence: "_Ne touche pas à lesfleurs_, " followed by the literal translation into English: "Don'ttouch to the flowers. " I was happy to observe that the caution wasvery generally heeded. Before the war, New Orleans was a city of wonderful wealth. Situatedat the outlet of the great valley, its trade in cotton, sugar, andother products of the West and South, was immense. Boats, whichhad descended from all points along the navigable portion of theMississippi, discharged their cargoes upon its levee. Ships of allnations were at the wharves, receiving the rich freight that thesteamers had brought down. The piles of merchandise that lay alongthe levee were unequaled in any other city of the globe. Money wasabundant, and was lavishly scattered in all directions. With the secession of the Gulf States, the opening of hostilities, and the blockade of the Mississippi at its mouth and at Cairo, theprosperity of New Orleans disappeared. The steamers ceased to bringcotton and sugar to its wharves, and its levee presented a pictureof inactivity. Many of the wealthy found themselves in straitenedcircumstances, and many of the poor suffered and died for want offood. For a whole year, while the Rebel flag floated over the city, the business of New Orleans was utterly suspended. With the passage of the forts and the capture of New Orleans byAdmiral Farragut, the Rebel rule was ended. Very slowly the businessof the city revived, but in its revival it fell into the hands ofNorthern men, who had accompanied our armies in their advance. The oldmerchants found themselves crowded aside by the ubiquitous Yankees. With the end of the war, the glory of the city will soon return, butit will not return to its old channels. More than any other city ofthe South, New Orleans will be controlled by men of Northern birthand sentiments. The day of slave-auctions in the rotunda of the St. Charles has passed away forever. New Orleans has a class of men peculiar to the South, whose businessit is to sell cotton for the planters. These gentlemen are knownas "factors, " and, in former times, were numerous and successful. Whatever a planter needed, from a quire of paper to a steam-engine, he ordered his factor to purchase and forward. The factor obeyed theorder and charged the amount to the planter, adding two and a half percent, for commission. If the planter wanted money, he drew upon the factor, and thatindividual honored the draft. At the end of the season, it oftenoccurred that the planter was largely in debt to the factor. But thecotton crop, when gathered, being consigned to the factor, canceledthis indebtedness, and generally left a balance in the planter'sfavor. The factor charged a good commission for selling the cotton, andsometimes required interest upon the money he advanced. In the happydays before the war, the factor's business was highly lucrative. Theadvances to the planters, before the maturity of the cotton crop, often required a heavy capital, but the risk was not great. Nearlyevery planter was considerably indebted to his factor before hiscotton went forward. In many cases the proceeds of the entire cropwould but little more than cover the advances which had been made. In New Orleans nearly all cotton is sold "by sample. " Certain men arelicensed to "sample" cotton, for which they charge a specified sum perbale. A hole is cut in the covering of each bale, and from this holea handful of cotton is pulled. Every bale is thus "sampled, " withoutregard to the size of the lot. The samples are taken to the sales-roomof the commission house, where they are open to the inspection ofbuyers. The quality of the cotton is carefully noted, the length ofthe fiber or staple, the whiteness of the sample, and its freedom fromdust or fragments of cotton-stalks. Not one bale in twenty is everseen by the buyers until after its purchase. Frequently the buyerstransfer their cotton to other parties without once looking uponit Sometimes cotton is sold at auction instead of being offered atprivate sale, but the process of "sampling" is carried out in eithercase. In '63 and '64, New Orleans could boast of more cotton factors thancotton. The principal business was in the hands of merchants fromthe North, who had established themselves in the city soon after itsoccupation by the National forces. Nearly all cotton sent to marketwas from plantations leased by Northern men, or from purchases madeof planters by Northern speculators. The patronage naturally fellinto the hands of the new possessors of the soil, and left the oldmerchants to pine in solitude. The old cotton factors, most of themSouthern men, who could boast of ten or twenty years' experience, sawtheir business pass into the hands of men whose arrival in New Orleanswas subsequent to that of General Butler. Nearly all the old factorswere Secessionists, who religiously believed no government could existunless founded on raw cotton and slavery. They continually assertedthat none but themselves could sell cotton to advantage, and wonderedwhy those who had that article to dispose of should employ menunaccustomed to its sale. They were doomed to find themselves falseprophets. The new and enterprising merchants monopolized the cottontraffic, and left the slavery-worshiping factors of the olden time tomourn the loss of their occupation. At the time I visited New Orleans, cotton was falling. It had beenninety cents per pound. I could only obtain a small fraction aboveseventy cents, and within a week the same quality sold for sixty. Three months afterward, it readily brought a dollar and a quarter perpound. The advices from New York were the springs by which the marketin New Orleans was controlled. A good demand in New York made a gooddemand in New Orleans, and _vice versâ_. The New York market wasgoverned by the Liverpool market, and that in turn by the demand atManchester. Thus the Old World and the New had a common interest inthe production of cotton. While one watched the demand, the otherclosely observed the supply. Some of the factors in New Orleans were fearful lest the attentionpaid to cotton-culture in other parts of the world would proveinjurious to the South after the war should be ended. They hadabandoned their early belief that their cotton was king, and dreadedthe crash that was to announce the overthrow of all their hopes. In their theory that cotton-culture was unprofitable, unlessprosecuted by slave labor, these men could only see a gloomy picturefor years to come. Not so the new occupants of the land. Believingthat slavery was not necessary to the production of sugar and cotton;believing that the country could show far more prosperity under thenew system of labor than was ever seen under the old; and believingthat commerce would find new and enlarged channels with the return ofpeace, they combated the secession heresies of the old residents, anddisplayed their faith by their works. New Orleans was throwing offits old habits and adopting the ideas and manners of Northerncivilization. Mrs. B. , the owner of our plantation, was in New Orleans at the timeof my arrival. As she was to receive half the proceeds of the cottonwe had gathered, I waited upon her to tell the result of our labors. The sale being made, I exhibited the account of sales to her agent, and paid him the stipulated amount. So far all was well; but we weredestined to have a difference of opinion upon a subject touching therights of the negro. Early in 1863 the Rebel authorities ordered the destruction of allcotton liable to fall into the hands of the National forces. The orderwas very generally carried out. In its execution, some four hundredbales belonging to Mrs. B. Were burned. The officer who superintendedthe destruction, permitted the negroes on the plantation to fill theirbeds with cotton, but not to save any in bales. When we were makingour shipment, Mr. Colburn proposed that those negroes who wished todo so, could sell us their cotton, and fill their beds with moss orhusks. As we paid them a liberal price, they accepted our offer, andwe made up three bales from our purchase. We never imagined that Mrs. B. Would lay any claim to this lot, and did not include it in thequantity for which we paid her half the proceeds. After I had made the payment to her factor, I received a note fromthe lady in reference to the three bales above mentioned. She said thecotton in question was entirely her property; but, in considerationof our careful attention to the matter, she would consent to ourretaining half its value. She admitted that she would have neverthought to bring it to market; but since we had collected and baledit, she demanded it as her own. I "respectfully declined" to complywith her request. I believed the negroes had a claim to what was savedfrom the burning, and given to them by the Rebel authorities. Mrs. B. Was of the opinion that a slave could own nothing, and thereforeinsisted that the cotton belonged to herself. Very soon after sending my reply, I was visited by the lady's factor. A warm, though courteous, discussion transpired. The factor was aSecessionist, and a firm believer in the human and divine rightof slavery. He was a man of polished exterior, and was, doubtless, considered a specimen of the true Southern gentleman. In our talk onthe subject in dispute, I told him the Rebels had allowed thenegroes to fill their beds with cotton, and it was this cotton we hadpurchased. "The negroes had no right to sell it to you, " said the factor;"neither had you any right to purchase it. " "If it was given to them, " I asked, "was it not theirs to sell?" "Certainly not. The negroes own nothing, and can own nothing. Everything they have, the clothes they wear and the dishes they use, belongs to their owners. When we 'give' any thing to a negro, wemerely allow it to remain in his custody, nothing more. " "But in this case, " said I, "the gift was not made by the owner. Thecotton was to be destroyed by order of your Confederate Government. That order took it from Mrs. B. 's possession. When the officer came toburn the cotton, and gave a portion to the negroes to fill their beds, he made no gift to Mrs. B. " "Certainly he did. The cotton became hers, when it was given to hernegroes. If you give any thing to one of my negroes, that articlebecomes my property as much as if given to me. " "But how is it when a negro, by working nights or Saturdays, managesto make something for himself?" "That is just the same. Whatever he makes in that way belongs to hismaster. Out of policy we allow him to keep it, but we manage to havehim expend it for his own good. The negro is the property of hismaster, and can own nothing for himself. " "But in this case, " I replied, "I have promised to pay the negroes forthe cotton. It would be unjust to them to fail to do so. " "You must not pay them any thing for it. Whatever you have promisedmakes no difference. It is Mrs. B. 's property, not theirs. If you paythem, you will violate all our customs, and establish a precedent verybad for us and for yourself. " I assured the gentleman I should feel under obligation to deal justlywith the negroes, even at the expense of violating Southern precedent. "You may not be aware, " I remarked, "of the magnitude of the change inthe condition of the Southern negro during the two years just closed. The difference of opinion between your people and ourselves is, nodoubt, an honest one. We shall be quite as persistent in pushing ourviews at the present time as you have been in enforcing yours in thepast. We must try our theory, and wait for the result. " We separated most amiably, each hoping the other would eventually seethings in their true light. From present indications, the weight ofpublic opinion is on my side, and constantly growing stronger. My sales having been made, and a quantity of plantation suppliespurchased, I was ready to return. It was with much difficulty that Iwas able to procure permits from the Treasury agent at New Orleans toenable me to ship my purchases. Before leaving Natchez, I procured allthe documents required by law. Natchez and New Orleans were not in thesame "district, " and consequently there was much discord. For example, the agent at Natchez gave me a certain document that I should exhibitat New Orleans, and take with me on my return to Natchez. The agentat New Orleans took possession of this document, and, on myexpostulating, said the agent at Natchez "had no right" to give meinstructions to retain it. He kept the paper, and I was left withoutany defense against seizure of the goods I had in transit. They wereseized by a Government officer, but subsequently released. On myarrival at Natchez, I narrated the occurrence to the Treasury agent atthat point. I was informed that the agent at New Orleans "could not"take my papers from me, and I should not have allowed him to do so. I was forcibly reminded of the case of the individual who was onceplaced in the public stocks. On learning his offense, a lawyer toldhim, "Why, Sir, they can't put you in the stocks for _that_. " "But they have. " "I tell you they can't do it. " "But, don't you see, they have. " "I tell you again they can't do any such thing. " In my own case, each Treasury agent declared the other "could not" dothe things which had been done. In consequence of the inharmony ofthe "regulations, " the most careful shipper would frequently find hisgoods under seizure, from which they could generally be releasedon payment of liberal fees and fines. I do not know there was anycollusion between the officials, but I could not rid myself of theimpression there was something rotten in Denmark. The invariableresult of these little quarrels was the plundering of the shippers. The officials never suffered. Like the opposite sides of a pair ofshears, though cutting against each other, they only injured whateverwas between them. Not a hundredth part of the official dishonesty at New Orleans andother points along the Mississippi will ever be known. Enough hasbeen made public to condemn the whole system of permits and Treasuryrestrictions. The Government took a wise course when it abolished, soon after the suppression of the Rebellion, a large number of theTreasury Agencies in the South. As they were managed during the lasttwo years of the war, these agencies proved little else than schoolsof dishonesty. There may have been some honest men in those offices, but they contrived to conceal their honesty. To show the variety of charges which attach to a shipment of cotton, I append the sellers' account for the three bales about which Mrs. B. And myself had our little dispute. These bales were not sold with thebalance of our shipment. The cotton of which they were composed was ofvery inferior quality. _Account Sales of Three Bales of Cotton for Knox & Colburn. _By PARSLEY & WILLIAMS. ______________________________________________________________________ Mark, | 3 bales. || | || |"K. C. "| Weight, } 1, 349 @. .. .. .. .. .. .. . || $0 | 60 || $809 | 40 | 533--406--410 } || | || | | Auctioneers' commission, 1 pr. Ct. .. .. || 8 | 09 || | | Sampling . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. || | 30 || | | Weighing . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. || | 50 || | | Watching. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . || | 50 || | | Tarpaulins . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. || | 50 || | | Freight, $10 pr. Bale . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . || 30 | 00 || | | Insurance, $2. 50 pr. Bale . .. .. .. .. .. . || 7 | 50 || | | 4 c. Pr. Lb. (tax) on 1, 349 lb . .. .. .. || 53 | 96 || | | 1/2 c. " " " " . .. .. .. .. . || 6 | 74 || | | Permit and stamps . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . || | 65 || | | Hospital fees, $5 pr. Bale. .. .. .. .. .. . || 15 | 00 || | | Factors' commission, 1 pr. Ct. .. .. .. .. || 8 | 09 || | | || -- | -- || 131 | 83 | || | || ---- | --E. O. E. | Net proceeds. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . || | || $677 | 57----------------------------------------------------------------------NEW ORLEANS, La. , _February 22_, 1864. It will be seen by the above that the charges form an importantportion of the proceeds of a sale. The heaviest items are forGovernment and hospital taxes. The latter was levied before the war, but the former is one of the fruits of the Rebellion. It is likely toendure for a considerable time. I knew several cases in which the sales of cotton did not cover thecharges, but left a small bill to be paid by the owner. Frequently, cotton that had been innocently purchased and sent to marketwas seized by Government officials, on account of some allegedinformality, and placed in the public warehouses. The owner could getno hearing until he made liberal presents of a pecuniary character tothe proper authorities. After much delay and many bribes, the cotton would be released. Newcharges would appear, and before a sale could be effected the wholevalue of the cotton would be gone. A person of my acquaintance was unfortunate enough to fall into thehands of the Philistines in the manner I have described above. At theend of the transaction he found himself a loser to the extent of threehundred dollars. He has since been endeavoring to ascertain the amountof traffic on a similar scale that would be needed to make him amillionaire. At last accounts he had not succeeded in solving theproblem. CHAPTER XXXVIII. SOME FEATURES OF PLANTATION LIFE. Mysteries of Mule-trading. --"What's in a Name?"--Process of Stockinga Plantation. --An Enterprising White Man. --Stratagem of aYankee. --Distributing Goods to the Negroes. --The Tastes of theAfrican. --Ethiopian Eloquence. --A Colored Overseer. --GuerrillasApproaching. --Whisky _vs_. Guerrillas. --A Hint to Military Men. On my return from New Orleans to the plantation, I found that Colburnhad been pushing our business with a rapidity and skill that securedthe admiration of everyone around us. He had increased our workingforce, and purchased a goodly number of mules. We had seventeen plowsin operation, and two teams engaged in gathering corn, on the daybefore my arrival. The "trash-gang" was busy, and other workingparties were occupied with their various duties. We were looking to abrilliant future, and echoed the wish of Jefferson Davis, to be "letalone. " The enterprise of a lessee at that time, and in that locality, wasillustrated by his ability to supply his plantation with mules. Therewere many who failed in the effort, but my associate was not of thenumber. There were but few mules in the Natchez market--not enough tomeet a tenth of the demand. Nearly every plantation had been strippedof working animals by one army or the other. Before our arrival theRebels plundered all men suspected of lukewarmness in the cause. Whenthe National army obtained possession, it took nearly every thingthe Rebels had left. All property believed to belong to the RebelGovernment was passed into the hands of our quartermaster. A planter, named Caleb Shields, had a large plantation near Natchez, which had not been disturbed by the Rebels. His mules were brandedwith the letters "C. S. , " the initials of their owner. As these lettershappened to be the same that were used by the Confederate Government, Mr. Shields found his mules promptly seized and "confiscated. " Beforehe could explain the matter and obtain an order for their return, hisanimals were sent to Vicksburg and placed in the Government corral. Ifthe gentleman had possessed other initials, it is possible (though notcertain) he might have saved his stock. Mules being very scarce, the lessees exercised their skill insupplying themselves with those animals. On my first arrival at theplantation, I took care to hire those negroes who were riding from theinterior, or, at all events, to purchase their animals. In one day Iobtained two horses and four mules. An order had been issued for theconfiscation of beasts of burden (or draught) brought inside thelines by negroes. We obtained permission to purchase of these runawaynegroes whatever mules they would sell, provided we could make ournegotiations before they reached the military lines. Immediately after my departure, Mr. Colburn stationed one of our menon the road near our house, with orders to effect a trade with everymounted negro on his way to Natchez. The plan was successful. From twoto a half-dozen mules were obtained daily. During the two weeks of myabsence nearly fifty mules were purchased, placing the plantation ingood order for active prosecution of our planting enterprise. Atthe same time many lessees in our vicinity were unable to commenceoperations, owing to their inability to obtain working stock. The negroes discovered that the mule market was not well supplied, andsome of the more enterprising and dishonest sons of Ham endeavoredto profit by the situation. Frequently mules would be offered ata suspiciously low price, with the explanation that the owner wasanxious to dispose of his property and return home. Some undertooknocturnal expeditions, ten or twenty miles into the interior, wherethey stole whatever mules they could find. A few of the lesseessuffered by the loss of stock, which was sold an hour after it wasstolen, and sometimes to the very party from whom it had been taken. We took every care to avoid buying stolen property, but were sometimesdeceived. On one occasion I purchased a mule of a negro who lived at Waterproof. The purchase was made an hour before sunset, and the animal was stolenduring the night. On the following morning, Colburn bought it againof the same party with whom I had effected my trade. After thisoccurrence, we adopted the plan of branding each mule as soon as itcame into our hands. All the lessees did the same thing, and partiallyprotected each other against fraud. White men were the worst mule-thieves, and generally instructed thenegroes in their villainy. There were several men in Natchez whoreduced mule-stealing to a science, and were as thoroughly skilledin it as Charley Bates or the Artful Dodger in the science of pickingpockets. One of them had four or five white men and a dozen negroesemployed in bringing stock to market. I think he retired to St. Louis, before the end of May, with ten or twelve thousand dollars as theresult of three months' industry. Some of the lessees resorted to questionable methods for supplyingtheir plantations with the means for plowing and planting. One ofthem occupied a plantation owned by a man who refused to allow his ownstock to be used. He wished to be neutral until the war was ended. This owner had more than sixty fine mules, that were running loose inthe field. One day the lessee told the owner that he had purchaseda lot of mules at Natchez, and would bring them out soon. On thefollowing night, while the owner slept, the lessee called some trustynegroes to his aid, caught seventeen mules from the field, sheared andbranded them, and placed them in a yard by themselves. In the morninghe called the owner to look at the "purchase. " "You have bought an excellent lot, " said the latter individual. "Wherewere they from?" "All from St. Louis. " was the response. "They were brought down twodays ago. I don't know what to do about turning them out. Do youthink, if I put them with yours, there is any danger of theirstraying, on account of being on a strange place?" "None at all. I think there is no risk. " The lessee took the risk, and expressed much delight to find that thenew mules showed themselves at home on the plantation. Several days later the owner of the plantation discovered the lossof his mules, but never suspected what had become of them. Two weeksafterward, the Rebels came and asked him to designate the property ofthe lessee, that they might remove it. He complied by pointing outthe seventeen mules, which the Rebels drove away, leaving the balanceunharmed. I landed at the plantation one Sunday evening, with the goods I hadpurchased in New Orleans. I was met with the unwelcome informationthat the small force at Waterproof, after committing many depredationson the surrounding country, had been withdrawn, leaving us exposedto the tender mercies of the indignant chivalry. We were liable tobe visited at any moment. We knew the Rebels would not handle us verytenderly, in view of what they had suffered from our own men. A partyof guerrillas was reported seven miles distant on the day previous, and there was nothing to hinder their coming as near as they chose. Accordingly, we determined to distribute the goods among the negroesas early as possible. On Monday morning we commenced. There was somedelay, but we succeeded in starting a very lively trade before seveno'clock. Shoes were in great demand, as the negroes had not been supplied withthese articles for nearly three years. A hundred pairs were speedilyissued, when the balance was laid aside for future consideration. There were some of the negroes whose feet were too large for anyshoes we had purchased. It was a curious fact that these large-footednegroes were not above the ordinary stature. I remember one inparticular who demanded "thirteens, " but who did not stand more thanfive feet and five inches in his invisible stockings. After the shoes, came the material for clothing. For the men we hadpurchased "gray denims" and "Kentucky jeans;" for the women, "bluedenims" and common calico. These articles were rapidly taken, and withthem the necessary quantity of thread, buttons, etc. A supply of hugebandana kerchiefs for the head was eagerly called for. I had procuredas many of these articles as I thought necessary for the entire numberof negroes on the plantation; but found I had sadly miscalculated. Thekerchiefs were large and very gaudy, and the African taste was at oncecaptivated by them. Instead of being satisfied with one or two, everynegro desired from six to a dozen, and was much disappointed at therefusal. The gaudy colors of most of the calicoes created a greatdemand, while a few pieces of more subdued appearance were whollydiscarded. White cotton cloth, palm-leaf hats, knives and forks, tinplates, pans and dishes, and other articles for use or wear, wereamong the distributions of the day. Under the slave-owner's rule, the negro was entitled to nothingbeyond his subsistence and coarse clothing. Out of a large-heartedgenerosity the master gave him various articles, amounting, in thecourse of a year, to a few dollars in value. These articles tookthe name of "presents, " and their reception was designed to inspirefeelings of gratitude in the breast of the slave. Most of the negroes understood that the new arrangements made an endof present-giving. They were to be paid for all their labor, and wereto pay for whatever they received. When the plan was first announced, all were pleased with it; but when we came to the distribution of thegoods, many of the negroes changed their views. They urged that theclothing, and every thing else we had purchased, should be issued as"presents, " and that they should be paid for their labor in addition. Whatever little advantages the old system might have, they wished toretain and ingraft upon their new life. To be compensated for laborwas a condition of freedom which they joyfully accepted. To receive"presents" was an apparent advantage of slavery which they did notwish to set aside. The matter was fully explained, and I am confident all our auditorsunderstood it. Those that remained obstinate had an eye to theirpersonal interests. Those who had been sick, idle, absent, ordisabled, were desirous of liberal gifts, while the industrious weregenerally in favor of the new system, or made no special opposition toit. One negro, who had been in our employ two weeks, and whose whole laborin that time was less than four days, thought he deserved ahundred dollars' worth of presents, and compensation in money fora fortnight's toil. All were inclined to value their services veryhighly; but there were some whose moderation knew no bounds. A difficulty arose on account of certain promises that had beenmade to the negroes by the owner of the plantation, long before ourarrival. Mrs. B. Had told them (according to their version) that theproceeds of the cotton on the plantation should be distributed in theform of presents, whenever a sale was effected. She did not inform usof any such promise when we secured the lease of the plantation. Ifshe made any agreement to that effect, it was probably forgotten. Those who claimed that this arrangement had been made desired liberalpresents in addition to payment for their labor. Our non-compliancewith this demand was acknowledged to be just, but it createdconsiderable disappointment. One who had been her mistress's favorite argued the question with anearnestness that attracted my attention. Though past sixty years ofage, she was straight as an arrow, and her walk resembled that of atragedy queen. In her whole features she was unlike those around her, except in her complexion, which was black as ink. There was a clear, silvery tone to her voice, such as I have rarely observed in personsof her race. In pressing her claim, she grew wonderfully eloquent, andwould have elicited the admiration of an educated audience. Had therebeen a school in that vicinity for the development of histrionictalent in the negro race, I would have given that woman arecommendation to its halls. During my absence, Mr. Colburn employed an overseer on our smallerplantation, and placed him in full charge of the work. This overseerwas a mulatto, who had been fifteen years the manager of a largeplantation about seven miles distant from ours. In voice and manner hewas a white man, but his complexion and hair were those of the subjectrace. There was nothing about the plantation which he could not masterin every point. Without being severe, he was able to accomplish allthat had been done under the old system. He imitated the customs ofthe white man as much as possible, and it was his particular ambitionto rank above those of his own color. As an overseer he was fullycompetent to take charge of any plantation in that locality. Duringall my stay in the South, I did not meet a white overseer whom Iconsidered the professional equal of this negro. "Richmond" was the name to which our new assistant answered. Hismaster had prevented his learning to read, but allowed him to acquiresufficient knowledge of figures to record the weight of cotton in thefield. Richmond could mark upon the slate all round numbers betweenone hundred and four hundred; beyond this he was never able to go. Hecould neither add nor subtract, nor could he write a single letter ofthe alphabet. He was able, however, to write his own name very badly, having copied it from a pass written by his master. He had possessedhimself of a book, and, with the help of one of our negroes whoknew the alphabet, he was learning to read. His house was a modelof neatness. I regret to say that he was somewhat tyrannical whensuperintending the affairs of his domicile. As the day of our distribution of goods was a stormy one, Richmond wascalled from the plantation to assist us. Under his assistance we wereprogressing fairly, interrupted occasionally by various causes ofdelay. Less than half the valuable articles were distributed, when ourwatches told us it was noon. Just as we were discussing the proprietyof an adjournment for dinner, an announcement was made that banishedall thoughts of the mid-day meal. One of our boys had been permitted to visit Waterproof during theforenoon. He returned, somewhat breathless, and his first wordsdropped like a shell among the assembled negroes: "_The Rebels are in Waterproof_. " "How do you know?" "I saw them there, and asked a lady what they were. She said they wereHarrison's Rebels. " We told the negroes to go to their quarters. Richmond mounted hishorse and rode off toward the plantation of which he had charge. Intwo minutes, there was not a negro in the yard, with the exception ofthe house-servants. Our goods were lying exposed. We threw some of themost valuable articles into an obscure closet. At the first alarm we ordered our horses brought out. When the animalsappeared we desisted from our work. "The Rebels are coming down the road, " was the next bulletin from thefront. We sprang upon our horses and rode a hundred yards along the front ofour "quarter-lot, " to a point where we could look up the road towardWaterproof. There they were, sure enough, thirty or more mounted men, advancing at a slow trot. They were about half a mile distant, and, had we been well mounted, there was no doubt of our easy escape. "Now comes the race, " said Colburn. "Twenty miles to Natchez. A singleheat, with animals to go at will. " We turned our horses in the direction of Natchez. "Stop, " said I, as we reached the house again. "They did not see us, and have not quickened their pace. Strategy, my boy, may assist us alittle. " Throwing my bridle into Colburn's hand, I slid from my saddle andbounded into the dwelling. It was the work of a moment to bring outa jug and a glass tumbler, but I was delayed longer than I wishedin finding the key of our closet. The jug contained five gallons ofexcellent whisky (so pronounced by my friends), and would have been avaluable prize in any portion of the Confederacy. Placing the jug and tumbler side by side on the veranda, in full viewfrom the road, I remounted, just as the Rebels reached the corner ofour quarter-lot. "We have pressing engagements in Natchez, " said Colburn. "So we have, " I replied; "I had nearly forgotten them. Let us lose notime in meeting them. " As we rode off, some of the foremost Rebels espied us and quickenedtheir pace. When they reached the house they naturally looked towardit to ascertain if any person was there. They saw the jug, and were atonce attracted. One man rode past the house, but the balance stopped. The minority of one was prudent, and returned after pursuing us lessthan fifty yards. The whisky which the jug contained was quicklyabsorbed. With only one tumbler it required some minutes to drain thejug. These minutes were valuable. Whisky may have ruined many a man, but it saved us. Around thatseductive jug those thirty guerrillas became oblivious to our escape. We have reason to be thankful that we disobeyed the rules of strictteetotalers by "keeping liquor in the house. " I was well mounted, and could have easily kept out of the way of anyordinary chase. Colburn was only fairly mounted, and must have beenrun down had there been a vigorous and determined pursuit. As eachwas resolved to stand by the other, the capture of one would havedoubtless been the capture of both. [Illustration: "STRATEGY, MY BOY!"] CHAPTER XXXIX. VISITED BY GUERRILLAS. News of the Raid. --Returning to the Plantation. --Examples of NegroCunning. --A Sudden Departure and a Fortunate Escape. --A SecondVisit. --"Going Through, " in Guerrilla Parlance. --How it isAccomplished. --Courtesy to Guests. --A Holiday Costume. --LesseesAbandoning their Plantations. --Official Promises. As soon as satisfied we were not followed we took a leisurely pace, and in due time reached Natchez. Four hours later we received thefirst bulletin from the plantation. About thirty guerrillas had beenthere, mainly for the purpose of despoiling the plantation next aboveours. This they had accomplished by driving off all the mules. Theyhad not stolen _our_ mules, simply because they found as much clothand other desirable property as they wished to take on that occasion. Besides, our neighbor's mules made as large a drove as they couldmanage. They promised to come again, and we believed they would keeptheir word. We ascertained that my strategy with the whisky saved usfrom pursuit. On the next day a messenger arrived, saying all was quiet at theplantation. On the second day, as every thing continued undisturbed, I concluded to return. Colburn had gone to Vicksburg, and left meto look after our affairs as I thought best. We had discussed thepropriety of hiring a white overseer to stay on the plantation duringour absence. The prospect of visits from guerrillas convinced usthat _we_ should not spend much of our time within their reach. Wepreferred paying some one to risk his life rather than to risk ourown lives. The prospect of getting through the season without seriousinterruption had become very poor, but we desired to cling to theexperiment a little longer. Once having undertaken it, we weredetermined not to give it up hastily. I engaged a white man as overseer, and took him with me to theplantation. The negroes had been temporarily alarmed at the visitof the guerrillas, but, as they were not personally disturbed, theirexcitement was soon allayed. I found them anxiously waiting my return, and ready to recommence labor on the following day. The ravages of the guerrillas on that occasion were not extensive. They carried off a few bolts of cloth and some smaller articles, afterdrinking the whisky I had set out for their entertainment. The negroeshad carefully concealed the balance of the goods in places where awhite man would have much trouble in finding them. In the garden therewas a row of bee-hives, whose occupants manifested much dislike forall white men, irrespective of their political sentiments. Two unusedhives were filled with the most valuable articles on our invoice, andplaced at the ends of this row. In a clump of weeds under the bench onwhich the hives stood, the negroes secreted several rolls of clothand a quantity of shoes. More shoes and more cloth were concealed ina hen-house, under a series of nests where several innocent hens were"sitting. " Crockery was placed among the rose-bushes and tomato-vinesin the garden; barrels of sugar were piled with empty barrels ofgreat age; and two barrels of molasses had been neatly buried in afreshly-ploughed potato-field. Obscure corners in stables and shedswere turned into hiding-places, and the cunning of the negro was wellevinced by the successful concealment of many bulky articles. It was about two o'clock in the afternoon when I arrived at theplantation. I immediately recommenced the issue of goods, which wassuspended so hastily three days before. From two o'clock until darkthe overseer and myself were busily engaged, and distributed abouttwo-thirds of our remaining stock. Night came. We suspended thedistribution and indulged in supper. After giving the overseerdirections for the morrow, I recollected an invitation to spend thenight at the house of a friend, three miles away, on the road toNatchez. I ordered my horse, and in a few moments the animal was ready, at thedoor. I told the overseer where I was going, and bade him good-night. "Where are you going, Mr. K----?" said the negro who had brought outthe horse, as he delivered the bridle into my hands. "If any one calls to see me, " said I, "you can say I have gone toNatchez. " With that I touched a spur to my horse and darted off rapidly towardmy friend's house. A half-dozen negroes had gathered to assist insaddling and holding the horse. As I sprang into the saddle I heardone of them say: "I don't see why Mr. K---- starts off to Natchez at this time ofnight. " Another negro explained the matter, but I did not hear theexplanation. If he gave a satisfactory reason, I think he did betterthan I could have done. Immediately after my departure the overseer went to bed. He had beenin bed about fifteen minutes when he heard a trampling of horses' feetaround the house. A moment later there was a loud call for the door tobe opened. Before the overseer could comply with the request, the doorwas broken in. A dozen men crowded into the house, demanding that alight be struck instantly. As the match gave its first flash of light, one of the visitors said: "Well, K----, we've got you this time. " "That, " said another, "is no K----; that is Walter Owen, who used tobe overseer on Stewart's plantation. " "What are you doing here?" demanded another. Mr. Owen, trembling in his night-clothes, replied that he had beenengaged to stay there as overseer. "Where is K----, and where is Colburn?" "Mr. Colburn hasn't been here since last Monday. Mr. K---- has gone toNatchez. " "That's a ---- lie, " said one of the guerrillas. "We know he came hereat two o'clock this afternoon, and was here at dark. He is somewherearound this house. " In vain did Owen protest I was not there. Every room and everycloset in the house was searched. A pile of bagging in a garret wasoverhauled, in the expectation that I was concealed within it. Eventhe chimneys were not neglected, though I doubt if the smallest ofprofessional sweeps could pass through them. One of the guerrillasopened a piano, to see if I had not taken refuge under its cover. Theylooked into all possible and impossible nooks and corners, in thehope of finding me somewhere. At last they gave up the search, andcontented themselves with promising to catch both Colburn and myselfbefore long. "We want to go through those d--d Abolitionists, and we will do it, too. They may dodge us for a while, but we will have them by-and-by. " Not being privileged to "go through" me as they had anticipated, thegentlemanly guerrillas went through the overseer. They took his money, his hat, his pantaloons, and his saddle. His horse was standing inthe stable, and they took that also. They found four of our mules, andappropriated them to their own use. They frightened one of the negroesinto telling where certain articles were concealed, and were thusenabled to carry off a goodly amount of plunder. They threatened Mr. Owen with the severest punishment, if he remained any longer on theplantation. They possessed themselves of a "protection" paper whichMrs. B. Had received from the commander at Natchez several monthsbefore, and were half inclined to burn her buildings as a punishmentfor having sought the favor of the Yankees. Their stay was of only anhour's duration. From our plantation the robbers went to the one next above, where theywere more fortunate in finding the lessees at home. They surroundedthe house in the same manner they had surrounded ours, and then burstopen the doors. The lessees were plundered of every thing in the shapeof money, watches, and knives, and were forced to exchange hatsand coats with their captors. One of the guerrillas observed anivory-headed pencil, which he appropriated to his own use, with theremark: "They don't make these things back here in the woods. When they do, Iwill send this one back. " These lessees were entertaining some friends on that evening, andbegged the guerrillas to show them some distinction. "D--n your friends, " said the guerrilla leader; "I suppose they areYankees?" "Yes, they are; we should claim friendship with nobody else. " "Then we want to see what they have, and go through them if it isworth the while. " The strangers were unceremoniously searched. Their unitedcontributions to the guerrilla treasury were two watches, tworevolvers, three hundred dollars in money, and their hats andovercoats. Their horses and saddles were also taken. In considerationof their being guests of the house, these gentlemen were allowed toretain their coats. They were presented with five dollars each, to paytheir expenses to Natchez. No such courtesy was shown to the lesseesof the plantation. On the following morning, I was awakened at an early hour by thearrival of a negro from our plantation, with news of the raid. Alittle later, Mr. Owen made his appearance, wearing pantaloons and hatthat belonged to one of the negroes. The pantaloons were too small andthe hat too large; both had long before seen their best days. He wasriding a mule, on which was tied an old saddle, whose cohesive powerswere very doubtful. I listened to the story of the raid, and wasconvinced another visit would be made very soon. I gave directionsfor the overseer to gather all the remaining mules and take them toNatchez for safety. I stopped with my friend until nearly noon, and then accompaniedhim to Natchez. On the next morning, I learned that the guerrillasreturned to our plantation while I was at my friend's house. Theycarried away what they were unable to take on the previous night Theyneeded a wagon for purposes of transportation, and took one of ours, and with it all the mules they could find. Our house was stripped ofevery thing of any value, and I hoped the guerrillas would have nooccasion to make subsequent visits. Several of our mules were saved byrunning them into the woods adjoining the plantation. These were takento Natchez, and, for a time, all work on the prospective cotton cropcame to an end. For nearly three weeks, the guerrillas had full and free range in thevicinity of the leased plantations. One after another of the lesseeswere driven to seek refuge at Natchez, and their work was entirelysuspended. The only plantations undisturbed were those within amile or two of Vidalia. As the son of Adjutant-General Thomas wasinterested in one of these plantations, and intimate friends of thatofficial were concerned in others, it was proper that they shouldbe well protected. The troops at Vidalia were kept constantly on thelook-out to prevent raids on these favored localities. Nearly every day I heard of a fresh raid in our neighborhood, though, after the first half-dozen visits, I could not learn that theguerrillas carried away any thing, for the simple reason there wasnothing left to steal. Some of the negroes remained at home, whileothers fled to the military posts for protection. The robbers showedno disposition to maltreat the negroes, and repeatedly assuredthem they should not be disturbed as long as they remained on theplantations and planted nothing but corn. It was declared that cottonshould not be cultivated under any circumstances, and the negroes werethreatened with the severest punishment if they assisted in plantingthat article. CHAPTER XL. PECULIARITIES OF PLANTATION LABOR. Resuming Operation. --Difficulties in the Way. --A New Method of Healingthe Sick. --A Thief Discovered by his Ignorance of Arithmetic. --HowCotton is Planted. --The Uses of Cotton-Seed. --A NovelSleeping-Room. --Constructing a Tunnel. --Vigilance of a Negro Sentinel. On the 24th of March a small post was established at Waterproof, andon the following day we recommenced our enterprise at the plantation. We were much crippled, as nearly all our mules were gone, and the workof replacing them could not be done in a day. The market at Natchezwas not supplied with mules, and we were forced to depend upon theregion around us. Three days after the establishment of the post wewere able to start a half-dozen plows, and within two weeks we hadour original force in the field. The negroes that had left during theraid, returned to us. Under the superintendence of our overseerthe work was rapidly pushed. Richmond was back again on our smallerplantation, whence he had fled during the disturbances, and wasdisplaying an energy worthy of the highest admiration. Our gangs were out in full force. There was the trash-gang clearingthe ground for the plows, and the plow-gang busy at its appropriatework. The corn-gang, with two ox-teams, was gathering corn at the rateof a hundred bushels daily, and the fence-gang was patting the fencesin order. The shelling-gang (composed of the oldest men and women)was husking and shelling corn, and putting it in sacks for market. The gardener, the stock-tenders, the dairy-maids, nurserymaids, hog-minders, and stable-keepers were all in their places, and we beganto forget our recent troubles in the apparent prospect of success. One difficulty of the new system presented itself. Several of thenegroes began to feign sickness, and cheat the overseer whenever itcould be done with impunity. It is a part of the overseer's duty to gothrough the quarters every morning, examine such as claim to be sick, determine whether their sickness be real or pretended, and make theappropriate prescriptions. Under the old system the pretenders weretreated to a liberal application of the lash, which generally droveaway all fancied ills. Sometimes, one who was really unwell, wasmost unmercifully flogged by the overseer, and death not unfrequentlyensued from this cause. As there was now no fear of the lash, some of the lazily-inclinednegroes would feign sickness, and thus be excused from the field. Thetrouble was not general, but sufficiently prevalent to be annoying. Wesaw that some course must be devised to overcome this evil, and keepin the field all who were really able to be there. We procured some printed tickets, which the overseer was to issueat the close of each day. There were three colors--red, yellow, andwhite. The first were for a full day's work, the second for a halfday, and the last for a quarter day. On the face of each was thefollowing:-- AQUASCO & MONONOPLANTATIONS. 1864. These tickets were given each day to such as deserved them. They werecollected every Saturday, and proper credit given for the amount oflabor performed during the week. The effect was magical. The dayafter the adoption of our ticket system our number of sick was reducedone-half, and we had no further trouble with pretended patients. Colburn and myself, in our new character of "doctors, " found ourpractice greatly diminished in consequence of our innovations. Occasionally it would happen that one who was not really able to work, would go to the field through a fear of diminished wages. One Saturday night, a negro whom we had suspected of thievishpropensities, presented eight full-day tickets as the representativeof his week's work. "Did you earn all these this week?" I asked. "Yes, sir, " was the reply; "Mr. Owen gave them to me. I worked everyday, straight along. " "Can you tell me on which days he gave you each ticket?" "Oh, yes. I knows every one of them, " said the negro, his countenanceexpressing full belief in his ability to locate each ticket. As I held the tickets in my hand, the negro picked them out. "Mr. Owengave me this one Monday, this one Tuesday, " and so on, toward the endof the week. As he reached Friday, and saw three tickets remaining, when there was only another day to be accounted for, his face suddenlyfell. I pretended not to notice his embarrassment. "Which one did he give you to-day?" There was a stammer, a hesitation, a slight attempt to explain, andthen the truth came out. He had stolen the extra tickets from twofellow-laborers only a few minutes before, and had not reflectedupon the difficulties of the situation. I gave him some good advice, required him to restore the stolen tickets, and promise he would notsteal any more. I think he kept the promise during the remainder ofhis stay on the plantation, but am by no means certain. Every day, when the weather was favorable, our work was pushed. Everymule that could be found was put at once into service, and by the15th of April we had upward of five hundred acres plowed and ready forplanting. We had planted about eighty acres of corn during the firstweek of April, and arranged to commence planting cotton on Monday, the 18th of the month. On the Saturday previous, the overseer on eachplantation organized his planting-gangs, and placed every thing inreadiness for active work. The ground, when plowed for cotton, is thrown into a series of ridgesby a process technically known as "four-furrowing. " Two furrows areturned in one direction and two in another, thus making a ridgefour or five feet wide. Along the top of this ridge a "planter, " or"bull-tongue, " is drawn by a single mule, making a channel two orthree inches in depth. A person carrying a bag of cotton seed followsthe planter and scatters the seed into the channel. A small harrowfollows, covering the seed, and the work of planting is complete. A planting-gang consists of drivers for the planters, drivers for theharrows, persons who scatter the seed, and attendants to supplythem with seed. The seed is drawn from the gin-house to the fieldin ox-wagons, and distributed in convenient piles of ten or twentybushels each. Cotton-seed has never been considered of any appreciable value, andconsequently the negroes are very wasteful in using it. In sowing itin the field, they scatter at least twenty times as much as necessary, and all advice to use less is unheeded. It is estimated that there areforty bushels of seed to every bale of cotton produced. A plantationthat sends a thousand bales of cotton to market will thus have fortythousand bushels of seed, for which there was formerly no sale. With the most lavish use of the article, there was generally a surplusat the end of the year. Cattle and sheep will eat cotton-seed, thoughnot in large quantities. Boiled cotton-seed is fed to hogs on allplantations, but it is far behind corn in nutritious and fatteningqualities. Cotton-seed is packed around the roots of small trees, where it is necessary to give them warmth or furnish a rich soil fortheir growth. To some extent it is used as fuel for steam-engines, onplaces where the machinery is run by steam. When the war deprived theSouthern cities of a supply of coal for their gasworks, many of themfound cotton seed a very good substitute. Oil can be extracted from itin large quantities. For several years, the Cotton-Seed Oil Works ofMemphis carried on an extensive business. Notwithstanding the manyuses to which cotton-seed can be applied, its great abundance makes itof little value. The planting-gang which we started on that Monday morning, consistedof five planters and an equal number of harrows, sowers, etc. Eachplanter passed over about six acres daily, so that every day gave usthirty acres of our prospective cotton crop. At the end of the weekwe estimated we had about a hundred and seventy acres planted. On thefollowing week we increased the number of planters, but soon reducedthem, as we found we should overtake the plows earlier than wedesired. By the evening of Monday, May 2d, we had planted upward offour hundred acres. A portion of it was pushing out of the ground, andgiving promise of rapid growth. During this period the business was under the direct superintendenceof our overseers, Mr. Owen being responsible for the largerplantation, and Richmond for the smaller. Every day they were visitedby Colburn or myself--sometimes by both of us--and received directionsfor the general management, which they carried out in detail. Knowingthe habits of the guerrillas, we did not think it prudent to sleep inour house at the plantation. Those individuals were liable to announcetheir presence at any hour of the night, by quietly surrounding thehouse and requesting its inmates to make their appearance. When I spent the night at the plantation, I generally slept on a pileof cotton-seed, in an out-building to which I had secretly conveyed apair of blankets and a flour-bag. This bag, filled with seed, servedas my pillow, and though my bed lacked the elasticity of a springmattress, it was really quite comfortable. My sleeping-place was atthe foot of a huge pile of seed, containing many hundred bushels. Onenight I amused myself by making a tunnel into this pile in much thesame way as a squirrel digs into a hillside. With a minute's warningI could have "hunted my hole, " taking my blankets with me. By fillingthe entrance with seed, I could have escaped any ordinary search ofthe building. I never had occasion to use my tunnel. Generally, however, we staid in Waterproof, leaving there early in themorning, taking breakfast at the upper plantation, inspecting the workon both plantations, and, after dinner, returning to Waterproof. Wecould obtain a better dinner at the plantation than Waterproof wasable to furnish us. Strawberries held out until late in the season, and we had, at all times, chickens, eggs, and milk in abundance. Whenever we desired roast lamb, our purveyor caused a good selectionto be made from our flock. Fresh pork was much too abundant for ourtastes, and we astonished the negroes and all other natives of thatregion, by our seemingly Jewish propensities. Pork and corn-breadare the great staples of life in that hot climate, where one wouldnaturally look for lighter articles of food. Once I was detained on the plantation till after dark. As I rodetoward Waterproof, expecting the negro sentinel to challenge and haltme, I was suddenly brought to a stand by the whistling of a bulletclose to my ear, followed by several others at wider range. "Who comes there?" "A friend, with the countersign. " "If that's so, come in. We thought you was the Rebels. " As I reached the picket, the corporal of the guard explained that theywere on duty for the first time, and did not well understand theirbusiness. I agreed with him fully on the latter point. To fire upon asolitary horseman, advancing at a walk, and challenge him afterward, was something that will appear ridiculous in the eyes of all soldiers. The corporal and all his men promised to do better next time, andbegged me not to report them at head-quarters. When I reached thecenter of the town, I found the garrison had been alarmed at thepicket firing, and was turning out to repel the enemy. On my assurancethat I was the "enemy, " the order to fall into line of battle wascountermanded. CHAPTER XLI. THE NEGROES AT A MILITARY POST. The Soldiers at Waterproof. --The Black Man in Blue. --Mutiny andDesertion. --Their Cause and Cure. --Tendering a Resignation. --No Desirefor a Barber. --Seeking Protection. --Falsehood and Truth. --Proneness toExaggeration. --Amusing Estimates. The soldiers forming the garrison at Waterproof, at that time, werefrom a regiment raised by Colonel Eaton, superintendent of contrabandsat Vicksburg. They were recruited in the vicinity of Vicksburg andMilliken's Bend, especially for local defense. They made, as thenegro everywhere has made, excellent material for the army. Easilysubordinate, prompt, reliable, and keenly alert when on duty (as theirshooting at me will evince), they completely gave the lie to the Rebelassertion that the negro would prove worthless under arms. On one point only were they inclined to be mutinous. Their home tieswere very strong, and their affection for their wives and childrencould not be overcome at once. It appeared that when this regimentwas organized it was expected to remain at Milliken's Bend, where thefamilies of nearly all the men were gathered. The order transferringthem to Waterproof was unlooked for, and the men made some complaint. This was soon silenced, but after the regiment had been there three orfour weeks, a half-dozen of the men went out of the lines one night, and started to walk to Milliken's Bend. They were brought back, and, after several days in the guardhouse, returned to duty. Othersfollowed their example in attempting to go home, and for a whilethe camp was in a disturbed condition. Desertions were of dailyoccurrence. It was difficult to make them understand they were doing wrong. Thearmy regulations and the intricacies of military law were unknown tothem. They had never studied any of General Halleck's translationsfrom the French, and, had they done so, I doubt if they would havebeen much enlightened. None of them knew what "desertion" meant, nor the duties of a soldier to adhere to his flag at all times. Allintended to return to the post after making a brief visit to theirfamilies. Most of them would request their comrades to notify theircaptains that they would only be absent a short time. Two, whosucceeded in eluding pursuit, made their appearance one morning asif nothing had happened, and assured their officers that otherswould shortly be back again. Gradually they came to understandthe wickedness of desertion, or absence without leave, but thiscomprehension of their obligations was not easily acquired. A captain, commanding a company at Waterproof, told me an amusingstory of a soldier "handing in his resignation. " As the captain wassitting in front of his quarters, one of his men approached him, carrying his musket and all his accoutrements. Without a word the manlaid his entire outfit upon the ground, in front of the captain, andthen turned to walk away. "Come back here, " said the officer; "what do you mean by this?" "I'se tired of staying here, and I'se going home, " was the negro'sanswer, and he again attempted to move off. "Come back here and pick these things up, " and the captain spoke in atone that convinced the negro he would do well to obey. The negro told his story. He was weary of the war; he had been fourweeks a soldier; he wanted to see his family, and had concluded togo home. If the captain desired it, he, would come back in a littlewhile, but he was going home then, "_any how_. " The officer possessed an amiable disposition, and explained tothe soldier the nature of military discipline. The latter was soonconvinced he had done wrong, and returned without a murmur to hisduty. Does any soldier, who reads this, imagine himself tendering hisresignation in the above manner with any prospect of its acceptance? When the first regiment of colored volunteers was organized in Kansas, it was mainly composed of negroes who had escaped from slavery inMissouri. They were easily disciplined save upon a single point, andon this they were very obstinate. Many of the negroes in Missouri, asin other parts of the South, wear their hair, or wool, in little knotsor braids. They refused to submit to a close shearing, and threatenedto return to their masters rather than comply with the regulation. Some actually left the camp and went home. The officers finallycarried their point by inducing some free negroes in Leavenworth, whose heads were adorned with the "fighting cut, " to visit the campand tell the obstinate ones that long locks were a badge of servitude. The negroes on our plantation, as well as elsewhere, had a strongdesire to go to Waterproof to see the soldiers. Every Sunday they werepermitted to go there to attend church, the service being conducted byone of their own color. They greatly regretted that the soldiersdid not parade on that day, as they missed their opportunities forwitnessing military drills. To the negroes from plantations in thehands of disloyal owners, the military posts were a great attraction, and they would suffer all privations rather than return home. Someof them declared they would not go outside the lines under anyconsideration. We needed more assistance on our plantation, but itwas next to impossible to induce negroes to go there after they foundshelter at the military posts. Dread of danger and fondness for theirnew life were their reasons for remaining inside the lines. A portionwere entirely idle, but there were many who adopted various modes ofearning their subsistence. At Natchez, Vicksburg, and other points, dealers in fruit, coffee, lemonade, and similar articles, could be found in abundance. Therewere dozens of places where washing was taken in, though it was notalways well done. Wood-sawing, house-cleaning, or any other kind ofwork requiring strength, always found some one ready to perform it. Many of those who found employment supported themselves, whilethose who could not or would not find it, lived at the expense ofGovernment. The latter class was greatly in the majority. I have elsewhere inserted the instructions which are printed in every"Plantation Record, " for the guidance of overseers in the olden time. "Never trust a negro, " is the maxim given by the writer of thoseinstructions. I was frequently cautioned not to believe any statementsmade by negroes. They were charged with being habitual liars, andentitled to no credence whatever. Mrs. B. Constantly assured me thenegroes were great liars, and I must not believe them. This assurancewould be generally given when I cited them in support of any thingshe did not desire to approve. _Per contrâ_, she had no hesitation inreferring to the negroes to support any of her statements which theirtestimony would strengthen. This was not altogether feminine weakness, as I knew several instances in which white persons of the sterner sexmade reference to the testimony of slaves. The majority of Southernmen refuse to believe them on all occasions; but there are many whorefer to them if their statements are advantageous, yet declare themutterly unworthy of credence when the case is reversed. I have met many negroes who could tell falsehoods much easier thanthey could tell the truth. I have met others who saw no materialdifference between truth and its opposite; and I have met many whosestatements could be fully relied upon. During his whole life, fromthe very nature of the circumstances which, surround him, the slaveis trained in deception. If he did not learn to lie it would beexceedingly strange. It is my belief that the negroes are as truthfulas could be expected from their education. White persons, undersimilar experience and training, would not be good examples for theyoung to imitate. The negroes tell many lies, but all negroes arenot liars. Many white persons tell the truth, but I have met, in thecourse of my life, several men, of the Caucasian race, who never toldthe truth unless by accident. I found in the plantation negroes a proneness to exaggeration, incases where their fears or desires were concerned. One day, a negrofrom the back country came riding rapidly to our plantation, declaringthat the woods, a mile distant, were "full of Rebels, " and askingwhere the Yankee soldiers were. I questioned him for some time. Whenhis fears were quieted, I ascertained that he had seen three mountedmen, an hour before, but did not know what they were, or whether armedor not. When I took the plantations, Mrs. B. Told me there were twenty balesof cotton already picked; the negroes had told her so. When I surveyedthe place on the first day of my occupation, the negroes called myattention to the picked cotton, of which they thought there weretwenty or twenty-five bales. With my little experience in cotton, Ifelt certain there would be not more than seven bales of that lot. When it was passed through the gin and pressed, there were but fivebales. We wished to plant about fifty acres of corn on the larger plantation. There was a triangular patch in one corner that we estimated tocontain thirty acres. The foreman of the plow-gang, who had livedtwenty years on the place, thought there were about sixty acres. Hewas surprised when we found, by actual measurement, that the patchcontained twenty-eight acres. Another spot, which he thought containedtwenty acres, measured less than ten. Doubtless the man's judgment hadbeen rarely called for, and its exercise, to any extent, was decidedlya new sensation. Any thing to which the negroes were unaccustomed became the subjectof amusing calculations. The "hog-minder" could estimate withconsiderable accuracy the weight of a hog, either live or dressed. When I asked him how much he supposed his own weight to be, he wasentirely lost. On my demanding an answer, he thought it might be threehundred pounds. A hundred and sixty would not have been far from thereal figure. Incorrect judgment is just as prevalent among ignorant whites asamong negroes, though with the latter there is generally a tendency tooverestimate. Where negroes make wrong estimates, in three cases outof four they will be found excessive. With whites the variation willbe diminutive as often as excessive. In judging of numbers of men, acolumn of troops, for example, both races are liable to exaggerate, the negro generally going beyond the pale-face. Fifty mounted men mayride past a plantation. The white inhabitants will tell you a hundredsoldiers have gone by, while the negroes will think there were two orthree hundred. I was often surprised at the ability of the negroes to tell the namesof the steamboats plying on the river. None of the negroes couldread, but many of them would designate the different boats with greataccuracy. They recognized the steamers as they would recognize thevarious trees of the forest. When a new boat made its appearance theyinquired its name, and forgot it very rarely. On one occasion a steamer came in sight, on her way up the river. Before she was near enough for me to make out the name on her side, one of the negroes declared it was the _Laurel Hill_. His statementproved correct. It was worthy of note that the boat had not passedthat point for nearly a year previous to that day. CHAPTER XLII. THE END OF THE EXPERIMENT. The Nature of our "Protection. "--Trade Following the Flag. --AFortunate Journey. --Our Last Visit. --Inhumanity of theGuerrillas. --Driving Negroes into Captivity. --Killing anOverseer. --Our Final Departure. --Plantations Elsewhere. We did not look upon the post at Waterproof as a sure protection. There was no cavalry to make the promised patrol between Waterproofand the post next below it, or to hunt down any guerrillas that mightcome near. A few of the soldiers were mounted on mules and horsestaken from the vicinity, but they were not effective for rapidmovements. It was understood, and semi-officially announced, that thepost was established for the protection of Government plantations. Thecommandant assured me he had no orders to that effect. He was placedthere to defend the post, and nothing else. We were welcome to anyprotection his presence afforded, but he could not go outside thelimits of the town to make any effort in our behalf. There was a store at Waterproof which was doing a business of twothousand dollars daily. Every day the wives, brothers, or sisters ofmen known to belong to the marauding bands in the vicinity, would cometo the town and make any purchases they pleased, frequently paying forthem in money which the guerrillas had stolen. A gentleman, who was anintimate friend of General Thomas, was one of the proprietors of thisstore, and a son of that officer was currently reported to hold aninterest in it. After a time the ownership was transferred to a singlecotton speculator, but the trading went on without hinderance. Thisspeculator told me the guerrilla leader had sent him a verbal promisethat the post should not be disturbed or menaced so long as the storeremained there. Similar scenes were enacted at nearly all the postsestablished for the "protection" of leased plantations. Trading storeswere in full operation, and the amount of goods that reached theRebels and their friends was enormous. I have little doubt that this course served to prolong the resistanceto our arms along the Mississippi River. If we had stopped allcommercial intercourse with the inhabitants, we should have removedthe inducement for Rebel troops to remain in our vicinity. As matterswere managed, they kept close to our lines at all the military postsbetween Cairo and Baton Rouge, sometimes remaining respectfully quiet, and at others making occasional raids within a thousand yards of ourpickets. The absence of cavalry, and there being no prospect that any wouldarrive, led us to believe that we could not long remain unmolested. Wewere "in for it, " however, and continued to plow and plant, trustingto good fortune in getting safely through. Our misfortune came atlast, and brought our free-labor enterprise to an untimely end. As I stated in the previous chapter, Colburn and myself made dailyvisits to the plantation, remaining there for dinner, and returningto Waterproof in the afternoon. On Monday, May 2d, we made our usualvisit, and returned to the post. A steamer touched there, on its wayto Natchez, just after our return, and we accepted the invitation ofher captain to go to that place. Our journey to Natchez was purelyfrom impulse, and without any real or ostensible business to call usaway. It proved, personally, a very fortunate journey. On Tuesday evening, a neighbor of ours reached Natchez, bringing newsthat the guerrillas had visited our plantation on that day. I hastenedto Waterproof by the first boat, and found our worst fears wererealized. Thirty guerrillas had surrounded our house at the hour we wereordinarily at dinner. They called our names, and commanded us to comeout and be shot. The house was empty, and as there was no compliancewith the request, a half-dozen of the party, pistols in hand, searchedthe building, swearing they would kill us on the spot. Had we beenthere, I have no doubt the threat would have been carried out. Failing to find us, they turned their attention to other matters. Theycaught our overseer as he was attempting to escape toward Waterproof. He was tied upon his horse, and guarded until the party was ready tomove. The teams were plowing in the field at the time the robbersmade their appearance. Some of the negroes unloosed the mules from theplows, mounted them, and fled to Waterproof. Others, who were slow intheir movements, were captured with the animals. Such of thenegroes as were not captured at once, fled to the woods or concealedthemselves about the buildings. Many of the negroes on the plantation were personally known to some ofthe guerrillas. In most cases these negroes were not disturbed. Otherswere gathered in front of the house, where they were drawn up in lineand securely tied. Some of them were compelled to mount the capturedmules and ride between their captors. Several children were thrown upon the mules, or taken by theguerrillas on their own horses, where they were firmly held. Noattention was paid to the cries of the children or the pleadings oftheir mothers. Some of the latter followed their children, as theguerrillas had, doubtless, expected. In others, the maternal instinctwas less than the dread of captivity. Among those taken was an infant, little more than eight months old. Delaying but a few moments, the captors and the captives moved away. Nineteen of our negroes were carried off, of whom ten were childrenunder eleven years of age. Of the nineteen, five managed to make theirescape within a few miles, and returned home during the night. Onewoman, sixty-five years old, who had not for a long time been ableto do any work, was among those driven off. She fell exhausted beforewalking three miles, and was beaten by the guerrillas until she laysenseless by the roadside. It was not for several hours that sherecovered sufficiently to return to the plantation and tell the storyof barbarity. From a plantation adjoining ours, thirty negroes were carried awayat the same time. Of these, a half-dozen escaped and returned. The balance, joined to the party from our own plantation, formed amournful procession. I heard of them at many points, from residents ofthe vicinity. These persons would not admit that the guerrillas weretreating the negroes cruelly. Those who escaped had a frightful storyto tell. They had been beaten most barbarously with whips, sticks, andfrequently with the butts of pistols; two or three were left senselessby the roadside, and one old man had been shot, because he was toomuch exhausted to go further. I learned, a few days later, thatthe captured negroes were taken to Winnsboro; a small town in theinterior, and there sold to a party of Texas traders. From our plantation the guerrillas stole twenty-four mules at the timeof their visit, and an equal number from our neighbors. These weresold to the same party of traders that purchased the negroes, andthere was evidently as little compunction at speculating in the one"property" as in the other. Our overseer, Mr. Owen, had been bound upon his horse and taken away. This I learned from the negroes remaining on the plantation. I madediligent inquiries of parties who arrived from the direction taken bythe guerrillas, to ascertain, if possible, where he had been carried. One person assured me, positively, that he saw Mr. Owen, a prisoner, twenty miles away. Mrs. Owen and five children were living at Waterproof, and, of course, weremuch alarmed on hearing of his capture. It was on Thursday, two days after the raid, that I visited theplantation. Our lower plantation had not been disturbed, but many ofthe negroes were gone, and all work was suspended. It was of no useto attempt to prosecute the planting enterprise, and we immediatelyprepared to abandon the locality. The remaining negroes were set atwork to shell the corn already gathered. As fast as shelled, itwas taken to Waterproof for shipment to market. The plows were leftrusting in the furrows, where they were standing at the moment theguerrillas appeared. The heaps of cotton-seed and the implements usedby the planting-gang remained in _statu quo_. The cotton we plantedwas growing finely. To leave four hundred acres thus growing, andgiving promise of a fine harvest, was to throw away much labor, butthere was no alternative. On Saturday, four days after the raid, the corporal of a scoutingparty came to our plantation and said the body of a white man had beenfound in the woods a short distance away. I rode with him to the spothe designated. The mystery concerning the fate of our overseer wascleared up. The man was murdered within a thousand yards of the house. From the main road leading past our plantation, a path diverged intothe forest. This path was taken by some of the guerrillas in theirretreat. Following it two hundred yards, and then turning a shortdistance to the left, I found a small cypress-tree, not more thanthirty feet high. One limb of this tree drooped as it left the trunk, and then turned upward. The lowest part of the bend of this limb wasnot much higher than a tall man's head. It was just such a tree, and just such a limb, as a party bent onmurder would select for hanging their victim. I thought, and stillthink, that the guerrillas turned aside with the design of using therope as the instrument of death. Under this tree lay the remains ofour overseer. The body was fast decomposing. A flock of buzzards wasgathered around, and was driven away with difficulty. They had alreadybegun their work, so that recognition under different circumstanceswould not have been easy. The skull was detached from the body, andlay with the face uppermost. A portion of the scalp adhered to it, onwhich a gray lock was visible. A bit of gray beard was clinging to thechin. In the centre of the forehead there was a perforation, evidently madeby a pistol-bullet. Death must have been instantaneous, the pistoldoing the work which the murderers doubtless intended to accomplish byother means. The body had been stripped of all clothing, save a singleunder-garment. Within a dozen yards lay a pair of old shoes, and closeby their side a tattered and misshapen hat. The shoes and hat were notthose which our overseer had worn, but were evidently discarded bythe guerrillas when they appropriated the apparel of their victim. Icaused a grave to be dug, and the remains placed in a rude coffin andburied. If a head-stone had been obtainable, I would have given thelocality a permanent designation. The particulars of the murder wewere never able to ascertain. Three days later we abandoned the plantation. We paid the negroesfor the work they had done, and discharged them from further service. Those that lived on the plantation previous to our going there, generally remained, as the guerrillas had assured them they wouldbe unmolested if they cultivated no cotton. A few of them went toNatchez, to live near their "missus. " Those whom we had hired fromother localities scattered in various directions. Some went to theContraband Home at Davis's Bend, others to the negro quarters atNatchez, others to plantations near Vidalia, and a few returned totheir former homes. Our "family" of a hundred and sixty persons wasthus broken up. We removed the widow and children of our overseer to Natchez, andpurchased for them the stock and goodwill of a boarding-house keeper. We sent a note to the leader of the guerrilla band that manifestedsuch a desire to "go through" us, and informed him that we couldbe found in St. Louis or New York. Before the end of May we passedVicksburg on our Journey Due North. Most of the plantations in the vicinity of Natchez, Vicksburg, andMilliken's Bend were given up. Probably a dozen lessees were killed, and the same number carried to Texas. Near Vicksburg, the chivalricguerrillas captured two lessees, and tortured them most barbarouslybefore putting them to death. They cut off the ears of one man, andbroke his nose by a blow from a club. Thus mutilated, he was compelledto walk three or four miles. When he fell, fainting from loss ofblood, he was tied to a tree, and the privilege of shooting himwas sold at auction. They required his companion to witness thesebrutalities. Whenever he turned away his eyes, his captors pressed thepoint of a saber into his cheek. Finally, they compelled him to takea spade and dig his own grave. When it was finished, they strippedhim of his clothing, and shot him as he stood by the brink of thenewly-opened trench. Blanchard and Robinson, two lessees near Natchez, both of themresidents of Boston, were murdered with nearly the same fiendishnessas exhibited in the preceding case. Their fate was for some timeunknown. It was at length ascertained from a negro who was captured atthe same time, but managed to escape. That "slavery makes barbarians"would seem to be well established by the conduct of these residents ofLouisiana. In the vicinity of Baton Rouge and New Orleans there were but fewguerrillas, and the plantations generally escaped undisturbed. In alllocalities the "army-worm" made its appearance in July and August, andswept away almost the entire crop. Many plantations that were expectedto yield a thousand bales did not yield a hundred, and some of themmade less than ten. The appearance of this destructive worm was verysudden. On some plantations, where the cotton was growing finely andwithout a trace of blight, the fields, three days later, appeared asif swept by fire. There was consequently but little cotton made duringthe season. The possibility of producing the great staples of the South byfree labor was fully established. Beyond this there was littleaccomplished. My four months of cotton-planting was an experience I shallnever regret, though I have no desire to renew it under similarcircumstances. Agriculture is generally considered a peaceful pursuit. To the best of my recollection I found it quite the reverse. For the benefit of those who desire to know the process of cottonculture, from the planting season to the picking season, I give thefollowing extract from an article written by Colonel T. B. Thorpe, of Louisiana, several years ago. After describing the process ofpreparing the ground and planting the seed, Colonel Thorpe says:-- If the weather be favorable, the young plant is discovered making itsway through in six or ten days, and "the scraping" of the crop, as itis termed, now begins. A light plow is again called into requisition, which is run along the drill, throwing the _earth away from theplant;_ then come the laborers with their hoes, who dexterously cutaway the superabundant shoots and the intruding weeds, and leave asingle cotton-plant in little hills, generally two feet apart. Of all the labors of the field, the dexterity displayed by the negroesin "scraping cotton" is most calculated to call forth the admirationof the novice spectator. The hoe is a rude instrument, however wellmade and handled; the young cotton-plant is as delicate as vegetationcan be, and springs up in lines of solid masses, composed of hundredsof plants. The field-hand, however, will single one delicate shootfrom the surrounding multitude, and with his rude hoe he will trimaway the remainder with all the boldness of touch of a master, leavingthe incipient stalk unharmed and alone in its glory; and at nightfallyou can look along the extending rows, and find the plants correct inline, and of the required distance of separation from each other. The planter, who can look over his field in early spring, and find hiscotton "cleanly scraped" and his "stand" good, is fortunate; still, the vicissitudes attending the cultivation of the crop have onlycommenced. Many rows, from the operations of the "cut-worm, " and frommultitudinous causes unknown, have to be replanted, and an unusuallylate frost may destroy all his labors, and compel him to commenceagain. But, if no untoward accident occurs, in two weeks after the"scraping, " another hoeing takes place, at which time the plow throwsthe furrow _on to the roots_ of the now strengthening plant, and theincreasing heat of the sun also justifying the sinking of the rootsdeeper in the earth. The pleasant month of May is now drawing to aclose, and vegetation of all kinds is struggling for precedence inthe fields. Grasses and weeds of every variety, with vines and wildflowers, luxuriate in the newly-turned sod, and seem to be determinedto choke out of existence the useful and still delicately-growncotton. It is a season of unusual industry on the cotton plantations, and woeto the planter who is outstripped in his labors, and finds himself"overtaken by the grass. " The plow tears up the surplus vegetation, and the hoe tops it off in its luxuriance. The race is a hard one, butindustry conquers; and when the third working-over of the crop takesplace, the cotton-plant, so much cherished and favored, begins toovertop its rivals in the fields--begins to cast _a chilling shade ofsuperiority_ over its now intimidated groundlings, and commences toreign supreme. Through the month of July, the crop is wrought over for the last time;the plant, heretofore of slow growth, now makes rapid advances towardperfection. The plow and hoe are still in requisition. The "waterfurrows" between the cotton-rows are deepened, leaving the cottongrowing as it were upon à slight ridge; this accomplished, the crop isprepared for the "rainy season, " should it ensue, and so far advancedthat it is, under any circumstances, beyond the control of art. Naturemust now have its sway. The "cotton bloom, " under the matured sun of July, begins to makeits appearance. The announcement of the "first blossom" of theneighborhood is a matter of general interest; it is the unfailing signof the approach of the busy season of fall; it is the evidence thatsoon the labor of man will, under a kind Providence, receive itsreward. It should perhaps here be remarked, that the color of cotton in itsperfection is precisely that of the blossom--a beautiful light, but warm cream-color. In buying cotton cloth, the "bleached" and"unbleached" are perceptibly different qualities to the most casualobserver; but the dark hues and harsh look of the "unbleacheddomestic" comes from the handling of the artisan and the soot ofmachinery. If cotton, pure as it looks in the field, could be wroughtinto fabrics, they would have a brilliancy and beauty never yetaccorded to any other material in its natural or artificial state. There cannot be a doubt but that, in the robes of the ancient royalMexicans and Peruvians, this brilliant and natural gloss of cotton waspreserved, and hence the surpassing value it possessed in the eyes ofcavaliers accustomed to the fabrics of the splendid court of Ferdinandand Isabella. The cotton-blossom is exceedingly delicate in its organization. It is, if in perfection, as we have stated, of a beautiful cream-color. It unfolds in the night, remains in its glory through the morn--atmeridian it has begun to decay. The day following its birth it haschanged to a deep red, and ere the sun goes down, its petals havefallen to the earth, leaving inclosed in the capacious calyx ascarcely perceptible germ. This germ, in its incipient and earlystages, is called "a form;" in its more perfected state, "a boll. " The cotton-plant, like the orange, has often on one stalk everypossible growth; and often, on the same limb, may sometimes be seenthe first-opened blossom, and the bolls, from their first developmentas "forms, " through every size, until they have burst open andscattered their rich contents to the ripening winds. The appearance of a well-cultivated cotton-field, if it has escapedthe ravages of insects and the destruction of the elements, is ofsingular beauty. Although it may be a mile in extent, still it is ascarefully wrought as is the mold of the limited garden of the coldestclimate. The cotton-leaf is of a delicate green, large and luxuriant;the stalk indicates rapid growth, yet it has a healthy and firm look. Viewed from a distance, the perfecting plant has a warm and glowingexpression. The size of the cotton-plant depends upon the accidentof climate and soil. The cotton of Tennessee bears very littleresemblance to the luxuriant growth of Alabama and Georgia; but evenin those favored States the cotton-plant is not everywhere the same, for in the rich bottom-lands it grows to a commanding size, while inthe more barren regions it is an humble shrub. In the rich alluvium ofthe Mississippi the cotton will tower beyond the reach of the tallest"picker, " and a single plant will contain hundreds of perfect "bolls;"in the neighboring "piney-woods" it lifts its humble head scarcelyabove the knee, and is proportionably meager in its produce of fruit. The growing cotton is particularly liable to accidents, and suffersimmensely in "wet seasons" from the "rust" and "rot. " The firstnamed affects the leaves, giving them a brown and deadened tinge, andfrequently causes them to crumble away. The "rot" attacks the "boll. " It commences by a black spot on the rind, which, increasing, seems toproduce fermentation and decay. Worms find their way to the roots; thecaterpillar eats into the "boll" and destroys the staple. It would bealmost impossible to enumerate all the evils the cotton-plant is heirto, all of which, however, sink into nothingness compared with thescourge of the "army-worm. " The moth that indicates the advent of the army-worm has a Quaker-likesimplicity in its light, chocolate-colored body and wings, and, fromits harmless appearance, would never be taken for the destroyer ofvast fields of luxuriant and useful vegetation. The little, and, at first, scarcely to be perceived caterpillars thatfollow the appearance of these moths, can absolutely be seen to growand swell beneath your eyes as they crawl from leaf to leaf. Day byday you can see the vegetation of vast fields becoming thinner andthinner, while the worm, constantly increasing in size, assumes atlast an unctuous appearance most disgusting to behold. Arrived atmaturity, a few hours only are necessary for these modern locuststo eat up all living vegetation that comes in their way. Leavingthe localities of their birth, they will move from place to place, spreading a desolation as consuming as fire in their path. All efforts to arrest their progress or annihilate them proveunavailing. They seem to spring out of the ground, and fall fromthe clouds; and the more they are tormented and destroyed, the moreperceptible, seemingly, is their power. We once witnessed theinvasion of the army-worm, as it attempted to pass from a desolatedcotton-field to one untouched. Between these fields was a wide ditch, which had been deepened, to prove a barrier to the onward march ofthe worm. Down the perpendicular sides of the trench the caterpillarsrolled in untold millions, until its bottom, for nearly a mile inextent, was a foot or two deep in a living mass of animal life. To animmense piece of unhewn timber was attached a yoke of oxen, and, asthis heavy log was drawn through the ditch, it seemed absolutely tofloat on a crushed mass of vegetable corruption. The followingday, under the heat of a tropical sun, the stench arising from thisdecaying mass was perceptible the country round, giving a strange andincomprehensible notion of the power and abundance of this destroyerof the cotton crop. The change that has been effected by the result of the Rebellion, willnot be confined to the social system alone. With the end of slaverythere will be a destruction of many former applications of labor. Innovations have already been made, and their number will increaseunder the management of enterprising men. In Louisiana several planters were using a "drill" for depositing thecotton-seed in the ground. The labor of planting is reduced more thanone-half, and that of "scraping" is much diminished. The savingof seed is very great--the drill using about a tenth of the amountrequired under the old system. One man is endeavoring to construct a machine that will pick cottonfrom the stalks, and is confident he will succeed. Should he do so, his patent will be of the greatest value. Owners of plantationshave recently offered a present of ten thousand dollars to the firstpatentee of a successful machine of this character. CHAPTER XLIII. THE MISSISSIPPI AND ITS PECULIARITIES. Length of the Great River, and the Area it Drains. --How Itasca Lakeobtained its Name. --The Bends of the Mississippi. --Curious Effect uponTitles to Real Estate. --A Story of Napoleon. --A Steamboat Thirty-fiveYears under Water. --The Current and its Variations. --Navigating Cottonand Corn Fields. --Reminiscences of the Islands. As railways are to the East, so are the rivers to the West. TheMississippi, with its tributaries, drains an immense region, traversedin all directions by steamboats. From the Gulf of Mexico one cantravel, by water to the Rocky Mountains, or to the Alleghanies, atpleasure. It is estimated there are twenty thousand miles of navigablestreams which find an outlet past the city of New Orleans. TheMississippi Valley contains nearly a million and a quarter squaremiles, and is one of the most fertile regions on the globe. To a person born and reared in the East, the Mississippi presents manystriking features. Above its junction with the Missouri, its wateris clear and its banks are broken and picturesque. After it joins theMissouri the scene changes. The latter stream is of a chocolate hue, and its current is very rapid. All its characteristics are impartedto the combined stream. The Mississippi becomes a rapid, tortuous, seething torrent. It loses its blue, transparent water, and takes thecomplexion of the Missouri. Thus "it goes unvexed to the sea. " There is a story concerning the origin of the name given to the sourceof the Mississippi, which I do not remember to have seen in print. A certain lake, which had long been considered the head of the GreatRiver, was ascertained by an exploring party to have no claim to thathonor. A new and smaller lake was discovered, in which the Mississippitook its rise. The explorers wished to give it an appropriate name. Anold _voyageur_ suggested that they make a name, by coining a word. "Will some of you learned ones tell me, " said he, "what is the Latinword for _true_?" "_Veritas_, " was the response. "Well, now, what is the Latin for _head_" "_Caput_, of course. " "Now, " suggested the _voyageur_, "write the two words together, bysyllables. " A strip of birch bark was the tablet on which "_ver-i-tas-ca-put_" wastraced. "Read it out, " was his next request. The five syllables were read. "Now, drop the first and last syllables, and you have a name for thislake. " In the Indian vernacular, "Mississippi" is said to signify "GreatWater. " "Missouri, " according to some authorities, is the Indian for"Mud River, " a most felicitous appellation. It should properly belongto the entire river from St. Louis to the Gulf, as that stream carriesdown many thousand tons of mud every year. During the many centuriesthat the Mississippi has been sweeping on its course, it has formedthat long point of land known as the Delta, and shallowed the water inthe Gulf of Mexico for more than two hundred miles. Flowing from north to south, the river passes through all thevarieties of climate. The furs from the Rocky Mountains and thecereals of Wisconsin and Minnesota are carried on its bosom to thegreat city which stands in the midst of orange groves and inhalesthe fragrance of the magnolia. From January to June the floods ofits tributaries follow in regular succession, as the opening springloosens the snows that line their banks. The events of the war have made the Mississippi historic, andfamiliarized the public with some of its peculiarities. Its tortuosityis well known. The great bend opposite Vicksburg will be longremembered by thousands who have never seen it. This bend is eclipsedby many others. At "Terrapin Neck" the river flows twenty-onemiles, and gains only three hundred yards. At "Raccourci Bend" wasa peninsula twenty-eight miles around and only half a mile across. Several years ago a "cut-off" was made across this peninsula, for thepurpose of shortening the course of the river. A small ditch was cut, and opened when the flood was highest. An old steamboat-man once told me that he passed the upper end of thisditch just as the water was let in. Four hours later, as he passed thelower end, an immense torrent was rushing through the channel, and thetall trees were falling like stalks of grain before a sickle. Within a week the new channel became the regular route for steamboats. Similar "cut-offs" have been made at various points along the river, some of them by artificial aid, and others entirely by the action ofthe water. The channel of the Mississippi is the dividing line ofthe States between which it flows, and the action of the river oftenchanges the location of real estate. There is sometimes a materialdifference in the laws of States that lie opposite each other. The transfer of property on account of a change in the channeloccasionally makes serious work with titles. I once heard of a case where the heirs to an estate lost their title, in consequence of the property being transferred from Mississippi toLouisiana, by reason of the course of the river being changed. In theformer State they were heirs beyond dispute. In the latter their claimvanished into thin air. Once, while passing up the Mississippi, above Cairo, afellow-passenger called my attention to a fine plantation, situatedon a peninsula in Missouri. The river, in its last flood, had brokenacross the neck of the peninsula. It was certain the next freshetwould establish the channel in that locality, thus throwing theplantation into Illinois. Unless the negroes should be removed beforethis event they would become free. "You see, sir, " said my informant, "that this great river is anAbolitionist. " The alluvial soil through which the Mississippi runs easily yields tothe action of the fierce current. The land worn away at one pointis often deposited, in the form of a bar or tongue of land, in theconcave of the next bend. The area thus added becomes the propertyof whoever owns the river front. Many a man has seen his plantationsteadily falling into the Mississippi, year by year, while aplantation, a dozen miles below, would annually find its areaincreased. Real estate on the banks of the Mississippi, unless uponthe bluffs, has no absolute certainty of permanence. In severalplaces, the river now flows where there were fine plantations ten ortwenty years ago. Some of the towns along the Lower Mississippi are now, or soonwill be, towns no more. At Waterproof, Louisiana, nearly the entiretown-site, as originally laid out, has been washed away. In thefour months I was in its vicinity, more than forty feet of itsfront disappeared. Eighteen hundred and seventy will probably findWaterproof at the bottom of the Mississippi. Napoleon, Arkansas, isfollowing in the wake of Waterproof. If the distance between themwere not so great, their sands might mingle. In view of the characterNapoleon has long enjoyed, the friends of morality will hardly regretits loss. The steamboat captains have a story that a quiet clergyman from NewEngland landed at Napoleon, one morning, and made his way to thehotel. He found the proprietor superintending the efforts of a negro, who was sweeping the bar-room floor. Noticing several objects of aspherical form among the _débris_ of the bar-room, the stranger askedtheir character. "Them round things? them's _eyes_. The boys amused themselves a littlelast night. Reckon there's 'bout a pint-cup full of eyes this mornin'. Sometimes we gets a quart or so, when business is good. " Curious people were those natives of Arkansas, ten or twenty yearsago. Schools were rare, and children grew up with little or noeducation. If there was a "barbarous civilization" anywhere in theUnited States, it was in Arkansas. In 1860, a man was hung atNapoleon for reading _The Tribune_. It is an open question whether thecharacter of the paper or the man's ability to read was the reason forinflicting the death penalty. The current of the Mississippi causes islands to be destroyed in somelocalities and formed in others. A large object settling at thebottom of the stream creates an eddy, in which the floating sand isdeposited. Under favorable circumstances an island will form in suchan eddy, sometimes of considerable extent. About the year 1820, a steamboat, laden with lead, was sunk inmid-channel several miles below St. Louis. An island formed over thissteamer, and a growth of cotton-wood trees soon covered it. Thesetrees grew to a goodly size, and were cut for fuel. The island wascleared, and for several successive years produced fine crops of corn. About 1855, there was a change in the channel of the river, and theisland disappeared. After much search the location of the sunkensteamer was ascertained. By means of a diving-bell, its cargo of lead, which had been lying thirty-five years under earth and under water, was brought to light. The entire cargo was raised, together with aportion of the engines. The lead was uninjured, but the engines wereutterly worthless after their long burial. The numerous bends of the Mississippi are of service in rendering theriver navigable. If the channel were a straight line from Cairo to NewOrleans, the current would be so strong that no boat could stem it. In several instances, where "cut-offs" have been made, the currentat their outlets is so greatly increased that the opposite banks arewashed away. New bends are thus formed that may, in time, be as largeas those overcome. Distances have been shortened by "cut-offs, " butthe Mississippi displays a decided unwillingness to have its lengthcurtailed. From St. Louis to the Red River the current of the Mississippi isabout three miles an hour. It does not flow in a steady, unbrokenvolume. The surface is constantly ruffled by eddies and littlewhirlpools, caused by the inequalities of the bottom of the river, andthe reflection of the current from the opposite banks. As one gazesupon the stream, it half appears as if heated by concealed fires, and ready to break into violent ebullition. The less the depth, thegreater the disturbance of the current. So general is this rule, that the pilots judge of the amount of water by the appearance of thesurface. Exceptions occur where the bottom, below the deep water, isparticularly uneven. From its source to the mouth of Red River, the Mississippi is fedby tributaries. Below that point, it throws off several streams thatdischarge no small portion of its waters into the Gulf of Mexico. These streams, or "bayous, " are narrow and tortuous, but generallydeep, and navigable for ordinary steamboats. The "Atchafalaya" is thefirst, and enters the Gulf of Mexico at the bay of the same name. Atone time it was feared the Mississippi might leave its present bed, and follow the course of this bayou. Steps were taken to prevent suchan occurrence. Bayou Plaquemine, Bayou Sara, Bayou La Fourche, BayouGoula, and Bayou Teche, are among the streams that drain the greatriver. These bayous form a wonderful net-work of navigable waters, throughoutWestern Louisiana. If we have reason to be thankful that "greatrivers run near large cities in all parts of the world, " the peopleof Louisiana should be especially grateful for the numerous naturalcanals in that State. These streams are as frequent and run in nearlyas many directions as railways in Massachusetts. During its lowest stages, the Mississippi is often forty feet "withinits banks;" in other words, the surface is forty feet below the levelof the land which borders the river. It rises with the freshets, and, when "bank full, " is level with the surrounding lowland. It does not always stop at this point; sometimes it rises two, four, six, or even ten feet above its banks. The levees, erected at immensecost, are designed to prevent the overflowing of the country on suchoccasions. When the levees become broken from any cause, immense areasof country are covered with water. Plantations, swamps, forests, allare submerged. During the present year (1865) thousands of squaremiles have been flooded, hundreds of houses swept away, and largeamounts of property destroyed. During the freshet of '63, General Grant opened the levee atProvidence, Louisiana, in the hope of reaching Bayou Mason, and thencetaking his boats to Red River. After the levee was cut an immensevolume of water rushed through the break. Anywhere else it would havebeen a goodly-sized river, but it was of little moment by the side ofthe Mississippi. A steamboat was sent to explore the flooded region. Isaw its captain soon after his return. "I took my boat through the cut, " said he, "without any trouble. Wedrew nearly three feet, but there was plenty of water. We ran twomiles over a cotton-field, and could see the stalks as our wheels torethem up. Then I struck the plank road, and found a good stage of waterfor four miles, which took me to the bayou. I followed this severalmiles, until I was stopped by fallen trees, when I turned about andcame back. Coming back, I tried a cornfield, but found it wasn't asgood to steam in as the cotton-field. " A farmer in the Eastern or Middle States would, doubtless, be muchastonished at seeing a steamboat paddling at will in his fields andalong his roads. A similar occurrence in Louisiana does not astonishthe natives. Steamers have repeatedly passed over regions where cornor cotton had been growing six months before. At St. Louis, in 1844, small boats found no difficulty in running from East St. Louis toCaseyville, nine miles distant. In making these excursions they passedover many excellent farms, and stopped at houses whose owners had beendriven to the upper rooms by the water. Above Cairo, the islands in the Mississippi are designated by namesgenerally received from the early settlers. From Cairo to New Orleansthe islands are numbered, the one nearest the former point being"One, " and that nearest New Orleans "One Hundred and Thirty-one. "Island Number Ten is historic, being the first and the last island inthe great river that the Rebels attempted to fortify. Island NumberTwenty-eight was the scene of several attacks by guerrillas uponunarmed transports. Other islands have an equally dishonorablereputation. Fifty years ago several islands were noted as the resortsof robbers, who conducted an extensive and systematic business. IslandNumber Sixty-five (if I remember correctly) was the rendezvous of thenotorious John A. Murrell and his gang of desperadoes. CHAPTER XLIV. STEAMBOATING ON THE MISSISSIPPI IN PEACE AND WAR. Attempts to Obstruct the Great River. --Chains, Booms, andBatteries. --A Novelty in Piloting. --Travel in the Days Before theRebellion. --Trials of Speed. --The Great Race. --Travel During theWar. --Running a Rebel Battery on the Lower Mississippi. --Incidents ofthe Occasion. --Comments on the Situation. No engineer has been able to dam the Mississippi, except by the easyprocess which John Phenix adopted on the Yuma River. General Pillowstretched a chain from Columbus, Kentucky, to the opposite shore, inorder to prevent the passage of our gun-boats. The chain broke soonafter being placed in position. Near Forts Jackson and Philip, below New Orleans, the Rebelsconstructed a boom to oppose the progress of Farragut's fleet. A largenumber of heavy anchors, with the strongest cables, were fixed in theriver. For a time the boom answered the desired purpose. But the riverrose, drift-wood accumulated, and the boom at length went the way ofall things Confederate. Farragut passed the forts, and appeared beforeNew Orleans; "Picayune Butler came to town, " and the great city of theSouth fell into the hands of the all-conquering Yankees. Before steam power was applied to the propulsion of boats, the ascentof the Mississippi was very difficult. From New Orleans to St. Louis, a boat consumed from two to fourmonths' time. Sails, oars, poles, and ropes attached to trees, were the various means of stemming the powerful current. Long aftersteamboats were introduced, many flat-boats, loaded with productsof the Northern States, floated down the river to a market. At NewOrleans, boats and cargoes were sold, and the boatmen made their wayhome on foot. Until twenty years ago, the boatmen of the Mississippiwere almost a distinct race. At present they are nearly extinct. In the navigation of the Mississippi and its tributaries, the pilotis the man of greatest importance. He is supposed to be thoroughlyfamiliar with the channel of the river in all its windings, and toknow the exact location of every snag or other obstruction. Hecan generally judge of the depth of water by the appearance of thesurface, and he is acquainted with every headland, forest, house, ortree-top, that marks the horizon and tells him how to keep his courseat night. Professional skill is only acquired by a long and carefultraining. Shortly after the occupation of Little Rock by General Steele, a dozensoldiers passed the lines, without authority, and captured a steamboateighteen miles below the city. Steam was raised, when the mendiscovered they had no pilot. One of their number hit upon a plan asnovel as it was successful. The Arkansas was very low, having only three feet of water in thechannel. Twenty-five able-bodied negroes were taken from a neighboringplantation, stretched in a line across the river, and ordered to wadeagainst the current. By keeping their steamer, which drew only twentyinches, directly behind the negro who sank the deepest, the soldierstook their prize to Little Rock without difficulty. For ten years previous to the outbreak of the Rebellion, steamboatingon the Mississippi was in the height of its glory. Where expenseof construction and management were of secondary consideration, thesteamboats on the great river could offer challenge to the world. It was the boast of their officers that the tables of the greatpassenger-boats were better supplied than those of the best hotels inthe South. On many steamers, claret, at dinner, was free to all. Fruitand ices were distributed in the evening, as well as choice cupsof coffee and tea. On one line of boats, the cold meats on thesupper-table were from carefully selected pieces, cooked and cooledexpressly for the cenatory meal. Bands of music enlivened the hoursof day, and afforded opportunity for dancing in the evening. Spaciouscabins, unbroken by machinery; guards of great width, where cigars andsmall-talk were enjoyed; well-furnished and well-lighted state-rooms, and tables loaded with all luxuries of the place and season, renderedthese steamers attractive to the traveler. Passengers were social, and partook of the gayety around them. Men talked, drank, smoked, andsometimes gambled, according to their desires. The ladies practiced nofrigid reserve toward each other, but established cordial relations inthe first few hours of each journey. Among the many fine and fast steamers on the Western waters, therewas necessarily much competition in speed. Every new boat of the firstclass was obliged to give an example of her abilities soon after herappearance. Every owner of a steamboat contends that _his_ boat is thebest afloat. I have rarely been on board a Mississippi steamer ofany pretensions whose captain has not assured me, "She is the fastestthing afloat, sir. Nothing can pass her. We have beaten the--, andthe--, and the--, in a fair race, sir. " To a stranger, seeking correctinformation, the multiplicity of these statements is perplexing. In 1853 there was a race from New Orleans to Louisville, between thesteamers _Eclipse_ and _A. L. Shotwell_, on which seventy thousanddollars were staked by the owners of the boats. An equal amount wasinvested in "private bets" among outside parties. The two boats wereliterally "stripped for the race. " They were loaded to the depth thatwould give them the greatest speed, and their arrangements for takingfuel were as complete as possible. Barges were filled with wood atstated points along the river, and dropped out to midstream as thesteamers approached. They were taken alongside, and their loads ofwood transferred without any stoppage of the engines of the boats. At the end of the first twenty-four hours the _Eclipse_ and _Shotwell_were side by side, three hundred and sixty miles from New Orleans. Therace was understood to be won by the _Eclipse_, but was so close thatthe stakes were never paid. In the palmy days of steamboating, the charges for way-travel werevaried according to the locality. Below Memphis it was the rule totake no single fare less than five dollars, even if the passenger weregoing but a half-dozen miles. Along Red River the steamboat clerksgraduated the fare according to the parish where the passenger cameon board. The more fertile and wealthy the region, the higher was theprice of passage. Travelers from the cotton country paid more thanthose from the tobacco country. Those from the sugar country paidmore than any other class. With few exceptions, there was no "ticket"system. Passengers paid their fare at any hour of their journey thatbest suited them. Every man was considered honest until he gave proofto the contrary. There was an occasional Jeremy Diddler, but hisoperations were very limited. When the Rebellion began, the old customs on the Mississippi wereswept away. The most rigid "pay-on-entering" system was adopted, andthe man who could evade it must be very shrewd. The wealth alongthe Great River melted into thin air. The _bonhommie_ of traveldisappeared, and was succeeded by the most thorough selfishness incollective and individual bodies. Scrambles for the first choice ofstate-rooms, the first seat at table, and the first drink at the bar, became a part of the new _régime_. The ladies were little regardedin the hurly-burly of steamboat life. Men would take possession ofladies' chairs at table, and pay no heed to remonstrances. I have seen an officer in blue uniform place his muddy boots on thecenter-table in a cabin full of ladies, and proceed to light a cigar. The captain of the boat suggested that the officer's conduct was inviolation of the rules of propriety, and received the answer: "I have fought to help open the Mississippi, and, by ----, I am goingto enjoy it. " The careless display of the butt of a revolver, while he gave thisanswer, left the pleasure-seeker master of the situation. I am sorryto say that occurrences of a similar character were very frequent inthe past three years. With the end of the war it is to be hoped thatthe character of Mississippi travel will be improved. In May, 1861, the Rebels blockaded the Mississippi at Memphis. In thesame month the National forces established a blockade at Cairo. InJuly, '63, the capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson removed the lastRebel obstruction. The _Imperial_ was the first passenger boat todescend the river, after the reopening of navigation. Up to within a few months of the close of the Rebellion, steamersplying on the river were in constant, danger of destruction by Rebelbatteries. The Rebel Secretary of War ordered these batteries placedalong the Mississippi, in the hope of stopping all travel by thatroute. His plan was unsuccessful. Equally so was the barbarouspractice of burning passenger steamboats while in motion betweenlanding-places. On transports fired upon by guerrillas (or Rebels), about a hundred persons were killed and as many wounded. A dueproportion of these were women and children. On steamboats burned byRebel incendiaries, probably a hundred and fifty lives were lost. Thisdoes not include the dead by the terrible disaster to the _Sultana_. It is supposed that this boat was blown up by a Rebel torpedo in hercoal. It was my fortune to be a passenger on the steamer _Von Phul_, whichleft New Orleans for St. Louis on the evening of December 7th, 1863. I had been for some time traveling up and down the Mississippi, andrunning the gauntlet between Rebel batteries on either shore. Therewas some risk attending my travels, but up to that time I escapedunharmed. On the afternoon of the 8th, when the boat was about eight miles aboveBayou Sara, I experienced a new sensation. Seated at a table in the cabin, and busily engaged in writing, I hearda heavy crash over my head, almost instantly followed by another. Myfirst thought was that the chimneys or some part of the pilot-househad fallen, and I half looked to see the roof of the cabin tumblingin. I saw the passengers running from the cabin, and heard some oneshout: "The guerrillas are firing on us. " I collected my writing materials and sought my state-room, where I hadleft Mr. Colburn, my traveling companion, soundly asleep a few minutesbefore. He was sitting on the edge of his berth, and wondering what all therow was about. The crash that startled me had awakened him. He thoughtthe occurrence was of little moment, and assented to my suggestion, that we were just as safe there as anywhere else on the boat. Gallantry prevented our remaining quiet. There were several ladies onboard, and it behooved us to extend them what protection we could. Wesought them, and "protected" them to the best of our united ability. Their place of refuge was between the cabin and the wheel-house, opposite the battery's position. A sheet of wet paper would afford asmuch resistance to a paving-stone as the walls of a steamboat cabinto a six-pound shot. As we stood among the ladies, two shells passedthrough the side of the cabin, within a few inches of our heads. The shots grew fewer in number, and some of them dropped in the riverbehind us. Just as we thought all alarm was over, we saw smoke issuingfrom the cabin gangway. Then, some one shouted, "_The boat is onfire_!" Dropping a lady who evinced a disposition to faint, I entered thecabin. A half-dozen men were there before me, and seeking the localityof the fire. I was first to discover it. A shell, in passing through a state-room, entered a pillow, andscattered the feathers through the cabin. A considerable quantity ofthese feathers fell upon a hot stove, and the smoke and odor of theirburning caused the alarm. The ladies concluded not to faint. Three minutes after the affair wasover, they were as calm as ever. The Rebels opened fire when we were abreast of their position, and didnot cease until we were out of range. We were fifteen minutes withinreach of their guns. [Illustration: RUNNING BATTERIES ON THE VON PHUL. ] Our wheels seemed to turn very slowly. No one can express in words theanxiety with which we listened, after each shot, for the puffing ofthe engines. So long as the machinery was uninjured, there was nodanger of our falling into Rebel hands. But with our engines disabled, our chances for capture would be very good. As the last shot fell astern of the boat and sent up a column ofspray, we looked about the cabin and saw that no one had been injured. A moment later came the announcement from the pilot-house: "Captain Gorman is killed!" I ascended to the hurricane deck, and thence to the pilot-house. Thepilot, with his hat thrown aside and his hair streaming in the wind, stood at his post, carefully guiding the boat on her course. The bodyof the captain was lying at his feet. Another man lay dying, close bythe opening in which the wheel revolved. The floor was covered withblood, splinters, glass, and the fragments of a shattered stove. One side of the little room was broken in, and the other side wasperforated where the projectiles made their exit. The first gun from the Rebels threw a shell which entered the side ofthe pilot-house, and struck the captain, who was sitting just behindthe pilot. Death must have been instantaneous. A moment later, a"spherical-case shot" followed the shell. It exploded as it struckthe wood-work, and a portion of the contents entered the side of thebar-keeper of the boat. In falling to the floor he fell against thewheel. The pilot, steering the boat with one hand, pulled the dyingman from the wheel with the other, and placed him by the side of thedead captain. Though, apparently, the pilot was as cool and undisturbed as ever, hisface was whiter than usual. He said the most trying moment of all wassoon after the first shots were fired. Wishing to "round the bend" asspeedily as possible, he rang the bell as a signal to the engineer tocheck the speed of one of the wheels. The signal was not obeyed, theengineers having fled to places of safety. He rang the bell once more. He shouted down the speaking-tube, to enforce compliance with hisorder. There was no answer. The engines were caring for themselves. The boatmust be controlled by the rudder alone. With a dead man and adying man at his feet, with the Rebel shot and shell every momentperforating the boat or falling near it, and with no help from thosewho should control the machinery, he felt that his position was apainful one. We were out of danger. An hour later we found the gun-boat _Neosho_, at anchor, eight miles further up the stream. Thinking we might againbe attacked, the commander of the _Neosho_ offered to convoy us toRed River. We accepted his offer. As soon as the _Neosho_ raisedsufficient steam to enable her to move, we proceeded on our course. Order was restored on the _Von Phul_. Most of the passengers gatheredin little groups, and talked about the recent occurrence. I returnedto my writing, and Colburn gave his attention to a book. With thegun-boat at our side, no one supposed there was danger of anotherattack. A half-hour after starting under convoy of the gun-boat, the Rebelsonce more opened fire. They paid no attention to the _Neosho_, butthrew all their projectiles at the _Von Phul_. The first shell passedthrough the cabin, wounding a person near me, and grazing a postagainst which Colburn and myself were resting our chairs. This shellwas followed by others in quick succession, most of them passingthrough the cabin. One exploded under the portion of the cabindirectly beneath my position. The explosion uplifted the boards withsuch force as to overturn my table and disturb the steadiness of mychair. I dreaded splinters far more than I feared the pitiless iron. I leftthe cabin, through which the shells were pouring, and descended to thelower deck. It was no better there than above. We were increasingthe distance between ourselves and the Rebels, and the shot began tostrike lower down. Nearly every shot raked the lower deck. A loose plank on which I stood was split for more than half itslength, by a shot which struck my foot when its force was nearlyspent. Though the skin was not abraded, and no bones were broken, Ifelt the effect of the blow for several weeks. I lay down upon the deck. A moment after I had taken my horizontalposition, two men who lay against me were mortally wounded by a shell. The right leg of one was completely severed below the knee. This shellwas the last projectile that struck the forward portion of the boat. With a handkerchief loosely tied and twisted with a stick, Iendeavored to stop the flow of blood from the leg of the wounded man. I was partially successful, but the stoppage of blood could not savethe man's life. He died within the hour. Forty-two shot and shell struck the boat. The escape-pipe was severedwhere it passed between two state-rooms, and filled the cabin withsteam. The safe in the captain's office was perforated as if it hadbeen made of wood. A trunk was broken by a shell, and its contentswere scattered upon the floor. Splinters had fallen in the cabin, and were spread thickly upon the carpet. Every person who escapeduninjured had his own list of incidents to narrate. Out of about fifty persons on board the _Von Phul_ at the time of thisoccurrence, twelve were killed or wounded. One of the last projectilesthat struck the boat, injured a boiler sufficiently to allow theescape of steam. In ten minutes our engines moved very feebly. We wereforced to "tie up" to the eastern bank of the river. We were by thistime out of range of the Rebel battery. The _Neosho_ had opened fire, and by the time we made fast to the bank, the Rebels were in retreat. The _Neosho_ ceased firing and moved to our relief. Before she reachedus, the steamer _Atlantic_ came in sight, descending the river. We hailed her, and she came alongside. Immediately on learning ourcondition, her captain offered to tow the _Von Phul_ to Red River, twenty miles distant. There we could lie, under protection of thegun-boats, and repair the damages to our machinery. We accepted hisoffer at once. I can hardly imagine a situation of greater helplessness, than aplace on board a Western passenger-steamer under the guns of a hostilebattery. A battle-field is no comparison. On solid earth theprincipal danger is from projectiles. You can fight, or, under somecircumstances, can run away. On a Mississippi transport, you areequally in danger of being shot. Added to this, you may be struck bysplinters, scalded by steam, burned by fire, or drowned in the water. You cannot fight, you cannot run away, and you cannot find shelter. With no power for resistance or escape, the sense of danger andhelplessness cannot be set aside. A few weeks after the occurrence just narrated, the steamer _Brazil_, on her way from Vicksburg to Natchez, was fired upon by a Rebelbattery near Rodney, Mississippi. The boat was struck a half-dozentimes by shot and shell. More than a hundred rifle-bullets were thrownon board. Three persons were killed and as many wounded. Among those killed on the _Brazil_, was a young woman who had engagedto take charge of a school for negro children at Natchez. The Rebelsympathizers at Natchez displayed much gratification at her death. Onseveral occasions I heard some of the more pious among them declarethat the hand of God directed the fatal missile. They prophesiedviolent or sudden deaths to all who came to the South on a similarmission. The steamer _Black Hawk_ was fired upon by a Rebel battery at themouth of Red River. The boat ran aground in range of the enemy's guns. A shell set her pilot-house on fire, and several persons were killedin the cabin. Strange to say, though aground and on fire under a Rebel battery, the_Black Hawk_ was saved. By great exertions on the part of officers andcrew, the fire was extinguished after the pilot-house was burned away. A temporary steering apparatus was rigged, and the boat moved from theshoal where she had grounded. She was a full half hour within range ofthe Rebel guns. CHAPTER XLV. THE ARMY CORRESPONDENT. The Beginning and the End. --The Lake Erie Piracy. --A RochesterStory. --The First War Correspondent, --Napoleon's Policy. --Waterlooand the Rothschilds. --Journalistic Enterprise in the Mexican War. --TheCrimea and the East Indian Rebellion. --Experiences at the Beginningof Hostilities. --The Tender Mercies of the Insurgents. --In theField. --Adventures in Missouri and Kentucky. --Correspondentsin Captivity. --How Battle-Accounts were Written. --ProfessionalComplaints. Having lain aside my pen while engaged in planting cotton andentertaining guerrillas, I resumed it on coming North, after thatexperiment was finished. Setting aside my capture in New Hampshire, narrated in the first chapter, my adventures in the field commenced inMissouri in the earliest campaign. Singularly enough, they terminatedon our Northern border. In the earlier days of the Rebellion, itwas the jest of the correspondents, that they would, some time, findoccasion to write war-letters from the Northern cities. The jestbecame a reality in the siege of Cincinnati. During that siege wewondered whether it would be possible to extend our labors to Detroitor Mackinaw. In September, 1864, the famous "Lake Erie Piracy" occurred. I wasin Cleveland when the news of the seizure of the _Philo Parsons_ wasannounced by telegraph, and at once proceeded to Detroit. The captureof the _Parsons_ was a very absurd movement on the part of the Rebels, who had taken refuge in Canada. The original design was, doubtless, the capture of the gun-boat _Michigan_, and the release of theprisoners on Johnson's Island. The captors of the _Parsons_ hadconfederates in Sandusky, who endeavored to have the _Michigan_ ina half-disabled condition when the _Parsons_ arrived. This was notaccomplished, and the scheme fell completely through. The two smallsteamers, the _Parsons_ and _Island Queen_, were abandoned after beingin Rebel hands only a few hours. The officers of the _Parsons_ told an interesting story of theirseizure. Mr. Ashley, the clerk, said the boat left Detroit forSandusky at her usual hour. She had a few passengers from Detroit, andreceived others at various landings. The last party that came on boardbrought an old trunk bound with ropes. The different parties did notrecognize each other, not even when drinking at the bar. When nearKelly's Island in Lake Erie, the various officers of the steamer weresuddenly seized. The ropes on the trunk were cut, the lid flew open, and a quantity of revolvers and hatchets was brought to light. The pirates declared they were acting in the interest of the"Confederacy. " They relieved Mr. Ashley of his pocket-book andcontents, and appropriated the money they found in the safe. Thoseof the passengers who were not "in the ring, " were compelled tocontribute to the representatives of the Rebel Government. This littleaffair was claimed to be "belligerent" throughout. At Kelly's Islandthe passengers and crew were liberated on parole not to take up armsagainst the Confederacy until properly exchanged. After cruising in front of Sandusky, and failing to receive signalswhich they expected, the pirates returned to Canada with their prize. One of their "belligerent" acts was to throw overboard the cargo ofthe _Parsons_, together with most of her furniture. At Sandwich, nearDetroit, they left the boat, after taking ashore a piano and otherarticles. Her Majesty's officer of customs took possession of thisstolen property, on the ground that it was brought into Canadawithout the proper permits from the custom-house. It was subsequentlyrecovered by its owners. The St. Albans raid, which occurred a few months later, was a similaract of belligerency. It created more excitement than the Lake Eriepiracy, but the questions involved were practically the same. That theRebels had a right of asylum in Canada no one could deny, but therewas a difference of opinion respecting the proper limits to thoserights. The Rebels hoped to involve us in a controversy with England, that should result in the recognition of the Confederacy. This wasfrequently avowed by some of the indiscreet refugees. After the capture of the _Parsons_ and the raid upon St. Albans, the Canadian authorities sent a strong force of militia to watch thefrontier. A battalion of British regulars was stationed at Windsor, opposite Detroit, early in 1864, but was removed to the interiorbefore the raids occurred. The authorities assigned as a reason forthis removal, the desire to concentrate their forces at some centralpoint. The real reason was the rapid desertion of their men, alluredby the high pay and opportunity of active service in our army. Intwo months the battalion at Windsor was reduced fifteen per cent, bydesertions alone. Shortly after the St. Albans raid, a paper in Rochester announced avisit to that city by a cricket-club from Toronto. The paragraph waswritten somewhat obscurely, and jestingly spoke of the Toronto men as"raiders. " The paper reached New York, and so alarmed the authoritiesthat troops were at once ordered to Rochester and other points on thefrontier. The misapprehension was discovered in season to prevent theactual moving of the troops. * * * * * With the suppression of the Rebellion the mission of the warcorrespondent was ended. Let us all hope that his services will notagain be required, in this country, at least, during the presentcentury. The publication of the reports of battles, written on thefield, and frequently during the heat of an engagement, was a markedfeature of the late war. "Our Special Correspondent" is not, however, an invention belonging to this important era of our history. His existence dates from the days of the Greeks and Romans. If Homerhad witnessed the battles which he described, he would, doubtless, berecognized as the earliest war correspondent. Xenophon was the firstregular correspondent of which we have any record. He achieved anenduring fame, which is a just tribute to the man and his profession. During the Middle Ages, the Crusades afforded fine opportunities forthe war correspondents to display their abilities. The prevailingignorance of those times is shown in the absence of any reliableaccounts of the Holy Wars, written by journalists on the field. Therewas no daily press, and the mail communications were very unreliable. Down to the nineteenth century, Xenophon had no formidable competitorsfor the honors which attached to his name. The elder Napoleon always acted as his own "Special. " His bulletins, by rapid post to Paris, were generally the first tidings of hisbrilliant marches and victories. His example was thought worthy ofimitation by several military officials during the late Rebellion. Rear-Admiral Porter essayed to excel Napoleon in sending earlyreports of battles for public perusal. "I have the honor to inform theDepartment, " is a formula with which most editors and printers becameintimately acquainted. The admiral's veracity was not as conspicuousas his eagerness to push his reports in print. At Waterloo there was no regular correspondent of the London press. Several volunteer writers furnished accounts of the battle forpublication, whose accuracy has been called in question. Wellington'sofficial dispatches were outstripped by the enterprise of a Londonbanking-house. The Rothschilds knew the result of the battle eighthours before Wellington's courier arrived. Carrier pigeons were used to convey the intelligence. During theRebellion, Wall Street speculators endeavored to imitate the policy ofthe Rothschilds, but were only partially successful. In the war between Mexico and the United States, "Our Special" wasactively, though not extensively, employed. On one occasion, _TheHerald_ obtained its news in advance of the official dispatches to theGovernment. The magnetic telegraph was then unknown. Horse-flesh andsteam were the only means of transmitting intelligence. If we exceptthe New Orleans _Picayune, The Herald_ was the only paper representedin Mexico during the campaigns of Scott and Taylor. During the conflict between France and England on the one hand, andRussia on the other, the journals of London and Paris sent theirrepresentatives to the Crimea. The London _Times, _ the foremostpaper of Europe, gave Russell a reputation he will long retain. The"Thunderer's" letters from the camp before Sebastopol became knownthroughout the civilized world. A few years later, the East Indianrebellion once more called the London specials to the field. Ingiving the history of the campaigns in India, _The Times_ and itsrepresentative overshadowed all the rest. Just before the commencement of hostilities in the late Rebellion, theleading journals of New York were well represented in the South. Eachday these papers gave their readers full details of all importantevents that transpired in the South. The correspondents that witnessedthe firing of the Southern heart had many adventures. Some of themnarrowly escaped with their lives. At Richmond, a crowd visited the Spottswood House, with the avowedintention of hanging a _Herald_ correspondent, who managed to escapethrough a back door of the building. A representative of _The Tribune_was summoned before the authorities at Charleston, on the charge ofbeing a Federal spy. He was cleared of the charge, but advised toproceed North as early as possible. When he departed, Governor Pickensrequested him, as a particular favor, to ascertain the name of _TheTribune_ correspondent, on arrival in New York, and inform him byletter. He promised to do so. On reaching the North, he kindly toldGovernor Pickens who _The Tribune_ correspondent was. A _Times_ correspondent, passing through Harper's Ferry, found himselfin the hands of "the Chivalry, " who proposed to hang him on thegeneral charge of being an Abolitionist. He was finally releasedwithout injury, but at one time the chances of his escape were small. The New Orleans correspondent of _The Tribune_ came North on the lastpassenger-train from Richmond to Aquia Creek. One of _The Herald's_representatives was thrown into prison by Jeff. Davis, but releasedthrough the influence of Pope Walker, the Rebel Secretary of War. Another remained in the South until all regular communication was cutoff. He reached the North in safety by the line of the "undergroundrailway. " When the Rebellion was fairly inaugurated, the various points ofinterest were at once visited by the correspondents of the press. Wherever our armies operated, the principal dailies of New York andother cities were represented. Washington was the center of gravityaround which the Eastern correspondents revolved. As the armyadvanced into Virginia, every movement was carefully chronicled. Thecompetition between the different journals was very great. In the West the field was broader, and the competition, though active, was less bitter than along the Potomac. In the early days, St. Louis, Cairo, and Louisville were the principal Western pointswhere correspondents were stationed. As our armies extended theiroperations, the journalists found their field of labor enlarged. St. Louis lost its importance when the Rebels were driven from Missouri. For a long time Cairo was the principal rendezvous of the journalists, but it became less noted as our armies pressed forward along theMississippi. Every war-correspondent has his story of experiences in the field. Gathering the details of a battle in the midst of its dangers; sharingthe privations of the camp and the fatigues of the march; riding withscouts, and visiting the skirmishers on the extreme front; journeyingto the rear through regions infested by the enemy's cavalry, orrunning the gauntlet of Rebel batteries, his life was far frommonotonous. Frequently the correspondents acted as volunteer aidsto generals during engagements, and rendered important service. Theyoften took the muskets of fallen soldiers and used them to advantage. On the water, as on land, they sustained their reputation, and provedthat the hand which wielded the pen was able to wield the sword. Theycontributed their proportion of killed, wounded, and captured to thecasualties of the war. Some of them accepted commissions in the armyand navy. During the campaign of General Lyon in Missouri, the journalists whoaccompanied that army were in the habit of riding outside the lines tofind comfortable quarters for the night. Frequently they went two orthree miles ahead of the entire column, in order to make sure of agood dinner before the soldiers could overtake them. One night twoof them slept at a house three miles from the road which the army wasfollowing. The inmates of the mansion were unaware of the vicinityof armed "Yankees, " and entertained the strangers without question. Though a dozen Rebel scouts called at the house before daylight, thecorrespondents were undisturbed. After that occasion they were morecautious in their movements. In Kentucky, during the advance of Kirby Smith upon Cincinnati, thecorrespondents of _The Gazette_ and _The Commercial_ were captured bythe advance-guard of Rebel cavalry. Their baggage, money, andwatches became the property of their captors. The correspondents werereleased, and obliged to walk about eighty miles in an August sun. Ashort time later, Mr. Shanks and Mr. Westfall, correspondents of _TheHerald, _ were made acquainted with John Morgan, in one of the raidsof that famous guerrilla. The acquaintance resulted in a thoroughdepletion of the wardrobes of the captured gentlemen. In Virginia, Mr. Cadwallader and Mr. Fitzpatrick, of _The Herald_, and Mr. Crounse, of _The Times_, were captured by Mosby, and liberatedafter a brief detention and a complete relief of every thingportable and valuable, down to their vests and pantaloons. Even theirdispatches were taken from them and forwarded to Richmond. A portionof these reports found their way into the Richmond papers. StonewallJackson and Stuart were also fortunate enough to capture some ofthe representatives of the Press. At one time there were fivecorrespondents of _The Herald_ in the hands of the Rebels. One ofthem, Mr. Anderson, was held more than a year. He was kept for tendays in an iron dungeon, where no ray of light could penetrate. I have elsewhere alluded to the capture of Messrs. Richardson andBrowne, of _The Tribune_, and Mr. Colburn, of _The World_, in frontof Vicksburg. The story of the captivity and perilous escape of theserepresentatives of _The Tribune_ reveals a patience, a fortitude, adaring, and a fertility of resource not often excelled. Some of the most graphic battle-accounts of the war were written veryhastily. During the three days' battle at Gettysburg, _The Herald_published each morning the details of the fighting of the previousday, down to the setting of the sun. This was accomplished by having acorrespondent with each corps, and one at head-quarters to forward theaccounts to the nearest telegraph office. At Antietam, _The Tribune_correspondent viewed the battle by day, and then hurried from thefield, writing the most of his account on a railway train. From FortDonelson the correspondents of _The World_ and _The Tribune_ went toCairo, on a hospital boat crowded with wounded. Their accounts werewritten amid dead and suffering men, but when published they borelittle evidence of their hasty preparation. I once wrote a portion of a letter at the end of a medium-sized table. At the other end of the table a party of gamblers, with twenty orthirty spectators, were indulging in "Chuck-a-Luck. " I have knowndispatches to be written on horseback, but they were very brief, and utterly illegible to any except the writer. Much of the presscorrespondence during the war was written in railway cars and onsteamboats, and much on camp-chests, stumps, or other substitutes fortables. I have seen a half-dozen correspondents busily engaged withtheir letters at the same moment, each of them resting his port-folioon his knee, or standing upright, with no support whatever. On oneoccasion a fellow-journalist assured me that the broad chest of aslumbering _confrere_ made an excellent table, the undulations causedby the sleeper's breathing being the only objectionable feature. Sometimes a correspondent reached the end of a long ride so exhaustedas to be unable to hold a pen for ten consecutive minutes. In suchcase a short-hand writer was employed, when accessible, to take downfrom rapid dictation the story of our victory or defeat. Under all the disadvantages of time, place, and circumstances, of physical exhaustion and mental anxiety, it is greatly to thecorrespondents' credit that they wrote so well. Battle-accounts werefrequently published that would be no mean comparison to the studiedpen-pictures of the famous writers of this or any other age. Theywere extensively copied by the press of England and the Continent, andreceived high praise for their vivid portrayal of the battle-fieldand its scenes. Apart from the graphic accounts of great battles, theyfurnished materials from which the historians will write the enduringrecords of the war. With files of the New York dailies at his side, anindustrious writer could compile a history of the Rebellion, completein all its details. It was a general complaint of the correspondents that their professionwas never officially recognized so as to give them an establishedposition in the army. They received passes from head-quarters, andcould generally go where they willed, but there were many officers whochose to throw petty but annoying restrictions around them. As theywere generally situated throughout the army, they were, to someextent, dependent upon official courtesies. Of course, this dependencewas injurious to free narration or criticism when any officer hadconducted improperly. If there is ever another occasion for the services of the warcorrespondent on our soil, it is to be hoped Congress will pass a lawestablishing a position for the journalists, fixing their statusin the field, surrounding them with all necessary restrictions, andauthorizing them to purchase supplies and forage from the properdepartments. During the Crimean war, the correspondents of the Frenchand English papers had a recognized position, where they were subjectto the same rules, and entitled to the same privileges, as theofficers they accompanied. When Sir George Brown, at Eupatoria, forbade any officer appearing in public with unshaven chin, he made nodistinction in favor of the members of the Press. Notwithstanding their fierce competition in serving the journals theyrepresented, the correspondents with our army were generally on themost friendly terms with each other. Perhaps this was less the casein the East than in the West, where the rivalry was not so intenseand continuous. In the armies in the Mississippi Valley, therepresentatives of competing journals frequently slept, ate, traveled, and smoked together, and not unfrequently drank from the same flaskwith equal relish. In the early days, "Room 45, " in the St. CharlesHotel at Cairo, was the resort of all the correspondents at thatpoint. There they laid aside their professional jealousies, and passedtheir idle hours in efforts for mutual amusement. On some occasionsthe floor of the room would be covered, in the morning, with aconfused mass of boots, hats, coats, and other articles of masculinewear, out of which the earliest riser would array himself inwhatever suited his fancy, without the slightest regard to the owner. "Forty-five" was the neutral ground where the correspondents plannedcampaigns for all the armies of the Union, arranged the downfall ofthe Rebellion, expressed their views of military measures and militarymen, exulted over successes, mourned over defeats, and toasted in fullglasses the flag that our soldiers upheld. Since the close of the war, many of the correspondents have takenpositions in the offices of the journals they represented in thefield. Some have established papers of their own in the South, and afew have retired to other civil pursuits. Some are making professionaltours of the Southern States and recording the status of the peoplelately in rebellion. _The Herald_ has sent several of its _attachés_to the European capitals, and promises to chronicle in detail the nextgreat war in the Old World. CHAPTER XLVI. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE SOUTH. Scarcity of the Population, --Fertility of the Country. --Northern Menalready in the South. --Kansas Emigrants Crossing Missouri. --Change ofthe Situation. --Present Disadvantages of Emigration. --Feeling ofthe People. --Property-Holders in Richmond. --The Sentiment in NorthCarolina. --South Carolina Chivalry. --The Effect of War. --Prospect ofthe Success of Free Labor. --Trade in the South. The suppression of the Rebellion, and the restoration of peacethroughout the entire South, have opened a large field for emigration. The white population of the Southern States, never as dense as that ofthe North, has been greatly diminished in consequence of the war. Inmany localities more than half the able-bodied male inhabitants havebeen swept away, and everywhere the loss of men is severely felt. The breaking up of the former system of labor in the cotton and sugarStates will hinder the progress of agriculture for a considerabletime, but there can be little doubt of its beneficial effect in theend. The desolation that was spread in the track of our armies willbe apparent for many years. The South will ultimately recover fromall her calamities, but she will need the energy and capital of theNorthern States to assist her. During the progress of the war, as our armies penetrated the fertileportions of the "Confederacy, " many of our soldiers cast longing eyesat the prospective wealth around them. "When the war is over we willcome here to live, and show these people something they never dreamedof, " was a frequent remark. Men born and reared in the extreme North, were amazed at the luxuriance of Southern verdure, and wondered thatthe richness of the soil had not been turned to greater advantage. It is often said in New England that no man who has once visited thefertile West ever returns to make his residence in the Eastern States. Many who have explored the South, and obtained a knowledge of itsresources, will be equally reluctant to dwell in the regions wheretheir boyhood days were passed. While the war was in progress many Northern men purchased plantationson the islands along the Southern coast, and announced theirdetermination to remain there permanently. After the capture of NewOrleans, business in that city passed into the hands of Northerners, much to the chagrin of the older inhabitants. When the disposition ofour army and the topography of the country made the lower portionof Louisiana secure against Rebel raids, many plantations in thatlocality were purchased outright by Northern speculators. I haveelsewhere shown how the cotton culture was extensively carried on by"Yankees, " and that failure was not due to their inability to conductthe details of the enterprise. Ten years ago, emigration to Kansas was highly popular. Aid Societieswere organized in various localities, and the Territory was rapidlyfilled. Political influences had much to do with this emigration fromboth North and South, and many implements carried by the emigrantswere not altogether agricultural in their character. The soil ofKansas was known to be fertile, and its climate excellent. TheTerritory presented attractions to settlers, apart from politicalconsiderations. But in going thither the emigrants crossed a regionequally fertile, and possessing superior advantages in itsproximity to a market. No State in the Union could boast of greaterpossibilities than Missouri, yet few travelers in search of a homeventured to settle within her limits. The reason was apparent. Missouri was a slave State, though bounded onthree sides by free soil. Few Northern emigrants desired to settle inthe midst of slavery. The distinction between the ruling and laboringclasses was not as great as in the cotton States, but there was adistinction beyond dispute. Whatever his blood or complexion, theman who labored with his hands was on a level, or nearly so, with theslave. Thousands passed up the Missouri River, or crossed the northernportion of the State, to settle in the new Territory of Kansas. When political influences ceased, the result was still the same. TheHannibal and St. Joseph Railway threw its valuable lands into themarket, but with little success. With the suppression of the late Rebellion, and the abolition ofslavery in Missouri, the situation is materially changed. FromIllinois, Ohio, and Indiana, there is a large emigration to Missouri. I was recently informed that forty families from a single county inOhio had sent a delegation to Missouri to look out suitable locations, either of wild land or of farms under cultivation. There is everyprospect that the State will be rapidly filled with a population thatbelieves in freedom and in the dignity of labor. She has an advantageover the other ex-slave States, in lying west of the populous regionsof the North. Hitherto, emigration has generally followed the greatisothermal lines, as can be readily seen when we study the populationof the Western States. Northern Ohio is more New Englandish thanSouthern Ohio, and the parallel holds good in Northern and SouthernIllinois. There will undoubtedly be a large emigration to Missouriin preference to the other Southern States, but our whole migratoryelement will not find accommodation in her limits. The entire Southwill be overrun by settlers from the North. Long ago, _Punch_ gave advice to persons about to marry. It was allcomprised in the single word, "DON'T. " Whoever is in haste to emigrateto the South, would do well to consider, for a time, this brief, butemphatic counsel. No one should think of leaving the Northern States, until he has fairly considered the advantages and disadvantages of themovement. If he departs with the expectation of finding every thing tohis liking, he will be greatly disappointed at the result. There will be many difficulties to overcome. The people now residingin the late rebellious States are generally impoverished. They havelittle money, and, in many cases, their stock and valuables of allkinds have been swept away. Their farms are often without fences, andtheir farming-tools worn out, disabled, or destroyed. Their system oflabor is broken up. The negro is a slave no longer, and the transitionfrom bondage to freedom will affect, for a time, the producinginterests of the South. Though the Rebellion is suppressed, the spirit of discontentstill remains in many localities, and will retard the process ofreconstruction. The teachings of slavery have made the men of theSouth bitterly hostile to those of the North. This hostility wascarefully nurtured by the insurgent leaders during the Rebellion, andmuch of it still exists. In many sections of the South, efforts willbe made to prevent immigration from the North, through a fear that theold inhabitants will lose their political rights. At the time I am writing, the owners of property in Richmond areholding it at such high rates as to repel Northern purchasers. Lettersfrom that city say, the residents have determined to sell no propertyto Northern men, when they can possibly avoid it. No encouragementis likely to be given to Northern farmers and artisans to migratethither. A scheme for taking a large number of European emigrantsdirectly from foreign ports to Richmond, and thence to scatter themthroughout Virginia, is being considered by the Virginia politicians. The wealthy men in the Old Dominion, who were Secessionists for thesake of secession, and who gave every assistance to the Rebel cause, are opposed to the admission of Northern settlers. They may beunable to prevent it, but they will be none the less earnest in theirefforts. This feeling extends throughout a large portion of Virginia, andexists in the other States of the South. Its intensity varies indifferent localities, according to the extent of the slave populationin the days before the war, and the influence that the Radical menof the South have exercised. While Virginia is unwilling to receivestrangers, North Carolina is manifesting a desire to fill herterritory with Northern capital and men. She is already endeavoringto encourage emigration, and has offered large quantities of landon liberal terms. In Newbern, Wilmington, and Raleigh, the Northernelement is large. Newbern is "Yankeeized" as much as New Orleans. Wilmington bids fair to have intimate relations with New York andBoston. An agency has been established at Raleigh, under the sanctionof the Governor of the State, to secure the immediate occupation offarming and mining lands, mills, manufactories, and all other kinds ofreal estate. Northern capital and sinew is already on its way tothat region. The great majority of the North Carolinians approvethe movement, but there are many persons in the State who equal theVirginians in their hostility to innovations. In South Carolina, few beside the negroes will welcome the Northernerwith open arms. The State that hatched the secession egg, andproclaimed herself at all times first and foremost for theperpetuation of slavery, will not exult at the change whichcircumstances have wrought. Her Barnwells, her McGraths, her Rhetts, and her Hamptons declared they would perish in the last ditch, ratherthan submit. Some of them have perished, but many still remain. Havingbeen life-long opponents of Northern policy, Northern industry, andNorthern enterprise, they will hardly change their opinions untiltaught by the logic of events. Means of transportation are limited. On the railways the tracks arenearly worn out, and must be newly laid before they can be used withtheir old facility. Rolling stock is disabled or destroyed. Much ofit must be wholly replaced, and that which now remains must undergoextensive repairs. Depots and machine-shops have been burned, andmany bridges are bridges no longer. On the smaller rivers but fewsteamboats are running, and these are generally of a poor class. Wagons are far from abundant, and mules and horses are very scarce. The wants of the armies have been supplied with little regard to theinconvenience of the people. Corn-mills, saw-mills, gins, and factories have fed the flames. Wherever our armies penetrated they spread devastation in their track. Many portions of the South were not visited by a hostile force, butthey did not escape the effects of war. Southern Georgia and Floridasuffered little from the presence of the Northern armies, but thescarcity of provisions and the destitution of the people are nearly asgreat in that region as elsewhere. Until the present indignation at their defeat is passed away, many ofthe Southern people will not be inclined to give any countenance tothe employment of freed negroes. They believe slavery is the propercondition for the negro, and declare that any system based on freelabor will prove a failure. This feeling will not be general among theSouthern people, and will doubtless be removed in time. The transition from slavery to freedom will cause some irregularitieson the part of the colored race. I do not apprehend serious troublein controlling the negro, and believe his work will be fully availablethroughout the South. It is natural that he should desire a littleholiday with his release from bondage. For a time many negroes willbe idle, and so will many white men who have returned from the Rebelarmies. According to present indications, the African race displaysfar more industry than the Caucasian throughout the Southern States. Letters from the South say the negroes are at work in some localities, but the whites are everywhere idle. Those who go to the South for purposes of traffic may or may not befavored with large profits. All the products of the mechanic artsare very scarce in the interior, while in the larger towns trade isgenerally overdone. Large stocks of goods were taken to all placesaccessible by water as soon as the ports were opened. The supplyexceeded the demand, and many dealers suffered heavy loss. FromRichmond and other points considerable quantities of goods have beenreshipped to New York, or sold for less than cost. Doubtless the tradewith the South will ultimately be very large, but it cannot spring upin a day. Money is needed before speculation can be active. A year ortwo, at the least, will be needed to fill the Southern pocket. So much for the dark side of the picture. Emigrants are apt to listento favorable accounts of the region whither they are bound, while theyclose their ears to all stories of an unfavorable character. To insurea hearing of both sides of the question under discussion, I have giventhe discouraging arguments in advance of all others. Already thosewho desire to stimulate travel to the South, are relating wonderfulstories of its fertility and its great advantages to settlers. Nodoubt they are telling much that is true, but they do not tell all thetruth. Every one has heard the statement, circulated in Ireland manyyears since, that America abounded in roasted pigs that ran about thestreets, carrying knives and forks in their mouths, and making vocalrequests to be devoured. Notwithstanding the absurdity of the story, it is reported to have received credit. The history of every emigration scheme abounds in narratives of abrilliant, though piscatorial, character. The interior portions of allthe Western States are of wonderful fertility, and no inhabitant ofthat region has any hesitation in announcing the above fact. But notone in a hundred will state frankly his distance from market, and thevalue of wheat and corn at the points of their production. In too manycases the bright side of the story is sufficient for the listener. I once traveled in a railway car where there were a dozen emigrantsfrom the New England States, seeking a home in the West. An agent ofa county in Iowa was endeavoring to call their attention to the greatadvantages which his region afforded. He told them of the fertility ofthe soil, the amount of corn and wheat that could be produced to theacre, the extent of labor needed for the production of a specifiedquantity of cereals, the abundance of timber, and the propinquity offine streams, with many other brilliant and seductive stories. Theemigrants listened in admiration of the Promised Land, and were on thepoint of consenting to follow the orator. I ventured to ask the distance from those lands to a market where theproducts could be sold, and the probable cost of transportation. The answer was an evasive one, but was sufficient to awaken thesuspicions of the emigrants. My question destroyed the beautifulpicture which the voluble agent had drawn. Those who desire to seek their homes in the South will do well toremember that baked pigs are not likely to exist in abundance in theregions traversed by the National armies. CHAPTER XLVII. HOW DISADVANTAGES MAY BE OVERCOME. Conciliating the People of the South. --Railway Travel and itsImprovement. --Rebuilding Steamboats. --Replacing WorkingStock. --The Condition of the Plantations. --Suggestions about HastyDepartures. --Obtaining Information. --The Attractions of Missouri. The hinderances I have mentioned in the way of Southern emigration areof a temporary character. The opposition of the hostile portion ofthe Southern people can be overcome in time. When they see there is nopossible hope for them to control the National policy, when they fullyrealize that slavery is ended, and ended forever, when they discoverthat the negro will work as a free man with advantage to his employer, they will become more amiable in disposition. Much of their presentfeeling arises from a hope of compelling a return to the old relationof master and slave. When this hope is completely destroyed, we shallhave accomplished a great step toward reconstruction. A practicalknowledge of Northern industry and enterprise will convince the peopleof the South, unless their hearts are thoroughly hardened, that somegood can come out of Nazareth. They may never establish relations ofgreat intimacy with their new neighbors, but their hostility will bediminished to insignificance. Some of the advocates of the "last ditch" theory, who have swornnever to live in the United States, will, doubtless, depart to foreignlands, or follow the example of the Virginia gentleman who committedsuicide on ascertaining the hopelessness of the Rebellion. Failingto do either of these things, they must finally acquiesce in thesupremacy of National authority. The Southern railways will be repaired, their rolling stock replaced, and the routes of travel restored to the old status. All cannot bedone at once, as the destruction and damage have been very extensive, and many of the companies are utterly impoverished. From two to fiveyears will elapse before passengers and freight can be transportedwith the same facility, in all directions, as before the war. Under a more liberal policy new lines will be opened, and the variousportions of the Southern States become accessible. During the war tworailways were constructed under the auspices of the Rebel Government, that will prove of great advantage in coming years. These arethe lines from Meridian, Mississippi, to Selma, Alabama, and fromDanville, Virginia, to Greensborough, North Carolina. A glance at arailway map of the Southern States will show their importance. On many of the smaller rivers boats are being improvised by addingwheels and motive power to ordinary scows. In a half-dozen years, at the furthest, we will, doubtless, see the rivers of the SouthernStates traversed by as many steamers as before the war. On theMississippi and its tributaries the destruction of steamboat propertywas very great, but the loss is rapidly being made good. Since 1862many fine boats have been constructed, some of them larger and morecostly than any that existed during the most prosperous days beforethe Rebellion. On the Alabama and other rivers, efforts are being madeto restore the steamboat fleets to their former magnitude. Horses, mules, machinery, and farming implements must and will besupplied out of the abundance in the North. The want of mules will beseverely felt for some years. No Yankee has yet been able to invent amachine that will create serviceable mules to order. We must wait fortheir production by the ordinary means, and it will be a considerabletime before the supply is equal to the demand. Those who turn theirattention to stock-raising, during the next ten or twenty years, canalways be certain of finding a ready and remunerative market. The Southern soil is as fertile as ever. Cotton, rice, corn, sugar, wheat, and tobacco can be produced in their former abundance. Along the Mississippi the levees must be restored, to protectthe plantations from floods. This will be a work of considerablemagnitude, and, without extraordinary effort, cannot be accomplishedfor several years. Everywhere fences must be rebuilt, and manybuildings necessary in preparing products for market must be restored. Time, capital, energy, and patience will be needed to develop anewthe resources of the South. Properly applied, they will be richlyrewarded. No person should be hasty in his departure, nor rush blindly to thepromised land. Thousands went to California, in '49 and '50, withthe impression that the gold mines lay within an hour's walk of SanFrancisco. In '59, many persons landed at Leavenworth, on their way toPike's Peak, under the belief that the auriferous mountain was onlya day's journey from their landing-place. Thousands have gone "West"from New York and New England, believing that Chicago was very nearthe frontier. Those who start with no well-defined ideas of theirdestination are generally disappointed. The war has given the publica pretty accurate knowledge of the geography of the South, so thatthe old mistakes of emigrants to California and Colorado are inslight danger of repetition, but there is a possibility of too littledeliberation in setting out. Before starting, the emigrant should obtain all accessible informationabout the region he intends to visit. Geographies, gazetteers, censusreturns, and works of a similar character will be of great advantage. Much can be obtained from persons who traveled in the rebelliousStates during the progress of the war. The leading papersthroughout the country are now publishing letters from their specialcorrespondents, relative to the state of affairs in the South. Theseletters are of great value, and deserve a careful study. Information from interested parties should be received with caution. Those who have traveled in the far West know how difficult it is toobtain correct statements relative to the prosperity or advantagesof any specified locality. Every man assures you that the town or thecounty where he resides, or where he is interested, is the best andthe richest within a hundred miles. To an impartial observer, lyingappears to be the only personal accomplishment in a new country. Ipresume those who wish to encourage Southern migration will be readyto set forth all the advantages (but none of the disadvantages) oftheir own localities. Having fully determined where to go and what to do, having selectedhis route of travel, and ascertained, as near as possible, whatwill be needed on the journey, the emigrant will next consider hisfinancial policy. No general rule can be given. In most cases it isbetter not to take a large amount of money at starting. To many thisadvice will be superfluous. Bills of exchange are much safer to carrythan ready cash, and nearly as convenient for commercial transactions. Beyond an amount double the estimated expenses of his journey, thetraveler will usually carry very little cash. For the present, few persons should take their wives and children tothe interior South, and none should do so on their first visit. Manyhouses have been burned or stripped of their furniture, provisions arescarce and costly, and the general facilities for domestic happinessare far from abundant. The conveniences for locomotion in that regionare very poor, and will continue so for a considerable time. A man can"rough it" anywhere, but he can hardly expect his family to travel onflat cars, or on steamboats that have neither cabins nor decks, andsubsist on the scanty and badly-cooked provisions that the Sunny Southaffords. By all means, I would counsel any young man on his way to theSouth not to elope with his neighbor's wife. In view of the conditionof the country beyond Mason and Dixon's line, an elopement would provehis mistake of a lifetime. I have already referred to the resources of Missouri. The Statepossesses greater mineral wealth than any other State of the Union, east of the Rocky Mountains. Her lead mines are extensive, easilyworked, very productive, and practically inexhaustible. The same maybe said of her iron mines. Pilot Knob and Iron Mountain are nearlysolid masses of ore, the latter being a thousand feet in height. Copper mines have been opened and worked, and tin has been found inseveral localities. The soil of the Northern portion of Missourican boast of a fertility equal to that of Kansas or Illinois. In theSouthern portion the country is more broken, but it contains largeareas of rich lands. The productions of Missouri are similar to thoseof the Northern States in the same latitude. More hemp is raised inMissouri than in any other State except Kentucky. Much of this articlewas used during the Rebellion, in efforts to break up the numerousguerrilla bands that infested the State. Tobacco is an importantproduct, and its culture is highly remunerative. At Hermann, Booneville, and other points, the manufacture of wine from the Catawbagrape is extensively carried on. In location and resources, Missouriis without a rival among the States that formerly maintained thesystem of slave labor. CHAPTER XLVIII. THE RESOURCES OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. How the People have Lived. --An Agricultural Community. --Mineraland other Wealth of Virginia. --Slave-Breeding in FormerTimes. --The Auriferous Region of North Carolina. --AgriculturalAdvantages. --Varieties of Soil in South Carolina. --Sea-IslandCotton. --Georgia and her Railways. --Probable Decline of the RiceCulture. --The Everglade State. --The Lower Mississippi Valley. --The RedRiver. --Arkansas and its Advantages. --A Hint for Tragedians. --Miningin Tennessee. --The Blue-Grass Region of Kentucky. --Texas andits Attractions. --Difference between Southern and WesternEmigration. --The End. Compared with the North, the Southern States have been strictly anagricultural region. Their few manufactures were conducted on a smallscale, and could not compete with those of the colder latitudes. Theygave some attention to stock-raising in a few localities, but did notattach to it any great importance. Cotton was the product which fed, clothed, sheltered, and regaled the people. Even with the immenseprofits they received from its culture, they did not appear tounderstand the art of enjoyment. They generally lived on large andcomfortless tracts of land, and had very few cities away fromthe sea-coast. They thought less of personal comfort than of theacquisition of more land, mules, and negroes. In the greatest portion of the South, the people lived poorer thanmany Northern mechanics have lived in the past twenty years. Theproperty in slaves, to the extent of four hundred millions of dollars, was their heaviest item of wealth, but they seemed unable to turn thiswealth to the greatest advantage. With the climate and soil in theirfavor, they paid little attention to the cheaper luxuries of rationalliving, but surrounded themselves with much that was expensive, thoughutterly useless. On plantations where the owners resided, a visiterwould find the women adorned with diamonds and laces that costmany thousand dollars, and feast his eyes upon parlor furniture andornaments of the most elaborate character. But the dinner-table wouldpresent a repast far below that of a New England farmer or mechanicin ordinary circumstances, and the sleeping-rooms would give evidencethat genuine comfort was a secondary consideration. Outside of NewOrleans and Charleston, where they are conducted by foreigners, theSouth has no such market gardens, or such abundance and variety ofwholesome fruits and vegetables, as the more sterile North can boastof everywhere. So of a thousand other marks of advancing civilization. Virginia, "the mother of Presidents, " is rich in minerals of the moreuseful sort, and some of the precious metals. Her list of mineraltreasures includes gold, copper, iron, lead, plumbago, coal, and salt. The gold mines are not available except to capitalists, and it is notyet fully settled whether the yield is sufficient to warrant largeinvestments. The gold is extracted from an auriferous region, extending from the Rappahannock to the Coosa River, in Alabama. The coal-beds in the State are easy of access, and said to beinexhaustible. The Kanawha salt-works are well known, and thepetroleum regions of West Virginia are attracting much attention. Virginia presents many varieties of soil, and, with a better system ofcultivation, her productions can be greatly increased. (The samemay be said of all the Southern States, from the Atlantic to the RioGrande. ) Her soil is favorable to all the products of the NorthernStates. The wheat and corn of Virginia have a high reputation. In theculture of tobacco she has always surpassed every other State ofthe Union, and was also the first State in which it was practicedby civilized man to any extent. Washington pronounced the centralcounties of Virginia the finest agricultural district in the UnitedStates, as he knew them. Daniel Webster declared, in a public speechin the Shenandoah Valley, that he had seen no finer farming land inhis European travel than in that valley. Until 1860, the people of Virginia paid considerable attention to theraising of negroes for the Southern market. For some reason this tradehas greatly declined within the past five years, the stock becomingunsalable, and its production being interrupted. I would adviseno person to contemplate moving to Virginia with a view to raisingnegroes for sale. The business was formerly conducted by the "FirstFamilies, " and if it should be revived, they will doubtless claim anexclusive privilege. North Carolina abounds in minerals, especially in gold, copper, iron, and coal. The fields of the latter are very extensive. The goldmines of North Carolina have been profitably worked for many years. Acorrespondent of _The World_, in a recent letter from Charlotte, NorthCarolina, says: In these times of mining excitement it should he more widely knownthat North Carolina is a competitor with California, Idaho, andNebraska. Gold is found in paying quantities in the State, and in thenorthern parts of South Carolina and Georgia. For a hundred mileswest and southwest of Charlotte, all the streams contain more or lessgold-dust. Nuggets of a few ounces have been frequently found, andthere is one well-authenticated case of a solid nugget weighingtwenty-eight pounds, which was purchased from its ignorant owner forthree dollars, and afterward sold at the Mint. Report says a stilllarger lump was found and cut up by the guard at one of the mines. Both at Greensboro, Salisbury, and here, the most reliable residentsconcur in pointing to certain farms where the owners procure largesums of gold. One German is said to have taken more than a millionof dollars from his farm, and refuses to sell his land for any price. Negroes are and have been accustomed to go out to the creeks and washon Saturdays, frequently bringing in two or three dollars' worth, andnot unfrequently negroes come to town with little nuggets of the pureore to trade. The iron and copper mines were developed only to a limited extentbefore the war. The necessities of the case led the Southernauthorities, however, after the outbreak, to turn their attention tothem, and considerable quantities of the ore were secured. This wasmore especially true of iron. North Carolina is adapted to all the agricultural products of bothNorth and South, with the exception of cane sugar. The marshes on thecoast make excellent rice plantations, and, when drained, are veryfertile in cotton. Much of the low, sandy section, extending sixtymiles from the coast, is covered with extensive forests of pitch-pine, that furnish large quantities of lumber, tar, turpentine, and resin, for export to Northern cities. When cleared and cultivated, thisregion proves quite fertile, but Southern energy has thus far beencontent to give it very little improvement. Much of the land in theinterior is very rich and productive. With the exception of Missouri, North Carolina is foremost, since the close of the war, inencouraging immigration. As soon as the first steps were takentoward reconstruction, the "North Carolina Land Agency" was opened atRaleigh, under the recommendation of the Governor of the State. Thisagency is under the management of Messrs. Heck, Battle & Co. , citizensof Raleigh, and is now (August, 1865) establishing offices in theNorthern cities for the purpose of representing the advantages thatNorth Carolina possesses. The auriferous region of North Carolina extends into South Carolinaand Georgia. In South Carolina the agricultural facilities areextensive. According to Ruffin and Tuomey (the agricultural surveyorsof the State), there are six varieties of soil: 1. Tide swamp, devotedto the culture of rice. 2. Inland swamp, devoted to rice, cotton, corn, wheat, etc. 3. Salt marsh, devoted to long cotton. 4. Oak andpine regions, devoted to long cotton, corn, and wheat. 5. Oak andhickory regions, where cotton and corn flourish. 6. Pine barrens, adapted to fruit and vegetables. The famous "sea-island cotton" comes from the islands along the coast, where large numbers of the freed negroes of South Carolina have beenrecently located. South Carolina can produce, side by side, the corn, wheat, and tobacco of the North, and the cotton, rice, and sugar-caneof the South, though the latter article is not profitably cultivated. Notwithstanding the prophecies of the South Carolinians to thecontrary, the free-labor scheme along the Atlantic coast has provedsuccessful. The following paragraph is from a letter written by aprominent journalist at Savannah:-- The condition of the islands along this coast is now of the greatestinterest to the world at large, and to the people of the South inparticular. Upon careful inquiry, I find that there are over twohundred thousand acres of land under cultivation by free labor. Theenterprises are mostly by Northern men, although there are nativesworking their negroes under the new system, and negroes who areworking land on their own account. This is the third year of thetrial, and every year has been a success more and more complete. Theprofits of some of the laborers amount to five hundred, and in somecases five thousand dollars a year. The amount of money deposited inbank by the negroes of these islands is a hundred and forty thousanddollars. One joint, subscription to the seven-thirty loan amountedto eighty thousand dollars. Notwithstanding the fact that the troopswhich landed on the islands robbed, indiscriminately, the negroes oftheir money, mules, and supplies, the negroes went back to work again. General Saxton, who has chief charge of this enterprise, has hishead-quarters at Beaufort. If these facts, and the actual prosperityof these islands could be generally known throughout the South, itwould do more to induce the whites to take hold of the freed-laborsystem than all the general orders and arbitrary commands that GeneralHatch has issued. The resources of Georgia are similar to those of South Carolina, andthe climate differs but little from that of the latter State. Therice-swamps are unhealthy, and the malaria which arises from them issaid to be fatal to whites. Many of the planters express a fear thatthe abolition of slavery has ended the culture of rice. They arguethat the labor is so difficult and exhaustive, that the negroes willnever perform it excepting under the lash. Cruel modes of punishmentbeing forbidden, the planters look upon the rice-lands as valueless. Time will show whether these fears are to be realized or not. If itshould really happen that the negroes refuse to labor where theirlives are of comparatively short duration, the country must consent torestore slavery to its former status, or purchase its rice in foreigncountries. As rice is produced in India without slave labor, it ispossible that some plan may be invented for its cultivation here. Georgia has a better system of railways than any other Southern State, and she is fortunate in possessing several navigable rivers. Thepeople are not as hostile to Northerners as the inhabitants of SouthCarolina, but they do not display the desire to encourage immigrationthat is manifested in North Carolina. In the interior of Georgia, at the time I am writing, there is much suffering on account of ascarcity of food. Many cases of actual starvation are reported. Florida has few attractions to settlers. It is said there is no spotof land in the State three hundred feet above the sea-level. Men bornwith fins and webbed feet might enjoy themselves in the lakes andswamps, which form a considerable portion of Florida. Those whosetastes are favorable to timber-cutting, can find a profitableemployment in preparing live-oak and other timbers for market. Theclimate is very healthy, and has been found highly beneficial toinvalids. The vegetable productions of the State are of similarcharacter to those of Georgia, but their amount is not large. In the Indian tongue, Alabama signifies "Here we rest. " The travelerwho rests in the State of that name, finds an excellent agriculturalregion. He finds that cotton is king with the Alabamians, and that theState has fifteen hundred miles of navigable rivers and a good railwaysystem. He finds that Alabama suffered less by the visits of ourarmies than either Georgia or South Carolina. The people extend himthe same welcome that he received in Georgia. They were too deeplyinterested in the perpetuation of slavery to do otherwise than mournthe failure to establish the Confederacy. Elsewhere I have spoken of the region bordering the lower portion ofthe Great River of the West, which includes Louisiana and Mississippi. In the former State, sugar and cotton are the great products. In thelatter, cotton is the chief object of attention. It is quite probablethat the change from slavery to freedom may necessitate the divisionof the large plantations into farms of suitable size for cultivationby persons of moderate capital. If this should be done, there willbe a great demand for Northern immigrants, and the commerce of theseStates will be largely increased. Early in July, of the present year, after the dispersal of theRebel armies, a meeting was held at Shreveport, Louisiana, at whichresolutions were passed favoring the encouragement of Northernmigration to the Red River valley. The resolutions set forth, that thepineries of that region would amply repay development, in view ofthe large market for lumber along Red River and the Mississippi. They further declared, that the cotton and sugar plantations of WestLouisiana offered great attractions, and were worthy the attentionof Northern men. The passage of these resolutions indicates a betterspirit than has been manifested by the inhabitants of other portionsof the Pelican State. Many of the people in the Red River regionprofess to have been loyal to the United States throughout the days ofthe Rebellion. The Red River is most appropriately named. It flows through a regionwhere the soil has a reddish tinge, that is imparted to the water ofthe river. The sugar produced there has the same peculiarity, and canbe readily distinguished from the sugar of other localities. Arkansas is quite rich in minerals, though far less so than Missouri. Gold abounds in some localities, and lead, iron, and zinc existin large quantities. The saltpeter caves along the White River canfurnish sufficient saltpeter for the entire Southwest. Along therivers the soil is fertile, but there are many sterile regions in theinterior. The agricultural products are similar to those of Missouri, with the addition of cotton. With the exception of the wealthierinhabitants, the people of Arkansas are desirous of stimulatingemigration. They suffered so greatly from the tyranny of the Rebelleaders that they cheerfully accept the overthrow of slavery. Arkansaspossesses less advantages than most other Southern States, being farbehind her sisters in matters of education and internal improvement. It is to be hoped that her people have discovered their mistake, andwill make earnest efforts to correct it at an early day. A story is told of a party of strolling players that landed at a townin Arkansas, and advertised a performance of "Hamlet. " A delegationwaited upon the manager, and ordered him to "move on. " The spokesmanof the delegation is reported to have said: "That thar Shakspeare's play of yourn, stranger, may do for New Yorkor New Orleans, but we want you to understand that Shakspeare inArkansas is pretty ---- well played out. " Persons who wish to give attention to mining matters, will findattractions in Tennessee, in the deposits of iron, copper, andother ores. Coal is found in immense quantities among the CumberlandMountains, and lead exists in certain localities. Though Tennessee canboast of considerable mineral wealth, her advantages are not equal tothose of Missouri or North Carolina. In agriculture she stands well, though she has no soil of unusual fertility, except in the westernportion of the State. Cotton, corn, and tobacco are the great staples, and considerable quantities of wheat are produced. Stock-raising hasreceived considerable attention. More mules were formerly raised inTennessee than in any other State of the Union. A large portion of theState is admirably adapted to grazing. Military operations in Tennessee, during the Rebellion, were veryextensive, and there was great destruction of property in consequence. Large numbers of houses and other buildings were burned, and manyfarms laid waste. It will require much time, capital, and energy toobliterate the traces of war. The inhabitants of Kentucky believe that their State cannot besurpassed in fertility. They make the famous "Blue Grass Region, "around Lexington, the subject of especial boast. The soil of thissection is very rich, and the grass has a peculiar bluish tinge, fromwhich its name is derived. One writer says the following of the BlueGrass Region:-- View the country round from the heads of the Licking, the Ohio, theKentucky, Dick's, and down the Green River, and you have a hundredmiles square of the most extraordinary country on which the sun hasever shone. Farms in this region command the highest prices, and there are veryfew owners who have any desire to sell their property. Nearly all thesoil of the State is adapted to cultivation. Its staple products arethe same as those of Missouri. It produces more flax and hemp thanany other State, and is second only to Virginia in the quality andquantity of its tobacco. Its yield of corn is next to that of Ohio. Like Tennessee, it has a large stock-raising interest, principally inmules and hogs, for which there is always a ready market. Kentucky suffered severely during the campaigns of the Rebel army inthat State, and from the various raids of John Morgan. A parody on"My Maryland" was published in Louisville soon after one of Morgan'svisits, of which the first stanza was as follows:-- John Morgan's foot is on thy shore, Kentucky! O Kentucky! His hand is on thy stable door, Kentucky! O Kentucky! He'll take thy horse he spared before, And ride him till his back is sore, And leave him at some stranger's door, Kentucky! O Kentucky! Last, and greatest, of the lately rebellious States, is Texas. Everyvariety of soil can be found there, from the richest alluvial depositsalong the river bottoms, down to the deserts in the northwestern partof the State, where a wolf could not make an honest living. All thegrains of the Northern States can be produced. Cotton, tobacco, and sugar-cane are raised in large quantities, and the agriculturalcapabilities of Texas are very great. Being a new State, its system ofinternal communications is not good. Texas has the reputation of beingthe finest grazing region in the Southwest. Immense droves of horses, cattle, and sheep cover its prairies, and form the wealth of many ofthe inhabitants. Owing to the distance from market, these animals aregenerally held at very low prices. Shortly after its annexation to the United States, Texas became aresort for outcasts from civilized society. In some parts of theUnion, the story goes that sheriffs, and their deputies dropped thephrase "_non est inventus_" for one more expressive. Whenever theydiscovered that parties for whom they held writs had decamped, theyreturned the documents with the indorsement "G. T. T. " (gone to Texas). Some writer records that the State derived its name from the lastwords of a couplet which runaway individuals were supposed to repeaton their arrival:-- When every other land rejects us, This is the land that freely takes us. Since 1850, the character of the population of Texas has greatlyimproved, though it does not yet bear favorable comparison to thatof Quaker villages, or of rural districts of Massachusetts orConnecticut. There is a large German element in Texas, which displayeddevoted loyalty to the Union during the days of the Rebellion. An unknown philosopher says the world is peopled by two great classes, those who have money, and those who haven't--the latter being mostnumerous. Migratory Americans are subject to the same distinction. Ofthose who have emigrated to points further West during the last thirtyyears, a very large majority were in a condition of impecuniosity. Many persons emigrate on account of financial embarrassments, leavingbehind them debts of varied magnitude. In some cases, Territories andStates that desired to induce settlers to come within their limits, have passed laws providing that no debt contracted elsewhere, previousto emigration, could be collected by any legal process. To a manlaboring under difficulties of a pecuniary character, the newTerritories and States offer as safe a retreat as the Cities of Refugeafforded to criminals in the days of the ancients. Formerly, the West was the only field to which emigrants could directtheir steps. There was an abundance of land, and a great need of humansinew to make it lucrative. When land could be occupied by a settlerand held under his pre-emption title, giving him opportunity to payfor his possession from the products of his own industry and thefertility of the soil, there was comparatively little need of capital. The operations of speculators frequently tended to retard settlementrather than to stimulate it, as they shut out large areas fromcultivation or occupation, in order to hold them for an advance. Inmany of the Territories a dozen able-bodied men, accustomed to farmlabor and willing to toil, were considered a greater acquisition thana speculator with twenty thousand dollars of hard cash. Labor was ofmore importance than capital. To a certain extent this is still the case. Laboring men are greatlyneeded on the broad acres of the far-Western States. No one who hasnot traveled in that region can appreciate the sacrifice made byMinnesota, Iowa, and Kansas, when they sent their regiments ofstalwart men to the war. Every arm that carried a musket from thoseStates, was a certain integral portion of their wealth and prosperity. The great cities of the seaboard could spare a thousand men with farless loss than would accrue to any of the States I have mentioned, bythe subtraction of a hundred. There is now a great demand for mento fill the vacancy caused by deaths in the field, and to occupy theextensive areas that are still uncultivated. Emigrants without capitalwill seek the West, where their stout arms will make them welcome andsecure them comfortable homes. In the South the situation is different. For the present there is asufficiency of labor. Doubtless there will be a scarcity several yearshence, but there is no reason to fear it immediately. Capitaland direction are needed. The South is impoverished. Its money isexpended, and it has no present source of revenue. There is nothingwherewith to purchase the necessary stock, supplies, and implementsfor prosecuting agricultural enterprise. The planters are generallyhelpless. Capital to supply the want must come from the rich North. Direction is no less needed than capital. A majority of Southern mendeclare the negroes will be worthless to them, now that slavery isabolished. "We have, " say they, "lived among these negroes all ourdays. We know them in no other light than as slaves. We command themto do what we wish, and we punish them as we see fit for disobedience. We cannot manage them in any other way. " No doubt this is the declaration of their honest belief. A Northernman can give them an answer appealing to their reason, if not to theirconviction. He can say, "You are accustomed to dealing with slaves, and you doubtless tell the truth when declaring you cannot managethe negroes under the new system. We are accustomed to dealing withfreemen, and do not know how to control slaves. The negroes beingfree, our knowledge of freemen will enable us to manage them withoutdifficulty. " Every thing is favorable to the man of small or large capital, who desires to emigrate to the South. In consideration of theimpoverishment of the people and their distrust of the freed negroesas laborers, lands in the best districts can be purchased verycheaply. Plantations can be bought, many of them with all thebuildings and fences still remaining, though somewhat out of repair, at prices ranging from three to ten dollars an acre. A few hundreddollars will do far more toward securing a home for the settler inthe South than in the West. Labor is abundant, and the laborers can beeasily controlled by Northern brains. The land is already broken, andits capabilities are fully known. Capital, if judiciously invested andunder proper direction, whether in large or moderate amounts, will bereasonably certain of an ample return. FINIS.